R4Ss

JTvS

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Gift of

LOUIS M. RABINOWITZ

WALE S.

lOHDON: FEINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AHD CO., NEW-STBEET SQUABE
AND FAEI.IAHENT STEEET

HISTORY OF WALES

DERIVED FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES.

JANE WILLIAMS,
YSQAFELL,
AUTHOR OF ' A MEMOIR OF THE REV. THOMAS PRICK ' AND
EDITOR OF HIS LITERARY REMAINS.

LONDON :
LONGMANS, GKEEN, AND CO.
1869.

PREFACE.

§ 1. The facts of this History, from the earliest period
to the year 1066, are derived from the works included
in the 'Monumenta Historica Britannica;' from the
'Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales,' edited by
Aneurin Owen and published by the Lords Commis
sioners of the Treasury, under the direction of the
Master of the Eolls ; and from the Triads, Poems, and
Genealogies preserved by the Welsh Bards. For the
testimony of Sharon Turner to the historical value of
the Welsh Triads and Poems, I must refer the reader
to his ' Vindication of the Ancient British Poems.'
Of the Genealogies, Sir Francis Palgrave says : 1
' Admitting that the British pedigrees must be employed
with caution, they may yet be received as historical
testimony.' Of ancient Cambrian records altogether, Mr. Gunn2
remarks, that he cannot perceive ' how we are justified
in withholding from the traditions of our own country
the faith we repose on those of distant ages, which, like
them, were orally delivered, and on which so much of
ancient history is founded.'
1 Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth, ed. 1832, p. 410.
8 Preface to Nennius, ed. 1841, p. xxxix.

VI PREFACE.
The dates, from the year 59 B.C. to a.d. 498, are
derived from the Chronological Abstract prefixed to
the first volume of the ' Monumenta Historica Britan-
nica,' pp. 129-146. It is much to be regretted that
Sir Thomas Hardy could not send forth, in the same
volume, a Chronological Abstract of the Saxon Period.
His ' Introductory Eemarks on the Chronology of the
Mediaeval Historians in connection with the Chronolo
gical Abstract,' pp. 102-128, are valuable for the sake
of a few clear statements concerning the dates of
particular facts, and also because he points out the
systematic causes of the marvellous discrepancies which
occur in the dates given by different historians and
chroniclers, and the inconsistencies which frequently
clash even in one work. He considers that mediaeval
chronology was generally vitiated by the wrong use of
the Diocletian tables. This was obviously the case,
and erroneous calculations and the contemporary use
of various periods for the commencement of the year
multiplied and complicated the sources of confusion.
It was not until after a.d. 891, that December 25 was
commonly adopted as new year's day ; and, towards the
close of the tenth century, that usage gave way to
another, which established March 25 as new year's day.
This continued to be authorized in England until the
twenty-fourth year of the reign of George n., when an
Act of Parliament corrected the calendar according
to the Gregorian principle, and appointed January 1,
1753, to be the first of a future series of English new
years' days.
Gildas, the oldest British writer whose works are
extant, mentions only one date, and that so ambigu-

PREFACE. Vll
ously, as to admit a doubt whether he meant to say
that the battle of Badon Hill and of his own birth was
forty-four years after the arrival of the Saxons, or forty-
four years before his authorship.
Nennius, the British historian next in time to Gildas,
gives dates, but scarcely any which are trustworthy.
The oldest Saxon writer extant, the venerable Bede,
varies strangely sometimes in his chronology, and
assigns three different dates to the first arrival of the
Teutonic invaders.
The dates of the early parts of the Saxon Chronicle
are open to correction, but I can find no better guide
through the chronological intricacies of the period,
a.d. 498-1154, than that chronicle affords.
From the year 1154, when the Saxon Chronicle
ends, I have usually preferred the chronology of
Florence of Worcester and his continuators, of Eoger
of Wendover, and of Matthew Paris, to that of Simeon
of Durham and other English chroniclers.
Khymer's Foedera, and other authentic collections
of deeds, documents, and letters, have greatly assisted
my ascertainment of dates ; all difficulties created by
obsolete descriptions of particular days being smoothed
away by the Glossary of Dates and Calendar of Saints'
Days furnished by 1 Sir Harris Nicolas.
The Preface to the 'MonumentaHistorica Britannica'
attests that the chronicle entitled Annales Cambria?
' forms the basis of the legitimate history of Wales,' and
states that ' its notices throughout, though very brief,
are highly valuable.'
Mr. Skene2 limits his special estimation of this
1 Chronology of History.
a The Four Ancient Books of Wales, vol, i. c. iii. pp. 38, 39.

Vlll PREFACE.
chronicle to MS. A, which commences with the year 444,
and ends with 954, having been compiled a century and
a half before any of the other Bruts were written.
Although the practice of making decennial entries
has sometimes misplaced events within such periods,
the chronology of the 'Annales Cambrige' is indeed
highly valuable ; and I have constantly rested upon it,
from a.d. 444 to 1288, as a chief authority, comparing
its dates with those of the Brut y Tywysogion and of
English writers, and referring in difficult emergencies
occurring between the middle of the first and the
close of the seventh century to Bees's Welsh Saints,
a judicious work, which conveys the result of a careful
and critical examination of the ancient Welsh Genea
logies. § 2. 'A cry over the abyss,' like that uttered by the
unsuccessful claimant of Cymric land, might well be
raised by students over many hopeless vacancies in
Cymric history ; and many an incident, variously set
forth by conflicting chroniclers, remains, after laborious
research and innumerable conjectures, a dark 'place
of a hundred perplexities.'
From the reign of Trajan (a.d. 98 — 117) to the fall
of the Western Empire (a.d. 476), I have gladly ac
cepted guidance from the first thirty-eight chapters of
Gibbon,1 who has treated British authorities with ex
emplary candour, and recognized Ancient British valour
with heart-stirring eloquence.
Turner, in his ' History of the Anglo Saxons,' scarcely
does due justice to the intellectual culture of the Druids,
though otherwise his account of the Ancient Britons
1 Decline and Fall.

PREFACE. IX
forms a well-balanced estimate of Classic and Cymraeg
authorities, and I acknowledge my obligations to him
for it. To Palgrave's admirable work, on ' The Eise
and Progress of the English Commonwealth,' I am still
more deeply indebted.
Various attempts have been made by previous writers
to reconcile the statements of Tacitus and the native
evidence on one side, with the assertion of Dion Cassius
on the other, the former showing Caradog to have been
a Silurian chief, the latter assuming that he was a son
of Cunobelin. To me it appears that Dion, aware
that Caradog succeeded Cunobelin in the sovereignty
of Britain, though ignorant of his origin, and knowing
Togodumnus succeeded his father Cunobelin in the
tribal kingdom of the Trinobantes, was misled by the
division of dignities into the erroneous notion that they
were brethren.
Then, again, Cadwalader is a great historical difficulty.
The 'Annales Cambria? ' say, 'a.d. 682. Mortalitas
magna fuit in Britannia, in qu& Catgualart, filius Cat-
guolaum, obiit.' MS. B. substitutes, for the last clause
of the above sentence, the words ' pro qua, Catwaladir,
filius Catwallaun, in Minorem Britanniam aufugit.'
MS. C substitutes ' et Cadwallader rex Britanniam
dereliquit, et ad Armoricam regionem perrexit.' The
caligraphy of the MS. marked A, from which the text
of the 'Annales Cambria? ' is printed in the M. H. B. and
in Ab Ithel's complete edition, belongs to the close of
the tenth, or to the beginning of the eleventh, century.
This MS. is supplemented by a paternal and maternal
pedigree of Owen ab Howel Dda in the same hand
writing. Hence the editors infer that both were either

X PREFACE.
copied or compiled for Owen's use by his household
bard; and, guided by the last entry in MS. A, Ab
Ithel fixes its date at a.d. 954.
The Brut y Tywysogion in its earliest year, a.d. 681,
states that ' Cadwalader the Blessed, son of Cadwallon,
son of Cadvan, king of the Britons, died at Eome on
May 12, as Myrddin had previously prophesied to
Vortigern of repulsive lips ; and thenceforth the Britons
lost the crown of the kingdom and the Saxons gained
it.' This Brut is attributed to Caradog of Llancarvan,
who died some httle time before the year 1152. MS.
A of this Brut does not appear to be older than a.d.
1318. The different accounts of Cadwalader given by
the first and by the two other MSS. of the Annales,
and the decorated addition or alteration set forth in
the Brut, might mislead lax inquirers either into acqui
escence with the reiterated assertion that Cadwalader
went to Britanny, or into an assent to the still bolder
perversion, that he died at Eome. Nevertheless, the
simple statement of the Annales in MS. A is strongly
upheld by further evidence. Nennius testifies that
Catgualart, king of the Britons, succeeded his father
Catgublaun, and died at home of a dreadful pestilence.
Bede in his 2 ' Ecclesiastical History' relates the re
markable life of Cadwalla, ' a daring young man of the
royal race of the Gewissse who had been banished his
country.' This Cadwalla, having gained the crown of
Wessex, and pursued a fierce career of war and con
quest, after a reign of two years, under a religious
impulse abandoned all his earthly honours, went to
1 Nennius, § 64.
3 Book ii. o. xii. ; book iv. c. xv. xvi. ; hook v. c. vii.

PREFACE. XI
Eome, was baptized by the name of Peter, and died a
few days afterwards, on April 20, 689, being about
thirty years of age. Pope Sergius gave him a solemn
funeral, and caused an epitaph to be written and placed
upon his tomb. Bede gives a copy of the epitaph, and
relates that Ina, being of the blood royal, succeeded
Cadwalla on the throne of the West Saxons.
The Saxon Chronicle, under the years a.d. 685, 686,
687, and 688, records the principal facts of Cadwalla's
life in accordance with Bede, but placing the king's
death a year earlier.
Geoffrey of Monmouth,1 bishop of St. Asaph (a.d.
1152-54), prolongs the life and reign of Cadwallon to
the year 642 ; boldly identifies the Cadwalla of the
West Saxons with the Cadwalader of the Britons ; and
says that his mother, the wife of his father Cadwallon,
was the half-sister of Penda, king of the West Saxons ;
that a fearful pestilence caused Cadwalader and most
of his surviving people to seek refuge in Britanny; that
he was preparing to return, but forbidden by an angel,
who commanded him to go to Eome ; that he conse
quently went thither, was confirmed by Pope Sergius,
and died there April 20, a.d. 689.
If we candidly pass judgment upon this narrative
without allowing prejudice against Geoffrey to prevent
the reception of truth at his hands, it appears extremely
probable, from the well- attested2 alliance of Penda and
Cadwallon, that this account of Cadwalader's maternal
origin is correct ; that Geoffrey's authority had suffi
cient power over the scribes who, towards the close
1 British History, book xii. c. xiv. xv. xvi. xvii. xviii.
* Bede, book ii. c. xx.

Xli PREFACE.
of the thirteenth century, wrote the MSS. B and C of the
'Annales Cambria?,' to induce them to export the hero
to Britanny; and that the same authority enabled Cara
dog of Llancarvan, Geoffrey's contemporary, to waft the
same hero to Eome ; but the attempted identification
is an utter failure, for a man who died in 682, 688, or
689, at the age of thirty, could not be the son of a man
Jwho was slain in 633, or 2629.
Palgrave, Herbert, and Kemble acknowledge Cad
walla to be a British name ; and Kemble remarks that
Mol, the name of Cadwalla's brother, indicates one of
mixed blood. Bearing this opinion in mind, perhaps
the true solution of the problem may be approximately
traced. Nennius mentions Catgabail3 a king of Guene-
dot, who escaped with his army when other kings of
the Britons were slain at Gai Campi. The pedigree of
Owen ab Howel makes Tutgail the father of Eotri and
the son of Catgualart. This Tutgail is called Edwal by
HumphreyLhwyd; and Dr. Powel suggests,4 that Edwal
is a corrupt form of the name Cadwalla, and that he
who bore it reigned for a time over both the Britons
and West Saxons, and then went to Eome and died
there. This identification is not liable to any chrono
logical objection, and agrees with the order in which
the British kings are named by Nennius.
§ 3. Those readers who desire to know more of
the history of the Welsh people may advantageously
consult the authorities named in the margin, and other
works to which those authorities will direct them.
1 Bede, Eccl. Hist, hook iii. c. i.
8 Annales Cambrise.
3 Nennius, 64, 65 ; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 656, 657 ; Bede, book iii.
c. xxiv. a.d. 655.
* Historie of Cambria, ed. 1584, pp. 7-13.

PREFACE. Xlll
In cases of conflicting evidence, I have given refer
ences to the best authorities on both sides, although
the text records my own deliberate judgment, and the
dimensions of this book forbid quotations and disqui
sitions. The letters _;, k, and v, being foreign to the Welsh
alphabet, I have used in the spelling of Welsh words
the native i, c hard, and single/, which are their equi
valents in sound.
The Welsh eld is pronounced hke the English th in
breathe. The Welsh th is pronounced like the English th in
pith. The Welsh 11 is liquid, and nearly represented in
sound by Ih.
The Welsh w is pronounced hke the English oo in
the word too.
In the orthography of Welsh proper names, I have
generally been guided by the Welsh Chronicles, Me-
diEeval Documents in Eymer's Foedera, Aneurin Owen,
Ab Ithel, and Williams of Llancadwaladr.
J. W.
56 Coleshill Street : October 8, 1809.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER. PAGE
I. The Cymry of Ancient Britain . . .1
II. The Cymry and the Romans, b.c. 53 — 'A.d. 54 . 17
III. The Cymry and the Romans, a.d. 54 — 96 . 29
IV. The Cymry and the Romans, a.d. 96 — 306 . 41
V. The Cymry and the Romans, a.d. 306 — 411 . 55
VI. The Cymry in the Fifth Century . . 67
VII. The Cymry and the Saxons, a.d. 500—566 . 80
VIII. The1 Cymry and the Saxons, a.d. 566 — 634 . 94 ,
IX. The Cymry- and the Saxons, a.d. 634—819 . 108
X. The Cymry, the Saxons, and the Danes, a.d.
819—915 . . . . .119
XI. The Cymry and the Saxons, a.d. 915 — 948 . 132
XII. The Cymry, the Saxons, and the Danes, a.d. 948
—1039 . . . . . .153
XIII. The Cymry and the Saxons, a.d. 1039—1063 . 107
XIV. The Cymry, the Saxons, and the Normans, a.d.
1063—1091 . . • • .180
XV. The Cymry and the Normans, a.d. 1091 — 1112 . 192
XVI. The Cymry and the Normans, a.d. 1112 — 1137 . 215

XVI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER. PAGE
XVII. The Cymet and the Nokmans, a.d. 1137 — 1169 . 234
XVIII. The Cymet and the Normans, a.d. 1169—1194 . 263
XIX. The Cymry and the Normans, a.d. 1194 — 1240 . 295
XX. The Cymry and the Anglo-Normans, a.d. 1240 —
1246  337
XXI. The Anglo-Normans and the Cymry, a.d. 1246 —
1276 . . . . . .352
XXII. The Anglo-Normans and the Cymry, a.d. 1276 —
1282 . . . . . .396
XXIII. The Anglo-Normans and the Cymry, a.d. 1282 —
1287  418
XXIV. The Plantagenet Princes and the Cymet, a.d.
1327—1422 . . . . .432
XXV. The Plantagenet Princes and the Cymrt, a.d.
1422—1485  459
XXVI. The Tudor Dtnastt, a.d. 1485—1603 . . 475
APPENDIX . • . . .497
INDEX  503

HISTORY OF WALES.
CHAPTEE I.
THE CYMEY OF ANCIENT BKITAIN.

Love thou thy land with love far brought
From out the storied past, and used
"Within the present, but transfused
Through future time by power of thought. — Tennyson.

I.

§ 1. It has been well said that the memory of races,1 chap.
hke that of individual men, tenaciously and vividly
retains the recollections of infancy, which become in
each race the subjects of oral traditions and of songs
and ballads, until at last they assume a mythic or sym
bolic form, presenting usually two different aspects, one
exhibiting the migrations of the several tribes and their
arrival in successive colonies ; the other assigning to
each race a paternal ancestor, whose name personifies
that of the people, and from whom an ethnological
genealogy connects their tribes as his children and the
kinsfolk of each other.
The earliest British historian who treats of ethnology
states that, according to Eoman annals,2 the Britons
deduce their origin from the Trojans ; and that ac
cording to another account derived from ' the ancient
books of our ancestors ' 3 and from ' ancient tradition,'
1 Skene's Eour Ancient Books of Wales, vol. i. c. vii. pp. 97-101.
» Nennius, § 10. s Ibid. §§ 17, 18.
B
3^

> HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Alanus, a descendant of Japheth, was the first man who
__^  • dwelt in Europe ; that he had three sons, Hisicion,
Armenon, and Neugo ; that Hisicion had four sons,
three of them being Eomanus, Brittus, called also
Briutus and Brutus, and Albanus ; that from each of
these sons sprang a distinct people, Brittus being the
progenitor of the Britons, and Albanus of the Albans.
According to the native Triads,1 the earliest inhabit
ants of Great Britain were the Cymry, who, after their
own settlement in the island, admitted the Lloegrwys
and the Brython at two successive periods to take pos
session of different parts of it.
Philological researches prove that these three nations
had sprung from the same branch of the Celtic stock.2
They spoke dialects of the same language, they observed
the same customs, and united in upholding one religious
institution. The territories which they severally possessed were
called Alban, Lloegyr, and Cymru.3 Alban lay north
ward of the Friths of Forth and Clyde. Lloegyr con
sisted of the midland, eastern, and southern parts of
the island, together with the south-western peninsula,4
Ictis, and the Cassiterides. Cymrti5 included the south-
1 These traditionary memorials may be found Myv. Arch. vol. ii.
p. 57; Davies's Celtic Researches, pp. 153-156; Parry's Cambro-Briton
vol. i. pp. 45-50, vol. iii. pp. 133-137 ; Turner's History of the Anglo-
Saxons, ed. vi. vol. i. book i. c. ii. p. 48; Thierry's Norman Conquest
(Whittaker's ed.), pp. 1, 2; Ab Ithel's Eccl. Antiq. of the Cymry,
pp. 5-7, 9.
2 Historical Triads, 5; Prichard's Researches into the Physical
History of Mankind; Prichard's Origin of the Celtic Nations (Latham's
ed. 1857); Cambrian Journal, 1854, pp. 5-33; Skene's Four Ancient
Books of Wales, vol. i. c. vii. and viii.
3 Historical Triads, 2.
4 Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, p. 117; Lyell's Principles of
Geology, ed. 1867, pp. 539-43.
5 Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales, vol. i. c. x. pp. 165-183 •

THE CYMRY OF ANCIENT BRITAIN.
ern part of North Britain, and the districts now known chap.
by the names of Northumberland, Durham, Cumber- L
land, Westmoreland, the West Eiding of Yorkshire,
Lancashire, and Cheshire, besides the country which is
now divided into the thirteen counties of Wales, and
a broad margin of lands extending to the eastward
beyond the lines of the rivers Dee and Severn, and
comprehending parts of the present counties of Salop,
Worcester, Hereford, and Gloucester.
Although the term Briton is said to have been locally
attached to particular tribes, the Greeks and Eomans,
as well as the earliest native writers,1 applied it generally
to all the native inhabitants of the island, and in that
sense it is commonly used throughout the present work.
The Cymry appear to have been more intimately con
nected with the Lloegrwys than with the Northern
Britons of Alban.
§ 2. The Lloegrwys and Cymry consisted of many
distinct tribes,2 and every tribe was locally established
under its own Pencenedyl, a royal ruler whose office
was hereditary in his family, but could only be retained
by him while he continued in full vigour both of mind

Turner's Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. c. i. ; Palgrave's Rise and
Progress of the English Commonwealth, part i. c. x. and xiii. and else
where throughout; Palgrave's Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons quoted in
Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 203-205 ; Davies, On the Races of Lancashire, in
Trans, of the Philological Society, December 7, 1855 ; Skene's Intro
duction to the Dean of Lismore's Book ; Ab Ithel, Eccl. Antiq. of the
Cymry. 1 Nennius, History of the Britons, §§ 7, 9, 12; Bede's Eccl. History,
book i. c. i. ; Saxon Chronicle, Prelude, &c.
3 Ceesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. iv. cc. xix. xxv. xxxiv. ; Tacitus, Agric. c. xv. ;
Triad 57 ; Palgrave's Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth,
ed. 1832, part i. c. x. p. 75 ; Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. ed. 1685, p. 65,
(where he cites Diod. Sic. lib. iv. ; Strabo, lib. iv. ; Mela, lib. iii. c. vi. ;
Dion. Severus, &c.) ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. i. c. i.
p. 21; Archdeacon Williams, Claudia and Pudens, p. 47.
B 2

HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, and body. A federal connection existed between the
L _. tribes, and their several kings met together at stated
times in national convention. In case1 of extensive
warfare or foreign invasion, it was usual for the kings of
both nations to elect one among them to hold for a
term a military monarchy over all the rest, and this
sovereign2 of the kings of the tribes was called their
Pendragon3 or Gwledig.
The nearest kinsmen4 of the royal families constituted
the nobility of each tribe. They employed themselves
in the sports of the chase, and in practising equestrian
and chariot exercises with other warlike accomplish
ments. From the royal and noble families the most intelli
gent, studious, and eloquent youths are inferred to
have been selected and trained up as members of the
Druidical class.5 This class, chiefly by means of moral
influence, controlled alike the kings, the nobles, and
the people. It consisted of three orders.6 The mem
bers of the first were more emphatically called the
Druids, being at once the priests, the legal judges of
civil and criminal causes, the chief councillors in affairs
of state, and the living oracles of natural and moral
philosophy. One of them resided in every cwmwd7
to offer sacrifices and to instruct the people. Besides
the portion of land to which every freeborn Cymro was
1 Cfesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. v. c. ix. ; Tacitus, Agric. c. xxvii.
2 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. c. xxxvii.
3 'Dux bellorum.' — Bede, book iii. c. i.
4 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. c. xiv.
5 Ibid. c. xiii. ; Diod. Sic. Bib. Hist. lib. v. c. ii. ; Davies Celtic
Researches, pp. 139-199.
6 Diod. Sic. Bib. Hist. lib. v. c. ii. ; Strabo, lib. iv. c. iv. § 4 • Amm.
Marcel, lib. xv. c. ix. § 8.
7 Ab Ithel's Eccl. Antiq. of the Cymry, p. 30; Ancient Laws and
Institutes of Wales, edited by Aneurin Owen for the Record Commission
folio ed. pp. 641, 649. J

THE CYMRY OF ANCIENT BRITAIN. 5
entitled and the immunities and privileges belonging to chap.
Ms class, this local priest could claim a contribution ,' <¦
from every plough used in the hamlets of his cwmwd.
Executing1 their judicial functions as subservient
parts of their priestly office, they periodically offered
up as holocausts convicted criminals, together with
cattle and sheep, enclosed in a colossal frame of wicker-
work. In political emergencies they occasionally had
recourse to divination by the throes of a human victim
slain with a sword ; and holding the maxim that only
man's life was equivalent to man's life, they sometimes
offered up a human sacrifice, hoping thereby to prolong
the days of a sick person.
The Druids declared the supremacy of one Almighty
God, but believed in the existence of subservient deities,2
and rendered especial honour to the sun and fire. They
acknowledged the immortality of the soul, but looked
forward to its endless transmigrations.3 The theological
and philosophical Triads imputed to the Druids by
Greek and Eoman historians and by national tradition
prove them to have been studious, reflective, and
sagacious sages, possessing a vast store of experimental
knowledge,4 acute in discerning, and earnest in pursuing
intellectual and moral truth.5
1 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. c. xv. ; Diod. Sic. Bib. Hist. lib. v. c. ii. ;
Strabo. lib. iv. c. iv. § 5; Tacitus, Agric. § 11, Ann. lib. xiv. c. xxx. ;
Davies's Myth, and Rites of the British Druids, p. 617.
2 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. c. xv. ; Stillingneet, Orig. Brit. ed. 1685,
p. 57, where he quotes Origen in Ezek. Horn. 4.
3 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. xiii. ; Pomponius Mela, lib. iv. ; Lucan,
lib. i. ; Diog. Laer. Lives of the Philosophers (Bohn's ed.), proem, p. 7,
and Pythagoras, lib. viii. ; Toland^, Hist, of the Druids, letter i. c. xiii.
p. 82 ; Smith, Hist, of the Druids, ed. 1780, p. 18 ; Vindication of the
Ancient British Poems, appended to Turner's Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons,
ed. 6, vol. i. p. 633.
4 Amm. Marcel, lib. xv. c, ix. § 8.
5 Herbert, Neo-Druidic Heresy, p. 15 ; Archdeacon Williams, Gomer,

J HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. The members of the second Druidical order were
... *'  . called Bards.1 To them were entrusted the arrange
ment and preservation of the family genealogies, upon
which depended the descent and division of property.
Facility in writing was more especially required for
this purpose. They used an alphabet resembling the
old Greek2 characters in their records, which are said
to have consisted of the coel-faen (token-stone),3 the
coelbren (token-stick), and the peithynen (elucidator).
Poetry and music were the means which they employed
to fix moral maxims in the memory,4 to celebrate the
praises of living heroes, to immortalize the worthy
actions of the dead, and to enhance the influence of
religious rites. Their harps and voices, set to the
melodious rhythm and rhyme of their Triads, main
tained the ascendency of the Bards over the feelings
of a people susceptible in the highest degree of the
pleasures of sound.
The third order consisted of disciples, many of whom
were candidates passing through a course of twenty
years' training5 for the bardic and priestly orders.
The others were medical herbalists, astronomers, geo-
part i. ; Smith, Hist, of the Druids, pp. 60-76 ; Davies, Celtic Researches
p. 184; Pictet, Mystere des Bardes.
1 Toland, Hist, of the Druids, pp. 60-66, 109; Smith, Hist, of the
Druids, pp. 5-8.
2 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. c. xiii. ; Ab Ithel, Eccl. Antiq. of the
Cymry, pp. 32, 33. On the authority of Zeuss, Latham, in his edition of
Prichard's Celtic Nations, p. 374, mentions among the most ancient
Welsh MSS. the Codex Oxoniensis Prior, which contains the alphabet
of the Coelbren y Beirdd.
3 Waring's Recollections of Iolo Morganwg, appendix, pp. 186-195 •
Toland, Hist, of the Druids, letter i. c. xiii. pp. 83, 84 ; Davies, Myth, and
Rites, p. 490 ; Davies, Celtic Researches, p. 272.
4 Diod. Sic. Bib. Hist, lib. ii. c. ii. ; Lucan, lib. i. ; Cambrian Register
1795, p. 396 ; Toland, Hist, of the Druids, pp. 188, 192 ; Davies, Celtic
' Res. p. 191 ; Davies, Myth, and Rites, p. 560.
5 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. c. xiii. Davies, Myth, and Rites, p. 44,

THE CYMRY OF ANCIENT BRITAIN. >
graphers, and practitioners of various ingenious and chap.
mechanical arts. Talents of every kind were thus ._ 'r 
appropriated according to their peculiar tendencies,
and the ability of each individual was made to contri
bute to the aggrandizement of the Druidical class.
Learners were prohibited from writing down their
doctrinal tenets, in order that those tenets might be the
more effectually impressed upon their own minds, while
withheld, in an authentic and tangible form, from all
persons not regularly set apart and schooled for initia
tion. Over all the disciples, bards, and priestly Druids, an
Arch-Druid held supreme authority.1 He was invested
with his office by the suffrages of his order, but the
choice usually fell upon the ablest and most distin
guished man among them.
The members of the whole Druidical class were
exempt from the payment of tribute and taxes, and
also from military service ; they had a right to pass
from place to place without molestation or hindrance,
in times of war as well as in times of peace, and they
could exact shelter and maintenance wherever they
went.2 Their native tradition, preserved in the Triads, that
the regions they inhabited were peopled gradually by
the arrival of successive tribes, accords with probability ;
but the contradictory assertions of indigenous origin,
a descent from Hercules, and from Pluto, mayfce traced
to foreign sources.3
1 Caesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. c. xiii. ; Davies, Myth, and Rites," p. 185 ;
Smith, Hist, of the Druids, p. 8.
2 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. c. xiii.
3 Ibid. c. xvi.; Amm. Marcel, lib. xv. c. ix. §§ 4,5; Theophilus
Antiochenus, lib. ii. c. xlvi. ; Justin, Hist, lib. xliv. c. iii. ; Nennius,
§18.

HISTORY OF WALES.
§ 3. At the vernal and autumnal equinoxes, at the
summer and winter solstices,1 and at other stated
periods, the Druids held solemn conventions in different
localities, and, amidst the most sacred rites of their
religion, assisted at councils of state, and administered
the civil and criminal laws. The punishments by
which they enforced their decrees were slavery, ex
communication, and death.2 Several forms of trial by
ordeal 3 existed among their judicial institutions. Great
Britain, even in the nineteenth century, still feels the
influence of other parts of their legal system. The
oral, unwritten law, delivered down from one generation
to another by custom and tradition, appears to have
been derived from the practice of the Druids. The
partition of lands by the custom of gavelkind is cer
tainly of ancient British origin, and so also is the
division of the goods of an intestate person between
his widow and children or next of kin. The old
custom, which prevailed until recent times, of burning
a woman found guilty of murdering her husband, is
doubtless traceable to the same source.4
The efficacy of their medical plants was supposed to
be enhanced by the time, the person, and the ceremonies
attendant on the gathering.5 Many flowers and herbs
still growing wild in Wales, besides the oak and its rare
1 Diod. Sic. Bib. Hist. lib. v. c. ii.
2 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. c. xiii.
3 Ibid. c. xvii. ; Palgrave, Rise and Progress of the English Common
wealth, edition 1832, part i. p. 234; Toland, Hist, of the Druids, pp 112
115; Smith, Hist, of the Druids, pp. 45-47; Ancient Laws and Insti
tutes of Wales, edited by Aneurin Owen, published by the Record Com
mission, one vol. folio, 1841, p. 707.
4 Stephen's New Commentaries on the Laws of England, edition 1853
vol. iv. lib. vi. c. xxvii. p. 525. '
5 Pliny, Hist. Nat. lib. xvi. § 95, lib. xxiv. §§ 62, 63; Toland Hist
of the Druids, pp. 62, 108; Smith, Hist, of the Druids, p. 77 • TWs'
Myth, and Rites, pp. 291, 448. ' F ' •uaTles>

THE CYMRY OF ANCIENT BRITAIN. <
mistletoe, bear names which allude to their Druidical chap.
use. L
The Druidical temple1 was a court of assembly for
all public purposes. It consisted of a central space,
occupied by a cromlech,2 and paled in by unwrought
stones set apart and erect at regular distances in con
centric circles.3 Near to these, an artificial mound
was conveniently placed for oratorical purposes. Pun
ning water was a necessary adjunct,4 and a fresh
fountain-head was preferred to a stream. This structure,
when it stood upon a plain, in a valley, or upon a, hill,
was always surrounded by a grove of oak trees, but in
every situation the whole sacred enclosure was encom
passed by earth-works. The impressive grandeur of
barren mountain sites must have been found equivalent
to the mysterious shade of woods, for upon the moun
tains, as well as upon the hills and plains, and in the
valleys of Wales, may still be traced the remains of
many temples. Some of them contain two sets of
concentric circles within a few hundred paces of each
other, and were probably encompassed by another
circle from which colonnades extended in a snake-like
form.5 Llyn Sarph, beside Cwm Bychan, not far from
Harlech, and^er^Llwyn Sarph, in Monmouthshire,
still indicate the probable sites of such temples. The
arrangement of these megalithic structures, and the
vast weight of many of the stones which compose them,
1 Akerman's Archaeological Index, § 6.
2 Ibid. pp. 27, 28, and plate i.
3 Ibid.
4 Tacitus, Ann. lib. i. c. Ixxix,, and vi. xxxvii. ; Gildas, § 4 ; Davies,
Myth, and Rites, p. 161.
5 Deane, Worship of the Serpent, pp. 240-253 ; and his Dissertation on
Dracontia in the Archaaologia for 1834, pp. 188-229, vol. xxv. ; Davies,
Myth, and Rites, appendix xi. ; Forbes- Leslie, Early Races of Scotland
and their Monuments, c. xvii. pp. 407-415.

10 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, evince the acquaintance of the builders with mathema-
. ]• . tical science and with the use of the lever, but anti
quaries1 are divided in opinion as to their origin.
The continental Gauls regarded Britain as the source
and principal seat of their religion,2 and all the inhabit
ants of Britain held the island of Mon (Anglesey) in
similar or still greater veneration, as the abode of the
Arch-Druid and the most secret sanctuary of their faith.
§ 4. By right of previous possession, by force of
character, and by warlike strength, the Cymry asserted
and maintained predominance3 over the two other
nations. Their south-western possessions were held by
three populous tribes, the Demetse, the Ordovices, and
the Silures. The region of the Demetas extended on its
northern side to that of the Ordovices, on the south and
west it was bounded by the Irish Sea and St. George's
Channel, and on the east by the river Towy. The
region of the Ordovices was enclosed on the north and
on the west by the Irish Sea and the Channel, on the
east by the territories of the Lloegrwys, and on the
south by the mountain range of Plinlimmon. The
region of the Silures extended from that same barrier,
on its northern frontier, to the Bristol Channel and the
Severn Sea on the southern coasts ; the river Towy
divided it from the Demetas on the western side, and it
stretched beyond the Severn towards the east.4
These Demetian, Ordovicean, and Silurian regions
1 Drayton, Polyolbion, Stonehenge; Lubbock, Pre-historic Times,
pp. 57-59.
2 Caesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. c. xiii.
3 Palgrave, Rise and Progress, part i. c. xii.; Davies, On the Races of
Lancashire, in Trans, of the Philological Society, Dec. 7, 1855.
4 Bertram's Richard of Cirencester, lib. i. c. vi. §§ 21, 24, 25. See any
good map of Roman Britain. The description in the text refers to the.
one .contained in the Mon. Hist. Brit.

THE CYMRY OF ANCIENT BRITAIN. H
were traversed from east to west by ancient British chap.
trackways, one, now known as the Northern Watling *' -
Street, running through the place called by the Boman-
izecl Britons Caerlleon Fawr (Chester) to Caer Gybi,
(Holyhead) ; another, called the Southern Watling
Street, running from Pengwern (near Shrewsbury) to
the Straits of Menai ; the third, called the Eycnield
Street, extending from Caer Gloui (Gloucester) to
Menapia (St. David's) ; and the fourth, called the Ake-
man Street,1 passing through Caer Went and Neath to
Caermarthen. § 5. The Cymry built war-chariots,2 wagons, and
several other kinds of vehicles with wheels. They
were admirably skilful in the training of horses, dogs,
and hawks. They owned large herds of cattle3 and
swine, and large flocks of sheep. They made butter,
if not cheese ; they manured4 their fields with marl ;
they raised corn and baked bread; they brewed5 ale
from malted barley, and prepared from honey their
favourite festal beverages, mead and metheglin. They
practised the arts of smelting, forging, and moulding
1 Bertram's Richard of Cirencester, Bohn's edition, appendix i. pp.
472-500, and note * to p. 474 ; Whitaker's Hist, of Manchester, vol. i.
pp. 105, 106 ; Hoare's Giraldus, edition 1806, vol. i. p. ci. note, and
p. cxviii. ; Sammes, Brit. Antiq. Illus. pp. 173-174 and 252 ; Palgrave's
Rise and Progress, part ii. p. cxxxviii. Three of these roads are marked
on the map of ancient Britain published by the S. for P. U. K.
2 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. iv. c. xxii., xxix. lib. v. c. xv. ; Strabo,
lib. iv. c. v. § 2 ; Holland's Camden's Brit., edition 1637, p. 18.
3 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. v. c. x. ; Strabo, lib. iv. c. v. § 2.
4 Pliny, Hist. Nat. lib. xvii. § 4 ; Whitaker's Hist, of Manchester, edi
tion 2, vol. i. p. 280, and vol. ii. appendix i. p. 294 ; Quarterly Review,
no. clxxii., art. Ancient Agriculture, pp. 188, 189 ; Daubeny, On Roman
Husbandry, leet. iv. p. 134.
5 Dioscorides, lib. ii. c. ex. ; Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales,
published by the Record Commission ; Cynddelw's Ode to Owen Cyfei-
liog, and comment in Hoare's Giraldus, vol. ii. p. 213 and note ; Higden, .'
Polychronicon, ed. Record Commission, p. 398.

I.

HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, metals,1 and also that of making glass, and they used
turf, wood, and coal as fuel.
The art of coining2 in Britain must, at the latest, be
dated from the year 150 B.C. The most ancient of
the native coins are of gold, and imitated with some
intentional modifications from the stater of the second
Philip of Macedon. The crown of the British kings is
depicted upon some of the later coins as a plain band,
or tiara, which bardic tradition and transmitted usage
attest to have been of gold.
The Britons supplied such merchants3 as visited their
coasts with tin,4 lead, iron,5 silver, gold,6 and pearls ;
with corn, cattle, hides, skins, and fleeces ; with dogs7
sagacious in hunting, and with slaves. They purchased
from those merchants trinkets of ivory and of amber,
glass vessels, and other articles of luxury ; and the
foreigners were impressed by the truthfulness,8 in
tegrity, and peaceableness of their habits and dealings.
They occasionally used large canoes9 hollowed out
from the trunk of a tree, but their common boat was
the coracle10 (cwrawg), shaped like the half of a walnut-
1 Sir Henry James, Communication to the British Association at Bath,
1864 ; Pennant, Tours in Wales, ed. 1810, vol. i. p. 25 ; Whitaker, Hist.
of Manchester, book i. c. ix. §§ 2, 3.
2 Evans's Coins of the Ancient Britons, with plates by Fairholt.
3 Caesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. iii. c. viii. ; Strabo, lib. iv. c. v. § 2.
4 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. v. c. x.
5 Herodotus, lib. iii. § 115 ; Diod. Sic. Bib. Hist. lib. v. c. ii. ; Polybius,
lib. iii. c. lvii. ; Strabo, lib. iii. c. v. § 11 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiv.
§ 49, lib. iv. § 6, lib. vii. § 57 ; Solinus, Polyhist. c. xxiii.
6 Pliny lio- ix. § 57 ; Solinus, Polyhist. c. liii. ; Tacitus, Agric. § 12 ;
Suetonius, lib. i. c. xlvii. ; iElian, lib. xiv. c. viii. ; Bede, book i. c. i.
7 Strabo, lib. iv. c. v. § 3 ; Whitaker's Hist, of Manchester, pp. 69-76.
8 Diod. Sic. Bib. Hist. lib. v. c. xxxviii.
9 Archsaologia, vol. xxvi. p. 25; British Museum, British Antiquities;
Livy, lib. xxi. c. xxvi. ; Gildas, § 19.
10 Caesar, De Bel. Civ. lib. i. c. li. ; Herod, lib. i. c. cxciv. ; Lucan
lib. iv. ; Bohn's Giraldus, Topog. of Ireland, c. xxvi. and Descrip. of
Wales, c. xvii. ; Saxon Chronicle, an. 891.

THE CYMRY OF ANCIENT BRITAIN. 13
shell, framed with wood and osiers, and covered with chap.
hides. Such vessels, slightly differing in materials, are ._._; — -
still in use as fishing skiffs upon the lakes and rivers of
Wales, and still propelled by the primitive paddle.
In battle, the warriors of each tribe, charioteers,
horsemen, and infantry, formed together a distinct
company,1 each commanded by its own king.
They wore close trousers,2 tunics, and short black
cloaks, with boots of untanned leather, and cloth caps.
Their hair was turned back from the forehead, and
fell in large locks behind. Their chins and cheeks
were shaven, but the hair of the upper lip grew long.
In the fury of battle3 they cast off their cloaks, and
sometimes their tunics also, exposing their bare limbs,
then stained with woad4 for the purpose of rendering
their appearance more terrible. Women and girls also
dyed their persons when present at the sacrifices. The
kings and nobles wore corslets,5 girdles, armlets, and
rings of gold, and a collar of the same precious metal
was deemed an indispensable badge of high birth.
The people wore similar decorations formed of in
ferior metals.6 Hair cut short and long beards are
said to have distinguished the members of the Druidical
1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. c. xxxiii. xxxiv. ; Caesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. i.
c. xli., lib. ii. c. xxiii., lib. iii. c. iv., lib. vii. c. xvii. xxiv. lxxviii.
2 Polyb. lib. ii. c. ii. ; Caesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. v. c. x. ; Diod. Sic.
Bib. Hist. lib. v. c. ii. ; Strabo, lib. iv. c. iv. § 3 ; Whitaker, Hist, of
Manchester, book i. c. vii. § 5, and figures of coins there given ; Sir S. R.
Meyrick, Costume of the Ancient Britons.
3 Polyb. lib. ii. c. vi. ; Livy, lib. xxii. c. xlvi.
4 Pliny, Hist. Nat. lib. xxii. § 2 ; Livy, lib. xxxviii. c. xxi.
5 Polyb. lib. ii. c. ii. ; Diod. Sic. lib. v. c. ii. ; Strabo, lib. iv. c. iv. § 5 ;
Xiphilin, Dion Oassius, Nero ; Akerman's Arch. Index, p. 58, plates vi.
and vii. ; Livy, lib. vii. c. x., lib. xxxiii. c. xxxvi., lib. xxxvi. c. xl. ; Plin.
Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiii. c. vi.
6 Herodian, lib. iii. c. xlvii.
7 Toland's Hist, of the Druids, p. 59; Smith's Hist, of the Druids,

I.

14 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, class.7 The disciples wore long robes and hoods of a
green colour ; the Bards wore long robes and hoods of
a sky-blue colour; the Druids wore long robes and
hoods of white, symbolizing respectively hope, peace,
and purity. The glain,1 the crystal orb, and some other
jewels, were mystic emblems worn only by the Druids.
Their chief2 is depicted in an ancient basrelief bearing
a sceptre and crowned with oak leaves.
They made winter garments of fur and other skins.
For mild weather they spun fine woollen yarn, dyed
it of several colours with the juices of native plants,
and wove it into cloth3 marked with striped and
checkered patterns. They also prepared felt from
wool by pressure.4
The law of gavelkind, which prevailed among them,
caused frequent alterations in the partition of the land
included in each tref (hamlet). The maen-hir,5 still
standing in many solitary places, marked the limits
of particular pastures. Their houses6 were built of
stones, wood, wattles, wicker-work, or turf, and roofed
with slates, rushes, or straw, according to the materials
most abundant in the neighbourhood ; and they were
pp. 9, 10 ; Owen's Elegies of Llywarch Hen ; Meyrick's British Cos
tumes ; Planche's British Costumes.
1 Pliny, lib. xxix. § 12 ; Davies, Myth, and Rites, pp. 454, 510, 620,
621 ; Toland's Hist, of the Druids, pp. 51, 61, and 95 ; Herbert, Neo-
Druidic Heresy, p. 61 ; Deane's Worship of the Serpent, pp. 249-252 ;
Smith, Hist, of the Druids, p. 10 ; Mason's Caractacus, ed. 1819, p. 78,
and p. 143, note.
2 Montfaucon, L'Antiquite' expliquee et representee en Figures;
Davies, Myth, and Rites, p. 277.
3 Diod. Sic. lib. v. c. ii. ; Livy, lib. vii. c. x. ; Tacitus, Hist. lib. ii.
c. xx. ; Xiphilin, Dion Cassius, Nero, Dress of Boadicea.
4 Pliny, Hist. Nat. lib. viii. § 73.
6 Akerman's Arch. Index, § 2.
o Cassar, De Bel. Gal. lib. v. c. x. ; Diod, Sic. lib. v. c. ii. ; Strabo
lib. iv. c. v. § 2, lib. iv. c. iv. § 3. '

THE CYMRY OF ANCIENT BRITAIN. 15
furnished with chairs, stools, and blocks of wood, with chap.
platters and baskets of finely wrought osiers, wooden ._ ;  .
bowls, and vases, jars, basons, and cups of pottery.1
All these things, together with weapons of war,
implements of husbandry, and tools of trade, were of
domestic manufacture.
In flat and undulating parts of the woodland coun
try, the Cymry and other Britons used to make
extensive enclosures with felled trees,2 surrounded by
high banks of earth and deep trenches, and within the
circuit they built circular houses for themselves and
sheds for their cattle. Such a fortified assemblage of
slight structures3 constituted a caer, being at once a
town, a camp, and a fortress.4
In hilly or mountainous districts, the caer was usu
ally set upon a precipitous height, defended by natural
ravines and by ramparts hewn in the rock, or labori
ously piled up of stones and earth. These encom
passing banks and trenches were often circular or
oval, but always curvilinear and following the out
line of the rugged ground enclosed. Sometimes one
rampart sufficed for security ; sometimes two or three
concentric series, having high intermediate escarpments,
encompassed the caer ; and often the part least difficult
of approach was protected by a short, deep row or two
of additional ramparts.
Cliffs and hillsides5 were the usual burying-places ol
1 Whitaker's Hist, of Manchester, book i. c. ix. § 2, including figures
of coins.
2 Caesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. v. c. xvii. ; Strabo, lib. iv. c. v. § 2 ; Hoare's
Introduction to the Itinerary of Giraldus, vol. i. p. cxl.
3 Diod. Sic. lib. v. c. ii. ; Strabo, lib. iv. c. v. § 2.
4 Akerman's Arch. Index, § 8.
6 Bertram's Richard of Cirencester, Bohn's ed. § 23, and note 6 ;
Cambrian Register, 1796, p. 380 ; Whitaker's Hist, of Manchester, ed.
1772, vol. ii. pp 139-142.

16 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the Cymry. The margins of the trackways, the banks
. — J: — ¦ of rivers, the sea-beach, and conspicuous points of hills
and mountains, were often selected as resting-places for
the more illustrious dead. Sometimes, the honoured
corpse1 having been consumed by fire, the ashes were
deposited in a fictile vase ; 2 sometimes it was placed
entire, but folded down, within the cist-faen (stone-
chest), which in either instance covered the remains.
Over the cist-faen the retainers raised, with great skill
and labour, a funeral mound3 compacted of stones and
earth. Many such mounds have outlasted, by at least
2,000 years, the memory of their occupants. They
have been found to contain weapons, trinkets, and
other articles of daily use, besides the calcined bones
of men and animals.
1 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. vi. c. 17.
2 Akerman's Arch. Index, § 9, plates ii. and iii. ; British Museum, Bri
tish Antiquities.
3 Akerman's Arch. Index, § 1, plate i.

17

CHAPTEE II.
THE CYMBY AND THE KOMANS.
FROM THE INVASION OF JUtlUS CJESAB TO THE DEATH OF CLAUDIUS,
B.C. 53-A.D.54.

Blest is that ground where, o'er the springs
Of History, Glory claps her wings,
Fame sheds the exulting tear.
Wordsworth : Poems of the Imagination, Xlji.

§ 1. Whether the Cymry were among the Britons chap.
who assisted the Gauls in resisting Julius Csesar, there /
is little historic evidence to show. Nor does it appear
that any of the Cymric states were among those
which, having learned from Gallic merchants that he
intended to invade Britain, sent across the Channel
ambassadors who came to him in Gaul, offering hos
tages and tributary submission,1 with a view to avert
at once his anger and his visit.
Fifty-five years2 before the Christian era, Julius Csesar
first landed in Britain. The defeat of this expedition
resulted from the valour and warlike prowess of the
Cantii and other southern tribes,3 aided by the igno
rance of the Eomans of the effect of spring-tides upon
the British Channel.4
1 Caesar, de Bel. Gal. lib. iv. c. 19.
2 Mon. Hist. Brit. Chronology, and the dates in Valpy's Classical
Library, and Delphin Classics.
3 Caesar, de Bel. Gal. lib. v. c. 9-12.
4 Ibid. lib. iv. c. 27 ; Strabo, lib. iv. c. v. § 3.
C

II.

lg HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Caesar came a second time in the following year
- (B.C. 54), with an army more numerous and better
equipped than that with which he afterwards conquered
at Pharsalia; but Caswallawn (Cassivellaunus), who had
been elected martial monarch of the Britons, conducted
the defence of the country with such vigorous ability,
that the Eoman hero soon abandoned his attempt at
conquest. He did not penetrate farther inland than
the places now known as Kingston-upon-Thames and
Verulam ; and he probably saw no other parts of the
country than those which now constitute the counties
of Kent, Surrey, Middlesex, and Essex, with parts of
Buckingham and Hertford.2 A solitary passage in the
record of a Eoman historian3 indicates that the Cymry
assisted in repelling this invasion.
§ 2. During the reigns of the Emperors Augustus,4
Tiberius, and Caligula, Britain remained unmolested,
and the Eomans and Britons became better known to
each other than before by means of more frequent
commercial transactions.
§ 3. In a.d. 43, the Emperor Claudius sent Aulus
Plautius, the Praetor of Gaul, to invade Britain5 with
four legions, their cavalry and auxiliaries, amounting
together to at least 50,000, men. In this emergency
Caradog (Caractacus), king of the Silures, having been
elected martial monarch6 of all Britain, led the warriors
of Lloegyr and Cymru against the invaders. After a
battle, in which the Eomans gained ground, Aulus
Plautius found means to detach several states from
1 Csesar, de Bel. Gal. lib. v. c. 7.
2 Ibid. c. 7-19; Hoare's Giraldus, ed. 1806, pp. lxxxv. and
lxxxvi. 3 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. c. xxxiv.
4 Strabo, lib. iv. c. v. § 3 ; Dion Cassius.
6 Suetonius, lib. x. c. 4; Dion Cassius, lib.lx. §§ 19-23.
6 Triads, 17, 34, and 41.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 19
the native confederacy. With their assistance and by chap.
force of arms, he won his way. with much difficulty to .  r — ;
the banks of the Thames, where he entrenched Ins
army and awaited the arrival of the Emperor.
Claudius brought with him large reinforcements.
He stayed only sixteen days in the island, during which
time he was present, as an inert spectator, at a battle in
which the fortress of Camalodunum was taken by Aulus
Plautius. On the Emperor's return to Eome, he re
ceived for his exertions the honour of a triumph, and
the title of Britannicus for himself and for his son,
a.d. 44.
Meanwhile the Eomans established a colony at Ca
malodunum (Colchester) and built a temple there,
which they dedicated to Claudius. The rapacity, in
justice, and cruelty of these colonists, and their con
temptuous treatment of the native inhabitants, whose
property they appropriated at pleasure, provoked deep
and fierce animosity in the sufferers.
To Vespasian and one legion, Aulus Plautius com
mitted the charge of controlling the maritime states of
the southern and eastern coasts, while he led the
remainder of his army to explore the interior of the
country, endeavouring to exact from the inhabitants
unresisting submission to the power of Eome, or else
extorting it by force of arms. Caradog, with the Lloe-
grian and Cymric forces, continually watched the
movements of the Eoman commander and harassed his
troops, sometimes attacking them by surprise and
forcing them to engage in disadvantageous battles.
After seven years of arduous and indecisive warfare,
Aulus Plautius was recalled1 by the Emperor Claudius,
1 Dion Cassius, lib. ix. % 30.
c 2

20 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. a.d. 50 ; and Publius Ostorius' Scapula, with the rank
- "' - of Propraetor, was sent to Britain as his successor.1
§ 4. The short interval between the departure of
one commander and the arrival of another sufficed to
rekindle the patriotic hopes of the martial monarch of
the Britons. It was winter, and trusting that a veteran
general, to whom alike his army, his enemy, and the
country were new, would not venture to enter upon a
campaign at that unfavourable season, Caradog made
a hostile irruption into the Lloegrian states of the
southern coasts, which had submitted to become the
allies and tributaries of Eome. Under the pressure of
this constraint, and the influence of persuasion, the
kings of these states, awakening to national and re
ligious sympathies, already stood prepared to revolt
and rise in arms, when the energetic promptitude of
Ostorius enabled him to surprise and to expel the
forces of Caradog. He followed their retreat,2 and
after encountering fierce and skilful opposition, fought
a battle in which multitudes of the Cymry and of the
free Lloegrwys were slaughtered. The confederated
Britons then dispersed ; and Ostorius returned towards
the south, determined to take effectual precautions for
averting future invasions of the Eoman possessions in
Britain. For this purpose he deemed it necessary to
cut off all intercourse between the free states and those
of his allies by means of a chain of forts, erected along
a line of rivers from the tideway of the Severn (Sabrina)
on the west to the mouth of the Nen (Aufona) on the
east; thus sheltering his Britannia Prima3 on the
1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. c. 31. 2 jbj^ go
3 The titles of Britannia Prima, Secunda, &c. are here and elsewhere
prematurely applied, in order to afford the reader distinct notions of the
territories gradually acquired by the Romans.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 21
southern side from the Cymry and their confederates chap.
on the north by the intervention of a series of Eoman II- .
garrisons.1 § 5. Among the southern tribes, one, which in
habited the districts now known as the counties of
Sussex and Surrey, was ruled by a native king named
Cogidunus.2 He had entered eariy into amicable re
lations with the Eomans ; and preferring ease, wealth,
and delegated authority to a painful struggle for free
dom, had become their willing accomplice in the en-
thralment of his fellow-countrymen. To reward his
adherence and to increase his subservient capabilities
of usefulness, Ostorius now added the states of several
less compliant neighbours to his dominions.3 In ad
dition to these sagacious measures, the Propraetor
strengthened the colony of Camalodunum upon the
southern frontier of the Iceni, a brave and powerful
tribe, inhabiting the districts now comprised in the
counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, and Hunting
don, whom he thought it necessary to disarm. The
Iceni had originally sought the friendship of the
Eomans, and knowing neither the humiliation of defeat
nor the exhaustion of unequal conflict, they resolved
to resist disarmament, and to break through the boun
dary line of forts which skirted a part of their northern
frontier. The army of Caradog had again taken the
field, and was hovering in front of that line on which
the legions were still labouring. Thus aggrieved, pro
voked, and encouraged, the Iceni, under their king

1 Hoare's Giraldus, ed. 1806, pp. cxviii. cxix. with map of the forti
fications. 2 Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. ed. 1685, p. 63 ; Archdeacon Williams,
Claudia and Pudens, pp. 17-23.
3 Tacitus, Agric. c. xiv.

22 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Prasutagus, made choice of a strong position, and bade
. ' IL . defiance to the Eomans.1 Ostorius led against them
his auxiliary troops, and, after a protracted, valiant,
and resolute struggle, the Iceni were vanquished.
The other disturbed states of the province being
quieted by this disastrous event, Ostorius, leaving only
disarmed tribes and well-tried friends behind him,
issued forth with his army towards the west, to contend
again with the martial monarch of the Britons. The
Silurian Cangii, a sworn band of the choicest youthful
warriors,2 ever attendant on Caradog, hovered about
the marching legions, harassing them at every turn,
but avoiding a pitched battle, while Ostorius went on
his way, plundering and devastating the fair fields of
central Britain, until he appears to have crossed the
present county of Chester, and nearly approached the
estuary of the river Mersey.
The Brigantes,3 a powerful tribe of the northern
Cymry, alarmed at the vicinity of the Eoman army,
and acting in concert with Caradog, arose in arms at
this conjuncture, under their queen Aregwedd Foeddawg
(Cartismandua) and her warlike husband Venutius.
At the news of this insurrection, Ostorius hastened
to encounter his new opponents upon their own
ground. He overcame the Brigantes in battle with
great slaughter, and subsequently received the sub
mission of the survivors, pardoned their brave efforts
against enslavement and admitted their sovereign to
the privileges of a Eoman tributary.
1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. c. xxxi.
'2 Livy, lib. ix. c. 40; Plut. in Sert. 14 ; Caesar, de Bel. Gal. lib. iii.
c. 23 ; Tacitus, Manners of the Germans, xiii. xiv. ; Herbert's Brit, after
the Romans, Introd. p. xiii.
3 Tacitus, Ann, lib. xii. c. 32,

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 23
§ 6. Having thus detached the Cymry of the north chap.
from the Cymry of the west, Ostorius led his army into ._ "• _^
the country of the Silures,1 the inheritance of Caradog,
martial monarch by election of all Britain.
That illustrious Cymro despised all Eoman offers of
alhance as mere allurements to slavery. No superiority
of numbers could overawe his courage, no advantages
of warlike weapons,2 accoutrements, and mechanical
appliances could weaken his resolution. From the
incessant toils of nearly nine years' warfare,3 his genius
had acquired military experience without losing its
inventive freshness. He ever arose elastic from defeat,
to contend with renewed vigour for freedom.
The hostile progress of the armies of Ostorius and
Caradog may still be traced through the county of
Hereford by a series of British fortresses and an opposed
series of Eoman intrenchments.4 To save that fertile
region from farther devastation, and to gain the advan
tage of a very strong position, Caradog fell back north
ward upon the rough border land of the Ordovices.
His name is still attached to many separate and distant
fortresses, which were doubtless at one time or another
garrisoned by the forces of the Cymric hero ; but the
Eoman historian's graphic description of Caradog's last
battle-ground5 can only be identified and realized by
those readers who have explored the wild hills and
streams of the district wherein the edges of Hereford
shire, Eadnorshire, and Shropshire unite. The in-
1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. c. xxxiii, ; Gwyr Essyllwg, or Syllwyrwys,
Men of the fair or open country.
2 Polybius, lib. ii. c. ii. ; Csesar, de Bel. Gal. lib. i. c. xx. ; Livy, lib,
xxxviii. c. xxii. ; Tacitus, Ann. xii. c. xxxv.
3 Beginning a.d. 42.
4 Archseologia Cambrensis, new series, No.' xviii. April 1854, p. 93 ;
Hoare's Giraldus, ed. 1806, vol. i. p. ci. note.
5 Tacitus, Ann, lib. xii. c. xxxiii,

24 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, trenchments of Caer Caradog and Coxwall Knoll,1
, u- . situated upon and among the rugged heights rising
northward of the river Teme to an elevation of more
than 1,400 feet, evidently formed the citadel and out
works of a stronghold so nearly impregnable as to
justify the hopes of an experienced general, versed in
all the stratagems of British warfare and thoroughly
acquainted with the country, that there, if anywhere,
the Eoman legions might be successfully withstood.
From Brandon Camp,2 a few miles off, on the southern
side of the Teme, Ostorius watched the movements of
the British host, and planned his attack.
The usual army of Caradog had been inferior in.
numbers to that of his adversary, but having established
his head-quarters at Caer Caradog, it received re
inforcements of warriors from many of the confederated
states,3 whose kings still trusted in the ability and
prowess of a monarch who had seventy times opposed
the Eomans in arms. These royal leaders, animated
by the eloquent adjurations of their chief, bravely to
repel the advancing Eomans, appealed in turn to their
charioteers, horsemen, and other warriors, by every
motive most potent to excite the feelings of brave and
generous hearts, the example of their forefathers, the
preservation of their homes from desecration, and the
deliverance of their country from foreign oppression.4
1 The ground has been personally explored by the writer, and the
following authorities confirm her opinion : Caesar, de Bel. Gal. lib. vii.
c. lx. ; Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, vol. i. p. 471 ; Sir Roderick
Murchison's Speech delivered at the Meeting of the Cambrian Arch.
Society, held at Ludlow in August 1852; Hoare's Giraldus, ed. 1806^
vol. i. p. ci. note, and pp. cii. ciii.; Duncumbe's Hist, of Herefordshire-
Arch. Camb. new series, No. xi. July 1852, pp. 203-208, and the map
annexed ; Pennant's Tours, ed. 1810, vol. iii. pp. 271-273.
2 The Bravinum of Antoninus.
3 Triad, 41.
* Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. cc. xxxiii, xxxiv. xxxv.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 25
All that resolute and able men could do was done on chap.
that day by the Britons. Ostorius was constrained to .  ,: _,
put forth all his strength, but at last he gained a victory
so decisive, that the wife, daughter, and brothers of
Caradog became his prisoners. That hero, still hoping
to obtain better results from future contests, fled to the
Cymry of the North, and claimed hospitality from his
kinswoman the Queen of the Brigantes.1 She received
him with feigned kindness, and, eager to ingratiate
herself with the Eomans, betrayed his confidence, and
sent him bound with chains to Ostorius. Thus fettered, a.d. 51.
to his conqueror's disgrace, Caradog and his family
were led in the triumphal procession of Claudius
through the streets of Eome, the Emperor and the
people alike exulting in the captivity of a warrior whose
fame had spread all over Europe. The Eoman senate
recognized the victory as an event of parallel importance
with the capture of Syphax and of Persius, whom
Publius Scipio and Lucius Paulus,2 in times when the
highest honours of successful generals were not appro
priated by an emperor, had in like manner paraded at
their chariot wheels. Triumphal ornaments were sent
on this occasion to Ostorius, who followed up his mili
tary success by establishing a standing camp in Siluria,
and planning a chain of fortresses to be erected there
for the security of his former and present acquisitions
of territory. Supposing this camp to have been fixed
at Caerleon ar Wyse (Isca Silurum), it is probable that
the intended fortresses would have extended westward
from thence to the sites of the present towns of Caerdiff,
Neath, and Swansea, and eastward to Caerwent, joining
near Caerglaui (Gloucester) the similar line with which
he had previously protected the Britannia Prima.
1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. c. xxxvi. 2 Ibid. c. xxxviii.

II.

26 . HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. ; §7. Provoked by these stern efforts to enslave them,
the fellow-countrymen of Caradog again took the field.
Suddenly surrounding the legionary cohorts to which
the execution of the obnoxious plan had been com
mitted, they slew the commander, eight centurions,
and many of the bravest soldiers ; nor would a single
Eoman have escaped alive from the encounter, but for
the arrival of timely succours.
The Silures, encouraged by this success, attacked
soon afterwards a foraging party, which, together
with the detachment sent to support it, they quickly
put to flight.
Exasperated by the indomitable spirit of this people,1
Ostorius forgot for a moment his ordinary self-com
mand, and vehemently exclaimed that he would ex
tirpate their very name from the earth, hke that of
the German Sigambri, who had been transported into
Gaul. The report of this threat aroused the fiercest
wrath in the Silures, who fought henceforth not only
for freedom but also for existence. Ostorius speedily
sent out the light-armed cohorts against them, but
these were on the point of suffering a defeat, when the
legionaries coming up obtained a drawn battle.
The indefatigable Silures, whether mustering in
bands of their own accord, or called forth in array by
the nobles of their tribe, were ever on the alert,
intent, hand, heart, and soul, to take every possible
advantage of their detested invaders. Two auxiliary
cohorts, prowling for plunder, under the orders of
their rapacious officers, falhng into an ambush and
being made prisoners, the Silures distributed them and
their spoils as presents among the neighbouring states,
1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. c. xxxix.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 27
and thus successfully incited those states to renew the chap.
confederacy which Caradog's captivity had dissolved. .  I£  .
, At this conjuncture, Pubhus Ostorius Scapula, worn
down by ceaseless exertion, and harassed, disap
pointed, and discouraged by these reverses, sunk and
died beneath the burden of Silurian warfare.
§ 8. The hope of relieving Britain from oppression
was encouraged not only by this event but also by
violent disturbances among the Cymry of the North.1
Cartismandua, Queen of the Brigantes,, had derived
large accessions of wealth and power from her act of
treacherous subservience to the Eomans. Venutius,
her husband, a prince of the Brigantes and a distin
guished warrior, had, apparently for her sake and
under her influence, submitted to pay tribute to the
Eomans, and permitted the betrayal of Caradog into
their hands ; but when Cartismandua forsook him for
his javelin-bearer, that outrage rent asunder at once all
the ties which had bound him to her and to them. The
Brigantes rose in arms at his call, and the Silures
hailed with joy, as the martial successor of Caradog,
the man who ranked next to him in military fame.2
He led his forces against the legion which occupied the
standing camp at Caerleon, and Manlius Valens, who
commanded it, harassed to desperation, and anxious
for distinction, risked the issues of a battle in which he
was defeated by the pre-eminent valour of the Silures.
Having thus got rid of the standing camp and the
threatened line of fortresses, those valiant warriors still
kept the field, and made frequent predatory excur
sions into the Eoman settlements. Cartismandua,
having received military assistance from the Eomans,
1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. c. xl.
2 Ibid. c. xl. ; Tacitus, Hist. lib. iii. c. xiv.

28 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, seized by stratagem the brother of Venutius, and
.  "'_ Venutius hastened back to wrest from her the sove
reignty of the Brigantes, and secured it by the subse
quent defeat of a legion which had marched against
him under Caesius Nasica.
§ 9. The arrival of Aulus Didius1 (a.d. 51), the
general appointed to succeed Ostorius, did not essen
tially alter the condition of British affairs; for that
veteran, content with the laurels gained in other
countries, had now no farther ambition than the
maintenance of things as he found them, and the
insignificant extension of a few boundaries. He thus
checked the incursions of the Silures, without renewing
the ineffectual attempt of his predecessor to subdue
their country. In a.d. 54 the Emperor Claudius
died. 1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xii. c, xl.

29

CHAPTEE III.
THE CYMRY AND THE EOMANS.
FKOM THE ACCESSION OF NERO TO THE DEATH OF DOMITIAN, A.D. 64-

The Julian spear
A way first opened, and with Roman chains
The tidings came of Jesus crucified ;
They come, they spread, the weak, the suffering hear,
Receive the faith, and in the hope abide.
Wordsworth : Ecclesiastical Sonnets, part i. 3.

TIL

§ 1. It appears probable that all the members of cJ£Ap.
Caradog' s family were sent with him to Eome, and
detained there during seven years, and that he was
released with them from captivity a at the expiration of
that term. The Welsh genealogists assign three children
to that hero, who all of them became subsequently
distinguished personages ; two sons, Cyllen and Eudaf,
and a daughter called Eigen.2 Peaceful obscurity
overshadows the remainder of Caradog's life ; but his
father, Bran ab Llyr, surnamed Fendigaid, proved, on
his return to Siluria, according to the Welsh Triads,3
the greatest of his country's benefactors.
Their sojourn at Eome had, in part, been contem
porary with that of St. Paul. Great probability,
1 Alford, Ann. Eccles. 53, No. 7 in Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. ed. 1685,
p. 44 ; Bp. Burgess's Tracts on the Ancient British Church, pp. 24, 131,
132, and Note*, p. 135; Ab Ithel, Eccl. Antiq. of the Cymry, p. 63,
where the genealogy of lestyn ab Gwrgant is quoted in proof of
Caradog's return.
2 Dion Cassius, M. H. B. p. xcv.
3 Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 79-82.

30 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap therefore, attaches to the assertion, that Bran and his
. ™- ¦ granddaughter were Christian converts, and that the
aged King of the Silures brought home with him four
Christian missionaries, Hid, Cyndaf, and Mawan, men
of Israel ; and Arwystli Hen, a man of Italy.1 The
latter has been identified with the Aristobulus of Eom.
xvi. 10, who, according to the Greek martyrology, was
ordained a bishop of the Britons by the great Apostle
of the Gentiles.
Historic testimony confirms the fact that Christianity
was about this time2 introduced into Britain, but while
it early won its gentle way, gaining gradual influence
over individuals, the great conflict between the temporal
oppressors and the oppressed raged with renewed in-
. tensity. § 2. a.d. 57. The Emperor Nero recalled Aulus
Didius Gallus, and sent Didius Veranius, a strict disci
plinarian, in his stead. The new commander main
tained the previous condition of affairs, held the Bri
tannia Prima in subjection, continued the war against
Venutius, and also made some incursions upon the ter
ritory of the Silures ; but death put a stop to his career
within a year after his appointment.
§ 3. a.d. 58. His successor was Caius Suetonius
Pauhnus, a distinguished and ambitious general, of
great ability in war, but deficient in that conciliatory
disposition which is necessary to transform vanquished
foes into friends. During two years he waged a suc-
1 Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. pp. 44, 45 ; Bp. Burgess's Tracts on the
Ancient British Church, pp. 55, et seq. ; Rees's Welsh Saints, § iv.
2 Menol. Grsec. M. H. B. p. cii. ; Chrysostom. M. H. B. p. xcviii. •
Theodoret, M. H. B. p. c. ; Gildas, § 8 ; Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. p. 35 •
Bp. Burgess's Tracts on the Ancient British Church, pp. 47-54, and pp.
182-189 ; Cave, Lives of the Apostles, Cary's ed. 1840, p. 300 and Notes'-
pp. 424, 425 and Notes. '

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 31
cessful war, and brought into subjection several states, chap.
which appear to have been those of the Coritani and .  ^  .
Cornavii, occupying the present site of the counties of
Derby, Nottingham, Lincoln, Stafford, Leicester, Eut
land, Warwick, part of Worcestershire, and part of
Cheshire. Across the northern frontier of this territory,
Suetonius set a chain of well garrisoned fortresses,
extending from the estuary of the Mersey on the west
to that of the Humber on the east ; thus forming a
barrier against the Brigantes, whom he was compelled
to leave unmolested under their valiant king Venutius ;
and overawing the newly conquered Coritani and
Cornavii, who had already a similar chain of Eoman
fortresses upon their southern frontier. The experience
of these campaigns convinced Suetonius that the resist
ance of the Lloegrwys and other Britons to Eoman
domination was continually incited and sustained by
the Druids. Not content with slaughtering as many of
them as fell in his way, he consequently resolved to
exterminate the class J ; and, as the most direct means
towards the attainment of that end, to seize upon Mon
(Anglesey), their chief sanctuary and the abode of the
Arch Druid. In pursuance of this intention, Suetonius
turned his back upon the newly conquered regions, and
led his army across the country of the Ordovices to the A.D. 6i.
eastern edge of the Menai Straits.2 Encamping near
the site of the present town of Caernarvon, he waited
for a large number of flat-bottomed boats to be pre
pared. In these he promptly -embarked the infantry,
while the cavalry passing through the fords and shal
lows at low water, advanced simultaneously to attack
1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xiv. c. 29, 30.
2 Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810; vol. ii. p. Ill ; vol. iii.
p, 12 ; Archseologia Cambrensis, July 1867, p. 282.

32 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the Cymric warriors who stood arrayed upon the sacred
. II,L_. shore.1 Persons acquainted with the locality may
vividly realize the impressive scene. The Druids, in
their robes of state, forming a majestic company,
arranged apart, and elevated above their military de
fenders, with eyes and arms upraised, solemnly chanted
forth sonorous imprecations devoting Suetonius and
his army to destruction. Druidesses2 rushed through
the serried ranks of warriors, their dark mantles and
long hair flying upon the wind, while trails of flame
from the torches which they carried were gleaming
down upon stern visages, and lighting up the shadowy
background of venerable woods.
The enthusiasm of the British troops became intense,
while the Eomans, appalled and paralyzed, shrunk back
in helpless awe. The exhortations and reproaches of
their leaders at last dispelled their panic, and following
their general and their worshipped standards,3 they
furiously rushed in overwhelming numbers upon their
brave and desperate opponents. The Eoman sword
spared none in that encounter. Druids were forced
back upon their own flaming altars ; warriors, Druid
esses, old men, feeble women, and children, all perished.
The sacred groves were felled, burned, and uprooted ;
and the work of havoc was pursued until the fertile
island of M6n lay ruined and desolate beneath the
trampling feet of Suetonius and his legions.
§ 4. Meanwhile injustice, violence, and brutal out
rage, prompted and countenanced by the rapacious
Caius Decianus, the procurator of that part of the
1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xiv. c. xxx.
2 Smith's Hist, of the Druids, p. 11 ; Lucan, lib. i. v. 451 ; Plut. Crassus.
3 Tacitus, Ann. lib. i. c. xxxix. lib. xv. c. xvi. xxiv. xxix. ; Hist. lib.
iii. c. x.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 33
province afterwards called Britannia Prima, aroused chap.
Boadicea (Buddig) and her Icenian warriors to take -  A  -
arms.1 The spoliation and licentiousness of the de
praved colonists of Camalodunum and their flamens
had long before prepared the Trinobantes for revolt.2
Fellow-feeling in fellow-suffering had excited nearly
all the states of the province to enter into a secret
league of correlative action with those which had re
cently been conquered. Cogidunus was the only
British king whose interests and inclinations really
attached him to the Eomans. The Brigantes, the
Silures, Ordovices, and Demetae were all at open en
mity with the invaders. A general insurrection of the
Lloegrwys having been resolved upon, the news of
Suetonius's expedition to Mon superadded religious
fervour to the sense of national and personal wrongs,
while it laid open a ready way to fearful retribution.
The events of this great confederacy 3 do not lie within
the scope of the present history. Intelligence of the
revolt reached Suetonius in Mon, and leaving the
ravaged island to its fate4 — soon to be reoccupied by
Druids and Cymry — he led his army with the greatest
possible speed into the Britannia Prima. There he
found the colony of Camalodunum utterly destroyed,
the infantry of the 9th legion cut to pieces, its leader,
Petilius Cerealis, with the remnants of the cavalry be
sieged in an entrenched camp, the garrisons of several
fortresses exterminated, and Catus Decianus, the pro-
1 Tacitus, Ann. lib. xiv. c. xxxi. 2 Ibid.
3 Ibid. lib. xiv. c. xxxii. xxxiii. ; Dion Cassius, Nero.
4 Compare Tacitus, Ann. lib. xiv. c. xxx. last paragraph with the
first sentence of c. xxxviii. and with Agric. xviii., where, after relating
the subjection of the Ordovicean state, the historian mentions the mea
sures taken by his hero to subdue Mon. D

1..D. 61.

34 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, curator of the province, a fugitive seeking refuge in
¦ ™- . Gaul from the fury of the exasperated people.
Not venturing to pause and protect London,1 Sue
tonius passed through that city into the territory of
King Cogidunus, whose steadfast adherence to the
imperial cause at this conjuncture .saved the whole
army from destruction. Waiting only until it was
augmented by the 14th legion, the veterans of the
20th, and the auxiliaries called in from garrisons and
stations far and near, the Eoman general then took the
field, and defeated Boadicea in a great battle, which
terminated in the death of the Icenian queen, and a
vast promiscuous massacre of men, women, children,
and cattle.2 Eeinforcements, comprising 2,000 soldiers
to fill up the 9th legion, 8 auxiliary cohorts, and a
thousand horse, soon afterwards arrived from Germany,
and were employed by Suetonius in assisting his other
troops to devastate the country with fire and sword.3
The Lloegrian states offered no submission, as they
used readily to do after defeat in former wars. Their
vanquished warriors expected and asked for no quarter ;
and those who escaped without being slain or captured
continued in arms, still resolute for liberty, though con
tending at once against famine and the Eomans. After
a time it became evident to the Emperor Nero, that
the hideous cruelties of Paulinus Suetonius amounted
to impolicy.
Advantage was therefore taken of a casual ship
wreck, as to which the Propraetor was blameless ; and,
on this trivial pretext, Britain was relieved from the
presence of the most ferocious and relentless of her
Eoman oppressors.4
> Tacitus, Ann. lib. xiv. c. xxxiii. » Ibid. c. xxxiv.-xxxvii.
Ibid. C XXXVIII. 4 Ibid. c. xxxix.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 35
§ 5. Petronius Turpilianus, his successor, was indo- chap.
lent, and anxious to avoid every act which might pro- ¦ nL -
voke the Britons. Under his mild and conciliating A'B' 62,
government, the tranquillity of the Britannia Prima
was restored; but peaceful intercourse with profligate
strangers tended to corrupt and enslave the native in
habitants with vices far more enthralling, debasing,
and odious than even the most abject form of pohtical
subjection.1 The next Propraetor of Britain, the plausible and a.d. 65.
despicable Trebellius Maximus,2 owed his appointment
to Nero, and held it after that emperor's death (a.d.
68), during the brief reigns of Galba and Otho (a.d.
69). Under that of Vitellius, he fled from the province,
and from his mutinous army to the emperor, while
the commanders of the legions (and more especially
Eoscius Caelius of the 20th) quietly upheld the imperial
authority at their several stations.3
§ 6. Up to this stormy time, when the Eoman world
formed an arena for contending emperors, Venutius4
still continued to harass the invaders of Britain with
occasional hostilities, which were at last so opportunely
raised as to affect the interests of the competitors.5 To
have captured, to have subdued, or even to have
worsted so formidable an opponent, would assuredly
have rendered any Eoman general famous. From no
farther mention being made of him in history, where
the valiant deeds of his Brigantes are recorded, it may
consequently be assumed that he passed away un-
vanquished.6 1 Tacitus, Agric. c. xvi. 2 Ibid. Hist. lib. i. c. lx.
3 Ibid. * Ibid. lib. iii. c. xiv.
6 Ibid. lib. i. c. lix. lxi. 6 Milton, Hist, of Britain, book ii.
d 2

36 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. At this conjuncture, the destruction of the Capitol at
_m- . Eome by fire 1 greatly excited the minds of the imagi
native and reflective Druids. With a combination of
enthusiastic rapture, acute observation, and political
foresight, they strove to encourage a Gallic insurrection,
uttering the remarkable prediction, that power and
dominion were destined to circulate round the world,
and must in turn be possessed by the nations westward
of the Alps.2
a.d. 69. § 7. Vectius Bolanus,3 the next Propraetor, was ap
pointed by Vitellius, and prudently lived on good terms
both with his own troops and with the natives, until
recalled to Eome on the accession of Vespasian (a.d.
70). Petilius Cerealis, his energetic successor,4 put an
end to the repose which the Cymry had enjoyed ever
since the departure of Suetonius. The campaign
opened suddenly with a furious attack upon the Bri
gantes, who manfully sustained the shock, and during
two succeeding years fought many bloody battles with
alternations of victory and defeat. The fame of having
carried a devastating war into a once impenetrable
region greatly raised the reputation of Cerealis. His
able successor, Julius Frontinus, bent upon rivalling
this achievement and signalizing his own prowess, ful
filled his ambitious aspirations, in the course of his five
years' command, by effecting, with extreme difficulty,
the temporary subjugation of the long indomitable
Silures.5 On the recall of Frontinus, and previous to
the arrival of his successor, the watchful Cymry seized
1 Tacitus, Hist. lib. iii. c. lxxi. Ixxii. ; lib. iv. c. liii. liv.
2 Ibid. lib. iv. c. liv. 3 Ibid. lib. ii. c. xcvii. ; Agric. c. xvi.
4 Tacitus, Agric. c. xvii. ; Hist. App. lib. v. c. ii. ; Josephus, De Bel.
Jud, lib. vii. c. iv.
5 Tacitus, Agric. c. xvii.

a.d. 75.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 37
upon the earliest possible opportunity of attempting to chap.
regain their freedom.1 • — ,—
The Ordovices, less closely garrisoned than the
Silures, managed to surprise and to destroy a large
party of cavalry belonging to the invaders. This ex
ploit revived the hopes of the Cymry far and near, and
they immediately took arms, while many Lloegrian
tribes covertly calculated the probabilities of success
which the character of the new Eoman general might
afford to another great national insurrection.2
§ 8. Cnaeus Julius Agricola had previously served in a.d. 78.
Britain, under Suetonius, as a mihtary tribune ; under
Bolanus, as commander of the 20 th legion ; and under
Cerealis as a lieutenant-general.3
Eminently fitted by nature, by maternal culture, by
an education received at Marseilles, and by military
and civil experience, for the command of armies and
the politic government of states ; sincere, faithful, and
affectionate in his domestic connections, this courteous,
upright, and inflexible man may be deemed a model of
the highest form of Eoman character. He now arrived
in Southern Britain (a.d. 78) eager for renown, and
actuated by the belief of his race, that Eome and the
Eomans possessed, by right of superior strength, the
prerogative of sole and sovereign control throughout
the earth,4 and that all who resisted it were guilty of a
crime deserving the punishment of death.
His first expedition5 was directed against the Ordo
vices, and it ended in their subjugation. He next
1 Tacitus, Agric. c. xviii. 2 Ibid.
3 Ibid. i Ibid. Ann. lib. xiii. c. Ivi.
5 Ibid. Agric. c. xviii. ; Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810,
vol. ii. p. 27.

38 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, attacked Mon, which had again become the populous
y- ™'_ ¦ sanctuary of the ever-active Druids. Surrender, to an
exhibition of overwhelming force now saved them from
their predecessors' fate, but the island for the first time
was secured by permanent garrisons as the inalienable
property of the invaders. The Demetae appear to have
already shared the lot of the Silures, and these three
celebrated states, extending from Caerleon Fawr (Ches
ter) to the Severn Sea, and from the Irish Sea to the
banks of the rivers Dee and Severn, subsided thence
forth into the Eoman province, known in later years as
the Britannia Secunda.
§ 9. In a.d. 79, the Emperor Vespasian died, and was
succeeded by Titus, his eldest son, the destroyer of
Jerusalem. Agricola, in his second campaign, overran
the territories of his enemies. In his third he subdued
the country as far as the Taus, which probably indicates
the Solway Frith,1 and there he set a series of garrisons.
During his two next campaigns he completed the sub
jugation of the Ottadeni, the Selgovae, the Novantes,
the Damnii, and the Meaetae, and rendered his conquests
permanent by a series of fortified stations across the
isthmus extending from the Frith of Forth to the Frith
of Clyde.2
The Emperor Titus died, a.d. 81, and Domitian, his
brother, was his successor.
Agricola, in his sixth and seventh campaigns, passing
beyond his outer3 boundary, encountered and defeated
1 Knight's Pict. Hist, of England, p. 45, citing Chalmers' Caledonia;.
Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Milman's ed. 1846, vol. i. p. 5, and Note.
2 Compare Tacitus, Agric. c. xxii. xxiii. with the ' Geography of
Claudius Ptolemy in the Mon. Hist. Brit. vol. i. pp. xii.— xv with the
Notitia in the Mon. Plist. Brit. pp. xxiii. xxiv. of the same volume,
and with any good map of Roman Britain.
3 Tacitus, Agric. c. xxii.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 39
Galgacus and the Caledonians, and ravaged their coun- chap.
try.1 In these northern expeditions, he was accom- . ^ _ -
panied and assisted by a select band of British auxili
aries, probably supplied by Cogidunus. The Eoman
fleet followed on the sea the coasting march of the army,
and when that returned towards the south, and no
longer required the conveyance of provisions for its
subsistence, Agricola sent the fleet onward upon a voy
age of circumnavigation, which, being effected, first con
vinced the Eomans of the fact that Britain is an island.2
§ 10. Notwithstanding his frequent and cruel wars,
the civil administration of Agricola first taught the
Cymry and the other Britons to perceive that, under a
just ruler, a time of peace involved less suffering than
a time of active hostility. Hitherto, their passive
miseries under merciless oppressors had exceeded the
hardships attendant on revolt.3 The Cymry, like the
rest, were ever willing under subjection to pay tribute,
to render laborious services, and even to furnish levies
of recruits for the Eoman legions in distant lands, but
to be treated as despised and hated slaves they never,
without resistance, would endure.4
Having soothed the feelings of the Britons by re
forming flagrant abuses, Agricola proceeded to intro
duce among them the useful and decorative arts of
polished life. Eoman architecture, Eoman literature,
and Eoman apparel consequently became fashionable
among the native chieftains and kings.5 He also com
menced the formation of a series of Eoman roads, in
addition to the existing British trackways, which he
improved,6 and extended.
1 Tacitus, Agric. c. xxv.-xxvii. xxix.-xxxviii.
2 Ibid ; Xiphilin, Dion Cassius, Domitian.
3 Tacitus, Agric. c. xx. 4 Ibid, c, xiii.
5 Ibid. c. xix.-xxi. 6 Sammes, Brit. Artij. Ulus. p. 151.

40 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. The Senate, directed by Domitian, decreed with
*- — .—— eulogistic phrases triumphal ornaments to the con
queror of Britain;1 but the rankhng envy of that
emperor soon afterwards recalled him to Eome, a.d.
84. Sallustius Lucuilus is supposed to have succeeded
to Agricola's command. Domitian died A.D. 96 ; but
the state of Britain during the intermediate twelve
years is the subject of vague conjecture and not of
history. 1 Tacitus, Agric. c. xl.

41

CHAPTEE IV.
THE CYMEY AND THE EOMANS.
FEOM THE ACCESSION OF NEBVA TO THE DEATH OF CONSTANTIUS CHLOKUS,
A..D. 96-306.

Not Fortune's slave is man ; our state
Enjoins, while firm resolves await
On wishes just and wise,
That strenuous action follow both,
And life be one perpetual growth
Of heaven-ward enterprise.
Woedswobth : ¦ The Wishing- Gate destroyed.

IV.

§ 1. Domitian was followed upon the imperial throne chap,
by Nerva (a.d. 96), under whose short reign few events
that affected Britain appear to have occurred ; but a
general spirit of discontent, merely repressed by force
of arms, evidently prevailed for many years after the
island's subjection by Agricola. At the period of
Trajan's accession (a.d. 98) it is probable that the aged
Bran ab Llyr and his heroic son Caradog had both
passed away.
§ 2. Eigen, the daughter of Caradog ab Bran, is
mentioned in the Triads as the first female saint of the
Britons. Her husband, according to Cymric authority,
was Sarllog, lord of Caersarllog (Old Sarum), and she
headed, probably in later life and widowhood, a
society of twelve pious women, who devoted them
selves to the diffusion of Christianity and to works of
kindness and charity.1 Attempts have been made
1 Ab Ithel, Eccl. Antiq. of the Cymry, pp. 57-60, and p. 210 ; A
note to Gunn's Preface to Nennius, Giles's ed. p. xxx. 1841, cites on

42 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, to identify Eigen, who is also called Eurgain, with
• — ^L_ Claudia, the saint in Caesar's household mentioned by
St. Paul, 2 Tim. iv. 21 ; and also with the British wife
of Pudens, whose extraordinary beauty, genius, and
accomplishments are celebrated in two epigrams by
Martial the Eoman poet.1
Cyllin, king of the Silures, the brother of Eigen, is
also reckoned among the Cymric saints, or primitive
Christians, of Britain in the first century.2 The
earhest converts appear to have been Druids, sincere
and earnest men who, searching, like merchants, for
precious gems, recognised the truth as soon as they
discerned it, consecrated their influence to its service,
and hallowed by Christian worship the stately temples
of their former superstition.3
Coel, one of the two sons of Cyllin, is gratefully
remembered by the Cymry for having been the first to
introduce among them a water-mill with wheels for
grinding corn.4
§ 3. There is no record or mention of any Eoman
governor of Britain between Sallustius Lucullus, who
was put to death by Domitian, and Neratius Mar-
cellus, who was praefect under Trajan about the year
106, and superintended the making and alteration of
this subject Pellontier, Hist, des Celtes, tome vii. c. iv. and the Bene
dictine Hist. Lit. de la France, tome i. p. 289, tome ii. p. 13.
1 Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. ed. 1685, pp. 44, 45 ; Bp. Burgess's Tracts,
p. 73 ; Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, p. 41 ; Rees, Welsh Saints,
Appendix, p. 315.
2 Rees, Welsh Saints, p. 82 ; Ab Ithel, Eccl. Antiq. of the Cymry,
pp. 63, 64, 171, 172 ; Davies's Celtic Res. p. 162.
3 Cambrian Journal, second series, No. III. Sept. 1858, pp. 204-206 ;
Ab Ithel, Eccl. Antiq. of the Cymry, p. 169, and Note; Sammes, Brit!
Antiq. Illus. p. 265 ; Grose, Antiquities of England and Wales, vol. i.
p. 53.
* Ab Ithel, Eccl. Antiq. of the Cymry, p. 63; Geoffroy of Monmouth,
book iv. c. xviii.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 43
roads throughout the subjugated part of the island, chap.
Hadrian ascended the imperial throne (a.d. 117), and ^_ — A — -
little is known of Britain between the departure of
the great Propraetor Agricola (a.d .84) and the arrival1
of that emperor, a.d. 121. He caused a fortified
palisade to be made across the country from the
Solway Frith to the mouth of the river Tyne, thus
dividing the part of the island really subject to Eome
from the regions beyond, and preventing all com
munication between the tribes north and south of
that line.
He recalled Julius Severus from commanding in
Britain to fight against the Jews.2 About the year
124, A. Platorius Nepos was Hadrian's Propraetor ; and,
about the year 133, Priscus Licinius Italicus filled the •
same office under the same emperor. The reign of
Antoninus Pius began a.d. 138, and soon afterwards
occurred a revolt of the Brigantes.3 Lollius Urbicus
succeeded in suppressing it, and he advanced the
frontier line of the Eoman possessions so far northward
as to enclose all the territories of that powerful and
liberty-loving tribe, replacing (a.d. 139) the line of
fortresses which Agricola had raised across the isthmus
lying between the Friths of Clyde and Forth,4 by a
wall, which bore henceforth the name of the Emperor
Antoninus. In a.d. 140, C. Valerius Pansa was proconsul, and
Seius Saturninus praefect of the fleet on the British
shore. In A.D. 162, Calphurnius Agricola was sent by the
Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus as his lieutenant
to Britain.
1 Spartianus, Hadrian, c. xi. 2 Xiphilin, Dion Cassius, Hadrian.
3 Pausanius, lib. viii. c. 43. 4 Sammes, Brit. Antiq. Illus. p. 258.

44 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. § 4. About this time Leurwg, or Lleufr Mawr
— ^— - (Lucius), a king of that part of western Britain known
afterwards as Gwent and Morganwg, and the grand
son of Cyllin ab Caradog, built a church at Llandaff,
which is said to have been the first edifice ever raised
in Britain for the especial purpose of Christian worship.
It is alleged that this king corresponded by letter and
messengers with Eleutherus, bishop of Eome,1 a.d. 170
-185. Such intercourse is not improbable, but its pur
port, if real, has obviously been misrepresented by the
monks of later ages.
An insurrection occurred in Britain, a.d. 181; the
northern rampart was crossed and the Eoman general
slain, but the Emperor Commodus sent Ulpius Mar-
cellus against the insurgents, and in the following year
that able commander terminated the war.2
In a.d. 187, P. Helvius Pertinax, at the request of
Commodus, visited Britain and quelled there a revolt
of the legions. In A. D. 192, Clodius Albinus com
manded the Eoman forces in Britain under the
Emperor Pertinax.
ad. 157. § 5. Britain had hitherto been held as one praesidial
province under the Eoman emperors,3 but the power
shown by its Propraetor, Clodius Albinus, when he
contended at Lyons with an equal number of soldiers,
although unsuccessfully, against Septimius Severus for
a share in the empire of the Eoman world,4 deter-
1 Nennius, § 22 ; Bede, Eccl. Hist, book i. c. iv. ; Saxon Chronicle,
A. 167 ; Geoffrey of Monmouth, book iv. c. xix. ; Stillingfleet, Orig.
Brit. p. 67 ; Rees, Welsh Saints, pp. 82-86 ; Ab Ithel, Eccl. Antiq. of the
Cymry, pp. 66-73 ; Sammes,Brit. Antiq. LTus. pp. 263, 264.
2 Xiphilin, Dion Cassius, Commodus.
3 Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, vol. i. p. 41.
4 Herodianus, lib. iii. c. xxiv.; Julius Capitolinus; Claudius Albinus,
c. xiii. xiv.

209-210.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 45
mined the victor to alter henceforth the method of chap.
government in this island. He consequently divided .  E3:_
the province into two parts, and appointed Virius
Lupus propraetor of the northern,1 and Heraclytus
propraetor of the southern division. Virius Lupus
soon found himself engaged in a war with the Meaetae2
and the Caledonii ; and having sustained many defeats
and great losses, he wrote at last to entreat the
personal aid of the emperor.
Hearing that Severus was approaching, the hostile *•"¦
tribes sent ambassadors to sue for peace ; nevertheless
that emperor continued his march at the head of a
large army,3 improving the roads in his progress, until
having passed both Hadrian's barrier and that of An
toninus, and lost great numbers of his men, he com
pelled the inhabitants to yield up to him the possession
of a large tract of land, and returned to York with
the conviction that further conquests were untenable.
He consequently erected a strongly fortified4 rampart
[vallum), "running nearly parallel with the pahsade
(sudes) of Hadrian, and assumed the title of Britannicus
Maxirnus. He died soon afterwards at York,5 a.d. 211.
Caracalla soon after that event left the island, appoint
ing Papianus its praefect.
§ 6. Caracalla extended the freedom of the city of
Eome (a.d. 212) to all the provinces of the empire, for
the sole purpose of extorting from them the taxes of
1 Ulpian, Digest, lib. xxviii. tit. vi. ; Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772,
vol. i. p. 117 ; Sammes, Brit. Antiq. Plus. p. 277.
2 Xiphilin, Dion Cassius, Severus.
-, Ibid. ; Herodianus, lib. iii. c. li. ;Aureliu3 Victor, c. xx.
1 Spartianus Severus, c. xviii. xxii. ; Eusebius, H. lib. ii. ; Bede, book
i. c. v. compared with book i. c. xii.
5 Xiphilin, Dion Cassius, Severus ; Herodianus, lib. iii. c. li. ; Spar
tianus Severus, c. xix.

46 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, citizens, in addition to the tribute which they paid as
^J^-, conquered nations. The Cymry and the other Britons
must painfully have suffered under this heavy im
position, but the grievance being removed in after
years left valuable privileges behind it.1
Under the many Eoman emperors who reigned and
strove to reign between the death of Caracalla (a.d.
217) and the accession of Probus (a.d. 276), no event
concerning Britain is recorded, which appears to have
affected the interests of the Cymry.
§ 7. The culture of the vine beyond the Alps was
for many years prohibited by Eoman law, in order to
protect from rivalry the production of wine in Italy.2
This restriction having been removed by the Emperor
Probus, who reigned A.D. 276-282, the vine was intro
duced into Britain, and the natives were encouraged to
plant vineyards and to make wine. From this period
may probably be dated the parentage of the luxuriant
vines which still decorate the white-washed cottages of
Glamorganshire. The introduction of flax, which took
place through the intervention of the Eomanized Gauls,
cannot be dated with equal certainty.
Besides these useful acquisitions, the chestnut tree,
the plane, the lime, the Lombardy poplar, and the bay-
laurel remain as memorials of Eoman residence;3
together with the damson, the eatable cherry, the
peach, the apricot, the cuhnary quince, the fig, the
1 Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. 1846, vol. i. c.
vi. pp. 174, 175; Palgrave, Rise and Progress of the English Common
wealth, ed. 1832, part i. c. x. p. 322.
2 Vopiscus, Probus, c. xviii. ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. i. c. xii.
p. 347; Daubeny's Roman Husbandry, leet. v.; Whitaker, Hist, of
Manchester, book i. c. ix. § 5.
3 Beckman's History of Inventions, Discoveries, and Origins, Bohn's
ed. 1846, vol. ii. pp. 336-355 ; Whitaker, Hist, of Manchester, book i.
c. ix. § 4.

IV.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 47
mulberry, and the medlar. The cottager owes his chap
radishes, his lettuces, and even his peas and beans to
the same source. The ass,1 the spaniel, the pheasant,
and the peacock in this island also trace their descent
to progenitors of Eoman introduction ; and the sports
of hunting the hare, ferreting rabbits and cock-fighting
were learned by the Cymry and other Britons from
the cruel masters of the world.
Gangs of natives, directed by Eoman legionaries,
were constantly employed in labouring upon the roads,
which were planned, cleared, and constructed with a
view to promote the most direct and convenient
communication between the ports, colonies, cities,
towns, and military stations, throughout the country.
This was a constant cause of complaint among the
oppressed labourers, but the more wealthy Britons
becoming familiarized with Eoman manners, and form
ing matrimonial alliances among the conquerors,
adopted generally their habits of life and style of
dress. § 8. Diocletian ascended the imperial throne, A.D.
285. In the following year he took Maximian as a
chosen colleague, and imparted to him the titles of
Augustus and emperor. Some years before that date,
Carawn (Carausius) was born of obscure parentage at
Menapia,2 otherwise written Menevia, now known as
St. David's in Pembrokeshire. Inclination and circum
stances rendered him early familiar with a seafaring

1 Whitaker, Hist, of Manchester, vol. i, pp. 64, 87, 88, 101, 103—
105. 2 Panegyr. Vet. ii. 4 ; Eutropius, Hist. Rom. Brev. lib. ix. c. xxi. ;
Aurelius Victor, Epit. c. xxxix. ; Bede, lib. i. c. vi. ; Nennius, § 24 ;
Geoffrey of Monmouth, book v. c. iii. and iv. ; Palgrave, Rise and Pro
gress of the English Commonwealth, ed. 1832, part i. u. xi. p. 376.

48 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, life, and even in boyhood he increased his professional
. — A- — • knowledge by service in Batavia.
The Channel was infested x by squadrons of light
brigantines, belonging to piratical German tribes, who
ravaged the rich coasts of Britain and Gaul, and inter
cepted the merchant-ships laden with valuable cargoes,
while passing between Iberia and the British and Gallic
ports. In occasional encounters with some of these
marauders, Carausius, the skilful pilot, soon became
distinguished as an enterprising and successful warrior.
The maritime strength of Eome was at that time very
low, the imperial ships being seldom used except as
means of transport.
The valour and nautical skill of Carausius were mere
manifestations of general vigour of character, and of
rare mental faculties. His manners and his words
accorded with his consciousness of power, and in a
personal visit to Eome, the impression which he made
proved so favourable, that upon undertaking to clear
the seas of the dreaded pirates, he obtained from
Maximian the appointment of admiral of the Eoman
fleet (Dux Praefectusque Classis), of which the head
quarters were fixed in the straits of the Channel, at
Gessoriacum (Boulogne), a.d. 286.
The new admiral now looked diligently to the build
ing and equipment of ships, taking care to have them
manned efficiently both for navigation and warfare.
In chasing, overcoming, and capturing the piratical
brigantines, he acquired at once general renown and
the especial confidence of his country. The force which
could prevent invasion, was more highly prized than
1 Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, vol. i. pp. 48, 49 ; Sammes, Brit.
Antiq. Illus. pp. 303, 304; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. i.
c. xiii. pp. 367-368.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 49
that which could only meet it in devastation on the chap. iv.
shore. Euinours, nevertheless, reached Eome, that • — A — -
the famous admiral, unfaithful to his trust, allowed the
piratical squadrons to pass unmolested on their way
down the Channel, to pillage the Gallic and Iberian
coasts, and to seize the merchant ships, while he, lying
in wait for the marauders on their return, captured
them with all their spoils, of which he returned none
to the true owners, and gave but scanty tokens to the
imperial treasury. Maximian, envious of his deeds
and of his fame, gladly availed himself of so plausible a
pretext for a crime, and charged certain officers with
private orders to put him to death. Carausius, in
formed of his danger, sprang at once to the ambitious
height, which he might otherwise have been content to
climb with tardy steps.
Beloved and honoured by the Eomans and Britons
who served under him, and by the German prisoners,
whom he had treated kindly and employed as mariners
in his fleet, he found that in this great emergency he
could rely on their attachment to his interests. Setting
a strong garrison in Boulogne, he crossed the Channel
with the fleet, and landed in Britain. Communicating
there with the legionary and auxiliary soldiers, and
with the public functionaries who held the island for
Eome, they, with one accord, re-echoing the voice of
the native population, saluted Carausius as Emperor,
a.d. 287.
Upholding the firm framework of Eoman laws and
usages, which1 enclosed without crushing the ancient
British institutions, Carausius so justly, moderately, and
sagaciously adapted the administration of affairs to the
1 Palgrave, Rise and Progress of the English Commowealth, ed. 1832,
part i. c. x. E

50 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, requirements of the time and country, that the general
¦ IV' - results of his government, both internally and exter
nally, were strength and tranquillity.
§ 9. At Eome, the loss of Britain,1 with its capacious
harbours, its productive fisheries, its temperate climate,
its fertile soil, its abundant pastures, its numerous
flocks and herds, its wealthy stores of corn, its forests
of stately timber, its rich mines and veins of metal, its
military recruits, and its revenue of tribute and taxes,
was deeply felt and loudly deplored. Maximian
caused immediate preparations to be made for its
recovery, but, after the lapse of nearly two years and a
vast expenditure of labour and materials, the new fleet,
which issued forth from the Rhine, proved far inferior
in all points to that of Carausius.
A flattering orator had prepared an elaborate pane
gyric to celebrate the naval triumph of Maximian, but
in the sea-fight which actually took place, Carausius
was the victor, and Maximian, with his superior col
league, Diocletian, yielding reluctantly to irresistible
force, consented to a treaty of peace, which acknow
ledged the imperial brotherhood of that hero, and
allowed him to retain unmolested the sole and supreme
sovereignty over the country which he had proved
himself of all men best fitted to defend, a.d. 289.
Boulogne and the adjacent coasts were already in
possession of Carausius.
That extraordinary man was no less fitted for an
emperor than Britain was for a great empire ; and to
him belongs the durable glory of having been the first
to discern and to exemplify the capabilities of the
country as a great maritime power. His gallant and
triumphant fleet swept the seas from the mouths of the
1 Panegyr. Vet v. 11, vii. 9.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 51
Ehine to the columns of Hercules. He established chap.
such safe and equitable relations with the merchants - IY" -
trading to the British ports, that the interchange of
commodities increased and prospered. He employed
and encouraged the best shipwrights, builders, masons,
craftsmen, and workmen of every kind, thus promoting
the improvement of useful and ingenious arts, while
stimulating individual talent and national industry.
Many remaining specimens of his varied and well
executed coinage in gold, in silver, and in brass, form
indisputable records of his public career, and preserve
his portrait 1 for remote posterity.
It is probable that the earliest2 settlement ever
formed in Britain by the rovers of the Northern Seas
was authorized by Carausius, as a reward for marine
service, and as a nursery for sailors.
Diocletian added two Caesars, or junior coadjutors, a.d. 292.
to the imperial family, Galerius as his own adopted
son, and Constantius Chlorus as the adopted son
of Maximian.3 The senior emperors, strengthened
by this arrangement, disregarded their treaty with
Carausius, affected to consider him as a usurping rebel,
and reckoned his island empire as a part of the western
praefecture, which they allotted to the sovereignty of
Constantius Chlorus. Constantius, a man of vigour
and ability, immediately took measures for securing
his other provinces, and more especially for rendering
1 Mon. Hist. Brit, plate v. contains 48 coins of Carausius, plate vi. con
tains 33, plate vii. contains 33, plate viii. contains 33, plate ix. contains
33, plate x. contains 33, plate xi. contains 33, plate xii. contains 32, plate
xiii. contains 33, and plate xiv. 26.
2 Palgrave, Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth, part i.
c. xiii. 3 Eutropius, Hist. Rom. Brev. j Aurelius Victor.
e 2

52 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Gaul available, preparatory to undertaking a war
v_ — A  • against Carausius.
a.d. 293. The line of fortresses, which was probably first raised
as an inner barrier by Agricola, from the Solway Frith
to the mouth of the Tyne, afterwards renewed by the
Emperor Hadrian, and finally rebuilt by the Emperor
Severus, who adopted it as the frontier of the Eoman
possessions in North Britain, had lately been again
broken through by the free tribes of Alban, who
robbed and wasted the cultivated territories of the
Cymric tribes on both sides of it. Carausius marched
his army against the invaders, drove them back beyond
the boundary fine of his empire, repaired the breaches
they had made, erected several additional towers, ren
dered the garrisons efficient, and left behind him, both
in stone and in a local river, remarkable monuments of
his name.1 Aware that Constantius was employed in
building a fleet and in other hostile preparations, and
that he intended to besiege his stronghold at Boulogne,
' both by land and by an attempt to cut off its commu
nications with the sea, Carausius had strengthened his
own garrison there ; and he was ready to embark with
a powerful armament for the frustration of his foes,
when, conferring confidentially at York (Eboracum)
with Allectus, this calm and magnificent reign was
brought to a sudden close by the murderous dagger of
that trusted friend and minister.
The prosperous condition of British affairs is evinced
by the moment chosen for that treacherous and ambi
tious deed, a.d, 294.
§ 10. The personal courage of Allectus, the well-
trained naval and military forces left at his command,
1 Nennius, § 23, quoted by Camden, Brit. ed. 1772, vol. i. pp. 48, 49 ;
and Camden, vol. ii. pp. 281-228, with an engraving.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 53
and the precedents of defensive action derived from chap.
Carausius, enabled him for more than two years stoutly — A  -
to resist the efforts of Constantius ; but when that
Caesar's transports, eluding in a fog the vigilance of the
British fleet, had effected a landing for his troops on
the southern coast of Britain, the second island emperor,
possessed by a sudden panic, and giving up all for lost,
stripped off his purple robe,, rushed forth undistinguished
amidst the soldiers who were marching to oppose the
invaders, and perished with them1 in reckless despe
ration by the swords of the Praetorian bands.
a.d. 296. Constantius Chlorus entered upon the
government of Britain with clemency, and rendered him
self popular throughout all his dominions by an upright
and able administration of affairs. Attempts have been
made to show that his first wife Helena was a Cymric
prineess, and that their son Constantine was conse
quently of British blood and of British birth ; but
chronology cannot be reconciled with such an hypo
thesis,2 for Constantine was born A.D. 274, his mother
was divorced by order of Diocletian in the year 292,
and his father never was in Britain ujntil a.d. 296.
Notwithstanding the tolerant principles of Constantius,
the great persecution of the Christians by Diocletian
extended to Britain, and in it Alban of Verulam, and
Julius and Aaron of Caerleon upon Usk, are said to
have suffered martyrdom,3 a.d. 304.
On the abdication of the Emperors Diocletian and
Maximian (a.d. 305), the Caesars Galerius and Con-
1 Eutropius, Hist. Rom. Brev. lib. ix. c. xxii.
2 Ibid. lib. x. c. ii. ; Zozimus, lib. ii. ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed.
1846, vol. i. c. xiy. pp. 407, 408, and notes to those pages ; Mon,. Hist,
Brit. Chronological Abstract, a. d. 292.
3 Gildas, §§9 and 10 ; Bede, Eccl. Hist, book I. C vii. ; Giraldus, Itin,
book i. c, v.

54 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, stantius succeeded severally to the title of Augustus,
- — A — - and jointly to imperial dominion. The latter afterwards
continued during fifteen months to rule over Britain,
and after an expedition against the free Britons of
Alban, in which he was accompanied by his eldest son,
returning to his palace at York (Caer Efrog) he died
there, a.d. 306.
1 Eutropius, Hist. Rom. Brev. lib. x. c. i.

55

CHAPTEE V.
THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS.
FBOM THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE THE SREAT TO THE DEATH OF
CONSTANTINE OF ABLES, A.B. 306-411.

Set we forward. Let
A Roman and a British ensign wave
Friendly together. Shakspeaee : Cymbeline, act v. scene v.

§ 1. On the death of Constantius Chlorus (a.d. 306) 1 °hap.
the Eoman army at Caer Efrog (York) hailed Constan- — > —
tine, his eldest son, Augustus and Emperor. Galerius,
however, only ratified this election in part, allowing
him to assume the sovereignty of the Western provinces
with the title of Caesar and the fourth degree of im
perial rank. In the following year, Constantine ac
quired, by an agreement with Maximian,, the title of
Augustus ; and after the victory which he gained near
Eome over the Emperor Maxentius (a.d. 312), he openly
avowed himself a Christian convert.
Constantine adopted Diocletian's division of the civil
government of the empire into2 four praefectures, one
of the East, one of Illyricum, one of Italy, and one of
Gaul. Britain was included in the latter, and governed
1 Socrates, lib. i. c. ii. ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. i.
c. xiv. p. 410.
2 Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, p. 51 ; Palgrave, Rise and Pro
gress of the English Commonwealth, ed. 1832, part i. c. x, p. 348;
Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. i. c. xiii. p. 393, and note ; also
vol, ii. c. xvii. pp. 29-35.

56 HISTORY OF WALES.
by a propraetor, who appears to have resided in the
province henceforth called the Britannia Prima. Under
him were two consular deputies, who appear to have
respectively ruled and resided in the provinces hence
forth severally known as the Britannia Secunda and
the Maxima Caesariensis. Three presidents, one in
each province, were the appointed judges of civil and
criminal causes. The finances of the island were ad
ministered by a receiver-general, who acted under the
count of the imperial treasury. The military affairs of
the island were directed by the general of the West,
a count of Britain, commanding the troops of the mid
land districts ; a count of the Saxon shore, who defended
the sea-coasts ; and a general,1 who commanded the
thirty-eight garrisons of the provinces, and whose
duty it was to defend the northern marshes.
Geologists assert, that between the present estuaries
of the Dee and Severn a channel of the sea can be
traced, which, at some remote epoch, separated Wales
from England. They give to this channel the name of
the Malvern Straits, and the line thus naturally marked
agrees with the boundary assigned by the discriminating
Eomans to the Britannia Secunda.2
§ 2. Having vanquished and destroyed Licinius,3 his
last rival (a.d. 324), Constantine became sole emperor,
removed the chief seat of government to Byzantium,
and published those edicts and laws which first gave the
exclusive favour and support of secular sovereignty to
believers in Christ, and established for them a frame
work of ecclesiastical polity carefully modelled to ac
cord with the civil constitution of the state.
1 Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed.. 1772, vol. i. p. 51.
* Sir C. Lyell's Address to the British Association at Bath 1864
3 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. i. c. xiv. pp. 449 450.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 57
In the year 314, Constantine summoned a council chap.

of the Christian Church at Aries in Gaul, which was
attended by three British bishops,1 Eborius (Efrog)
representing York, the seat of government for the
Maxima Caesariensis ; Eestitutus (Bhysted), representing
London, the city of the propraetor in the Britannia
Prima ; and Adelfius (Cadfrawd), representing the Co-
lonia Legionensium of the Britannia Secunda. In the
year 325, three British bishops,2 one from each province,
attended also the Council of Nice, which was convened
by the same emperor. He died a.d. 337, at Nicome-
dia,3 having justly won, by his abilities and successes
as a general, a politician, and a ruler, the durable sur
name of The Great.
At the Council of Ariminum, in Italy, summoned
by the Emperor Constantius H. a.d. 359, several British
bishops were present. The testimony of many of the
most excellent Christian fathers in this century attests
the steadfast adherence of the British bishops, their
contemporaries, to the orthodox faith.4
§ 3. Magnentius,5 a Gaul of British blood, who had
attained a high rank in the army of the Emperor
Constans, assumed the imperial crown at Autun (a.d.
350), caused his master to be put to death, and was
recognized in his stead by Britain, Gaul, and Spain.
In the sanguinary battle of Mursa he was vanquished
1 Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, vol. i. pp. 117-118 ; Stillingfleet,
Orig. Brit. ed. 1685, pp. 76, 77 ; Rees's Welsh Saints, p. 100; Whitaker,
History of Manchester, vol. i. book i. c. xi. § 4, p. 192.
2 Athanasius, M. H. B. p. xcv. ; Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. ed. 1685, pp.
90, 91 ; Bp. Burgess's Tracts, p. 137 ; Pantin's Church of England, p. 12.
3 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. ii. c. xviii. p. 77.
i Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. ed. 1685, pp. 91, 175, 176 ; Rees's Welsh
Saints, p. 101.
5 Zonaras, lib. xiii. c. vi. ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. ii.
c. xviii. pp. 89-100.

V.

58 HISTORY OF WALES.

4*

V.

chap, by the Emperor Constantius (a.d. 351), but escaping
into Gaul, and pursued by that sovereign's troops, he
turned fiercely upon them and won the battle of Pavia.
In a subsequent conflict at Mont Seleucus, finding de
fection among his troops, Magnentius fell upon his
sword and died (a.d. 353), having brought great misery
upon the three countries from which he had recklessly
exacted money and men. Paulus, a Eoman officer,
being sent into Britain by the Emperor Constantius to
institute inquiries, cruelly persecuted all persons who
were known or supposed to have favoured the cause of
Magnentius, and even Martinus,1 the propraetor, fell a
sacrifice to suspicion.
§ 4. The final division of the Eastern and Western
Empires 2 took place a.d. 364, Valentinian assigning to
his brother Valens the praefecture of the East, from the
Lower Danube to the boundaries of Persia, and reserv
ing for himself the praefectures of Blyricum, Italy, and
Gaul, the latter including Britain.
§ 5. During the two first centuries of Eoman occu
pation, vast multitudes of the Cymry and Lloegrwys
either fell sword in hand while desperately contending
for freedom, or were slaughtered after battle in cold
blood. When at last those tribes resigned themselves
to subjection, it became a part of each propraetor's
policy to diminish the number of inhabitants capable
of bearing arms, and so to weaken Britain as to augment
the strength of Eome.
The legions were regularly recruited from Britain,
even when the country was but partly conquered ; and
the levies of men increased, not only with the extent
of territorial subjection, but, from the days of Vitellius,
1 Amm. Marcel, lib. xiv. c. v. §§ 6, 7, 8, and 9.
2 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. ii. c. xxv. pp. 389, 400.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 59
with exigencies consequent upon the foreign and civil chap.

wars of the empire.
Many military cohorts and squadrons1 entirely com
posed of Cymry and Lloegrwys, were also reckoned
among the standing armies of Eome, and served in
Egypt, Armenia, Illyricum, Spain, Gaul, and other
lands, without a prospect of ever returning to their
homes : colonies in foreign countries affording the
usual provision for veterans after their term of service
as legionaries or auxiliaries.
During the long period of bloody strife which pre
ceded the fall of the Western Empire, Britain furnished
a fourth part of the Eoman armies, Gaul, Spain, and
Illyricum supplying the rest.
Besides all these enforced drains upon the mihtary
strength of the nation, much of its youthful blood was
spilt in defending the country against local assailants,
and still more was poured out wastefully by means of
voluntary enlistments in fighting the battles of ambitious
adventurers. § 6. a.d. 367. Britain having been ravaged by the
Picts and Saxons from the wall of Antoninus to the
British Channel, and two out of the three military
commanders of the island having been slain by the
invaders, the Emperor Valentinian at length found it
necessary to despatch the able Theodosius2 to the
rescue at the head of the Jovian and Victorian legions
and of the auxiliary Heruli and Batavi. In two cam- a.d. 368.
paigns this great strategist delivered the land from all
its rapacious enemies, gave the name of Valentia3 to
1 Sammes, Brit. Antiq. Ulus. p. 340 ; Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed.
1772, vol. i. p. 57.
2 Amm. Marcel, lib. xxvi. c. iv. § 5, and lib. xxvii. c. viii. ; Gibbon,
Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. ii. c. xxv. pp. 422-424.
3 Amm. Marcel, lib. xxviii. c. iii.

60 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the recovered district lying between the walls of Hadrian
. v" and Antoninus, firmly rebuilt and garrisoned the strong
holds of the outer barrier, and establishing Civilis as
propraetor and Dulcitius as military commander in
Britain, he departed thence to fight in other lands the
battles of his grateful sovereign.
The vigorous reign of the Emperor Valentinian ter
minated with his life1 a.d. 375, and he was succeeded
in the Western sovereignty by his two sons, Gratian,
aged 17, and Valentinian II.,2 aged four years.
Valens,3 emperor of the East, having been defeated
and slain by the Goths a.d. 379, his nephew, the
Emperor Gratian, invested Theodosius, son of the cele
brated general of that name, with the imperial purple,
with the title of Augustus, and with sovereign authority
over Thrace, Asia, Egypt, Dacia, and Macedonia.
§ 7. Clemens Maximus,4 a Celt of noble birth, and
probably a Cymro, had fought under Theodosius the
elder, and was distinguished in Britain as an able
officer. His wife was Elen, a daughter of Eudaf, and
sister of Cynan Meiriadog, a ruler of North Wales
(Gwynedd). Ambitious and popular, he was invested
by the civil and military authorities of Britain with
imperial power, a.d. 383. Not content with an island
empire, and resolved to prevent the opposition of
Gratian, Maximus assembled a vast army of native
Britons, prepared a fleet, and boldly advanced across
the Channel.
On his subsequent march, being joined by the Gallic
1 Amm. Marcel, lib. xxx. c. vi,
2 Ibid. c. x. s Ibid. c. xiii. §§ 12-16.
4 Zozimus, lib. iii. c. xix. xxxv., lib. iv. c. iii. ; Sozomen, lib. vii. c. xii. ;
Socrates, lib. v. c. xi. xiv. ; Saxon Chron. A, 381 ; Bede, lib. i. c. ix. ;
Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 93, 94, and 104.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 61
forces, he proceeded to attack the chief Emperor of the chap.
West in the city of Paris. Gratian fled from thence ^__^  .
with 300 cavalry, intending to seek aid from his brother
in Italy, but, persuaded by a treacherous local governor
to await imaginary succours, he fell near Lyons into
the hands of Andragathius, a general in the service of
Maximus, and was there remorselessly slain,1 a.d. 383.
Maximus immediately sent an ambassador to the Em
peror of the East, offering in dignified terms peace or
war. Constrained by circumstances, Theodosius signed
a treaty of peace, which embodied the condition that
Maximus should content himself with the provinces
lying beyond the Alps, and that Valentinian II. should
retain Italy, Western Blyricum, and Africa. Maximus
fixed his court at Treves, and there, professing to be
a Christian, he acquired the disgraceful notoriety of
being the first Christian sovereign ever known to have
shed the blood of his Christian subjects for holding
heretical opinions, a.d. 385. He taxed Britain heavily
for the maintenance of a formidable army, partly com
posed of Germans ; and his brother-in-law, Cynan, is
said to have led 60,000 of the Cymry and Lloegrwys to
his assistance.
Justly estimating the value of marine supremacy,
watchfully anxious for the welfare of Britain, and not
expecting either a disastrous change in his own pros
perous fortune, or the breaking up of the Western
Empire into its component regions, Maximus established
a strong colony2 of Cymric and Lloegrian Britons
among their brother Celts in Armorica. The legend of
1 Aurelius Victor, Epit. c. xlvii. and xlviii.
2 Gildas, § 14 ; Nennius, § 27 ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. ii.
c. xxvii. pp. 511-514 and 534-539.

62 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Ursula1 and her many thousand Virgins doubtless owes
.  ^ — • its origin to some casualty which befel the wives and
daughters of these colonists on their voyage from the
British to the Armorican shores.
Aspiring to the possession of the whole Western
Empire, Maximus (a.d. 387) led his forces into Italy,
and so craftily managed his march, that the young
Valentinian scarcely became aware of his approach
before he appeared in irresistible strength at the gates
of Milan. Maximus made his triumphal entrance into
that city, while Valentinian and his mother fled to
Aquileia. From thence they went to Istria, and em
barked for Thessalonica, to implore the protection of
the Emperor Theodosius, who had justly acquired the
surname of the Great. He, having diligently prepared
a powerful fleet, led in person a well-disciplined army
into Pannonia, where he encountered and defeated
Maximus, who fled with wonderful speed, and was pur
sued by Theodosius into the plains of Italy. Being
overtaken at Aquileia, he was beheaded by the soldiers
A.r>. 388. in the camp of the Emperor of the East. His son,
Victor Augustus, was also put to death, but four other
children of Maximus and Elen are recorded in the
Cymric genealogies.
Theodosius2 restored to Valentinian all the provinces
of which he had been deprived, and also gave him
possession of those which had belonged to Gratian.
Valentinian did not long retain them, being strangled
at the age of twenty (a.d. 392), by his general Abro-
gastes, who set up Eugenius as Emperor of the West.
§ 8. Theodosius, with his generals, Stilicho and
1 Geoffrey of Monmouth, book v. c. xv. xvi. ; Stillingfleet, Ori". Brit.
ed. 1685, book v. p. 291 ; Gibbon, vol. ii. note to p. 512.
2 Gibbon, vol. ii. c. xxvii. pp. 549-559.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 63
Timasius, marshalled a vast army of many nations and chap.
led it into Italy. The troops of Eugenius were skilfully . v- .
led by Abrogastes, but the Eastern host gained the vic
tory (a.d. 395), and for four subsequent months both
empires were united in the firm though dying hands of
Theodosius, who expired at Milan, committing to his
youngest son, Honorius, the sovereignty of the Western
Empire. While Alaric with his Goths was ravaging Italy, the
soldiers of the Western Empire were gradually recalled
to muster round Honorius at Eavenna. The British
walls and stations being consequently left ungarrisoned
afforded easy entrance to all marauders, A. d. 407.
The remaining Eoman soldiers, impatient of distant and
nominal sovereignty, elected their general, Marcus,1
emperor of Britain, but soon disgusted by his evident
unfitness for such dignified rank, they murdered him
and elected in his stead Gratian Municeps, a Eoman of
British birth. After a feeble reign of four months,
Gratian experienced the fate of his predecessor.
a.d. 407. They next elected a common soldier, a.d. 407.
merely because he chanced to bear the name of Con
stantine.2 This man possessed the ability, courage,
and resolution necessary for his new position. Enlisting
all the Cymry and Lloegrwys who were then capable of
bearing arms, and collecting together all the Eoman
soldiers then in Britain, he took them across the
Channel, landed at Boulogne, obtained recognition from
the cities of Gaul, and gained some military successes
against their German invaders. Having defeated the
army sent against him by Honorius, he turned his arms
1 Zozimus, lib. vi. c. ii. ; Sozomen, lib. ix. c. xi.
2 Olympiodorus, M. II. B. p. 75 Zozimus, lib. v. c. xliii. ; lib. vi.
c, i.-vi.

64 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, against Spain, obtained the general recognition of his
.  Z— ' authority in that country, and reigned as emperor from
the Friths of Alban to the Pillars of Hercules, A.D. 408.
An imperial missive, addressed by Honorius to the
cities of Britain, virtually resigned possession of the
island and commended its defence to the care of the
native inhabitants, a.d. 409. Without waiting, how
ever, for imperial consent,1 the native kings, having
experienced the helplessness of Honorius and the neg
lect of Constantine, reasserted their independence, and
prepared to defend the country against its foes.
§ 9. The Eomans, while for the maintenance of
their own supremacy, depriving the British kings of
the power of peace and war, and of assembhng
national councils, had suffered them locally to exercise
the other functions of royalty. With elastic facility,
therefore, those kings resumed their ancient places in
the commonwealth.2
The Eomans also, while curtailing the political and
judicial power of the Druids,3 had permitted their
existence as a class ; and its remaining priests, bards,
and disciples still followed, under supervision, but
without molestation, their several vocations.
The prevalence of Christianity gradually dissolved
the Druidical class. The discipline of the disciples
became obsolete, and the knowledge of nature and art
having been thrown open by social changes to the
public, their occupation was virtually abolished, while
nominally retained as appendant to the functions of
the Bards, who still retained, as genealogists, heralds,
1 Zozimus, lib. vi. c. vi. x. ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. iii. c. xxxi.
pp. 162-167.
2 Palgrave, Rise and Progress, ed. 1832, part. i. c. xi.
3 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. i. c. ii. p. 34.

THE CYMRY AND THE ROMANS. 65
poets, and musicians, a powerful, although an altered chap.
place in the social system of the Britons. Among the . — r! — ,
Bards, patriotic feeling remained always warm and true,
but it continued for many centuries to be intermingled
with an alloy of sentimental fondness for the old Druid
ical superstitions.
At this aera of liberty there existed in Britain1
ninety-two towns, of which thirty-three were important
cities (comprising two municipia, nine colonies, ten
Latii jure donatae, and twelve stipendiariae), each of
which possessed a legal corporation, annual magis
trates, a select senate, and an assembly of the people,
forming a miniature republic for its own internal
government. The number of bishops in the Ancient British
Church has been estimated at between thirty and
forty. These, with the magistrates and the native
kings, sat in council upon all affairs which concerned
the general welfare.
One of the earliest acts of these combined authorities, a.d. 409.
was the election of the eldest surviving son of the
Emperor Maximus and of Elen his wife, to be Pend-
ragon of Britain.2 Owain ab Maxim has left to pos
terity the fame of a beneficent and valiant monarch.
By him the payment of imperial tribute was finally
abolished, he repulsed the irruptions of the North
ern Britons, and zealously promoted the diffusion of
Christianity. Meanwhile, however, and for a few years afterwards,
the island continued to form a nominal part of the
1 Nennius, § 7 ; Bede, Eccl. Hist, book i. o. xxii. ; Whitaker's History
of Manchester, vol. ii. p. 294 ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. iii. p. 163 ;
Wright's Ruins of Uriconium, ed. 1864, pp. 13-47.
2 Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 107, 108 ; Palgrave, Rise and Progress of
the English Commonwealth, part i. c, xi. p. 384.

66 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, dominions of the new Emperor Constantine, who kept
•  ^  • his court at Aries in Gaul, while his son Constans
ruled in Spain as Caesar, both being upheld by the
skill, valour, and sagacity of Count Gerontius1 (Geraint).
This ferocious Cymro, having been injured and af
fronted by those who owed to him their power, re
volted against Constantine, slew Constans, and set up
a kinsman of his own, named Maximus, as empe
ror. Driven finally to desperation by a mutiny of his
foreign soldiers upon the confines of Spain, and being
besieged by them, suddenly, at the dead of night, in
his own house, where he had with him only a few
domestic slaves, one faithful friend, and a devoted
wife, Gerontius so manfully defended himself, that
with their aid, and a good supply of darts and arrows,
he slew three hundred of his assailants. When morning
came, and all his missiles were spent, the slaves fled,
and, at the request of his friend and wife, he cut off
their heads, soon closing the tragic scene by sheathing
a dagger in his own heart. Constantine, his son
Julian, and the new Maximus, subsequently fell into
the hands of the soldiers of Honorius, and were one
after another put to death, a.d. 411.
1 Zozimus, lib. vi. c. i.-vi. ; Orosius, lib. vii. c. xiii. ; Amm. Marcel.
lib. xiv. c. v. § 1 ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. iii. c. xxxi. pp. 150,
161.

67

CHAPTEE VI.
THE CYMRY IN THE FIFTH CENTURY.

HOPE.
That generous, buoyant spirit is a power
Which in the virtuous mind doth all things conquer,
It bears the hero on to arduous deeds,
It lifts the saint to heaven.
Joanna Baillie : The Beacon, act ii. scene iii.

§ 1. The progeny of Cogidunus, and the inhabitants chap.
of the cities first founded and peopled by the Eomans, ,  ,_:_
retained a lingering inclination for dependence upon
Eome, Britain was their birthplace, but they formed
a mere faction there, and their groans for casual
assistance, rightly interpreted, expressed an habitual
desire for the renewed residence of powerful pro
tectors, whose presence might restore to that faction
their former predominance over the primaeval race.
In the course of this century, many families of Eoman
settlers hid their treasures in the earth,1 and migrated
to Gaul, carrying with them their most portable
wealth. Communications having been re-opened with the
capital of the Western Empire, the temporary2 assist
ance of a Eoman legion was on two different occasions
received by the Britons, a.d. 416 and 418. At a
1 Saxon Chronicle, a.d. 418. 2 Bede, book i, c. xii.
r 2

68 HISTORY OF WALES.
still later date (a.d. 472) the Britons sent an1 army of
12,000 men, at the request of the Emperor Anthemius,
to the assistance of his friends in Gaul. This army
was led by a king of Britain called Eiothamus.
§ 2. Besides the free tribes of Alban, who from
generation to generation burst through all barriers, to
despoil land more fertile than their own ; and besides
the rovers from the Baltic and the Elbe, who con
tinued with emulative audacity to assail various parts
of the coast, the western side of the island had of late
been violently attacked by2 Scottish clans direct from
the Irish shores. These Gwyddyl Ffichti, arriving at a
period when the population was reduced by the loss of
men supplied to various emperors, contrived gradually
to possess themselves of nearly the whole land of the
Ordovices (Gwynedd) and of the Demetae, including
the districts now known as the counties of Caerdigan,
Pembroke, and Caermarthen.
Gerontius (Geraint) and the ablest British leaders
had perished while serving ambitious purposes abroad,
and local chiefs were needed to deliver Cymru from
oppressors, when Cunedda3 Wledig, a king of the
Northern Cymry, having been driven from his home
by hostile invaders, sought refuge in the south with his
maternal kindred of the tribe of Coel Godebog. His
numerous sons succeeded in expelling the Gwyddyl
Ffichti from the greater part of the territories of
a.d.^ which they had possessed themselves, and the names
of the deliverers may yet be traced in those of the

1 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. iii. c. xxxvi. pp. 323, 324.
2 Nennius, § 14; Gibbon, vol. iii. p. 83, note ; Herbert, Britannia after
the Romans, introd. pp. lx. lxi. ; Rees's Welsh Saints, p. 109 ; Skene's-
Four Ancient Books of Wales, c. iv. pp. 43-45.
3 Nennius, §§ 14, 62.

420-430.

THE CYMRY IN THE FIFTH CENTURY. 69
districts with which their valour was rewarded1; that chap.
of Ceredig in Ceredigion, Arwystl in Arwystli, Dunod in .  ,_'__
Dunodig, Edeyrn in Edeyrnion, Mael in Dinmael, Coel
in Coleion, Dogfael in Dogfeilin, Ehufon in Ehufoniog,
Einion in Caereinion, and Oswal in Osweilku
The Gwyddyl Ffichti were finally expelled from
Gwynedd, or reduced to slavery there, by Caswallawn 2
ab Einion ab Cunedda, who slew their chief, Serigi, with
his own hand, at a place still known as Cerig y Gwyd^
dyl, in Mona. Caswallawn, whose surname was Law
Hir, founded and endowed a church over the grave
of the Irish warrior, which is yet remembered as
Eglwys y Bedd, or Llan y Gwyddl. He built a palace
for himself near Llanelian, and commenced in the year
of his victory (443) a long and prosperous reign over
the kingdom of Gwynedd.
§ 3. That part of the present county of Brecknock
which lies southward of the Eppynt range of hills was
known at an early period as Garthmadryn. While the
Eomans still occupied Britain, Tewdrig,3 king of Mor-
ganwg, reigned also over that district. In opposing a
subsequent invasion of the Gwyddyl Ffichti, he was
slain at the moment of victory, and buried on the spot,
subsequently marked by the erection of the church
called Merthyr Tewdrig, near Chepstow. Meurig. his
son, inherited the kingdom of Morganwg, and his
daughter, Marchell,4 having married an Irish prince,
her sou, Brychan, derived from his maternal grandfather
the territory of Garthmadryn.
Brychan was a pious man, and he had his numerous
1 Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 109, 110.
2 Williams, Enwogion Cymru, p. 69.
3 Liber Llandavensis, Welsh MSS. Society, pp. 383-385, and 621.
* Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 112, 113.

70 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, sons, daughters, and grandchildren, carefully instructed
. V' ¦ in all the learning and liberal arts of the time, with
the intention that they should make themselves useful
as Christian instructors of the Cymry. This purpose,
both by precept and example, they admirably fulfilled.
Most of their names are enrolled among those of the
Cymric saints, and more than fifty churches owe their
foundation to this holy family. Patron saints in those
days were unknown there, and the name of the holy
man who hallowed the intended site of a sacred edifice
by his vigils and prayers was ever afterwards assigned
to that church and its parochial district.
From Brychan, the name of Brycheiniog became
associated with Garthmadryn, and with the present
county of Brecknock.
§ 4. It is supposed that Pelagius 1 was born and
educated in Cymru, and that his true name was
Morgan. The purity of his morals and his bold re
proof of the vices of the Italian clergy, procured for
this ambitious monk so much personal respect, that his
erroneous doctrines found ready reception and extensive
diffusion. He denied original sin, and asserted the un
assisted sufficiency of man to work out his own sal
vation. St. Augustine ably exposed the falsehood of
these opinions : they were condemned by Zozimus,
bishop of Eome (a.d. 418), and by the Council of
Carthage ; and Pelagius was banished from Eome by
an edict of the Emperor Honorius.
In a.d. 429, the orthodox bishops of Britain sent
a deputation to their brethren in Armorica, en
treating the immediate presence of some able contro-
'^^l ^Sh Cy°l Biography, vol. iv. r. 718; Maclaine's
Mosheims Eccl. Hist. ed. 1838, vol. i. pp. 256, 257; Waddington's
Church History, c. xi. § 4. 6

THE CYMRY IN THE FIFTH CENTURY. 71
versialists to assist in suppressing the Pelagian heresy, chap.
Gannon1 (Germanus), bishop of Auxerre, and Bleiddian .  A  -
(Lupus), bishop of Troyes, arrived accordingly, and
executed their mission with success. During their
stay it happened that Garmon, while engaged in the
fast of forty days which always preceded the founda
tion of a new church, and was usually coincident with
the season of Lent, found himself in the neighbourhood
of hostile armies. At Easter, the British warriors came
to him to be baptized within a booth erected upon the
site of the present Llanarmon yn Ial ; and, under an
extraordinary impulse of zeal, he is said to have led
them forth against their invading foes, whom they
threw into flight and utter consternation by shouting
three times ' Alleluia' ! Maesgarmon, near Mold in
Flintshire, is the reputed scene of this victory.
Garmon came a second time to Britain, accom- a.d. 447.
panied by Severus, bishop of Triers. Several Welsh
churches still bear his name, and the respective names
of his associates ; and from the period of his first
visit may probably be traced the origin in Wales of
regular parochial ministrations, and the introduction
of the Gallic2 liturgy.
§ 5. In three Eoman provinces of Britain, the re
spective metropolitan cities 3 were the sites of cathedral
churches. Each of these was entrusted to a bishop,
who had under him suffragan bishops, presbyters, and
deacons. They lived together in communities, and he
sent them forth regularly to minister in certain districts,
1 Nennius, § 32 ; Bede, Eccl. Hist. c. xvii.-xxi. ; Stillingfleet, Orig.
Brit. ed. 1685, c. iv. pp. 189-194; Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 119-126.
2 Stillingfleet, Orig. Brit. ed. 1685, book iv. pp. 216-237.
3 Cave, Primitive Christianity, ed. 1840, c. viii. pp. 107-109; Gibson's
Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, vol. i. p. 117; Whitaker's History of Man
chester, vol. i. book i. c. xi. § 4, p. 192.

72 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, and occasionally to itinerate throughout the political
- V" _ province over which his ecclesiastical care extended.
All endowments and contributions belonged to his
cathedral or mother church, and the bishop used them1
for the maintenance of the clergy, the education of
clerical candidates, the relief of the poor, and all other
incidental expenses. Previous to the Council of Nice
(a.d. 325) the title of archbishop did not exist. It sub
sequently became in certain cases a descriptive desig
nation2 of a bishop holding control and supervision
over other bishops of endowed sees. The local British
kings, in order to obtain the benefit of clerical residence
upon their territories, built churches in their capitals,
and permanently endowed them with lands. These
churches, being severally held by bishops, became new
centres of Christian instruction, rather resembling the
large rectories than the bishoprics of the nineteenth
century. Early in the fifth century, Cyrnru (Wales) had only
one episcopal see,3 that of Caerleon upon Usk, and the
circuit of its diocese and ecclesiastical jurisdiction was
co-extensive with the Eoman province of Britannia
Secunda. The bishop of this see had many suffragans
(chorepiscopi) who had no fixed seats of authority, and
no revenues, but to their pastoral care the metropolitan
committed certain districts, each of which usually com
prehended a local kingdom, and through its territories a
suffragan, with attendant presbyters, itinerated, preach
ing, teaching, praying, and administering rites and sa-
( 1 .Caxe, Primitive Christianity, ed. 1840, c. vi. p. 74: Stephen's New
Comm. ed. 3, 1853, vol. iii. p. 19.
JLCaye, Dissertation on Ancient Church Government, ed. 1840, c. ii.
§ 7, p 392 ; Palgrave, Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth,
ed. 1832, part. i. c. v. pp. 152-154.
3 Rees's Welsh Saints, p. 175.

THE CYMRY IN THE FIFTH CENTURY. 73
cfaments, besides visiting often from house to house, chap.
. VI
Such were Tudwal of Arfon, Cynan of Llangynin, Gis- - — A—. .
tlianus of Mynyw (Menevia), Pawl Hen of Ty Gwyn,
and the earliest bishops of Llandaff.
§ 6. An old Cymric tradition asserts that Padrig ab
Mawon,1 a native of Gwyr, in Morganwg, being a
teacher of theology in the college of Caerworgan, was
carried off by a band of Hibernian rovers, about the
year 440, and became the zealous and successful mis^
sionary of the Christian faith to the Irish nation. This
tradition may possibly be reconciled with the few facts
which St. Patrick has related of his own life.
Dyfrig2 (Dubricius), the most eminent of the grand
sons of Brychan, was born at Mochros (Moccas), on
the banks of the Wye. After a course of preliminary
-studies, he entered upon the office of a Christian minis
ter, and, about the year 470, was appointed suffragan
bishop of Llandaff by the Archbishop of Caerleon. The
local king, Meurig ab Tewdrig, being deeply impressed
by the saintly character and pious teaching of Dyfrig,
endowed3 the bishopric with churches and lands, and
rendered it a permanent see with an ecclesiastical
diocese. That diocese comprised Gwent and Morganwg :
Morganwg consisting of the present county of Glamor
gan, Gwent4 comprehending the whole of the present
county of Monmouth, with parts of the counties of
Hereford, Brecon, and Gloucester. Llandaff was the
capital of this kingdom and the seat of episcopal as
well as of civil government.
The archbishopric of Caerleon had its supreme
cathedral church within these limits, much as Canter
bury now stands encompassed by, yet apart from, the
1 Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 128, 129. 2 Ibid. pp. 170-193.
3 Ibid. p. 184. " Herbert, Brit, after the Romans, p. 228.

74 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, diocese of Eochester. The site of Caerleon, with its
<¦- ^'-- precincts, having been taken out of the territories of
an ancient British king, and occupied by a Eoman
colony, became, under imperial rulers, the capital of
the province of Britannia Secunda, and the seat of its
military, civil, and ecclesiastical government.
On the restoration of national independence, Caerleon
retained its corporate 1 privileges, and remained the
ecclesiastical metropolis of the province which had been.
politically dissolved.
On the death of Tremorinus (Trefor) the archbishop,
in 490, Dyfrig was appointed by the Pendragon to
succeed him. Love for the members of his old pastoral
charge, a preference for rural congregations, and a
political bias towards the unmixed Cymric race, may
account for the facts that Dyfrig, archbishop of Caer
leon, continued to reside at Llandaff, and retained full
possession of that see.
He founded the colleges of Henllan and of Mochros
on the Wye, a college at Caerleon upon the Usk, and
the colleges of Llancarfan and Caerworgan in Mor
ganwg. Each of these institutions afforded also an
asylum for the aged, and a school for the young.
The first principal of Llancarfan was Dyfrig's beloved
friend, Cattwg, a sage of royal birth, who renounced
the inheritance of a kingdom for the sake of studious
leisure. A large collection2 of philosophical axioms,
practical maxims, and other compositions, traditionally
imputed to him, justifies the surname of Ddoeth (the
Wise). Many churches in Gwent and Morganwg
commemorate him.
1 Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, p. 678.
2 Myrv. Arch. vol. iii. pp. 199, 283; Selections from the Iolo MSS.
Welsh MS. Society, pp. 560-575.

THE CYMRY IN THE FIFTH CENTURY. 75
The first principal of Caerworgan was Ultyd, an chap.
Armorican, from whom the place acquired the secon- . — y — -
dary name of Cor-Illtyd. Its site is now known as
Llanilltyd Fawr, or Llantwit Major. Churches in
Demetia, Morganwg, and Gwent commemorate him,
and also chapels in Brycheiniog and Merionydd. Ul
tyd was a practical agriculturist, and his countrymen
owed to him an improved method of ploughing, which
superseded the use of the mattock and the over-tread
ing plough (aradr arsang).
One of Illtyd's most celebrated pupils was Pawl
Esgob (Paulinus), who afterwards founded a similar
college in Caerfyrddin, called Ty-gwyn ar Daf. He
presided over it himself, and having studied the Holy
Scriptures with peculiar assiduity, rendered it pre
eminent as a place of theological instruction. Several
churches in Deheubarth (South Wales) perpetuate his
name. Gynyr, lord of Penbidiog, the father of Gistlianus,
suffragan of Mynyw, bestowed all his lands as an
endowment upon that bishopric, and rendered it a
permanent see. Non, the daughter of Gynyr, married
Sandde, a prince of Cunedda's race, and had a son
mamed Dewi,1 whose extraordinary abilities well de
served the careful culture devoted to them by his
exemplary mother and by his kinsmen. He was
educated in the college of Ultyd, under that holy man's
personal instruction. Having taken orders as a pres
byter, Dewi (David) removed from Caerworgan to
Tygwyn ar Daf, where he spent several years in study
ing the Scriptures under the guidance of Pawl Hen.
Thence he withdrew into the Vale of Ewias, where he
reared a chapel and cell upon the site now occupied by
1 Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 193-202.

76 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the ruins of Llantony Abbey, and, in utter seclusion,
¦ — ^1— sought by meditation and prayer to prepare himself
for the arduous and responsible duties of the Christian
ministry. Tradition tells1 that he led there an ascetic
life of unusual rigour, drinking only the water of the
river Honddu, and eating only the leeks of the moun
tain pastures (Allium schcenoprasum). Eeturning from
the solitudes of the Mynydd Du to Mynyw, his native
place, he founded a college there, and applied himself
with indefatigable zeal to the worthy fulfilment of his
episcopal functions.
Earnestly directing his own course towards heaven,
he strove continually, by every persuasive act and
skilful argument, to lead thither rich and poor, high
and low, friend and stranger.
§ 7. Vortigern2 (Gwrtheyrn Gwrthenau) a Cymric
king, whose hereditary dominions lay along the vale of
the river Wye, was elected Gwledig, or Pendragon;
about the year 448.
The Britons had recently been afflicted with pesti
lence, when the predatory tribes of Alban made a
formidable incursion, and sufficient forces could not be
raised to repel them. Vortigern, in this grievous
emergency, summoned the great national council, being
afraid to exercise his full powers in a case which
involved unusual responsibility. The unanimous voices
of the assembly (application to Eome having failed),
authorised the Pendragon to call in the assistance of
the Teutonic rovers. Hengist and his brother Horsa,
with three tribes of Jutes and Angles, were consequently
1 Drayton, Polyolbion.
2 Gildas, § 23; Nennius, §§ 31, 36,38, 45-49; Bede, Kb. i. c. xiv. xv.j
Saxon Chron. A. 449 ; Ethelwerd's Chronicle, book i. ; Gibbon, Decline
and Fall, vol. iii. c. xxxviii. pp. 422-437,

THE CYMRY IN THE FIFTH CENTURY. 77
invited, and they landed in the Isle of Thanet, a.d 449. chap.
Vortigern, having with their help beaten back all .  f-^-
assailants, assigned to his new auxiliaries good quarters
in Thanet, and promised, in return for continued mili
tary services, that they should receive regular supplies
of provisions in proportion to their number. Tempted
by the alluring reports of these adventurers, fresh
tribes of Angles soon poured in, and on the plea of in
sufficient remuneration, Hengist and Horsa led forth
their host to plunder and devastate the neighbouring
country. They soon afterwards formed an alliance with the
predatory tribes of Alban, and with the Gwyddyl
Ffichti (Irish Picts), and set the Pendragon and his
Britons at defiance. Mustering the forces of the mon
archy, Vortigern met his enemies bravely in battle, the
Teutonic tribes were defeated, and Horsa was slain,1
a.d. 455. In the following year the Britons lost a
battle, and in 457 the Jutes, carrying havoc and con
flagration wherever they trod, possessed themselves of
the whole south-eastern district, which became, under
Hengist's control, the kingdom of Kent. A series of
battles followed with interchangeable success. In them
Vortimer, the son of Vortigern, greatly distinguished
¦himself. The unhappy Vortigern had now to endure not only
the disappointment of sanguine expectations, the open
enmity of ferocious pagans, and the factious hostility of
his Eomanized subjects, but also the bitter reproaches
of his own patriotic adherents. Under these compli
cated troubles, he appears to have died broken-hearted,
a.d. 464. Calumny and contempt have been heaped
upon his memory. 1 Saxon Chron. A. 455.

78 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. § 8. Aurelius Ambrosius1 (Emrys Wledig), an expert
- ^L . commander, of British birth and Eoman ancestry, was
the next Pendragon of the Britons ; and his prudence
and valour served for a time to check the progress of
the Teutonic invasion.
In the year 477, Saxon tribes,2 led by Ella and his
three sons, effected a landing upon the western part of
the coast belonging to the Eegni, and gradually estab
lished the kingdom of the South Saxons (Sussex), a.d.
477-490. In the year 495, fresh tribes of Saxons, led by Cerdic
and his son Cynric, arrived upon the coast belonging
to the Eegni opposite to Ynys Gwydd (the Isle of
Wight), probably at Southampton.
§ 9. Around the magnanimous Arthur,3 monkish
legends and chivalrous fictions have cast an illusive
brilliancy, which obscures the glimmering light of
truthful history. Time, place, and circumstance concur
in giving probability to the conjecture that he was the
son and successor of Meurig ab Tewdrig, king of Gwent
and Morganwg ; and the testimony of Nennius, with
the collateral evidence drawn from the poems of con-
temporary Bards, establishes the fact that King Arthur
repeatedly encountered and worsted the Teutonic
invaders. In the early part of his career he appears to
1 • Gildas, § 25 ; Nennius, § § 31, 48 ; Bede, book i. c. xvi. ; William of
Malmesbury, Bohn's ed. book i. c. i. p. 11.
2 Saxon Chronicle.
3 Nennius, § 50 ; Geoffrey of Monmouth, book viii. c. xxiv. book ix.
c. i.-xx. book x. c. i.-xiii. book xi. c. i. ii. ; William of Malmesbury,
Bohn's ed. book i. c. i. and book iii. a.d. 1087 ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall,
ed. 1846, vol. iii. c. xxxviii. pp. 429, 430 ; Palgrave, Rise and Progress,
part i. c. xii. ; Turner, Hist. Ang. Sax. ed. 1828, vol. i. book iii. c. iii. pp.
285-297 ; R. Price's Preliminary Essay prefixed to Warton's History of
English Poetry ; Schultz's Origin of Romantic Fiction; Bacon's History
of the Reign of King Henry VII. ; Skene's Four Ancient Books of
Wales, vol. i. c. iv. pp. 50-60.

THE CYMRY IN THE FIFLTI CENTURY. 79
have acted under the Pendragon1 Ambrosius,2 whose chap.
death is usually assigned to the year 500. ._ Y}y.
Uthyr Pendragon appears to have been a warlike ap
pellation,3 and might have belonged either to Natanleod4
or to Meurig. The hero who bore it is introduced by
the chroniclers of legendary fiction6 as the brother and
successor of Aurelius Ambrosius (Emrys Wledig). To
the reigns of Vortigern and Ambrosius belong the
legendary life and predictions6 of Merddin, commonly
known by the name of Merlin the Enchanter.
1 Emmrys Gwledig.
2 Nennius, § 48 ; Bede, book i. c. xvi.
3 Milton, Hist, of Britain, Bohn's ed. book iii. p. 256 ; Williams of
Nantmel, Dissert, on Pelagian Heresy, part i. p. 25, note t i Herbert,
Brit, after the Romans, c. v. pp. 141-171.
4 Saxon Chron. A. 508 ; Ethelwerd's Chron. A. 508.
5 Geoffrey of Monmouth, book viii. c. 15.
6 Nennius, §§ 40-42; Geoffrey of Monmouth, book vii.; Spenser's
Faerie Queen, book iii.

80

vn.
A.D. 500

CHAPTEE VH.
THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS.
FROM THE ELECTION OF KING AltTHUH TO THE DEATH OF MAELGWN
GWYNEDD, A.D. 500-566.

Never, for lucre or laurels,
Or custom, though such should be rife,
Adapting the smaller morals
To measure the larger life.
Mks. Barrett Browning : No. III. in Italy, XVIII.

chap. § 1. On the death of Aurelius1 Ambrosius, King
Arthur was elected Pendragon. No historic proof exists
that he was crowned at Caerleon,2 by Archbishop
Dyfrig, or that he held his court there ; but the
assertion accords with known facts, and the inference
is natural that the Pendragon would rejoice in an
opportunity of exhibiting his monarchical state, and
exercising his supreme authority in a place which had
been so long and so completely withdrawn from his
own royal heritage.
In the year 501, Port and his sons,3 conduct
ing Saxon re-inforcements, arrived on the coast of
the Eegni, and entered the harbour now called '
1 William of Malmesbury, book i. c. i. and book iii. a.d. 1087;
Geoffrey of Monmouth, book ix. c. xiii. ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall,
vol. iii. c. xxxviii. pp. 429-430.
2 Giraldus, Itin. book i. c. v.; Churchyard, Worthiness of Wales,
pp. 22-30.
3 Saxon Chron. ; Ethelwerd's Chron.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 81
Portsmouth. Their landing was fiercely opposed by chap.
British forces commanded by King Arthur. Llywarch . — ,.!_.
Hen,' an eyewitness, has recorded in an elegy, still ex
tant, the valour of the princely Geraint ab Erbyn of
Dyfhant (Devon), who fell at Llongborth (Portsmouth)
amid fearful slaughter. The result of the conflict is
not clearly told either by the Cymric Bard or the
Saxon chroniclers, but certainly the aggressors suc
ceeded in landing.
In 508, Cerdic and his son Cynric, leading forth
their army, were encountered by British forces, of
which they slew Natan-leod the king and 5000 men.
In 514, Stref and Whitgar, the nephews of Cynric,
accompanied by fresh Saxon tribes, arrived at the
same point at which their uncle had landed nineteen
years before. A British force opposed them, but was
put to flight.
In 519, Cerdic and Cynric, twenty-four years after
their arrival, gained secure possession of the adjacent
coast, and established upon a small scale the kingdom
of Wessex. In the same year, attempting to enlarge
its boundaries, they sustained a defeat from the British
forces, which constrained them to be quiet for eight
years. § 2. About the year 516, Padarn2 and other Ar-
morican emigrants, fleeing from the Franks, found a
hospitable reception in Cmyru. Padarn, by his local
influence, established the episcopal see of Llanbadarn ;
and many parochial churches, still bearing his name,
help to define the limits of that diocese, which bor
dered to the southward upon that of Menevia, and
1 LiterarysKemains of the Rev. Thomas Price, vol. i. pp. 133-138 ;
Palgrave, Rise and Progress, part i. c. xii. p. 402, note ; Turner, History
of the Anglo-Saxons, ed. 1836, vol. i. book iii. c. iii. pp. 281-291.
2 Eees'sWelsh Saints, pp. 215-217. .;-.'¦''' " ..
'" G V

82 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, probably included towards the north the greater part
¦  ,-1— of Powys.
The watchful Archbishop Dyfrig, alarmed at detec
ting heretical teachers among his clergy, summoned a
synod of his bishops and presbyters in the year 519.
They met by Teivy's side in Ceredigion, at a place
since known by the name of Llanddewi Brefi1; but
although Pawl Hen and many other learned, pious,
and orthodox men stood forth in defence of the true
faith, their Pelagian adversaries had the advantage in
persuasive eloquence. In this emergency, at the
suggestion of Pawl Hen, special messengers were
despatched to Bishop Dewi.
Occupied with his unobtrusive daily work, and
anxious rather to promote the life of faith than to
display his skill in ' controversy, that bishop excused
himself from attendance ; but at last, convinced of the
urgent necessity of the case, he accompanied the
venerable men, who came to fetch him, to the scene of
action. There the influence of his saintly and benefi
cent character, his learning, his acute intelligence, and
his apt and winning words, produced the desired effect
upon the synod. The Pelagian tenets were unani
mously condemned, and canons were enacted against
them. Before the dissolution of the synod, the aged and
weary Archbishop Dyfrig (Dubricius) formally re
signed all his ecclesiastical offices, and recommended
Dewi as his successor in the primacy. The acclaiming
voices of all present approved the choice, the Pen
dragon, and probably the national convention, ratified
it, and Caerleon received in Dewi the most illustrious
of Cymric prelates.
1 Williams of Nantmel, Dissert, on the Pelagian Heresy; Lewis's
Topographical Dictionary of Wales, ed. 1838, vol. ii.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 83
Keluctantly accepting the archbishopric of Caerleon, chap.
he retained nevertheless the bishopric of Mynyw1 . — y^
(Menevia), a place called by the Eomans Menapia, from
the name of its inhabitants.
The pious Dyfrig (St. Dubricius) retired at once to
Ynys Enlli (the Isle of Bardsey), where he passed the
remnant of his days, and died about a.d. 522. Teilo,2
a scion of Cunedda's race, a fellow-student with Dewi
under Pawl Hen, and the principal of a college at
Llandaff called Bangor Deilo, succeeded Dyfrig in that
bishopric, and distinguished himself by his pastoral
diligence. With the consent of the British monarch, Dewi3
removed the seat of the primacy to Mynyw. Many
reasons may be suggested for this change, besides the
natural preference of his rural birthplace to a bustling
city. A hundred years had effectually dissolved
Eoman combinations, and faded the memories of
Eoman habitudes. Caerleon remained a mere cor
porate city, and the ecclesiastical province which
ostensibly adhered to it, was really held together only
by the grasp of strong personal influence.
An archbishop failing to be a missionary to the
people and an oracle to their kings, must soon find
his primacy extinct, and his diocese co-extensive with
the precincts of its ancient metropolis. The westward
looming of the ruthless Teutonic invaders, and many
frightful instances of their desecrating fury, must also
have indicated to a sagacious and foreseeing mind,
the liability of Caerleon to suffer from their incursions.
' William of Malmesbury, book i. c. ii.
a Williams, Enwogion Cymru, pp. 480-481 ; Rees's Welsh Saints*
pp. 242-246, and 250, 251.
3 Giraldus, Itin. book ii. c. i. a 2

g4 HISTORY OF WALES.
.chap. § 3. About the year 527, the ancient realms of the
. YfL„. Iceni became the kingdom of East Anglia ; including
probably the colony introduced by Carausius.
Nearly at the same date, a body of Saxons founded
the kingdom of Essex ; which in after years gradually
extended over what is now Middlesex, and part of
Hertfordshire. a. d. 527. Cerdic and Cynric resuming their offen
sive operations, King Arthur gathered together the
kings and nobles, with all the military forces of
Britain, and led them yet once more against the
Saxons. The hostile armies met at Badon Hill,1
otherwise called Cerdic's Lea (near Bath),2 and the
Saxons were defeated with great slaughter. This
victory was followed by the longest pause which
occurred in the slow progress of this great invasion.
§ 4. a.d. 529. Archbishop Dewi convoked a synod
of bishops, suffragans, and presbyters at Caerleon, in
which the canons of Llanddewi Brefi were confirmed,
and new regulations enacted for the improvement of
church government. The perfect extinction of the
Pelagian heresy among the Cymric clergy in this as
sembly obtained for it the title of ' The Synod of
Victory.' Excepting the fierce conflicts attendant upon the sub
jugation (a.d. 530) of Vectis (the Isle of Wight), which
already lay within the sanguinary grasp of the invaders,
1 Gildas, § 26 ; Nennius, § 50 ; Bede, book i. c. xvi. xxii. ; Saxon
Chronicle, A. 527 ; Ethelwerd's Chronicle, A. 527; Annales Cambrise,
A. 516 ; Florence of Worcester, A. 527; Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772,
vol. i. p. 188; Sammes, Brit. Antiq. Illus. p. 404; Milton, Hist, of
Britain, Bohn's ed. book iii. p. 260 ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. iii.
c. xxxviii.; pp. 427-429; Palgrave, Rise and Progress, part i. c. xii.;
Turner, Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. book iii. c. iii. pp. 282, 283.. .
2 Lansdown.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 85
the "battle of Badon Hill was the last ever fought by chap.
Cerdic. That bold adventurer died a.d. 534, and left . . V*L . ,
to Cynric, his son, the kingdom of the West Saxons.
Checked by the prowess of King Arthur, the Teutonic
tribes troubled him no more, and the country rested
from warfare until his rebellious kinsman, Medrod,
heading the faction of Eomanized Britons, brought a
hostile army into the field of Camlan, where Medrod
was slain in battle, and King Arthur received a mortal
wound,1 of which he died soon afterwards at Afallon2
(Glastonbury), about a.d. 542. 3
Previous to the Eoman invasion, the office of Pendra
gon4 had been only occasional : during the occupation
of Britain by the Eomans, the natives had become
familiarized with elective and hereditary emperors :
after the departure of the Eomans, ever-recurring in
vasions, combined with the revival from abeyance of
ancient usage, and with the effect of recent habit to
establish a regular series of kings paramount, whose rule
was rather a continuation of imperial power5 than a
modification of dictatorial authority, although partaking
of both.
§ 5. An ancient college at Bangor Iscoed,6 in Maelor,
was changed into a monastery during the reign of
Cyngen ab Cadell, king of Powys, who liberally en
dowed it. The community rapidly increased in num
ber, and at last comprised no less than 2,100 men,
who were associated in bands of 300, each band being
1 Annales Cambria?, 537.
2 Geoffrey of Monmouth, book xi. c. ii.
3 Rees's Welsh Saint's, p. 200.
4 Csesar, De Bel. Gal. lib. v. c. 9 ; Tacitus, Agric. c. xxvii. ; Ann.
lib. xii. c. xxxvii.
5 Palgrave, Rise and Progress, part i. c. xviii. p. 568 ; Herbert, Brit,
after the Romans, vol. i. c. v. p. 141.
6 Bede, book ii. cii. ; Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, vol. i. p. 480,

86 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, under a several ruler, though subject to one president,
wV"_, and all of them maintained by the labour of their own
hands. The princely Dunawd, once a renowned war
rior, was at their head, and most of these studious and
industrious recluses were noble or clerical British
fugitives. About the period a.d. 500-542, bands of the Gwyd
dyl Ffichti, having invaded Brycheiniog, were forcibly
expelled by the renowned Caradog Ffraichfras,1 whose
mother was the saintly Gwen of Talgarth, grand
daughter of Brychan, and whose father was Llyr Merini,
a Cornish prince.
Still more illustrious was Urien2 Eheged, a Cymro
of North Britain, who, spending his youth as an emi
grant in Demetia, led the forces of that extensive region
against the rebellious interlopers who had been for
merly reduced to slavery, and drove them entirely out
of the country. He thus obtained the sovereignty of
all the lands lying between the rivers Towy and Tawe,
comprising Gwyr, Cydweli, Carnwyllion, Iscennin, and
Cantref Bychan ; and gave to this territory the name
of his paternal inheritance in North Britain. Having
thus insured to his posterity the possession of a Eheged,
Urien returned to his native district, which he bravely
wrested from the Angles, and made the standing-point
of a long and valorous resistance, opposed to the ad
vance of Ida the Flame-bearer. Urien Eheged not
only held that ferocious chief at bay, but had almost
succeeded in expelling him from the country, when
envious dissensions arose among his own followers,
1 Williams's Enwogion Cymru, p. 65 ; Rees's Welsh Saints, p. 202. '
2 Nennius, § 63 ; Turner's Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, ed. 1836, vol. i.
book iii. u. iv. pp. 300-303 ; Williams's Enwogion Cymru, pp. 604-505 ;
Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 202, 203.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 87
which impeded his patriotic work ; and while laying chap.
siege to the Isle of Lindisfarn, in which Deoric, the son . Yn"._-
of Ida, had found refuge, the Cymric hero was as
sassinated by Llofan Llawdifo, his fellow-countryman.
His military achievements are extolled in some of the
finest poems of the contemporary bards1 Llywarch
Hen and Taliesin. After the death of Urien Eheged,
the Anglian invaders made steady progress in the con
quest of North-eastern Britain, though vigorously op
posed by the sons of Urien, and by other Cymric chiefs.
To this period belongs ' The Gododin ' 2 of the con
temporary bard Aneurin, son of Caw, lord of Cwm-
cawllwyd, a chief of the Ottadini. Taliesin mentions
that the renowned Urien led the men of Cattraeth to
victory at the battle of Gwenystrad. ' The Gododin '
describes a disastrous expedition of the Ottadeni, under
Ehufain, their chief, against Cattraeth (Catterick), then
evidently in possession of Anglian foes, and the slaughter
of the 360 warriors, who, exhilarated by mead, had
provoked an unequal conflict. Three only escaped, of
whom Aneurin was one.
§ 6. Constantine ab Cadwr,3 otherwise called Cys-
tennyn Goronwg, succeeded to King Arthur's sove
reignty, A.D. 542. His reign was brief and uneventful.
He is thought to have been a Cornish king, but the
Constantine of Gildas, usually identified with him, is
much more likely to have been his kinsman and heir.
After a short interval of contention, Maelgwn Gwy-
1 Palgrave, Rise and Progress, part i. c. xii. p. 402\ note ; Literary
Remains of the Rev. Thomas Price, vol. i. pp. 130-138 ; Skene's Four
Ancient Books of Wales, vol. i. pp. 341-367.
2 Turner's Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, ed. 1836, vol. i. book iii. c. iv.
pp. 306-314 ; Ab Ithel's Preface to his Translation of the Gododin ;
Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales, vol. i. c. i. pp. 6-8.
3 Williams's Enwogion Cymru, p. 98 ; Gildas, § 28 ; Herbert's Brit.
after the Romans, vol. i. c. v. pp. 141-171.

88 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, nedd obtained general recognition as Brenhin y Britan-
-J^i_- yeit1 in the full extent of the Britannia Secunda; Strath
Clyde and Cumbria, including all the remaining terri
tories of the Cymry in North Britain ; the Western
peninsula, and all those districts of ancient Lloegyr,
which remained unsubdued by the Teutonic tribes,
a.d. 546. Maelgwn Gwynedd,2 the son of Caswal
lawn Law Hir, possessed all the majestic and graceful
attributes which realize to the eye fancy's image of a
great sovereign. Besides these personal advantages,
his mental sagacity, his courtesy, bounty, and valour,
attracted general admiration. Unbridled passions
plunged him into heinous misdeeds, and feelings of
compunction impelled him to many noble actions.
Once in early life he had renounced the world and
assumed the habit of a monk, but breaking his vows
and disregarding all moral obligations, he resumed his
royal rank and entered anew upon a course of am
bition, wickedness, and compunction. His military
prowess, his superior ability, and his political im
portance marked him out nevertheless as a fitting
Pendragon for resolute men.
In the year 547, Ida established the Anglian kingdom
of Bryneich (Bernicia), which extended from the Frith
of Forth to the Tees, and from the sea to the Penine
Chain. Anglian swarms, led by iElla, afterwards esta
blished the kingdom of Deira, which extended from
the Tees to the Huraber, and from the sea to the
Penine Chain ; that mountain range forming a series
of natural fortifications, well garrisoned by the native
Cymry, who held the western districts.
1 Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, edited by Aneurin Owen for
the Record Com. folio ed. pp. 412, 413.
2 Gildas, §§ 33-35; Nennius, § 62; Geoffrey of Monmouth, book
xi. c. vii. ^Milton, Hist, of Britain, p. 2f!5.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 89
§ 7. Gildas,1 the oldest British historian whose works chap.
are extant, states, in somewhat ambiguous words, that ._ , " ,
he was born in the year of the battle of Badon Hill.
He wrote in Latin and quoted Virgil, the Ecclesiastical
Fathers, and the Holy Scriptures of both Testaments.
At the conclusion of his history,2 he laments the con
tinued desolation of the cities which foreign invaders
had ravaged and burnt, and bewails the prevalence of
civil strife which prevented the restoration of those
cities, but he alludes to the war with the invaders as a
thing of the past. Setting forth a wonderful recovery,
a present prosperity, without reference to any likelihood
of future danger, he vehemently rebukes in his epistle
the vices which careless ease had fostered in the kings,
magistrates, clergy, and people, his countrymen and
contemporaries. He apostrophizes, with violent invec
tives, Constantine, king of Damnonia, Aurelius Co-
nanus (king of Powys), Vortiper (Gwrthyver), king of
Demetia (Dyfed), Cwnglas (king of Gwent), and Mael-
gwn3 (king of Gwynedd), whom he calls Dragon of the
Island, alluding, as is generally believed, to Mona, a
part of that prince's hereditary dominions, although
the description of Maelgwyn's power and the allusion
to his offences against the Divine King op Kings,
plainly indicate that Gildas regarded him prospectively
at least as the supreme sovereign of all that was left of
the monarchy of Britain (Unbennaeth Prydain), the
Pendragon, Gwledig, and Brenhin y Britanyeit.
From the bitter reproaches which Gildas addresses
to the British clergy, it appears that celibacy was not
enjoined upon them, that church appointments were
1 Mon. Hist. Brit. Preface, pp. 50-62; Herbert, Brit, after the
Romans, Introd. pp. xiv.-xxiii. and Digression i. ; Macray's Manual of
British Historians, pp. 1, 2; Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 225-227.
2 Gildas, § 26. 3 Ibid. §§ 33-35.

90 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, sought by ungodly men from venal motives, and that
¦ VIL - idle ecclesiastics were addicted to dramatic entertain
ments. He treats kings and clergy alike as almost
hopeless reprobates, and denounces divine judgments
upon them in a savage and merciless spirit, better fitted
to Druidical imprecation than to pastoral exhortation.
From such indiscriminate, exaggerated, and un
balanced representations, it is refreshing to turn to par
ticular and well-authenticated instances of godliness,
piety, and charity.
§ 8. It is recorded of Dewi, that he laboured as a
missionary throughout his province and beyond it, ex
tending his pastoral care to the Western Peninsula.
His whole life afforded a consistent example of practical
piety and unwearied beneficence. His learning and
eloquence, rank, station, and fortune, were entirely
consecrated to God's service in promoting the real
welfare of all classes of people. In their sickness he
was their friend, in their troubles their adviser, in their
poverty their most kind and bountiful benefactor. He
refused all compensation from the wealthy, subjected
himself to no worldly obligations, and perseveringly
sought, alike through heart-touching kindnesses and
sacred ministrations, to arouse the people to seek for
spiritual honour, glory, and immortality. He died
between the years 544 and 566. x He is said to have
been eminently handsome, of lofty stature, and a beau
tiful countenance. The superstitious reverence of sub
sequent ages attempted to embellish his fame2 with
fictitious miracles ; but such intervening clouds of error
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 601, notes 3 and 4; Rees's Welsh Saints,
p. 201.
2 Canu i Ddewi Gwynfardd Brycheiniawg a'i Cant, with Translation
and Notes in Appendix to Williams of Nantmel's Dissert, on the
Pelagian Heresy.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 91
cannot hide the steadfast light shining out through the chap.
depths of time from a dark and stormy epoch. The ¦ — ,_!_»
churches which still bear his name are very numerous.
Cynog,1 second bishops of Llanbadarn, succeeded
Dewi in the primacy, and in the bishopric of Menevia,
which was knowTn from that time by the name of its
most illustrious prelate as Ty Ddewi (the House of
David). On the death of Archbishop Cynog, Teilo, second
bishop of Llandaff, obtained the primacy, which had
then become attached to the bishopric of Ty Ddewi.
He not only held that diocese in conjunction with his
former one, but blended them together, fixed the
archiepiscopal see at Llandaff, and employed Ismael,
his nephew, as suffragan of Ty Ddewi, without appor
tioning to him a separate jurisdiction. Teilo's bright
reputation is tarnished by the fact, that in consequence
of a dreadful plague, which afflicted Cymru, he with
drew into Cornwall, and thence to Armorica, and thus
stayed away seven years when his presence was most
needed at home.
§ 9. Deiniol 2 ab Dunawd of Bangor Iscoed, founded
a monastery called Bangor Fawr in Arfon, which
Maelgwn Gwynedd erected into an episcopal see, and
endowed about the year 550, making Deiniol the first
bishop of Bangor. Cyndern, surnamed Mwyngu (the
amiable) an epithet, since distorted into Mungo, was
a prince of the race of Urien, and had been bishop
of Penryn Ehionydd (Glasgow), when he found refuge
from the foreign and domestic strife of Noith Britain
in Gwynedd. There, with the aid of a local chief, he
attempted to estabhsh the see of Llan Elwy, but was
thwarted in his beneficent purpose by the powerful
1 Rees's Welsh Sainta, p. 242. 2 Ibid. 258-262.

92 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Maelgwn, until that extraordinary man, under a
¦  r— penitential impulse, liberally endowed and established
it, appointing Cyndern to be the first bishop of Llan
Elwy. This is supposed to have been done soon after
the foundation of the bishopric of Bangor.
It is recorded, that the bard Taliesin, being in the
presence of King Maelgwn, denounced vengeance
against him in verse for his wrong, treacherous, and
cruel actions, and that the conscience-stricken monarch
suffered the audacious imprecator to depart unharmed.
In the year 552, Cynric, king of Wessex, attacked
Caersallog (Old Sarum) and worsted the opposing
Britons. In the year 556, Cynric and his coadjutor
Ceawlin were defeated in a battle near Marlborough by
the Britons. This important victory, gained by King
Maelgwn, checked and retarded for fourteen years the
progress of the West Saxons ; nevertheless, predatory
bands of Angles made ravaging inroads upon Central
Britain, and upon the fertile 1 eastern lands of the
Britannia Secunda.
Llywarch Hen, after having lost his valiant sons
fighting against Ida, had fled from the north and
found a hospitable home for his desolate old age with
Cynddylan, king of Powys. In one of his finest
elegies, this bard deplores the death of his royal
benefactor, slain in defending Pengwern (Shrewsbury),
the capital of Powys, which was burnt by the Anglian
invaders. In the poems of this bard, the customs and .manners
of his time may still be seen. The plough tracing
the furrow drawn by oxen ; glass and horn drinking-
vessels ; golden shields, spurs, and ornaments ; coffins
of black boards, funeral mounds of earth and stones
1 Turner, History of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. book iii.'c iv.p.' 319.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 93
covered with green sward, and set with oak saplings chap.
±1 ° vn.
are there. - — , — -
Ehydderch Hael, a king of the Northern Cymry,
having recalled Cyndeyrn, as Pen Esgob, to the
bishopric of Glasgow, about the year 560, Asaf ab
Sawl succeeded him at Llan Elwy, and the English
have ever since attached Asaf s name to that see.
Meanwhile, the incursions of the Angles continued,
and extended to the Severn and Dee.
Some such marauders penetrated even to the native
Arfon of the Pendragon. They met with the due
reward of their temerity, but the corpses of the
unburied slain caused a plague, which thinned the
population of Gwynedd. The aged king, under a
superstitious panic, resumed the habit of a monk, and
forsaking his palace at Penrhyn and his castle of
Tyganwy, shut himself up in the neighbouring church
of Llanrhos, where he died1 of the malady from which
he had fled, A. D. 566.
1 Annales Cambriaa, A. 547 ; Red Book of Hergest. Camb. Reg.
vol. ii. p. 312, A.n. 586; Rees's Welsh Saints, pp. 242, 273, and note,
a.d. 666 ; Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales, vol. i. c. iv. pp. 47-48,
about a.d. 566.

94

VIII

CHAPTEE VIII.
THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS.
FROM THE DEATH OF MAELGWN GWYNEDD TO THE DEATH OF CADWALLATN
AB CADFAN, A.D. 566-634.

Heaven's high will
Permiti a second and a darker shade
Of Pagan night. Afflicted and dismayed
The relics of the sword flee to the mountains :
Oh wretched land, whose tears have flowed like fountains,
Whose arts and honours in the dust are laid.
Wokdswoeth : Ecclesiastical Sonnets, part. i. ix.

chap. § 1. It is observable that the Saxon chroniclers indi
cate the defeat of their compatriots only by omitting1
to state the result of a recorded battle ; and also, that
while they mention the leaders who made good their
footing on the coasts in defiance of opposition, they say
nothing of those who with their hosts and fleets ap
proached the shores only to perish by the swords and
torches of the Britons.
Inch by inch, the British kings and chieftains parted
with the soil and left it reeking with their blood ; while
the peasants, who fondly clung to it, sank into its mere
appendages,2 and became hereditary bondsmen. There
were, however, many districts, where the native kings
1 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. iii. c. xxxviii. p. 427;
Milton's Hist, of Britain, Bohn's ed. book iii. p. 260.
2 Palgrave's Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth, part i.
c. v. pp. 152-154 ; Turner's Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. book iii.
c. iv. p. 325 ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. iii. c. xxxviii.
pp. 432-433.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 95
being slain, great numbers of chieftains with their chap.
people yielded obedience to the invaders, and retaining - — ,— "-'
their own internal government, and preserving their
holy faith, continued to constitute separate commu
nities1 under the Teutonic kings.
Great numbers of warriors, bards, and ministers of
religion fled from the conquered to the unconquered
states, and many sought refuge2 from pursuing fire
and sword in the Channel Islands, in Ireland, and in
Armorica. Manuscripts of the Bible were scarce, and a copy
could only be obtained by persons capable either of
paying a high price, or making a transcript. There are
some intimations in the Triads that certain books of
the New Testament3 once existed in the Cymraeg, but
allowing that such was the case, the majority of the
Britons would still have been wholly dependent upon
the ministers for an acquaintance with their contents,
while those ministers must usually have delivered only
piecemeal texts from other portions of Holy Writ, trans
lated from the Latin by themselves. The bishops4
being massacred, the rest of the clergy either shared
their fate, or were left without maintenance, to starve
or emigrate, for the pagan Teutons regarded them
with peculiar malignity. The unlearned and unlettered
people being thus left for several generations habitually
surrounded and over-awed by sanguinary and wassail-
loving masters, few were enabled to resist the deadening
atmosphere of pre-eminent opinion, and the contagious
influence of bad example. Those of the Britons, there
fore, who became intermingled with the Teutons soon
1 Palgrave, Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth,- part i.
c. xii. p. 410. * Ibid, part i. c. v. pp. 152-154.
3 Herbert's Brit, after the Romans, vol. ii c. vi. p. 147.
4 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. iii. c. xxxviii. p. 431,

96 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, learned their works and ways and sunk into religious
. - , " - apostasy. § 2. In apparent opposition to the imperial claims of
the Pendragon kings of all Britain, the most powerful
among the Teutonic rulers had early assumed the title
of Bretwalda, and exercised supreme authority1 over
the rest; excepting only the Northern Angles, who
never acknowledged the superiority of a southern
sovereign. The year 568 2 is remarkable as the sera when the
Teutonic settlers in Britain first entered upon hostilities
against each other, Ethelbert, the youthful and am
bitious king of Kent, having then attempted to enlarge
his territories by seizing upon Surrey, was beaten back
with great loss by Ceawlin, king of Wessex, and by
Ceawlin's brother Cuthalf, and vanquished in a great
battle at Wimbledon,
In the year 571, Cuthalf of Wessex wrested from
the Britons by force of arms the townships of Bedford,
Aylesbury, Benson, and Eynsham. In3 577, Ceawlin,
king of Wessex and second Bretwalda, assisted by his
brother Cuthalf, fought a great battle against the com
bined British forces, slew three local kings, and seized
possession of the important cities of Gloucester, Ciren
cester, and Bath, thereby obtaining entrance at will
into South Wales and the Western Peninsula. This was
one of the heaviest blows ever struck against the free
dom of the Britons.
In 584, Ceawlin the Bretwalda and his brother
Cuthalf engaged in another sanguinary conflict with
1 Bede, book ii. c. v. ; Palgrave, Rise and Progress, part i. c. xviii.
p. 563.
2 Saxon Chronicle ; Ethelwerd's Chronicle ; Florence of Worcester.
3 Saxon Chronicle, A. 577; Ethelwerd's Chronicle, A. 577; Florence
of Worcester, 577 ; William of Malmesbury, book i. c, ii.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 97
the Britons, and although the Wessex troops sacked chap.
many towns and secured abundant spoils, Cuthalf was .  ,_J_
killed in the strife, and the Bretwalda was forced to
retreat in savage and wrathful sorrow1 to his own home.
His dominions at this time included Hampshire, Wilt
shire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Gloucestershire,
Dorsetshire, and part of Somersetshire, besides Sussex,
which Ceawlin annexed to his kingdom on the death
of Cissa its king.
§ 3. In the year 586, Crida, following in the steps
and over the corpses of many previous invaders, suc
ceeded at length, with the assistance of the Northum
brians, in founding the Anglian kingdom of Mercia.
The out-lying territories of the Britannia Secunda, in
Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, Herefordshire, Shrop
shire, and Cheshire, were torn away from Cymru, and
included in the new state, which also comprehended
the central and principal parts of the Flavia Cassariensis.
Ceawlin having made himself generally detested, his
ambitious nephew, Ceolric, formed a league with the
Angles and with the Cymry, and took the field with
their allied forces. This is the first instance which
history affords of the natives fighting side by side with
the invaders. A terrific battle ensued, but, after great
slaughter, Ceawlin was defeated, and fled from his
throne, a homeless wanderer,2 and Ceolric retained
possession of the kingdom of Wessex for six subsequent
years. In 597,3 upon the death of Ceolric, his brother
Ceolwulf ascended the throne of Wessex, and through-
1 Saxon Chronicle, A. 584 ; Ethelwerd's Chronicle, A. 584 ; Florence
of Worcester, 584.
2 Saxon Chronicle, A. 591 ; Ethelwerd's Chronicle, A. 592 ; Florence
of Worcester A. 592.
3 Saxon Chronicle ; Ethelwerd's Chronicle ; Florence of Worcester.
H

98 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, out a turbulent reign kept up incessant wars with the
w^El_ Britons, the Scots, the Irish, and the Angles.
Meanwhile, Ethelfrith, grandson of Ida, and king of
Bernicia and Deira, was actively engaged in reducing
the Northern Cymry to subjection; enslaving some,
rendering others tributary, and endeavouring to extend
the boundaries of his dominions. A confederacy was
formed against him by the Cymry of the districts gene
rally known as the kingdom of Strath Clyde, by the
Cymry of Cumbria, then including Cumberland, West
moreland, and Lancashire, joined by the free tribes of
Alban and the Scots. Their formidable array, led by
Aidan, king of the Scots, encountered Ethelfrith and
his host at Dagsatan, a.d. 603. The battle was con
ducted on both sides with military skill and dauntless
courage.1 The brother of the King of the Northum
brians was slain, and his battalion was wholly cut off in
the deadly conflict, but at length the Britons gave way,
no quarter was asked for or granted, and, excepting
King Aidan and a few followers who escaped, the army
of the country was reduced to a heap of carnage.
§ 4. Ethelbert,2 king of Kent and Bretwalda, having
married Bertha, daughter of Charibert, king of Paris,
had been prepossessed in favour of Christianity, by the
exemplary life of her chaplain, Bishop Luidhard. A
mission, sent from Eome to Britain by Pope Gregory,
consisting of Augustine and forty other monks, was
consequently directed by the Franks to the Kentish
coast, where it arrived laden with presents and accom
panied by interpreters. In the course of a few years,
the king became a Christian convert, and Augustine,
being firmly established as archbishop of Canterbury,
1 Bede, book i. c. xxxiv. ; Saxon Chronicle ; Florence of Worcester.
2 Bede, book i. c. xxv. xxvi.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. .99
thought it necessary that the prelates of the ancient chap,
British Church should be brought under the ecclesiasti- . VIIL .
cal jurisdiction with which Pope Gregory had ventured
to invest him. The Bretwalda, desiring to obtain from
the British kings a recognition of his own political
supremacy, gladly concurred with his archbishop in a
scheme which, if successful, must involve the complete
subjugation of the British to the Teutonic race. He
therefore proposed a solemn conference1 between the
Kentish and the Cymric clergy, and it was accepted by
the latter without hesitation, a.d. 603. The place of
meeting is traditionally believed to have been Aust, on
the banks of the Severn. Archbishop Augustine, wear
ing probably the pall of supreme authority, and accom
panied by his clergy, addressed to the British clergy
an admonitory speech, proposing that they should join
with him in preaching the gospel to the heathen, and
reminding them that they celebrated Easter at a wrong
time, and that they did several other things contrary to
the common practice of the Christian church. Dis
cussion ensued, and in spite of the exhortations and
rebukes of Augustine and his coadjutors, the Britons
declared that they preferred their own traditions to the
opinions of other churches. Upon this Augustine, by
way of proving the truth of his assertions, called forward
an Angle, alleged to be blind, and after submitting
him in vain to the adverse party for cure, knelt down,
prayed aloud for power to work a miracle for their
conviction, arose, and obtained the patient's acknow
ledgment that he was restored to sight. This per
formance so greatly affected the British clergy that
they owned the teaching of Augustine must be right ;
nevertheless, they declared that they had no power to
1 Bede, book ii, c. ii,

100 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, abrogate their ancient customs without national consent,
— VITn_, and desired that a second conference might be held at
which their church could be more numerously repre
sented. This having been agreed upon, and the time
and place for it fixed, the Cymric clergy spent the in
tervening period in anxious cogitations. In their per
plexity they had recourse to a sage and holy hermit,
whose name has not transpired. ' Tell us,' they said,
' whether we ought or ought not, at the bidding of
Augustine, to forsake our old traditions.' The hermit
answered, ' Follow him if he is a man of God.' ' How
shall we ascertain that ? ' they responded ; and were
told that they might test it by his meek and lowly, or
by his stern and haughty, demeanour. On questioning
their oracle still farther as to the means by which the
character of Augustine might be made manifest, they
were directed to allow him to arrive before them at
the appointed place of assembly, so that his manner of
receiving them might sufficiently assure them either of
his pride or humility, and decide at once whether they
should hear his words submissively or not. Among
the eminently learned Cymry who attended this synod
were many of the monks belonging to the great monas
tery of Bangor Iscoed, together with their aged abbot
Dunawd and seven bishops of the ancient British church:
five of the seven were, of course, the bishops of Ty
Ddewi, Llandaff, Llanbadarn, Bangor, and St. Asaf; the
other two were most likely the bishops of Chester and
Hereford. These venerable representatives of all that
remained of the clergy of Great Britain were more
numerous than the foreigners whom Augustine had
brought with him on this occasion, yet he kept his
seat on their arrival with a lordly appearance of
superiority; little thinking that his doing so insured

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 101
the disappointment of his ambitious project. Annoyed chap.
at their evident prejudice against him, Augustine made ,_VI|11" ^
a summary proposition, that the British clergy should
keep Easter and administer baptism according to the
custom of the Eoman Church, and that they should join
with the ordained clergy of that church in preaching
the Gospel to the heathen Jutes, Angles, and Saxons.
On these conditions he offered to tolerate all other
customs of theirs which differed from those of his own
hierarchy. The British clergy answered through Dunawd1 their
spokesman, that they would do none of those things,
nor would they receive him as their primate ; that in
the bonds of love and charity2 they all were willing to
be the subjects and servants of the Church of God, and
of every good Christian, and even of the Pope of Eome,
helping them forward by word and deed to be the
true children of God. Other obedience they disclaimed,
being governed, under their Heavenly Lord, by the
Bishop of Caerleon.
Provoked by this refusal, and willing to set himself
forth as a prophet as well as a worker of miracles,
Augustine said in a threatening tone, that since they
would not unite with brethren they should be made
war upon by enemies ; and since they would not preach
the way of life to the Angles, they should suffer from
that nation deadly vengeance.
§ 5. Failing to obtain jurisdiction over the Cymric a.d. 604.
bishops, Augustine consecrated two Eomans,3 one
for the East Saxons as bishop of London, and one for
the kingdom of Kent as bishop of Eochester. In
1 Geoffrey of Monmouth, book xi. c. xii. ; Milton, Hist, of Britain,
Bohn's ed. book v. p. 273.
2 Rees's Welsh Saints, p. 290, note from Spelman's Concilia.
3 Bede, book ii. c. iii.

102 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the same year he died, and was succeeded by Laureri-
> YI,IL • tius1 in the archbishopric of Canterbury. This primate
did not confine his pastoral care to his own people, but
extended it to the Britons and to the Irish.
In an epistle to the Scots (Irish) he avows that he
had come to Britain without possessing any previous
knowledge of the people, but holding both the Britons
and Scots in high esteem for their reputed sanctity.
This opinion, he says, had been changed much for the
worse by the conduct of Bishop Dagan and Columba
the Abbot, which proved their deviation from the
usage of the Universal Church in the time of keeping
Easter and in other observances.
Laurentius addressed a similar epistle to the Britons.
Bede, in describing it, says, that it was ' suitable to his
rank,' intimating also that neither a verbal acknow
ledgment of supremacy, nor an act of submission to the
see of Canterbury, could be extorted from the Cymric
bishops, who resolutely stood out against ' Catholic
unity ' in the Eoman sense of that term.
There can be no doubt that the Ancient British and
Irish Churches did celebrate Easter at a wrong time,
but the error is to be ascribed to an erroneous calendar,
rather than to heterodox opinions. They also, to the
horror of the Eoman priests, used the crescent-shaped
tonsure of the front of the head, instead of the circular
tonsure of its crown.2 The difference in the adminis
tration of baptism is believed to have consisted in the
Eomanists of that period using three immersions, and
the Britons one.
§ 6. Pursuing his course of conquest towards the south
west, King Ethelfrith fought his way to Chester. Near
that city, he found Brochwael, king of Powys, and his
1 Bede, book ii. c. iv. 2 Ibid, book v. c. xxi. xxii..

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 103
httle army drawn up to oppose his progress, and apart chap.
from the military array, and out of the way of hostile col- -—.y—
lision,1 he saw, with surprise, an unarmed band of grave
and reverend men. Inquiring who they were, and
what they did there, the pagan king was told that they
were ministers of the Christian religion, and most of
them monks of Bangor Iscoed, who had assembled to
pray for the success of their countrymen. 'Verily,'
remarked the ruthless warrior, ' although they bear no
weapons, they fight against us by their prayers to God ; '
and giving the word of command for a body of his
troops to charge, he viewed the massacre of the defence
less men with savage joy. Brochwael,2 struck with
panic at the spectacle, fled from the field, followed by
a few swift-footed monks.
Ethelfrith and his mighty host having defeated the
troops which valiantly opposed him, proceeded to ra
vage the country, destroying the monastery of Bangor
Iscoed, levelling its wralls with the earth, and burning
its library, which is said to have contained the most
precious national records of the Cymry.
§ 7. Meanwhile the crown of Gwynedd had de
scended3 through Ehun ab Maelgwn, from father to
son, until it rested on the head of Cadfan ab lago. He
is said to have joined with Brochwael, king of Powys,
and with other native rulers, in mustering the British
forces, which he led against Ethelfrith, whom he en
countered on the banks of the Dee, slaying more than
10,000 men, forcing him to abandon Chester, to retreat
towards his old dominions, and to accept, conditions of
1 Bede, book ii. c. ii. latter part ; Saxon Chronicle, A. 607 ; Ethelwerd's
Chronicle ; William of Malmesbury, book i. c. iii.
2 Saxon Chronicle, A. 607.
3 Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales, vol. i. 'Dialogue between
Merddyn and Gwendydd,' pp. 462-466.

104 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, peace. A congress of Britons, held at Chester (a.d. 607),
- ym- . elected Cadfan1 king of all Britain, with demonstrations
of peculiar honour. A stone monument, used in recent
times as the lintel of the south door of Llancadwaladyr
Church, Denbighshire, bears a Latin inscription, which
in characters peculiar to the seventh century records his
fame, as the wisest and most highly estimated king of
all kings.
Edwin,2 a prince of the Northern Angles, had been
saved in infancy from the exterminating jealousy of
King Ethelfrith, conveyed to the court of Gwynedd,
and brought up with princely kindness by Cadfan.
That king's refusal to deliver up the fugitive is said to
have provoked Ethelfrith's hostility, and, on the estab
lishment of peace between them, Edwin fled for refuge
to Eedwald, king of the East Angles, and Bretwalda,
a.d. 616. A war ensued between Ethelfrith and Eed
wald, and in a conflict on the banks of the Iddel, the
former was defeated and slain, his sons fled to Scot
land, and Edwin ascended the Northumbrian throne,3
a.d. 617.
Cadwallawn,4 the son of King Cadfan, married a
daughter of Pybba, king of Mercia, and of his second
wife, a West Saxon princess of the line of Cerdic.
§ 8. The death of Cadfan and the accession of Cadwal-
lawn to the throne of Gwynedd are usually assigned to
the year 630. Edwin was then Bretwalda, and Cad-
wallawn's election as Pendragon appears to have been
a signal between them for mortal strife. The Cymro
1 Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, vol. ii. p. 62 ; Herbert's Brit, after
the Romans, vol. i. c. v. pp. 141-171 ; Arch. Camb. 1846, pp. 165-168.
* Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons, ed. 1836, book iii. c. vii.
pp. 346, 347, and note 27.
3 Saxon Chronicle ; Annales Cambriae.
* Turner's Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, ed. 1836, vol. i. book iii. c. vii.
pp. 360-364; Brut y Tywysogion, 2nd entry.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 105
refused to yield homage and tribute to the Angle, and .chap. VTTT
attempting to regain authority in the northern states, . — ,_!_-
was vanquished in battle by King Edwin, who, forgetful
of former obligations, carried the war across the Severn,
and, after a victorious campaign, drove his former play
mate and fellow student even out of Gwynedd and
Mona ; and Cadwallawn with his family and many
martial retainers found refuge for some time in Ireland.
Passing thence into Armorica, a land of British resort,
and gathering strong forces there, he took a favourable
opportunity of returning to his hereditary kingdom.
Being firmly re-instated at home, and aided by his
tributary sovereigns, he formed an alliance with Penda,
his still pagan brother-in law, and marched with their
united armies into the Northumbrian territories, of
which the kingdom of Mercia had hitherto been
accounted a dependency.
Merddyn had predicted the return of King Arthur
with victory, songs of peace and horns of gladness pro
claiming security and happiness to the Cymry. Taliesin
had foretold, in vehement strains, the final expulsion of
the Teutons after the lapse of three hundred years from
their arrival. The recollection of the residence and
departure of the Eomans gave a specious value to such
prophecies, the hearts of the Britons re-echoed them,
and Cadwallawn, an enrolled bard although a warrior,
believed, while exulting in a triumphant career, that
the hour of national deliverance was already at hand,
and that he himself was born for the extermination1 of
the Angles.
Under the date 633, the Saxon Chronicle mentions
that King Edwin was slain in battle at Heathfield
(Meigen2), fighting against Cadwallawn, king of the
1 William of Malmesbury, book i, c. iii. 2 Nennius, § 61.

106 HISTORY OF WALES.
.chap, Britons, and Penda, king of Mercia, and that they laid
VIII .
— ,-1— waste the whole country of the Northumbrians. The
tradition of St. David's use of the leek had rendered
that herb dear to Cymric memory, and Cadwallawn's
troops are said to have worn it for the first time at
Meigen as a national badge. Under the date 634, the
Saxon Chronicle records that Osric, the son of Elfric,
succeeded to the kingdom of Deira, and Eanfrid, the
son of Ethelfrid, to the kingdom of Bernicia ; and, omit
ting all allusion to Cadwallawn, asserts that in the
same year Oswald succeeded to the kingdom of the
Northumbrians, and reigned nine years, the ninth, it
says, being reckoned to him because of the heathenism
practised by those who had reigned during the year
which intervened between his accession and the death
of King Edwin.
The prejudiced but honest and ever Venerable Bede,
in the first chapter of the third book of his ' Ecclesi
astical History,' explains this mysterious entry by
stating that the exiled princes, who after King Edwin's
death returned to fill the thrones of Deira and Bernicia,
became apostates in their prosperity, and worshipped
idols; that, very soon afterwards, Cadwallawn slew
them both, seized upon their dominions, and ruled
over them with an absolute, arbitrary, and cruel sway
throughout a whole year ; and that Oswald, the brother
of Eanfrid, then brought an army against Cadwallawn,
who was slain at the battle of Denisburn.1 To hide
the apostasy of the Anglian kings, and the subjugation
of their realms to the heavy yoke of the British king,
Bede avows that the Chroniclers had agreed to omit all
mention of those perfidious monarchs, and to assign the
1 Nennius, § 64 ; Florence of Worcester, Origin of the Kino-s of Deira,
and Chronicle, a.d. 633, 634.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 107
year really occupied by the reign of Cadwallawn to that chap.
of the next following king, and he re-iterates the deck- • — y~*
ration in book iii. chapter ix.
Contemporary Bards expressed in nobly pathetic
verse 1 the disappointment and grief of the Britons at
the defeat and death of their hero.'
1 Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales, vol. i. pp, 431-435, vol. ii.
pp. 204, &c.

108

CHAPTEE IX.
THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF CADWAIADYR TO THE DEATH OF CTNAN TINDAETHWY,
A.D. 634-819.

'Tis man's bold task the generous strife to try,
But in the hands of God is victory.
Pope's Iliad, book vii. lines 117, 118.

chap. § 1. The words Wales and Welsh1 are corruptions
— y—' of Teutonic epithets applied to a land of Celtic stran
gers and to a strange people.
The Saxon settlers in Britain called the Cymry Bret-
wealhas, the Cymry of North Britain Strath-clavl-
wealhas, and the Cornish people Cern-wealhas. The
term Walcher seems to have been used by the Teutonic
race as generally descriptive of a Gaul.
§ 2. The same love of liberty, the same vigorous ef
forts to retain it, the same persistent endeavour through
successive centuries to regain it, characterize the Britons
of Eoman and of Saxon times. For nearly 200 years
after the arrival of Hengist, the harassed people con
tinued to elect a Pendragon, thus declaring their claims
to national independence and supreme sovereignty.
The Northern Cymry, stoutly resisting all assailants,
had proved themselves worthy of Venutius and their
forefathers, and still held the districts lying between
1 Palgrave, Rise and Progress, part i. c. xii. p. 410 ; Herbert, Brit.
after the Romans.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 109
the Frith of Clyde and the estuary of the Dee, and west- chap.
ward of the Penine Chain, long known as the native •  A—
kingdom of Strath Clyde and Cumbria.
The Britons of Cornwall and the chief part of Devon
still lived under native princes, and attached themselves
to the King of Gwynedd, whose dominions compre
hended the whole of the country between Chester and
Gloucester, and were bounded on the east by the rivers
Dee and Severn. Gloucester was lost, but Chester was
again their own, together with fertile territories often
overrun but not yet torn away by the Mercians and
West Saxons.
The oldest Saxon records1 clearly show that the con
quest was slowly and laboriously wrought by sagacious
leaders of martial hosts, receiving incessant and mul
titudinous2 reinforcements, using the most strenuous
military efforts, ruthless conflagrations, and ferocious
massacres. After a conflict of two hundred years,3
in which the invaders had exhausted their populous
native hordes, and expended all their terrible powers
of devastation, they were constrained to secure peace
able and permanent possession of their new homes by
appeasing the hatred of the vanquished Britons.
§ 3. Cadwaladyr, the son of Cadwallawn, became
king of Gwynedd on the death of his father,4 and was
the last native British sovereign ever elected to the
dignity of king5 of all Britain (Brenhin Prydain oil).
In the year 658, the Britons of the Western Penin-
1 Bede's Eccl. Hist. ; The Saxon Chronicle ; Ethelwerd's Chronicle ;
Asser's Life of Alfred.
2 Nennius, § 50.
3 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. 1846, vol. iii. c. xxxviii. p. 433.
4 Saxon Chronicle, A. 634; Bede, book iii. c. i. a.d. 634; Geoffrey of
Monmouth, book xii. c. xiv.
5 Herbert, Brit, after the Romans, vol. i. c. v. p. 171 ; Rees's Welsh
Saints, pp. 299-301 ; Brut y Tywysogion, 2nd entry.

HO HISTORY OF WALES,
chap, sula made a great effort for the recovery of their inde-
>- If\. pendence, headed, of course, by Cadwaladyr. Cenwalch,
king of the West Saxons, brought against them a power
ful army, and a battle was fought at Peonne in Somer
setshire, whence the defeated1 Britons were pursued
with terrible slaughter as far as Pedrida, on the river
Parret.
a.d. 66i. Under this date the Saxon chronicle records that
a fearful pestilence raged throughout the island,
and of that pestilence died Cadwaladyr2 king of the
Britons. The inconsistent statements made by differ
ent chroniclers and historians concerning Cadwaladyr,
his father Cadwallawn, and his son Idwal, may be
almost reconciled by the supposition that Cadwaladyr's
daughter was the wife of Cenbert, a scion of Cerdic's
race, and that Csedwalla, otherwise called Idwal,3 was
the eldest son of this marriage and the heir of his
maternal grandfather. Taking this view of the case,
the martial strife in which the men of Gwent were
driven back to the sea4 by Centurin, king of Wessex,
would form part of the well-contested struggle which
finally secured to Csedwalla5 the sovereignty of Wessex
and Sussex with despotic power over Kent. He re
signed the sceptre 6 of the West Saxons to Ina, his kins
man (a.d. 688), and died at Eome, in the following
spring, at the age of thirty. The previous death of
1 Saxon Chronicle.
2 Nennius, § 64 ; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 682.
3 Historie of Cambria, by Lloyd and Powel, ed. 1584, p. 9 ; Turner,
Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. book iii. c. ix. ; Kemble's Names, Sur
names, and Nicknames of the Anglo-Saxons, pp. 84, 85, and 102.
4 Saxon Chronicle, A. 682; Florence of Worcester, a.d. 682, and
Genealogy of the Kings of Wessex.
6 Bede, book v. c. vii. xxiv. ; Florence of Worcester, a.d. 685, 687,
688 ; Saxon Chronicle, a.d. 685 ; William of Malmesbury, book i. c. i. ii.
6 Saxon Chronicle, A. 688.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. HI
Mol (? Molwnwg), Cadwalla's brother, was avenged by chap.
King Ina upon the men of Kent with inhuman severity. -_I^L_
Palgrave considers Glastonbury1 (the Isle of Avallon)
to have been the only ecclesiastical foundation endowed
by the ancient Britons which was preserved by the
Saxons. It is remarkable that the reputed burial-place
of King Arthur should be thus distinguished, and that
Ina2 king of Wessex, the If or of the Cymry, should
build a minster there and endow it with large pos
sessions. § 4. In the year 710, Ina, with Ceolred, king of
Mercia, fought against Geraint, a Cymric king,3 and was
repulsed. Welsh chronicles record that, in the year 720, the
dioceses of Llandaff, Mynyw, and Llanbadarn were
ravaged by the Saxons, and the notice is important in
the church history of the country on account of its
being the last date at which the bishopric of Llanba
darn4 can be proved to have existed. Succession to
the four other Welsh sees continued without interrup
tion, though not without some ambitious and unbe
seeming rivalry. From the days of Teilo, and of
Oudoceus, his immediate successor, Caerleon5 sunk into.
an integral part of the diocese of Llandaff; and the
bishops, presuming upon the possession of that ancient
fountain of authority, urged the ancient rights of their
see to the primacy of the Welsh Church. This claim
was steadily resisted by the prelates of Menevia (Ty
1 Palgrave's Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth, part i.
c. v. pp. 152-154 ; William of Malmesbury, book i. c. ii.
2 Palgrave's Rise and Progress, part i. c. xii. p. 408.
3 Saxon Chronicle.
* Rees's Welsh Saints, p. 216, quoting Brut y Tywysogion, Myv. Arch.
Vol. ii. p. 472.
5 Rees of Cascob's Preface to the Liber Llandavensis, pp. xl.-xlii. W.
MSS. Society; Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales ed. 1841. folio, p. 678.

112 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Ddewi), who, after the days of Ismael, asserted from age
.  ^E_ to age the superior dignity of the successors of St.
David (Dewi), and were manifestly supported by the
general feehng of the country.
§ 5. Bede, in his 'Ecclesiastical History,'1 mentions
(a.d. 684) that Egfrid, king of the Northumbrians, led
his army to ravage Strath Clyde ; that being drawn by a
military stratagem into a mountain defile, he was slain
there with nearly all his men ; and that the Britons of
Albany, Strath Clyde, and Cumbria, taking advantage
of this victory, regained extensive territories, and re
stored liberty to the inhabitants. Forty-seven years
after the defeat and death of Egfrid, Bede,2 in closing
his work, mentions that peace had been re-established
between the Britons and the Northern Angles, the
former continuing to occupy their rescued tract of
country. From that period the Northern Angles sunk
from a first to a secondary power among the Teu
tonic nations of Britain.
§ 6. Ina resigned the kingdom of the West Saxons to
Ethelard,3 his kinsman, in the year 728, and immediately
went to Eome where he died. Ehodri Maelwynog,4 the
son of Idwal Iwrch (the Eoe), began at the same time
to reign over Gwynedd, holding also supreme sove
reignty over Powys, Deheubarth, Devon, and Cornwall.
The Brut y Tywysogion asserts that Ifor, son of Alan,
king of Armorica, reigned over the Britons as a chief
or prince, and not as a king, during the period occupied
by the reign of Ina, and that Ehodri Maelwynog began
to reign at Ifor's 5 death. It is remarkable that in the-
1 Book iv. c. xxvi. 2 Book v. c. xxiii.
5 Saxon Chronicle ; Ethelwerd's Chronicle.
4 Brut y Tywysogion, 3rd entry; Williams's Enwogion Cymru,
p. 438.
5 Historie of Cambria,, ed. 1584, p. 13 ; Brut y Tywysogion 3rd entry.

IX.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 113
ancient Annales Cambria? and in the various versions chap.
of the Brut y Tywysogion the Cymric chroniclers inva
riably persist in describing the paramount sovereign of
Wales as King of the Britons (Brenhin y Britanyeit).
Ethelard, after ravaging Devon with his army,
marched into Cornwall, where he was opposed by
Ehodri, who gave him battle at Garth Heilyn, and forced
him to retreat. In subsequent campaigns, Ehodri
repelled an invasion of North Wales by a victory
which he gained at a place called Garth Maelawg,1 and
also beat back the West Saxons from Morganwg by a
victory which he gained at Pencoed. Ethelbald, king
of the Mercians, coveting the fertile regions which lie
between the rivers Severn and Wye, marched an army
thither, destroying all before him, and penetrating even
into Gwent, where his progress was checked at a
mountain called Carno by the Cymric forces, which
drove him back across the Wye with great slaughter.
Cuthred2 succeeded Ethelard his kinsman on the throne
of the West Saxons, in the year 741. This king and
Ethelbald, king of Mercia, united their warlike powers
against the Cymry of Gwent and Morganwg, and after
suffering and inflicting grievous loss of life, obtained
at length a hard won conquest 3 at Ddefaudan, a. d.
743. They failed to maintain the ground which they
had gained, but returned home laden with spoils. In
the year 753, Cuthred, king of Wessex, again invaded
Cymric territory, and was bravely encountered and
beaten back from Hereford (Trefawydd).
§ 7. Ehodri Maelwynwg, the valiant defender of his

1 Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 721 ; Annales Cambria?, A. 722.
2 Saxon Chronicle.
3 Ibid. ; Florence of Worcester ; Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons,
ed. 1836, vol. i. book iii. c. x. p. 403. I

114 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, country, left behind him at his death,1 in the year 755,
- *f- ¦ two sons, Cynan, surnamed Tindaethwy, his heir, and
Howel. The same year2 is remarkable for the deaths of
Ethelbald and of Benred, successive kings of Mercia,
and for the accession of Offa, surnamed the Terrible, to
the throne of that state. At the same period, also,
Cynewulf obtained regal power over the West Saxons
by a decision of their Witan (Parliament). The Saxon
Chronicle records that this king of Wessex fought
numerous battles against the Welsh, but it neither
specifies time nor place. One of these battles, accord
ing to the Brut y Tywysogion, took place at Hereford.
§ 8. In the eventful year 755,3 Elfod, bishop of
Bangor, who is occasionally styled archbishop of
Gwynedd, first introduced among the Cymry the Eoman
period of celebrating Easter. The Bishops of Ty Ddewi
and Llandaff refused to adopt this innovation, probably
regarding it as an act of submission to the Pope and
to the See of Canterbury. To enforce their compliance
an army of Saxons invaded South Wales, and being
encountered by a native army, a sort of ordeal by
battle was tried at Coed Marchan, where the recusants
gained the victory. Two years afterwards, however,
yielding, it may be inferred, to force of arms,4 the bishops
of South Wales altered their paschal usages, and in
768,5 the new regulation was universally adopted, and
Easter was never afterwards kept upon any other day
than the Sabbath.
§ 9. The cities of Gloucester and Bristol gave
1 Annales Cambriee, A. 754 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 754.
2 Saxon Chronicle. s Bedej book j»p c xxv
4 Annales Cambria?, a.d. 760; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 760.
5 Brut y Tywysogion.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 115
Cynewulf ready access to Gwent . and Morganwg, and chap.
also to Dyfhant and Cornwall, while Offa poured his • — ,__-
Mercians at will, either through Gloucester or Worces
ter, or both, to ravage and occupy the pleasant lands
which lie between the rivers Severn and Wye.
These two mortal foes of the Cymry contended with
each other in 777, for the possession of Bensington-
upon-Thames,1 which Offa wrested from his rival Cyne
wulf ; nevertheless, after the lapse of two years, the
West Saxons repeated their ravaging inroads upon
Welsh territories.
In the year 784, King Cynewulf was killed, and
Beortric, his heir, married three years afterwards a
daughter of King Offa, who thus secured a staunch
ally and coadjutor in the prosecution of his ruthless
designs against his western neighbours.
§ 10. The reign of Cynan was one of incessant war
fare.2 Availing themselves of every favourable occasion,
the Cymry rushed back in martial strength upon the
territories from which the Teutonic armies had been
withdrawn, despoiling and slaying the intrusive occu
pants, and, whenever time and power allowed, reinstating
the native proprietors. At one period, assembling in
irresistible numbers, these valiant defenders of their
soil drove all the Mercian troops and settlers beyond the
Severn, and for a httle while exulted in the complete
recovery of their most fertile regions. With any other
antagonist than Offa, Cynan might afterwards have
held his dominions in peace ; but that strenuous, sa
gacious, and all-subduing warrior, mustering, as in a
common cause, the hosts of several Anglian and Saxon
1 Saxon Chronicle, &c.
2 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 778, 784, 795, 796, 798 ; Brut y Tywysogion,
a.d. 776, 784, 796, 798 ; Palgrave, Rise and Progress, part i. c. xiv.
i 2

116 HISTORY OF WALES.
kingdoms, marched with overwhelming power into the
disputed tract of country, which the Cymry quickly
abandoned and fled to their strongholds among the
mountains, there awaiting the leisurely and voluntary
dispersion of their allied enemies. As soon as it oc
curred, the Cymry sallied forth with renewed vigour, to
reoccupy the vales and plains. King Offa was not less
persevering than his indomitable adversaries, and again
assembling his alhes, he drove out not only the warriors
who contended for pohtical dominion, but also every
proprietor, labourer, and occupant of the soil, which
he wholly re-peopled with colonies of Angles. In the
course of his sanguinary and vindictive campaigns,
King Offa defeated and slew Caradog ab Gwyn, a
district king of Gwynedd, and Caradog's ally, Mere-
dudd, king of Dyfed. The plaintive melody, called
Morfa Ehuddlan, still commemorates this event and its
scene of action. Powys, having been deprived of its
fairest lands, and of Pengwern (Shrewsbury), the seat
of government, was henceforth (a.d. 792) removed
to Mathrafal near Trallwng.
For the effectual defence and security of these con
quests, Offa, in emulation of Eoman models, constructed
a vast earthwork,1 comprising a rampart and trenches,
which, at an immense expense of human toil, was carried
through, or over, all obstacles for a distance of about
a hundred miles, extending from the estuary of the
Dee to the mouth of the Wye, and forming a boundary
line between enlarged Mercia and diminished Wales.
Garrisons were set at intervals along this line, and the
ousted and indignant owners were warned by procla-
1 Brut y Tywysogion ; M. H. B. p. 843, and separate ed. of Record
Comm. p. 9 4.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 117
mation of fearful 1 penalties to life and limb awaiting chap.
all Cymric trespassers. — — A — -
§ 11. The formidable Offa died2 in 794, his son
survived him only for a few months, and delivered the
sceptre of the Mercians to Cenwulf, the man most com
petent to wield it. Offa had brought into subjection
the kingdoms of East Anglia, Essex, and Kent, besides
the tract of country which he won from Wales ; and,
over all these acquisitions, and the numerous counties
comprised in the Mercia of his predecessors, Cenwulf
reigned with energetic tranquillity. In the year 800,
upon the death of King Beortric, Egbert, a man of
royal qualifications, commenced his memorable reign
over Wessex, and the subjected kingdom of Sussex.
Northumbria at this period maintained its independence,
but all the other Teutonic states in Britain were vir
tually submerged in Mercia and Wessex, although still
permitted, in some cases, to possess nominal kings.
Gwynedd was exposed to injury from these three
powers, but its dominions lay open most widely to
Mercian inroads. At the death of Elfod, bishop of
Bangor, in 809, the South Welsh bishops refused to
acknowledge his successor, and fresh dissensions arose
on the subject of Easter. In the year 813, King
Egbert laid waste Devon and Cornwall, throughout the
length and breadth of the district still ruled by native
kings. § 12. While Wales suffered thus from external foes,
intestine strife was wasting its energies. Throughout
the long reign of Cynan, Howel,3 his brother, insisted
1 Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons, ed. 1836, vol. i. book iii. c. x.
p. 414.
2 Saxon Chronicle.
3 Annales Cambrise, A.d. 813, 814, 816 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 812,
815, 817.

118 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, that Mona should be included in the portion of his
—i^L_ father's lands, to which by the law of gavelkind he
was entitled, and Cynan stedfastly refused to gratify
his brother's wishes. He had no son, and Howel
probably believed that the possession of a place so
renowned would insure his own succession to the
sovereignty of Cymru ; for when both had become
aged men, Howel watched his opportunity, and seized
upon Mona by force of arms. Twice, with a long interval
between the periods, the royal brothers met in hostile
array, and twice Howel worsted Cynan with much
bloodshed. In a third battle, Cynan put forth his
strength, drove Howel out of Mona, and forced him to
seek refuge in the Isle of Man, whence he never
returned. Within a year after this event King Cynan
died, and in him the chief branch of the race of Cun-
edda became extinct in the male line,1 a. d. 819.
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 816 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 817 ; M. H. B.,
Introductory Remarks on the Chronology of the Mediaeval Historians,
p. 109, a.d. 819.

119

CHAPTEE X.
THE CYMBY, THE SAXONS, AND THE DANES.
from the accession of queen essyixt to the death of xinq anarawd,
a.d. 819-915.

My thoughts are with the dead, with them
I live in long past years,
Their virtues love, their faults condemn,
Partake their hopes and fears,
And from their lessons seek and find
Instruction with an humble mind.
Sotjthet : Occasional Pieces, xviii.

§ 1. In or about the year 819,1Essyllt, the daughter of chap.
Cynan Tindaethwy, inherited the throne of Gwynedd, . _ ^'
and shared it with her husband Merfyn, a chieftain
royally descended in the paternal line, and heir in
right of his mother to the kingdom of Powys.
In 819,2 Cenwulf, the potent king of Mercia, died,
and left his sceptre to a child of seven years old, at
whose untimely end soon afterwards it was seized upon
by Ceolwulf, the brother of Cenwulf. In the second
year of Ceolwulf s reign he was supplanted by Beorn-
wulf, who, relying upon the predominance which Offa
had acquired and Cenwulf had maintained, rashly pro
voked the enmity of King Egbert, brought the mihtary
strength of Mercia into the field of Ellendune against
him, and, after a furious conflict, took to flight among
1 M. H. B. p. 109; Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales, c. vi.
pp. 93-95.
2 Saxon Chronicle.

120 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, his discomfited veterans, and left the ambitious King
• — ;  ¦ of Wessex to pursue his career of conquest, A. D. 823.
In the same year, Egbert subdued an insurrection of
the men of Devon and Cornwall, by a battle gained at
Camelford. In 827, having completed the subjugation
of Mercia, and of all the Teutonic states southward of
the Humber, he revived the long dormant title of
Bretwalda,1 and invaded Northumbria, which submitted
without a blow, offering tribute and allegiance. In 828
he led his army into North Wales, where he enforced
obedient subjection to his paramount sovereignty.
In order to secure, as far as possible, the subordi
nation of the king of all Wales, Egbert seized upon
Mona, which contained the capital of Gwynedd ; and
upon Chester, which formed the connecting link be
tween the Cymry of Strath Clyde and Cumbria, and the
Cymry of Gwynedd and the South. In the year 835,2
the Danes, who had for some years been the scourge of
the English coasts, landed in Devonshire (Dyfnaint),
where they were welcomed as auxiliaries by the Britons
of the Western peninsula, who marched with them in
hostile array, intending to free the country from its
Saxon occupants. King Egbert, however, was prepared
for the emergency, and he defeated and put them to
flight with great slaughter at Hengiston Hill.
In 836, King Egbert died, and his crown devolved
upon Ethelwulf his son.
§ 2. Aberfraw, the chief fortress and capital of
Gwynedd in Queen Essyllt's time, was situated in
Mona, and an attempt made by the Cymry to regain
possession of that favourite isle, appears to have pro
voked the resentment of Burhred, king of Mercia, who
1 Saxon Chronicle ; Florence of Worcester.
2 Saxon Chronicle.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 121
attacked the native forces, and after a severe contest chap. x
defeated them, and slew1 the king consort at a place -— r — -
called Cettyl, a.d. 844. The date of the queen's death
is not recorded.
Ehodri Mawr, (Eoderic the Great,) the son of Merfyn
and Essyllt, became in right of his mother king of
Gwynedd, in right of his father king of Powys, and in
his wife's right king of Deheubarth, thus for the first
time uniting the three provinces of Wales under a
common government, A. D. 844. Among his many
birthrights was a harassing war with Burhred, king of
Mercia, from whose grasp he wrested Mona, and in
defiance of whose attempts at territorial conquest he
stoutly and steadfastly maintained his local and imperial
authority as king of all Wales (Brenhin Cymru oil).
In 846,2 Ithel, king of Gwent, was slain fighting against
the king of Brycheiniog, a melancholy instance of that
puny rivalry and pugnacious folly which too often
wasted Cymric strength in fratricidal strife. A bridge
over the Ffynnant, called Pont Ithel, on the high road
between Glasbury and Brynllys, still marks the disputed
territory. § 3. So successful was Ehodri in the war which he
waged against Burhred, that resistance took the form of
aggression, and the 3 King of Mercia was constrained to
apply for aid to the Bretwalda, being unable to extort
even the usual tribute from an opponent whose powerful
struggles threatened to break and burst through all
trammels. Ethelwulf immediately marched at the
head of his army across the Mercian states, and, in
conjunction with the forces of Burhred, ravaged and
1 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion ; M. H. B. p. 109.
2 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion.
3 Saxon Chronicle, a.d. 853 ; Florence of Worcester.

122 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, devastated all Wales, until proving his inability to retain
> — ^ — • any part of the territories thus overrun, he accepted
renewed offers of tributary allegiance and withdrew.
He subsequently gave one of his daughters in marriage
to King Burhred, as a bond of. durable attachment,
a. d. 854.
In the year of x Ethelbert's accession to the realm of
United England (a. d. 860), the battle of2 Gwaithen
was fought between the Angles and the Welsh, and
many men were killed on both sides. Mona, called
Anglesey by the Mercians, seems to have been the cause
of many conflicts during the reign of Ehodri ; neverthe
less, that resolute and princely man carefully marked
out his three kingdoms by meers, according to their
ascertained boundaries, and appointed within the chief
fortress of each a suitable palace for a royal residence.
Powys 3 was divided from Gwynedd by a boundary
line which nearly followed the course of the river Dyfi,
the Berwyn range of mountains, and the course of the
river Alun ; the river Wye formed the general boundary
line between Powys and Deheubarth.
§ 4. In the year 871,4 upon the death of Ethelred,
king of the West Saxons and of England, his brother
Alfred was chosen by the Witan to be his successor in
titles, toils, and troubles, the Danes having then over
run the whole country, and made many permanent
settlements. The Teutonic tribes, when pagans, had
1 Saxon Chronicle.
2 Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 32.
3 Sir John Price's Description of Wales, prefixed to Powel's Hist, of
Cambria, pp. 11, 211 ; and to Wynne's Hist, of Wales, ed. 1697, p. 11 ;
Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, edited by Aneurin Owen,
published by the Record Com. 1 vol. folio, 1841, p. 768; Yorke's Royal
Tribes of Wales, p. 44, note.
* Saxon Chronicle; Ethelwerd's Chronicle; Asser's Life of Alfred
Florence of Worcester.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 123
taken savage pleasure in the massacre of British chap.
Christians and in the destruction of their sacred places, _ — ; — -
and, with unconscious retaliation, the pagan Danes
inflicted every form of sacrilegious and outrageous
cruelty upon the Christian Jutes, Angles, and Saxons,
not sparing Britons or British edifices in their deso
lating fury.
In 872, the Danish host took up their winter
quarters in London. In 873 they ravaged Northumbria
and Strath Clyde, and destroyed the ancient Cymric city
of Altclwyd. In 874,1 traversing again the territories
of the Mercians, and levying subsidies upon them, these
stalwart marauders drove King Burhred from his throne
and from his native shores, and set up a subservient
Anglian thane as their agent, under the title of King of
Mercia. About this time, Danish marauders penetrated
into Gwynedd,2 and crossed the Menai into Mona, where
Ehodri twice gave them battle, first at Bangolau, and
a second time at Menegyd ; while other bands, landing
in South Wales, carried fire and sword through its
fertile districts.
In 875, the Danish chieftain Halfdene, with his
battalion of the invading host, took up his winter
quarters on the Tyne, brought all the neighbouring
districts into subjection, and repeatedly made ravaging
inroads upon Alban and Strath Clyde.
According to the Cymric records, an English army
entered Mona in 876, and fought a grievous battle,
with the Cymry ; and, in the following year, the same
invaders slew King Ehodri3 in battle, together with his
brother Gwyriad. These Angles, nevertheless, were
1 Saxon Chronicle.
2 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 873 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 873.
* Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion ; M. H. B. p. 111.

124 HISTORY OF WALES.

X.

chap, repulsed from Mona, but succeeded in planting a colony
between Chester and Conwy.
§ 5. Ehodri Mawr (Eoderic the Great) and his wife,
Queen Angharad, had many children,1 and six of the
eight sons are distinguished in Cymric records as
dauntless and overbearing warriors. To Anarawd, who
is generally reputed to have been the eldest,2 Ehodri
bequeathed the kingdom of Gwynedd, with Aberfraw
in Mona for a capital ; to Cadell, Deheubarth, with
Dinefawr for a capital ; to Merfyn, Powys, with Math-
rafal for a capital. The provision made for the other
sons is not recorded. Within each of the above
mentioned kingdoms, many small realms retained their
several dynasties, and over all Wales the King of
Gwynedd exercised a supreme authority, although he
himself and all his subordinate potentates paid tribute
and acknowledged subjection to the King of Wessex.
The tribute usually consisted of gold and silver, the
fleetest of the Cymric hounds, and the keenest of their
hawks ; but whenever public danger lessened the
military and political power of Wessex, or directed
Mercian strength elsewhere, this tribute was invari
ably withheld.
§ 6. At the beginning of Anarawd's reign, a large
colony3 of the Strath Clyde Cymry, oppressed by the
Danes, and preferring migration to the yoke of subjec
tion offered to them on one side by the Britons of
Alban, and on the other by the Northern Angles,
1 Asser's Life of Alfred.
2 M. H. B. p. Ill ; Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, edited by
Aneurin Owen for the Record Com.; Palgrave, Rise and Progress,
part i. c. xiv. ; Heraldic Visitations of Wales, by Lewis Dunn, Welsh
MSS. Society, vol. ii.
3 Wynne's Hist, of Wales, ed. 1697, pp. 37-39 ; Gibson's Camden's
Brit. ed. 1772, vol. ii. p. 57 ; Palgrave's Rise and Progress, part i. c. x.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 125
arrived at Chester and craved the King of Gwynedd's chap.
hospitality. He replied by making over to Hobert, — ; — -
their chief, the tract of country in Flint and Denbigh,
lying between Chester and Conwy, on condition that
they would expel from it the Angles who had lately
taken possession of it. Gladly accepting these terms,
they speedily fulfilled them, and having cleared the
lands of intruders, they took up their abode there.
About three years afterwards (a.d. 880), the Mercians
combined with the Danes in an attempt to regain that
region, and the Cymric settlers prepared for the battle
by sending their families with the cattle and goods to
the other side of the river Conwy, and by giving King
Anarawd timely notice of the impending peril. That
valiant son of Ehodri encamped his forces at Cymryd,
near Conwy, repelled with great success the efforts of
his alhed enemies, avenged in fearful slaughter the death
of his father, chased the fugitives across the boundaries
of his kingdom, carried fire and sword along the
Mercian borders, and returned in triumphant impunity,
laden with rich spoils. Anarawd, in token of thankful
ness to Divine Providence for this victory, gave certain
lands and other valuable property, to the cathedral
church of Bangor, and to the collegiate church of
Clynog in Arfon. Tudwal, one of the sons of Ehodri,
distinguished himself so conspicuously in the conflict at
Cymryd as to excite the admiration of his brethren, and
having received there a hurt in the knee which rendered
him lame for life, they testified their sympathy by
jointly bestowing upon him a certain district called
Uchelgoed Gwynedd.1
The northern emigrants re-possessed their new homes,
and for a long time peaceably enjoyed them.
1 Annales Cambrias, a.d. 880 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 880 ; Wynne's
History of Wales, pp. 38, 39.

126 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. § 7. The Danes having planted themselves in the
. x" . Northern and Eastern parts of England too firmly for
uprooting, King Alfred1 contented himself at length with
enforcing their acknowledgment of his regal supremacy ;
and, by imparting to them Christian instruction and
the arts of civilized life, he endeavoured to add the
obligations of moral and religious influence, and to
secure their conscientious observance of the faith of
treaties. Meanwhile, against probable insurrections
and ever imminent invasions, this wise and excellent
sovereign took indefatigable precautions. On regaining
possession of Mercia, he annexed that kingdom to
Wessex, but appointed a military commander, named
Ethelred, to govern it as his viceroy, and gave to that
earl his young daughter Ethelfleda in marriage.
Soothing the apprehensions of the Welsh by the
moderation of his demands, by abstaining from in
fringements upon Cymric soil, and by treating them
with confidence as brave and friendly coadjutors, he
won and retained their real affection. The experience
of his justice, his faithfulness, and his martial prowess
incited the district kings of the Cymry to appeal to
him from the encroachments of his Mercian deputy,
and from the despotism of their own sovereigns.
Even the redoubtable six sons of Ehodri sought his
favour; and Anarawd, as the paramount sovereign of
Wales, was accepted to be a direct tributary of the
King of Wessex, without the intervention of Mercia, to
which he had previously been subjected, and on the
same terms of fealty and dependence as those by which
Earl Ethelred held that realm — ever obnoxious to the
Cymry because its wide western border had been torn
away from them. The highest courtesy of England
1 Asser's Life of Alfred.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 127
was usually shown under the Teutonic kings in some chap.
religious ceremony, King Alfred therefore acted as . — ; — .
King Anarawd's sponsor in the rite of confirmation,
and made him magnificent presents upon that occasion.
§ 8. Among the favourite associates of the wise and
good King Alfred were several Welshmen. Having
heard that Asser, known to his own countrymen as
Geraint Bardd Glas, bore the highest reputation for in
telligence, learning, and piety, he sent to St. David's,
requesting the presence of that eminent ecclesiastic, who
appears at that time to have presided over the cele
brated college of Menevia. The Saxon king received the
Cymric sage at a royal residence called Dene in Sussex,
and eagerly urged him to become his friend, to leave
all that he possessed on the western side of the Severn,
and to rely upon his gratitude for more than an equi
valent. Asser, hesitating to forsake the native haunts of
his childhood, youth, and sacred ministry, and the King
respecting his feelings, qualified the proposal, and
begged that Asser would at least spend half of every
year with him, returning home at every alternate period
of six or of three months. To this the Cymric scholar
ultimately agreed, chiefly influenced by a hope that his
known connection with the great Bretwalda might put
a stop to the violence of a local sovereign named
Hyfeidd, who was in the habit of plundering the
diocese of St. David's and of sometimes expelling the
prelates and other ecclesiastics from their monastery.
The six sons of Ehodri had compelled this unscrupu
lous Demetian to acknowledge King Alfred's authority,
and his good behaviour was likely to continue under
a sense of Asser's watchful supervision and powerful
influence with King Alfred. That monarch, anxious
for the welfare of all his subjects, and aware of the

128 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, importance of communicating religious instruction in
• — ^ — - the language of the hearth and of the heart, appointed
Asser to the bishopric of Sherburn, which extended1
over Wilts, Dorset, Somerset, and as far along the
Western peninsula as the banks of the river Tamar,
and included, besides the Saxon population, a compact
and numerous Lloegrian community, called ' the Weal
Cynne ' (Welshkind). On the farther side of the
Tamar, the Britons still preserved their native kings ;
and friendly intercourse with Bishop Asser could not do
otherwise than soften the feelings both of British
subjects and of British aliens towards good King Alfred.
It is remarkable that Asser terms Welsh territory
Britannia and the rest of the island Saxonia.
§ 9. In or about the year 893,2 some dissensions
occurred between Anarawd and his royal brothers.
The cause is not specified in the Chronicles, but as the
troops of King Alfred accompanied those of Anarawd
in an inroad upon Ceredigion and Ystrad Towy, it
may safely be concluded that Cadell, king of South
Wales (Deheubarth), was less exact than he ought to
have been in the payment of tribute to his paramount
sovereign and to the illustrious Bretwalda.
§ 10. a.d. 894. In the course of a concerted series
of attacks made by Hastings3 the Dane, with the inten
tion of winning for himself the throne of England, that
intrepid and audacious Viking marched his army
through Mercia to the Severn. Earl Ethelred, with
vigorous alacrity, assembled his forces and summoned
his auxiliaries ; and among the martial leaders who
1 Palgrave, Rise and Progress, part i. c. xii. p. 410, part ii. p. cclxiv.
2 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 894 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 893 ; Palgrave,
Rise and Progress, part ii. p. ccxlii.
3 Saxon Chronicle; Ethelwerd's Chronicle ; Asser's Life of Alfred.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 129
hastened to the scene of action came the brave sons of chap.
Ehodri with their Cymry, anxious to save their own . — A-"
hearths from desecration.
The West Saxon host followed, and hung upon the
rear of the invaders, who found the Angles and the
Cymry awaiting them in front. Thus hardly beset,
the Danes formed an intrenched camp beside the river,
and shut themselves up in it for several wreeks ; then
having eaten their horses, and striven against famine to
the uttermost, the ferocious host rushed suddenly forth
in desperation, and were received upon the weapons of
merciless foes. Those Danes, who, led by Hastings in
person, set their faces towards the east, cut their way
through the Angles, and escaped with grievous loss to
Essex and their ships ; all the rest were either drowned
or slaughtered.
In 895, Hastings the Dane, still intent upon his
purpose, assembled another army, left women, children,
and wealth in charge of the Danish inhabitants of the
eastern counties, and having, by a rapid march night
and day across the country at one stretch, surprised
Chester, he fortified that city and the adjacent penin
sula of Cilgwri, lying between the estuaries of the Mersey
and the Dee, and being then an uncultured forest.
King Alfred pursued them thither, and laid siege to
their fortifications for two days, when, finding them
impregnable, he contented himself with killing all
stragglers, setting fire to the storehouses, laying
waste the neighbouring country, and afterwards with
drawing his army into Mercia. This was no sooner
clone than Hastings and his hungry host rushed forth
to plunder Gwynedd. Eeturning laden with booty to
Chester, they passed thence into Northumbria and
marched through East Anglia into Essex. There
x

130 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Hastings had his ships towed up the river Lea, and
> . ,' _. quietly spent the winter within twenty miles of London.
Being disturbed and disconcerted by the skilful man
oeuvres of King Alfred, which deprived them of their
ships, the warrior Danes, leaving their treasures in
charge of their East Anglian settlers, made a devas
tating march through Mercia to Bridgenorth on the
Severn, and crossing that river ravaged1 Brycheiniog
and Buallt, Gwent, and the lordship of Gwenllwg, in
which Caerleon is situated. They returned to the
fortress which they had erected at Bridgenorth, and
wintered there. In the following spring, 897, after
having been three years on foot, the desolating host of
the Viking Hastings finally dispersed itself, and the
Saxon Chronicler records that fact with a hearty and
devout ascription of thankfulness to God.
In 901, King Alfred2 died, and the want of his bene
volent and affectionate influence was speedily proved
by the impetuous sons of Ehodri.
In 902, a horde of Danes, led by Igmond,3 invaded
Mona, and was encountered by the Cymry at Maes
Ehos Melyn, where Merfyn, king of Powys, received a
mortal wound, of which he died in 903. Cadell, king
of Deheubarth, immediately seized upon Powys and
reduced it under his sway, notwithstanding the oppo
sition of Anarawd.
§ 11. In the year 907, Edward, King Alfred's eldest
son and successor, sent emissaries to repair and to re-
garrison Chester, sounding thereby a war-note in the
ears of the Cymry.
In 908, a powerful fleet, with a fresh army of Danes
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 895 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 894.
3 Saxon Chronicle.
3 Annales Cambrhe, a.d. 902; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 900.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 131
on board led by Uther and Eahald, approached the chap.
Demetian coast. The troops landed, destroyed St. . x- .
David's, fought the battle of Dinerth, in which Maylor,
a brave Cymric chieftain, was slain, and pursued their
hostile way throughout the whole breadth of South
Wales into Herefordshire, where the Mercians van
quished them. In the course of the same year, the
Demetians repelled another band of Danes, and drove
them from their coasts to seek shelter in Ireland.
On the death of Cadell,1 in 909, Anarawd seized
upon Deheubarth and Powys by force of arms, and he
appears to have joined those states to his own here
ditary territories for the remainder of his life.
In the year 912, Earl Ethelred died, and the govern
ment of the Mercians, with the supervision of the Welsh,
devolved upon the widowed Ethelfleda, sister of King
Edward, and eldest daughter of the great King Alfred.
In 915 2 died Anarawd, king of Gwynedd by in
heritance, and supreme sovereign of all Wales and of
the Britons by national election.
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 909 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 907.
2 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 915 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 913,

K 2

132

CHAPTEE XI.
THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS.
FKOM THE ACCESSION OF IDWAL FOEL TO THE DEATH OF HOWEL DDA,
A.D. 915-948.

Hail usages of pristine mould,
And ye that guard them, mountains old !
Woedswoeth : Dedication to Sonnets on the river Duddon.

chap. § 1. Idwal, surnamed Foel (the Bald), succeeded his
v. , • , , father Anarawd as king of Gwynedd ; and Howel ab
Cadell obtained, as his birthright, the kingdoms of
a.d. 915. Deheubarth and Powys, and was also elected supreme
sovereign of Wales — Brenhin Penraith l — in conformity
with that triad of Dyfhal Moelmud, which describes the
latter dignity as belonging to the ruler who has the
oldest title of possession of the kings of a federate
county. The character of Howel must have exercised
an early and potent influence over the mind of his
cousin Idwal, for no interruption of peace and friend
ship followed the severance of paramount authority
from the sceptre of Gwynedd and the subjection of the
elder to a younger branch of Ehodri's race.
Ethelfleda, in concert with her brother King Edward,
employed the whole term of her2 widowhood in carry
ing out the plan of their father King Alfred, for the
defence of England against the Danes, by building for-
1 Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, edited by Aneurin Owen,
published by the Record Commission, 1 vol. folio, 1841, p. 644.
2 Saxon Chronicle, A. 910-918, or 922.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 133
tresses in advantageous positions, and supplying them chap.
with garrisons ever ready to protect each endangered .  ,-!_-
locality. The royal friends had obviously a second
object in view, and Wigmore, Bridgenorth, Cherbury,
Edesbury, and other strongholds, were so placed as to
repress the excursions of the Welsh, and to prevent all
intercourse with their brethren of Cumbria and Strath
Clyde. King Howel, absorbed in projects for promoting the
peace and happiness of his subjects, caused no trouble
either to the Bretwalda, or to the Lady of the Mercians ;
and Idwal, king of Gwynedd, was passive under his
kinsman's strong though gentle hand ; but Owen,1 dis
trict king of Brycheiniog, presuming upon Ethelfleda's
incapacity for war, and King Edward's occupation else
where, made an audacious inroad upon lands which had
once formed a part of the inheritance of his fathers,
and returned home laden with rich spoils. The indig
nant Lady of the Mercians immediately marched her
forces into Brycheiniog. and after a fierce battle
(Gwaith y Dinas Newyddj took the fortress of Brecon-
mere by storm. The local sovereign escaped her ven
geance by flight, but her officer* seized upon the queen
and thirty-four of Ms men. and brought them as captives
to her feet.
§ 2. In 918, a large fleet, bearing the Danish earls2
Ohtor and Ehoald, with a numerous army, passed
along the western coasts of Wales, plundering and
spoiling at their will. Entering the estuary of the
Severn, the troops made an expedition into Archenfield
(Ergyng), where they captured a British bishop named
1 Saxon Chronicle A. 916 ; Powel's Hist, of Cambria, pp. 47-48 ;
Florence of Worcester, a.d. 917.
2 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 913 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 911 ; Saxon
Chronicle.

134 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Camelauc, and led him off to their ships. He was
> X,L-, afterwards ransomed by King Edward for 40/. Pre
suming upon the impunity which they had hitherto
enjoyed, the whole army at last landed together, and
marched forth towards Archenfield.
The men of Hereford, Gloucester, and other garri
soned towns in the vicinity, having now prepared them
selves for such an emergency, marched forth in hostile
array to stop the progress of the intruders. A battle
took place, in which Earl Ehoald and multitudes of
Danes were slain, while the remainder, driven into a
narrow pass, and beset on all sides by their foes, were
constrained to deliver hostages, and accept the con
ditions of the conquerors before they gained permission
to return to their ships. King Edward and his army
so effectually guarded the estuary, that although these
enfeebled Danes attempted other expeditions, they were
successfully repulsed, and finally constrained to seek
refuge from famine and utter destitution upon the Irish
shores. § 3. The most accomphsh ed woman of her time,
Ethelfleda, Queen or Lady of the Mercians, closed her
earthly career at Tamworth, the chief city of her
dominions. Her brother, King Edward, soon after
wards received, at the same place, the homage of the
Mercian nobles, with whom came Howel, supreme
king of Wales and provincial king of Deheubarth and
Powys, King Clydawg his brother, whose local territory
is not specified ; Idwal, king of Gwynedd, and all the
subordinate rulers of Cymric districts belonging to the
three provinces, who with one accord brought offerings
to the Bretwalda, and acknowledged him to be their
lord and father. Soon after this humiliating ceremony,
an event occurred which must have been a grievous

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 135
sorrow to good King Howel — the death of his brother chap.
Clydawg by the hands of his brother Meurig. The .  A — ¦
heinous fact, without further particulars, is recorded in
the native chronicles. In 924, King Edward, being at
Bakewell in Derbyshire,1 the King of Scots and his
subordinate rulers, and the King of the Strath Clyde
Britons and his subordinates came, at the Bretwalda's
summons, to pay their tribute and to acknowledge his
supremacy. § 4. King Edward died in 925, and his son Athelstan
succeeded him. Among the kings who acknowledged
his supremacy in 926, the Saxon chronicle enumerates
Howel, king of the West Welsh, and Owen (or Hugh),
king of the Monmouth people. They attended at
Hereford by special summons, and, among the subor
dinate kings of the Cymry, Owen appears to have been
thus particularly and rudely mentioned, because, as
king of Gwent, he laid claim to the districts of Ergyng
with Ewias and Ystradwy, which had lately been ap
propriated by the Mercians. All the tributary kings
were deemed members of the Witangemot, or Parlia
ment, of King Athelstan ; and, anxious2 to avoid un
availing strife, King Howel consented that this terri
torial question should be decided by the assembled
representatives of the inhabitants of Great Britain.
The suggestion of the King of England was consequently
adopted, and the river Wye was assigned for the future
as the eastward boundary of South Wales.
About this time, King Athelstan forcibly broke up
and drove forth the ancient British community which
had hitherto continued to inhabit a part of the city of
1 Saxon Chronicle.
2 William of Malmesbury, book ii. c. vi. ; Palgrave, Rise and Progress
part i. c. xxi. p. 640.

136 HISTORY OF WALES.
Exeter, obliging its members to retreat from conquered
ground, and to take refuge with their brethren beyond
the boundary line of the river Tamar. The spirit in
which the history of the Welsh has been incidentally
treated by the Benedictine monks may be estimated by
referring to William1 of Malmesbury's mention of this
expulsion, which he deems to have cleansed the city
by purging it of the ' contaminated race,' — a race from
whose example his barbarous, heathen ancestors had
derived the advantages of civilization and the blessings
of Christianity.
§ 5. Meanwhile, 2King Howel laboured diligently
for the good of his people. He summoned the Arch
bishop of Mynyw, the Cymric bishops, and the principal
ecclesiastics of the country, together with all the heads
of tribes, and other rulers and nobles of Cymru ; and,
besides these personages, he caused six of the wisest
and worthiest men from every cwmwd to meet him at
his hunting-seat, called Ty Gwyn ar Daf, where he
spent the forty days of Lent with them in prayer and
fasting, in order to obtain the aid of God's Holy Spirit
in reforming the laws and customs of the land, to the
promotion of God's glory and the quiet government of
the people.
At the close of Lent, he selected from the assembly
twelve of the most learned and experienced men,
adding to them Blegwyrd, chancellor of Llandaff, a
person of singular erudition, wisdom, and piety ; and
committing to them the charge of examining the an
cient laws and customs of the Cymry, and selecting
such as they might deem most suitable for continued
] Book ii. c. vi.
2 Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, edited and translated by
Aneurin Owen ; published by the Record Commission, 1 vol. folio, 1841,
General Preface.

XI.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. I37
use, The thirteen commissioners executed their task chap.
with extreme care, abrogating obsolete, superfluous, .
and oppressive enactments, mitigating such as were too
severe, imparting rigour to such as seemed too lenient,
explaining doubtful phrases, and retaining everything
that they judged to be most suitable and salutary for
present circumstances.
Having been read, approved, and ratified by the
great national council,1 three complete transcripts were
made of these laws in Cymraeg, so that the three
provinces of Cymru — Gwynedd, Powys, and Deheu
barth — might severally be enabled to refer at all times
to their authority. To enforce the general and reverent
observance of this code, King Howel directed the
Archbishop of Mynyw to publish a sentence of excom
munication against all such persons as refused to obey
its laws, against such judges as should pervert them,
and against every sovereign who should alter any of
them without the consent of an assembly as numerous
as that by which they had been enacted.
Anxious that nothing should be omitted which might
add still greater weight and authority to this code,
King Howel resolved to obtain for it the sanction of
the Pope. Accordingly, about the year 926, he set
forth upon a journey to Eome, bearing with him one
of the transcripts, and accompanied by the Archbishop
of St. David's (Mynyw), the Bishops of Bangor and St.
Asaph, and thirteen other learned men. In the same
year, a severe domestic bereavement saddened the heart
of the good king, for, alike in the Annales Cambrise and
the Brut y Tywysogion, the brief, dry record of his
journey is followed by the pathetic announcement of
his wife Queen Elen's death.
1 A. L. and I. of W. prefatory part of the Demetian Code, p, 164.

138 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. The laws were recited in Latin before the Pope, and
- X,L_. he gave them his solemn confirmation. The king and
his attendants having thus attained the main object of
their pilgrimage, returned at length in safety to their
native land.
§ 6. In the preamble,1 King Howel declares that
after having studied the legal institutions of various
nations, he had found the ancient British laws of
Dyfhwal Moelmud more excellent than any others, and
had therefore adopted them as the basis of his own.
This modified code is composed of three parts ; the first
relating to the court, the second to the commonwealth,
and the third directing the administration of both.
To the supreme monarch is2 reserved the exclusive
right of coining money, of suggesting alterations in
the laws, of maintaining ' the Croziers ' of Cymru, of
punishing persons who did any wrong on the highways,
and of settling in his own court all questions of boundary
between cwmwds, cantrefs, and countries, to whatever
Cymric kings they might belong. With these restric
tions,3 every provincial and district ruler was as freely
entitled as the king of Gwynedd himself to hold a royal
court of privileged officers as numerous as he chose, and
to reign over and judge his own people according to King
Howel's code, of which copies were soon obtained by
the subordinate kings. No king was legally permitted to
lead an army out of the country more than once a year,
nor to keep it away for a longer period than six weeks,
but within his own territory he might raise military
forces wdienever he would.
In these laws the rights and duties of all classes of
persons, from the supreme monarch to the bond slave,
are accurately defined, while master and servant, hus-
1 A. L. and I. of Wales. 2 P. 573. 3 Pp. 573, 659.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 139
band and wife, parent and child have limits carefully chap.
set to domestic subjection and obedience. The distinc- - x^ .
tion between legislative and executive power is well
drawn; the adjustment of punishments to offences is
equitable ; and the favour with which the promotion
of commerce is regarded, and especial privileges are
assigned to the professors of learning and the arts,
indicates the comprehensive sagacity of thoughtful and
practical minds.
These laws required that no man should mortgage
his land excepting to a kinsman. They charged every
occupant of land with a tax for the defence of the
kingdom. They declared every bequest of goods to be
void, excepting such as was intended either for the
payments of debts, or for the benefit of the church or
king. They allowed persons to distrain for rent of
land, or other debts, upon the creditor's goods, except
ing books, harps, swords, and implements of livelihood ;
and upon his live-stock, excepting horses, which were
deemed necessary to a man's defence, and not distrain-
able without a special licence from the sovereign.
They decreed that causes relating to the inheritance
of land were not to be heard or determined at any
other periods of the year but from November 9 to
February 9, and from May 9 to August 9. The rest of
the year was a time of legal vacation, allowed for
sowing the fields in spring, and for gathering the
harvest in autumn. All causes concerning the inherit
ance of land were to be heard by the king in person,
or, in case of sickness or inability, by his special com
missioner. The king's revenue was derived from the proceeds
of crown lands, from the levy of customary dues, from
lapsed inheritances, among which those of all bishops

140 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, were included ; from waifs, and from the fines attached
> ., X,L -. to crimes and legal offences. The kings of Mathrafal1
and Dynefawr paid annually a specified tribute to the
King of Aberfraw, consisting in the first case of four
tons of flour, and in the second of four tons of honey.
Specific penalties were attached to crimes, but these
might legally be commuted for the estimated fines.
Insolvent debtors, and persons incapable of paying
fines for fraud and theft, were reduced to a state of
slavery. In the absence of a king, his domestic chaplain, the
judge of the palace, and the steward of the household
were empowered to exercise conjointly the powers of
regency. Provincial judges held their several courts
in North Wales, Powys, and South Wales, and every
cantref and cwmwd had besides its local judge.
These laws set a price, according to the rank and
occupation of individuals, upon human lives and upon
the parts of the human frame ; upon the lives of
domestic quadrupeds and birds, and upon the parts of
their frames, according to their respective species, age,
and qualifications ; upon bees ; upon trees and their
branches according to their uses; upon various sorts of
food, and upon all the ordinary articles of manufactured
property. Certain creatures and things derived an
increase of value from the rank of their owners; for
instance horses, dogs, hawks, and articles of personal
use. The prejudices of the people are indicated by the
definition of a disreputable person as a foreigner
(alltud) : their peculiar faults appear in the enactments
concerning the results of impetuous feelings: their
virtues are indicated by the general tenor of the code,
1 A. L. and I. of Wales, p. 687,

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 141
and in many particular passages, more especially, per- chap.
haps, in the injunction to use borrowed things as well .. X,L _.
as if they were their own ; wittingly to redress every
injury unwittingly committed ; to impound calves,
lambs, and kids, only between feeding times ; by the
care taken that the yokes and gears should not gall the
oxen, and by the universal prevalence of unlimited
hospitality. These laws1 acknowledge the bardic Gorsedd, held
every third year at Aberfraw, as a privileged institution
of the country ; and they likewise uphold the Eistedd-
fodau, or occasional congresses held under the auspices
of the different contemporary kings. Genius, instruc
tion, and the sanction of the Gorsedd are held to be in
dispensable qualifications for the exercise of bardic func
tions. A Pen Cerdd (chief of song) was elected at every
Gorsedd, and, in addition to his other accomplishments,
it was necessary that he should know the prophetic
song of Taliesin. He might be re-elected any number
of times, provided he could maintain his superiority
against all competitors as the best poet and the best
musician in Cymru. His harp and its key were
presented to him by the King of Aberfraw, and reck
oned equal in value to those of his majesty. A
lodging was appointed for him in the apartment of
the heir apparent, with whom he was expected con
stantly to associate, and he took his seat in the royal
hall next to the judge of the palace. He held no office
at court, and his position there indicated the high re
spect entertained by the Cymry for the aristocracy of
talents and acquirements.
The duties, privileges, and perquisites assigned by
these laws to the great officers of the royal household
1 A. L. and I. of Wales, pp. 640-649, 666.

142 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, afford a curious insight into the manners of the early
. X1, . and mediseval Cymry. Whenever the king rode forth
he was attended by thirty-six persons, of whom twenty-
four were in constant attendance upon him in the
palace. The Penteulu was a dignified personage, and always
of royal blood. His authority extended over every
member of the king's establishment, and it was his
especial business to act as a peacemaker, and to conci
liate the sovereign towards anyone who might unhap
pily incur his majesty's displeasure. He was entitled
to a share of military spoils whether present or not
upon the field ; and, at the three great festivals of every
year, he was required to deliver the harp into the hands
of the Bardd Teulu.
The Effeiryat Teulu was appointed to celebrate
divine worship daily, to bless the meat and drink at
meal times, to give religious advice, to act as private
secretary to the king, and as secretary to the royal court
of justice ; and, in the execution of this latter function,
to offer up a prayer, before the judges pronounce
sentence, that God will show them what is right.
The Dystein, besides taking the oversight of the
inferior domestics, paid the wages of the household,
allotted the lodgings, and arranged the seats in the hall
according to an order of precedency. He was the
king's taster, and drank, but did not eat, at the royal
table. The skins of all creatures, from an ox to an
eel, killed for the royal kitchen were his property.
The Pen Hebogydd had his bed in the king's barn,
where his birds were kept, because they disliked the
smoke of the palace. His potations of ale and mead
were restricted to certain measures, lest intoxication
might lead him to neglect his charge. He was allowed

XI.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. ^ 143
the skin of a hind every spring, and the skin of a stag chap
every autumn, to provide him with gloves for the pro- >
tection of his hands, and with thongs for the jesses of
his hawks. Whenever he captured a curlew, a heron,
or a bittern, the king, if present, held his horse during
the act, and his stirrup at mounting and dismounting.
The Brawdwr Llys (Judge of the Palace) was pre
pared for the efficient and impartial execution of his
important functions by a long course of preparatory
initiation, and by the most solemn adjurations. He
always lodged in the hall, and used the king's own
cushion as his pillow. His ensigns of office were an
ivory throw-board from the king, and a gold ring from
the queen. When passing in and out of the palace, the
great gate was always thrown open for him that his
office might not suffer degradation from his passing
through a wicket. Not only were household disputes
and the civil and criminal causes of his sovereign's
kingdom entrusted to his decision, but also the poetical
and musical contests of the bards. It was his duty,
at his own cost, to reward the successful competitor
with a silver chair as Pen Cerdd (Chief of Song) and
that principal bard of all Cymru presented him in return
with a gold ring, a drinking-horn, and a cushion.
Among his perquisites were reckoned the tongues of
all animals slaughtered for the royal kitchen, the
penalty of his unfaithfulness being the loss of his judicial
office and of his own tongue.
The Pengwastrwd had the charge of the royal horses,
horse-furniture, stables, and granary. It was his business
to mount his majesty and all his great officers upon
suitable steeds, and more especially to take care of the
condition and equipment of the one appropriated to the
use of the Brawdwr Llys. Among his perquisites were

144 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, reckoned all colts under two years old found in the
... x^_, king's share of spoils taken in war; and also the riding-
caps, bridles, golden, silver, and brass spurs which his
majesty had used and done with.
The Gwastafel ate and slept in the king's private
apartment, of which he had the charge, together with
the furniture, the royal wardrobe, plate, and jewels.
The bedclothes and wearing apparel were his per
quisites. The Bardd Teulu, at his appointment, received from
his king a harp, and from his queen a gold ring. When
the king led his army into a hostile country, the Bardd
Teulu was always in attendance, and, while prepa
rations for battle were making, he sang to the harp
the inspiriting strains of ' Unbenniaeth Prydain ' (the
Monarchy of Britain), and repeated the same in the
hour of triumph.
These services entitled him to the most valuable
beast taken among the spoils. It was his duty to per
form before the court at the three great festivals of the
church after the Pen Cerdd had ceased ; and also, at
the queen's command, to sing and play three pieces
for her whenever she pleased, but in so low a key
that the king and his courtiers in the hall might not
be disturbed by the music. In South Wales it was
enjoined that the stanzas sung to the queen should be
on the subject of Camlan.1 When the Bardd Teulu
went out with other bards to play for hire, he was
entitled to receive the share of two. His worth was
estimated at 126 kine, and liable to augmentation.
Like every other member of the royal household,
excepting the porter, he received new woollen clothes
from the king, and new linen clothes from the queen
1 A. L. and I. of Wales, Gwentian Code, p. 303.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 145
thrice a year, at the three great festivals, had a horse, chap.
as all the others had, in constant readiness, and enjoyed .._ ,XL , .
free board and lodging, with many other privileges and
perquisites. The Gostegwr (crier of silence) performed this duty
by word of mouth, and by afterwards striking his rod
of office against a certain pillar in the hall. A fine was
payable to him for every disturbance raised within the
precincts of the palace.
The Pen Cynydd hunted hinds from the middle of
February until Midsummer, and stags from Midsummer
until the middle of October. On the first day of
November he brought his hounds and all his hunting
gear for the king's inspection, and then the skins of all
the animals which he had taken in the preceding season
were divided into three heaps, of which the king took
the one containing the skins of the beaver, the martin,
and the stoat ; the Gostegwr took another heap ; and
the third was divided between his attendants. From
November 9 until the end of that month, the Gostegwr
chased the wild boar. He used in hunting the horn
either of a buffalo or of a fine ox, and in time of war
he accompanied the army to sound alarms and battle-
signals. During the hunting seasons he was quartered,
together with his servants and dogs, upon certain tenants
of the king ; but he always spent Christmas at court,
and was lodged at that period in the kilnhouse, where
the food of his dogs was prepared.
The Medydd (brewer of mead) retained, as a per
quisite, a portion of the wax which he separated from
the honey, and the remainder of the wax was made
into candles for the use of the royal household.
The Meddyg was a general practitioner of medicine
L

146 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, and surgery. It was his duty to watch the king at
• — Xil— meals, and to instruct him what food he ought to eat,
and to accompany the army whenever his majesty led
it forth. The Trulliad had charge of the eelkrs, and also of
filling and presenting the drinking-horns.
The Drysawr lived in the gatehouse, and had a very
onerous office, including not only the ordinary duties of
a porter, but the custody of all state prisoners, and the
duties of royal messenger within the precincts of the
court. He also had the charge of providing straw and
rushes for the beds of the household, and fuel for the
palace fires. To reward his services he was entitled to
many perquisites, among them being a handful out of
every present passing through the gate, and a billet out
of every load of fuel which, holding the gate with one
hand, he could snatch with the other, without check
ing the horse. Out of every herd of swine taken as
booty which passed through the gate, any sow which
he could lift by the bristles breast high, and any ani
mal without a tail, became his own.
The Coc (cook) and the Cannwyllyd (candle-bearer)
completed the number of twenty-four great officers
attendant upon the king. The queen had also a
steward, chaplain, master of the horse, chamberlain,
doorkeeper, cook, and candle-bearer, besides the
Llaforfyn (handmaid) who was in elose and constant
attendance upon her. Like that of every other
Cymraes the worth of the Llaforfyn was estimated to
be, if a wife, one-third of her husband's ; and if a
maiden, one-half of her brother's. The candle-bearers
of the king and queen were entitled to the tops which
they could bite off the candles in their charge, to a
handbreadth of every candle which each had to hold

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 147
in his hand, and to the pieces of candle left at night chap.
when the king and queen went to bed. - — • — '
Other officers of less dignity belonged to the royal
household ; for instance the Troedyawg (foot-holder),
who served as an ottoman to his majesty, and acted as
his especial life-guardsman ; the Gwastrawd (groom of
the rein), who led the king's horse out and in, and
held his majesty's stirrup when, mounting and dis
mounting ; and the Ehingylch (apparitor), who stood
with a rod in his hand between two pillars of the
hall, to watch against danger of every kind, and more
especially against fire ; and was also employed by
the royal court of justice to deliver summonses and
citations. Only two women, besides the queen's handmaid,
held high places in the royal establishment, one being
the baker and the other the laundress, but a seamstress
and a weaver were also employed.
The Gwyliedydd, in order to remind him of the
ceaseless vigilance required by his office, received the
eyes of all animals slaughtered for the royal kitchen.
A horn, sounded at bedtime, called him to his post ;
throughout the night he wratched over the sleeping
king, and in the morning the same horn, announcing
that the palace gate had been opened, gave the signal
for his departure. The whole of the day was his own,
either for sleep or occupation.
The palace smith enjoyed a monopoly of employ
ment within the Cwmwd.
The usual style of building, indicated by the valua
tion, is a central hall having a roof supported by six-
columns, with penthouses attached to the gable-ends
and sides, constituting chambers ; and a barn contain
ing a quern for grinding corn ; another with a kiln for

148 HISTORY OF WALES.
drying corn ; a sheepcote, a stable, a pigstye, and other
offices in close proximity.
The fields were cropped with wheat, barley, oats,
rye, and flax. There were orchards of apples, pears,
and cherries. Cabbages, leeks, and other culinary
vegetables were cultivated in the gardens. An oak
tree was worth 60c?., and so likewise was a mistletoe
branch growing upon it.
A yew tree in the wood was estimated at 15c?., a
' holy yew tree ' at a pound, a sweet apple tree at 60c?.,
a sour one at -30c?., other fruit trees at 24c?. each, which
was the worth of a whole grove of hazel. Every tree
planted for shelter, either in a garden or near a house,
was valued at 24c?. ; but ash, willow, alder, and other
trees not bearing mast or fruit, were set at Ad. each.
A spade cost Id., and so did a sickle ; a salmon-net
16c?., a corawg (coracle) 8d. The skin of an ox cost
Sd., of a hart Sd., of a cow Id., of a sheep Id., of a
goat Id, of a roebuck Id., of a fox 8d., of a wolf 8d.,
of a martin 24c?., and of a beaver 120,6?.
The horns of buffaloes are often mentioned and were
probably imported, but the native herds of cattle de
scribed are either wholly black, or white with red ears.
Buckhounds, greyhounds, and various other dogs
are enumerated. The highest price set upon any dog
was a pound ; a eur, let it belong to whom it might,
was only valued at 4c?. ; but a herdsman's or shepherd's
dog going out before the flock or herd in the morning,
following it home in the evening, and making three
turns during the night around the fold or shed, had the
same value as the best ox, which was 60c?.
Chargers, palfreys, hunters, roadsters, sumpter-horses,
packhorses, and working horses for drawing cars and
harrows were in constant use. None were broken to

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 149
work until the third year, and no horse could be war- chap.
ranted free from restiveness until he had been safely ^^_.
ridden three times among a concourse of men and
horses. Oxen were exclusively used in ploughing, wTorking
usually in pairs, but sometimes three or four abreast,
and sometimes in long teams. They also drew cars,
but it does not appear that they were ever employed
in harrowing. The use of cows, as well as of horses
and mares, was strictly prohibited in ploughing ; and it
was required that every ploughman should know how
to make his plough.
A battleaxe is valued at 2c?,, a spear at 4c?.,, a bow
with twelve arrows at 4c?., a rough-ground sword at
12c?., a round-hilted sword at 16c?., a white-hilted
sword at 24c?., a shield at 8c?., a shield enamelled with
blue or gold at 24c?., a saddle at 8c?., a gilded bridle at
8c?., a silvered one at 6c?., and other bridles stained or
lackered at 4c?. Spurs, stirrups, girths, horsecloths,
and wadded pannels are mentioned, and also blinkers.
Peculiar dignity is attached to a breccan (plaid) ; striped
and chequered stuffs are alluded to ; mantles trimmed
with fur, robes, coats, trowsers, shirts, hose, buskins,
shoes, gloves, caps, bonnets, girdles, buckles, bracelets,
and rings were usual articles of attire. Laces for the
hair and spurs belonged to the queen's outfit.
Mead was the most valuable liquor ; bragawd wras
worth half, and ale one-fourth of it ; so that for one
measure of mead were given two of bragawd, and four
of ale. Med, Cervisia aromatihs, and Cervisia are the
titles used in the Welsh laws, and they aptly described
the cwrw, metheglin, and mead of the country.
No distinct mention is made of bedsteads ; the bed,
even that of the king of Aberfraw, was of straw or

150 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, rushes, but blankets, sheets, and costly coverlets,
. — f.  . bolsters, and pillows are enumerated. Chairs and
stools, cups, platters and dishes, mirrors, locks of iron
and of wood, chests, crocks and pitchers, bottles and
barrels, besides the ordinary vessels still used in
kitchens and brewhouses, the tools of woodmen, car
penters, smiths, and other craftsmen, are also men
tioned, as well as agricultural implements, spinning-
wheels, and looms, with their reeds, beams, harness,
warping troughs, rollers, wheels, and treadles.
When brothers divided among them the property
of their father, the family homestead with the kettle,
the coulter, the hatchet, the throw-board, and the harp
belonged to the youngest, excepting in the case of kings.
In the game played upon the throw-board, a black
king with eight men and sixteen white men were used.
Ancient Triads1 annexed to the legal code, recognize
three domestic arts, husbandry, pasturage, and weaving ;
three arts of a court, judicature, legal practice, and
diplomacy ; three civic arts, medicine, commerce, and
navigation ; three noble arts, horsemanship, hunting,
and the use of weapons ; and three persons whom it is
the duty of every landowner to maintain, a wife, an
armed man if not himself a warrior, and a domestic
teacher. § 7. In the year 939 2 occurred the deaths of two
near kinsmen of King Howel Dda, Hennyrth ab
Clydawg, his nephew, and Meurig ab Cadell, who had
re-acted the crime of Cain.
In 940 King Athelstan3 died, and was succeeded on
the throne of England by his brother Edmund the
Etheling, who regained by force of arms from the
1 A. L. and I. of Wales, p. 651.
2 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 939 ; Brut y Tywysogion, 936.
3 Saxon Chronicle.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 151
naturalized Danes many of the Mercian cities, of which chap.
they had for some years retained possession. _J^L_^
In the year 943, upon some unrecorded provocation,
the forces of King Edmund, with Danish auxiliaries,
invaded Gwynedd ; and, in the conflict which ensued,
King x Idwal Foel and his brother Elised were slain.
Idwal left behind' him six sons, Meurig, lefan, lago,
Cynan, Idwal Fychan, and Ehodri. Elised left a son
named Cynan, and a daughter named Trawst, who
married Seissyll, and was the mother of several princes,
who in after years took conspicuous parts in Cymric
history. At the death of Idwal Foel, his sons found it neces
sary to suppress their murmurs, and quietly to allow
King Howel Dda to assume the crown of Gwynedd.
This excellent man seemed to desire regal power
merely for the sake of making all his subjects happy ;
and his private conduct and public government were
so uniformly discreet, equitable, and benevolent, that
he secured universal reverence and good will.
In the year 945,2 King Edmund inarched with his
army into the north, and having ravaged and con
quered the regions hitherto governed by native Cymric
kings, and known by the names of Cumbria and Strath
Clyde, he granted the whole territory to Malcolm, king
of the Scots, on condition that Malcolm should become
upon all occasions his active auxiliary both by sea and
land.3 That long famous territory subsisted for many
subsequent generations as a separate realm, held by
successive heirs apparent, who severally resigned it on
acceding to the Scottish throne. C * J $ K -
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 943 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 941 ; Heraldic
Visitations of Wales, by Lewis Dunn, Welsh MSS. Society, vol. ii.
2 Saxon Chronicle ; William of Malmesbury, book ii. c. vii.
3 Palgrave, Rise and Progress, part i. c. xiii.

152 HISTORY OF WALES.

XI.

chap. In the year 946,1 King Edmund was killed at
Pucklechurch by Leofa the robber, and Edred his
brother succeeded him upon the throne of England.
A.D. 948 is a memorable year in Cymric history,
for in that year the long and peaceful, the prosperous
and beneficent reign of Howel Dda was ended by his
death.2 Contemporary chroniclers style him ' the chief
and glory of the Britons,' and time has failed to dim
the calm halo which encircles his name.
1 Saxon Chronicle.
2 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 950 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 948 ; Aneurin
Owen's Preface to The Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales.

153

CHAPTER XII.
THE CYMEY, THE SAXONS, AND THE DANES.
FROM THE DEATH OF HOWEL DDA TO THE DEATH OF IAGO AB IDWAL,
A.D. 948-1039.

Dissension checking arms that would restrain
The incessant rovers of the northern main.
Woedswoeth : Ecclesiastical Sonnets, part i. xii.

§ 1. a.d. 948. Howel Dda1 left behind him four sons: chap
Owen, Ehun, Ehodri, and Edwyn, whose several and - _ x^1- .
collective claims to his dominions were instantly and
furiously contested by the five younger sons of Idwal
Foel. After several conflicts, it was agreed that the
sons of Howel Dda should divide South Wales and
Powys between them, and that lefan and lago, the
second and third sons of Idwal Foel, should reign
jointly over Gwynedd, Meurig, the eldest, being set
aside as unworthy ; but this arrangement formed
merely a basis for contention, because the supreme
sovereignty was assumed by lefan and lago, and their
right to it was denied by the sons of Howel Dda.
The military strength of Gwynedd was summoned
by lago and lefan to decide the question, and the com
bined forces of Powys and Deheubarth, led by Owen ab
Howel and his brethren, quailed before it, ahd were
vanquished with great slaughter upon the hills of Carno
in Montgomeryshire. In the following year, the victors
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 950 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d, 948.

154 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, twice ravaged Dyfed, and, in one of these expeditions,
¦ XfL_, they slew its local king. About the same time died
Ehodri, one of the turbulent sons of the peaceful
Howel Dda.
About the year 954, the surviving sons of Howel
Dda having resolved to assert their ascendancy, and to
retaliate the ills which had been inflicted upon their
provinces, collected the mihtary strength of Deheubarth
and Powys, and marching into Gwynedd, ravaged the
country as far as the river Conwy. The sons of Idwal,
recovering from the surprise, gathered their forces
together, and encountered the invaders at Llanrwst,
where, after an obstinate and deadly battle, in which
royal blood flowed freely, Edwyn (otherwise called
Gwyn), a son of Howel Dda, and Anarawd ab Gwriad
ab Ehodri Mawr lost their fives, and the sons of Idwal
gained the victory. They pursued the fugitives into
Ceredigion, spoiling and devastating the whole region
with fire and sword, showing not less ferocity and ruth
less cruelty to their fellow countrymen and fellow
Christians than the pagan pirates of the Baltic showed
within the same year to the inhabitants of Mona.
In 955,1 Edred, king of England, died at Frome, and
was succeeded by Edwy, the eldest son of Edmund I.
In the local conflicts which now took place between
the members of the royal families of Wales much blood
was shed, and many princes perished. Owen ab Howel
Dda, though unable to effect the higher purposes of his
ambitious heart, gave vent to his ferocity by devasta
ting the Gorwenydd (Utter Gwents) in defiance of the
subordinate ruler of that territory, and apparently in
assertion of a personal claim to it. About the same
period (a.d. 958), the death of King Edwy gave the
1 Saxon Chronicle.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 155
whole realm of England to his brother Edgar, who chap.
commenced a vigorous reign under the auspices of .^xi^y-
Archbishop Dunstan and the Benedictine monks. The
year 959 is noted in Cymric records for a heavy and deep
fall of snow, and for a marauding visitation made by
King Abloic, from Ireland to the Welsh coasts, in which,
notwithstanding the fierce vigilance of lefan and lago,
he pillaged Caer Gybi in Mona, and Lleyn in Arfon.
About the year 961, Archbishop Dunstan consecrated1
Gwgan to the bishopric of Llandaff, and this act of
encroachment was countenanced by King Edgar, who
presented the new prelate with the pastoral staff.
Gwgan, in compliance with his patron's precepts, in
structed the clergy that they were not to marry with
out obtaining the Pope's licence ; but this ordinance,
having excited great disturbances in the diocese of
Llandaff, was soon withdrawn, and the clergy and
monks were left free to marry as before, at their own
discretion. The joint sovereigns, lefan and lago, in the exercise
of despotic power, seem to have forgotten the existence
of neighbours stronger than themselves, until about the
year 966, when Alfric, earl of Mercia, marched an army
into North Wales, and ravaged the whole country to
enforce the payment of tribute. The issue of this inva
sion appears to have been a commutation of future
tribute for the annual delivery of the heads of 300 2
wolves. In the following year, Ehodri ab Idwal was
slain by piratical bands from Ireland, who again ra
vaged Aberfraw.
Hitherto, the kings lefan and lago had continued
staunch friends ; but, about the year 969, they had a
1 Liber Landavensis, c. viii. § 28, p. 502, § 32, p. 509, and Notes.
2 William of Malmesbury, book ii. c. viii.

156 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, violent quarrel, and, soon afterwards, lago caused his
- xn"_ fellow sovereign to be arrested and cast into prison.
By way of rendering him incompetent to reign,1 he had
him blinded, and, after long detention as a captive,
brought his wretched fife to a close by hanging. Soon
afterwards Einion, the son of King Owen ab Howel,
made a devastating inroad upon Gwyr. It is probable
that he acceded a few years before to the crown of
South Wales, either by the abdication or death of his
father. While the Welsh princes were wasting their strength
in faction, Machus the Viking, with a powerful host,
landed in Mona ; seized upon and plundered Penmon ;
and subsequently, by the crafty aid of his brother
Godfrey, obtained the submission of the inhabitants of
the whole island. The pirates did not long retain pos
session of the prize, but no particulars of its rescue are
recorded. About the year 972, Howel, one of the sons of the
ill-used King lefan, raised an army, and led it into the
field against King lago. A battle ensued, which re
sulted in the defeat and flight of the fratricide, who
sought and found refuge at the Enghsh court. Howel
ab lefan immediately seized upon the kingdom of
Gwynedd, and assumed the sovereignty of Wales. One
of the earliest acts of his reign was to deprive his uncle,
Meurig ab Idwal, of sight, and that inoffensive prince
soon afterwards died in prison. A new competitor
for the crown of Gwynedd then arose in Ionfal, one of
the two sons of Meurig, and, in his right, the represen
tative of the eldest branch of the race of Ehodri Mawr,
and the true king of the Britons and monarch of all
Cymru. 1 Annales Cambrise, p. 19 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 967.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 157
§ 2. The confusion attendant upon these rivalries, chap.

and upon the atrocious deeds of the fugitive king lago,
and those of his triumphant nephew, Howel ab lefan,
offered a favourable opportunity for King Edgar, not
merely to assert his superiority, but also to augment
his influence in Wales, and to appropriate a fresh por
tion of Welsh territory. In the year 974, the Bret
walda, Basileus, and King of all Albion arrived at
Bangor with a powerful fleet, summoned before him
the regal competitors for the crown of Gwynedd, and
compelled King Howel to admit King lago to a share
of the kingdom of Gwynedd, and to a joint exercise of
the sovereignty of Wales. Gwynedd comprised1 four
regions : M6n, Arfon, Merionydd, and Y Berfeddwlad ;
and it may be clearly inferred, that a territorial division
was then made or sanctioned by King Edgar, and that
Arfon became the regal portion of King lago. Out of
it, King Edgar gave certain lands to the see of Bangor.
He also confirmed the ancient privileges of the cathe
dral, and built a new church near it, which he dedicated
to the Virgin Mary.
Passing round 2 to Chester with his fleet, the ostenta
tious Bretwalda received there the homage of eight
tributary kings : Kenneth, king of the Scots, with his
heir apparent, Malcolm, king of the Strath Clyde Cymry ;
Machus, the archpirate king of the Isles ; and five
kings of Wales, two for Deheubarth and three for
Gwynedd, who all severally swore to be faithful to his
interests, and to hold themselves ever ready to aid him
both by sea and land. The humiliating ceremony
1 Sir John Price's Description of Wales, prefixed to Powel's Hist, of
Cambria, pp. 6-9.
2 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 973 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 971 ; Saxon
Chronicle, a.d. 972 ; Florence of Worcester, a.d. 973 ; Henry of Hunt
ingdon ; William of Malmesbury, book ii. c. viii.

XII.

158 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, being over, King Edgar led the way to the river, and
s.xP'_. took them on board his barge, then, seating himself at
the rudder, and beckoning them to the oars, he steered
his course up the Dee, while they rowed him from the
palace to the monastery of St. John the Baptist, at
tended by other vessels bearing courtiers and atten
dants, and watched from the banks by crowds of
amazed spectators. The crowned crew having landed,
and offered up their prayers in the church, re-embarked,
and the eight tributary kings rowed their despotic
Bretwalda back again from the monastery to the
palace. The departure of King Edgar and his fleet served as
a signal for the renewal of strife between the evil-
minded kings lago and Howel ab lefan, who, reckless
of their people's welfare, fought out, at all hazards,
their personal quarrels, and, at the risk of national in
dependence, fiercely struggled with each other for
dominion and pre-eminence.
In 975 King Edgar died, and his son Edward in
herited his throne, and being but a child, reigned
under the guardianship of Archbishop Dunstan.
In 976 Einion, the son of King Owen ab Howel
Dda, again ravaged Gwyr.
§ 3. Young Edward, the Bretwalda, was murdered
in the year 978, and his brother Ethelred, a still
younger boy, ascended the throne of England. About
the same period, Howel ab lefan repeated the devasta
tion of Lleyn, and the desecration of the church of
Celynog. In the following year, a decisive battle was
fought between his forces and those of lago, in which
the elder king, being worsted and taken prisoner, his
territories fell into the hands of Howel, whose next
recorded deed is the murder of his uncle, Idwal ab

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. I59
Idwal, an adherent of the adverse party. King lago chap.
remaining in captivity, his son, Cystenin Ddu, became -~JE^L_-
infuriated against the despot of his race, allied himself
with Godfrey the Viking, who was employed in pilla
ging Chester (a.d. 980), and hired him and his pirates
to ravage Mona and Lleyn. King Howel ab lefan
promptly raised an army and encountered them at
Hirbarth, where they sustained a complete overthrow,
and Cystenin Ddu was skin. His surname usually
denotes a person of dark complexion, but the Welsh
chroniclers so frequently mention the Danes as the
'black Pagans,'1 that his association with those pirates
may probably be indicated by the epithet. In the fol
lowing year, Godfrey and his amphibious troops re
appeared on the Demetian coasts, ravaged Dyfed and
Mynyw, and would have done still more extensive
mischief if Einion, king of South Wales, had not
stopped them at Llanwenog on the Teify, and given
them an overthrow.
About the year 983, Alfric, duke of Mercia, and his
army, sallying forth on a predatory expedition, had
ravaged Brycheiniog and destroyed the chief town of
that district, before the energetic Einion ab Owen could
assemble an army to repel them. The contradictory
statements of the ' Annales Cambrite ' and the ' Brut y
Tywysogion ' concerning this inroad may possibly have
sprung from the two-sided fact, that King Howel ab
lefan and the men of Gwynedd, in the first instance,
accompanied the Mercians, and then turned against
them and assisted Einion in defeating, dispersing, and
1 For instance (a.d. 987), 'Gothrit filius Haraldi. cum nigris gentilibus
vastavit Mon, captis duobus millibus hominum : reliquias vero Maredut
secum asportavit ad Keredigean et ad Demetiam.' — Annales Cambrise ;
and Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 981. ' Kenedloed duon.'

160 HISTORY OF WALES.

XII.

chap, cutting them to pieces. Such conduct would accord
with his character.
Not long after this victory, an insurrection took place
among the Cymry of Gwent, and in attempting to quell
it, King Einion ab Owen ab Howel Dda lost his life.
He left behind him two sons, Edwyn and Tewdwr, but
they were young, and Maredudd, his brother, took pos
session of the kingdoms of Deheubarth and Powys.
In 984, King Howel was slain while valiantly fight
ing against the Mercians. His countrymen, detesting
his character, and contrasting it with that of the royal
kinsman whose beloved name he bore, have distin
guished him by the surname of Howel the Bad
(Ddrwg). § 4. a.d. 984. The death of Howel Ddrwg1 did not
put an end to the internal commotions of the country.
Cadwallawn, his brother, opposed the regal claim of
Ionfal ab Meurig and slew him in battle, while Idwal
ab Meurig narrowly escaped with his life. Cadwallawn
having thus possessed himself of Gwyneddd, reigned
over it for a year or more, but Maredudd ab Owen then
marched against him with the united forces of Powys
and Deheubarth. A battle was fought in which Cad
wallawn and his brother Meurig were slain, and
Maredudd consequently established himself as king of
the three provinces, and monarch of all Wales. In
987, Godfrey and his 2 black host revisited Mona,
defeated the forces of King Maredudd, and took 2000
prisoners, among them being the king's brother
Llywarch, whose eyes they put out.
Struck with panic at these disasters, Maredudd
retreated with the remainder of his army into Cere
digion and Dyfed, while the pirates burning and
1 Annales Cambrise, p. 20 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 984.
2 Brut y Tywysogion, p. 29.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 161
plundering as they went forth and returned towards chap.
the mouth of the Severn, vented their fury more - — ,_L_
especially upon the sacred structures of Llanbadarn,
Lkndydoc, LlaniUtyd, Lkngarfan, and Mynyw, until
the harassed king at length consented to pay them a
penny poll-tax as the price of their departure. Famine
and great mortality occurred this year both in England
and Wales, produced by the Danish inroads. In the
midst of all this wretchedness, King Maredudd, with a
hired band of Danes, employed himself in carrying fire
and sword through those districts of South Wales which
favoured the regal claim of his nephew, Edwyn ab
Einion ; who, with a hired band of Mercians, diligently
retaliated, by carrying fire and sword through those
districts which favoured the regal claim of Maredudd.
These atrocities were continued until rivalry subsided
in utter exhaustion. Meanwhile, the Danes had again
returned to pillage the fertile fields of Mona, and the
men of Gwynedd, being left without a martial leader,
gladly welcomed Idwal ab Meurig to the throne of
his forefathers, A.D. 992.
This brave and worthy prince was diligently and
strenuously applying his abilities to the defence and
welfare of his people, when Maredudd raised an army
in the south and marched against him. They met at
Llangwm (in Denbighshire), and Tewdwr ab Einion, the
nephew of King Maredudd, was slain in the battle
which gave victory to King Idwal, and strengthened
his grasp upon the sceptre of Gwynedd. Nevertheless,
the warriors wlio fell in his cause were missed in 997,
when Sweyn, king of Denmark, landed in Mona with a
vast host of marauders, and the heroic Idwal ab Meurig
died sword in hand in defence of his country.
The Danes passed southward to St. David's, destroying
M

162 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, all before them, and not content with plundering and
- XIL burning the monastery, they murdered also the monks
and Morgan, bishop of that see. King Maredudd did
not long survive these calamities. He left behind him
only a daughter named Angharad. King Idwal left
only a son named lago, who was still a child. Cynan
ab Howel Ddrwg sprang eagerly upon the throne of
Gwynedd, while Llewelyn ab Seissyll, the son of Trawst
and the husband of Angharad, seized with a tenacious
grasp upon the sceptres of Powys and Deheubarth,
a.d. 998.
In the year 1000, 1 Ethelred the Unready made a
hostile visit to Cumberland, and appointed his ships to
meet him at Chester. Wind and weather prevented
them from doing this, and being driven back to Mona,
the seamen landed there, and ravaged the coast.
Among other aspirants to the throne of Gwynedd at
this juncture, was Aeddan ab Blegwryd, a man of ob
scure lineage and not of Cunedda's race, but having
brought an army into the field, and won a battle, in
which2 Cynan ab Howel Ddrwg was slain, he assumed
the government of the kingdom in 1003.
The desolate condition to which the piratical Danes
had reduced Menevia is indicated by the few and
irregular entries to be found between the years 987
and 113 in the Annales Cambria?, which were kept in
that monastery.
§ 5. In 1013, Ethelred,3 king of England, fled to
Normandy and left his dominions at the mercy of
Sweyn, king of Denmark. In the following year Sweyn
died, Canute his son succeeded him, and, at the request
of the Witangemot, King Ethelred returned to attempt
1 Saxon Chronicle.
2 Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1003; Annales Cambria), p. 22  .
3 Saxon Chronicle.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 163
the emancipation of his people. In the year 1016, the chap.
death of this feeble creature placed his vigorous son ¦ — <-As
Edmund Ironside in the forefront of honour and of
danger. After Canute had been convinced, by several
defeats, of Edmund's superiority in military skill, the
rivals were persuaded, by the intervention of Earl
Edric, to hold a conference at Alney, an islet in the
Severn, and there they agreed to divide England be
tween them, Edmund retaining his conquests, which
comprised Wessex with its dependencies, and Canute
holding Mercia and Northumbria, which included the
remainder of the country. The assassination of King
Edmund soon afterwards enabled Canute to obtain
possession of the whole realm.
In the same year, 1 Llewelyn ab Seissyll, king of
Powys and Deheubarth, with a large army, invaded
Gwynedd. Aeddan, who had reigned very peaceably
until then, mustered his forces and encountered his ad
versary in a battle where he was slain together with
his four sons. This victory gave Llewelyn ab Seissyll
possession of Gwynedd, and henceforth he reigned
over the three Welsh provinces, and became, in the
language of the chroniclers, ' supreme king of Gwynedd,
and the chief and most illustrious 2 king of all the
Britons.' Under his good government, the recruited
people employed themselves in agriculture and com
merce, the earth produced abundantly, the cattle
multiplied, beggary and poverty disappeared, the land
was fully inhabited,. and all the inhabitants were well
provided for. In 1019, this tranquiUity was disturbed
1 Annales Cambrise; Brut y Tywysogion; Powel's Hist, of Cambria,
pp. 83-86.
2 Llewelyn uab Seissyll goruchel vrenhin Goyned a phennaf achlo
tuorussaf vrenhin or holl Vrytanyeit.— B. y T. a.d. 1020.
m 2

164 HISTORY OF WALES
chap, by Meurig ab Arthfael, who having raised a faction
- against the king, was encountered in battle and slain
by his majesty's own hands. A more formidable
insurrection followed in South Wales, where an Irish
adventurer, crafty, clever, and voluble, appeared at
Dinefawr, calling himself by the name of Ehun, and
pretending to be the son of the late king Maredudd.
He was received by the subordinate kings of the pro
vince as their sovereign, and a large army was assembled
at Abergwili to enforce his claim, a.d. 1020. On
the approach of Llewelyn ab Seissyll with his forces,
Ehun addressed his martial partisans with ostentatious
bravery, confidently anticipating success, and arrogantly
defying all opposition ; but, ere the furious shock of
conflict came, he hid himself, and the chieftains of the
south, after fighting desperately against their enraged
sovereign, were defeated and dispersed. Llewelyn lost
many men in the battle, but he overtook and slew the
vaunting pretender, ravaged the country, and returned
laden with the spoils in melancholy triumph to his
favourite residence, Ehuddlan Castle. The misery of
Deheubarth was soon increased by the presence of
Eikf and his pirates, who ravaged Dyfed and demolished
Mynyw.1 In 1023, King Llewelyn ab Seissyll died by assas
sination, at the instigation, it is said, of Howel and
Maredudd, the sons of Edwyn ab Einion ab Owen ab
Howel Dda, and by the treacherous aid ofMadog Nun,
bishop of Bangor. National reprobation prevented
the authors of this heinous deed from profiting by it,
and the throne of Gwynedd was immediately occupied
by lago ab Idwal, the lineal descendant of Ehodri
Mawr. The throne of Deheubarth was seized upon
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1123 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d, 1021.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND DANES. 165
with a strong hand by Ehydderch ab lestin, district chap.
king of Morganwg and lord of Gwenllwg. The king- ,_ x,Iy
dom of Powys appears to have fallen into a distracted
state, and to have afforded shelter to the turbulent sons
of Edwyn. § 6. In this stormy, superstitious, and illiterate age
Bledri1 Ddoeth (the Wise), bishop of Llandaff, is de
scribed by his countrymen as the chief scholar of
Cymru, who anxiously exhorted his clergy to instruct
their people, so that every person might know his
duty towards God and towards man. He died about
the year 1023. His immediate predecessor was
Gwgan ; his successor was Joseph.
§ 7. The murder of 2 Cynan ab Seissyll, Llewelyn's
brother, in 1026, was added to the crimes which
ambition prompted the sons of Edwyn to commit.
Unable, after ten years' machinations, to raise sufficient
native forces to assert their hereditary claims to the
throne of South Wales, Howel and Maredudd at length
(a.d. 1031) contrived to hire a large army of Irish
mercenaries, with which they invaded that province.
Ehydderch appears to have been taken by surprise, for
his army suffered a defeat, and he lost his life in the
battle. The sons of Edwyn seized possession of Dine
fawr, and shared its throne between them, but the sons
of Ehydderch speedily raised a large army and marched
against them. The opponents met at Hiraethwy,
where a long and bloody conflict ended in the defeat of
the sons of Ehydderch, and the people were compelled
to submit to the authority of the victors. The sons of
Cynan ab Seissyll soon afterwards raised a strong party
1 Liber Landavensis, Appendix, pp. 627, 628; Williams, Enwogion
Cymru. 2 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion.

166 ' HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, in the province, deprived Maredudd of life, and con-
 y— strained Howel ab Edwyn to seek for safety in exile.
In 1035 died Canute, king of England, Denmark,
and Norway, and Harold his son succeeded to his
English dominions.
§ 8. Although lago ab Idwal, during a reign of six
teen years, did all that he was able to do for the welfare
of his subjects, the memory of his brilliant predecessor
continued to be fondly cherished among the martial
veterans of Gwynedd ; and when Gruffydd, Llewelyn's
eldest son, having grown up to manhood, came before
them fuU of energy and enterprise, they joyfully re
ceived him for Llewelyn's sake, while his own engaging
and noble qualities secured the general favour of the
people. He would gladly have induced King lago to
abdicate peaceably, but the son of Idwal could not
tamely yield up to a rival the crown which he regarded
as his own by old hereditary right. Iago's friends
raUied around him, but Gruffydd brought a stronger
army into the field; the Uneal representative of Ehodri
Mawr was defeated and slain, and Cynan his son fled
for refuge to Ireland, a.d. 1039.

167

CHAPTEE XIII.
THE CYMBY AND THE SAXONS.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEUFFTDD AB LLEWELYN TO HIS DEATH,
A.D. 1039-1063.

'Tis liberty alone that gives the flower
Of fleeting life its lustre and perfume,
And we are weeds without it.
Cowpee : The Task, book v.

§ 1. a.d. 1039. In the first year of Gruffydd's reign chap.
over Gwynedd, his territories were invaded by the i11"
combined English and Danish forces of Mercia, acting
in league with Howel ab Edwyn. Gruffydd, having
encountered and defeated them at Croes yr Hafren,
immediately led his triumphant army to Llanbadarn,
where he destroyed the monastery, and drove away the
monks because they had favoured his rival's cause.
Passing from Powys into Deheubarth, he made a mili
tary progress through every district, receiving the
submission of the subordinate rulers, while Howel ab
Edwyn and his partisans fled for refuge to Earl Leofric's
brother, Earl Edwin ; and the fugitive prince prevailed
on his ally to raise a powerful army for the purpose of
replacing him upon the throne. When the Mercian
force arrived at Pencadair, and was joined by Howel's
old partisans, and the subjects of his district sovereignty,
that prince believed his mihtary strength to be invin-
1 Annales Cambrise, A.d. 1039  ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d.
1037  .

168 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, cible, and exulted in the sanguine anticipation of success ;
• — ,—!? but Gruffydd ab Llewelyn, hearing of these proceedings,
marched rapidly from Gwynedd at the head of his
warriors, and came upon the allied host by surprise.
In the battle which ensued, JEarl Edwin, Earl Thurkell,
Earl Elfget, and many other English noblemen, were
slain, Howel effected his escape, but the victory of
Gruffydd was complete, and even the wife of Howel fell
into his hands.
Gruffydd's detention of this princess, and his ulegal
marriage with her, form an ineffaceable blot upon his
memory. His subsequent marriage with Algitha,
daughter of the renowned Leofric, earl of Mercia, and
his friendship with her brother Earl Algar, gave rise to
many important events in the history of England and
of Wales. § 2. a. d. 1040. Hardicanute succeeded his half
brother Harold as king of England. The year after
wards, Howel returned secretly into South Wales, and
endeavoured to incite the people to favour his cause ;
and just at that time it happened that a horde of Danish
pirates landed upon the coast of Dyfed, and dispersed
themselves about to plunder. Howel had not hitherto
been possessed of his countrymen's good opinion, but
the patriotism and valour with which he put himself at
the head of the local warriors, won the battle of Pwll
Dyfach, and drove the despoilers to their ships, gained
for him many zealous friends.
Meanwhile, Cynan ab lago had landed in Gwynedd
at the head of a strong party of Irishmen, and being
in communication with some political adherents there,
was enabled to entrap and capture King Gruffydd. In
the act of carrying him off to the ships, however, the
1 Saxon Chronicle, a.d. 1039 ; Florence of Worcester.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 169
alarmed people rushed to the rescue, delivered their chap.
hero, and slaughtered many of the invaders, while - x*nV
Cynan and the rest with difficulty re-embarked and
set sail for Dublin.
§ 3. a. d. 1042. Howel ab Edwyn, taking into his
pay a horde of Danes and their Irish fleet, was assisted
by the native faction, which he had raised, in making
yet another effort to regain his throne. Gruffydd
marched immediately to meet his rival upon southern
ground. The battle was long and fiercely contested,
and when the forces of Howel retreated, those of
Gruffydd followed them with unrelenting fury. A
second stand being made at Aber Towy, the conflict
was renewed, Howel ab Edwyn was slain and his army
cut to pieces. In the same year, Hardicanute died,
and Edward, his half brother, ascended the throne of
England. Gruffydd ab Ehydderch ab lestin ab Owen ab
Howel Dda and his brother Ehys were popular men
in Gwent and Morganwg, and no sooner had Howel's
death cleared the way, than they openly and boldly
stood forward to assert their claim to the provincial
sovereignty of Deheubarth. Silures formed the chief
strength of their army, though some auxiliaries came
from Mercia as a contingent ever ready to promote
Cymric dissensions. King Gruffydd ab Llewelyn with
his valiant brother Ehys and the men of Gwynedd
were always ready for war, and so well matched proved
the rival hosts of the north and south, that they fought
with unremitting spirit and unflinching steadiness from
morning until night. Darkness parted the diminished
combatants, and the rival hosts, respecting and fearing
each other, withdrew northward and southward to their
respective provinces. It may be inferred that some

170 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, sort of compromise took place after this event, leaving
v-^-,. to the sons of Ehydderch the provincial sovereignty
of Deheubarth, and securing supreme dominion to King
Gruffydd ab Llewelyn, whose provincial sway extended
over Powys and Gwynedd.
No farther hostilities between the forces of Gwynedd
and Deheubarth are recorded until 1046,1 when the
principal inhabitants of Dyfed and Ystrad Towy rose
in arms against a body of Gruffydd ab Llewelyn's
household troops, and kiUed 140 men. To avenge their
death, the enraged king of Gwynedd laid waste those
districts with fire and sword. In the same year he
received a visit from Sweyn, the son of Earl Godwin,
and accompanied him upon an expedition, of which the
particulars are not recorded; but the result was certainly
the deUvery of hostages to Sweyn, and probably the
subjugation of the sons of Ehydderch and the estab
lishment of Gruffyd's provincial rule over Deheubarth.
The winter of 1046-47 was remarkable for its stormy
and frightful severity. Snow set in upon January 1,
and continued to faU, accompanied from February 1
by intense frost, untU March 17. Violent tempests of
every sort devastated the country, and checked vegeta
tion ; famine and pestilence foUowed, of which multi
tudes of human beings died, while murrain destroyed
the cattle, and even the birds and fishes perished from
want, so that the whole country lay desolate. Upon
South Wales aU these afflictions fell with aggravated
force, from the devastations of previous warfare.
§ 4. Successive Bretwaldas and their deputies had,
without scruple, violated the arrangement which recog
nized the Wye as a boundary fine between England and
1 Saxon Chronicle,  ; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1047 ; Brut v Tvwvso-
gion, a.d. 1045. > j j j

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 171
Deheubarth, and they had graduaUy won possession ghap.
of all those lands upon the western side of that river _3^L,
which form a part of the modern county of Hereford.
This innovation, the kings of Cymru indignantly re
sented ; while the Silurian peasants, remaining upon
the conquered soil, favoured the predatory incursions
of their countrymen, and gladly witnessed acts of
spohation and injury committed against their Teutonic
oppressors. Gruffydd ab Llewelyn, when other wars did not
occupy his time, was in the habit of making such hos
tile visitations almost every year. To facilitate his
operations, he built1 a fortress in the very midst of a
Saxon colony near Trefawydd (Hereford), and thus kept
both the .settlers and the neighbouring garrison of the
city in a state of constant terror. The nearest way from
Ehuddlan thither lay straight, from north to south,
through western Shropshire and western Herefordshire ;
he therefore enjoyed the savage satisfaction of inflicting
retribution at every step, while traversing and plun
dering alienated districts which he deemed to be, by
right, his own inheritance.
Not long after the death of Llewelyn ab Seissyll,
Queen Angharad, his widow, the daughter of King
Maredudd ab Owen, married Cynfyn ab Gwerystan.
Gruffydd and Ehys were the sons of the first marriage,
Bleddyn and Ehiwallon of the second ; and the sove
reign elder brother treated all the rest with unsuspect
ing confidence and invariable affection.
In 1050, Cynan ab lago made an attempt to invade
Deheubarth with an Irish2 army, but a violent storm
wrecked many of his ships, scattered the rest, and
1 Saxon Chronicle, a.d. 1048 ; William of Malmesbury, book ii. c. xiii.
2 Annales Cambrise, p. 25 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a,d. 1050.

172 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, constrained him to return to Dublin, where his marriage
- X™L- with the king's daughter had secured for him powerful
friends. In the same year1 a host of Danish pirates from
Ireland, with a fleet of thirty- six ships, entered the
Severn sea, and passing up the estuary beyond the
confluence of the rivers Severn and Wye, with the aid
and guidance of Gruffydd, king of Wales, plundered
the neighbouring country, burnt Dunedham, and
slaughtered all the inhabitants whom they found there.
Aldred, bishop of Worcester, collected a large body of
forces to oppose the marauders ; but Gruffydd, being
aware of his enemies' movements, came suddenly and
secretly towards the Saxon forces in the night with all
his military strength, and at the dawn of day unex
pectedly attacked them, slaughtering many men, and
putting the bishop and the rest to flight.
§ 5. Earl Godwin and his sons, representing the
Anglo-Saxon inhabitants of England, had become
casually embroUed with the intrusive Norman faction
headed by Earl Eustace, King Edward's brother-in-law.
They consequently received notice to attend an ap
proaching session of the Witangemot at Gloucester,
where the Normanized king was then residing. Anxious
to overawe the king for the sake of their own safety,
they raised the mihtia of their earldoms, and marched
to Beverston ; 2 but, desiring rather to conciliate favour
than to provoke civil war, they craftily attempted to
account for their proceedings by asserting that the army
was intended to withstand an impending Welsh invasion,
by which the King of England with his council, and in
them the whole nation, must be imminently endangered.
1 Saxon Chronicle, A. 1050 ; Florence of Worcester, a.d. 1049.
2 William of Malmesbury, book ii. c, xiii.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS 173
King Gruffydd and his subordinate rulers hearing of chap.
this accusation, took the most effectual means to repel . — ,_ 1_
it by speedily appearing at Gloucester as peaceful
members of the Witangemot, where the eloquence of
the Welsh sovereign completed his vindication and won
the Bretwalda's favour, a.d. 1051. From these cir
cumstances evidently arose the mortal enmity of Earl
Harold to the sons of Llewelyn ab Seissyll.
In recording the appointment of Odda to the earl
dom of Devon, Somerset, and Dorset, ' and over the
Welsh,' the Saxon Chronicle bears witness at this period
to the continued existence of an ancient British com
munity within the western peninsula.
In the year 1052-53,1 the Godwin family re-estab
lished their power over England and over King
Edward. Soon afterwards, Ehys, the brother of the
king of Wales (South Wales according to2 Florence of
Worcester), having made a predatory expedition into
Gloucestershire, was, by some unexplained exertion of
Earl Harold's abUities, taken prisoner at Bullendun, and
condemned to suffer death for the mischief he had
done. His head was sent as an acceptable offering to
King Edward at Gloucester ; and, in accordance with
the vindictive temper of the times, it is probable that
Gruffydd ab Llewelyn, who held at that time the pro
vincial sovereignty of Deheubarth as well as that of
Gwynedd and of Powys, with supreme authority over
all, soothed his grief for his brave brother's loss by
making that speedy irruption into 3 Herefordshire,
wherein he advanced nearly to Llanleini (Leominster),
cut to pieces the opposing English and Norman forces,
1 Saxon Chronicle.
2 a.d. 1053 ; see also Warrington's History of Wales, pp. 216, 217.
3 Saxon Chronicle.

174 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, and slew many persons of distinction. About this
- x^ny time, Fleance,1 the fugitive son of Banquo, found a
friendly welcome at King Gruffydd's court. Though
cruel in his wrath, that king was gentle and kind to
his associates, courteous and hospitable alike to his own
people and to strangers, liberal to his dependents, and
equitable in the administration of the laws. He is
said to have been also costly in apparel and append
ages, and royal in every word and deed. His love for
his subjects, his adventurous daring, his resolute
courage, his majestic bearing, and his extraordinary
success in war, rendered him the idol of the Cymry,
and the grisly terror of their foes.
§ 6. In the year 1055, the posterity of Ehydderch
ab lestin ab Owen ab Howel Dda made another
attempt to wrest from the grasp of Gruffydd ab
Llewelyn the sceptre of Deheubarth. The opposing
parties tried their strength again upon a battlefield,
where Gruffydd ab Ehydderch was slain by his rival,
and his army suffered a complete overthrow.
Unless assailed with open violence, Gruffydd ab
Llewellyn never injured or molested his regal com
petitors ; and historic proof exists,2 that he permitted
the restless race of Ehydderch, after aU their hostile
actions, to enjoy successively the district sovereignty of
Gwent, which was their paternal inheritance.
In the same year, Earl3 Algar, having been outlawed
by King Edward, went to Ireland, and procured there
an army of Danes, which he embarked on board a fleet
of eighteen ships; and, joining with these his own
forces, he re-crossed the Channel, anchored on the
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 103. 2 Liber Landavensis, p. 628.
3 Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1054; Saxon Chronicle, a.d. 1055; Florence
of Worcester ; Henry of Huntingdon.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. I75
coast of Gwynedd, and besought the protection and aid chap.
of King Gruffydd. The request was readily granted, - xm' .
and the Welsh monarch raised a large army, with
which he accompanied the march of Earl Algar and his
troops into Herefordshire. Earl Eanulph, the nephew
of King Edward, had early information of their ap
proach ; and with his Norman troops, and a host of
English militia, he encountered the allies at two miles
distance from the city. The hostile forces were arrayed
for a pitched battle, but scarcely had a spear -been
thrown, when the cavalry of the defenders, falling into
disorder, caused a panic to seize Earl Eanulph, who
turned his back and led the flight of his discomfited
foUowers, pursued by King Gruffydd and Earl Algar
with their forces, who, slaughtering at their will, chased
the fugitives to Hereford, where some of the assailants
entered the fortress and slew the garrison. During the
sack of the city, seven canons rashly stood forth to
defend St. Ethelbert's church, Bishop Athelstan's new
minster, and were in hot blood put to the sword. The
minster was burnt with all its relics ; and, after setting
fire to the city, the allies departed laden with rich
spoils, and dragging into captivity many of the in
habitants. Aroused and alarmed by these outrageous proceed
ings, King Edward readily authorized Earl Harold to
assemble at Gloucester the military forces of nearly all
England, and to march at their head into Wales. The
Saxon Chronicle emphaticaUy mentions that they ' went
out not far among the Welsh.' Encamping a part of
his army in Wales, Harold returned with the rest to
Hereford, and spent his time in fortifying that city, while
negotiations for peace were carried on between him, as
the representative of King Edward, and King Gruffydd

176 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, on behalf of Earl Algar. A meeting at last took
- XJIL . place, the English army was withdrawn, and Earl
Algar was restored to all his property and dignities.
Tremorin, bishop of St. David's, who had acted as
coadjutor to Athelstan during his infirmities, appears to
have guided his bhnd friend to a place of refuge, and
then to have sunk and died from the fever of anxiety
produced by these commotions ; for, according to
Simeon of Durham, Bishop Athelstan and his clerks,
under the protection of the sheriff, withdrew from
Hereford to Glasbrig, probably Glasbury,1 situated
upon the Wye, and within the diocese of St. David's.
On February 10, 1056, Bishop Athelstan expired
at Bosbury, according to Florence of Worcester ; and
Leofgar, the mass-priest of Earl Harold, wras conse
crated in his stead. A fortnight before Midsummer
saw King Gruffydd again at the head of an army, and
again approaching the debatable ground on Wye side.
Bishop Leofric, as soon as he heard the unwelcome
tidings, cast aside his chrism and his rood, clothed him
self in armour, took up the spear and sword, mounted
a war-horse, and led forth his priests, together with the
sheriff and the English militia of the neighbourhood, to
encounter the invaders on their march, and probably
met them at Glasbury. None of the leaders of the
English forces escaped with their lives, and the trium
phant advance of the Welsh king caused such con
sternation in the city of Hereford, and throughout the
border lands, that Leofric, earl of Mercia, and Aldred,
bishop of Worcester, came to Earl Harold and per
suaded him to put an end to the havoc and distress,
by making peace with King Gruffydd, and accepting
his renewed oaths of aid and faithfulness to Edward
the Bretwalda.
1 Price's Historical Account of the City of Hereford, 1796, pp. 21, 22.

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 177
Within the same year, King Gruffydd sanctioned chap.
Meurig ab Howel, a district ruler, in appointing Nicolas .- X*IL- -
ab Gwrgant to the vacant bishopric of Llandaff.
Two years afterwards,1 Earl Algar was again unjustly
outlawed (a.d. 1058), and returning to his old friend,
the king of Gwynedd, found him hospitable and friendly
as of yore. Gruffydd had a fleet as weU as an army,
and joining it with the fleet of Magnus, prince of Nor
way, he led the way in ravaging the English coasts,
until Earl Harold was constrained once more, in King
Edward's name, to restore Earl Algar to his wealth and
privileges. No immediate act of hostility punished
King Gruffydd for the effectual aid which he had ren
dered to Harold's political rival, and for the injuries
done to his property in Wessex.
Though Florence of Worcester mentions continual
ravages in the Marches, and many insults to King
Edward, neither the Saxon Chronicle, the Annales
Cambrige, nor the best copies of the Brut y Tywy
sogion, allude to any subsequent inroad of King
Gruffydd's forces upon English territory, nor farther
provocation of any sort ; but Earl Harold needed none
to stimulate his long and careful preparation for ven
geance. Having,2 in King Edward's name, ordered a
general muster of all the forces of England to take
place at Gloucester, and having entered into secret
communication with the half brothers of King Gruffydd,
and with Caradog ab Gruffydd ab Ehydderch, and
secured their aid by offering baits to their ambition, he
made a sudden and rapid irruption into Gwynedd, at
1 Saxon Chronicle, A. 1058; Florence of Worcester; Annales
Cambria?, p. 25 ; Brut y Tywysogion, A.D. 1056.
2 Saxon Chronicle, A. 1063 ; Florence of Worcester ; Roger of
Wendover ; Henry of Huntingdon ; Turner, Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons,
vol. ii. book vi. c, xiv. pp. 367, 368. N

178 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the head of a large body of cavalry, with the evident
- X"I_. intention of surprising and capturing the king. Before
Gruffydd became aware of his approach, the foe was at
his castle gates, and he had scarcely time to rush with
a few companions to the adjacent harbour, and to
embark on board his own ship, when Earl Harold, en
raged at the frustration of his enterprise, set fire to
Ehuddlan Castle, to the royal storehouses, to the town,
and ,to the fleet. While they flamed and smouldered
into cram, the fugitive king sailed away, and the earl
returned with almost incredible speed to King Edward
and the army at Gloucester.
Although his dashing excursion had failed, Earl
Harold was determined to effect his object by perse
verance. He altered the equipment of his militia,
giving them leathern corselets and shields instead of
metal ones, and light instead of heavy weapons ; he
also so ordered their diet as to conform their rations to
the ordinary food of the Welsh peasantry. He pro
mised the provincial sovereignty of Deheubarth to
Caradog ab Gruffydd ab Ehydderch ab lestyn ab
Owen ab Howel Dda, at .the price of political influence
and military aid ; and he promised the provincial
sovereignties of Gwynedd and Powys to Bleddyn and
Ehiwallon ab Gynfyn, at the price of similar assistance.
These preparations having been made, and a fleet
especially fitted out for the occasion, Earl Harold and a
part of his host embarked at Bristol, in the month of
May : the remainder, commanded by his brother, Earl
Tostig, marched along the Welsh coast, while Harold
skirted it by sea. Passing from place to place in
Deheubarth, the marine forces joined with those on
shore, plundering the country and slaughtering the dis
trict kings and all who opposed the authority of the

THE CYMRY AND THE SAXONS. 179
Earl of Wessex. Caradog ab Gruffydd ab Ehydderch did chap.
his best ; but the love of liberty and loyalty to the famous v..x, :,„
king of the Britons were strong in Cymric hearts, and
several set battles were fought, and the soil was soaked
with the blood of its bravest sons ere submission and
tribute could be extorted. On every place of conflict,
the kingly earl set up a memorial stone,1 bearing the
proud inscription, ' Here Harold conquered.' He was,
still fighting his way towards the north, when King
Gruffydd, again commanding a fleet and army, hastened
southward to oppose him. This foreseen danger was,
averted by traitors,2 who killed their monarch by
stealth, and sent his head, together with the prow and
tackle of his ship, to Earl Harold. The object of the
English expedition being thus fulfilled, and harvest time
approaching, the victor returned to Gloucester, and pre
sented to King Edward the savage tokens of King
Gruffydd's death.
1 Giraldus, Description of Wales, book ii. c. vii.; Cox's Monmouth-*
shire, p. 234.
2 Annales, Cambrise, a.d. 1063 ; Brut y Tywysogion, A.D.. 1061..

n 2

180

CHAPTEE XIV.
THE CYMEY, THE SAXONS, AND THE NOBMANS.
FEOM THE ACCESSION OF BLEDDYN AND BHIWALLAWN TO THE DEATH OF
EHYS AB TEWDWE, A.D. 1063-1091.

I heard a voice which loudly to me called
That with the sudden shrill I was appalled ;
Behold, said it, and by ensample see
That all is vanity and grief of mind ;
Ne other comfort in this world can be
But hope of heaven and heart to God inclined,
For all the rest must needs be left behind.
Spensdb : Ruines of Time,

chap. § 1. a.d. 1063. If there had been a possibility at
XIV- . that conjuncture of subjecting Wales to the government
of England, the powerful Harold would not have neg
lected it, but being a statesman as weU as a general,
and perceiving that the national feeling of the Welsh
was then too strong for such a union, he obtained from
the Bretwalda the appointment of Bleddyn1 and Ehi-
wallawn ab Cynfyn as joint and tributary sovereigns of
Gwynedd and Powys. At the same time, it is said2
that he caused a law to be enacted, condemning every
Welshman to lose his right hand who should be found
1 Saxon Chronicle; Roger of Wendover; Florence of Worcester;
Yorke's Royal Tribes of Wales, pp. 44, 45.
2 By Turner, Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. ii. book vi. c. xiv. on the
authority of Joan. Salisb, de Nugis. Cur. p. 185.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND NORMANS. 181
without licence carrying any missile weapon upon the CS^'
eastern side of Offa's Dyke. "— > — '
Harold coveted the lordship of Porthyscwyd, situated
near the Aust passage, and forming a part of the dis
trict kingdom of Gwent which Caradog ab Gruffydd
ab Ehydderch ab lestyn ab Owen ab Howel Dda
inherited from his forefathers. The prince refused to
resign the favourite spot, and the earl revenged himself
and secured the property by causing Caradog to be
proclaimed an outlaw, and Maredudd ab Owen ab Edwyn
ab Eineon ab Owen ab Howel Dda to be invested by
King Edward with the provincial and tributary sove
reignty of Deheubarth.
Earl Harold,1 having taken possession of Porthyscwyd,
caused a fortified residence to be erected there, and to
be sumptuously adorned and furnished with the rich
spoils which he had gathered in the Cymric war. He
had invited King Edward to occupy it as a hunting
seat, and preparations for the royal visitor were on the
point of completion in the summer of 1065, when
Caradog ab Gruffydd ab Ehydderch, with a large band
of armed retainers, suddenly arrived, kiUed aU the
workmen and labourers, all Earl Harold's servants, and
all the people who fell in his way, defaced the building,
and carried off all the furniture, ornaments, and portable
goods that he could find.
A body of Welsh forces joined with Mo car and
Edwyn, the sons of the late Earl Algar, in the great
Northumbrian rising against Earl Tostig; but Harold,
yielding to the popular feeling against his brother, ad
mitted the claim of Morcar, and prevented a bloody
war. 1 Saxon Chronicle, A. 1065; Florence of Worcester; Roger of
Wendover,

182 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. The decease1 of King Edward, January 5, 1066; tne
*- — ,— subsequent coronation, victory, defeat, and death of
Harold ; the conquest of England by William, duke of
Normandy, and that duke's assumption of the English
crown, were viewed almost with indifference by the
dejected Cymry.
§ 2. In August 1067,2 while King William was in
Normandy, Bleddyn and Ehiwallawn joined with Child
Edric, son of the late Alfrie, earl of Mercia, in a pre
datory expedition in which they worsted the Norman
garrison of Hereford Castle, laid waste the neighbouring
country, and took great spoUs.
The kings of Gwynedd had scarcely returned home,
when Maredudd and Ithel, the 3 sons of King Gruffydd
ab Llewelyn, appeared at the head of a formidable
army to claim the kingdoms of their father. The rival
forces met at Mechain in Powys, and, after an obstinate
conflict, in which Ehiwallawn and Ithel were slain, the
troops of Maredudd being beaten and dispersed, their
youthful chief fled to a mountain recess, of which the
pursuers watched the passes so closely that he miserably
perished there of cold and hunger. Bleddyn ab Cynfyn,
in consequence of these events, assumed the sole and
undisputed sovereignty of Gwynedd and Powys. He
was a man of peaceful inclinations and amiable manners,
anxious for the good of his subjects, and entitled to the
lasting gratitude of his country for certain beneficial4
modifications which he effected in the laws of Howel
Dda. He altered the quantities of land assigned to co
heirs in the division of a deceased kinsman's estate,
remodeUed the ordinances concerning theft, and made
1 Saxon Chronicle. 2 Florence of Worcester.
3 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion.
4 Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, ed. 1841, folio, p. 489. ..

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND NORMANS. 183
some new regulations with the object of securing ad- chap.
herence to the obvious spirit of such laws as experience >.x*v_,
had shown not to, be defined with sufficient fulness and
clearness by Howel Dda. No original MS. of either
the original version, or of the revised versions of the
eleventh century, remains extant in the nineteenth, and
no copy of older date than 1241 ; but the Local Codes,
collected by the Eecord Commission, and edited by
Aneurin Owen, show with sufficient distinctness the
original enactments, the provincial and district varia
tions, and the gradual additions made from age to. age
to fit the changing circumstances of the times.
When the ruthless William of Normandy marched
into the north of England in the year lOOO/Earl Edric
the Mercian, with a body of Welsh aUies and the men
of Cheshire, were besieging the Norman castle at
Shrewsbury assisted by the townsmen. William sent
two earls to the rescue, but, before they could arrive,
the assaUants had burned the place and retired. The
conquering king spent the whole winter of 1069-70,
between the rivers Tyne and Wear, in perpetrating a
series of massacres, which included more than 100,000
men, women, and children, of the Cymric, Llogrian,
Saxon, and Danish population ; and marching from
York in the sleet and hail of early spring, he led his
army towards yet nnconquered Chester, intending to
revenge himself upon Edric and his Welsh aUies. He
found them in arms; but his ferocious army soon subju
gated the Mercian territory ; the earl submitted himself
to the Conqueror, and the Welsh withdrew to defend
their homes. WiUiam consequently ordered the erec
tion of a strong castle at Chester, and delivered the city
1 Ordericus Vitalis, lib, iv, c, v.

184 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, and neighbourhood into the charge of Georbordus a
> — , '-* Fleming. Leaving there a strong garrison and abundant pro
visions, he proceeded to Shrewsbury, and took similar
precautions for its future security.
Norman adventurers soon afterwards forced their way
into Gwynedd and Powys, and raised almost simulta
neously the castles of Montgomery and Ehuddlan.
a.d. 1070. Meanwhile,1 Caradog ab Gruffydd ab Ehydderch
had called out his Gwentian warriors, hired a large
body of Norman mercenaries, and attacked Maredudd,
king of Deheubarth. A battle took place between
them on the banks of the Eymny ; Caradog slew his
adversary and seized upon the throne, but dying soon
afterwards left it to Ehydderch his son. Whenever
the sovereigns of Dinefawr were not at open war with
those of Aberfraw, it is to be inferred, from the tenor
of all the legal codes, and from occasional events, that
they acknowledged and respected the supremacy of the
' Brenhin Cymru oil.'
About the year 1071,2 Sulien, surnamed Ddoeth, was
consecrated by his suffragans bishop of Mynyw, an up
right and pious man, who is described by contempo
rary writers as a wise and pious counseUor capable of
guiding and instructing others, and always taking the
part of peace and righteousness.
§ 3. Many Saxon nobles and Church dignitaries,
oppressed by the fierce and rapacious despotism of the
Conqueror, readily joined in a conspiracy which was
formed against him in the year 1075, by 3 Ealph, earl
1 Annates Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion.
2 Annales Cambrise, 1071; Brut y Tywysogion, 1071; Williams,
Enwogion Cymru, 1070 ; Giraldus, Itin. book ii. c. i.
3 Saxon Chronicle, 1075; Florence of Worcester, 1074; Roger of
Wendover, 1074 ; William of Malmesbury, book iii. a.d. 1074.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND NORMANS. 185
of Norfolk, who, being maternaUy descended from the chap.
Cymry, invited many of his mother's kinsmen to meet - — rJ_-
the discontented Englishmen at his bridal feast at
Norwich, in the hope of obtaining, through their inter
vention, the mihtary aid of the Welsh kings. This
conspiracy having been discovered, was quenched by
King WiUiam in the blood of its abettors. The pre
sence of Welsh noblemen at Norwich was deemed by
that ruthless monarch a sufficient proof of their parti
cipation in the guiltof Earl Ealph ; and, after having
been tried at Westminster, some of them were hanged,
others blinded, and the rest banished from Great Britain,
while their countrymen at a distance, looking on with
indignation, cherished silently the dark and evU hope
of future vengeance.
About the year 1076 the pious Sulien resigned his
bishopric to Abraham, a wise and devout man, who con
sented to accept the charge with an anxious desire to
emulate the dUigence of his predecessor in the fulfil
ment of its onerous and difficult duties.
§ 4. About the year 1073,1 an insurrection had
taken place in Ystrad Towy, and, in attempting to quell
it, King Bleddyn was treacherously slain by Ehys, the
son of Owen ab Edwyn. He left behind him six sons
Cadwgan, Maredudd, Llywarch, Madog, Ehiryd, and
Iorwerth ; nevertheless his cousin, Trahaern ab Caradog,
took quiet possession of the thrones of Gwynedd and
Powys. Ehys ab Owen and Ehydderch ab Caradog
reigned jointly at that period in Deheubarth. Cynfyn
ab Gwerystan, father of the late King Bleddyn, had
been lord of Cibwr in Gwent ; Gronwy and Llewelyn,
the sons of Cadwgan ab Bleddyn, found therefore, in
that district, many zealous abettors in their attempt to
1 Annales Cambrise, 1073 ; Brut y Tywysogion, 1073.

186 . HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, dethrone Ehydderch and his royal associate Ehys, who
— ^1^ had slain their grandfather. By the aid of another
Caradwg, who was probably a brother of Ehydderch's,
they won the battle of Camddwr, but it did not afford
them any durable advantages. Ehydderch was soon
afterwards kUled by his cousin Meirchion, and Ehys
remained sole occupant of the throne of Dinefawr, not
withstanding a second victory gained over his forces by
the three confederate princes at Gwaunuttyd. While
these events were passing in the south, Gruffydd x ab
Cynan arriving in Mona with an Irish army, and gaining
the support of several native chiefs, was enabled to seize
and to hold possession of that island, making meantime
occasional efforts to obtain a recognition of his author
ity from the three other constituent parts of the king
dom of Gwynedd. Having crossed the Menai, however,
and encamped in Arfon, he was routed at Bron yr Erw
by King Trahaern, and compelled to withdraw from
the mainland. Trahaern, elated by this success, re
solved to take advantage of the troubled state of
Deheubarth, and to attempt the conquest of that king
dom. King Ehys, with a valiant army, encountered
him at Pwll Gwittic, and experienced a disastrous
defeat. Fearing to be taken by Trahaern, Ehys and
his brother Howel fled from the field, and after having
wandered about for some time, fell at length into the
hands of Caradog, who caused them to be put to death
in order to avenge the blood of King Bleddyn, a.d.
1077. In the same year, Ehys 2 ab Tewdwr ab Einion
ab Howel Dda claimed the throne of his ancestors, and
was elected king of Deheubarth. Ehys entered into
1 Williams, Enwogion Cymru; Yorke's Royal Tribes of Wales, pp. 1-4.
2 Yorke's Royal Tribes of Wales, pp. 30-32 ; Annales Cambrias ; Brut
y Tywysogion,

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND NORMANS. 187
an alliance with Gruffydd ab Cynan, and these descend- chap.
ants of Ehodri Mawr and lineal representatives of the . x*vy .
houses of Meurig ab Anarawd and of Howel Dda
united their forces against Trahaern, who reigned at
that time over Powys, Arfon, and Y Berfeddwkd. The
rival hosts met upon Mynydd Carno in Powys, and
fought with desperate obstinacy, until King Trahaern
and the principal district sovereigns upon his side were
slain, and his troops entirely discomfited. Gruffydd
ab Cynan then carried fire and sword through Powys
to punish the people who had favoured his opponent,
and immediately afterwards assumed the crown of that
kingdom, and the crown of re-established Gwynedd.
Aberfraw had not long regained its provincial and
paramount dignity when King Gruffydd ab Cynan fell
into a treacherous snare, and, under the pretext of
a conference, was betrayed into the hands of Hugh1
d'Abrincis (otherwise called d'Avranches), earl of
Chester, who loaded him with chains, carried him away
and imprisoned him in Chester Castle, a.d. 1080. This
earl, surnamed Lupus for his savage and ravenous dis
position, was sister's son to the Conqueror of England,
who had consigned unconquered Gwynedd to the fero
cious 'farming' of the Earl's vassal, Eobert d'Avranches,
at an annual rental of 4:01. While the energetic
king of the country chafed in fetters, like a curbed
warhorse, Earl Hugh assembled together the Norman
nobles of the Mercian border, and made a series of
predatory inroads upon the devoted territories. In
process of time he strengthened his hold by erecting
fortresses upon advantageous sites ; and the castles of
Bangor, Caernarfon, Aberlleinawg (in Mona), andMeiri-
1 Enwogion Cymru, p. 184, where the Life of this prince, preserved in
the Hengwrt Library, is quoted from the Myv. Arch. vol. ii,

188 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, onydd, furnished with strong garrisons, and commu-
> x*v,_, nicating with each other, threatened utter and speedy
subjection to the aggrieved and disheartened men of
Gwynedd and Powys.
Ehys ab Tewdwr, king of Deheubarth, before he
settled himself at Dinefawr to enjoy the peaceful fruits
of his share in the victory of Carno, invaded the terri
tories of lestyn ab Gwrgant, in order to punish that
district-sovereign for having rendered assistance to his
adversaries. lestyn, however, was too strong and too
fierce to take such chastisement without requital ; Ehys
had destroyed his castles of Dinas Powys, LlaniUtyd,
and Dindryfan in Morganwg, and he rested not until
he had retaliated by devastating and spoiling the
regions of Ystrad Towy and Brycheiniog.
§ 5. a.d. 1081. Such was the state of affairs in
northern and southern Cymru when King William1 in
person led a powerful army into Deheubarth, obtained
the liberation of many hundreds of Norman and Saxon
prisoners, received the unhesitating homage of King
Ehys ab Tewdwr and of the subordinate sovereigns,
and proceeded in military pomp to Mynyw, where he
offered gifts, and performed acts of worship at the tomb
of Ddewi, to which foreign celebrity had already given
the title of St. David's shrine.
Abraham, bishop of Mynyw, who died in the same
year, was murdered by a marauding band of seafaring
Danes, and Sulien was persuaded by his friends, upon
this occasion, to resume the exercise of his episcopal
functions, because it was generally admitted that no
other ecclesiastic of his age and nation knew so well as
1 Saxon Chronicle, 1081; Henry of Huntingdon; Ordericus Vitalis ;
Annales Cambrise, 1079 ; Brut y Tywysogion, 1079 ; Roger of Wendover,
1079.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND NORMANS. 189
he did how to advise and influence turbulent rulers and chap.
a troubled people. ¦ xw" -
§ 6. a.d. 1083. At this period Peter the Hermit led
forth from Europe more than 100,000 fanatics, forming
the first Crusade for the rescue of the Holy Land
from the dominion of infidels. William1 of Malmes
bury, relating the general fervour which animated the
continental and other nations on this occasion, and
their ready relinquishment of habitual pursuits, says —
'the Welshman left his hunting:' there is not, however,
any other historic proof that even one distinguished
Cymro left his country for this enterprize.
§ 7. In the year 1087, the sons of 2Bleddyn ab Cyn
fyn brought all their forces together, with the intention
of seizing upon the provincial throne of Dinefawr.
Ehys ab Tewdwr, being unprepared, yielded for the
moment to overwhelming power, and withdrew to
Ireland. Soon returning thence with a body of aux-
Uiary troops, and mustering his numerous friends, he
was suddenly attacked by his adversaries at Llechryd
on the Teifi, where, after an obstinate and bloody con
flict, he gained a complete victory ; Madog and Ehiryd
ab Bleddyn being slain, and their brothers Llywarch,
Iorwerth, Cadwgan, and Maredudd saving themselves
by flight.
On September 9 in the same year, William the Con
queror died, and in extolling his greatness, the Saxon
Chronicler states, that 'the land of the Britons (Wales)
was under his sway, and he built castles therein; more
over, he had full dominion over the Isle of Man (Mon).'
How highly the military power of the Cymry was
estimated by their antagonists may be judged from
1 Book iv. c. ii.
2 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion.

190 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, this proud vaunt founded on an incomplete and transient
- — y—> ascendancy; and from the fact that the king, when
recapitulating upon his deathbed the most remarkable
exploits of his life, named the Welsh as a people with
whom he had held1 perilous conflicts.
§ 8. Concerted and stimulated by Odo, bishop of
Bay eux, simultaneous insurrections burst out all over
England in the year 1088, with the object of placing
the crown of William Eufus upon the brows of his
brother Eobert.
The Norman earls of the 2 Cymric border, with the
Norman nobles who had gained possession of Cymric
soil, being active conspirators, found many willing co
adjutors among the troubled chieftains of Wales, who
joined them in making a devastating irruption into
Worcestershire, and were only prevented from de
spoiling the cathedral city and seizing the royal castle
by the extraordinary valour of the garrison and citizens,
and the martial spirit of Bishop Wulfstan.
In the year 1089 died the aged Bishop3 Sulien, who
had a few years before resigned the see of St. David
to Bishop Wilfrid, and, nevertheless, was missed and
mourned as the most learned clerk, the wisest coun-
seUor, and the most godly teacher in all Cymru.
About the same period sea-rovers landed in Mynyw,
robbed the cathedral, and set fire to the town.
The death of Cadifor, district sovereign of Dyfed,
now enabled his turbulent sons, Llewelyn and Eineon,
to incite Gruffydd ab Maredudd to join with them in
rebellion against King Ehys ab Tewdwr. He gave
1 Ordericus Vitalis, book vii. c. xv.
2 Saxon Chronicle; Florence of Worcester; William of Malmesbury,
book iv. c. i.
3 Annales Cambrias; Brut y Tywysogion; Powel's Historie of
Cambria.

THE CYMRY, SAXONS, AND NORMANS. 191
them battle at Llandudoc, put them to flight, and in chap.
the pursuit took Gruffydd prisoner, and afterwards had >. — ^__-
him put to death as a traitor. Eineon, in an evil hour
for his country, escaped from the sword of King Ehys
ab Tewdwr, and fled for refuge to lestyn1 ab Gwrgant,
the discontented ruler of Morganwg. Eineon had pre
viously served in military expeditions with the Normans,
and he now undertook to induce them to bring a
powerful force to aid lestyn as mercenary soldiers in
his ambitious projects, on condition that he should re
ceive the daughter of lestyn in marriage with certain
attendant advantages. In accordance with this arrange
ment, Eineon went to England and engaged the services
of Eobert Fitzhamon, a Norman baron, who, accompa
nied by twelve knights and their retainers, soon after
wards landed in Morganwg, where lestyn received
them with hospitable honours, and joining his forces
with theirs commenced a series of devastations upon
the neighbouring territories. Sorely grieved and
troubled by these proceedings, King 2 Ehys in Easter
week suddenly caUed out his military forces, at the age
of ninety, put himself at their head, and, after a fierce
and long sustained conflict, fell and died at Caerbannau,
near Aberhonddu, bearing with him to the grave the
independent glory of his dynasty and of the throne of
Dinefawr. 1 Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, vol. ii. p. 18; Williams,
Enwogion Cymru ; Yorke's Royal Tribes of Wales, pp. 130.
2 Florence of Worcester, a.d. 1093; Annales Cambrise; Brut y
Tywysogion.

192

CHAPTEE XV.
THE CYMEY AND THE NORMANS.
FROM FITZHAMON's CONQUEST OF MOEQANWG TO THE DEATH OF CADWGAN
AB BLEDDYN, A.D. 1091-1112.

The strongest still the weakest overran,
In every country mighty robbers swayed,
And guile and ruffian force were all their trade ;
Life was a scene of rapine, want, and woe.
Thomson : Castle of Indolence, canto ii. stanza xv.

XV

a.d. 1091.

chap. § 1. Ehysab Tewdwr being dead,1 lestyn ab Gwrgant
paid the Norman mercenaries their stipulated hire,
made them liberal presents, and courteously dismissed
them to their ships ; but when Eineon immediately
afterwards claimed the promised reward of his services,
that haughty ruler repulsed him with scorn, and
avowed that he destined his daughter for another man's
bride. The mercenary troops had embarked, but had
not set saU, when a signal recalled them to the shore ;
and Eineon, reckless of national duty, avenged himself
upon lestyn by entering into a compact with them,
and demonstrating to Fitzhamon the ease with which
he and his knights might possess themselves of the fair
1 Annales Cambrise; Brut y Tywysogion; Powel's Historie of
Cambria, ed. 1584, pp. 119-128 ; Wynne's History of Wales, pp. 111-115 ;
Williams, Enwogion Cymru, derived from Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 526 ;
Yorke's Royal Tribes of Wales, pp. 30-32, and notes to p. 31, the 1st
being from the Panton Papers ; Gibson's Camden's Britannia, ed. 1772,
vol. ii. p. 18.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 193
and fertile region of the deceiver, while the other dis- chap.
trict sovereigns of Deheubarth stood aloof regarding ¦ — r-^—
with horror and aversion the destroyer of the vene
rated King Ehys. Won by his words, the rapacious
Normans bent their whole power against the astonished
lestyn, seized upon his richest territories, and left him
to dispute with Eineon the possession of the rest.
Then, for the first time in the history of Cymru, the
hereditary succession of the native landowners was
wrenched away and broken up. A people, who had
retained their tribal honours throughout four -centuries
of Eoman domination, and preserved their sacred terri
tory from the encroaching Teutons, while defending it
also from invading sea-rovers for nearly seven cen
turies more, saw and felt in the conquest of Morganwg
the worst evils of subjugation; while fellow -warriors of
the foes who triumphed there exultingly threatened to
reduce the other districts of Cymru to a state of equal
degradation. Under the contemptible pretext that the native
sovereigns, in breaking the oath of allegiance extorted
from them by Harold, had forfeited all Wales to the
English crown, William Eufus gave permission to many
of his restless nobles, on condition of homage and fealty
to himself and his regal successors, severally to appro
priate such districts as they might be able to subjugate.
Among the military adventurers thus authorized,1
Bernard Newmarch was conspicuous. Availing him
self of the disorganized state of South Wales, he
wrested Brycheiniog from Bleddyn ab Maenerch by
force of arms, and then attempted to mitigate the
hatred of the native inhabitants by a marriage with
1 Hoare's Giraldus, Itin. vol. i. p. 32.
O

194 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Nest, grand-daughter of the ' Eex Britonem ' Gruffydd
» — ,-!_> ab Llewelyn.
Arnulph de Montgomery1 soon afterwards effected
the conquest of Dyfed; Eoger de Montgomery, earl of
Shrewsbury, subdued Ceredigion, and seized upon
several districts of the kingdom of Powys ; and Hugh
d'Abrincis, earl of Chester, with his confederates,
knights, and retainers, rode rough-shod at his will over
the whole kingdom of Gwynedd. Nowhere, however,
did the Normans possess themselves of a single acre of
Cymric soil without being constrained to defend it by
a strong neighbouring castle and a watchful garrison.
§ 2. Gruffydd ab Cynan, king of Gwynedd and
'Brenhin Cymru oU,' had lain for twelve years a
prisoner in Chester Castle, when Cynwric Hir (the Tall),
a native of Edeirnion in the kingdom of Powys, taking
advantage of a night when wassafi had relaxed the
vigilance of the garrison, obtained access to him, and
carried the fettered monarch on his back beyond the
precincts of the fortress. Eeturning into Gwynedd,
and lurking for a time in woods and mountain solitudes,
Gruffydd gradually aroused the hopes and the national
spirit of his people, untU, at the head of the men of
Gwynedd, he drove the Normans out of his provincial
kingdom, and took possession of the castles which
they had built there.
Cadwgan2 ab Bleddyn ab Cynfyn, a man of vast
energy and of great ability, was then at the head of the
men of Powys, attempting to retrieve their national
independence. Gruffydd ab Cynan joined with him in
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, pp. 151, 152.
2 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion ; Saxon Chronicle, A. 1094,
1095, 1097 ; Florence of Worcester ; Roger of Wendover ; William of
Malmesbury, book iv. c. i. ; Powel's Historie of Cambria, pp. 152-155 ;
Henry of Huntingdon,

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 195
making an inroad upon Ceredigion, where they slew chap.
great, numbers of the Normans and of their English re- - xv' -
tainers who had lately settled there. The Normans of
Ceredigion, being reinforced from England, resolved to
revenge themselves by an attack upon their despoilers'
homes ; but Cadwgan, discovering their intention, laid
wait for their forces in the forest of Yspys, and after an
obstinate conflict forced them to retire with great loss.
Following their flight, he devastated Ceredigion and
Dyfed, destroying every fortress in his way, excepting
only the castle of Pembroke, which, being strongly
built, was ably defended for Arnulph de Montgomery
by 1 Gerald de Windsor. Incited by patriotic sympathy,
the Cymry arose against their Norman oppressors in
several of the conquered districts of South Wales, and
aided by Cadwgan, his brethren and his sons, drove
them headlong out of Gwyr, Brycheiniog, Gwent, and
Gwent-llwg, slaying Eoger, earl of Shrewsbury, William
Fitz Eustace, Arnold de Harcourt, Neal le Viscount,
and many other men of note. All the fighting men of
the three provinces arose in arms for freedom, and a
numerous host assembled around the two kings who
had nobly re-awakened the spirit of their race.
Gruffydd ab Cynan and Cadwgan ab Bleddyn mar- a.d. 1194.
shalled this host in several divisions : one of these was
encountered and defeated by Hugh, earl of Shrewsbury;
the others drove back the returning Normans and their
reinforcements from the north, from the east, and from
the south ; then crossing the boundary lines of Harold
and of Offa, carried fire and sword throughout the
country once possessed by the Silures and Ordovices
their forefathers, and brought home with them many
1 Hoare's Annotations on Giraldus, Itin. book i, c. xii.
o 2

196 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, prisoners, together with the spoils of devastated Glouces-
- — r-—' tershire, Herefordshire, Worcestershire, Shropshire, and
Cheshire. Within the kingdom of Powys, the castle of Ehyd y
Gors in Maesyfed, which had been built by William
Fitz Baldwin, was valiantly defended by him, and it
resisted, like that of Pembroke, the vigorous assault of
Cadwgan ; but, with these exceptions, the southern
campaign of that hero was a career of conquest, and
he returned into Merionydd to rejoice with his neigh
bour King Gruffydd, and to concert new schemes of
national defence and aggrandizement.
a.d. 1095. In the full current of success, Cadwgan rushed to
attack the strongest Norman fortress in Wales, Mont
gomery Castle, which the foUowers of the Earl of
Shrewsbury still possessed. He took it by storm, slew
the garrison, and razed the walls to the ground.
WiUiam Eufus, hearing of this event, and aware of
its importance, ordered an army to be immediately
levied for the invasion of Wales. Michaelmas had
passed when he put himself at the head of that army,
and marched at once to Montgomery. There he
employed his men in rebuilding the castle, while the
Cymric kings and their forces disappeared and en
trenched themselves among the fastnesses of their
mountains and forests, guarding the passes with sedu
lous care, taking every advantageous opportunity of
faUing upon detached parties, and appropriating the
sumpter horses and baggage of the king. Eufus at
length divided his forces, and ordered them to traverse
different parts of the country. Having done this, they
met on AU Saints' Day at the foot of Snowdon, com
municated the common information that active foes lay
in ambush all around them, that hardship, want, and

a.d. 1096.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 197
hostile hands were thinning their numbers, and that chap.
winter had set in and threatened their utter destruc- > , x,v'_,
tion. Under these circumstances, the savage king led
his army back to England, and for the time left Cymru
to the Cymry.
During the absence of Eufus in Normandy, several
expeditions were sent from England with the intention
of re-instating the Norman settlers in Gwent, Morganwg,
Brycheiniog, Dyfed, Powys, and Gwynedd. The
vigorous opposition of Cadwgan and Gruffydd and of
the district kings effectually frustrated their purpose,
and the Norman armies were, each in turn, vanquished
and repulsed, having caused much trouble to the
people, and wasted their own blood and money. The
death of WiUiam Fitz Baldwin at this conjuncture
enabled the Cymry to obtain possession of Ehydygors,
and left only Pembroke and Montgomery in foreign
hands. § 3. The efforts of the Normans were incessant to
retrieve their position in Wales, and while the vigilance
of the Cymric leaders was exercised without remission
in counteracting the force and fraud brought to bear
against them by local adventurers, the whole country
re-echoed the rumour that the King of England had
raised an irresistible force with the intention of sub
jecting the three provinces, and avenging sevenfold his
former discomfiture. To soothe the distress thus ex
cited among the people, days of public prayer, humilia
tion, and fasting were appointed, and looking beyond
the talents, perseverance, and valour of their leaders,
the hearts of the Cymry sought effectual help from the
Lord of Hosts.
In the year 1097, William Eufus, at the head of a
powerful army, marched a second time into Wales,

198 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, choosing the summer season for his enterprise, and
"5TV
• — A— providing himself with Welsh guides. He was thus
enabled to penetrate farther into the country than be
fore, and to remain there for a longer period; but
harassed and worn down by the strategy of Cadwgan
and his confederates, the disappointed despot at last
withdrew, suffering a great loss of men, horses, and
treasure, and having scarcely slain a single man of the
nation which he had come on purpose to exterminate.
Unable to cope with the Cymry upon their own ground,
he took effectual measures, in the course of his retreat,
to restrain their predatory excursions by building new
castles and repairing old ones along that border land,
then and long afterwards known as the Welsh Marches,
so as to complete the chain of fortresses extending from
Chester to Gloucester and Bristol.
§ 4. The Cymry had shown themselves to be invin
cible while, relying upon the justice of their national
cause, they looked to Almighty God for help, and main
tained unbroken unity ; but selfish rivalry and perverse
ambition had in former ages been their bane, and those
evil passions were ready again to tarnish their fame
and destroy their prosperity.
Two signal victories gained over the military forces
of England, directed and led by a warrior king and
his proud Norman chivalry, tended evidently to pro
duce a feehng of false security in the Cymric kings, and
a contempt for the armaments of local adventurers.
These adventurers, however, having found mere war
fare unavaihng, entered into communication with some
envious and ill-conditioned princes, promising to re
spect their national laws and customs ; and offering, as
the price of assistance, greater aggrandizement and
distinction than they could rationally hope to attain

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 199
from adherence to their country's cause. Thus was a chap.
way prepared for an influx of new settlers, and for the . XV- -
ultimate return of the former ones.
Several district rulers of Gwynedd, jealous of the a.d. 1098.
favour shown by Gruffydd ab Cynan to his Irish con
federates, conspired with the Normans against him,
and aided the secret and sudden advance of a large
hostile force led by the Earls of Chester and of Shrews
bury. The King of Gwynedd's staunch ally and son-
in-law, King Cadwgan, was with him in friendly
companionship when the alarum sounded, and both
retreated hastily to the mountains, while the invaders
marched through the land from Chester to Arfon.
Eendered desperate by the imminent danger of Aber
fraw his capital, and fearing no treachery, King
Gruffydd resolved to defend Mona; and crossed the
Menai accompanied by King Cadwgan, their guards,
and such of the men of Gwynedd as had been rapidly
assembled. They were speedily followed by the Earl
of Shrewsbury and his troops, and at this critical mo
ment Owen ab Edwyn, the father of King Gruffydd's
wife and the most trusted of his counciUors, deserted
to the enemy at the head of King Gruffydd's army. The
two heroes, so lately the deliverers of their country,
were scarcely able to save their fives by embarking at
once for Ireland, and Cymru became again a prey to
the despoilers.
Hugh,1 the inhuman Earl of Shrewsbury, not con
tent with ravaging and destroying the fertUe island's
crops and dwelling-places, and slaughtering the inhabit
ants in cold blood, incited his ruffian followers to deeds
1 Saxon Chronicle, A. 1098; Florence of Worcester, a.d. 1098;
Ordericus Vitalis, book x. c. vi. ; Annales Cambria;, 1098; Brut y
Tywysogion, 1096 ; Giraldus, Itin. book ii. c. vii.

200 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, of strange and ingenious barbarity, cutting off hmbs,

xv,

plucking out eyes, tearing out tongues, and torturing
innocent and unoffending persons for the mere sake of
causing anguish ; thus taking vengeance for his father's
death and for his own previous expulsion from Cymru.
It happened, while these atrocities were being perpe
trated, that Magnus, a Norwegian Viking, who had
lately possessed himself of the Orkney Isles and of the
Isle of Man, and was meditating upon further con
quests, arrived with his fleet upon the coast. Hearing
of the frightful cruelties inflicted upon the people, and
touched with compassionate indignation, he was in the
act of preparing to land, when the impetuous earl, at
the head of his retainers, rushed on horseback to the
strand and through the shallow water to oppose him.
Magnus seized a bow and shot an arrow towards his
face.; it glanced from the nose-guard, pierced the right
eye, ,and penetrated the brain of the ferocious Hugh,
and as he started, fell, and struggled in the agonies of
death among the waves, his destroyer exclaimed with
jruthless exultation, ' Let him dance ! '
Victory having thus been gained at a stroke, the
Norwegians came on shore, but finding only devastation
and misery, they immediately re- embarked and set sail
leaving the Normans and the recreant Welshmen to
their own devices.
Owen ab Edwyn,1 the hereditary ruler of Tegeingl,
was rewarded for his treachery with dominion over
Mona ; but bodily iUness, although it did not shorten
appears to have embittered the remainder of his life
and he bore to his grave the disgraceful title of
Bradwr — the Traitor.
a.d. 1100. § 5- After an absence of two years, the exiled kin^s2
1 Enwogion Cymru, derived from Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p 532
2 Annales Cambrise, 1099; Brut y Tywysogion 1097.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS.

201

returned to Cymru with Irish auxiliaries. Gruffydd ab chap.
Cynan found a welcome in Mona, and possessed him- . XV- _
self of the whole island. Cadwgan ab Bleddyn was
joyfully received in Ceredigion and Merionydd ; but
they found themselves constrained by circumstances to
conclude a peace with their enemies, and to content
themselves for a time with merely taking their places
among the native district kings, whose tribal rights as
sovereigns of kindred were ever held by the Cymry to
be sacred and indefeasible.
At this period died the wise and pious Bhythmarch,1
bishop of St. David's, son of the celebrated Bishop
Sulien, and one of the many learned disciples who had
been brought up by him.
On August 2, in the same year, an arrow, shot with
as sure an aim as that of the Norwegian pirate, struck
the breast of William Eufus ; 2 and his brother Henry
succeeded him upon the throne of England. With the
exception of Fitzh anion and a few other barons, the
Norman nobles generally beheld with indignation the
strong English party which influenced the early mea
sures and the marriage of this king, who, with the
unmitigated ferocity of his race, possessed a crafty
capability of self-control which rendered him yet more
terrible than his outrageous predecessor.
Gruffydd ab Cynan promptly availed himself of the
opportunity of making friends of King Henry's hostile
nobles, and graduaUy won back to his dominion the
chief districts of his provincial kingdom, notwithstand
ing the opposition offered by the Earl of Chester, the
English monarch's cousin-germ an.
§ 6. King Gruffydd's cheerful readiness for peaceful
i Annales Cambrias ; Brut y Tywysogion.
2 Saxon Chronicle ; Florence of Worcester ; Roger of Wendover.

202 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, enjoyment, and the quiet and secure condition of
>¦ X,Y"-- Gwynedd, were manifested at this time by the revival
of a custom which war and the tyranny of foreign foes
had long interrupted. He held a great Eisteddfod x of
bards and minstrels at Caerwys ; and summoned thither
all the most skilful musicians from the three provinces
of Cymru, together with the most skilful musicians of
Ireland, that they might conjointly revise, amend, and
improve the twenty-four musical canons which regu
lated their performances. The propositions resulting
from this conference were afterwards formally approved
by the Irish king Murchan, the Gwyddelian, at Glyn
Achalph, and Gruffydd ab Cynan adopted and con
firmed them, and added some of them to the laws of
Howel Dda, embodied in certain statutes regulating
the admission of pupils, the granting of musical degrees,
the fees, circuits, and general discipline of the Cymric
minstrels. Music seems to have been better liked by
King Gruffydd than poetry, and he evidently preferred
wind instruments to those with strings, for he bestowed
the chief musical prize at that remarkable Eisteddfod
upon an Irish piper, and that prize, for the first and
last time, was a silver pipe.
Among the enactments 2 of Gruffydd ab Cynan, it
was ordered that every Pencercld duly invested with
the office should be provided by the king with a suit
able instrument, a harp to one, a crowd to another, and
pipes to a third. Usage, however, invariably persisted
in assigning the preference to a harper, and con
sequently the law entitled him, as Pencerdd Telyn, to
1 Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales ; Powel's Historie of Cambria,
pp. 191, 192; Wynne's History of Wales, ed. 1697, p. 159; Cambrian
Register, 1795, art. 'Welsh Music,' p. 386; Stephens's Literature of the
Cymry, chapter i. § iii. pp. 65-67.
2 A. L. and I, of Wales, p. 397.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 203
the services of the other harpers, and of the crowders chap.
and pipers, as their authorized chief. >_XY_.
When the king called for music, the Pencerdd was
to sing to the harp first a divine hymn, and then a
poem in commemoration of the exploits of the sovereign
or his predecessors.
§ 7. In the year 1102,1 Eobert de Belesme, third
earl of Shrewsbury, and one of the most powerful
noblemen in Normandy, in England, and in Wales,
being in open rebellion against King Henry, and abetted
by his brother Arnulph de Montgomery, prevailed
upon Cadwgan ab Bleddyn, and his brothers Iorwerth,
Gruffydd, and Maredudd, to make common cause with
him for their common benefit. In the progress of this
war, the EngUsh monarch laid siege to the earl's castle
at Bridgnorth, and finding it too strong to be readily
taken, opened a secret communication with Iorwerth ab
Bleddyn, reminding him of the injuries inflicted by
former Earls of Shrewsbury and their family upon
himself, his kinsmen, and his countrymen, and offering
him the territories possessed in Wales by the insurgent
barons free from tribute and homage, and otherwise
upon the same conditions by which the conquerors
had held them, provided Iorwerth would serve him in
this emergency, and be for ever true to him. Beguiled
by this enticing proposal, Iorwerth forthwith entered
upon a series of operations in furtherance of the king's
wishes. Dismayed by his hostility, his brothers soon
afterwards dissolved their confederacy, the castle sur
rendered, the King of England returned home, and the
Earl of Shrewsbury and Arnulph de Montgomery were
banished from the realm.
1 Saxon Chronicle ; Florence of Worcester ; Roger of Wendover ; An
nales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion ; William of Malmesbury, book v.

204 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. So zealously did Iorwerth espouse the cause of King
v-^L-. Henry, that he arrested his own brother Maredudd,
and placed him as a prisoner in the hands of the royal
officers ; but when he repaired to the English court,
expecting to receive the title to his promised reward,
the perfidious monarch coolly refused to fulfil his con
tract, dismissed him from his presence, and assigned
the territories nominally confiscated to other aspirants.
Later in the same year, King Henry, fearing the
strength and the indignation of Iorwerth ab Bleddyn,
summoned him to attend before Eichard bishop of
London, warden of the Welsh Marches, at Shrewsbury,
in order to assist at a conference. Deceived by this
pretext Iorwerth arrived, and was treacherously seized,
arraigned, and imprisoned there as a traitor.
In 1103, Maredudd ab Bleddyn broke out of his
English prison, escaped to his own country, and re
gained the possession of his Cymric inheritance.
The Normans who had married Welsh heiresses
retained their possessions in the midst of all these
commotions, and being worthily treated while the
national party stood predominant, they behaved as
natives of the country, but their permanent settlement
undoubtedly conduced to the subsequent triumphs of
the Lords Marchers. The strong family affection of
the Cymry, their general reverence for consanguinity,
and even for the ties of affinity, influenced likewise the
native kings and nobles who married Norman wives,
and conduced to the completion of conquests which
hostile means alone could never have secured.
These sovereign lords built castles and towns, some
times on ancient sites, and sometimes on fresh ground :
thus arose Pembroke, Tenby, and Haverfordwest,
Newport, Cydweli, Swansea, Oystermouth, Loughwr,

THE CYME Y AND THE NORMANS. 205
Eadnor, Buallt, Ehaiadyr, Bkenllynfi, Abergavenny, chap.
Euthin, Denbigh, &c. Although the writs of the King •  y~-
of England, issued at Westminster, had no force except
within that part of Dyfed now known as Pembrokeshire,
and his majesty claimed no right to interfere with the
internal government of any other part of Wales, he
derived an accession of military strength from the
Lords Marchers, who were severally bound by oath to
serve in his wars with a specified number of retainers.
These barons introduced into Wales the fictitious x
theory of feudal tenure, with all its chivalrous and
slavish appendages ; and they rigorously enforced its
laws upon their retainers, and upon the people of every
nation and degree who settled under their sway ; but
after having experienced the fierce and obstinate resist
ance of the natives, they generally found it expedient
to allow their Welsh subjects to be governed accord
ing to the code of Howel Dda and the customs of the
country, excepting only in such particulars as directly
clashed with baronial authority.
Two courts were therefore instituted in many Norman
lordships, one for the administration of the feudal law,
of which the proceedings were carried on after the
manner used in England, the other for the adminis
tration of the native laws in the native language ; but
these regulations depending wholly upon the arbitrary
will of individual Lords Marchers, were liable to fre
quent infringement, and the subjected Cymry, ever
zealous for freedom, watched over this last remaining
privilege with ceaseless anxiety.
2 Often in connection with secular settlers, and some-
1 Stephen's New Comm. ed. iii. vol. iv. p. 535.
2 Du"-dale, Monast. Anglic; Thierry's Norman Conquest, Whittaker's
ed. 1841, pp. 154, 155.

206 . HISTORY OF WALES.
.chap, f times merely by the crafty management of the English
- XV- -I primate, the intrusive Norman clergy and monks drove
out the native ecclesiastics, and seized upon their livings.
Then, for the first time, the civil and ecclesiastical
courts1 of jurisdiction were separated, and the latter,
being wholly subservient to the interests of Eome,
were directed with hostile and unswerving perseverance
against the independence of the ancient British Church.
Most of the Norman barons and many of the knights
erected on their several possessions either an abbey, or
still more frequently a priory, which being endowed
with Cymric lands was annexed as a source of revenue
to a similar institution in Normandy or in England. •
These monasteries, being supplied with foreign monks
or canons, introduced for the first time into Wales
transubstantiation, purgatory, communion in one kind,
the idolatrous worship of saints and images, and the
antichristian acknowledgment of the universal supre
macy and infallibility of the Eoman See.
Besides the foreign ecclesiastics who were thus local
ized by private patrons, the country was oppressed by
many others, for the King of England seized upon
every available opportunity of appointing Normans to
the bishopries, archdeaconries, and other offices of dig
nity and influence in the established church of Cymru.
In the year 1107,2 Hervey, a Norman, being bishop
of Bangor, and the see of St. Asaph being also sub
jected to similar influence, Urban,3 another Norman,
1 Stephen's New Commentaries on the Laws of England ed. 1853
vol. iii. book v. c. v. p. 421 ; vol. iv. book vi. c. vi. pp. 237, 238, and
c. xxvii. p. 532.
2 Florence of Worcester, a.d. 1102, 1109; Nicolas, Synopsis of the
Peerage of England, ed. 1825, vol. ii. pp. 825, 855.
s Florence of Wtr;ester, a.d. 1107, 1115; Roger of Wendover, a.d.
1107, 1109$ Brut y Tywysogion, 1104.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 207
was consecrated bishop of Llandaff by Anselm, arch- 1 chap.
bishop of Canterbury, upon Sunday, August 2 ; and . xv- .
Gruffydd,1 bishop of St. David's, was not only stripped
of the privileges of his primacy, but remained the only
Cymro in possession of a Cymric see.
Hervey maintained his position for some time by
force2 of arms, actually fighting against the nominal
sheep of his pasture at the head of a body of soldiers.
The outraged Cymry drove him away at last, and he
obtained the sympathy of Pope Pascal as a victim to
religious persecution. William of Malmesbury men
tions 3 that the scanty revenues of the see of Bangor
caused Hervey to desert it for Ely.
The ordinary means by which the Norman prelates
strove to manage their Welsh dioceses was by the
fulmination of anathemas, and thus the minds and
hearts of the Cymry were darkened, hardened, and
embittered to the uttermost.
About this period, Gerald de Windsor, once the ¦*¦•»• no8-
seneschal of Arnulph de Montgomery, was appointed
to be president of Dyfed by King Henry, who, as a
check upon Gerald's home influences, and in counter
action of the perpetual efforts made by the ousted
or subjected Cymry to regain possession of their
lands, planted a numerous and sturdy colony4 of
Flemings in the district of Ehos. Being labourers and
mechanics, capable of bearing arms, and arranged

1 Nicolas's Synopsis, p. 839.
2 Roger of Hovedon ; Hoare's Giraldus, Itin. vol. ii. book ii. ; An
notations on chapter vi. p. 519; Thierry's Norman Conquest, Whit-
taker's ed. 1841, p. 155.
3 Book v.
4 William of Malmesbury, book v. ; Florence of Worcester, a.d. 1111 ;
Giraldus, Itin. book i. c. xi.; Annales Cambrise, 1107; Brut y
Tywysogion, 1105.

208 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, under Norman feudatories of the king, they estab-
v. XJ'— lished themselves so firmly upon the soil, that it soon
, ,' became known as ' Little England beyond Wales,'
\j and retains the appellation even in the nineteenth
century. § 8. Cadwgan ab Bleddyn's second wife was the
daughter of Picot de Say, a Norman baron, who had
acquired lands in Wales, with which she was endowed.
Her influence may have tended to soften the pangs
of that political submission which circumstances ex
torted from Cadwgan ; but although an impenetrable
barrier stopped his martial career, the head, heart, and
hand of this illustrious man were ever occupied in
striving to promote the welfare of his people. About
the year 1108, being then the district sovereign of
Ceredigion, Cadwgan x held a great Eisteddfod at
Christmas, and invited the kings, princes, and lords of
the three Cymric provinces to his castle of Aberteiti, '
that they might witness the competition of the most
distinguished bards and minstrels, and assist in bestow
ing upon them rewards and honours. In the records
of this Eisteddfod only stringed instruments are men
tioned, and the proceedings are said to have been
conducted according to the rules of King Arthur's
court. Among the festivities of this meeting, the
fiery Owen, a son of Cadwgan's first marriage, and al
ready a renowned warrior, yielded up his reason and
his conscience to a frantic passion for the Princess Nest,
his kinswoman, a daughter of King Ehys ab Tewdwr,
and the wife of Gerald de Windsor. Knowing that she
1 Annales Cambrise, 1110  ; Brut y Tywysogion, 1106  ; Powel's
Hist, of Cambria, pp. 163-171 ; Stephens, Literature of the Cymry, pp.
337-338, .quoting Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 537 ; Selections from the Iolo
MSS. W. MSS. Society, p. 630.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 209
had some years before been seduced while a hostage, chap.
and under pretence of marriage, by the King of Eng- XY" -
land, and steeled against compunction by a recollection
of Norman wrongs, he visited her as a kinsman at
Penbroch, and afterwards, assisted by a band of fourteen
reckless roisterers, set fire one night to her husband's
castle, and carried off thence into Powys, Gerald's
treasures of worldly wealth, together with his children
and wife.
King Cadwgan, on hearing of this outrage, went
promptly to his son, rebuked his moral madness, and
commanded him to restore instantly and at once the
captives and the plunder to their owner. The head
strong Owen set remonstrances and commands alike
at defiance, but, after a time, he complied with Nest's
entreaty, and sent the children back again to Gerald de
Windsor. Meanwhile, like wildfire in a forest, the kindling flames
of retribution spread with devastating fury through
out Dyfed, Ceredigion, and Southern Powys. In the
former, Gerald de Windsor and his followers raged,
destroying all around them. Ithel and Madog, the
discontented sons of Eiryd (a deceased brother of
Cadwgan), were immediately employed by the unscru
pulous Bishop of London, then warden of the Marches
and president of Salop, to kill or capture Owen for
his atrocious deeds, and Cadwgan for a falsely alleged
participation in their guilt. With Ithel and Madog,
the bishop associated Uchtryd ab Edwyn and Lly-
warch ab Trahaern, whose two brothers had been slain
by Owen ; and these four princes solemnly pledged
their word to bring Owen and his father, either alive
or dead, to the bishop's feet at Shrewsbury. Marching
through Maesyfed into Ceredigion, laying waste the
P

210 HISTORY OF WALES.
¦ chap, country as they passed, all the inhabitants must have
- — , '— perished, if Uchtryd had not sent private intimations
beforehand to warn them of approaching danger.
Many, nevertheless, fled only to districts where they
fell upon the edge of Norman swords. The day be
fore these sanguinary human huntsmen reached the
coast, Cadwgan and Owen had embarked from Aber
ystwyth on board an Irish ship, and sailing northward
found a temporary refuge in Merionydd. Uchtryd
did his best to avert from the people the cruel rage of
his nominal coadjutors, but excepting only the sanc
tuaries of Llanbadarn and Llanddewi-Brefi, out of
which they forced some objects of their enmity, the
whole region, so lately peaceful and well-cultured under
the beneficent rule of Cadwgan, soon lay a deserted,
charred, and plundered waste.
Owen, with his spoils and his accomplices, crossed
over into Ireland, where he met With a hospitable re
ception. Cadwgan, still lurking among his Powysian
subjects, entered into communication with King Henry,
in order to exonerate himself from all complicity in the
heinous deeds of his ungovernable son. The Eno-fish
monarch consequently exacted from him a fine of 100/.,
and gave him permission to return to desolated Ceredi
gion. Cadwgan recalled the scared inhabitants to their
homes, and, under his encouraging eye, the fields were
tilled again, and all the usages of quiet and welkordered
industry re-established ; but the paternal heritage of
Cadwgan in Powys remained a prey to the quarrelsome
brothers Ithel and Madog, who, with the King of Eng
land's sanction, divided the lands and tyrannized over
the inhabitants.
Prince Owen, having heard of these transactions,
returned from Ireland with his party, and his father

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 211
refusing to receive him, he took shelter in Powys, and chap.
attempted in vain to find either a mediator or messen- . xy' .
ger between himself and King Henry. It chanced at
that time that certain convicted criminals from England
fled for refuge to Madog ab Eiryd, whose refusal to
deliver them up to the warden of the Marches provoked
the angry hostility of that potent dignitary. Madog,
waywardly setting the warden at defiance, sent a
conciliating message to Owen, whose life he had lately
sought, and whom he had hunted down, despoiled,
and ruined. The recent enemies met and swore a
solemn oath of perpetual friendship to each other, and
of united action against the King of England and his
officers. This covenant formed the starting-point of
a series of marauding excursions, with which the turbu
lent cousins harassed the lands of aU who had incurred
their enmity, fellow-countrymen and foreigners alike.
The former they could oppress with impunity, for
nothing pleased King Henry better than to see the
Cymry occupied in destroying one another ; but for
their misdeeds against the Normans future retribution
was in store.
1 Iorwerth ab Bleddyn soon afterwards obtained a.d. 1109.
liberation from his long imprisonment, with permission
to regain his own territories, upon condition of paying
to the English King the worth of 300/. Out of this
large sum, the extortioner was pleased, as a conde
scending token of favour, to bestow 10/. upon Henry,
a son of Cadwgan's second marriage, his godchild, and
one of the first of the Cymric race ever baptized by that
Christian name.
Meanwhile Owen and Madog ravaged and pillaged
1 Annales Cambrise, 1111; Brut y Tywysogion, 1107  ; Powel's
Historie of Cambria, 1109. f 2

212 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, still more extensively the lands of the Normans and
.  ,__, the goods of the English settlers, withdrawing when
pursued to the territories of their uncle Iorwerth,
although that prince had warned them that such tres
passes upon him and upon Cadwgan brought both
within the threatened sweep of King Henry's vengeance.
Finding words to be useless, Iorwerth had recourse to
deeds, and drove the intruders from his district. This
being done, they resorted to the territory of Uchtryd in
Merionydd, from whence, after an obstinate resistance,
they were likewise forcibly expelled.
Madog with his freebooters then returned to his
former abode in another part of Powys. Owen, with
his party, established his head-quarters within Cadw-
gan's district, while he made a series of marauding visits
to Dyfed, using the ships, which had come with him from
Leland, as prisons for the detention of captive person
ages until ransomed, and for the reception of plundered
cattle and goods. Owen had pillaged and burned a
Flemish town, and had encouraged his wild comates in
various deeds of mischief, when, hearing that William
of Brabant, a bishop of the Flemings, was travelling
with his retinue from the Pembrokeshire coast to the
English court, they waylaid, robbed, and slew him.
It happened that Cadwgan and Iorwerth were with
King Henry on other business when the brother of the
murdered prelate arrived with the horrid tidings, and
gave information that the culprits had found refuge in
Ceredigion. The enraged monarch permitted Iorwerth
to return at once to his home, but he detained Cadwgan
in England, bitterly reproaching him with his inability
to control his son. Then sending for Gilbert de
Clare, surnamed Strongbow, who had long eagerly de
sired to acquire lands in Wales, he bade that bold

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 213
adventurer win, and possess the inheritance of Cadwgan chap.
ab Bleddyn. wf^—
Owen and Eiryd, hearing of these arrangements,
immediately embarked for Ireland.
Strongbow, with aU the forces he could collect
speedUy attacked Ceredigion by sea, overcame the op
position of the inhabitants, built the castles of Aberyst
wyth and Dyngeraint to overawe Cymric neighbours
in the north and south, and held possession of the
territory by force of arms. Meanwhile, the restless
Madog ab Eiryd returned from Ireland, and entered the
territory of his uncle Iorwerth ; which appears to have
comprised nearly the whole of the present county of
Montgomery. Iorwerth no sooner heard at Mathrafal
the unwelcome news, than he issued a proclamation
forbidding his subjects to receive the interloper, and
enjoining them to treat him as an enemy. Madog then
gathered together a band of unthrifts and outlaws, and
skulked in the rocks and woods seeking for an occasion
to be revenged. With this object in view, he also
opened a communication with Llywarch ab Trahaern,
a family foe, who cherished a peculiar and deadly hatred
against Iorwerth. Hearing, one evening, that Iorwerth
was sojourning at Caereinion, the confederates at mid
night encompassed his dwelling with their forces.
Iorwerth and his attendants, being awakened by the
attack, manfully defended themselves until the assailants
set fire to the building ; the attendants then lost disci
pline, a few of them escaped through the flames, the
others perished in attempting to save themselves ; and
the valiant Iorwerth, ever self-possessed, rushing forth
sword in hand, was received upon hostile spears, cast
back again into the fire, and consumed in it.
After this frightful tragedy, Cadwgan was permitted

214 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, to return into Wales, and to rescue the possessions of
— xv,_- Iorwerth from the grasp of the ruffian who had
destroyed him.
Influenced also by the arguments of Cadwgan, or by
the persuasions of Eobert Fitz Henry, the son of Nest,
King Henry consented to the recall of Owen from
Ireland. Owen had not arrived, but Cadwgan had
already reduced the troubled inhabitants of the district
to that state of quiet docility which a strong and just
government alone can produce, when, taking with him
one day the principal persons, he occupied himself in
surveying a site at TraUwng (Welsh Pool), intending
to erect there a castle for his future residence. As he
stood thus unsuspicious and unprepared, Madog and
his ruffians sprung suddenly forth, slew him, and fled.
Thus died Cadwgan, a king innately great, and an
heroic patriot,1 A. D. 1112.
1 Annales Cambrise.

215

CHAPTEE XVI.
THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS.
FBOM THE DEATH OF CADWGAN AB BLEDDYN TO THE DEATH OF GBUFFYDD
AB CYNAN, A.D. 1112-1137.

They that fight for freedom undertake
The noblest cause mankind can have at stake ;
Religion, virtue, truth, whate'er we call
A blessing, freedom is the pledge of all.
Oh liberty ! the prisoner's pleasing dream,
The poet's muse, his passion, and his theme,
Genius is thine, and thou art fancy's nurse,
Lost without thee the ennobling powers of verse,
Heroic song from thy free touch acquires
Its clearest tone, the rapture it inspires. Cowheb, : Table Talk.

a.d. 1112.

§ 1. Madog ab Eiryd,1 upon payment of a fine, was chap
received into favour by Eichard de Belmis, bishop of
London, warden of the Marches, and recognized as heir
to the lands of his captive brother Ithel. Maredudd ab
Bleddyn held the guardianship of the vacant territory
until Owen, the eldest surviving son of Cadwgan, re
turned from Ireland, when, with King Henry's sanction,
upon the promise of a heavy fine and the delivery
of hostages, that prince took possession of his uncle
Iorwerth's inheritance.
Maredudd ab Bleddyn, thirsting for vindictive jus
tice, sent forth his warriors upon an expedition against
1 Annales Cambrise, 1112  ; Brut y Tywysogion, 1108  .

216 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Llywarch ab Trahaern. To reach his place of abode,
^J^— it was necessary for these hostile emissaries to cross
the lands of Madog ab Eiryd, and hearing on the way
that he was near at hand, they laid an ambush for him,
seized him, and brought him to Maredudd ; who imme
diately sent for Owen ab Cadwgan and delivered the
prisoner into his hands. Although Madog had grossly
broken their mutual oath of friendship, Owen still felt
its force, and refrained from taking away his fife, but
he did not scruple to have him blinded, and to deprive
him of all his possessions.
a.d. 1114. 1 While the district sovereigns of Powys and Deheu
barth were thus aiding the Normans by destroying one
another, Gruffydd ab Cynan continued to maintain his
national independence, doing no homage and paying no
tribute for his rescued kingdom of Gwynedd.
Eichard, earl of Chester, complained to his cousin
King Henry, that Gruffydd ab Cynan and Gronwy ab
Owen ab Edwyn of Tegeingl committed frequent de
vastations upon Cheshire ; and Gilbert de Clare made
similar mention of the trespasses committed by Owen
ab Cadwgan's men upon Ceredigion and Dyfed, until
at last the English monarch in a rage swore that he
would not leave one Welshman alive either in North
Wales or Powys. Intending to put this threat into
execution, he assembled at Midsummer a large army,
to which Alexander the Fierce, king of Scotland,
brought a strong body of auxiliaries. This army
marched in three divisions, respectively led by the
Earl of Chester, with whom went the King of Scotland ;
by GUbert de Clare, surnamed Strongbow ; and by the
1 Annales Cambrife, a.d. 1114 ; Brut y Tywysogion, 1111  ; Saxon
Chronicle, 1114; Florence of Worcester, 1114; Roger of Wendover
1113; Powel's Historie of Cambria, pp. 172, 173.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 217
King of England ; the first division being directed chap.
against Gwynedd, the second against the unsubdued . XVL_.
parts of Deheubarth, and the third against Powys.
The approach of this tremendous host brought Mare
dudd ab Bleddyn to King Henry's feet, and sent Owen
ab Cadwgan to King Gruffydd ab Cynan.
Powys being thus disarmed, the English monarch
joined his division to that of the Earl of Chester and
advanced into Gwynedd as far as Murcastel, while the
Scottish king, acting in concert with them, penetrated
as far as Pennant Bachwy. The inhabitants retired
with their cattle and goods to the mountains, rocks,
and woods, and King Gruffydd with his warriors
watchfully guarded the rhiws and defiles, and cut off
or repulsed all assailants. Baffled, harassed, and per
plexed by Cymric strategy, King Henry gave orders for
the erection of several castles, and made many vain
attempts to conciliate the sovereigns whom he came
avowedly to sweep with their people from the face of
the earth.
At last he sent Maredudd ab Bleddyn as an envoy to
Owen, Maredudd's nephew, pretending that Gruffydd
had already made a separate peace with the Earl of
Chester, and promising quiet possession of his territories
and exemption from tribute as the price of reconcilia
tion and friendship. Thus allured, Owen came to the
monarch and was received with such distinguished
honour, that King Gruffydd likewise ventured to nego
tiate, and upon his undertaking to pay a large sum of
money, peace was really established, and the vast army ¦
of England retired from Cymru.
At King Henry's request, Owen ab Cadwgan in the
following September accompanied him to Normandy,
where he acquitted himself so gallantly and loyally

218 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, that he received the honour of knighthood ; and, on his
xvi
- — r-L., return in the month of July 1115, all the promises
which the king had made to him were punctually ful
filled. § 2. In the course of the same year died Gruffydd,1
bishop of St. David's, whom the Englishmen called
Wilfrid ; and, to the astonishment and grief of all
Cymru, King Henry, on September 18, appointed
Bernard,2 the queen's chancellor, to fill the vacant see.
Bernard was on the same day ordained a priest at
Southwark by William, bishop of Winchester, and on
the day following he was consecrated at Westminster,
by Ealph, archbishop of Canterbury.
Until this period, the Bishops of St. David's had
constantly asserted their freedom from the jurisdiction
of Canterbury, and the right of the Cymric clergy to
elect their own metropolitan; and the object of Bernard's
appointment evidently was that he might, as Cymric
primate and metropolitan, accept the long disputed
jurisdiction, and acknowledge the subjection of the see
of St. David's to the primate of the English Church.
The importance attached by the English ecclesiastics to
the diocese of Dewi is indicated by the frequent mention
made in the ' Saxon Chronicle ' of the Bishop of Wales.
Bernard,3 bishop of St* David's, subserved during
several years the object of his appointment, by attending
at the consecration of bishops and of monasteries, and
at other pompous ceremonies, in which the Archbishop
of Canterbury assembled his subordinate prelates ; but
these actions of his denoted merely the compliance of
a courtier with his sovereign's wishes, and whenever
1 Annales Cambrise, 1115; Brut y Tywysogion, 1112.
2 Florence of Worcester, 1115 ; Roger of Wendover, 1115.
3 Saxon Chronicle.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 219
ecclesiastical controversies arose between the monks, chap.
canons, and clerks, he boldly took the side which was — XTI_.
favoured by his patron King Henry.
§ 3. Goronwy the eldest surviving son of King
Ehys ab Tewdwr, had died a hostage in England ;
Gruffydd,1 a younger one, had been brought up in Ire
land ; and at the age of twenty-five was privately so
journing with his brother-in-law, Gerald de Windsor,
and visiting other persons connected with him either by
marriage or consanguinity, when the attention of his
oppressed compatriots concentred itself upon him as
the future restorer of the national liberties of Deheu
barth. King Henry, being informed of the fact, issued
immediate orders for his arrest ; but Gruffydd ab Ehys,
before they could be executed, had sought and found
refuge with King Gruffydd ab Cynan, whose daughter
GwenUian he afterwards married. Gruffydd ab Ehys
had not long resided at Aberfraw, when King Henry
entered into a courteous correspondence with the King
of Gwynedd, and invited him to a personal conference.
Gruffydd ab Cynan went accordingly to England, and
the crafty English monarch so skilfully beguiled the
worldly heart of the aged Cymric king by flattering
attentions, obliging speeches, costly gifts, and gorgeous
promises, that Gruffydd ab Cynan consented to deliver
up his guiltless and confiding guest, the son of his old
friend, into the hands of their country's foe. On re
turning home to Aberfraw, his first inquiry was for
Gruffydd ab Ehys, and hearing in reply that the intended
victim had fled, he sent out instantly a troop of horse
men in pursuit of him. The fugitive, being nearly
Annales Cambrise, 1115 ; Brut y Tywysogion, 1112 ; Florence of
Worcester, 1116; Powel's Historie of Cambria; Williams Enwogion
Cymru,

220 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, overtaken, took sanctuary in the church of Aberdaron,
s_xyi-_- and the baffled pursuers returned to their employer,
who, impatient of opposition, commanded them imme
diately to go forth again and to tear the young prince
from his place of refuge by force of arms. The execu
tion of this mandate was prevented by the clergy of
the place and neighbourhood, who all arose with one
accord to forbid and to withstand a sacrilegious invasion
of the privileges of the church. Time having thus been
gained, a few brave and compassionate men assisted
the escape of the young prince at night, and conveyed
him by sea to the wilds of Ystrad Towy. There,
finding himself compelled to take arms for the preser
vation of his life, Gruffydd ab Ehys exerted his most
strenuous efforts in levying forces, and was soon enabled
to enter upon a course of hostile action against the
Normans and Flemings of that vicinity. In the year
1116, he laid siege to a castle near Narberth, won it,
and levelled its walls with the ground. He next
attacked and set fire to the castles of Llanymddyffry
and Abertawy, made marauding inroads upon Dyfed,
and advanced to assault the castle of Caermarddyn.
It was valiantly defended for King Henry by Welsh
auxiliaries who saved it from capture, although the
governor lost his life, and the adjacent town was sacked
and destroyed. The partisans of Gruffydd ab Ehys in
creased with his successes, and marching into Gwyr, he
took several castles, and despoiled the whole district of
its cattle and other wealth. Being now regarded with
hope, as the deliverer of his oppressed country, he
received an invitation from the Cymry of Ceredigion
to come and reign over them. This could only be
done by the expulsion of Strongbow and his colonies ;
but Gruffydd ab Ehys did not shrink from accepting

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 221
both the conflict and the crown. He promptly marched chap.
into Ceredigion Iscoed, laid siege to the earl's castle at ^J^ly,
Bken-porth-gwithan, won it, burned the adjacent town,
and subdued the whole neighbourhood as far as Pen-
wedig. He afterwards took by assault the castle of
Ystrad Pwll, and intending to refresh his troops previous
to attacking Earl Gilbert's chief stronghold, the castle
of Aberystwyth, he encamped them at Gksgryg, within
a mile of Llanbadarn. It chanced that some of the
cattle which grazed within the limits of the extensive
sanctuary1 attached to that ancient monastery, were
slaughtered by the troops for food, and the recollection
of this action, which they believed to be wrong, and of
the consequent reproaches of the monks, tended pro
bably to abate their courage the next day, when, after
a rash attack upon a reinforced garrison, Gruffydd ab
Ehys was constrained to withdraw with great loss, and
not only to abandon his attempt upon Aberystwyth
Castle, but also to retreat from Ceredigion, and to
return to Ystrad Towy.
While these events were passing, King Henry, in
dignant and exasperated by the tidings heard from
the fugitive settlers whom Gruffydd ab Ehys had
rooted out, sent speedily for Owen ab Cadwgan, as
sured him of his confidence, promised future favours
and multiplied rewards, and arranged with him that,
in concert with Llywarch ab Trahaern, Owen\ should
join an army under young Eobert Fitz Henry with the
especial object of capturing or slaying Gruffydd ab Ehys.
Owen ab Cadwgan, enchanted by the monarch's pro
mises, and rejoicing in congenial employment, exhorted
his troops to take as much pains in this expedition to
please King Henry as they had done in former times to
1 Giraldus, Description of Wales, book i, c. xviii.

222 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, offend him. Marching with Llywarch ab Trahaern
- XVL - towards Ystrad Towy, where Eobert Consul had ap
pointed the rendezvous, they jointly made a vow, that
they would not spare the life of either man, woman, or
child within that district. Appalled at the rumour of
this dreadful doom, the people fled in aU directions,
hiding themselves in woods, rocks, caves, and even
behind the castle walls of their Norman foes.
In passing through the glades of a forest, Owen ab
Cadwgan, with about a hundred of his followers, over
took a party of those unhappy fugitives. Some of them
took to flight, the rest he slew, and, laden with their
spoils, marched slowly after the main body of his forces.
The Cymric peasants, who had escaped from his
sword, fled through the forest in another direction,
and encountered Gerald ele Windsor, who was also
leading his forces to the appointed place of meeting.
They loudly complained to him of the rapine and
murderous cruelty of Owen ab Cadwgan, and the sound
of that detested name aroused the slumbering vengeance
of Nest's injured husband. He hastened therefore in
pursuit of Owen, who was warned by scouts of his
approach, but took no precautions, and refused to use
greater speed, believing that coadjutors appointed by
King Henry could not advance towards that king's
auxiliary with hostile purposes. A heavy flight of
arrows soon convinced him of his error, and turning
round to face his assailants, he bade his men fight
bravely, for though their foes outnumbered them by
seven to one, yet those foes were only Flemings, who
dreaded the very name of the Cymry, and were good
for nothing but to tipple. With these words, he made
an onset upon his pursuers, and, as he cheered, a hostile
arrow pierced his heart. His followers instantly fled

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 223
and rejoined their companions ; and Llywarch ab chap.
Trahaern, distrusting the King of England's intentions, - xyL_.
immediately returned into Powys and disbanded his
forces. These occurrences gave Gruffydd ab Ehys an oppor- a.d. me.
tunity of treating with his nephew Eobert Consul and
with his brother-in-law Gerald de Windsor; and, by
King Henry's sufferance, the heir of Deheubarth was
permitted to retain possession of sufficient land to afford
him maintenance as a nobleman.
Giraldus Cambrensis mentioning incidentally the
lake of Brycheiniog, better known as x Llynsafadden,
relates a preternatural legend of the place, which may
serve to illustrate the tenacious hold which the princes
of Cymric lineage retained upon the affections of the
imaginative Silures.
Gruffydd ab Ehys had visited England and clone
homage to Henry I. for one cwmwd of the Cantref
Caioc, and was returning in the winter time, accom
panied by Earl Milo, Payn Fitz John, and others, when
passing along Cathedin, and viewing the vast and serene
surface of the lake, and the numerous birds which were
sheltering in the reeds and weeds, Earl Milo tauntingly
reminded Gruffydd of a local tradition, which asserted
that the birds of that lake were wont to sing at the
bidding of their sovereign. The indignant Cymro re
plied to the Lord of Brycheiniog, that it behoved him
then and the Lord of Ewyas to give the command.
These intruders upon Welsh soil issued their orders
accordingly, but no obedience followed, until the true
King of Deheubarth alighted from his horse, bent his
knees reverently in prayer, and arising and making the
sign of the cross, bade the birds proclaim the lineal
1 Hoare's ed. Itin. book i. c. ii. vol. i. pp, 37, 38.

224 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, heir of the soil. This, it is added, they immediately
 y— did, and of course most melodiously.
§ 4. The amicable relations which subsisted between
England and Wales in the year 1120, are indicated by
the fact, that a venerable clerk named David,1 who had
been chosen by King Gruffydd ab Cynan and the
Cymric clergy and people, was on AprU 4 consecrated
to the see of Bangor by Ealph, archbishop of Canter
bury, assisted by Eichard, bishop of London, Eobert,
bishop of Lincoln, Eoger, bishop of Salisbury, and
Urban, bishop of Llandaff.
Maredudd ab Bleddyn and his nephews, the surviving
sons of Cadwgan, divided Owen's lands between them ;
and Maredudd ab Bleddyn with his sons, and Einion
and Madog ab Cadwgan took part in several acts of
warfare against their countrymen, by which they in
creased their wealth and acquired additional territory
and influence. In the summer of the year 1121, 2 King
Henry, annoyed by the inroads of Maredudd upon
Cheshire and the Marches, led a large army into
Powys, intending to effect the entire subjugation of
that provincial kingdom. Alarmed at his approach,
Maredudd, in conjunction with Einion, Madog, and
Morgan, his nephews, sent messengers to ask for mili
tary aid from Gruffydd ab Cynan ; but the aged king
not only refused their request, but declared himself to
be at peace with King Henry, and warned them not to
trespass upon Gwynedd. Being thus thrown wholly
upon their own resources, Maredudd ab Bleddyn and
his allies put in practice the strategy usually employed
1 Florence of Worcester, Cont. i. a.d. 1120.
2 Saxon Chronicle, 1121 ; Florence of Worcester, Cont. i. ; William of
Malmesbury, book v. ; Henry of Huntingdon ; Annales CambriEe 1121 •
Brut y Tywysogion, 1118.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 225
by the Cymry against powerful invaders, forsaking the chap.
open country, securing their families, cattle, and goods , , yL_ .
in places of difficult access, and strongly defending the
glades and narrow passes in which they could attack
the invaders to advantage. The King of England en
tered unawares into one of these lurking-places, and
was suddenly aroused to a sense of danger by a thick
flight of arrows, which slew several of his attendants,
and wounded many more, while one arrow struck him
so heavy a blow upon the breast, that, under Divine
Providence, he owed his life merely to the strength of
his hauberk. Dreading to meet an obscure death by
some English assassin's hand, under covert of Welsh
warfare, he immediately entered into communication
with Maredudd ab Bleddyn, and upon receiving hos
tages of submission, a fine of a thousand cattle and a
sum of money, he appointed Fitzwarin to the warden-
ship of the Welsh Marches, and returned with his army
into England.
§ 5. With a view to conciliate the Cymric clergy,
and to bring them under the more direct authority of
the church of Eome, Pope Calixtus H. about this time
used not only ambitious, but also superstitious and
mercenary incentives. He canonized Dewi1 and several
other saintly men of the Ancient British Church, whose
memories were held in especial veneration by the
people, and 2admonished English pilgrims rather to visit
St. David's than Eome, allowing the benefit of the same
benediction to such as went twice to St. David's as to
those who went once to Eome. These politic measures
seem also to have been intended to counteract a pecu
liar tendency of the Welsh bards during the twelfth
1 Rees's Welsh Saints, p. 201.
2 William of Malmesbury, book v,
Q

226 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, century ; for they had so enthusiastically studied the
* — y~. traditional remains of ancient British literature, that
they had become completely imbued with its mytho
logy, and their writings afford obvious grounds for the
suspicion that not only their poetical sentiments but
their orthodoxy was in some degree affected by a
revival1 of Druidic tenets. Distinction from inferior
grades of the bardic brotherhood was the apparent
motive which prompted Cynddelw and his compeers
to assume the title and dignity of Druid Bards.
a.d. 1123.2 § 6. The death of Eineon ab Cadwgan gave rise to
fresh quarrels among his kinsmen, who disputed the
possession of his lands in Merionydd ; and, with the
apparent intention of augmenting strife, King Henry at
this time set at liberty the long captive prince, Ithel ab
Eiryd ab Bleddyn. Gruffydd ab Cynan, having heard
that Maredudd ab Bleddyn had forcibly appropriated
the disputed lands, sent a warlike expedition into
Powys, headed by two of his own sons, Cadwallawn
and Owen, who ravaged Maredudd's territories, subdu
ing all opponents, and returned to Lleyn bringing with
them many noble prisoners and herds of cattle.*
The sons of Cadwgan retaliated this wrong by rava
ging the lands of Llywarch ab Trahaern, who had aided
the inroad of the North Welsh princes.
In the year 1124, the royal families of Cymru ap
pear to have been afflicted with an homicidal mania; or
rather, covetousness of land, and of the pre-eminence and
power conferred by its possession, grew by indulgence
into an uncontrollable passion among the Welsh princes,
and led them to commit a series of enormous crimes.
1 Herbert's Neo-Druidic Heresy.
2 Annales Cambria}, 1123; Brut y Tywysogion, 1121; Powel's His
torie of Cambria.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 227
The aged Maredudd ab Bleddyn caused Ithel ab chap.
Eiryd, his nephew, to be put to death ; and, soon after- XVL_-
wards, Cadwallawn ab Gruffydd ab Cynan slew his
four maternal uncles, the sons of Owen ab Edwyn ;
and Morgan ab Cadwgan murdered his half brother
Maredudd with his own hands. Merciless revenge
upon each other, added to the unabated prevalence of
the same murderous rage for superiority, renders the
record of several succeeding years a horrible and
shameful page in Cymric history. No instance of peni
tence can be cited unless the remorse of 1 Morgan ab
Cadwgan included that feeling. That wretched fra
tricide set out upon a pilgrimage to Jerusalem to try
and expiate the guilt of blood ; and, in returning, died
at Cyprus, far from the lands which his crime had won.
The state of religious feehng both among the clergy
and laity was miserably low at this period, and the con
science of the age was, on the whole, a seared and
senseless one to aU but ecclesiastical offences or flagrant
social wrongs ; nevertheless, a quiet few still directed
their own hearts and lives to God, and did their best
to diffuse the knowledge of Christ's salvation. With
these may be reckoned Daniel, archdeacon of Powys,
a learned and pious man, who, after having vainly
endeavoured to promote peace and goodwiU among his
countrymen, died about the year 1127. He was one
of the sons of the pious Bishop Sulien, and brother of
Bishop Ehythmarch.
It must not be thought that the social state of Wales
at this period was worse than that of other countries ;2
on the contrary, historic proof exists that, throughout
1 Annales Cambrise, 1128 ; Brut y Tywysogion, 1125.
5 Hallam's View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages,
llth ed. 1855, vol. iii. pp. 167-169. Q 2

228 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the Middle Ages, the forcible dispossession of freeholds
- XyL— was the chief offence brought before the English law
courts, and that aU Europe exhibited ' a scene of intes
tine anarchy.'
In the year 1132,1 Cadwallawn, the eldest son of
King Gruffydd ab Cynan, was slain at Nantheudy by
his maternal kinsmen, in vengeance for those whom he
had formerly put to death.
In hostile encounters, or solitary prisons, the families
of Llywarch ab Trahaern and of Cadwgan ab Bleddyn
had been nearly extirpated, when Maredudd ab Bled
dyn, having gained the object of his life's perverted
intention and effort, by becoming the most wealthy and
potent prince in Powys, passed quietly away from all
his acquisitions into a world where no other treasure
can be taken but holiness and love.
§ 7. Disputes,2 both of property and precedency, had
long continued between the diocesans of St. David's and
Llandaff, who referred the decision of their differences
to Eome. The Pope inclined sometimes to one side of
the question and sometimes to the other, according to
the preponderance in weight of the rivals' fees, and the
contention was at length brought to a conclusion by
the death of Bishop Urban, after which Innocent II.
gave judgment justly and definitely in favour of Bishop
Bernard's claims. The districts in dispute were Gwyr,
Cydweli, Cantref Bychan, Ystrad Yw, and Ergyng.
§ 8. In the year 1134, after an imprisonment of
twenty-eight years, Eobert, duke of Normandy,3 died in
Caerdiff Castle. On December 1, 1135, 4King Henry
1 Annales Cambrise, 1132; Brut y Tywysogion, 1129.
2 Rees of Cascob's Preface to the Liber Landavensis, W. MSS. Society,
§ xv. pp. xli. xliii.; Florence of Worcester, Cont. i. a.d. 1128; Henry of
Huntingdon ; Rees's Welsh Saints, p. 185.
3 Florence of Worcester, Cont. i. ; Roger of Wendover.
d Saxon Chronicle.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 229
died in Normandy, and Stephen1 de Blois soon after- chap.
wards commenced a disputed and troubled reign over ,  r-L_
England. The Cymry who had scarcely dared for twelve years
to lift a hand against their Norman oppressors, although
Gruffydd ab Ehys had been within that period deprived
on some pretext of his lands, regarded Henry's death
as the signal for a general insurrection, and Gruffydd
ab Ehys immediately coUected an army, and raised the
standard of independence in Ystrad Towy. On January
1, 1136, a ferocious engagement took place in Gwyr,2
between these troops and 500 Norman men-at-arms,
who being suddenly attacked, formed themselves into
a wedge, and attempted to force their way through
their enemies, but were all cut to pieces, and their
corpses left to be dragged about the fields and de
voured by wolves. Encouraged by this success, the
insurgents multiplied, and Gruffydd headed a desperate,
onslaught upon the homesteads, villages, towns, and
castles of the foreign settlers in the southern districts
of Deheubarth.
On April 15, Eichard 3 de Clare with his retinue,
passing on his equestrian journey from Gwent Isaf to
wards the western coast of Ceredigion, was accompanied
from Abergavenny by Brian de WaUingford, lord
marcher of that district, and his numerous men-at-arms.
This escort unwillingly turned back from the Grwnwy
Fawr, and Eichard, too confident of safety, and relying
too much upon the fear infused by his name, had
entered into the glades of the forest since called Coed
1 Gesta Stephani.
2 Gesta Stephani ; Florence of Worcester, Cont. i. a.d. 1136 ; Annales
Cambrise, 1136 ; Brut y Tywysogion, 1135.
3 Giraldus, Itin. i. civ. ; Hoare's Annotations, vol. ii. pp. 83-97 ; Gesta
Stephani,

230 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Dias, preceded by a minstrel, whose instrument and
^ XVL_ . voice alternately or conjointly enhvened the way,
when the troops of Morgan of Caerleon, lying in am
bush there under the command of that chieftain's
brother Iorwerth, sprang suddenly upon him from the
thickets, and slew the earl with many of his retainers.
This heinous deed is said to have been committed in
revenge for injuries inflicted by the Earl upon Morgan
of Caerleon.
Baldwin Fitz Gilbert, the brother of Earl Eichard,
led 500 well accoutred men to Brecknock Castle, in
tending to put down the revolt, but hearing there that
the Welsh forces were advancing to encounter him, he
summoned a council which advised retreat, and he
accordingly withdrew in panic from the country.
The widow of Earl Eichard was soon afterwards be
sieged by the Cymry in the strong castle of Pembroke,
and provisions failing, her position had become perilous,
when Milo de Gloucester, the lord constable, advanced
secretly across mountain passes and through forests to
the rescue, and suddenly attacking the besiegers, bore
away the Lady de Clare to a place of safety.
While the district chiefs of Dyfed and Ceredigion were
ravaging the extensive Welsh territories of the slain
earl, Gruffydd ab Ehys hastened into Gwynedd to in
cite Gruffydd ab Cynan to take a* part in the Cymric
rising. During the absence of Gruffydd ab Ehys, Gwenlhan x
his wife, believing that a favourable occasion had pre
sented itself for an inroad upon the Normans of Cydweli,
marched thither with her sons, Morgan and Maelgwn,
at the head of all the forces which she could collect.
Her foes, however, stood prepared for an attack. She
1 Giraldus, Itin. book i. c. ix.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 231
was met by Maurice de Londres and his men-at-arms chap.
• xvi
and allies, defeated and taken prisoner, together with . — y—
Maelgwn and many of her followers. Morgan was slain
in the fight, and, to the disgrace of Norman chivalry,
the princess was beheaded by her captor.
These terrible events gave resistless power to the elo
quence of Gruffydd ab Ehys, and the King of Gwyn
edd, impelled at once by the desire of national inde
pendence and of vengeance for his daughter's blood,
sent forth his sons 1 Owen and Cadwaladyr, at the head
of a formidable army, to aid the Cymry of Ceredigion.
Acting there in concert with the local chieftains, the
Princes of Gwynedd successively attacked and destroyed
five strong castles, among them being those of Aber
ystwyth, Dinerth, and Caerwedros ; then having carried
fire and sword throughout the Norman and Flemish
settlements, they returned in triumph to their homes.
Early in the following October, Gruffydd ab Ehys
Opened another campaign. Howel ab Maredudd of
Brycheiniog, Ehys ab Madog ab Ednerth, and other
chieftains who had fought bravely for their country
in the spring, again joined the national standard, and
Owen and Cadwaladyr again led the forces of Gwynedd
to the aid of their brother-in-law. The combined
forces, amounting to 6000 foot and 2000 horsemen,
marched through the ancient kingdom of Deheubarth,
driving out the foreign settlers, and re-instating the
Cymric population, until they reached Aberteifi, where,
within the town and castle, multitudes of fugitive
women appear to have taken refuge from the insurgent
Cymry. To protect them, and, if possible, to crush the
insurrection at a blow, the martial veterans of the Nor
man, Flemish, and English settlements of Deheubarth
1 Annales Cambrise, 1137; Brut y Tywysogion, 1136.

232 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, and its Marches, now stood arrayed with their several
 y~, leaders under the command of Stephen, constable of
Aberteifi, the husband of Gerald de Windsor's widow,
the beautiful Nest. The foreigners had greatly the ad
vantage in numbers, equipments, and position; never
theless, in the bloody and obstinate battle which ensued,
they were worsted. Three thousand of these inter
lopers feU in the conflict, more than twice that number
perished in their retreat, either by drowning or the
weapons of the Cymry, and vast numbers more were
taken prisoners ; but the remnants of the foreign host,
though hotly pursued, effected their escape to the
fortresses which still held out for them. After this
extraordinary success, the national forces dispersed,
and the Princes of Gwynedd bore away to their homes,
stately horses, rich armour, and other valuable spoils.
Gruffydd ab Ehys celebrated his restoration to the
provinckl throne of Deheubarth by holding a festival1
of forty days' continuance at Ystrad Towy, to which he
invited every Cymro who chose to come. The aged
King of Gwynedd and several of his sons attended it,
and knightly exercises, athletic games, and dramatic2
representations, besides musical and poetical contests,
are enumerated among the entertainments of the guests.
Gruffydd ab Ehys employed the short remainder of his
fife in re-establishing law and social order throughout
his dominions. It is to be inferred from the Worcester
Chronicle,3 that he married a second time, for it is
1 Stephens, Literature of the Cymry, p. 338, quoting Myf. Arch.
vol. ii. p. 658.
2 Selections from the Iolo MSS. published by the W. MSS. Society ;
Hud a Lledrith ; Stephens, Literature of the Cymry, pp. 79-93 ; Warton's
History of English Poetry, vol. iii. § 34; Hallam's Literature of Europe,
vol. i. part i. c. iii. § 104, 105.
3 Cont. i. A.D. 1137,

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 233
distinctly asserted there, that he perished by the arti- chap.
fices of his wife. His death was deeply mourned by v.xyL_,
his people,1 for he was a brave and successful warrior,
a generous prince, and had ever at heart the liberty
and prosperity of his country.
He left behind him several sons, who in the order of
seniority assumed the sovereignty of Dinefawr.
Towards the close of the same year 1137, Gruffydd
ab Cynan, king of Gwynedd, closed his long fife and
reign. Meilyr,2 the bard of Aberfraw, who had la
mented in recurrent rhymes the defeat and death of
King Trahaern ab Caradog, composed, fifty-seven years
afterwards, a marwnad of far superior worth upon the
death of Gruffydd ab Cynan.
1 Annales Cambrise, 1137 ; Brut y Tywysogion, 1136.
2 Literary Remains of the Rev. Thomas Price, vol. i. pp. 191, 192 ;
Stephens, Literature of the Cymry, pp. 19-21.

234

CHAPTEE XVII.
THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS.
FBOM THE ACCESSION OF OWEN GWYNEDD TO HIS DEATH, A.D. 1137-1169.

But what most showed the vanity of life
Was to behold the nations all on fire,
In cruel broils engaged and deadly strife.
Thomson : Castle of Indolence, canto i. stanza lv.

chap. § i. a.d. 1137. King Gruffydd ab Cynan left many
— . — ¦ surviving sons, who severally inherited certain portions
of his territories. Owen, the eldest, succeeded him in
the provincial sovereignty of Gwynedd, and in the
hereditary claim to paramount dominion over Powys
and Deheubarth. From the date of his accession,
however, the native chroniclers cease to apply the term
Brenhin to their kings, and substitute the term Twyw-
ysog ; and district sovereigns, thenceforth, they usually
style Arglwydd, after the manner of the Normans,
although the English and Norman chroniclers continue
to apply the word regulus to every Welsh sovereign.
The changes in the ownership of land, which took
place throughout every family at the decease of each
proprietor, have rendered it almost impossible to ascer
tain which territories were held in successive reigns by
the brothers and sons of late and then present sove
reigns, and the Norman usurpations and lands regained
from foreign foes, or won from each other by the native

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 235
princes, tend to complicate the difficulty still more. chap.
Nevertheless, attention to the incidental mention made >_xyn_-
of cantref and cwmwd will often enable the careful
student to catch at least a fragmentary clue to the
localities and boundaries of family properties in suc

cessive ages.

§ 2. Acting in concert1 with the discontented Saxons
of England and with the Scots, and eager to extirpate
the Flemish colonies, and to complete the avenging task
by means of which he hoped to work out the national
independence of Cymru, Owen, with his brother Cad
waladyr, led the men of Gwynedd into Ceredigion, and
destroyed the castle of Ystrad Meurig. Passing south
ward thence, and being joined by Cadell, Ehys, and
Anarawd, the sons of Gruffydd ab Ehys, they together
won and destroyed the castles of Humphrey and
Llanstephan, and burned the town of Caerfyrddin.
The six weeks of martial service having then expired,
Owen returned home with his troops. The Flemings
were completely subdued by this expedition, and Payne
Fitzjohn, a celebrated Norman knight, lost his life,
being shot through the head with an arrow in a
skirmish with the Welsh.
While these events were passing, the Cymry with
one accord expelled2 the intrusive foreigners from the
bishoprics and other ecclesiastical offices of their church.
Eanulph, earl of Chester, attempted to check the insur
rection by invading Gwynedd, but falling into an
ambush his troops were slain or scattered, and he was
scarcely able to effect his personal escape with five
1 Gesta Stephani ; Florence of Worcester, Cont. i. ; William of
Malmesbury, book ii. a.d. 1139 ; Ordericus Vitalis ; Roger of Wendover;
Henry of Huntingdon; Annales Cambria?, A, 1137; Brut y Tywysogion,
A. 1136.
2 Gesta Stephani.

236 history of wales.
chap, retainers. He and the other lords marchers adopted
- XyUl- afterwards efficacious means of thinning the ranks of
the national armies by enlisting all the Welshmen on
their lands, and all other Welshmen whom they could
entice, to foUow their banners into England as mer
cenary allies in the cause of the Empress Maud against
King Stephen.
Another leader of Welsh mercenaries at this time
was Geoffrey de Talbot, and yet another was Eobert
Fitzroy, earl of Gloucester, so that Gwynedd, Powys,
and Deheubarth appear to have sent forth their troops
in provincial bands. On June 15, 1138, when King
Stephen and his army departed from Hereford, all that
remained standing of that city from a previous fire was
burned by Geoffrey de Talbot, without loss of life to
the defenders, and with the loss of only seven or eight
of the Welsh assailants.
§ 3. At Worcester, in December 1139, Maurice, a
clerk of eminent piety, was presented to King Stephen
by the Bishops of Hereford and Chichester, who attested
his election by the clergy and people to the see of
Bangor, and his fitness for the office of bishop ; and
upon receiving an oath of fealty from Maurice, the
king confirmed the appointment. This Bishop of
Bangor, and Uchtryd, who had been appointed to the
see of Llandaff, were consecrated soon afterwards by
Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury.
§ 4. At this time the most powerful native prince in
Powys was Madog ab Maredudd ab Gruffydd ab Cyn
fyn, and all that remained of the provincial sovereignty
of Deheubarth was possessed by Ehys ab Gruffydd ab
Ehys and his brothers.
In 1140, Cynric,1 one of Owen Gwynedd's sons, was
1 Annales Cambrise, 1140; Brut y Tywysogion, 1138,

the cymry and the NORMANS. 237
slain in a skirmish by the men of Madog ab Maredudd, chap.
prince of Powys ; and the fact not only indicates the >-Xyn->
existence of unfriendly feehngs between the rulers of
those provinces, but also insures the continuance of
them. On February 23, 1141, the Welsh allies of the
Empress Matilda,1 though poorly armed yet full of
courage, and led by Maredudd and Cadwaladyr ab
Gruffydd ab Cynan, greatly contributed to the defeat
and capture of King Stephen at the hard fought battle
of Lincoln.
When the Empress Matilda was solemnly received
and conducted in procession into Winchester Cathedral
by King Stephen's brother Henry, bishop of that see
and papal legate, she had as her supporter on one side
that powerful prelate, and on the other Bernard, bishop
of St. David's, the Bishops of Lincoln, Hereford, Ely,
and Bath, and numerous abbots attending.
The most remarkable incident of this troubled year *¦¦!>. H42.
in Wales is the personal quarrel between Cadwaladyr
ab Gruffydd ab Cynan and Anarawd ab Gruffydd ab
Ehys,2 who had married Cadwakdyr's daughter. Angry
words led to the use of weapons, and Anarawd, who is
styled by the chronicler ' the hope and stay of South
Wales,' fell dead in this single combat, slain by the
hand of his father-in-law. Being threatened with
punishment for this heinous deed by his brother Owen
Gwynedd, Cadwaladyr fled to Ireland, and hired two
bands of Irish and Scottish mercenaries.
Owen Gwynedd and his son Howel had ravaged the
1 Henry of Huntingdon.
2 Powel's Historie of Cambria, ed. 1584, pp. 196, 197. The story is
differently told in the Brut y Tywysogion, A. 1142. The Annales, a.d.
1143, simply state that Anarawd was slain by Cadwaladyr's domestics.

238 history of wales.
chap, lands of Cadwaladyr, burned Aberystwyth Castle, which
. XyiL-. belonged to him, and returned home to Aberfraw,
when Cadwaladyr and his forces landed at Abermenai
in Arfon. The army of Owen stood prepared to op
pose them, when peaceful proposals prevented fratri
cidal war ; but the mercenary troops, afraid of losing
their stipulated pay, detained Cadwaladyr among them
as a prisoner until he had resigned to them the prisoners
and spofis already taken, and had caused 2000 head of
cattle to be brought to their camp.
Owen Gwynedd restrained his indignation until his
brother was set free, and then without mercy he at
tacked the invaders, slew the greater number of them,
drove the rest to their ships, and rescued the captives,
spoils, and cattle.
Meanwhile, the Normans were graduaUy regaining
their x Welsh possessions, sometimes insidiously, some
times with merely an exhibition of mihtary power, and
sometimes by absolute force of arms. Hugh de Mor
timer, the second baron of that name, came with
numerous troops into South Wales, fortified the castle
of Cymaron, and won the cantref of Meleinydd, from
whence he made hostile excursions upon his Cymric
neighbours, and in various skirmishes slew several of
the native princes of Powys, and imprisoned other
local chiefs. He also obtained possession of the castle
of Colwnwy, and by that means brought the cantref of
Elf el into subjection.
In 1144, Howel and Cynan, two of Owen Gwynedd's
warlike sons, alarmed at the return of the Normans
and Flemings into Ceredigion, and fearing the loss of
Aberteifi, which had rewarded the interference of their
1 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion ; Leland, Antiq. Brit.
Collect, ed. 1774, t. ii. p. 415, fioni Thomas Wike's Annals.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 239
family in the affairs of Deheubarth led an army to re- ,chap.
fieve the beleaguered castle, encountered the invaders, -, — ,— L-'
gave them a signal overthrow, garrisoned the town,
and returned triumphantly to their home.
Within the same year, young Gilbert, fourth Earl de
Clare, having resolved to retrieve his Welsh inheritance,
entered Dyfed in warlike strength. He rebuilt the
castles of Caerfyrddin and Uchtryd, and having thus
secured standing-room, proceeded quietly to regain
many other fortresses, until the chief part of the terri
tories, both in Ceredigion and Dyfed, of which his
parents had been dispossessed, including royal Dine-
- fawr, fell under his power. Contenting himself with
this success, he garrisoned all the strongholds, and left
the country to the care of his feudatories.
The sons1 of Gruffydd ab Ehys then arose with re
newed vigour to make fresh efforts for national emanci
pation. Cadell the eldest obtained possession of Dine-
fawr, and in conjunction with his brothers Maredudd
and Ehys advanced boldly to besiege Caermarthen
Castle, which was yielded up to them on condition that
the lives of the garrison should be spared. In advan
cing towards the neighbouring castle of Llanstephan,
the princes were encountered by a strong body of
Norman and Flemish troops, whom they worsted in
the field, and afterwards won the castle, of which
Maredudd was left in charge, while Ehys and Cadell
marched forward. William de la Hay and the sons of
Gerald de Windsor then collected aU their forces, and
suddenly attacked and invested the castle of Llan
stephan. Maredudd, though surprised, was not unpre
pared, being a man of great courage and sagacity. He
1 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion ; Powel's Historie of
Cambria.

240 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, suffered the assailants to fix and to ascend their scaling
- Xyn", ¦ ladders, then instantly giving the word of command
to his men, they apphed levers, and overturned the
ladders with their living freight, and in the confusion
and distress which ensued, sallied forth, took many
prisoners, and put the rest of the foes to flight.
Soon after the occurrence of these events in South
Wales, Owen Gwynedd lost by death a darling son
named Ehun, and being interrupted in the solitary
indulgence of his grief by information of the ravages
committed by the Norman garrison of Yr Wyddgrug
(Mold), he sent his men to besiege that castle, and
finaUy went in person ; and, notwithstanding the strength
of the fortifications and the valour of its defenders, took
it by assault, slew many of the garrison, made prisoners
of the rest, and levelled the walls with the ground.
His exultation at this achievement was so great that it
dispeUed his melancholy, and enabled him to resume
his former habits of life.
In 1145, the sons of Gruffydd ab Ehys led their forces
against the Norman castle of Gwys in the cantref of
Cemaes, and finding themselves unable to take it, sent
messengers to entreat their cousin Howel ab Owen
Gwynedd to come to their assistance. His reputation
stood high in the council chamber and in the battle
field, as well as in the peaceful contests of the bards
and the favour of the fair, and the alacrity of his
ambitious spirit rendered him ever ready for any form
of chivalrous enterprize. Eager therefore to attain
fresh fame, he assembled his adherents, joined the
besieging forces, and carefully surveyed the fortress.
Having thus ascertained what means were best adapted
to insure success, he caused several engines to be con
structed, some for battering the walls, others for casting

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 241
up large stones, and others again for the annoyance of chap.
the garrison in various ways. These ingenious prepara- . — ,_L,
tions happily prevented bloodshedding, for they extin
guished the hopes of the defenders, who surrendered
without waiting to experience the effects of their
application. Howel had not long returned to his home when he a.d. ii46.
and his brother Cynan made open war upon their
uncle Cadwaladyr, invaded Meirionydd, his district
sovereignty, obtained the submission of the inhabitants,
and laid siege to the castle of Cynfael, which was
gallantly held for Cadwaladyr by Merfyn, the martial
abbot of Ty Gwyn, who answered the menacing
summons to surrender with words of bold defiance.
Proffers of favour and reward found no better recep
tion, for the abbot had promised to hold the castle,
and chose rather to die than to break his word.
Offended and infuriated by this opposition, the princes
made a violent assault, won the castle, and put the
garrison to the sword; but some of the assailants con
nived at, and probably contrived, the preservation and
escape of the loyal abbot.
§ 5. Bernard, having achieved a partial success in
his contest with the Bishop of Llandaff, and finding
that he could not obtain promotion in the English
Church, scrupled not to re-assert the independence 1
of the diocese of St. David's and his own rights as
metropolitan and primate of the Welsh Church. He
assumed the title of archbishop, caused the cross to be
carried in state before him, and entered upon a suit in
the Eoman court, disclaiming the ecclesiastical juris-
1 Giraldus, Itin. book ii. c. i,
R

242 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, diction of Canterbury over the Welsh sees ; but he died
-y-'iTTT
-... r .— ¦ in 1147,1 before the cause was heard.
David Fitzgerald, archdeacon of Caerdigan, a Welsh
man by birth, whose father was Gerald de Windsor,
whose mother was Nest, was consecrated bishop of St.
David's, December 19, 1147, and entered upon his office
with more facilities for its impartial and peaceable
fulfilment than almost any other man of that generation
could have possessed.
§ 6. In the year 1149, Owen2 Gwynedd built a castle
in the cwmwd of Ial in Powys, with the intention of
strengthening his eastern frontier against the Earl of
Chester. About the same time, Cadwaladyr, Owen's brother,
built a castle at Llanrhystyd in the cantref of Syrwen,
with the intention of protecting the lands which he had
acquired by war in Ceredigion, and had given to his
son Cadwgan.
Madog ab Maredudd ab Bleddyn, prince of Powys,
soon afterwards built a castle at Croes Oswalt (Oswestry)
and bestowed his share of Cyfeiliog upon Owen and
Meurig, the sons of his brother Gruffydd.
In 1150, Owen Gwynedd imprisoned his son Cynan
for some unrecorded offence ; and Howel completed
the conquest of his uncle Cadwaladyr 's territories and
deprived him also of liberty.
At this period the Princes of Deheubarth engaged
anew in a series of hostilities against the foreign settlers.
Cadell commenced by fortifying the castle of Caermar-
then, issued thence upon a marauding expedition to
CydweU, and returning laden with spoils, deposited
1 Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. ii. p. 839 ; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1150 ; Brut
y Tywysogion, a.d. 1147.
2 Annales Cambrise, 1151 ; Brut y Tywysogion, 1148,

THE CYMRY AND THE .NORMANS. 243
them under the shelter of his stronghold, and then chap.
joined his forces with those of his brothers, and enter- ._xynl.
ing Ceredigion conquered Aeron.
Owen Gwynedd had vainly attempted to reassert the
privileges of Brenhin Cymru OU, and Madog ab Mare
dudd, prince of Powys, sternly refusing to acknowledge
his supremacy, took advantage of a quarrel which oc
curred between Owen and Eanulph, earl of Chester, to
join the Norman forces and their mercenary auxiliaries
in an invasion of Gwynedd. Although Owen's troops
were far inferior, both in numbers and equipments,
to those of his enemies, he advanced to meet them at
Counsyllt, and boldly offered them battle. Confident
of success, the Earl of Chester and the Prince of Powys
entered upon the conflict, but the courage and skiU of
Owen and of his sons made ample amends for all other
disadvantages ; the invaders gave way, took to flight,
and were so hotly pursued, that few of them escaped
from death or captivity, and the leaders owed their
safety to the fleetness of their horses.
While Howel was assisting his father to defend a.d. nso.
Gwynedd, that part of Ceredigion which he had wrested
from his uncle Cadwaladyr and his cousin Cadwgan
was seized upon by his South Welsh kinsmen CadeU,
Ehys, and Maredudd ; who, although they lost many
of their men before Llanrhysted, succeeded in taking
that castle, and also the stronger one of Ystrad Meurig,
and in expelling Howel's forces from every fortress in
Ceredigion, excepting only the castle of Llanfihangel
in Pengwern.
CadeU, the ablest warrior of the sons of Gruffydd ab
Ehys, delighted greatly in the recreation of hunting,
and soon after his return from Ceredigion he had one
day just ordered his hounds to be uncoupled, and was
b2

244 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, pursuing a stag with headlong eagerness, when the
^?yH^ Flemish settlers of Dinbych y Pyscoed, perceiving that
his attendants were few and unarmed, laid an ambush
and fiercely attacked him. Cadell fought his way out
of their hands and escaped to his home, but so grievously
wounded that he lay for a long time at the point of
death, and never again cheered a hound or drew a
sword. To avenge this injury, Ehys and Maredudd assembled
their forces ; carried fire and sword throughout Gwyr ;
assailed, took, and razed to the ground the castle of
Aberllvvchwr, and returned home laden with spoils so
rich that they immediately used them in rebuUding the
palatial castle of Dinefawr.
While they were thus occupied, Howel found leisure
to fortify Humphrey Castle in the vale of Caletwr, and
to regain Penwedig. In the year 1151, Owen Gwynedd
caused Cunedda, the son of his deceased brother,
CadwaUawn, to be blinded and mutilated, with the
intention of quenching his pretensions to property.
Probably the dread of a similar doom induced Cadwal
adyr at this time to break out of prison, and to seek
refuge among his numerous and powerful friends in
Mona. Owen's troops, however, drove him thence,
and Cadwaladyr fled to England and solicited aid from
the family connections of his wife Alice, who was a
daughter of the House of Clare.
§ 7. The regular succession of the Bishops of St.
Asaph has not been recorded, but it appears that, on
the death of Gilbert, Geoffrey 1 of Monmouth was ap
pointed to that see, and consecrated February 24, 1152.
His ' Historia Britonum ' has proved a vast storehouse
of romantic fiction, and from that part of it which
1 Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. ii. p. 822 ; Roger of Wendover, A.D. 1151.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 245
mentions the Saxon Conquest may possibly be sifted chap.
out some valuable facts. Caradog of Llancarfan,1 the J^ii,
chronicler, was his contemporary, and about this time
the ancient and fabulous traditions of much earlier
times were wrought up into the Mabinogion.2 Various
Lives of Saints belong also to the twelfth century,
besides a treatise on Music, one on Grammar, and one
on Medicine. The latter embodies the practical ex
perience of Ehiwallon of Myddfai,3 physician to Prince
Ehys ab Gruffydd, and of that physician's three sons,
Cadwgan, Gruffydd, and Einion, whose descendants con
tinued to practise the healing art uninterruptedly until
the eighteenth century. The Llyfr Du of Caermarthen
is extant in a manuscript of the twelfth century.
§ 8. Ehys and Maredudd4 exerted themselves at *.d. iisa.
this time to wrest from Howel the ground he had re
gained in Ceredigion, and with much difficulty they
won possession of the castle of Penwedig.
From fighting against the intrusive men of Gwynedd
they marched against the Flemings of Dinbych y
Pyscoed, scaled the castle walls in the night, and gave
the first intimation of then presence by taking possession
of the fortress and slaughtering the garrison ; thus ex
acting further vengeance for Cadell's sufferings.
The Princes of Deheubarth then divided their forces;
Ehys went forth to devastate and plunder Ystrad Con-
gen and Cyfeiliog ; Maredudd laid siege to Morgan ab
Caradog ab lestyn's castle at Aberafon in Morganwg,
1 Williams, Enwogion Cymru ; Preface to the Brut y Tywysogion, ed,
1860 ; Literary Remains of the Rev, Thomas Price, vol. i. pp, 205, 206 ;
Stephens, Literature of the Cymry, c, ii. § v, pp. 307-331.
2 Translated and published by Lady Charlotte Guest,
3 Published by the Welsh MSS. Society with a Translation by Ab
Ithel. 4 Annales Cambria? ; Brut y Tywysogion ; Powel's Historie of
Cambria,

246 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, won it, and enriched himself with its spoils. In 1153,
YT7TT 7 *-
¦ — , '— Eanulph, earl of Chester, died, and was succeeded by
his son Hugh.
On October 25, 1154,1 the death of King Stephen
terminated his nominal reign, a period of strife and
tumult, which broke all England up into a state of
social anarchy, and set the fierce passions, gross vices,
and superstitious notions of the age in violent action.
Henry the Second, the son of the Empress Matilda, then
ascended the throne of the Conqueror.
In 1155,2 Maredudd ab Gruffydd died, and Ehys,
alarmed by a rumour that Owen Gwynedd was coming
to invade his territories, raised an army and marched
boldly through Ceredigion to Aberdyfi in Meirionydd,
where finding no foes, he strengthened the fortifications
of the town and built a castle, and then returned to
his home at Dinefawr. This expedition of the southern
sovereign, and the hostile attitude of Gwynedd towards
Powys, caused Madog ab Maredudd, who kept up his
friendly rektions with the Earl of Chester, to build a
castle for the defence of Eineon, in addition to one
which he already had at Cymer ; and about the same
time Madog erected a new church at Meifod, which he
dedicated to St. Mary. It was probably the earliest
instance of an ecclesiastical edifice dedicated to the
Virgin by a Welshman.
King Stephen had had many Flemings from Brabant
in his service, and King Henry n.,3 wishing to get rid
of them, and to strengthen his hold upon Welsh soil,
sent a great number of these soldiers to join the sword-
1 Roger of Wendover.
2 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1156; Brut y Tywysogion, 1154; Powel's
Historie of Cambria, 1153.
3 Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 205 ; Wynne's History of Wales,
p. 173; Fen ton's History of Pembrokeshire.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS, 247
stricken colonies of their fellow-countrymen in Dyfed, chap.
The manufacture of woollen cloth, both in Wales and •._xyiL-
in England, is said to have been greatly improved by
the skill of these Flemish colonists.
§ 9. Cadwaladyr,1 the brother of Owen Gwynedd,
backed by his wife's kinsmen the De Clares, ceased not
meanwhile to importune King Henry to re-assert the
paramount claims of the English monarchy, and to
restore to him and to the De Clares those possessions
in Wales which would enable them to become effectual
supporters of his regal interests there. Hugh, earl of
Chester, and the warden of the Marches, added force to
Cadwakdyr's arguments by complaining of infringe
ments made upon their feudal territories by Owen a.d. 1157.
Gwynedd and his martial sons ; and Madog, prince of
Powys, offered homage and active assistance on condi
tion of being delivered from subjection to the sove
reign of Gwynedd, and supported against his aggressions.
King Henry acknowledged the cogency of such argu
ments, and resolving to conquer North Wales, levied
from all parts of England a large and well equipped
army, with which he set forth from Chester, and en
camped on Saltney Marsh ; while a fleet, which he had
also provided and placed under the guidance and di
rection of Madog, prince of Powys, skirted the coast
of Gwynedd, acting in concert with the land forces,
Owen constantly kept up friendly communications
with the King of Scotland, but in this contingency could
derive no advantage from so distant an aUy. Deheu
barth gave him no help, Powys was in arms against
him ; nevertheless, he boldly took the field at the head
1 Annales Cambria?, A.D. 1158; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1156; Roger
of Wendover, a.d. 1157; Wynne's History of Wales, pp. 173-175;
Powel's Historie of Cambria, a.d. 1157,

248 HISTORY OF --W8LT/TCS.
chap, of the men of Gwynedd, and pitcned his camp at
-i^L Basingwerk, in the cwmwd of Treffynon. The English
monarch, surprised at this proof of Cymric intrepidity,
supposed Owen to be rash and self-confident enough to
risk a set battle. He therefore selected the choicest of
his troops, and sent them forward to attack him.. This
division of the English army, led by distinguished
nobles and knights, full of ardour and disdaining cau
tion, was passing through a declivitous glade of Coed
Eulo, expecting to find beyond it their entrenched foes,
when suddenly the squadrons of cavalry and companies
of infantry felt on aU sides the fierce and fell attack of
ambushed Cymry, who, under the command of Dafydd
and Cynan ab Owen Gwynedd, mowed, speared, and
shot them down, slaughtering great numbers, and pur
suing the few who escaped even to the outposts of the
camp at Saltney Marsh (Morfa Caer Leon).
Grievously annoyed by this discomfiture, King Henry
struck his tents, and led his host along the south-western
shore of the estuary of the Dee, intending to evade
Owen's vigilant little -army, and to penetrate the coun
try before his adversary could return to defend it.
Owen, however, knew the ground, and anticipated the
intention of the invaders, who, marching in fancied
security along the steep wild passes of the woods of
Counsyllt, were suddenly struck with panic at finding
themselves intercepted in front, and impetuously at
tacked on the right and left by Cymric foes. Fettered
and hampered by their heavy armour, and encumbered
with the weight of unavailing weapons, the vanguard of
the monarch turned back and fled before Owen and the
men of Gwynedd, leaving many nobles and knights
dead or dying, bearing with them the king, and rush
ing in headlong confusion upon the still advancing

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 249
battalions. Struck with astonishment and terror, the chap. XVII
host raised a cry that the king was slain, and Henry de - — .—^
Essex,1 the great standard bearer, flung the royal ensign
upon the earth in an agony of dismay, re-echoing the
words, ' The king is slain!' The English host dissolved
at that speU into a helpless crowd, and Owen would
have slaughtered tens of thousands like sheep, if the
personal courage of Henry had not saved them and
himself from destruction. He rallied and brought back
his troops, repelled the Cymric forces, and constrained
them to retreat.
After this engagement, Owen left his headquarters
at Basingwerk, and encamped at a place still called
from him Cii Owen, near Llan Elwy, and thence watch
ing the movements of the invaders, withdrew to a
stronger position at Bryn y Pin. Without encountering
further molestation, Henry and his army reached
Ehuddlan, where he employed himself in strengthening
the fortifications of the castle ; while Owen's men, lying
in wait for detached and foraging parties, engaged them
in almost daUy skirmishes, often hindering the progress
of the works.
A young Cymro,2 passing casually with his dog
through a part of the wood of Counsyllt, was killed at
this time by the suspicious and cruel soldiery, who left
the corpse exposed to insects and the sun's heat, and to
beasts and birds of prey during eight days ; when,
observing that the faithful dog had incessantly watched
and guarded the remains of his master, and was nearly
famished to death, they were touched with pity and
' Chronicles of Jocelin de Brakelond ; Roger of Wendover, Bohn's ed.
vol. i. pp. 537, 538 ; Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, vol. ii. p. 71 ;
Giraldus, Itin. book ii. c. x.
2 Giraldus, Itin. book ii. c. x.

250 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, respect, and terminated the poor brute's vigil by bury-
XVII. • .1 • . ..
¦ — ,— _ * ing their victim.
Meanwhile Madog, prince of Powys, conducted the
English navy to Abermenai, and landed some battalions
of men-at-arms, who plundered the neighbourhood and
stripped two churches ; but Owen and his sons came
swiftly to the rescue, the inhabitants of the whole
island joined his standard, and these forces not only
overcame but annihUated the invaders at the battle of
Tal y Moelfre, otherwise called Tal y Foel. The con
flict is described by Gwalchmai ab Meilyr, an eye
witness, in an ode which Grey has paraphrased under
the title of ' The Triumphs of Owen.' Not a man
survived to return to the ships, and the appalled mari
ners weighed anchor and steered back to Chester.
Architecture being the usual occupation of English
armies in Wales, King Henry, during his sojourn,
fortified the castles of Ehuddlan and Basingwerk,1 and
built a hospital for the Knights Templars. He also
made grants to the Cistercian abbey founded by Ea
nulph, earl of Chester, at Basingwerk ; and having by
these means strengthened his hold upon the soil and its
inhabitants, he deemed the time had come for enter
ing into negotiations with the sovereign of Gwynedd.
Owen had then the whole military power of England
entrenched within his kingdom; Powys was his foe,
and Iorwerth Goch ab Maredudd had burnt his castle
at Tal ; his communications were cut off both by land
and sea, and consequently he felt relieved by the offer
of an honourable opportunity of ceasing from his single-
handed struggle. It was agreed that he should deliver
two of his sons to King Henry as hostages of good
1 Leland, Collectanea, ed. 1774, torn. ii. Ran. Higden, p. 375;
Arch. Canib. 1846, pp. 104, 105.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 251
faith, that he should recognize the king's right to retain chap.
. XVII
the castles and lands won in that campaign, and that ^ — ,-J—
he should restore to Cadwaladyr ab Gruffydd ab
Cynan, his brother, the honours and possessions of
which he had been deprived. Upon these terms peace
was established, and the English army was withdrawn,
having experienced a signal defeat and a heavy loss
of men.§ 10. In the year 1158,1 Morgan ab Owen was
treacherously slain by Ifor ab Meurig's men ; and,
among the faithful followers who fell with him, was
Gwrgant ab Ehys, the most renowned Cymraeg bard of
his time.
King Henry, after his return home, made peace with
aU the local rulers of Wales, exacting from them the
restitution of all the lands which they had previously
wrested from the Normans. Ehys ab Gruffydd alone,
still zealous for national independence, entrenched a
stronghold amid the forests of Ystrad Towy for the
reception of his own and his people's cattle and trea
sure, and then bade defiance to the power of England.
King Henry, anxious to avoid another Welsh war, a.d. ii58.
requested Ehys to come peaceably to his court, and
not to wait until an army fetched him thither, pro
mising to reward his prompt compliance by entering
into arrangements likely to insure permanent advan
tages to Ehys and to his people. Ehys, having con
sulted his friends, took their advice, and went to the
English court, delivered up two of his sons as hostages,
and did homage to the king, who promised that hence
forth Ehys should possess the entire Cantref Mawr,
instead of the lands which he held intermingled with
those of the monarch and of the lords marchers. This
1 Anna'es Cambrise, a.d. 1159; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1157.

252 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap promise was not fulfilled, and Ehys found to his dis-
'v' IJ appointment, that the lands left for him to occupy lay

far apart, and were separated and encompassed by
those of the invaders. This grievance was soon aug
mented by the active hostility of Eoger de Clare, who
marched with a strong force into Ceredigion, and took,
fortified, and garrisoned the castles of Ystrad Meurig,
of Humphrey, of Aberdyfi, of Dinerth, and of Llan-
rhysted ; while Walter de Clifford, constable of Llan-
ymddyfri, made an inroad upon the neighbouring lands
of Prince Ehys, slew several of his men, and returned
laden with plunder. Being thus injured and provoked,
the prince sent a formal complaint to the king, who
made a civil reply, but countenanced nevertheless the
proceedings of his nobles. Ehys consequently resolved
to redress his own wrongs and those of his people, and
forthwith kid siege to the castle of Llanymddyfri, while
his nephew, Einion ab Anarawd, impeUed by the desire
of delivering his countrymen from feudal slavery,
attacked the castle of Humphrey in Ceredigion. Both
these fortresses being won, Ehys mustered all his
martial strength, and joining his nephew Einion, pro
ceeded with him through Ceredigion, retaking the
castles one by one, putting the foreign garrisons to the
sword, and levelling the walls with the ground, until
none remained to protect the colonists or to impede his
re-conquest of the district. He followed up this success
by a Campaign in Dyfed, where he likewise destroyed
in succession all the Norman castles. He had invested
the strong castle of Caermarthen, when Eeynold Fitz-
a.d. 1159. Henry, Eobert Consul's half-brother, having heard of
this formidable insurrection, assembled an army at
Bristol, and with the forces of De Clare and Welsh
1 Annales Cambrise, A.D. 1160; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1158,

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 253
auxiliaries, led respectively by Cadwaladyr ab Gruffydd chap.
and Howel and Cynan ab Owen Gwynedd, hastened - — -,__
to the relief of that important fortress. Ehys received
timely information of their approach, and speedily
retreated to the mountainous region of Cefn Eested,
while his enemies encamped at Dynwal Hir, built a
castle there, and finally departed and dispersed their
forces. In the year 1160,1 Madog ab Maredudd died at
Winchester, and his body was conveyed to Meifod,
the burying-place of his forefathers. His wife was a
daughter of Gruffydd ab Cynan, and they had three
sons, Gruffydd, Owen, and Elised, and a daughter named
Mared. He also left three other sons, Owen, Cynric, and
Eineon, who shared the paternal inheritance with their
legitimate brethren. That inheritance comprised the
part of Powys subsequently known as Powys Fadog ;
the remainder, being the property of Gruffydd ab
Maredudd, Madog's brother, descended to Owen Cy-
feiliog ab Gruffydd ab Maredudd, and was known in
after days as Powys Gwenwynwyn. Although Madog
had taken the part of King Henry against Gwynedd,
he was beloved in his own province, and after his death
Gwalchrnai composed an ode to his memory, which
shows the growing estimation of King Arthur among
the bards, and their fervent expectation of the return of
a Cynan and a Cadwaladyr to effect the deliverance and
restoration of the Cymry. Perhaps they anticipated
from Owen Cyfeiliog the realization of those typical
predictions. § 11. Ehys had so strongly held his wild tract of a.d. 1162.
forest and mountain, and so grievously harassed the
foreign settlers in Deheubarth, that King Henry
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria.

254 ' HISTORY OF WALES. ,
chap, deemed his own presence to be necessary. He there-
- XTIL. ¦ fore led1 an army, byway of Morganwg and Gwyr, into
the district of Caerfyrddin, and he had penetrated as far
as Penygader without encountering any foes, when he
was met by Prince Ehys and other Cymric chiefs, who
entered into negotiations for peace upon the same terms
which had been agreed to formerly.
d. 1 162. Ehys delivered up two of his nephews as hostages,
and King Henry led his army homeward by way of
Maeleinydd and Elfel.
On the first day of June in the same year, Ehys,
prince of South Wales, with other district kings and
nobles of that province, did homage at Woodstock2 to
King Henry and to his eldest son. Ehys was after
wards permitted to enter upon the possession of the
Cantref Mawr, including that part of it which was the
seat of the provincial sovereignty of Deheubarth,
Dinefawr. Eineon3 ab Anarawd, the favourite nephew of Prince
Ehys, came to an untimely end about this period, being
murdered in his bed by a servant, at the alleged insti
gation of Eoger de Clare.
Ever-existing rancour against the despoilers of his
inheritance, the discomforts of a straitened income, and
the necessity for larger means to sustain his regal rank,
prepared the fervid spirit of Ehys to burst asunder all
his English trammels at the news of this heinous deed.
He mustered his forces and seized the castle of
Aber Eheidol, and then, by the successive conquest of
the other castles, gained possession once more of the
whole district of Ceredigion. This being done, he
1 Giraldus, Itin. book ii. c. x. ; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1164; Brut y
Tywysogion, a.d. 1162.
s Roger of Wendover, a.d. 1163.
3 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1165 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1162.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 255
made ample provision for the household and hospital- chap,
ities of Dinefawr by a series of predatory inroads upon >_ — , 1,
the Norman and Flemish settlements of Dyfed.
Freebooting upon injurious intruders was deemed
strictly lawful by the Cymry of the Middle Ages ; and
doubtless they censured severely the rapacity of the
Teutons towards each other, of whom Sir John
Fortescue1 records, that 'If an Englishman be poor,
and see another having riches which may be taken
from him by might, he wiU not spare to do so.'
The attention of King Henry was absorbed, and
his regal power enfeebled at this conjuncture by the
presumptuous innovations of Thomas a' Becket, arch
bishop of Canterbury ; and the brilliant success of Ehys
produced an effect so encouraging, that the rulers of
Gwynedd and of Powys entered into a confederacy
with him and with each other, for the purpose of
delivering the whole of Wales from the presence of
foreigners, and from the domination of the King of
England. The stern, iron grasp of the Norman upon Welsh
soU had already often proved frustrate by crushing it
to mere illuding dust. The habitual tyranny of feudal
rule, and the .cruel aggravation of its gaUing pressure
upon the necks of a nation haughty, sensitive, and
writhing under the remembrance of inborn freedom,
rendered the Welsh ever ready to revolt against their
foreign conquerors.
In intellectual development, in literary culture, and
in social refinement, the Welsh, as a people, excelled
their conquerors ; and their grievous enslavement was
1 Hallam's View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages, ed.
xi. 1855, vol. iii. p. 168.
2 Thierry's Norman Conquest, Whittaker's ed. 1841, p. 155.

256 HISTORY OF WALES.
-chap, aggravated not merely by injury and insult, but also by
>_XZ^_ a sense of degrading subjection to inferiors. Poetry,
oratory, and music were the chief delights of the Cymry.
They listened with ever-augmenting eagerness to bards
who recited ancient poems recording the achievements
of their forefathers and forebodings of national tri
umph, to which fond credulity attached the reverent
character of prophecy. Those bards were not mere
reciters of their predecessors' compositions ; they were
men of extraordinary knowledge and enthusiasm, and
among them were many true poets and possessors of
immortal genius. They had at fuU command a rich
and copious language, which, like the calm waters of a
magnificent lake, derived continual freshness from the
stirring current of bright, living streams of thought and
feeling. At that period the Norman langue d'oyl and the
Saxon language held aloof from each other the feudal
lords and their English serfs ; but all provincial
jealousies and district factions subsided throughout
Gwynedd, Powys, and Deheubarth, when words, familiar
aUke to kings, princes, nobles, and people, poured forth
by the eloquent voices of native bards, filled the ears
and the hearts of aU with stories of ancestral deeds and
exhortations to emulative glory. Love of home im
plied hatred of the strangers who defiled it. To be a
hero was in bardic phrase to be a slayer of Lloegrians.
It was a fashion among the bards of the period to
profess pecuhar admiration for one or other of their
predecessors : thus Prince Howel ab Owen and other
true poets affected to follow Merddyn as an example
of correct composition, although far surpassing him in
real merit; and this pretended imitation enabled them
with greater facility to adopt, to enhance, and to pro-

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 257
mulgate the sentiments and the expectations of their chap.
predecessors. Princes had too often proved faithless, . xyni.
but no instance can be found of a bard who betrayed
his country ; and now the whole impassioned force of
national character, impeUed by the poetic Owen, rushed
in one direction ; and the heroic forms, in dazzling in
distinctness, of Arthur, Cadwaladyr, and Cynan, return
ing by magic, or miracle, or representative, appeared
to incite their countrymen to the attainment of national
independence. David 1 ab Owen Gwynedd opened the campaign by AJ>- 1163-
devastating the Flintshire colonies and sweeping away
with him all the settlers, their cattle, and goods to
Euthyn. Incensed at the news of this bold deed, King
Henry aroused himself, levied an army in hot haste,
and marched to Ehuddlan ; there ascertaining the depth
and unity of the Cymric insurrection, he reinforced the
garrison, and after a stay of only three days returned to
England, where he diligently applied himself to coUecting
the choicest troops of that kingdom together with those
of Normandy, Anjou, Gascony, and Guienne, besides
hiring mercenary auxiliaries from Brittany and Flanders.
Aware of these preparations, Owen Gwynedd with
his sons, his brother Cadwaladyr, and aU the military
strength of North Wales, the Princes of Powys with
their united forces, the sons of Madog ab Edherth
with the men of the territories lying between the rivers
Severn and Wye, and Ehys ab Gruffydd with all the
military strength of South Wales, assembled together at
Corwen in Edeyrnion, resolved unanimously in heart
and soul to assert their national freedom.
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1166; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1164;
Powel's Historie of Cambria, a.d. 1165 ; Wynne's History of Wales ;
Giraldus, Itin. book ii. c. x. xii. S

258 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. King Henry, bent upon effecting the utter extermi-
-i^L. nation of the Cymric race, had marched meanwhile
into Shropshire, and assembled at Croes Oswalt a host
which he believed to be invincible. Nevertheless, he
opened secret communications with his former friends
the Princes of Powys, and strenuously endeavoured to
detach them from the native confederacy. Finding
them to be inflexibly attached to the cause of liberty,
he remained for some time awaiting the movements of
his foes, until weary at length of inaction, he commenced
felling the thick woods, and moved his army onward.
The pioneers at their head, protected by a guard of
pikemen, had entered upon a glade stiU known as
Adwyr Beddau (the Pass of the Graves), when a chosen
party of Cymric volunteers rushed fiercely to encounter
them, attempting to preserve the wood. Many brave
men fell on both sides, and the skirmish ended in the
celebrated battle of Crogen, through which the in
vaders forced their way with great loss to the ridge
of the Berwyn mountains, where they formed an en
trenched camp. As Henry crossed the bridge of the
Ceiriog, an arrow from a Cymric bow must inevitably
have pierced him if Hubert de Clare had not discerned
its course, and instantly stepping forward received it in
his own breast, giving his own life to save his master's.
Owen Cyfeiliog's spirited poem, called the Hirlas, has
been supposed to commemorate the battle of Crogen.
The confederated Britons and their invaders were now
encamped within sight of each other, and King Henry
hourly experienced the unremitting vigilance and ac
tivity of his Ught-armed adversaries, who cut off his
supplies of provision, lay in wait for his foragino-
parties, skirmished with his troops at every advan
tageous opportunity, and availed themselves of their

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 259
local knowledge and mountaineering habits to the chap.
discouragement and gradual destruction of his host. -._xyiL..,
Drenching rains rendered the turfy ground slippery
and unsafe for unaccustomed feet ; men, horses, and mi
litary stores had dwindled frightfully before his eyes ;
and, in the mood of a stricken tiger, he was compelled,
by the dread of utter discomfiture, to effect an imme
diate and disastrous retreat, harassed beyond the English
border by the deadly skirmishers of the Cymry.
In revenge for this disgraceful defeat, he caused the
eyes of all the young Welsh princes, whom he held as
hostages, to be torn out of their heads ; and Owen
Gwynedd with Ehys ab Tewdwr had each of them, in
the midst of their triumphs, to bewail the life-long
misery inflicted on two sons. King Henry led his
forces to Chester, and assembled there a powerful fleet,
as if intent upon attacking the Cymry again, but sud
denly he changed his purpose, dismissed the ships, dis
banded the army, and returned to other occupations.
Neither truce nor peace followed these martial efforts
of King Henry, but it is evident that he soon resumed
attempts at negotiation with the Princes of Powys,
and that henceforth his policy towards Wales was more
than ever conciliatory.
Before the invasion of Powys, Owen Gwynedd had
opened a communication with x Louis VII. of France,
proposing to form with him an offensive and defensive
alliance against the King of England ; and, after the
repulse of that invasion, he made a renewed application
to the Court of France to the same effect ; and although
the object aimed at was not attained, his ambassadors,
together with those of William the Lion, of Scotland,
were subsequently received by Louis, and obtained for
1 Thierry's Norman Conquest, Whittaker's ed. 1841, p. 167.
s 2

260 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Wales recognition as a European state apart from and
 , — y independent of England.
The army of the confederates having parted into
provincial battalions, Ehys ab Gruffydd x attacked the
castle of Aberteifi, took it, and leveUed it with the
ground ; but he permitted the garrison to depart, each
man bearing with him half his goods, excepting only
Eobert Fitz Stephen the governor, a son of Nest's last
marriage, whom Ehys detained as a close prisoner.
Ehys then proceeded to take and to fortify the castle
of Cilgerran, and afterwards returned home laden with
rich spoils.
a.d. 1166. § 12. Some arrangements made at this date for the
protection of the Marches encouraged the return of the
Normans and other adventurers to Western Deheu
barth, while the Flemings of Ehos ravaged Iscoed and
Ceredigion, and made repeated but vain attempts to
regain Cilgerran.
Owen Gwynedd had been deeply grieved by the
death of his valiant and worthy son Llewelyn ; but
neither sorrow nor age diminished his activity, for,
notwithstanding King Henry's precautions, he kid siege
to the castle of Basingwerk, won it, and razed it to the
ground ; 2 and from that period a castle at Basingwerk
is heard of no more.
Prompted by rapacity, Owen CyfeUiog and his
cousin, Owen Fychan ab Madog ab Maredudd, turned
their arms against Iorwerth Goch of Mochnant, and
forcibly divided his lands between them. This evU
deed caused in the following year, 1167, a disastrous
renewal of civil war. Owen CyfeUiog and Owen
1 Annales Cambrias, a.d. 1164-1171 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d.
1165-1169 ; Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.
2 Pennant's Tours in Wales, ed. 1810, vol. i.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 261
Fychan having quarrelled about the partition of lor- chap.
werth's lands, Owen Gwynedd and Ehys Deheubarth ,_xyn_.
interfered, brought their respective armies into Powys,
drove out Owen CyfeUiog, and took possession of his
territories ; Ehys appropriating Walwern, because it
lay within the boundary of his hereditary kingdom ;
and Owen Gwynedd retaining the rest, allowing Owen
Fychan to hold Caereinion under him. This arrange
ment, so far as regarded Owen Fychan, was not of long
duration, for Owen CyfeUiog had established amicable
relations with King Henry, and when driven from his
home found no difficulty in hiring a band of Norman
and English mercenaries, with whom he returned and
won the castle of Caereinion, which he made their head
quarters, and the source of a series of vigorous and
successful expeditions for the recovery of his patrimony.
The sovereign of South Wales was then in the North
assisting Owen Gwynedd and Cadwaladyr ab Gruffydd
ab Cynan in the difficult and tedious siege of King
Henry's stronghold at Ehuddlan, which, though valiantly
and skilfully defended during two months, fell at last
into the hands of the assailants, who razed it to the
ground. They next laid siege to the castle of Prestatyn
near Llanelwy, which was also in possession of King
Henry's troops, took it, destroyed it, and thus liberating
the whole district of Tegeingl and restoring it to the
kingdom of Gwynedd, returned well-pleased to their
several homes.
Ehys built a fortress at Abereinion, and made an a.d. lies.
inroad upon Brycheiniog, where he met with a repulse ;
but returning thither with a stronger force, he devastated
the district, destroyed Buallt Castle, obliged the king's
justiciary to assume an appearance of peaceful compla
cency, and marched back as a conqueror to Dinefawr.

262 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. At this time Cynan ab Owen Gwynedd sacrilegiously
¦ — r— slew Urgenny, abbot of Llwythkwr, and Llawdden, the
abbot's nephew. The deed shows the irreverent and
reckless spirit which a religion of superstitious forms
had exacerbated.
Within the same year, Eobert Fitz Stephen obtained
his release from captivity upon condition of resigning aU
his lands in Wales to Prince Ehys, and went to Ireland
at the head of a band of adventurers to succour Dermot,
the son of Murchat, in his wars.
The death of Owen Gwynedd is assigned by the
'Annales' to the year 1171, but all the other Welsh
authorities place it in 1169. He was one of the most
energetic sovereigns that ever held a sceptre, and one
of the most valiant and successful warriors that ever
drew a sword. His remains were buried in the cathe
dral church of Bangor, and he left behind him, out of
his twenty children, three surviving daughters and
fourteen sons.
Gwalchmai ab Meilyr, the Bardd Teulu of Owen,
surpassed other bards in the fervour of his poetic
genius as much as his sovereign excelled other warriors
in chivalrous accomplishments. Gwalchmai used to
accompany Owen in his expeditions and campaigns ;
and, besides the battle of Tal y Foel, he mentions in
his poems the conflicts of Ceredigion, Maes Garnedd,
Craig Gwydyr, Crogen, Ehuddlan, and others, and also
the night watches kept while guarding the streams of
the Breiddyn mountains.

263

CHAPTEE XVIII.
THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS.
FBOM THE DEATH OF OWEN GWYNEDD TO THE ACCESSION OF LLEWELYN
AB IOKWEETH, A.D. 1169-1194.

. . . If we tried
To sink the past beneath our feet, be sure
The future would not stand.
E. B. Beownins : Casa Guidi Windows.

6 1. Gwladys ferch Llywarch ab Trahaern was the CHAP.
XVIII
first wife of Owen Gwynedd, and Iorwerth, their only — , — A
son, would have succeeded without opposition to the AD- ne9-'
sovereignty of his father, if a broken nose had not
marred his aspect, and rendered him, in the opinion of
the people, unfit to reign. He therefore contented
himself with a private station and a share of his
father's property, and took up his residence in CasteU
Dolwyddelan. His wife was Marred, a daughter of
Madog ab Maredudd, prince of Powys, and they had a
son named Llewelyn, who was then a child.
Howel, the second son of Owen Gwynedd, although
his mother, Pyfog, was an Irishwoman, had gained for
himself a reputation so brilliant as a statesman, a
warrior, and a bard, that, without much difficulty, he
1 Annales Cambria?, a.d. 1172; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1170;
Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales ; Roger of
Wendover, a.d, 1171 ; Giraldus, Conquest of Ireland.

264 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, obtained possession of the throne, and for two years
XVITT
> — , — A he ruled the land in perfect peace.
a.d. 1171. The death of his maternal grandfather then sum
moned him to Ireland, and wkile he busied himself
there in securing the heritage which had fallen to him,
his half-brothers in Gwynedd broke out into fierce
contention. Dafydd, the chief of them, being the
eldest son of the marriage of Owen Gwynedd with
Crisiant ferch Gronow ab Owen ab Cadwgan, seized
with a strong hand upon the throne. Howel hastened
back and joined the friends who had raised his stan
dard ; but the forces of Dafydd being far more nume
rous, gained the day at the battle of Pentraeth, and
Howel received there a mortal wound.
Howel was the author1 of several animated and grace
ful lyrics, of which eight have been preserved. The
yellow florets of the furze, the sweet apple-blossoms,
the laugh of his bright sister Llefen, fields robed in
tender trefoil, the nightingale of the privet grove, the
fair landscapes of his native Gwynedd, as weU as the
sleek majestic stag, the sports of the chase, and the
task of honour in the rush of conflict, were among the
delights of this chivalrous prince. In depicting his
many ladyloves, he does not forget to avow his pre
ference for a gentle maiden, fair as the spray of the
ocean, beautiful in countenance, slender in form,
arrayed in a green mantle, and gifted at once with
keen native wit and with a sympathizing heart.
The memory of Howel ab Owen Gwynedd is en
shrined not only in his own verses but in those of
several contemporary bards. One of Peryf ab Cadifor's
two poems bewails that prince's defeat and death, and
relates the zealous acts of valour performed by Howel's
1 Myv. Arch. vol. i. ; Stephens, Literature of the Cymry, pp. 45-59. 1

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 265
foster brothers, the brothers of Peryf, in Howel's chap. XVIII
cause. It was usual1 for the Cymric sovereigns to - — , — A
send each of their children to be brought up in the
family of some attached nobleman, and the partiality
of these famihes in after-life to the princes domesti
cated upon their hearths, generaUy caused the nobles
to become, in case of controversy, the stedfast partizans
of their respective charges ; while the young princes,
separated from each other in childhood and early
youth, became too often estranged for ever from their
brethren in blood.
Howel was buried at Bangor, together with several
of the faithful foster-brethren, Cadifor's sons, who
had died for him. Gwalchmai and Cynddelw have
eulogized his name. The Cymry loved fame too
dearly, and would sacrifice their lives to insure it,
renown being most aUuring to them in the form of
bardic eulogy.
The death of Howel enabled Dafydd to retain pos
session of their father's throne ; but dreading that every
kinsman might become a rival, he set himself watch
fully to avail himself of pretexts as they arose for
expelling one by one his numerous brothers and
cousins, seizing as he did so upon their patrimonial lands.
§ 2. King Henry had experienced the effect of
England's open hostility in concentrating the strength
and stimulating the patriotism of the Cymry, and had
become thoroughly convinced of the impregnable nature
of their country when defended by a united people.
He therefore sagaciously persevered in a policy of con
ciliation, and soon found that the brave, haughty, and
jealous princes, who were ever ready to resort to arms,
were utterly incapable of resisting his civilities.
1 Giraldus, Description of Wales, book ii. c. ix, last paragraph.

266 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. The generous and royal heart of Ehys ab Gruffydd
¦ — r~y being thus beguiled by personal courtesies, he met the
English monarch by appointment at Hereford, placed
fourteen hostages in his hands, and supplied him with
oxen and baggage horses for his Irish expedition.
a.d. 1171. King Henry marched on to Caerleon-upon-Usk, and
doubting the attachment of its ruler, Iorwerth ab Owen
ab Caradog, took possession of the place as English
property. The monarch had no sooner departed thence
than Iorwerth returned with all the forces he could
muster, regained the town, but destroyed it in so doing,
and made many unsuccessful attempts to retake the
castle. King Henry pursued his way to Penbroch, where
Ehys ab Gruffydd again met him. He gave that prince
his formal consent to retain the territories of Ceredigion,
Ystrad Towy, Arwstlwi, and Elfel ; and Ehys presented
to him eighty-six horses, out of which Henry selected
thirty-six of the best, and sent the others back with
expressions of gratitude. The monarch visited St.
David's1 shrine, made an offering there, dined with the
bishop, David Fitz Gerald, and afterwards returned to
Penbroch, where he accepted Prince Ehys's hospitality
at the Ty Gwyn, and restored to him his son Howel,
who had long been detained as a hostage in England.
While the preparations for King Henry's voyage were
being made, the monarch went out one day for a little
sport,2 and seeing a noble falcon perched upon a crao-,
he passed round it and loosed the trained Norwegian
hawk from his left fist. The falcon rose upon the wing,
and though of slower flight than the hawk, soared aloft,
and rushed down with such an impetuous swoop that
1 Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1171. Giraldus, Itin. book ii. c i.
2 Giraldus, Itin, book i. c. xii.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 267
by a single blow he struck the hawk dead at his master's chap.
XVIII
feet. The king never afterwards forgot to send yearly - — , — A
for falcons to replenish his mews from the sea-chffs of
Tenby. As soon as his army was ready, he embarked for
Ireland and landed there October 18, 1171. He spent
the ensuing winter at Dublin, but a pestilence broke
out among his soldiers, and so fearfully diminished their
number, that it caused him in the following spring to
return to Wales. Arriving on Easter day, he spent the a.d. 1172.
latter part of it at Penbroch, and the next day again
visited and made offerings at St. David's shrine. On
the following Tuesday, when marching with his army,
he met Prince Ehys, who had purposely come from
Aberteifi bringing the promised tribute and hostages ;
and, after their delivery, the King of England and
the Prince of Deheubarth parted upon terms of real
amity. Henry, desiring to make peaceable conquests, and to
transform all his Welsh foes into subservient friends, sent
messengers inviting Iorwerth of Caerleon to come and
speak with him at Caerdiff, under the protection of a
safe-conduct to that chief and to aU his adherents. Ior
werth agreed to the proposal, and sent orders to his
valiant son Owen to meet his cavalcade on the way,
and accompany him into the monarch's presence. The
young warrior set forth immediately, unarmed and
with few attendants ; but Henry Fitz Henry, called by
the chroniclers Earl of Bristow, issuing forth from
Newport Castle with his men-at-arms, treacherously
waylaid and murdered him. Some of Owen's retinue
escaped the intended massacre, and meeting Iorwerth
in their flight, the bereaved father with his son Howel
and all their followers returned back at once to Caerleon,

268 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, and swore in deadly wrath that never from that hour
JEY^L would he trust the word either of a king of England or
of any Englishman. In his fury he assembled all his
kinsmen, dependants, friends, and partizans, and they
celebrated the obsequies of his son by carrying fire and
sword through all the foreign settlements in Gwent and
its borders, even to the very gates of Gloucester and
Hereford. King Henry, troubled by these outrages, and anxious
to restore peace and to maintain a policy of conciliation,
persuaded Prince Ehys to accept the office of Justiciary
of South Wales, an office from which the provincial
king acquired among his countrymen the descriptive
appellation of ' the Lord Ehys,' while he forfeited for
himself and his posterity the dignity of independence,
and the hereditary honours of a long line of ancestral
sovereigns. Probably it was in the exercise of his delegated
functions that Ehys, about this time, found it necessary
to march against Owen Cyfeiliog, and to take hostages
for his peaceable behaviour.
It was beheved by the chiefs of Gwent, that although
King Henry bore towards them an appearance of for
bearance and suavity, yet the bitterness of his natural
temper had found vent in numerous cruel deeds perpe
trated by his nobles, and more especially by Eanulph
de la Poer, lord of Abergavenny. Seissyll ab Dyfnwal
and lefan ab Seissyll ab Eiryd took advantage there
fore of Eanulph 's absence, and one morning, just as the
guard was withdrawn, they won the castle by surprise,
capturing the constable with his family and most of the
soldiers. While these events were passing, Iorwerth of Caer
leon had gained possession of the royal castle there by

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 269
means of offering prisoners in exchange for it, and, with chap.
the exception of one fortress, Howel his son had subdued - — , — A
Gwent-Is-Coed. A poem, addressed to Ehodri ab Owen Gwynedd by
the celebrated bard Llywarch ab Llewelyn, contains
an obvious allusion to a quarrel between Dafydd and
Madog,1 Ehodri's brothers, which resulted in the em
barkation of the latter, who is termed ' the placid one,'
on ' the bosom of the vast ocean in trouble great and
immeasurable.' This bard appears to have been
admitted to the intimate friendship and confidence of
Madog, and to have been consequently held accountable
for that prince's mysterious disappearance. One of
Llywarch's poems, entitled ' To the Hot Iron,' was
avowedly composed while undergoing that ordeal for
the purpose of exonerating himself from the suspicion
of having privately murdered Madog, and from all
knowledge of what had become of that prince.
A Triad mentions as one of three missing ones of
the island of Britain, Madog ab Owen Gwynedd, 'who
went to sea with three hundred men in ten ships, and
it is unknown whither they went.' These words contain
all that is reaUy known of this prince's naval explora
tions; and, on the bare fact of his departure, conjecture
has founded the interesting hypothesis which represents
him as the precursor of Columbus in the discovery of
the Western Hemisphere.
King Henry and his son Henry being then at open A.D. 1174.
war, Ehys sent to the assistance of the former a large
1 Myv. Arch. vol. i. ; Cambro-Briton, vol. i. pp. 45-50, and vol. iii.
p. 137 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1174 ; Powel's Historie of Cambria,
pp. 227-229 ; Wynne's History of Wales, pp. 195-197 ; Price, Hanes
Cymru ; Woodward, History of Wales, part ii. pp. 326-334 ; Southey's
Madoc, Poem, Preface, and Notes; Williams, Enwogion Cymru,
pp. 309, 310.

270 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, body of x light-armed Cymry, under the command of his
- XVIIL ¦ son Howel, who had once been a hostage in England.
They attended the king to Normandy, and served him
so efficiently as light infantry, by cutting off the supplies
of the French army then threatening his city of Eouen,
that Louis was obliged to raise the siege, and the ex
ploits of the auxiliaries so greatly impressed King
Henry's mind, that he has left a record of them to
posterity in a letter which he addressed to the Patri
arch of Antioch.
a.d. 1175. Howel ab Iorwerth of Caerleon, without the know
ledge of his father, got his father's brother Owen
Pencarn into his hands, and cruelly maimed and
blinded him. It would appear that Owen had pro
voked his nephew's wrath by favouring the foreign
settlers, for his wrongs were speedily avenged by an
overwhelming force of Normans and Flemings, who,
notwithstanding the desperate resistance of Iorwerth
and Howel, succeeded in wrenching from their grasp
both the town and castle of Caerleon.
§ 3. Wales never had a stauncher champion, nor
England a fiercer foe, than Dafydd ab Owen Gwynedd,
nevertheless King Henry contrived to counteract that
Cymro's innate aversion, and to win him for a life-long
friend, by bestowing upon him his fair sister Emma as
a wife, and restoring the district of Ellesmere as her
dower. Dafydd immediately testified his newly awakened
good-will by sending a strong body of forces to fight
for his brother-in-law in Normandy, and from that
period Norman manners prevailed at Aberfraw, and
Norman laws found occasional use and favour in the
realm of Gwynedd. 1 Roger of Hovedon.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 271
On June 29, in the same year, Ehys, the native sove- chap.
reign, and King Henry's justiciary for South Wales, ^Y}IlA
attended the court of that monarch at Gloucester1
bringing with him, by the exercise of his influence
and authority, all the district sovereigns (reguli) of his
province to make peace and to do homage. Among
them came Cadwallawn ab Madog of Maeleinydd,
Eineon Glyd of Elfel, Eineon ab Ehys of Gwarthrynion,
Morgan ab Caradog ab lestyn of Morganwg, Gruffydd
ab Ifor ab Meurig of Senghenydd, Seissyll ab Dyfhwal
of Gwent Uchaf, and even the injured Iorwerth of
Caerleon, who was persuaded to come by a promise
that his ancestral city should be restored to him.
On this occasion, Seissyll ab Dyfhwal gave up Aber
gavenny Castle, and King Henry consigned it to the
care of William de Breos, lord of Brycheiniog, a ra
pacious and ruthless man, who regarded that acquisition
merely as a turf entitling him to possess himself of the
whole territory of Gwent, without respect to the claims
of the native proprietors.
§ 4. Much information concerning the history of
Wales at this period is contained in the writings of2
Gerald de Barri, fourth son of the Baron William de
Barri and of Angharad, a daughter of Gerald de Windsor
and of the celebrated Nest, and niece of Gruffydd ab
Ehys, prince of South Wales. Gerald de Barri, better
known as Giraldus Cambrensis, was born about the
year 1146, at the castle of Manorbyr, and brought up
by his maternal uncle David Fitzgerald, bishop of St.
David's. He studied for three years at the University
of Paris, and took holy orders about the year 1172.
1 Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1175; Powel's Historie of Cambria;
Wynne's History of Wales.
2 Hoare's Giraldus, ed. 1806, 2 vols. 4to. vol, i. pp. xi.-lxxii.

272 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Eeturning into South Wales, he directed his attention
- xv,in: to the temporalities of his uncle's diocese, and obtained
from Eichard, archbishop of Canterbury, authority to
act as legate for enforcing the payment of the tithes
of wool and cheese in the districts of Pembroke and
Cardigan, and for the rectification of similar matters
throughout the circuit of St. David's. In the exercise
of this commission, Giraldus was severe, and used his
power of excommunication with that rash readiness
which betrays utter ignorance of real piety. Giraldus
was authorized, at the same time, to carry into effect
Archbishop l Anselm's Decrees, for the enforcement of
clerical celibacy, which had hitherto been utterly dis
regarded in Wales. He termed the wives of the Cymric
clergy concubines, and insisted upon their being dis
missed. The aged Archdeacon of Brycheiniog refusing
to obey this order, and answering the remonstrances of
Giraldus by declaring the independence of the Ancient
British Church, and the superior purity of his own
wedded life to the celibacy of Archbishop Eichard, was
punished by immediate suspension from all ecclesias
tical functions, and by deprivation of his archdeaconry
and prebend. These preferments, with the reservation
of a bare maintenance to their former possessor, were
forthwith bestowed, at the request of Bishop David,
upon his ambitious and covetous nephew, Giraldus de
Barri, who consequently took up his abode at Llandduw,
near the town of Aberhonddu, prosecuted his work
with renewed rigour, and made his daily life a course
a.d. ii76. of ceaseless strife. Hearing that Adam, bishop of St.
Asaph, was preparing to exercise episcopal jurisdiction
in the parish of Ceri, which had of old been included
within the boundary of the diocese of St. David's,
1 Florence of Worcester, a.d. 1108.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 273
Giraldus determined to prevent this loss of jurisdiction, chap.
or at least to recover it ; but finding that his former .  , — A
attendants, grown weary of contention, refused to fol
low him, he sent messengers to demand from Eineon
Glyd and Cadwallawn, the rulers of that district and
its neighbourhood, men and horses suitable for mihtary
service to aid him, if required, in asserting by force of
arms the rights of the bishopric of St. David's : the
bishop had died in May, 1176, and the see was then
vacant. Travelhng with great celerity to Ceri, Giraldus took
possession of the church on a Sunday morning, caused
a peal of bells to be rung to announce his arrival, and
celebrated mass with due formahty. An interchange
of messages between the approaching Bishop of St.
Asaph and the combative Archdeacon of Brycheiniog
concluded in their meeting at the churchyard gate,
attended by their respective clergy. A long altercation
ensued, and the bishop, in assertion of his claim,
alighted from his palfrey, set his mitre upon his head,
took the crosier in his hand, and commenced a stately
inarch at the head of his party towards the church
which he came to consecrate. While these prepara
tions were being made, the archdeacon and his party
hastily withdrew into the church, and arrayed them
selves in their priestly vestments and surplices, then
bearing lighted tapers and the parochial crucifix, they
issued forth in procession, just in time to prevent the
entrance of their opponents. Giraldus immediately
pronounced the usual form of excommunication against
Bishop Adam and his adherents, while the bishop with
emulative vehemence pronounced the same form of
excommunication against Archdeacon Giraldus and his
abettors. Giraldus, however, having possession of the
T

274 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, steeple, ordered the bells to ring three peals in confir-
-i^L mation of the sentence which he had uttered, and the
bishop and his clergy having no bells at command,
turned their backs at the sound, and owned themselves
worsted by mounting their horses and departing. No
time was lost in making this retreat, but speed did not
save the episcopal cavalcade from being pelted with
earth and stones by the rural partisans of the archi-
diaconal zealots. After this unseemly victory, Giraldus
repaired to King Henry at Northampton, and boasted
of the service done to the crown, in which the property
of the vacant see was for an interval vested. The king
commended his spirit, and made the courtiers laugh by
repeating the story as a jest; but Henry's sagacity
discerned therein indications of a domineering will too
nearly akin to that of Becket to be trusted with a
chance of primacy. The canons of Mynyw elected
Giraldus bishop of St. David's ; the Archbishop of
Canterbury and aU the prelates of his ecclesiastical
province approved their choice ; but the king refused
to ratify it. Giraldus soothed his mortified vanity by
asserting that Henry in conversation had mentioned
that archdeacon's near relationship to the sovereign
princes of South Wales as the cause of his refusal ; but
this objection, apart from other considerations, was
evidently a futile pretext. David Fitz Gerald, the
previous bishop, was a much nearer kinsman of the
Welsh princes as the son of Nest than Giraldus as
Nest's grandson, who had also a double dilution of
Norman blood ; but David was a quiet man and Giral
dus was not. Peter de Leia,1 prior of Wenlock, was
therefore consecrated bishop of St. David's, Novem-
1 Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. ii. p. 839,

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 275
ber 7, 1176, and Giraldus for a time withdrew to Paris chap.
to study polite literature and the art of declamation. - xviii.
§ 5. William de Breos,1 in pursuance of his evil
designs, under a show of neighbourly kindness and
good fellowship, invited the native princes and nobles
of Gwent Uchaf to partake of his hospitality at an en
tertainment which he prepared for them in the castle
of Abergavenny. In the midst of their unsuspecting
festivity, he suddenly proposed that they should bind
themselves to a local regulation forbidding travellers to
carry any missile or edged weapon. General dissent
from this suggestion was followed by his summoning
the men-at-arms who stood concealed, and by a mas
sacre of all the guests. Among the murdered chiefs
were Seissyll ab Dyfhwal and his eldest son ; but lest a
younger one at home should find partisans to assert his
rights to the ancestral inheritance, De Breos sent forth
ruffians who slew the child in his mother's presence.
To palliate the guilt of these heinous crimes, he after
wards asserted that the Welsh had slain an uncle of his
some months before.
§ 6. Dafydd ab Owen Gwynedd, sovereign of North
Wales, Ehys ab Gruffydd, lord of South Wales, Owen
CyfeUiog, Gruffydd Maelor, and Cadwallawn of Mael-
einydd, the princes of Powys, attended the council
held by the two Henries at Oxford, renewed their acts
of homage, and received formal grants of the lands
which had been resigned to them.
They retained the privileges of provincial govern
ment according to their own laws, but the King of
Gwynedd virtually renounced his supremacy, and
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1175; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1175;
Roger of Wendover, a.d. 1176 ; Giraldus, Itin. book i. c. iv. ; Powel's
Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.

276 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, with the others accepted the feudal tenure of vas-
XVIII. ¦,
- — , — - salage. Dafydd ab Owen Gwynedd1 had taken the Isle of
Anglesey from his brother Maelgwn and imprisoned
him ; his brother Cynan had escaped by death from
fraternal tyranny, Madog had betaken himself to
transatlantic regions, but Ehodri, another energetic son
of Owen Gwynedd, escaped at this time from Dafydd's
prison-house, and, finding himself welcomed as a de
liverer by the inhabitants of Mona, established him
self there as an independent sovereign, and soon
extended his dominions by the aid of popular favour
over every part of Gwynedd, excepting those districts
southward of the Conwy, where English fortresses and
garrisons maintained the cause of Dafydd.
a.d. 1176. This year Cadell ab Gruffydd died of the wounds
which he had received many years before, and was
buried at Ystrad Flur. Though disabled from the use
of arms ever since the unhappy day when he hunted
near Dinbych y Pyscoed, it would appear that this
prince had continued to serve his country as a states
man, and merited the regret which caused his death to
be recorded among the great ones of his day.
a.d. ins. At the beginning of the year 1178, Ehys ab Gruffydd,
in fulfilment of a previous proclamation, held an
Eisteddfod,2 and received many distinguished guests at
his castle of Aberteifi. Feats of arms and dramatic
entertainments were exhibited, and the assembled
bards of the three provinces contended together for the
prizes of poetry and music, munificent rewards being
1 Annales Cambrise; Brut y Tywysogion; Powel's Historie of Cam
bria ; Wynne's History of Wales.
» Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1176  ; Powel's Historie of Cambria;
Wynne's History of Wales.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 277
conferred upon the successful competitors. In poetry chap.
the bards of Gwynedd excelled all others, but in — , — A
music none could surpass the harpers of Ehys's own
household. The Normans of the Marches were restless at this
period, and Eineon Glyd and Morgan ab Maredudd
were treacherously slain by them.
On September 22, 1179,1 Cadwallawn, a Cymric
prince, returning from England under King Henry's
safe-conduct, was notwithstanding attacked by his
enemies and slain, to the notorious scandal of that
monarch and his officers. The authors of the deed,
however, received condign punishment. This Cad
wallawn appears to have been a prince of Maeleinydd.
The distracted state of Gwynedd affected all Cymru, a.d. 1179.
and Ehys ab Gruffydd, being occupied in building and
fortifying a castle at Ehaiadyr Gwy, was molested and
hindered by the hostile inroads of the sons of Cynan ab
Owen Gwynedd.
§ 7. Giraldus had returned to his long neglected
archdeaconry and parish in the year 1180. He found
the whole diocese in confusion, the bishop and the
native clergy being in a state of open enmity. Giraldus
therefore obtained from the Archbishop of Canterbury
the appointment of administrator of all the affairs of
the see, and he exercised the office with prudence and
moderation until, after three or four years had elapsed,
Bishop Peter de Leia, from the retirement of an
English convent, took the liberty of interfering in some
particular cases. The haughty archdeacon, indignant
at the check, threw up his special office, together with
his ecclesiastical benefices, and threatened to use his
interest with the Pope to procure the bishop's deposi-
1 Roger of Wendover,

278 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. tion. The interposition of mutual friends restored
J^L peace, and the archdeacon condescended to resume his
benefices, and to accept from King Henry (a.d. 1184),
the office of resident chaplain at the English court.
In the same year Giraldus lost by death his steady
friend Eichard, archbishop of Canterbury,1 whose suc
cessor was Baldwin, bishop of Worcester.
a.d. ii84. § 8. Eanulph de la Poer,2 lord of Abergavenny and
viscount of Gloucester, together with William de Breos,
and a strong military force from Hereford, were occu
pied in building a castle at Llandingat in Gwent, and
aware that an attack upon them was premeditated by
the native chiefs of the country, when, one morning at
break of day, Eanulph drew up his small army in battle
array to receive the fierce onset of the avengers. He
was driven, nevertheless, into his intrenchments, and
there slain with nine noblemen of the Marches, and
many other warriors ; but De Breos, though captured,
was rescued by his retainers, and escaped his condign
punishment. The sons and near kinsmen of the
victims to the Abergavenny massacre, and other suf
ferers from various atrocious crimes, which had also
been instigated by the king, and perpetrated or abetted
by Eanulph de la Poer and William de Breos, were
among the chief executors of this signal act of ven
geance. King Henry, infuriated by a deed which thus openly
kid hidden wickedness to his charge, cared no longer
to maintain a specious show of kindness, forgot the
expediency of conciliation, resolved promptly to chastise
those who had insulted his authority in the person of
his sheriff, and levied an army to reduce South Wales
1 Florence of Worcester, 2nd continuation ; Roger of Wendover.
2 Giraldus, Itin. book i. c. iv.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 279
to subserviency; but Ehys ab Gruffydd, obtaining a chap.
safe-conduct, met the incensed monarch on his march, Xvi111, .
renewed his oaths of allegiance at Worcester, promised
to send hostages for the maintenance of order, and
persuaded him to abandon his hostile purpose. The
promise of sending fresh hostages was not, however,
fulfilled, for the son and nephews whom Ehys had
destined for that peril obstinately refused to submit to
the cruel hazard of being maimed and murdered like
their predecessors.
In 1185, Giraldus was appointed preceptor to Prince
John, whom he accompanied to Ireland, where the
subjected bishoprics of Femes and of Leighlin were
in succession offered to his acceptance, and refused by
him, because, as he said, he saw that he could not
' improve and exalt the church of Ireland ; ' which
probably meant that he could not impart to its prelates
conspicuous dignity, and shine forth among them as
primate and metropolitan. He subsequently refused
also the archbishopric of Cashel.
The next two years were remarkable only for acts AT>-
» . t -, , »,,... 1186-11S7.
of violence perpetrated by some ot the district princes
of Wales upon each other.
§ 9. The year 1188 was rendered memorable by an
occurrence unparalleled in Cymraeg annals, the preach
ing of the Crusade throughout the country by Baldwin,
archbishop of Canterbury and papal legate.
The Archbishop x set forth from Hereford attended a.d. nss.
by a pompous train of ecclesiastics ; by Eanulph de
Glan ville, chief justiciary of England; by Peter, bishop
of St. David's, upon whose diocese they first entered ;
by Alexander, archdeacon of Bangor, the appointed
1 Giraldus, Itinerary of Abp. Baldwin; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1186;
Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1188.

280 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, interpreter ; and by Giraldus de Barri, who was or-
J^EL dered by King Henry to act as guide and master of
the ceremonies to the mission. Prince Ehys met the
procession at the place now caUed New Eadnor,
attended by all the district sovereigns of the neighbour
hood ; and Eanulph de Glan ville transferred the arch
bishop to his safe-keeping, and returned at once to
England. The Archbishop then delivered a Latin sermon, and
the interpreter communicated its purport to the
audience. This having been done, Giraldus, acting
under special instructions, and stimulated by King
Henry's promises, immediately fell down at the feet of
the Archbishop, and received from his hands the English
crusading sign of the White Cross. This example was
instantly followed by Peter de Leia, bishop of St.
David's, and the next proselyte was Eineon ab Eineon
Glyd, sovereign prince of Elfel, and son-in-law of Prince
Ehys. Ehys himself seemed almost persuaded to do
the hke, but returning home to his wife GwenUian
ferch Madog, prince of Powys, he was strengthened by
her counsels to resist all further importunities, much to
the annoyance of Giraldus, who held her in great con
tempt for having married Ehys her fourth cousin. A
deputation of the canons of Menevia soon afterwards
waited upon that prince, and strenuously besought him
to stop the Archbishop's progress, and not to suffer him
to desecrate the sacred precincts of their saint by such
an unprecedented intrusion. Ehys keenly felt the force
of their remonstrances, but reverence 'for the papal
legate and chivalrous courtesy towards King Henry's
delegate prevailed over every other consideration.1
Baldwin was undoubtedly an enthusiast in the cause of
1 Roger of Wendover, a.d. 1188.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 281
f
the Crusade ; but, besides the ostensible object of enlist- chap.
i»g military votaries, he desired, by means of this mis- .J^EL-
sion, to gain access to the principal churches, and by
the celebration of mass there in full canonical state, to
obtain the practical recognition of his ecclesiastical
supremacy in a manner least likely to provoke the
opposition of the native clergy, who honoured the
Pope and his legates, but denied their subjection to
the see of Canterbury, and held Menevia to be their
metropolitan episcopate.
The Archbishop's second stage was Craig Caerau,
now called Old Eadnor, and there Maelgwn ab Cadwal
lawn, prince of Maeleinydd, was induced to take the
cross. Having passed over the river Wye, the Arch
bishop came to Hay, where he preached in the church,
and lodged in the castle of De Breos. Early the next
morning he set forth in the direction of Aberhonddu,
but having approached within two miles of that town,
he turned off to Llanduw, and rested for the night at
the archidiaconal residence of Giraldus.
Three castellated mansions belonged at that time
to the see of St. David's, one at Llanffy, one at Lkw-
haden, and one at Lkndduw ; but the latter was in a
dilapidated condition, and probably unfit for the recep
tion of the Archbishop and his company. Giraldus
took the opportunity of presenting a copy of his ' Topo
graphy of Ireland ' to Baldwin, who either read or heard
a part of it every day throughout the subsequent jour
ney ; a proof how little he cared for making himself
acquainted with the country and people around him
The ecclesiastical establishments which the Normans
maintained in Wales already owned subjection to the
English primate, avoiding therefore as much as possible
those lords, their feudatories, vassals, and retainers, the

282 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Archbishop sought the scattered homesteads of the
. XvnL . native population in those pastoral regions, where they
dwelt under their own laws, in the exercise of their
ancient customs, and exempt from the interference of
feudal tyranny.
He did not visit Aberhonddu, but crossed the
country from Llandduw to Talgarth, and thence passed
over Ehiw Cwnstabl into the Alpine valley of the
Grwnwy Fawr, among the wild fastnesses of the Mynydd
Du, where the bridge still known as Pont yr Esgob
marks his route. Proceeding through the ill-omened
pass of Coed Grwnwy he reached Abergavenny, and
being met there by William, bishop of Llandaff, Bald
win preached in the church of that town a Latin ser
mon, which induced many persons to receive the cross.
The cavalcade had set out from Abergavenny for
Usk, when it was followed by a local sovereign named
Arthenas, who apologized to the Archbishop for not
having sooner attended him, and at the Archbishop's
instigation received the cross.
At Usk, the crusading party enlisted many wild and
lawless men, and thence passed on through Caerleon to
Newport — Cas Newydd — where it halted for the night,
and gained many proselytes. Caerdiff was the next
stage, and then the Archbishop came to Llandaff, where
the bishop of the diocese exercised due hospitality, and,
on proclamation being made, many Englishmen and
Welshmen took the cross. The next morning the
Archbishop celebrated mass at the high altar of the
cathedral, and afterwards journeyed onward by way of
Ewenny to the monastery of Margam. Morgan ab
Caradog, the native sovereign of that district, guided the
archiepiscopal company across the perilous quicksands
of the Eiver Nedd to Llansawel (Briton Ferry), and

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. * 283
they spent the ensuing night at Swansea Castle (Aber- chap.
tawe), having left the diocese of Llandaff, taken leave of - — , — A
its bishop, and re-entered the diocese of St. David's.
The next morning the Archbishop celebrated mass,
and preached to the people ; and an aged Cymro,
named Cador, came forward, made a speech, and
offered, a tenth part of his property for the use of the
crusade. From Abertawe, the party went to Cydweli,
and thence to Caerfyrddin, meeting with so Uttle suc
cess that they passed on to the Cistercian monastery of
Alba Domus. On the road thither they had found the
corpse of a young Cymro, who, when hastening to meet
them, had been shot dead by twelve archers of the
castle of St. Clare ; and the next day the Archbishop
commanded that those archers should be marked with
the sign of the White Cross as a punishment for their
crime. The next stage was Haverford, and there the
Archbishop delivered a sermon to a select assembly,
and Giraldus preached to the people in the Latin and
French languages, and persuaded many soldiers and
plebeians to receive the cross. The Flemings who in
habited that district were at that period as hostile as
ever to the Cymry. They still used with equal facility
the plough and the sword, were enterprising in pur
suit of gain, skilled in the manufacture of wooUen
cloth, and conversant with commerce.
When the Archbishop left Haverford, he went to
Menevia, where he and his companions were hospi
tably entertained by their fellow-traveUer Bishop Peter ;
and the next morning the Primate of England trium
phantly celebrated mass before the high altar of the
Cymric metropolitan cathedral. Delighted with this
achievement, and impatient to escape from the protests
of the indignant canons, Baldwin set forth on his jour-

284 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, ney, and left Giraldus to preach to the people at St.
. XY,n.L. David's. That night the re-assembled party were hos
pitably entertained at St. Dogmael's priory by Prince
Ehys, who conducted them the next day to his castle
of Aberteifi, and gave them there a regal welcome.
All the inhabitants of the neighbourhood assembled on
the southern side of the river, Prince Ehys with his sons
Maelgwn and Gruffydd being present, and the Arch
bishop and Giraldus addressed the princes and people
in Latin orations, which, by means of gesticulation, in
tonation, and translation, made many proselytes, al
though they failed to induce either of the princes to
take the cross. To commemorate the event, some en
thusiastic persons immediately traced out the site of a
chapel, marking the spot where the Archbishop stood
as the place for the high altar. Such a building was
doubtless erected, for the place still bears the name of
Pare y Capel. From Aberteifi, Prince Ehys accompanied
Archbishop Baldwin and his party to Cilgerran, and
thence to Pont Stephan (Lknpedr), where they passed
the night, and the Archbishop, the Archdeacon of
Brecon, and two Cistercian abbots, preached in Latin
to the people, many of whom received the cross. The
next stage was Ystrad Flur, where Sisillus, one of the
two Cistercian abbots, entertained the Archbishop and
his party ; who, journeying northward the following
morning, met Cynwrig ab Ehys and a body of light-
armed youths, and stopped under the shelter of a wood
to confer with him. Prince Cynwrig was taU and hand
some, fair, with curly hair, dignified in manner, and of
most royal aspect, though simply attired in a vest, trou
sers, and cloak, after the common usage of his country.
The subject of the conference was the sermon preached
by Baldwin at Aberteifi ; but Cynwrig could not be

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 285
persuaded to receive the cross, although he joined his chap.
band to the Archbishop's escort. Passing through . XVIIL,
Lknddewi Brefi, the scene of St. David's election to
the primacy, Archbishop Baldwin, Prince Ehys, his
sons Maelgwn and Cynwrig, the Bishop of St. David's,
the two Archdeacons, and other ecclesiastics and lay
men, arrived at Llanbadarn Fawr, and rested there for
the night. On the following morning, the Archbishop's
performance of mass attracted a large congregation to
the church, where a lay abbot presided ; it being
then usual, both among the Welsh and Irish, for the
parochial clergy to appoint the most powerful laymen
of the parish to the government of every old monastic
institution, in order to obtain protection from the intru
sion of foreign monks. No success attended the cru
sading party at Llanbadarn, and they journeyed on
ward until they reached the river Dyfi, which forms the
northern boundary of Deheubarth. Here the Bishop
of St. David's, who had conducted the Archbishop aU
through South Wales, took his leave, and Prince Ehys,
with his sons Gruffydd and Cynwrig, also said farewell
and travelled homeward ; but Maelgwn ab Ehys, desiring
to visit King Henry's court, continued to escort the
sacerdotal procession, which rested that night at Towyn.
Early the next morning, Gruffydd ab Cynan ab Owen
Gwynedd came to visit the Archbishop, and apologized
to that dignitary for the tardiness of his attentions.
The next night, the crusading party rested at Llanfair,
near Harlech in Ardudwy ; and, on the foUowing morn
ing, Maredudd ab Cynan and his people attended upon
the Archbishop, and listened to exhortations which had
the effect of winning several proselytes. The onward
journey lay by way of the Traeth Bychan and the Traeth
Mawr, where two castles of stone had lately been

286 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, erected, one called Deudraeth, belonging to the sons of
-XYI1-- Cynan ab Owen Gwynedd, situated in Eifionedd ; the
other caUed Cam Madryn, belonging also to the sons
of Owen, built on the headland of Lleyn ; and that
night, the eve of Palm Sunday, the Archbishop rested
at Nefyn. The next morning, he preached a Latin
sermon, which induced many persons to receive the
cross, and then he passed on through Caernarfon to
Bangor, where Guy, bishop of that see, gave him hos
pitable entertainment. The next day, the Archbishop
celebrated mass at the high altar of the cathedral, and
so importunately urged the bishop and some other
persons that they unwillingly took the cross. From
Bangor they crossed the Menai, and on landing in
Mona were met by the reigning sovereign of that
island, Ehoclri ab Owen Gwynedd, attended by a multi
tude of people, who Ustened upon the shore to the ser
mons of the Archbishop and the translations made by
Alexander, archdeacon of Bangor, and SisiUus, abbot
of Ystrad Flur. Many of the congregation received
the cross, but the youths of Ehodri's family, seated apart
upon a rock, remained as imperturbable as their seat,
nor could their father be persuaded to take the cross.
Ynys Lenarch (Priestholm) was at this time inhabited
by hermits, who maintained themselves by manual
labour, and suffered no woman to approach it. On
returning to Bangor, and re-visiting the cathedral
under feelings of UI wiU towards Ehodri, the Archbishop
was shown the tombs of Owen Gwynedd and of that
sovereign's brother, Cadwaladyr, both of whom lay
buried before the high altar. Owen had married for
his second wife his cousin Cristiad, daughter of Gronw
ab Edwyn, who was the mother of Ehodri ; and
although Archbishop Becket had excommunicated

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 287
Owen for refusing to put her away, that prince had chap.
refused compliance, and preferred dying under the . xvm; .
ban. Upon this pretext, therefore, Archbishop Baldwin
directed Bishop Guy to take a proper, i.e. a private,
opportunity of removing Owen's mortal remains from
their resting-place.
Proceeding along the sea coast, and crossing the
estuary of the Conwy below the castle of Tyganwy,
the crusading party arrived at Ehuddlan, where Prince
Dafydd ab Owen Gwynedd gave them a* royal wel
come for the night. In the morning they persuaded
many persons to receive the cross, and then passed
on to the cathedral of Llanelwy, where Bishop Eeyner
received them ; the Archbishop celebrated mass, and
then, journeying through a rich mineral district, ar
rived at Basingwerk and halted for the night. On
the following day, they traversed a long quicksand,
leaving Counsyllt to the right hand. At Chester the
Archbishop tarried several days, solemnized the fes
tival of Easter, and by his exhortations persuaded
many persons to take the cross. From that city the
party passed by way of the White Monastery to Croes
Oswalt, where the Princes Gruffydd and Elised, with
many other persons, met them, and a few were per
suaded by the Archbishop to take the cross. The
Prince Gruffydd ab Madog, at Baldwin's instigation,
at this time publicly renounced his long-wedded wife
Angharad ferch Owen Gwynedd, for no other reason
than because she was his cousin.
WiUiam Fitz Alan was their host at this place, which
Giraldus calls Oswalclestfe, and here they passed the
night. It was the site of the Powysian breeding studs
of fine horses of Spanish origin, which were said to
have been introduced by Eobert de Belesme, earl of

288 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Shrewsbury. Shrewsbury was the next stage, and
¦ xvnL there the Archbishop and his retinue continued for
some days to rest and refresh themselves, and Baldwin
and Giraldus by their Latin sermons gained many
military recruits. From Shrewsbury also they fulmi
nated a sentence of excommunication against Owen
CyfeUiog, because he alone of aU the Welsh district
sovereigns had neglected to come with his people to
meet the representative of the Pope and English king.
The acknowledged abUity with which Owen governed
his territories, his justice, wisdom,' moderation, elo
quence, and other princely qualities, went for nothing
when balanced against the implied disrespect of his
absence. From Shrewsbury the Archbishop went to Wenloch,
and thence by way of Maelor to the castle of Ludlow,
and through Leominster (Llan Llieni) to Hereford,
leaving the districts of Maeleinydd and Elfel to the
right hand, and returning to the point of their depar
ture, after having enlisted, by the delivery of a cross
cut out in white cloth, about 3,000 men weU skiUed in
the use of arrows and lances, and conversant with
military affairs, to take part in the expedition to
Palestine, known in history as the Seeond Crusade.
§ 10. The river1 Dee was at that time accounted the
northern boundary of Wales, and the river Wye the
southern. The Cymry of aU ranks were then trained
to war, anxiously studying the defence of their country
and of their liberty, and willingly undergoing hard
ships, fighting and dying for their native sovereigns,
under whose dominion they lived, exempt from the
exactions and burdensome services of foreign rulers.
Agility rather than strength was the characteristic of
1 Giraldus, Description of Wales.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 289
the people. They used light equipments, breastplates, chap.
helmets, shields, and more rarely greaves plated with xviii.
iron. The men of North Wales were especially expert
in the use of the lance. The men of Merionydd used
that weapon of extraordinary length, and wielded it
with matchless skill. The men of Gwent, who were
deemed the most warlike and valiant of this warlike
and valiant race, excelled all competitors in archery.
They used a stout, unpolished bow made of the wood
of the native elm, not suited to carry an arrow to a great
distance, but to answer well to the hand and to inflict
severe wounds. It is recorded in proof of this assertion1
that two archers of Gwent penetrated with their shafts
an oaken portal four fingers thick, that a man-at-arms
belonging to William de Breos was wounded by an
arrow which pierced his armour of double-plated iron
mail, passed through his hip and killed his horse ; that
another had his armour of the same sort penetrated by
an arrow which nailed him through the hip to the
saddle, and, on wheeling his horse round, was transfixed
by another arrow through the other hip to the saddle.
The higher classes went forth to war well mounted
on swift and generous steeds, but most of the people
served as infantry, wearing high shoes of untanned
leather or walking barefoot.
They ploughed the soil in the months of March and
April for oats, and twice during the summer and once
in the winter time for wheat. They ate more flesh than
bread, lived chiefly on the produce of their herds and
flocks, and neglected manufactures, shipping, and com
merce. The young men went about in troops, each
troop having the son of a native prince for its leader ;
and thus, trusting for subsistence to casual hospitality,
1 Giraldus, Itin. book i. c. iv.
U

290 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, they enured themselves to fatigue by practising martial
-XVIIL exercises, climbing mountains, and traversing forests.
The Cymry kept their horses and accoutrements very
carefully ; they were inexpensive in dress, frugal, and
abstemious in diet. The houses were usually wattled
structures, not grouped in towns or villages, but set
apart from each other on the lands of the owner.
There were no beggars, for hospitality was a thing of
course. The wayfarer who retained his weapons and
refused to accept of water for his feet when he entered
a house, was supplied with food and suffered to pass on
his way ; but he who delivered them up and accepted
the ablution, became a sojourner for the day and night.
Arriving in the morning, the guest would probably
find only the matron and maidens of the family at
home. Their lively conversation and the music of
their harps and voices entertained him until the setting
sun, and the signal of a horn, sounded at the home
stead, brought in the father and his sons from their
pastoral occupations, or, according to the season, from
walking backward chaunting national melodies before
four oxen, which were yoked together and harnessed to
the plough, with the intention of soothing the creatures'
sense of toil; or from cutting corn with the two-
handled knife, or from traversing a river or estuary in
coracles for fish. The men, like their forefathers of
Julius Cassar's time, shaved all the hair from their
faces excepting that of the upper lip. Their personal
habits were fastidiously neat, their fine teeth finding a
dentifrice in the green hazel leaves, their hair was kept
closely cut round the ears and eyes, and a white veil,
gracefully folded and adjusted, encircled the head of
each woman like a diadem. The family meal, placed
in dishes and laid on mats, was set upon the table,

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 291
interspersed with trenchers of sweet herbs. Broth with chap.
chopped meat and broad flat cakes of bread freshly -_ , A
baked, formed principal parts of the repast. The host
and hostess devoted themselves to attending upon their
guest, and would take no food untU he had done i
eating. The first piece broken off from every loaf they
set aside for the use of the poor, and they arranged
their company at table in threes, to show honour to the
Divine Trinity. Dinner being over, harp, pipe,1 and
crwth,2 but principaUy the harp, joined their voices in
producing a concert of great excellence, for they exe- |
cuted part singing even better than a single melody.
Animated conversation had its turn, and the oratorical
talent, the poetic genius, and the genial wit and
humour of the household were freely put forth for the
solace and delight of the guests. At night a series of
beds of rushes was spread along the side of the hall,
and there, covered with the brychan, the guests and
their entertainers took their rest.
§ 11. a,d. 1188. Maelgwn ab Ehys, instead of be
coming a crusader, soon returned into South Wales,
and made war so fiercely against the Flemings, that he
wrested the town of Tenby (Dinbych y Pyscoed) out of
their hands, and burned it to ashes.
In the year 1189, some persons who were digging
a grave for the interment of a monk, near to a place
marked by two old pyramids at 3 Glastonbury, are said
to have found, seven feet deep in the earth, a stone
resembling the lid of a sarcophagus, on the under-side
1 Potter, Archseologia Grseca, ed. 1804, Edinburgh, vol. ii. p. 84.
2 Cambrian Register, 1795, p. 396 ; Grose's Antiquities, vol. i. plate x.
3 Giraldus ; Roger of Wendover, a.d. 1191 ; Gibson's Camden's
Britannia, ed. 1772, pp. 183, 184, with an engraving ; Thierry's Norman
Conquest, Whittaker's ed. p. 225; Powel's Historie of Cambria,
pp. 238, 239 ; Cambro-Briton, vol. ii. p. 366.
u 2

292 HISTORY OF WALES.

CHAP.XVIII.

of which a leaden cross was inserted, marked in uncouth
letters with the words, ' Hie jacet sepultus inclytus rex
Arthurus in insuk Avalonk;' and, nine feet deeper
still, a hollow tree containing the gigantic bones of that
hero, and near it the coffin, remains, and fair golden
hair of Queen Gwenhwyfer.
This fact or figment was construed or contrived to
quench the hopes of those imaginative Welshmen, who
persisted in expecting the awakening of Arthur from
an enchanted sleep, and his literal return to effect the
deliverance of his country.
a.d. H89. Instead of preparing to go with Archbishop Baldwin
to Palestine, Giraldus attended King Henry the Second
in his expedition to Normandy, and remained there
until that monarch's death on July 6. Eichard, who
succeeded to the English throne, sent Giraldus back to
Wales immediately, that he might assist in preventing
an insurrection of the native sovereigns, and also ap
pointed him to be a coadjutor with WiUiam Longchamp,
bishop of Ely, in the regency of England.
The first action of Prince Ehys under the new reign
had a pacific tendency. He accompanied John, earl of
Mortaigne, to Oxford, intending to obtain an interview
with the new monarch ; but Eichard, who probably felt
incensed at Ehys's refusal to join in the Crusade, refused
to see him ; and the Prince, deeming that this insult dis
solved all grounds of amity, returned to his own country
intent on vengeance. He forthwith mustered his mili
tary forces and won several x castles, subjugating the
adjacent territories ; but his hostile advance upon Caer-
fyrdclin was checked by the presence of an English
army commanded by John, earl of Mortaigne.
1 Giraldus, Itin. book i. c. x. ; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1189; Brut y
Tywysogion, a.d. 1189, 1190; Powd's Historie of Cambria, a.d. 1189,

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 293
The following year (a.d. 1190) was memorable to chap.
Ehys, for in it he built the castle of Cydweli, and ¦ — ,_-
death deprived him of his daughter Gwenllian, who,
inheriting in an eminent degree the personal beauty
which distinguished her royal race, was accounted the
most lovely woman of her time and nation.
Gruffydd, prince of that part of Powys, called Mae- a.d. 1190.
lor by the Cymry and Broomfield by the English, died
about this time and was buried at Meifod. His wife
was Angharad ferch Owen Gwynedd, and they had a
son named Madog, who succeeded to his father's sove
reignty, which was subsequently known as Powys
Fadog. Gwynedd continued still a field of strife to the de
scendants of Owen ; Dafydd appears to have regained
some parts of his revolted heritage ; Ehodri was driven
out of Mona by the sons of his brother Cynan, who
reduced the island to subjection, although a strong
party there still favoured the cause of the exile.
The death of Owen ab Ehys at Ystrad Flur, in the
year 1190, was probably less grievous to the Prince of
Deheubarth than the conduct of five out of his many
surviving sons.
During the years 1191, 1192, 1193, and 1194, this
prince and. his valiant but turbulent progeny Howel,
Maelgwn Gruffydd, Madog, and Anarawd, won many
castles from the Flemings, and also took and sacked
several towns, the father and sons occasionally de
spoiling, injuring, betraying, and imprisoning one
another, until Prince Ehys, tearing Dinefawr from the
grasp of Maelgwn, burnt his own royal citadel ; while
the sons of Cadwallawn ab Madog of Maeleinydd,
pounced upon the castle of Ehayadyr Gwy, and held
it for themselves.

294 HISTORY OF WALES.

chap. Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, a child only twelve years old,
yttttt *
•  ,— but one of extraordinary inteUigence and energy, was
a.d. 1194. set Up towards the close of this year as the rightful
sovereign of Gwynedd by the Princes of Powys his
maternal kinsmen, and by the sons of Cynan his
cousins ; and after a weU contested battle at Aberconwy,
in which x Dafydd was worsted, and one not less severe
at Porth Aethwy, from which Ehodri fled discomfited,
the people gladly welcomed the young hero to the
throne of his forefathers.
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1194; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1194;
Powel's Historie of Cambria.

295

CHAPTEE XIX.
THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF KLEWEXYN AB IOKWEBTH TO HIS DEATH,
A.D. 1194-1240.

.... Hot,
Quick spirits, who tread firm to ends foreshown,
And use the name of greatness unforgot,
To meditate what greatness may be done.
E. B. Browning : Casa Guidi Windows.

§ 1. Soon after the accession of Llewelyn ab
Iorwerth, x Eoger de Mortimer, with a strong force,
took possession of Maeleinydd, and built the castle of A-D- 1194-
Cymaron for the defence of his acquisition, driving out
the two sons of Cadwallawn ab Madog, the native
rulers of that district.
Ehys and Maredudd, two of Prince Ehys's sons, being
in a state of active rebellion against their father,
assembled a company of reckless men, and wrested the
castle of Dinefawr from the garrison who had held it
for him. The young princes went thence to Cantref
Bychan, where they met with so favourable a recep
tion that they were enabled, without a blow, to take
possession of the castle.
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1194; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1194;
Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.

296 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. The local sovereign, aroused by these flagrant insults,
•JE^L- put forth his authority with sufficient power to cause
the two chief culprits to be deserted by their followers,
delivered up, and placed in safe custody.
In the foUowing year, Prince Ehys besieged the
town and castle of Caerfyrddin, which he took, plun
dered, and destroyed. He then led his troops to the
siege of Colunwy Castle, which, after many fierce
attempts, he succeeded in taking by assault, and then
burned it. He next attacked the castle of Maesyfed,
and had scarcely won it, when Eoger Mortimer and
Hugh de Saye, with a host of Normans and English
men, advanced to the rescue. Prince Ehys, disdaining
the shelter of the walls, marched out to encounter his
foes, and so effectually did he stimulate the courage of
his men by calling to memory the struggles of their
forefathers against the Eomans for freedom, that his
half-armed and half-disciplined levies drove their well-
armed and expert adversaries from the field, skying
many, and pursuing the rest until night overshadowed
them. After this success, the Prince proceeded to
Payne's Castle in Elfel, and gained possession of it
before William de Breos could return thither from the-
castle of St. Clair, which he had been contesting with
Prince Howel ab Ehys. On arriving, however, De
Breos offered pacific terms to Prince Ehys, who ac
cepted them, and withdrew from Elfel. Within the
same year died Ehodri ab Owen Gwynedd.
Led by the Lords Marchers, or by the King of
England's generals, many companies of Welshmen
continued at this period to serve as mercenaries in the
intestine and in the continental wars of the English.
The year a.d. 1117 was one of mourning in South
Wales, for, on April 28, died Ehys ab Gruffydd, who

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 297
had been in his x youth one of the most stalwart chap.
champions for Cymric liberty which this land of patriots  ,__^
ever produced. He had disinherited his son Maelgwn,
and intended Gruffydd to be his successor. Gruffydd,
therefore 2 hastened to the English court, where he
obtained a recognition of his right to the inheritance ;
but he had scarcely taken possession of it, when
Maelgwn, with his ally Prince Gwenwynwyn, marched
so secretly and suddenly upon Aberystwyth that, after
a fierce and bloody conflict, they captured Gruffydd,
and possessed themselves of Aberteifi Castle and
Ceredigion. Maelgwn delivered up his brother to
Gwenwynwyn, who placed him in the hands of the
English to be detained as a prisoner of war, and then
receiving Careghofa as the price of this betrayal, he
proceeded by force of arms to subject Arwstli to his
own authority, and, not long afterwards, the death of
his father Owen Ceifeiliog gave to him the local sove
reignty of Powys Uchaf.
Meanwhile Dafydd ab Owen Gwynedd, with his
Norman coadjutors, was making preparations for an
other effort to regain his throne. Llewelyn ab Iorwerth
encountered him in a pitched battle, gave him a signal
overthrow, and took him prisoner, a.d. 1197.
About the same time, Trahaern Fychan, a man of
great authority in Brycheiniog, was invited by William
de Breos to hold a conference with him at Llangors,
and being on his journey thitherward was, by that
wicked baron's command, treacherously waylaid,
captured, tied to a horse's tail, and dragged through
1 Higden, Polychronicon ; Hoare's Giraldus, 4to ed. 1806, vol. ii.
p. 183; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1197; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1197;
Powel's Historie of Cambria.
2 .Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, tomus i. p. 120.

298 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the town of Aberhonddu to the gallows, where his
» x*x". - head was cut off, and his body suspended by the feet

during three days. The brother, wife, and children of
the murdered man fled from their home in dread of
the murderer, and failed not to invoke the retributive
vengeance of their cousin Prince Gwenwynwyn. To
chastise De Breos, and to fulfil his own ambitious wish
of extending Powys to its ancient boundaries, Gwen
wynwyn mustered his forces and laid siege to that
castle belonging to De Breos, which is sometimes
called by the chroniclers the castle of Payne in Elfel,
and sometimes the castle of Matilda, after Maud de St.
VaUery, the wife of De Breos.
a.d. 1 1 98. In entering upon this expedition, Gwenwynwyn issued
a prockmation that, as soon as he had won that fortress,
he would burn the whole country to Severn's side, in
revenge for the murder of his cousin Trahaern Fychan.
Not having engines or miners, however, three weeks
elapsed without his taking it, and during that time
Geoffrey Fitz Peter,1 high justiciary of England, raised
an army, and joining to the royal forces those of the
Lords Marchers, advanced to raise the siege and to
rescue De Breos, who was himself in the castle. The
justiciary offered terms of peace, but Gwenwynwyn
rejected the conditions. The justiciary then liberated
Prince Gruffydd ab Ehys, who hastily visiting his own
districts, marched with all the men he could collect,
joined the justiciary in Elfel, and rejoiced in the
opportunity of avenging his personal wrongs upon the
Prince of Powys Uchaf. A battle ensued, the army of
Gwenwynwyn was put to the rout, many of his men
were slain, and many more were taken prisoners, while
only one Englishman lost his life, and that not by any
» Roger ofWendoverA.D. 1198; Florence of Worcester, 2nd continuation.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 299
foeman's weapon, but by the random arrow of a care- chap.
less fellow-soldier. Gwenwynwyn submitted to the . — y—
terms prescribed by the justiciary, the English and
Normans returned home, and Prince Gruffydd, chiefly
by the goodwill of his people, but partly by force of
arms, recovered all his territories, excepting those
which were protected by the castles of Aberteifi and
Ystrad Meurig. The intervention of some noble and
clerical friends induced Maelgwn to promise that, on a
certain day, he would restore these castles to Gruffydd,
and make a solid peace with him, on condition of
receiving hostages for his personal safety. Gruffydd
fulfilled his part of the contract by sending the
promised hostages, but Maelgwn delivered them into
the custody of Gwenwynwyn, and prepared to resist
Gruffydd's claim by force of arms. The hostages
made their escape, and got safe home again, but war
was fiercely waged between the rival brothers. Mael
gwn laid siege to the castle of Dinerth, took it by
assault, and put the garrison to the sword ; while
Gruffydd won the castle of Cilgerran, and strengthened
its fortifications.
On April 6, 1199, King Eichard1 died, and left the
crown of England to his brother John, who, though
engaged in foreign warfare, did not neglect his in
terests in Wales. He increased the number of his
forces in the Welsh Marches, concluded with Llewelyn
ab Iorwerth a peace for three years, and bound that
prince and his principal sub-rulers by solemn oaths to
act as his faithful feudatories. On the day of his coro
nation, June 26, King John created William the here
ditary marshal of England earl of Striguil, who by
1 Roger of Wendover ; Roger of Hovedon ; Florence of Worcester,
2nd continuation.

300 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, marriage with Isabel de Clare, daughter and heir of
> XIX— Eichard Strongbow, had already acquired the earldom
of Pembroke.
In the same year, Maelgwn ab Ehys,1 perceiving
that he could not much longer withstand the strenuous
efforts of Gruffydd to wrest from him the castle of
Aberteifi, most basely sold that fortress to the English
Government, thus delivering into their hands the key
of Cymru.
At this time also Madog ab Gruffydd Maelor, oc
cupying himself with peaceful pursuits and religious
hopes, founded and began to build the abbey of
Llanegwest, known also by the name of Vale Crucis.
a.d. 1201. On St. Swithin's day, July 15, the settlers of Cidweli
slew Maredudd ab Ehys : his brother Gruffydd forth
with took possession of his lands, which comprised the
cantref Bychan and the town of Llanymddyfri.- Less
than a fortnight afterwards, upon St. James's day,
Gruffydd ab Ehys, prince of Deheubarth, died, much
regretted by his subjects. His brother Ehys Fychan
then possessed himself of the cantref Bychan, and his
brother Maelgwn seized upon the castle of Cilgerran.
Gruffydd's wife was Maud, daughter of William de
Breos, and their eldest son Ehys succeeded to the
shattered throne of Dinefawr.
§ 2. Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, suspecting his cousin
Maredudd ab Cynan ab Owen Gwynedd of treasonable
practices, sent him into exile, and seized upon his
territories, which comprised the cantref of Lleyn and
the cwmwd of Efionydd.
On July ll2 in the same year, Llewelyn and the
1 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1200 ; Powel's Historie
of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. p. 123.

A.D. 1202.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 301
subordinate rulers of Gwynedd met the Chief Justiciary chap.
of England at Hereford, entered into a treaty of peace, - — r_-
and swore fealty to King John as supreme sovereign of
Wales. It is recorded1 that Llewelyn, who had lately ac
knowledged the supremacy of King John, reasserted
at this time the long dormant right of the kings of
Gwynedd to the paramount sovereignty over Powys
and Deheubarth ; that he called a meeting of the
chief Cymric rulers of those provinces, and received
oaths of allegiance from the friends who attended it ;
that the most powerful native prince who despised
Llewelyn's summons and defied his authority was
Gwenwynwyn, prince of Powys Uchaf; that the as
sembled district rulers, with one exception, agreed to
the proposition made by Llewelyn, to force Gwenwyn
wyn either to resign his territories or submit to com
pliance ; that Llewelyn consequently inarched an
army into Powys Uchaf, but happily clerical interfer
ence prevented bloodshed, and the refractory prince
not only took a verbal oath of allegiance, but confirmed
it by a written deed ; that Llewelyn vented his ire
upon the one dissentient who had opposed the inva
sion, Elised ab Madog, and took possession of his lands,
though afterwards, upon the offender's submission, he
gave or restored to him the castle of Crogen with
seven appertaining townships. Within the same year,
Llewelyn fortified the castle of Bala.
§ 3. Between the years 1195 2 and 1196, Giraldus
refused in succession the bishoprics of Bangor and
Llandaff, still hoping to attain the see of St. David's.
He was again elected to it by the chapter in the year
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria ; "Wj'nne's History of Wales.
2 Hoare's Life of Giraldus Cambrensis.

302 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. 1199 ; but Hubert, archbishop of Canterbury, refused
*- XfC— to sanction their choice. He then engaged in a contest
with that prelate, and vigorously carried on the suit
which Bishop Bernard had instituted, maintaining the
independence of the Cymric Church and the archie
piscopal primacy attached to the see of St. David's.
In the course of four years he visited Eome three
times in the prosecution of this cause, and Innocent III.
at last gave judgment in favour of Canterbury, upon
the paltry plea that a pall had never been sent by any
pope to an archbishop of St. David's. Disdaining to
be a suffragan, Giraldus finally renounced his claim to
the see, November 10, 1203. It was probably about
the same time that he resigned the archdeaconry of
Brycheiniog in favour of his nephew Philip de Barri,
dedicating the remainder of his life to Uterature and
religious exercises. He died at the age of seventy-four,
much lamented by the Gymry, who, in consequence of
his ambitious bravery, regarded him as the champion
of their ecclesiastical independence.
§ 4. In the year 1204, Ehys ab Gruffydd ab Ehys,
the heir of Deheubarth, had the castle of Llangadog
wrenched from him by the combined strength of his
uncle Maelgwn and Gwenwynwyn, prince of Powys
Uchaf; and from that period, throughout several suc
cessive years, Prince Ehys, assisted by his brothers,
waged incessantly a defensive or an aggressive war
against his uncles Maelgwn and Ehys Fychan ab
Gruffydd, and against the Lords Marchers of South
Wales, in which the principal castles of the country
often had their garrisons slaughtered, and often changed
their owners.
*.,». 1204. Llewelyn ab Iorwerth had released his uncle David
from captivity, under a belief that circumstances must

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 303
have wrought in him a thorough conviction of the .chap.
hopelessness of his cause ; but the dethroned sovereign . — y_
fled to England, was enabled to raise an army there,
and soon marched back to make yet another effort to
retrieve his fallen fortunes. Llewelyn promptly put
himself at the head of the men of Gwynedd, hastened
to encounter his rival, and gave him a complete over
throw. David fled to England and died soon after
wards of grief.
In or about the year 1204, Tangwstyl ferch
Llywarch Goch, district ruler of Ehos, the first wife
of Llewelyn being dead, that prince accepted the hand
of Joan, a daughter of King John, and received as a
part of her marriage portion the long alienated and
disputed lordship of Ellesmere. The grant of this
district bears the date of March 23, 1205.
This year a severe winter and a frosty spring de- a.d. 1205.
stroyed the oats and barley ; and the want of grass
and other fodder caused cattle and sheep to perish
by thousands. A good wheat harvest aUeviated the
sufferings of the people from scarcity, and on the
coast of Caerdigan Bay, especially at Aberystwyth, an
unprecedented abundance of fish saved the local in
habitants from famine.
At this time Howel ab Ehys, surnamed Howel Sais,
from having done military service with the King of
England's forces, was put to death at Cemmaes by
command of Maelgwn his brother; but his remains
were honourably interred by the side of those of
Prince Gruffydd ab Ehys in the abbey of Ystrad Flur,
although four sons of Howel's daughter, together with
their father, his son-in-law, were soon afterwards kiUed
by command of Maelgwn.
In the year 1207, Gwenwynwyn went, by King John's

304 HISTORY OF WALES. '
chap, invitation, to attend a council at Shrewsbury, and to his
- XIX— amazement was detained there a prisoner, while Lle
welyn ab Iorwerth took advantage of his absence,
and with the men of Gwynedd overran Powys Uchaf,
and placed garrisons in the castles to secure permanent
possession. Maelgwn ab Ehys, the ally of Gwenwynwyn, struck
with terror at these proceedings, and dreading a similar
invasion, immediately dismantled the castles of Aber
ystwyth, Ystrad Meurig, and Dinerth, which he knew
that he could not defend ; but Llewelyn marched to
Aberystwyth, restored and garrisoned the castle, seized
upon the cantref of Penwedig, and upon the lands
lying between Dyfi and Aeron, and gave that territory
to the sons of Gruffydd ab Ehys ; after these exploits
he returned home to Aberfraw in triumph.
In the October of the same year, King John extorted
hard terms from Prince x Gwenwynwyn, including hos
tages and vassalage, and subsequently released him
from captivity, allowed him to return home, and con
strained Llewelyn to make amends for the ravages
committed on his property.
a.d. 1207. Maelgwn, encouraged by the restoration of Gwenwyn
wyn, went to King John, took an oath of allegiance as
his feudatory, and returned home attended by a strong
body of Norman and English mercenaries, to which he
speedily added his Welsh levies, and commenced a fresh
series of devastating warfare upon the lands of his
nephews, the sons of Prince Gruffydd ab Ehys. Enter
ing the cantref of Penwedig, he encamped at Cilcennin
to gain time for consultation upon future operations.
Prince Ehys and his brothers, at the head of 300 chosen
if> ' Eymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 150, 151.

THE^, CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 305
men, ventured by night to reconnoitre the hostile camp, chap.
and ascertaining that the invaders had lain down to rest, ._XPC'_-
they softly stole in among them, slew great numbers
who were sleeping, and captured many important per
sonages ; but Maelgwn, defended by the valour of his
native troops, escaped and fled through the darkness,
being ignorant of the assaUants' scanty number.
In June 1209, King John, being under a papal inter
dict, and fearing that his vassals might avail themselves
of the opportunity thus afforded them to defy his
authority,1 extorted compulsory homage from all his
free tenants, and even from boys of twelve years of age;
and the Welsh princes on this occasion came personally
to Woodstock and performed the irksome ceremony.
In the month of June 1210,2 King John marched
through South Wales to Penbroch, and there embarked
with his army for Ireland, and, on August 29 following,
he returned to Penbroch on his homeward way.
About this time Gilbert de Clare, who had with great
difficulty and loss of men acquired possession of Buallt,
completed the fortifications of its castle. Within the
same year died Maud de Breos, widow of Gruffydd ab
Ehys, prince of Deheubarth, and was buried in a monk's
cowl by her husband's side at Ystrad FMr.
The Norman castles built within the kingdom of
Gwynedd were gradually destroyed in several expedi
tions by Llewelyn, and, in the year 1210, Eanulph, earl
of Chester, rebuilt the fortress of Tyganwy upon the
seashore eastward of the river Conwy, and strengthened
that at Treffynon (Holywell) ; but the works were
scarcely finished when Llewelyn again rushed forth to
1 Roger of Wendover, a.d. 1209.
2 Ibid. a.d. 1210 ; Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion ; Powel's
Historie of Cambria; Wynne's History of Wales.
X

306 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, overthrow them, devastating and plundering in his
XIX- course the lands they were erected to protect.
§ 5. a.d. 1211. Meanwhile, the displeasure which
King John had long cherished against Prince Llewelyn
increased more and more ; and, urged by the ceaseless
complaints of the Earl of Chester and the other Lords
Marchers, who suffered from the reprisals, incursions,
and acquisitions of the Cymric sovereign, the English
monarch assembled a large army at Whitchurch,1 to
which he joined the forces of all those Welsh princes
and nobles who held their lands directly of him, with
out the intervention of the sovereign of Gwynedd.
Madog ab Gruffydd, prince of Powys Isaf, Gwenwyn
wyn, prince of Powys Uchaf, Maelgwyn and Ehys
Fychan ab Ehys, princes of Deheubarth, and many
other distinguished and powerful men, appeared among
these native auxiliaries. King John declared his inten
tion of exterminating the people of Gwynedd, and
marched with his host from Chester along the sea coast
to Ehuddlan ; then crossing the river Clwyd, he halted
awhUe at the castle of Tyganwy.
Llewelyn had prepared for this emergency by re
moving the inhabitants of the exposed country with
all their goods and cattle to Eryri, and the invading
host having reached Tyganwy, he posted his forces so
skilfully as to cut off all communication with England.
Not a particle of food therefore could be sent into the
Engfish camp, nor a skirmisher or forager straggle from
it without encountering the swords, lances, and arrows
of dauntless foes, well acquainted with every step of the
difficult and dangerous ground. The invaders being
thus reduced to extreme want, constrained to eat
their horses, and dying of famine in great numbers,
1 Roger of Wendover, a.d. 1211.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 307;
King John at length yielded to circumstances and made chap.
a humiliating retreat. Nevertheless, in the month of •  .—^
July in the same year, he re-assembled his allies, and
with an army as numerous as before entered Wales by
way of Oswaldistre, that town being then under the
rule of John Fitz Alan. Crossing the Berwyn range of
mountains, and marching through the country by the
aid of native guides, King John reached the river
Conwy, and encamped upon its banks, while he sent
forward a detachment of chosen troops to pillage and
burn the town of Bangor. This order was fuUy exe
cuted, and Bishop Eotpert was captured, who after
wards obtained his liberty for a ransom of 200 hawks
and a sum of money.
Llewelyn, perceiving himself to be out-generalled as
well as out-numbered, sent his wife to intercede for him
with her father, and having consequently received
hostages for a safe-conduct, he came to the monarch,
and, on August 7, made peace with him and did hom
age for his realm ; but King John exacted from him
20,000 head of cattle and forty horses towards paying
the expenses of the war, besides the cession of Yper-
feddwlad, comprising the cantrefs of Ehyfyniog, Ystrad
Ehos, Duffryn Clwyd, and Tegeingl. On the 15th
John returned triumphantly to England, having secured
the submission of all the Welsh princes excepting Ehys
and Owen ab Gruffydd ab Ehys, and he left stringent
orders with Fulk de Breaute, warden of the Marches
and viscount of Caerdiff, to assist Maelgwyn and Ehys
Fychan in reducing those malcontents to subjection.
Thus commissioned, the viscount and his con
federates entered the cantref of Penwedig ; but the
young princes, eager to avert the destruction involved
in their uncle's mastery, immediately applied for a safe-
x 2

308 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, conduct, and obtaining it, promptly presented them-
-^X— selves before King John, resigned to him their lands
lying between the rivers Aeron and Dyfi, did homage
for the scanty territories which they retained, and
accepted compensatory pensions to eke out their re
duced means of maintenance.
Maelgwn no sooner found that his nephews Ehys
and Owen ab Gruffydd had purchased the protection
of King John, than he revolted and burned the castle
of Aberystwyth together with the viscount's garrison.
This served as a signal to Ehys and Owen for a series
of predatory expeditions into Maelgwn's territories ;
while, in Morganwg, Cadwallawn, the district sovereign,
arose also in rebellion, and committed various ravages
upon obnoxious neighbours. King John, infuriated
by these outrages, caused the x hostages of Maelgwn
and those of CadwaUawn to be mutilated, and the son
of Maelgwn consequently died. The news of the
monarch's barbarous cruelty towards those innocent
youths provoked a fresh outburst of Cymric indigna
tion, and a devastating war again broke out along the
whole extent of the border lands.
§ 6. The disregard of solemn oaths, which forms so
prominent and so frightful a feature in the character
of the Middle Ages, indicates the low state of political
and personal morality naturally resulting from that
shrouded, debased, and corrupt form of religion, which,
forgetting the great truths and the spiritual objects of
real Christianity, holds a priesthood and its president
in superstitious reverence as a mediatorial and dis
pensing power; that priesthood and that president
being practicaUy and generally a visible example of
time-serving worldliness. 1 Roger of Wendover, a.d. 1211.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 309
In the year 1212, Pope Innocent absolved from all chap.
fealty and allegiance to the King of England, the princes . — ,._
and nobles, and all other persons high and low, who
had sworn to be that monarch's faithful vassals, and
he added a threat of excommunication against all who
either associated or held any sort of converse with him.
Encouraged by this interdict, Llewelyn summoned
Gwenwynwyn, prince of Powys Uchaf, Gruffydd Mae-
lor, prince of Powys Isaf, and Maredudd ab Eotpert,
ruler of Cydewin, and eloquently stating the wrongs
and miseries inflicted upon them by foreign domination,
and the happiness which would attend deliverance from
it, and their unanimous return to the native mode of
government, he succeeded in arousing the patriot pas
sion in their breasts, and received their oaths of sub
mission and fidelity to himself as provincial king of
Gwynedd and Brenhin Cymru OU. In accordance
with this resolution, the martial strength of Gwynedd
and Powys was mustered immediately for the common
cause, and Llewelyn speedily won from the invaders
every Norman castle in North Wales, excepting only
Ehuddlan and Tyganwy, enriching .the victors with
abundant spoils, but slaughtering the garrisons with
retaliative cruelty ; then marching into Powys Uchaf,
the army laid siege to the castle of Mathrafal, which
Eobert Vipont had lately fortified.
King John, enraged at the news of this formidable
insurrection, levied an army with the avowed intention
of exterminating the Welsh nation, and, on arriving
at Nottingham,1 before he either ate or drank, he
ordered the twenty-eight royal Welsh children, whom
he held as hostages, to be hung on gibbets, in revenge
1 Roger of Wendover, a.d. 1212 ; Florence of Worcester, 2nd continu
ation.

310 IHSTORY OF WALES.
chap, for their fathers' breach of faith towards him. Letters
^X— from the Queen of Gwynedd, his daughter, and from
the King of Scotland reached him on the same day,
warning him that, if he persisted in this war, he would
either be treacherously slain by his own nobles, or
delivered by them into the hands of his enemies. Dis
mayed at this information, he shut himself up for a
fortnight in Nottingham Castle, and then, recovering
from his terror, marched onward with his army to
Chester, where, alarmed by renewed warnings, he dis
banded his forces. His advance, however, had caused
the Welsh princes to raise the siege of Mathrafal.
A special and direct communication from the Pope1
to the Welsh princes, confirming the release of their
tributary oaths, and urging them, under the penalty
of his curse, to annoy and trouble King John to the
uttermost, appears at this time to have animated their
efforts, and to have caused the dispirited subjects of
that monarch to yield up to Llewelyn the five cantrefs
of Yperfeddwkd and the strong castles of Ehuddlan
and Tyganwy.
On May 13, 1213,2 King John submitted himself to
the Papal Legate, and was restored to the favour of
the Pope, who vainly expected that the warfare which
he had stirred up for the furtherance of his own am
bitious designs would instantly cease at his bidding.
In the course of the same year, Ehys ab Gruffydd ab
Ehys appealed to King John against the injustice of
his uncles, Maelgwn and Ehys Fychan, wno had de
prived him and Owen his brother of their inheritance.
1 Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1212; Powel's Historie of Cambria;
Waverley Annals, quoted by Woodward in his History of Wales Dart ii
p. 354, a.d. 1212. r
2 Roger of Wendover; Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1707, t, i. p. 170.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 311
King John sent orders to Fulk, viscount of Cardiff and chap.
warden of the Marches, to render military aid to the —XPl..
young princes, which was so effectually done, that
Ehys Fychan, being captured and sent to England, his
nephews obtained possession of the cantref Mawr.
§ 7. a. d. 1214. The English barons being in arms
against King John,1 entered into a confederacy with
Llewelyn to defy at once the tyranny of the monarch
and that of the Pope. In the following year, the
King of Gwynedd and his tributaries seized upon
the town of Shrewsbury, and, proceeding into South
Wales, successively took and destroyed the castles of
Caerfyrddin, Llanstephan, St. Clair, and Talacharn. In
the same career of conquest he possessed himself of
the castles of Emlyn, Cemaes, Trefdraeth, Aberteifi,
and Cilgerran, and returned triumphantly to his home.
In the same year (a.d. 1215), the King of Gwynedd
revisited South Wales as paramount sovereign, and
settled by arbitration the territorial disputes of the
native princes of that province. On the way back
again he was surprised by the news that Gwenwynwyn
had broken the national league, and renewed his oaths
of allegiance to King John. Llewelyn promptly sent
some friendly ecclesiastics to remonstrate with the
Prince of Powys Uchaf, but their intervention proving
fruitless, the indignant King of Cymru OU led an army
into Gwenwynwyn's territory, and ravaged it with fire
and sword, while the recreant fled for refuge to Ea
nulph, earl of Chester, and not long afterwards died.
A few years before, Matilda de Breos and her eldest
son William had been famished to death in Windsor
Castle, and the flagitious William de Breos, her hus-
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1214 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1215 ; Powel's
Historie of Cambria.

312 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, band, had died an exile in France. The surviving
- XIX' . - sons, Giles, bishop of Hereford, and Eeginald, had se
cured for themselves out of their father's possessions
Brycheiniog, with Aberhonddu, Hay, Buallt, and Bken
llynfi, besides Abergavenny, Grosmont, and the Isle of
Cynwric ; but, to strengthen their position, they per
mitted Payne's Castle and Colunwy, with the district
of Elfel, to continue in the hands of Walter Fychan ab
Eineon Clyd, the native ruler.
On the death of Giles de Breos, bishop of Hereford,
November 17, 1215, Eeginald his brother inherited the
greater part of the Welsh acquisitions of the family,
and Llewelyn, king of Gwynedd, gave him one of his
daughters in marriage, intending thus to secure the
adherence of a powerful subordinate. About this time,
also, Llewelyn raised Iorwerth, otherwise called Ger
vase, and Cadwgan, two Cymric abbots, to the respective
sees of St. David's and Bangor.
A.D. 1216. King John, being a fugitive from the
host of Louis, the Dauphin of France, and arriving in
the Marches of Wales, sent from Hereford to solicit
the friendly aid of Eeginald de Breos and of Llewelyn.
They refused to listen to his repeated overtures, and
in revenge he destroyed upon his march the castles of
Hay and Eadnor, and burned the town of Oswestry,
passing thence to England.
This vacillating yet ferocious man died1 at Newark,
October 19, 1216, and was succeeded upon the totter
ing throne of England by his son Henry III., a child
ten years of age.
a.d. 121 7.2 At this time the Baron Eeginald de Breos gave in
1 Roger of Wendover; Nicolas, Chronology of History.
2 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion ; Powel's Historie of
Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 313
his adherence to the regency of England. His sister's chap.
sons, Ehys and Owen ab Gruffydd, immediately took ^ — y_
arms and wrested from his possession the whole cantref
of Buallt, with the sole exception of the castle, which
his vassals stoutly defended.
Llewelyn no sooner became aware of Eeginald's
defection than he marched with an army into Bry
cheiniog, and kid siege to Aberhonddu. The inter
cession of Prince Ehys ab Gruffydd, however, induced
the angry King of Gwynedd to accept five hostages and
a fine of 100 marks from the burgesses, and to spare
the town. Llewelyn crossed the mountain range and
arrived in Gwyr with the loss of much baggage ; and,
while he lay encamped at Llangrug, Eeginald de Breos,
accompanied by six knights, came to him peaceably and
asked forgiveness for his late breach of faith. Llewelyn
gently and freely granted it, and, as a proof of renewed
favour and undiminished confidence, gave him the
castle of J Sengennydd, which his son-in-law consigned
forthwith to the care of Ehys Fychan.
Llewelyn passed on in martial array to Cefh Cyn-
warchan, whither the Flemings sent emissaries to meet
him with proposals of peace. This he refused to grant,
and Prince Ehys ab Gruffydd, whose forces were acting
in concert with those of .the King of Gwynedd, was the
first man who crossed the river Cleddau to lead the
attack ; but Iorwerth, the native bishop of St. David's,
at the head of all his clergy, solemnly interposed, and
at length prevailed upon Llewelyn to accept the un
conditional surrender of the colonists to his regal
authority, upon the delivery of twenty hostages as
security for the payment of 1,000 marks to defray the
expenses of his expedition. Llewelyn then returned
1 Afterwards called Caerphilly.

314 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, home as the acknowledged Brenhin Cymru Oil ; but he
. x*x,.~ did not long maintain that title, and throughout the
correspondence which took place concerning Welsh
affairs during the reign of Henry III., he is uniformly
styled either prince of North Wales, or prince of
Aberffraw and lord of Snowdon.
§ 8. The revolted barons having submitted them
selves to William, earl of Pembroke, the grand marshal
and regent of England, included in their treaty of re
conciliation the kings of Scotland and Gwynedd, upon
condition that they should restore to the English crown
aU places which they had acquired during the war.
This article directly contravened the arrangements
which had existed between Llewelyn and the barons ;
but their promises made in a time of need were readily
sacrificed to expediency, and they added their forces
to those of the regent with the intention of crushing
down once more the elastic springs of Cymric indepen
dence. The regent opened the campaign by seizing upon
Caerleon, and Ehys Fychan, foreseeing the impossibility
of making an effectual defence, immediately razed the
castle of Sengennydd to the ground, together with all
the other castles of the country which had been con
fided to his custody ; and expeUing aU the Norman and
English colonists, he divided the lands between a stal
wart set of his own countrymen, whose posterity are said
still to possess them now in the nineteenth century.
On March 11, 121 8,1 under a guarantee of safe-
conduct, Llewelyn attended at Worcester and swore,
upon certain relics, to restore the castles and lands in
South Wales which had formerly belonged to King
1 Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. pp. 362, 363; Rymor's
Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 224-227.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 315
John, and to do his best to bring aU the Welsh rulers chap. YTY
to pay their homage to King Henry. These and other . — ,_1_
stipulations were embodied in a deed which Llewelyn
signed and sealed ; and another deed, executed at the
same time, declared that he had received from Gualo
de St. Martin, the papal legate, the lands of the late
Gwenwynwyn, prince of Powys Uchaf, in trust until
the heirs should come of age, on condition of making
meanwhile a competent provision for them and for the
widow. At the close of Easter in the same year, Llewelyn
went to Gloucester, received absolution from the papal
legate, formally accepted the terms of the obnoxious
treaty which the barons had made, took the oath of
fealty to King Henry, and did homage for Gwynedd.
By a subsequent deed, the humiliated sovereign ac
cepted the office of baUiff of the castles of Caerfyrddin
and Caerdigan, and engaged to hold a law court in that
capacity at those castles respectively, and to administer
English law to the English, and Welsh law to the Welsh
population of those districts ; whUe Maelgwn ab Ehys,
Ehys ab Gruffydd, and Maredudd ab Eotpert swore to
see that all these promises were duly performed.
In these arrangements some respect was evidently
paid to the King of Gwynedd's pride of suzerainty, for
he was permitted to act as an intermediate power
between the supreme monarch of Britain and the
sovereign princes of Deheubarth and Powys.
In October, 1218, Llewelyn was put in possession
of the town of 1Budiford, in the county of Warwick,
as a part of the dowry of Joan his wife. The friendly
feelings which subsisted between this princess and her
half-brother King Henry, and her frequent visits to the
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. p. 227.

316 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. English court, caused a favourable construction to be
- XIX— put sometimes upon the daring actions of her husband,
and procured for him a leniency of judgment and a
degree of practical forbearance which could scarcely
have been otherwise obtained from a Plantagenet,
although she so far succeeded in restraining the fierce
temper of Llewelyn that he generally abstained, even
while indulging his wrath against the Lords Marchers,
from an avowed defiance of the King of England's
supremacy. In March, 121 9,1 death relaxed the vigorous hand
of the Eegent and Grand Marshal William, earl of
Pembroke, and the direction of English affairs devolved
upon Hubert de Burgh and Peter de Eupibus, bishop
of Winchester. The second William Marshal manifested
a will as inflexible as his father's in defence of his
Welsh territories ; and disagreements soon occurred
between him with the other Lords Marchers on his
side and the native princes, although, within the same
year, Ehys Fychan had married a daughter of the Earl
of Clare, and John de Breos, a nephew of Eeginald,
had married Marred, a daughter of Llewelyn ab
Iorwerth, thus attempting to strengthen by affinity the
ties of amity.
On May 1, 1220, 2Llewelyn and his son Dafydd,
under the safe-conduct of Fulk de Breaute, met the
King of England at Shrewsbury. The chief objects
sought by that monarch's advisers in this interview
appear to have been the King of Gwynedd's resignation
of Maeleinydd to Henry of Aldithel, and his renewed
1 Roger of Wendover.
2 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reign of
Henry III., edited by Dr. Shirley for the Record Com., vol. i. No. 95,
p. 113 ; Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. p. 239.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 317
promise to observe a truce with the Earl of Pembroke chap.
and the other Lords Marchers until after the feast of . — y^
St. Michael.
In July, Ehys Fychan was peremptorily charged to
give up to Llewelyn, on King Henry's behalf, all the
castles and lands which he had acquired during the
last war, and also to hold himself in readiness to do
homage whenever he might be summoned. This prince,
long known as xEhys Fychan (the Younger), had now
a grown up son to whom the designation Fychan more
properly belonged, and consequently a personal pecu
liarity of voice is made from about this period a
descriptive appellation of the ambitious, turbulent,
and valiant son of Prince Ehys, the lord justiciary of
King Henry II. , and he is commonly called Ehys Gryg
(the Hoarse). Llewelyn had long 2 complained to the
king of injuries done to him by the settlers in Penbroch,
and in August, 1220, he marched with an army into
that district and exacted his own terms from the
offenders. Buallt Castle,3 which belonged to Eeginald de Breos, a.d. 1221.
was besieged by the local chieftains, and Llewelyn with
his forces had joined the assaUants about September 8,
when King Henry complied with the Lord Marcher's
earnest entreaty, and led an army to raise the siege.
This being done, the English monarch proceeded to
make a marauding progress through Powys, until
arriving at Montgomery a site was pointed out to him
by his advisers as impregnable, and he gave orders
that a castle should immediately be built there.
Leaving' only sufficient men to protect the works he
1 Resus Parvus.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t.i. p. 249, 250.
3 Roger of Wendover.

318 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, then returned home, and aUowed his nobles and their
*.XIX,_. vassals to depart on payment of two sUver marks for
each shield.
§ 9. Gruffydd,1 the son of Llewelyn's first marriage,
having grown up to manhood, his father assigned to
him Ehos in Gwynedd, his maternal heritage ; together
with the districts of Tegeingl, Ehyfoniog, and Dyffryn
Clwyd, that his valour and military skill might defend
them alike from open attacks and insidious encroach
ments. Not content, however, with the provision thus made
for him, the young prince seized upon Meirionydd, and
persisted in holding it in defiance of paternal authority.
Llewelyn marched thither with his forces, and found
that Gruffydd had already taken the field and stood
prepared to maintain his claim. A battle commenced,
but, before any advantage had been gained on either
side, the heart of the rebellious son relented, and he
craved mercy and forgiveness. Llewelyn granted both,
but exacted absolute submission.
Ehys ab Gruffydd, hereditary sovereign of Deheu
barth, had anxiously desired to regain the possession
of Aberteifi Castle, and Llewelyn had promised to
gratify that wish ; but, still delaying its fulfilment, he
wore out the patience of Ehys, who became so entirely
alienated that, about this period, he openly attached
himself to William, earl of Pembroke. Llewelyn no
sooner heard of this defection than he seized upon
Aberystwyth Castle with the adjacent territory. Ehys
promptly appealed in person to the King of England
against this flagrant wrong, and the monarch summoned
Llewelyn to appear before him at Shrewsbury in June,
1 Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1221; Powel's Historie of Cambria;
Wynne's History of Wales.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 319'
and there effected a reconciliation on condition that chap.
Llewelyn should make compensation to Ehys for with- . — ,__^
holding Aberteifi, as he had already done to Maelgwn
for Caerfyrddin.
In the course of the following winter, John de Breos,
who had married one of Llewelyn's daughters, obtained
his father-in-law's permission to fortify the castle of
Senghennydd. In 1222,1 died Ehys ab Gruffydd, the hereditary
sovereign of Deheubarth. He was buried with his
forefathers at Ystrad Flur, and deeply mourned by his
countrymen. Llewelyn, still acting by sufferance or
permission as Brenhin Cymru OU, divided the posses
sions of Ehys between Owen the brother and Maelgwn,
a paternal uncle of the deceased prince.
In the June of the same year, royal commissioners
took possession of the Welsh castles of Eeginald de
Breos on behalf of King Henry, with the obvious
intention of saving them from the attack of the native
princes. § 10. In March 1223, Llewelyn besieged and took
the castles of Kinardsley and Whittington ; but his
operations were checked, and he was constrained to
abandon those fortresses by the advance of King Henry
to Shrewsbury. It may be inferred from subsequent
circumstances, that the king dismissed Llewelyn from
the office of keeping the castles of Caerfyrddin and
Aberteifi, and commended them to the custody of the
earl marshal, for the seizure of those castles by the
Flemish colonists, who were the retainers of that noble
man, appears to have provoked that fierce southern
foray of the foUowing month, in which Llewelyn took
both those castles2 and beheaded the garrisons, razed
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1220. 2 Roger of Wendover.

320 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the castle of Gwys, burned the town of Haverford to
-.X*X_. its castle gates, devastated Ehos and Daucleddau with
fire and sword, and granted exemption from injury to
the townsmen of Penbroch at the price of 200 marks.
i.D. 1223. He had scarcely reached home for the Easter holi
days, when the Earl of Pembroke,1 hastily returning
from Ireland, entered upon a series of savage retaliations,
retaking the castles, slaughtering not only Llewelyn's
garrisons but all the Welshmen whom he captured,
and carrying fire and sword on his march through the
territories which that prince had previously acquired
in South Wales.
The indignant King of Gwynedd mustered aU his
forces, which marched southward to check the progress
of the destroyer. A pitched battle was fought at Caer
fyrddin. According to Eoger 2 of Wendover, it ended
in the defeat of the Welsh, and their loss by death or
capture of 9,000 men : according to the Cymraeg chron
icles, the conflict was prolonged until the darkness of
night parted the combatants, when both armies with
drew and encamped upon opposite sides of the river
Towy, continuing there until, after the lapse of several
days, provisions failed, and the Cymric army retreated
to the north, while the earl led his forces to Cilgerran,
and began to build a new castle there.
In the month of September 3 Llewelyn, at the head
of an army, again attempted the capture of Buallt Castle,
and was again constrained to raise the siege by the
advance of the English monarch and his host. King
Henry proceeded to Montgomery and pressed forward
i Annales Cambria?, a.d. 1221; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1223;
Powel's Historie of Cambria; Wynne's Historv of Wales
2 a.d. 1223.
3 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, pp. 261, 262,

XIX.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 321
the works of his new castle there with so much vigour, chap.
that Llewelyn found himself unable to avoid submission,
and therefore x promised in writing, and bound himself
by an oath, to make compensation for all the injuries
which he had inflicted upon the English from the cap
ture of Kinardsley Castle to October 8, on which day he
received absolution from the Archbishop of Canterbury.
Maredudd ab Eotpert, Eotpert ab Madog, Maelgwn ab
Ehys, Ehys Gryg, Madog ab Gruffydd Maelor, and Elis
ab Madog were sureties for the King of Gwynedd upon
this occasion, and the time fixed for restitution was
February 3, 1224. In the course of that year the
fortifications at Montgomery were completed, but the
consent of King Henry was given to repeated postpone
ments of Llewelyn's promised acts of restitution, and
the monarch strictly enjoined the observation2 of peace
between his choleric brother in-law and the Earl of
Pembroke. About the end of July, 3 Llewelyn, having
been rebuked by Henry for harbouring Fulke de
Br&ute, an exiled baron, haughtily replied, 'He did
not stay one whole day with me ; and, if he had done
so, I have a right to receive your outlaws, for I am as
independent as the King of Scots.'
In order to exercise oyer the Welsh princes and
people the controlling influence of superstitious fear, the
English Government had obtained from Pope Honorius
III. a letter, Mated October 5, 1223, addressed to the
Archbishop of York and his suffragans, ordering them
to place an interdict upon the lands of Llewelyn ; and
1 Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. pp. 368, 369.
2 Eymer's Foedera, ed, 1704, t. i. p. 267.
3 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reinii of
Henry III., Record Com., edited by Dr. Shirley, vol. i. No. 201, p. 229.
* Ibid. No. 191, p. 212. Y

322 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, probably the submission of Llewelyn at that time
- .. xp£L, averted the evil. Nevertheless, the same Pope issued

a bull of excommunication against Llewelyn, and laid
all Wales under an interdict, x October 5, 1225, osten
sibly as a punishment for his wars against the King of
England and the Earl of Pembroke.
a.d. ms.2 Hubert de Burgh,2 the chief justiciary of England,
held the new castle at Montgomery, and maintained a
strong garrison there; but the wild forest, which ex
tended fifteen miles around it, afforded lurking-places
to the Cymry, who lost no opportunity of assailing the
interlopers whenever they risked themselves slightly
armed, or in small parties, beyond the impregnable walls.
The castellan determined, therefore, to cut down so
many of the trees as to form a wide glade for the safe
passage of comers and goers ; and, in fulfilment of this
design, the month of August saw the knights and men-
at-arms come forth in the pride of their power to share,
to direct, and overlook the labours of the enslaved
natives of the district. The chieftains of the neighbour
hood, who watched these proceedings, soon issued
from their ambush, attacked the English, and, after
some bloodshed on both sides, drove them back into
the castle, opened a trench, and straitly besieged it.
The garrison, however, sent tidings of their distress to
Earl Hubert, who promptly brought King Henry and
his army to their relief. The Cymry then raised the
siege, and large reinforcements arriving from Enoknd,
the monarch employed his troops in the tedious and
difficult work of felling, stocking, burning, destroying,
and extirpating the thick and tangled forest of the
place. 1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 282-283.
' Roger of Wendover.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 323
In accompUshing this task, the king and his army chap.
passed into the vale of Ceri,1 where a monastery of ' .
White Monks, which had been invested by the forest,
was reputed to be used by the Cymry as a place of de
posit for the spoUs of war. Henry, therefore, ordered
that the sacred edifice, together with the adjacent
buildings and their contents, should be reduced to ashes.
This having been done, Earl Hubert suggested that the
site would render a castle impregnable, and King
Henry gave directions that one should be built there.
The army, therefore, was encamped around the spot and
the soldiers were imirTediately employed in the execu
tion of this project,
Meanwhile Llewelyn with his forces hovered about,
watching every movement of the invaders, cutting off
their foraging parties, intercepting their convoys, and
skirrhishing advantageously against unwary detach
ments. WiUiam, eldest son and heir of the deceased
Lord Marcher Eeginald de Breos, was made prisoner in
one of these engagements, although large divisions of
the rival armies had taken the field in aid of their
respective skirmishers,
The stately height of the castle walls proved to be
the only successful result of three months' residence at
Ceri. Many of the English soldiers had fallen by the
weapons of the Cymry, famine was daily destroying
many more, and King Henry had reason to believe
that several of his attendant nobles held disloyal com
munication with his Cymric foes. He was consequently
reduced to the humiliating alternative of utter ruin,
or the acceptance of peace from Llewelyn. That
sovereign courteously visited the troubled monarch and
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1225 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1228 ;
Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.
t 2

324 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, agreed to pay him a sum of money for the materials
¦ XIX- - of the castle of Ceri, on condition that the structure
should be pulled down and razed to the earth at the
cost of the builder. This having been done, the King
of England and his diminished host returned home boot
less, baffled, and ashamed.
Under the date of March 15, 1229,1 a letter is extant
from Henry III., ordering the Vice-count of Lancaster
to send twelve of the Banaster Welshmen to show why
they claim immunity from taillage. This evidently in
dicates the continued existence of a Cymric commu
nity in that county.
William de Breos, whose high birth, handsome per
son, and chivalrous accomplishments rendered him
conspicuous, was left a prisoner in Llewelyn's hands,
and subsequently ransomed for 3,000 marks ; the
price which the King of England had hoped to receive
in money from the King of Gwynedd. In May
1230, this nobleman had put himself a second time
into Llewelyn's power when he was found secreted in
the apartment of Llewelyn's wife ; and that sovereign,
acting under the advice of his council, punished the
stately lord marcher with a felon's death, 2 causing him
in open clay to be hung upon a tree, in the presence of
800 spectators. Within the same year, Maelgwn ab
Ehys passed away from the scene of his turbulent am
bition, and left his lands to his son Maelgwn Fychan.
Not long afterwards, Dafydd3 ab Llewelyn married
1 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Rei<m of
Henry III. vol. i. No. 286, p. 349.
2 Ibid. No. 303, p. 365, and No, 306, p. 369 ; Roger of Wendover, a.d.
1230 ; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1227 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1230.
3 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reign of
Henry III. vol. i. No. 305, p. 368, and No. 300, p. 309; Rymer's
Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. p. 311.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 325
Isabella de Breos, and received as her dowry the cantref chap.
of Buallt. The King of England allowed an annual -  ^L^
stipend to this young prince in the hope of attaching
him to his person and government.
The death of the second William Marshal, earl
of Pembroke, in x April 1231, encouraged the native
princes again to take arms. They had overrun and
devastated the territories of De Breos, when the ap
proach of King Henry caused the dispersion of the in
surgents ; but, after the monarch's withdrawal, Hubert
de Burgh, earl of Kent, the chief justiciary of Eng
land, having received especial charge of the posses
sions of the young Earl of Gloucester, remained with
a strong force within his western territories, ready
to protect the Marches. Henry's departure was the
signal to the Welsh for the renewal of their preda
tory warfare. They ravaged in all directions the lands
of their oppressors, and so greatly provoked the gar
rison of Montgomery Castle, that the English knights
sallied forth, slew and captured great numbers of the
natives, and delivered up the prisoners to the lord
justiciary. He immediately ordered the heads of all
those prisoners to be struck off, and to be sent as an
acceptable present to his royal master.
This heinous deed revived the avenging and reck- a.d. 1231.
less wrath of Llewelyn, and set him in his own false
opinion free from the restraint of all former oaths of
fealty. He rushed forth with his military followers
like a destroying thunder-storm and flood upon the
Marches, and Earl Hubert fled before him, while with
indiscriminating fury he slaughtered and burned up all
that lay in his way, castles and garrisons, churches and
1 Roger of Wendover, a.d. 1231  .

326 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, ecclesiastics, with the women and children who sought
¦ — r— '— refuge in the sanctuaries.
The fortresses of Maesyfed, Brycheiniog, Ehayadar
Gwy, Caerleon, Nedd, and Cydweli were reduced to
ashes, but strong resistance was offered at Caerleon by-
Morgan ab Howel, the native prince, who was confed
erate with the English. The castle of Aberhonddu and
some other castles proved too strong for him, but
towns and districts around them were consumed and
devastated. Terrified at the news of this fearful vengeance, King
Henry, not content with assembling a large army at
Oxford in the month of July, held a convocation there
of all the nobles, clergy, and people of the realm, and
caused the bishops and other prelates of the church, in
his presence, publicly to denounce the sacrilegious deeds
of the insurgents, and to x excommunicate Llewelyn
and his adherents. Eeassured by this ceremony, the
monarch led his army to Hereford, sending forward a
strong detachment to reinforce the garrison of Mont
gomery Castle, which was at that time beleaguered by
Llewelyn, who lay encamped with his men among the
morasses of the river Hafren and its tributaries. The
Welsh sovereign was a liberal benefactor to the Cistercian
abbey of LlaniUtyd (Cwmhir), and is said to have em
ployed one of its monks in conveying false informa
tion to the governor and knights of Montgomery Castle,
who being thus misled were induced to attack and io
pursue a party of retreating* troops, until plunging into
a swamp the fugitives turned upon them, and made so
great a slaughter that few of the English were able
to regain the shelter of their fortress. King Henry
1 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reign of
Henry III, vol. ,i. No. 328, p. 400 ; Annales Cambria, a.d. 1231.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 327
punished the treachery of the monk by plundering chap.
the monastery and burning its grange ; but the abbot, .  ,___
at the price of 300 marks, succeeded in rescuing the
abbey from destruction.
Military architecture constituted the usual occupation
of the early Plantagenet kings when they marched into
Wales, and Henry, now finding no other employment
for his men, caused them to labour for three months in
restoring and strengthening the castle of 'Matilda in
Elfel. Leaving a good garrison there, he returned to
England in the month of October, Llewelyn agreeing
to a 2 truce upon terms advantageous to both parties.
WhUe these events were passing, Maelgwn ab a.d. 1231.
Maelgwn occupied himself in besieging the castle of
Aberteifi. He burned the adjacent town and slew the
inhabitants, but the fortress offered a successful resist
ance until Owen ab Gruffyd ab Ehys, with his martial
followers and some of the Prince of Aberfraw's troops,
came to his asistance, and by means of engines and
mines reduced it to ruin.
Notwithstanding the truce, the Cymry were again
engaged in active hostilities against the Lords Marchers
during the month of February, 1232. Soon after Whit
suntide3 in that year, Llewelyn, in retaliation of injuries
received, made a fierce irruption into the Welsh lands
of the Lords Marchers, and returned home laden with
spoils. King Henry used this incident as a pretext
for levying an exorbitant subsidy in England to enable
him to chastise the Welsh. Giving himself up to the
influence of Peter, bishop of Winchester, at this period,
he deprived the Earl of Kent of the office of chief
1 Otherwise called Payne's Castle.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 319, 320, 321.
3 Roger of Wendover.

328 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, justiciary, and appointed Stephen de Segrave as his
¦ XP--, successor. Among the charges made against the fallen
favourite was one which strongly marks the supersti
tion of the age and the terror struck into the hearts of
King Henry and his barons by the martial prowess of the
King of Gwynedd, for it accused Earl Hubert of having
furtively taken from the monarch's treasury a certain
jewel possessing the virtue of rendering its wearer
invincible in battle, and of traitorously sending that
jewel to Llewelyn.
a.d. 1232. Negotiations1 were soon afterwards opened between
Henry and Llewelyn, and, toward the close of July, they
met at Shrewsbury, where commissioners, appointed
to examine the causes of dissension, prolonged their
work after the kings had met and parted ; but early
in the following December suggested an amicable
arrangement, involving restitution and reparation on
both sides, and especially providing that Isabella de
Breos should be put into possession of a portion of her
deceased father's lands, on condition that Dafydd ab
Llewelyn, her husband, performed feudal service for it
to King Henry.
a.d. 1233.2 King Henry, under the evil guidance of Peter, bishop
of Winchester, had now made some progress in a course
of extortion, cruelty, and oppressive injustice towards
his English nobles ; and Eichard, earl of Pembroke, the
earl marshal, having come up to London to attend a
conference royally convoked, was warned by his sister
(the widow of De Clare, earl of Gloucester, and wife
of Eichard, earl of Cornwall, the king's brother) of
Henry's rapacious intentions, and of the enmity of the
favourite counsellors. He consequently took horse at
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp, 325, 327, 328, 329,
2 Roger of Wendover.

xix.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 329
once, August 1, 1233, and never drew the rein until he chap.
reached Welsh ground. On October 30 he was joined
there by the Earl of Kent, recently escaped from prison
and from imminent danger of death ; and other English
noblemen soon followed them. These injured and pro
scribed peers entered into a confederacy with Llewelyn,
and with the Princes of South Wales, all binding them
selves by solemn oaths not to make any separate peace
with King Henry.1 Eichard the earl marshal and Owen
ab Gruffydd ab Ehys marched with their united forces to
St. David's, where they slew all King Henry's people and
obtained rich spoils. The bishop of that see, Anselm le
Gros, had provoked this attack by his active co-opera
tion with the Bishop of Winchester. Being joined by
Maelgwn ab Maelgwn and Ehys Gryg, the Earl Marshal
proceeded to seize by force of arms upon the castles of
Caerdiff, Abergavenny, Pengelly, and Bwlch y Dinas,
razing them all excepting Caerdiff to the ground.
Llewelyn at this period was again employed in
ravaging Brycheiniog and destroying the castles of that
district. After a month's siege he failed to take the
castle of Aberhonddu, but he burned and pillaged the
adjacent town; and, on his homeward march, he burned
the town of Chin, recalled the inhabitants of Duffryn
Tyfeidiat to their aUegiance, overthrew CasteU Coch
in Powys, burned the town of Oswestry, and satiated
himself with blood and plunder.
King Henry, alarmed at the consequences of his own
misdeeds, assembled a large army at Gloucester, com
posed almost wholly of foreign mercenaries, and
inarched to Hereford ; which Eoger of Wendover, like
all other persons of his time, considered to be a part
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1233 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1233.

330 HISTORY OF WALES. ft
chap, of Wales. That city belonged to the Earl Marshal, by
. XIX- - whose orders all supplies of cattle and other provisions
had been withdrawn; and the King in consequence
found it expedient to turn aside to Grosmont, where
he lodged within the castle, while his army encamped
around the walls. Eemaining thus for a few days, the
king and his host were unconscious that the proscribed
nobles and the Welsh princes had cautiously advanced
into the neighbourhood.
Nov. 11, 1233. The Earl Marshal refused to take part
in any direct attack upon the monarch ; but the other
English nobles with their Welsh confederates, upon the
dusky night of Martinmas Day, poured their troops into
the quiet camp, surprised their sleeping enemies but
spared their lives, and neither attempting to inflictwounds
nor to make prisoners, contented themselves with carry
ing off all the clothes, arms, and equipments, together
with several hundred horses, and all the waggons and
carts laden with provisions and military stores. The
invaders being thus left destitute and almost naked, the
Earl of Norfolk, the Earl of Salisbury, William Beau-
champ, William Daubeney the Younger, and all those
who possessed English homes, forthwith deserted and
fled ; while King Henry appointed Poictevin freebooters
to supersede the garrisons which still held out for him
in Wales, restored the castle of Matilda to Ealph de
Thoeny, and committed to that nobleman, conjointly
with John of Monmouth, the command of his forces.
Having made these arrangements, the baffled King of
England returned to Gloucester.
Baldwin de Guisnes had charge of the castle of
Monmouth, and when the Earl Marshal, attended only
by a hundred knights, turned aside one clay from the
allied forces on the march and reconnoitred that fortress,

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 331
the lively Poictevin immediately summoned a thousand chap.
. xix
of his men, saUied forth with them fully equipped upon -_ , '--
the astonished earl, and attacked his little band with
great impetuosity, attempting to make them prisoners.
Earl Eichard prolonged the fight by performing extra
ordinary acts of valour, and he was at length relieved
from the perilous contest by the approach of the allied
forces. This incident provoked the deadly hatred of
the confederates against all the Poictevin garrisons, and
whenever they fell in with the royal foraging parties
they attacked and slaughtered them without mercy
until the atmosphere of the country became tainted by
foreign corpses.
At a conference held at Margam Abbey between
Agnell, a brother of the Minorite order, on behalf of
King Henry and the Earl Marshal, the latter justify
ing himself from charges of disloyalty and rebellion,
and confederacy with the king's enemies, emphatically
answered : 'As1 regards the French, this is clearly
false. The statement as regards the Scotch and Welsh
is also false : except as regards the King of Scotland
and Llewelyn the Welsh prince, they were not enemies
but faithful lieges of his, until by injuries inflicted on
them by the king and his counsellors, they were un
willingly obliged, like myself, to withdraw from their
allegiance to him ; and it is for this purpose that I have
formed an alliance with these princes, namely, that we
can better when united, than divided, contend for and
defend those rights of which we have been unjustly
deprived, and in a great measure robbed.'
This conference took place on the Thursday before
Christmas, and it ended in the earl's declining to enter
1 Roger of Wendover, Giles's translation, Bohn's ed. 1849, vol. i.
p. 579.

332 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, into any arrangement without the concurrence of his
- — ^-!_ allies. xThe next notable enterprise of the confederates was
the siege of Caerfyrddin Castle, which together with
the town was manfully defended, until, at the end of
three months, the King of England's ships threw in
supplies of all necessary things, and the siege was
consequently raised.
Ehys Gryg died soon afterwards at Llandeilo Fawr,
and was buried by his father's side at St. David's.
The winter set in with intense rigour, nevertheless
John of Monmouth, warden of the Marches, mustered
a large army, intending to surprise the earl marshal ;
but he, being informed of this manoeuvre, placed his
troops in a wood, through which lay his adversary's
line of march. Unaware of this ambuscade, and intent
upon effecting his own purpose, a sudden clang of
trumpets and horns struck the warden and his men
with panic, and they fled, while the earl and his army
pursued them closely, made many prisoners, and slew
great numbers of the fugitives. Following up this
advantage, the earl burned the homesteads and villages
belonging to John of Monmouth, pillaged and plun
dered the whole district, and returned home laden with
booty, and driving off large herds of cattle.
In the week after the Epiphany of the year 1234,
Llewelyn and the Earl Marshal united their forces and
carried fire and sword through the Welsh Marches,
destroying all before them in their way to Shrewsbury,
and, after burning that town, returning laden with
spoils to their respective homes. At the news of this
inroad, King Henry, unable to defend the border lands,
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d, 1233; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1233; Roger
of Wendover, a.d. 1234.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 333
withdrew from Gloucester to Winchester, but, by means chap.
of his evil counsellors, commotions were soon after- ._ , '.,
wards stirred up in Ireland, which called for the earl's
presence there to rescue his territories from the grasp
of the king's greedy and treacherous agents.
A change of policy, however, was forced at this a.d. 1234.
time upon Henry, and among the conciliatory measures
which formed a part of it, an embassy, consisting of
the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishops of
Chester and Eochester, was sent into Wales, em
powered to offer terms of peace to Llewelyn and to
the Earl Marshal. The king, being at Woodstock,
heard of Earl Eichard's death in Ireland, and hastened
eagerly to Gloucester to meet the returning ambas
sadors, who reported that the Prince of Aberfraw
would agree to a peace provided the exiled and pro
scribed English nobles with whom he was allied should
at once be restored to the monarch's favour.
The King of England accordingly issued letters
summoning those nobles to meet him in council at
Gloucester, on the Sunday before Ascension Day (May
27), there and then to receive a full pardon, and the
restitution of their several estates. The nobles duly at
tended : Hubert de Burgh, the Bassets, Eichard Siward,
and their adherents, were formally re-instated in their
rights and privileges ; Gilbert, earl of Pembroke, did
homage as his brother's heir, and a few days afterwards
he received his knightly belt, and the official wand of
office as hereditary earl marshal. After these preli
minaries, Llewelyn consented to a truce of two years
with England.
Two thousand Welshmen who, under English leaders, a.d. 1234.
formed a part of the expedition to Brittany in the fol
lowing June, were probably raised from the districts of

334 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. South Wales, which owned direct subjection to the-
- — ,-L.- English Crown.
The year 1235 was a quiet year in Wales, marked
only by the death of Owen ab Gruffydd ab Ehys, who
was buried by the side of his brother Ehys at Yystrad
Flur. The following year was likewise quiet, and in it died
the wise and good Madog ab Gruffydd Maelor, prince
of Lower Powys. He was buried in the abbey of
Lknegwest (Vale Crucis), which he had founded, and
Gruffydd his son inherited his territories.
a.d. 1236. It may here be mentioned that, at the coronation2
of Eleanor, wife of King Henry HI., John Fitz Alan,
Ealph Mortimer, John de Monmouth, and Walter de
Clifford maintained their right, as lords marchers of
Wales, to furnish each a silver spear to support the
square canopy of purple silk, used at the coronation of
the kings and queens of England.
In the spring of the year 1237 died Joan, the wife
of Llewelyn. She was buried at Llanfaes, on the .sea
shore of Mona, and her husband built a friars' house
over her grave. Within the same year,3 distressed by
the hostile deeds of his son Gruffydd, and forewarned
by paralysis of his own approaching death, he convened
an assembly of tributary princes and landowners at
the abbey of Ystrad Flur, and caused every one of
them to do homage to his son Dafydd as heir to the
crown of Gwynedd.
Anxious for that young prince's peaceful succession,
1 Annales Cambrise ; Brut y Tywysogion.
2 Gibson's Camden's Britannia, ed. 1772, vol. i. p. 470, quoted from
the Red Book of the Exchequer; Matthew Paris, a.d. 1236.
3 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1237-1238 ; Brut y Tywysogion a.d.
1237-1238; Matthew Paris, a.d. 1237; Powel's Historie of Cambria;
Wynne's History of Wales.

THE CYMRY AND THE NORMANS. 335
Llewelyn subsequently despatched messengers to King chap.
Henry, declaring that old age had rendered him at ¦  y~^
length unfit for strife and warfare, and willing to re
nounce such claims as might interrupt the tranquillity
of his latter days, and that he would consent to swear
fealty, acknowledge the King of England's paramount
sovereignty, and bind himself by an indissoluble treaty
to aid that monarch to the utmost extent of his power.
The Bishops of Chester and Hereford were accord
ingly commissioned by Henry to conclude the proposed
treaty ; but the business was retarded by that king's
jealous indignation against the exaction of homage1
to Dafydd from the subordinate Welsh rulers. Al
though Llewelyn had repeatedly been constrained, in
the course of his long reign, to bow down before
the supreme power of England, he had, nevertheless,
maintained during many years his paramount sove
reignty over the Princes of Powys and of Deheubarth.
It was King Henry's object, therefore, to re-establish
the assumption of his Plantagenet predecessors, who
enforced their claims to paramount rule as well as to
supreme sovereignty, and to degrade Llewelyn and his
successors to the state of mere provincial kings. He
made angry communications to the Lords Marchers on
the subject, and wrote letters to Llewelyn of reproof,
and to Dafydd of warning, charging the latter to
render homage to his English sovereign before he ever
again presumed to claim allegiance from subordinate
chiefs. The treaty, being finally agreed to, was ratified on a.d. 1238.
Llewelyn's side by several of the Welsh princes, the
rest refused thus to pledge their aUegiance to Dafydd,
and to compromise their national independence. From
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 379-382.

336 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, this date the government of his father's realm passed
-J^L, virtually into Dafydd's hands, and the first acts of that
young prince tended to the limitation of Gruffydd's
power by forcibly wresting from him all his lands ex
cepting only the cantref of Lleyn, and by exacting his
assent to the terms of Llewelyn's treaty.
On April 11, 1240,1 died Llewelyn ab Iorwerth,
fondly designated by his countrymen as the Great. He
was buried in the abbey of Conwy, and left behind him
one son and several daughters by his first wife Tan-
gwstyl, and one son and one daughter by Joan his second
wife. His reign of fifty-six years was distinguished
by his vigorous and valorous assertion of his own birth
right and the privileges of his forefathers, by the
successful resistance which he repeatedly offered to
English aggression, by his temporary re-establishment
of the national supremacy of the King of Gwynedd,
and by his acquisition and permanent possession of
territories in Deheubarth, which, diminishing the frac
tured power of the descendants of Ehys ab Gruffydd
the Justiciary, tended to its ultimate extinction, and to
the concentration of regal functions in the line of
Aberfraw. 2 Llywarch ab Llewelyn the Bard was the panegyrist
of Llewelyn ab Iorwerth. His contemporary poets
were Eineon ab Gwgan, Dafydd Benfras, and Elidur
Sais, Phylip Brydydd, household bard to Ehys Gryg,
and several other bards who were attached to other
princes of the Cymry.
1 Annales Cambrise, A. d. 1240 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a. d. 1240
Powel's Historie of Wales.
2 Stephens, Literature of the Cymry, pp. 155-176.

337

CHAPTEE XX.
THE CYMRY AND THE ANGLO-NORMANS.
FEOM THE ACCESSION OF DAFYDD AB LLEWELYN AB IOEWEETH,
A.D. 1240, TO HIS DEATH, A.D. 1246.

. . . . Whatever day
Makes man a slave takes half his worth away.
Pope's Odyssey, book xvii. 392, 393.

§ 1. Gruffydd ab Llewelyn ab Iorwerth being a chap.
Cymro of the whole blood and the first-born son, _5X_-
possessing the advantages of lofty stature and a hand- A-D- mo-
some person, and distinguished by dauntless courage
and martial prowess, had by his majestic bearing and
affable demeanour won the warm hearts of many
among the men of Gwynedd, whose prejudice against
Dafydd, as the son of an Englishwoman, was aggravated
by the apparent injustice of Llewelyn's preference. It
consequently happened, notwithstanding all the precau
tions which had been taken during the old king's life,
that a fierce and sanguinary warfare broke out upon
the clay of his death between the partisans of his two
sons, and raged with unrelenting fury for many weeks.
At length, by the x interposition of the Bishop of Bangor,
1 Matthew Paris, a.d. 1240, 1241, vol. i. Bohn's ed. pp. 260, 290,
371-373, 375, 398, 505-511 ; Annales Cambrias, a.d. 1239-1241 ; Brut
y Tywysogion, a.d. 1239-1241 ; Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's
History of Wales, and Appendix. Z

338 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Dafydd invited his brother to attend a conference and
- XX- - to treat of peace. Accordingly, under the prelate's
safe-conduct, Gruffydd and Owen his eldest son set out
for the appointed place on September 29, but, being
treacherously waylaid and captured by Dafydd's emis
saries, were closely immured in the castle of Criccieth.
a.d. 1241. Eichard, bishop of Bangor, not content with excom
municating " Prince Dafydd for this treachery, went to
the King of England, expatiated upon the heinous
nature of the crime, and importunately conjured him to
avert from the kingly honour of England the shame
ful reproach which this transaction must bring upon it
when known at the Court of Eome and in other distant
lands. Thus incited, the monarch sharply reproved his
1 tributary, and not only advised but ordered him imme
diately to liberate the captive Gruffydd. Dafydd stated
in reply, that compliance would utterly destroy the
peace and security of Wales, and that necessity con
strained him to detain his brother as a prisoner.
Henry reiterated the command ; Dafydd reiterated the
refusal; and Gruffydd, being informed of the interference
in his favour, gave authority to his faithful, intelligent,
and heroic wife Senena, who immediately entered into
communication with King Henry, and treated with him
on her husband's behalf. The intercession of the
Lords Marchers, of Gruffydd ab Madog, prince of Powys,
and of several other Welsh potentates, all of them
offering mUitary co-operation and other effective aid to
the English king in an invasion of Dafydd's territories,
prevailed upon the monarch the more readily, because
it afforded him an opportunity of gratifying his insatiate
greediness of gain on the pretext of a righteous war.
He assembled an army at Gloucester, and marched with
1 Rymer's Fcedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 389-393, 395.

THE CYMRY AND THE ANGLO-NORMANS 339'
it to Shrewsbury. There he held a council on August 2, chap.
and agreed on the 12th to certain articles which formed .  y^
the basis of a treaty with Senena, stipulating that
Gruffydd should pay for his own and his son Owen's
liberation the sum of 600 marks, and also the worth
of 300 marks yearly as King Henry's vassal, and that
he should abide by the decision of his commissioners
as to the paternal lands and honours which might
be aUotted to him. For the observance of these terms
she gave her sons Dafydd and Ehodri as hostages,
and pledged herself by a solemn oath, invoking ex
communication and interdict as the due punishment of
falsehood. Having set Gruffydd's seal and hers to this
agreement and delivered it to the king, she received
from him the duplicate to which he had affixed his own.
On the same day, and at the same place, Maelgwn ab
Maelgwn of Deheubarth, Maredudd ab Eotpert of
Cydewin, Gruffydd ab Madog, prince of Powys Isaf,
Howel, Maredudd, and Gruffydd, princes of Powys
Uchaf, Ealph Mortimer, Walter de Clifford, and Eoger
de Monthaut, severally bound themselves by corre
sponding documents to assist the execution of Senena's
promises, invoking upon themselves the same dire
penalties of unfaithfulness. King Henry soon after
wards raised his standard and marched by way of
Chester to Ehuddlan, at the head of a strong and
numerous army. The last of a chain of Cymric for
tresses, placed along the hills of Clwydd for the pro
tection of its vale, was that of Disserth, which occupied
a commanding site upon a lofty rock; and the king
having encamped his men, employed them in rebuild
ing and adding strength to that advantageous military
position, while he sent messengers to summon Dafycld
together with Dafydd's captive brother into his presence.
z 2

340 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. The weather of that summer was intensely hot, the
> — ^— mountain springs were stopped, the lakes scorched up,
and the marshes dried to dust, so that the men of
Gwynedd could not resort to their natural strongholds,
and practise their usual strategy against invaders.
Gruffydd ab Madog, prince of Powys Isaf, and
many other Welsh rulers, favoured the cause of Gruffydd;
and the effects of excommunication and interdict, en
hancing all other difficulties, compelled the reluctant
Dafydd to inform King Henry that, provided his sove
reign rights were secured, his oath of allegiance and
hostages accepted, and a safe-conduct granted to his
uncle's presence, in the certain prospect of all the fore
seen evils involved in Gruffydd's release, he would
nevertheless consent to it. These conditions were ac
cepted,1 and, on August 29, a treaty was executed by
Dafydd at Alnet, near the river Elwy in the diocese of
St. Asaph, resembling the one to which Senena had
agreed, with additions binding him to restore to the
King of England and his barons all the lands acquired
by Llewelyn ab Iorwerth during his wars, the payment
of large sums of money to defray the expenses which
King Henry had incurred in the present expedition, the
renunciation of the districts which had formed the
marriage portion of Dafydd's mother the Princess Joan,
a promise not to harbour fugitives from English justice,
an engagement to submit territorial questions to the
decision of a specially appointed court, and to give hos
tages for the faithful fulfilment of these articles. An
appended supplement of the same date promises that
certain persons detained with Gruffydd as prisoners
shall with him be given up to King Henry, and adds
the suretyship of Howel ab Ednyfed, bishop of St. Asaph,
1 Rymer's Fcedcra, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 397-399.

THE CYMRY AND THE ANGLO-NORMANS. 341
and the security of Dafydd's own oath upon the holy chap.
cross.  , — '
A second supplement provides that, if Dafydd or his
heirs should in any way attempt to violate the pre
ceding articles, their inheritance shall be forfeited to
the crown of England. It also places the Cymric king
under the power of the Archbishop of Canterbury and
of the Bishops of London, Hereford, and Coventry, to be
excommunicated, and to have his territories laid under
an interdict, and the Bishops of Bangor and St. Asaph
are engaged to give their charters to King Henry secur
ing the execution of such maledictions.
In conformity with these arrangements, the English
monarch received from Dafydd the custody of Gruf
fydd, Owen and the other prisoners, and then return
ing home, dismissed his troops, and committed the
doubly betrayed prince to the Tower of London.
On October 6, Dafydd himself appeared in London,
and did homage. Having thus established amicable
relations with the English Court, he returned quietly
to his own realm. Later in the same year, King
Henry, when investing Walter, as the brother and heir
of the deceased Gilbert, with the earldom of Pembroke
and office of earl marshal, retained for himself the strong
castles of Caerdiff and Caerdigan (Aberteifi).
The Bishop of Bangor, distressed by King Henry's
perfidy, went to London, and continued perseveringly
to plead for Gruffydd's hberation. The unhappy and
betrayed Senena, finding that all her efforts had ended
in procuring for her husband and her son Owen a
change of gaolers, and for herself the additional depri
vation of two more of her sons, speedily followed the
beloved prisoners to London, obtained permission to
visit them in the Tower, and with incessant and ever

342 HISTORY OF WALES.

XX.

chap, hopeful kindness attempted to soothe the weary lan
guor of their captivity.
From the day that delivered Gruffydd into the power
of the English government, the most active measures
were taken by that government to secure the stabihty
of their hold on Wales ; the castles of Disserth and
Tyganwy, lately rebuilt, and the castles of Caerdiff
and Caerdigan, taken from the earl marshal, were
garrisoned by the royal forces ; the cases of disputed
inheritance in Powys and Meirionydd, instead of being
left to the decision of the Brenhin Cymru OU, were
disposed of in the name of King Henry ; and thus
Gruffydd ab Gwenwynwyn and the sons of Cynan ab
Owen Gwynedd received their hereditary territories,
and became the monarch's feudal tenants in chief.
Gruffydd1 was maintained as a prince, and treated
with respectful consideration as presumptive heir to the
throne of Gwynedd, nevertheless his lengthened cap
tivity rendered him desperate, and he planned with his
devoted wife a method of escape. He secretly cut up
the tapestry of his apartment, and his sheets and table
cloths into strips, which he twisted and plaited into a
rope, and one night, by means of this frail cable, he
commenced a precipitous and perpendicular descent
from the top of the Tower, assisted by his son Owen
within, while Senena awaited him beyond the walls.
Probably he hoped that St. David, who had been
superstitiously constituted the tutelary spirit of his
nation, would more especially favour his escape upon
the anniversary then dawning ; but the great weight of
the stalwart and long-imprisoned warrior stretched,
1 Matthew Paris, a.d. 1244, Bohn's ed. vol. i. pp. 504, 510, 511 ; and
vol. ii. pp. 38, 39 ; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1244 ; Brut y Tywysogion,
a.d, 1244; Powel's Historie of Cambria; Wynne's History of Wales.

THE CYMRY AND THE ANGLO-NORMANS. 343
strained, and ravelled the cable ; it broke, and he fell chap.
from a great height, his head striking the ground at the v_xx'_^
bottom of the trench, and driving his throat up to the
chin into his breast, so that, in the early morning of the
1st of March, his keepers were saddened by the piteous
spectacle of his corpse.
King Henry manifested much emotion on being in
formed of this catastrophe. He reproved and punished
the guards for their negligence, and ordered that Owen,
the eldest son of Gruffydd, should be watched with in
creased vigilance. Nevertheless, he soon relaxed the
rigour of Owen's imprisonment, caused him to receive
the education of an English nobleman, and to share the
luxuries and amusements of the court, showing him the
most conciliatory attentions, with the intention of trans
forming the Cymro into an attached and enervated
retainer. § 2. The Cymry, whether under the immediate rule
of the English Justiciary, of the Lords Marchers, or of
the subjected native princes, still found submission1 to
the feudal laws and to their arbitrary administration
to be intolerable. The dreadful death of Gruffydd,
which they attributed to King Henry, and the suspicion
that the extinction of their national existence was ulti
mately intended by him, touched their combustible
hearts as with a torch, while the Bards fed the flame
as of old, with traditions of the past and anticipations of
restored dominion and glorious ascendancy. In Dafydd
they now acknowledged a bold and martial leader, and
the spring of the year 1244 saw the whole nation in a
state of popular insurrection.
All the princes were with Dafydd, excepting Gruffydd
ab Madog, Gruffydd ab Gwenwynwyn, and Morgan ab
1 Matthew Paris, a.d. 1244, Bohn's ed. vol. ii. pp. 4, 5.

344 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Howel ; and, besides the call of his country, Dafydd was
— i^L.. prompted to take arms by resentment for personal in
juries against the Lords Marchers, and more especially
against De Bohun, the brother of his wife, for persisting
in retaining her dowry ; but, dreading the anathemas
which he had invoked upon himself in case of perjury,
and believing that the Pope could exempt him from those
dire penalties, and also relieve him from the galling
yoke of England, and insure the continued national
existence of his country, he had scarcely mustered his
army, when he sent messengers to Pope Innocent,
stating his case and offering to transfer to him the alle
giance pledged to England, and to hold his dominions
henceforth as a fief of the Eoman See. This proposal
he strengthened by a present of all the money he could
collect, by promises of filial obedience, and of an an
nual tribute of 500 marks. The unprincipled pontiff
readily entered upon the consideration of this business,
accepted the prince's gifts, and led him to expect the
success of his mission.
On July 26, 1244, Pope Innocent issued letters of
commission from Genoa, authorizing the Abbots of
Conwy and Cwmhir to inquire into the matter of
Prince David's petition, and to make their report upon
it to the Court of Eome. The commissioners accord
ingly directed their mandates to the King of England,
summoning him to appear before them at Creuddyn in
Llangustennyn, on the approaching vigil of St. Agnes,
to answer to the citation. The monarch, by the advice
of his nobles, treated the abbots with contemptuous
disregard, but he speedily sent emissaries to the Pope,
laden with gifts far outvaluing those of the Welsh
prince, and the venal Innocent soon afterwards de
clared himself x upon King Henry's side.
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 425, 430.

THE CYMRY AND THE ANGLO-NORMANS. 345
Meanwhile Prince Dafydd and his host, marching chap.
under the dragon standard, and inspirited by the strains >_xx,_*
of the Unbennaeth Ynys Prydain, ravaged the border ^i'j.
lands, borne triumphantly along by the current of
national enthusiasm. Local opposition availed nothing ;
but at length De Clare, Mortimer, De Bohun, and other
Lords Marchers took the field, and, after having been
worsted several times, gained one bloody victory, and
urgently demanded assistance from their sovereign ; .
who happened at that time, August 1244, to be at the
head of an army on his homeward march from Scot
land. Henry, nevertheless, did not come to the rescue,
but hastened on to Westminster,1 and thence despatched
300 knights with their retinues under the command
of Hubert Fitz Matthew, well furnished with money
and other supplies, ordering them to check what he
termed ' the insolence of the Welsh.' Fitz Matthew
reached the scene of action just after the native forces
had achieved two successive and notable victories over
the forces of De Bohun and the Mortimers, and finding
that the conquerors had withdrawn, he rested for the
night, and marched after them the next day, intending
to surprise and surround them ; but the Cymry, aware
of his approach, lay in wait for him, slew many of his
men, and followed the rest in their retreat until they
found safety in a border town.
§ 3. On January 6, 1245,2 letters were issued by
King Henry, summoning David and the other insurgent
Welsh princes and nobles to appear before him, and
answer for harm inflicted upon the border lands, and
for other alleged misdemeanours. Such citations were
often disregarded as mere ceremonious threats, but in
1 Matthew Paris, a.d. 1244, Bohn's ed. vol. ii. pp. 27, 28.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 430-434, 440.

346 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, this instance they evidently uttered prefiminary warn-
¦ — r-1- ings of approaching vengeance, and Dafydd did not
refuse to enter upon negotiations as the groundwork
of a truce. Meanwhile the warfare was not suspended.
On February 3, 1245, the assembled nobles and
knights of the Marches, led forth their troops in quest of
their Cymric foes, and, on entering a narrow precipitous
pass between mountains, Herbert Fitz Matthew was
suddenly beset, overwhelmed, and crushed to death,
together with many of the English, by weapons and
masses of rock hurled down from the crags by the
Cymry. This incident inspirited the victors, but it
greatly embittered their foes. Nevertheless the nego
tiations with England went on, and the king empowered
John, earl of Chester, and Henry of Alderley to treat
concerning a truce, and to give safe-conduct to Prince
David's messengers.
On March 6,1 however, the castellan of Montgomery
made a hostUe excursion in that neighbourhood, and
putting himself in the way of the native forces, pre
tended to flee before them, and thus drew them into
an ambush, where more than 300 of Prince Dafydd's
men were skin.
Infuriated by this disaster, and anxious to retrieve
the fame which insures success in war, the prince laid
siege to Montgomery Castle, and finding that the garri
son offered effectual resistance to his power, he marched
to attack the castle of Monthaut (Mold). The casteUan
fled at his approach, and Dafydd soon won the fortress
by assault ; slaying some of the prisoners and enlisting
the rest in his service, he levelled the edifice with the
ground. He then entered upon a series of nocturnal
1 Matthew Paris, Bohn's ed. a.d. 1245, vol. ii. pp. 45-47, 59, 109-112,
114-116.

THE CYMRY AND THE ANGLO-NORMANS. 347
forays, which he carried on with such vigUant ability, chap.
that, with little loss to his own men, he harassed his ¦ — y~^
foes with incessant rapine and slaughter, and the war
thenceforth raged on both sides with increased ferocity,
no quarter being given, or mercy shown on either side.
The Warden and the Lords Marchers looked for help
to King Henry, who, having written to his justiciary
in Ireland commanding aid of every sort to be fur
nished for a war against the Welsh, proceeded slowly
to take other measures preparatory to his intended
expedition. It was not until August that the King of England1 led
his numerous and weU appointed army into Wales, and
entrenched himself at Tyganwy; but so ill was the
previous appointment for simultaneous action kept with
the Irish forces, that the royal standard still floated
over the castle towers before the eyes of the English
host, while those deluded soldiers landed in Mona,
committed dreadful ravages, were valiantly opposed by
the inhabitants, and, finding themselves unsupported,
retreated to their ships.
King Henry had announced his intention of subduing
the whole country, but a repulse received by some of
his troops in a forest defile had the effect of localising
his operations, and he proceeded to employ his troops
in strengthening the fortifications of the castle of
Tyganwy, called by the Enghsh writers Gannock, in
tending so to avail himself of the advantageous site as
to render it absolutely impregnable.
A letter, dated September 24, from a nobleman in
the camp, addressed to a friend elsewhere, and pre
served by Matthew Paris, affords a graphic view of
' Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1245; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1245;
Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.

348 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, camp hfe, the canvas tents nearly encompassing the
- xx,_. castle, and scantily screening their inmates from cold
and rough weather, want of winter clothing, scarcity
of provisions, and the necessity of incessant watchful
ness against the sudden and nocturnal attacks of the
Cymry. The famine, of which men and horses were dying,
compelled the English foraging parties to encounter
great danger ; and, with the recklessness of desperate
men, they often committed acts of atrocious cruelty,
bringing home for instance, from one marauding expe
dition, the decapitated heads of about a hundred
Cymry. The perishing army watched anxiously and
eagerly for the arrival of merchant ships from Ireland
freighted with provisions for sale, while Dafydd's troops
on the opposite side of the estuary endeavoured to in
tercept such supplies. In the afternoon of the Mon
day which preceded Michaelmas Day in that year, a
ship bound for the harbour chanced to be so carelessly
steered that it ran aground under the shadow of the
castle, but upon the opposite bank. The Cymry rushed
forth with alacrity to seize the prize, for the country
was eaten up and devastated, and they also suffered
want. King Henry's officers, perceiving the accident,
launched speedily a little fleet of boats, and embarked
to the rescue several knights with their retainers, a
party of Gascon crossbow-men, and 300 subjugated
Welshmen, natives of Cheshire and Shropshire. The
Cymry seeing them approach, retreated hastily towards
their own strongholds ; Walter Bisset and his followers
took possession of the stranded ship ; and the other
knights, though destitute of horses, pursued the fugi
tives for a distance of two leagues, wounding and
slaying many of the hindmost, and not daring to follow

THE CYMRY AND THE ANGLO-NORMANS. 349
the others to their stronghold, they vented their rage chap.
by plundering and carrying fire and sword through the - — ,— ^
neighbourhood. Not even the Cistercian abbey of
Conwy escaped their ravages ; they pillaged this sacred
depository of all its property, even to the chalices and
books, and they burned the buildings which belonged
to it. While these irreverent ruffians were thus occu
pied, the Cymric forces were mustering, and, before
the heavy-laden marauders could re-cross the estuary,
avenging hands overtook them. Many were slain, many
cast themselves into the waves and were drowned,
several knights were captured, the Cymry intending to
extort high ransoms for them ; but the recollection of
cruel insults practised upon their own men by the
English, and especially upon Nafedd ab Odo, and the
spectacle of their desecrated abbey, wrought the feelings
of the avengers up to frenzy, and like savages they
hung the knights till dead, tore the corpses limb from
limb, and threw them piecemeal into the water. Walter
Bisset valiantly defended the stranded ship against
fierce and numerous assailants, until at midnight the
tide rose, the ship rolled, and, baffled by the sea, the
Cymry withdrew lamenting the loss of their prey,
while Bisset and his coadjutors made the best of the
opportunity, and, while night and high water lasted,
effected their escape by means of the boats. When
daylight dawned and the tide receded, the nimble
Cymry returned to the spot, but found there only the
ship and its cargo, consisting of sixty casks of wine and
provisions of various kinds. They carried off nearly
all these things before the return of the tide, and then
set fire to the ship, but the English contrived to drag
the burning wreck to their side of the estuary, and to
appropriate the waif of seven remaining casks of wine.

350 HISTORY OF WALES.

XX.

chap. After a stay of ten weeks at Tyganwy, the King
of England found that the fortifications of his castle
were complete. He therefore struck his tents on Octo
ber 29, withdrew his suffering host, and marched into
Mona, where, with pitiless cruelty, he put all the
inhabitants who feU in his way to the sword, reduced
their habitations to ashes, ravaged their lands of the
scanty remains which had escaped the Irish spoilers,
and left the fertile and populous island a wasted soli
tude. Turning homeward, he caused the saltpits of
Witz to be destroyed ; and, to prevent the Cymry from
deriving supplies of provisions from the Marches, he
devastated and laid waste the lands of his own subjects
in Cheshire and the neighbouring districts, so that the
inhabitants were reduced to a condition of want and
utter misery. He prohibited also, on pain of death,
the supply of food from all parts of England, and from
Ireland, to the famishing Welsh, whUe he kept the
new castle well provided with men, weapons, military
accoutrements, stores, and engines, and ordered the
garrisons of aU his Welsh fortresses rigorously to re
press every attempt of the natives to issue forth from
their desolated lands in search of food.1 Pestilence,
despondency, and despair raged in Gwynedd, and it
is said that the compassion of Eichard, earl of Cornwall,
was so far aroused towards his weary, harassed, and
heartsick nephew, that when Dafydd personally sought
his aid, he entertained and solaced the sufferer for a
time in the castle of Tintagel. Dafydd, however, loved
his people, and was not long absent from them ; but he
sank under the sorrows which oppressed them, and,
1 Matthew Paris, a.d. 1246, Bohn's ed. vol. ii. pp. 140, 141 ; Annales
Cambrise, a.d. 1246; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 12 ±6; Powel's Historie
of Cambria; Wynne's History of Wales.

THE CYMRY AND THE ANGLO-NORMANS. 351
early in the spring of the year 1246, he died at Aber chap.
of a broken heart, and was buried at Conwy by his - — ,-L-.
father's side. He had won the affections of his coun
trymen, they mourned for him with fervent grief, and
lamented that he left no son to inherit his throne. His
sister Gwladys was married to Sir Ealph Mortimer, and
his nearest male heirs were the sons of his half-brother
Gruffydd.

352

CHAPTEE XXI.
THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY.
FEOM THE DEATH OF DAFYDD AB LLEWELYN AB IOEWEBTH TO THE CAPTUEE
OF ELEANOR DE MONTFOKT, A.D. 1216-1276.

The sun goes down,
Far off his light is on the naked crags
Of Pen Maen Mawr and Arvon's ancient hills,
And the last glory lingers yet awhile
Crowning old Snowdon's venerable head
That rose amid his mountains. Sottthey : Madoc, part i.

a.-d. 1246.

chap. § i. Dafydd1 being dead, the principal landowners
of Gwynedd assembled together and elected Llewelyn
and Owen, the two elder sons of the late Prince Gruf
fydd, to the joint sovereignty of the realm over which
Dafydd had reigned. The news no sooner reached
Prince Owen2 than he at once cast aside the luxurious
temptations which surrounded him in King Heniy's
court, and hastened with speed which defied overtaking
to present himself before his loyal subjects.
Nicholas de Myles, seneschal of Caermarthen, to
gether with Maredudd ab Ehys Gryg and Maredudd ab
Owen, was at this time commissioned by King Henry
to seize upon the lands of Maelgwn Fychan, while the
1 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1246 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a. d. 1246 ;
Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.
2 Matthew Paris, a.d. 1246, Bohn's ed. vol. ii. p. 141.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 353
Earl of Gloucester simultaneously possessed himself of C^A^-
the lands of Howel ab Maredudd in Morganwg. Mael- - — r— '—
gwn fled to Meirionydd, swiftly pursued by Nicholas de
Myles, who being joined on his march by Gruffydd ab
Gwenwynwyn, pressed onward to Tyganwy, whence
the Princes Owen and Llewelyn fled to their unassail
able fortresses among the mountains. Maelgwn found
it expedient to surrender himself, and returning with
his pursuers into Deheubarth, he obtained from the
king a grant of Geneur Glyn and Iscoed, which formed
parts of his former possessions.
In North Wales, King Henry looked anxiously about
this time to the security of his castles,1 ordering John
de Grey, justiciary of Chester, to replace with stone
the wooden palisade of that fortress, and to repair
Disserth. Owen and Llewelyn found it necessary to conclude a
2 treaty of peace with the English government, even
though that treaty exacted the absolute resignation of
that part of Wales lying eastward of the river Conwy,
and the feudal service of severally attending the king's
summons, either in Wales or the Marches, at their own
expense, with 1000 foot and 24 horsemen weU ap
pointed, or with 500 infantry wherever else they might
be summoned. They also consented to renounce their
right to the homage and services of the Cymric nobles,
and to hold their dominions as vassals of the English
Crown. The penalty annexed to any infringement of these
articles was the forfeiture of their realm, while the
1 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reign of
Henry III. vol. ii. No. 450, p. 45.
2 Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. p. 417 ; Rymer's Foedera, ed.
1704, t. i. pp. 443, 444. A A

354 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, advantages accruing to the Welsh princes were chiefly
- XXI" . negative and included under the humiliating grant of
national pardon.
A document executed at Woodstock on April 30,
1247, embodies and confirms the conditions above
stated. The abbots of Ystrad Flur1 and of Conwy, availing
themselves of the peace thus secured, obtained the
King of England's permission, and reverently removed
the remains of Prince Gruffydd ab Llewelyn ab Ior
werth from his London grave to the sepulchre of his
fathers at Conwy.
The spring of the year 1247 was inclement, and
when at last the herbage began to grow, the crops to
rise out of the earth, the fruit trees to blossom, and the
forests to unfold their leaves, an intense frost occurred
late in April and cut off all vegetation, a heavy fall
of snow foUowed, and lay so long upon the valleys,
hills, and mountains, that it completed the misery of
the famishing Cymry. The situation of the country,
already desolated by war, became utterly wretched,
pasturage and foliage were destroyed, commerce was
annihilated ; and the people, smitten with pestilence,
wanted strength to till their lands and seeds to sow in
them. Scarcity and great consequent mortality extended
also throughout England and Ireland. The district
rulers of Cymru sank into inane despair ; the dejected
ecclesiastics lost at once their control over the people,
and their ability to relieve the people's wants.2 The
Bishop of St. David's pined away and died of grief; the
Bishop of Llandaff became blind from weeping ; the
1 Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1248; Powel's ¦ Historie of Cambria;
Wynne's History of Wales.
2 Matthew Paris, a.d. 1247, vol. ii. pp. 244-245.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 35£
Bishops of St. Asaph and Bangor were compeUed by chap.
hard necessity to beg their bread, and to subsist on v_XXIL^
alms ; but the latter prelate soon found a hospitable
refuge with the friendly Abbot of St. Alban 's, and
1 Howel ab Ednyfed, bishop of St. Asaph, died in that
melancholy year. He appears to have been the only
Cymro among the four.
At this melancholy epoch, Thomas, archdeacon of
Lincoln, was elected to the vacant Menevian see, and
notwithstanding the impoverished condition of the
diocese, he was induced to accept it by the wish to
escape from the domination of Eobert Grostete his
bishop, by the desire of finding once more a home
among his own people, and by the hope of consoling
and helping them in their sufferings ; nor did the King
of England refuse to ratify the appointment.
A letter to Henry2 from Owen and Llewelyn, written a.d. 1250.
about this time, complains of the arbitrary proceed
ings of the justiciary of Chester, John de Grey. The
alienated cantrefs 3 of Ehos, Ehyfyoned, Dyffryn Clwyd,
and Tegeingl were farmed out by John le Strange,
justiciary of Chester, to John de Grey, the highest
bidder, at an annual rent of 500 marks ; and, two
years afterwards, John de Grey, being then jus
ticiary, was superseded in possession of those cantrefs
by Alan de la Zouche, who offered 1100 marks. The
inhabitants meanwhile suffered severely not only from
hopeless subjection to the tyrannous administration of
English laws, and from excessive exactions to assist in
1 Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. ii. pp. 822, 825, 839, 856.
2 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reio-n of
Henry III. vol. ii. No. 469, p. 64.
8 Matthew Paris, Bohn's ed. vol. ii. a.d. 1251, p. 435; a.d. 1252
p. 486. A A 2

356 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, defraying the King's projected expedition to Palestine,
• — Xil_ but also from the habitual extortion of the justiciaries
under the form of taxation.
In the year 1251, died at Windsor1 Gwkdys ferch
Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, and wife of Sir Ealph Mortimer
the lord marcher. Historians under the Tudor dynasty
have attempted to represent this princess as the right
heir of her brother Dafydd, casting for that purpose the
slur of illegitimacy upon her half-brother Gruffydd ; but
it is evident that she asserted no claim to the Welsh
crown, and that none of her contemporaries put forward
such a claim in her behalf ; while the sons of Gruffydd
were universally acknowledged by the Welsh people as
the true heirs of their uncle by the haU-blood, Dafydd
ab Iorwerth, prince of Wales.
a.d. 1252. The territory of Elfel had long been subjugated, but
the inhabitants persevered in 2 pasturing their flocks
and herds upon the Maeleinydd mountains, claiming an
hereditary right to that privilege. Llewelyn ab Gwr-
wareth, bailiff to the king in the lands which had
belonged to Maelgwn Fychan, forbade the practice, and
finding his prohibition disregarded, he plundered with
a strong hand the property of the offenders.
On July 8, 12 5 3,3 a safe-conduct was issued to en
able Dafydd ab Gruffydd and his household to pro
ceed to the English Court ; and there he was cherished
and caressed for a time, as an agent of intestine
dissension, to subserve the political purposes of that
court in Wales. This was ultimately done, upon
Dafydd's return into Wales, by stimulating the ambition
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 315; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1251;
Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1251.
2 Annales Cambriaa, a.d. 1252 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1252.
s Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. p. 492.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 357
of Owen, and exciting him to oust Llewelyn and to chap. xxi
reign alone. ¦ — y^
On February 14, 1254,1 the castles of Disserth, Ehudd
lan, and Tyganwy, and of Montgomery, Caermarthen,
Caerdigan, and Buallt were granted by the king to
Prince Edward his eldest son, and the alienated cantrefs
of Gwynedd, Ehos, Ehyfyoned, Dyffryn Clwyd, and
Tegeingl, being joined to the earldom of Chester, were
conferred with that dignity upon the same prince, who
immediately took possession of the seven castles and
filled them with gangs of notorious ruffians, while
Geoffry de Langley his steward practised every species
of tyrannical exaction upon the unhappy people of the
adjacent districts.
In the month of July, 12 5 5,2 Prince Owen, assisted
by Prince Dafydd, openly and forcibly attempted to
deprive Llewelyn of his share in the sovereignty of
Wales. Llewelyn, however, was not taken by surprise,
and, being the favourite of the people, he readUy mus
tered an army to oppose the partisans of his brethren.
The rival parties had recourse to war, and, after an
hour's fierce conflict at Bryn Derwen, Llewelyn captured
Owen and Dafydd, slew many of their followers, and
effectually routed the rest. He then incarcerated Owen
in the lonely fortress of Dolbadern, imprisoned Dafydd
elsewhere, and without further strife possessed himself
of their patrimony and assumed the sole sovereignty of
the Cymry.
§ 2. The Annales record in the year 1255 the death
of Maredudd ab Llewelyn of Meiri onydd, a youth of
great courage and high character ; and the same
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. p. 501 ; Matthew Paris, a.d. 1254,
Bohn's ed. vol. iii. p. 8 ; Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. p. 419.
2 Annales. Cambrise, a.d. 1255 ; Brut j Tywysogion, a.d, 1254.

358 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, authority attests that Ehys ab Maelgwn, whose merit
^i^L, far surpassed that of his princely compeers, and by
whom his countrymen had hoped to gain deliverance
from EngUsh bondage, feU sick at this time, and
having on June 24 made confession and received the
Lord's Supper, assumed the Cistercian habit at Ystrad
Plur, and soon sank under his malady, and was buried
with great solemnity and much lamentation in that
abbey, by the side of his sister, who had died the year
before. In 1256 died another young prince in whom the
people hoped, Maredudd ab Madog, lord of 141 ; and
yet another, Owen ab Iorwerth of Elfel ; and the loss
of these promising men seemed to foreshadow to the
desponding bards the failure of future champions for
the country's independence.
At the commencement of the year 1256, Prince
Llewelyn wrote to King Henry with friendly greeting,
assuring him that he had given an honourable recep
tion to his messengers who had desired the prince to
repair to Montgomery x on March 1, to arrange for the
continuance of the existing truce, and to agree to make
reparation for its aUeged infractions. The object of
this letter was to solicit a postponement of the ap
pointed day until April 16, and to propose the substi
tution of the Ty Gwyn as the place of meeting. He
requested Henry also to forbid the Marchers to molest
Llewelyn's subjects, who had by that prince's command
refrained from violating the truce.
Another letter from Prince Llewelyn to King Henry
complains that, after time and place had been appointed
for the conference, the barons of the Cheshire Marches
and the sons of John le Strange had savagely devastated
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t, i. pp. 580, 581.

XXI.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY 359
the lands of Gruffydd, lord of Broomfield (Maelor), and chap,
that the 25th of September having finally been fixed
for that conference in which the Justiciary of Chester
was to act as the royal commissioner, that justiciary
had upon that very day made a foray upon Gruffydd's
lands. Llewelyn, therefore, appeals to the king himself
for justice against such outrageous proceedings.
In July 1256,1 Prince Edward visited Chester, and
passed in state throughout his territories in North
Wales, inspecting his castles and receiving the homage
of his vassals. About the middle of August he reached
Tyganwy, and the sanction which he gave to the cruel
exactions and insults of De Langley, and his scornful
and heartless behaviour during this progress, such as
causing a casual young wayfarer to have one ear torn
off and one eye plucked out, convinced the oppressed
people that revolt remained the only remedy for their
grievous wrongs. DespoUed and trampled on, the
Cymry of the Perfeddwlad turned their thoughts to
wards Llewelyn, the descendant of the ancient heroes
who had led their forefathers forth to fight for freedom ;
and a deputation soon afterwards appeared before him,
told him of their debasing bondage, their utter misery,
and asked redress. From the North, from the South, and
from Powys came expressions of similar import, for the
sanguine people, recovering within the last few years
from the horrors of war, scarcity, and pestilence, now
felt themselves strong enough to make another effort
to throw off the yoke of thraldom ; and the Cymric
inhabitants of Cheshire and the Marches, retaining their
ancient sympathies, gave secret assurances of effective
co-operation. 1 Matthew Paris, a.d. 1256, Bohn's ed. vol. iii. pp. 200-202, 204, 205,
207 ; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1256 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1255, 1256 ;
Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.

360 * HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. The prince and the district rulers entered into a con-
vJ^L. federacy : 10,000 armed horsemen and about 20,000
infantry swore solemnly upon the Holy Gospels boldly
and faithfully to stand up to the death for their country's
liberty ; and with this army Llewelyn so suddenly and
vigorously attacked Prince Edward's possessions, that
his mercenary soldiers quailed before it, and the young
Plantagenet, eager for vengeance, hastened to borrow
money to enable him to wage against the Welsh a war
of extermination.
Meanwhile the Welsh forces made their way to the
city of Chester, which they pUlaged, together with the
surrounding country, before they returned to their
homes laden with booty, which they deemed to be
merely an inadequate compensation, abruptly taken,
for the long continued and wearisome exactions to
which they had been unjustly subjected.
The troops raised by Prince Edward distinguished
themselves while marching with him through the
English provinces towards Chester by deeds of rapine
and violence so atrocious, and his permission and
countenance were so openly given to those deeds, that
all the previous acts of extortion and cruelty practised
by his father seemed trivial when compared with the
early wickedness of the son. The winter, however,
proved so wet and stormy, that the marshy grounds of
Wales could easily be defended by the people against
the heavily accoutred troops of Prince Edward, who
solaced his disappointment by exacting from Geoffry de
Langley an equivalent for the loss of property which
the Welsh incursion had caused. King Henry and his
brother, Earl Eichard, entered soon afterwards into
1 pacific communication with Llewelyn and other Welsh
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t, i. pp. 591, 592, 619.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 361
princes, entreating them to desist from hostilities ; but chap.
the Welshmen well knew that the season and its ,  , '„,,
weather favoured their cause, and that the English
sought delay only to injure them more effectually ;
therefore, defying rain and tempest, they urged their
predatory warfare. Gruffydd de Brunet, or le Brun,
was a Welshman by noble descent, birth, and language ;
but his extensive influence had been won by the
English party, therefore Llewelyn's troops attacked
him, pursued him in his flight across the Marches, and
devastated his lands with fire and sword, together with
those of several neighbouring knights and barons.
The pride of Prince Edward as well as his property
suffered severely from these inroads, for, deeming him
self already to be the sovereign lord of the Welsh
people, he was constrained to stand helplessly unable
to check them. The winter passed away, but no money
could he obtain to levy soldiers, and the Welsh still
continued in a state of insurrection.
Throughout the year 1256, the weather continued
to assist in the defence of Wales, for unprecedented
rains, storms, floods, and inundations prevailed, attended
in the winter months by terrific thunder and lightning.
§ 3. Wet weather lasted on into the year 1257, so
that, in the month of May, wild rains washed away the
seed which had been sown, and compelled many hus
bandmen to sow their fields a second time. Prince
Edward, baulked and baffled by land, now invited
bands of Irishmen to his aid, and loudly threatened to
crush the Welsh as a potter's vessel. Llewelyn, be
coming aware of the projected invasion, took precau
tions for the defence of his coast by fitting out several
galleys well manned and armed, which he sent to
encounter the Irish upon the sea.

362 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Convinced that strength lay in unity, the Prince of
. XXI— Wales, who was zealously supported by the district
rulers of Gwynedd, entered now into a league with the
Princes of Powys and Deheubarth, and they mutually
resolved upon combined action. King Henry had
refused to insure the safety of the Welsh property of
Gruffydd le Brim, who consequently deserted the
English party, and gave such valuable information to
Llewelyn concerning the invading army, that the prince
forgave his former offences, and admitted him into the
Cymric confederation.
a.d. 1257.1 The Welsh foUowing up their career of success now
divided their army into two bodies, each comprizing
15,000 men lightly armed according to the custom of
their country, but including in each division 250
knights, clad in complete armour, and mounted upon
iron-clad chargers. This formed a new feature in the
martial array of the Cymry, and Matthew Paris records
that Prince Edward complained of it to his father as
an act of intolerable presumption in a people whom
already he regarded as his thralls. The king replied,
' What is it to me ? The land is yours by my gift. Exert
your powers for the first time, and arouse fame in your
youth, that your enemies may fear you for the future.
As for me, I am occupied with other business.'
Even the English chroniclers of this period awoke
to a sense of the brave and manly patriotism of the
Welsh, and they often compare the noble resistance of
that oppressed nation with the abject supineness of the
contemporary English.
Prince Llewelyn and his coadjutors defying the Earl
1 Matthew Paris, Bohn's ed. vol. iii. a.d. 1257, pp. 217, 218, 220, 233,
238, 240, 241, 243-248, 252, 255, 258; Annales Cambria?, a.d. 1257,
1258 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1257, 1258 ; Powel's Historie of Cambria ;
Wynne's History of Wales.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 363
of Gloucester and the other Lords Marchers, constrained chap.
them to defend their own possessions, and to leave the ._XXL-,
lands of Prince Edward at the mercy of the Welsh.
The English king, however, determined at length to
bestir himself, and issued his1 warrants throughout all
England, calling upon each and every one who owed
him knightly service to be ready prepared with horses
and arms to follow him into Wales, whither he was
about to proceed, on the feast of St. Mary Magdalen
(July 22), to check the violence of the Welsh, who
were, he said, roving about at will, seizing the castles
of noblemen on the frontier and even in England,
putting the garrisons to death, and spreading fire and
slaughter in all directions.
It was arranged that the first division of the English
army, led by King Henry, should assemble at Chester,
on July 22; and that the second division, under the
command of the Earl of Gloucester, should assemble
at Bristol, so that simultaneous attacks might be made
upon North and South Wales, while a fleet from the
Cinque Ports assisted the land forces. On their way
to Chester the king's soldiers wantonly destroyed all
the standing corn in the neighbourhood, not supposing
that they should linger in the country long enough to
want it, and only intending to deprive the Welsh of
its use.
The men of Gwynedd, learning that the English king
was about to take the field against them, sent their
wives and children and all their moveable property
into the strongholds of the mountains, and then
ploughed up the ground along the line of country
through which the invaders were expected to march,
destroyed the flour mills, broke down the bridges, dug
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed, 1704, t. i. pp. 635, 637.

364 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, pits in the fords, and removed all fodder and other
XXT
_. — ,-J_ provisions. The firmness and unanimity with which the Welsh
people resolved at this time to struggle against the
English for the maintenance and recovery of their an
cestral laws and Uberty, shook for a while the wilful
mood of Prince Edward, and led him almost to resign
the hope of subjecting them. Not only did their enemies
acknowledge that the cause of the Welsh was just, but
among the oppressed and aggrieved barons of England
were many who sympathized with Llewelyn. King
Henry, however, summoned aid from Scotland, Ireland,
and the Continent, and Llewelyn clearly saw the dan
gerous position of his country, and, after conferring
with his chiefs, adopted their counsel, and deputed
special messengers proposing peace to King Henry, on
condition that the Welsh should retain their ancestral
laws and liberties without molestation ; that they should
not be bound to render an account of their actions to
Prince Edward, or to any other person excepting the
king himself ; and plainly declaring that they would not,
upon any consideration, submit again to be given away
and sold like oxen and beasts of burden.
The king arrogantly refused to listen either to the
proposals or to the remonstrances of the Welsh ambas
sadors, ordering immediate preparations to be made for
battle, unfurling the royal standard, and going forth
day after day with his men-at-arms, threatening exter
mination to the whole Welsh people.
His headquarters continued at Chester, where he
vainly awaited the arrival of his promised allies until
Michaelmas drew near, provisions became extremely
scarce, inclement weather set in, and the general dis
content of his foUowers constrained him to comply

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 365
with the advice of his council, and to commence a chap. XXI
retreat. Llewelyn no sooner heard of the homeward • — ,—U
march of the king and his army, than he and his men
cautiously pursued them, tracking their way, watching
for opportunities of slaying stragglers, and amusing
themselves with expressions of witty derision at the
expense of the fugitive king ; who, abating nothing of
the pomp and circumstance of war, marched under
the shade of his royal standard, still uttering vaunts,
threatening his enemies, and encouraging his recreant
warriors to take the earliest future opportunity of
slaughtering ' those dregs of the human race, the Welsh
people.' The re-inforcement of the garrisons of Tyganwy and
Disserth castles was the only advantage derived by the
English from this vast expedition.
In the autumn of the same year, James, second a.d. 1257.
baron de Aldithley, or Audeley, returned from his
attendance in Germany upon Eichard, king of the
Eomans, and finding his Welsh castles and lands in the
north-eastern Marches destroyed and devastated by the
insurgents, immediately called them to account for such
proceedings by hostile retaliation, slaying many men,
and burning their dwellings. The Welsh warriors soon
sallied forth, and took speedy vengeance upon Audeley
and his neighbouring coadjutors, burning castles and
houses until that part of the Welsh frontier was reduced
to a desert state.
The proposals of peace made by Prince Llewelyn
had been treated with contempt by the English govern
ment ; and the Welsh princes and people, despairing
of legal redress for the usurpations and vexatious
tyranny of local foes, avenged themselves recklessly by
seizing upon Prince Edward's borough towns, and upon

366 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, others belonging to the Marchers, carrying off all the
- ^l- stores and moveable goods, setting fire to the rest, and

killing the townsmen.
It appears, however, that a truce was agreed upon
either in the winter of 1257, or the early spring of
1258, for its expiration in April is mentioned by
1 Matthew Paris. At that time the suspension of the
trade in beeves and horses caused the Welsh to suffer
from want of corn, salt, and other necessaries, which
they usually received in exchange for them from the
English ; and ungenial seasons withering the pastures,
famishing the flocks and herds, and destroying or
spoiling the corn and other fruits of the earth, produced
a fearful scarcity throughout the principality. Goaded,
therefore, by want as well as enmity, the Welsh made
predatory expeditions in quest of food upon the lands
of William de Valence in Pembrokeshire, and upon
those of other wealthy settlers, laying in from the
spoils a stock of corn, salt, and other necessary things.
a.d. 1258. On Easter Monday, the colonists of Penbroch and
Ehos in Pembrokeshire made an invasion of Cemaes
and of Pennant, slew two Welsh nobles, and were
bearing away rich spoils, when the men whose pro
perty had been pillaged pursued and surrounded the
marauders, put them to flight, and not only rescued
their own goods, but also possessed themselves of the
horses of their foes.
The defection of Maredudd ab Ehys Gryg, and his
doing homage to King Henry, excited great indignation
among his patriotic countrymen. It occurred soon
after the outrage just recorded, and Llewelyn with his
South Welsh warriors hastened to Ystrad Towy, and
there wreaked their vengeance upon the castles and
i Vol. iii. a.d. 1258, pp. 267-269, 279, 285-288, 293, 304, 311, 312.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 367
lands of the traitor. They afterwards marched to chap.
Cydweli and burnt the town ; but Patrick, lord of that . — ^_
place, together with Maredudd issued forth from the
castle and attacked the besiegers. A severe conflict
ensued, in which Maredudd was wounded and his party
worsted. They subsequently fled to Caermarthen,
while the victors carried the corpse of Dafydd ab
Howel of Arwystli (who had fallen on their side in the
battle) to the aTJbey of Ystrad Flur, and buried it with
funeral honours.
About this time, Llewelyn restored his sanguine and
fickle brother Dafydd to liberty and favour. Their
names are mentioned together in a treaty offensive and
defensive, concluded with the Scots,1 March 18, 1258.
Various skirmishes ensued, and terminated generally in
favour of the Welsh, who prudently foresaw that the
restoration of peaceful relations between the king and
his barons must, whenever it might occur, bring united
and resistless adversaries against themselves ; that Owen
ab Gruffydd, if liberated from captivity, might be
tempted by revenge to stir up civil war within the
principality ; and that Dafydd and Ehodri might
probably be led by jealousy to break up the nation
into factions, and accelerate their country's ruin ; there
fore, availing themselves of present advantages, Prince
Llewelyn and his district rulers agreed together to
offer a sum of 4,000 marks to King Henry, 300 marks
to Prince Edward, and 200 marks to the Queen, on
condition that aU injuries and offences should be
forgiven and forgotten, and that the Welsh people
should be permitted to retain their ancestral laws and
liberty. The king received this offer with scorn, and did not
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 653-654.

368 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, condescend to answer it. The Welsh quietly awaited
- XXL_. for a time the course of events, declaring that they
would defend themselves against attack, resist en
croachment and oppression, and faithfully maintain
their country's cause, as their fathers had done, to
the uttermost.
At the Parliament held in London soon after Easter,
King Henry, resenting his half-brother's injuries,
brought before the House the subject of the frequent
irruptions of the Welsh, and the immediate necessity
for checking and crushing that nation ; and summonses
were subsequently issued, directing aU persons owing
knightly service to the king to equip themselves with
horses and arms, and to be ready at Chester to foUow
him into Wales on the Monday before the Nativity of
St. John the Baptist, June 24. Murmurs of discontent
resulted from this decree, because of the expense of
scutage, and the inconvenience of taking men away
from harvest work.
On June 11 the Parliament re-assembled at Oxford,
the nobles ordering their knights to attend them,
equipped and ready for martial service, under the
pretext of showing that they were ready to set out
with their united forces against the king's enemies in
Wales, but in reality to guard themselves against the
Poictevin favourites of the king, and to force him to
observe strictly the conditions of the Magna Charta,
which he had often before confirmed by solemn oaths,
and as often unscrupulously violated. With these ends
in view, they had prepared a series of resolutions con
ducing to the welfare, peace, and honour of the realm
and its sovereign.
The required oaths were accordingly taken both by
the king and his eldest son, the Poictevins fled, and the

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 369
vassals of the English nobles generally took arms chap.
throughout the kingdom ; which lying already desolate - — ^—
from scarcity and pestilence, now became an arena of
strife between the partisans of the unprincipled king
and the great landowners of the country.
Six days after the opening of the Parliament at
Oxford, Aman, abbot of Aberconwy, and Madog his
son, the ambassadors of the Prince of Wales and Lord
of Snowdon, concluded a truce with England upon the
following terms.1 It was to last from June 26, 1258,
until August 1, 1259, and during that period the ad
verse parties were severally to retain their possessions,
and neither of them, upon any pretext, to enter those
of the other without permission ; no obstruction was to
be offered at fords or passes to free ingress and egress,
and the king was permitted to victual and to keep up
the garrisons of the castles of Tyganwy and Disserth,
and to approach them either by sea, or under Llewelyn's
safe-conduct by land.
Llewelyn having renewed the offer of peace, declar
ing himself and his people ready to clear themselves
by judicial trial from the charges of robbery and murder
made against them, Patrick de Canton, lord of Cydweli
and seneschal of Caermarthen, with Maredudd ab Ehys
Gryg, and the martial strength of Cydweli, Caermar
then, Pembroke, Ehos, and Cemaes, assembled together
at Aberteifi, and acting under royal authority invited
Dafydd ab Gruffydd, Maredudd ab Owen, and Ehys
Fychan, with their martial followers, to hold a confer
ence at Cilgerran on September 3. Under the sanction
of Llewelyn, his brother and the rest marched accord
ingly from Maenor to keep the appointment. The
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 657, 658.
B B

a.d. 1258.

370 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. King of England's party present at the conference
- XXL_- were far more numerous than the followers of the
Welsh chieftains, and an English knight soon suggested
to the seneschal, that a sudden attack should be made
upon them, and that Dafydd, his coadjutors and attend
ants, should be beset and captured, and sent as an
acceptable offering to King Henry. This treacherous
suggestion he strengthened by threatening to denounce
Lord Patrick's slackness if he refused to act upon it.
An attack was consequently made, and many of
Llewelyn's men were slain ; but Dafydd and the rest,
soon recovering from their astonishment, resisted man
fully, and, after a severe conflict, worsted and routed
their assailants, slaying the greater part of them, in
cluding Lord Patrick, Walter Malefiant, and Hugo de
Vynes. The cowardly inciter of the mischief stole
quietly away, and Maredudd ab Ehys with difficulty
escaped and found shelter in the neighbouring castle.
a.d. 1259. § 4. On May 27,1 Llewelyn, prince of Wales and
lord of Snowdon, held a council at Arwystli, at which
all the district rulers of the country who owned his
sway being assembled, convicted Maredudd ab Ehys
of treason to his sovereign and his country, and
Llewelyn caused him to be arrested and imprisoned
until he submitted to prescribed terms, and renewed
his oaths of allegiance. The truce with England before
its expiration was 2 prolonged for another year.
Maredudd ab Owen of Elfel, seceding from his en
forced allegiance to his country's foes, invited the
presence of Llewelyn, and gave up to him in January,
1260, the territory of Buallt. The Prince of Wales
1 Annales Cambria?, a.d. 1259, 1260; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1258,
1260 ; Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 669, 684, 697.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 371
and his army received a ioyful welcome from the in- chap.
"5CYT
habitants of that district, and marched thence into . — ;_L^
Dyfed, where he pillaged and destroyed the Flemish
town of Dinbych y Pyscoed (Tenby).
This violation of the truce caused King Henry to a.d. 1260.
issue a commission of inquiry, which produced no im
portant results ; but, in the following April, the settlers
of Ceri and Cydweli celebrated St. George's day by an
incursion upon their Cymric neighbours and by burning
a town. In July, King Henry assembled a parliament at
Westminster, and Eichard, bishop of Bangor, attended
it, and offered, by the Prince of Wales's authority,
conditions of peace. During the session Sir Eoger
Mortimer, the lord marcher, eldest son of the late Sir
Ealph and of the Princess Gwladys, received the un
welcome tidings that the Prince of Wales had ravaged
his lands in Maeleinydd, and obtained possession of
the castle1 of BuaUt by the treachery of the garrison.
This circumstance excited suspicions of Mortimer's
loyalty in the minds of the king and prince and their
partisans, and caused an inquiry to be instituted,
which issued in acquitting him of all confederacy with
Llewelyn. From Buallt, Llewelyn set forth on a tour of conci
liation through South Wales, receiving renewed oaths
of fealty from the district rulers, whose allegiance had
lately wavered, and afterwards returning to his strong
hold at Aber in the Pen-maen-mawr.
The truce expired on August 1, and King Henry
summoned2 his feudatories inhabiting the counties of
Hereford and Gloucester to assemble in arms on Sep-
' Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 705, 706. 2 Ibid. pp. 706-709.
B B 2

372 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, tember 8 at Shrewsbury, and all his other feudatories
•  ,-A— to be ready upon the same day at Chester, preparatory
to a campaign against the Welsh. The superstitious
monarch also caused the Archbishop of Canterbury to
excommunicate the Prince of Wales, and to threaten
that unless compensation was made, before August 22,
to the Lords Marchers for the injuries done to their
property, an interdict should be laid upon Llewelyn's
dominions. The command of this army was entrusted to Simon
de Montfort, sixth earl of Leicester and second of that
name. His chief earthly object was the establishment
and maintenance of law, equity, and liberty in Eng
land ; sympathising, therefore, with the Welsh in their
aspirations for deliverance from intrusive tyrants, this
great man promptly took measures to avert the in
tended war, and to renew the Oxford truce. Com
missioners being appointed on both sides, they met on
August 22 at Montgomery Ford, and adopting the
conditions of the former treaty as a basis, added some
less important articles, chiefly with a view to insure
their fulfilment, and agreed upon a truce1 commencing
that very day, and to continue until June 24, 1262.
In the beginning of the year 1262, the Prince of
Wales urged King Henry to establish a permanent
peace, and offered to send ambassadors to settle its
conditions. This proposal the king2 declined on ac
count of the absence of his eldest son, without whose
concurrence, he said that he could not consent to re
ceive such an embassy. In the course of the foUowino-
spring, it appears that Llewleyn had complained to
1 Annales Cambria?, a.d. 1260 ; William de Rishanger's Continuation
of Matthew Paris's English History, a.d. 1260; Rymer's Foedera, ed.
1704, t. i. pp. 709-711, 718-720.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 739, 740.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 373
Henry that Eoger de Mortimer and John l'Estrange chap.
had broken the truce by an incursion upon the lands .. xf1..,
of Gruffydd of Broomfield, for, in a letter dated x June
8, the King informed the Prince of Wales that he had
deputed Humphrey de Bohun and James Audeley to
attend upon a certain day in July at Montgomery Ford
to examine the charges. Before the arrival of the
appointed day, King Henry, being on the Continent,
received false tidings of Llewelyn's death. He conse
quently addressed to Philip Basset, the chief justiciary
and regent, a letter stating the precautions which he
had taken, supposing the rumour might be true, to de
feat the probable claim of Dafydd to the sovereignty,
alleging that as Llewelyn was not the lawful inheritor
of the principality, Dafydd could not . rightly succeed
to it, Owen the eldest son of Gruffydd being still alive,
and the fealty of the Welsh nobles belonging to him
self as king of England.
In the event of Llewelyn's death, the justiciary was
directed by this letter to assemble the military forces of
England at Shrewsbury upon September 7, in readiness
to march against the Welsh, and take advantage of the
agitation, perplexity, and division consequent upon a
change of sovereigns.
A communication from the Prince of Wales, com
plaining of several infractions of the truce by King
Henry's vassals, soon gave that monarch abundant
proof of Llewelyn's life and activity, and commissioners
were subsequently appointed on both sides to meet on
September 30,2 at Montgomery Ford, and examine the
alleged grievances.
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 747, 748.
2 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reign of
Henry HI. vol. ii. No. 577, p. 214, No. 618, p. 216 ; Rymer's Foedera,
ed. 1704, t. i. p. 750.

374 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. A letter1 from Peter de Montfort, governor of Aber-
—^El, gavenny Castle, to Eoger le Bigod, earl marshal, Philip
Basset, justiciary of England, Sir John Mansel, and
Eobert Walerond, was written on Monday, October 2,
in the same year, urgently demanding assistance, com
plaining of the insupportable expenses of the Welsh war,
and detailing the events of an inroad which had been
made on the previous Friday, headed by Wienoch
ab Ednyfed Prince Llewelyn's seneschal, Maredudd
ab Ehys, Ehys Fychan, Maredudd ab Owen, and all
the pride of Wales, excepting the sovereign and his
brothers. Against these formidable warriors, Peter de Mont
fort defended the fords of the Usk until about noon on
Saturday, when Grey, a Mortimer, a Fitz Peter, and
Henry de Bohun brought their forces to his aid, and
he led the combined host to a guardhouse above the
town of Abergavenny, and thence across the river ; but
the Welsh troops perceiving the advance of the English
dispersed themselves, many of them leaving their horses
behind, and the greater number fleeing away across the
Blorenge, where the Norman cavalry could not follow
them. De Montfort and his allies, nevertheless, taking
their course along the vale, where the Welsh foragers
were scattered, killed or captured of them more than
300 men ; and he describes the greater part of the
fugitives, some on foot and some on horseback, as
being while he wrote still scattered over the moors, or
sheltered in the monasteries in all directions, and his
own men as still engaged in searching for them. Anti
cipating with dread a renewed inroad to revenge their
1 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reign of
Henry III. vol. ii. No. £81, p. 219, No. 688, p. 230, this last being a
duplicate of one in Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 591, 592.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 375
present discomfiture, he demands and redemands relief chap.
and aid. His apprehensions were soon fulfilled, for, in ¦, " ; _.
a subsequent letter addressed in the same year to King
Henry, he urgently entreats immediate aid, stating that
Llewelyn had advanced his frontier within a league
and a half of Abergavenny ; that all the Welsh inhabit
ants of the lands belonging to Humphrey de Bohun,
Eeginald Fitz Peter, Eobert de Turberville, Eoger de
Toeny, and other magnates of the Marches, favoured
Llewelyn ; and that, excepting Gilbert Talbot, who held
three castles for Prince Edward, he had no coadjutor
in his single-handed and desperate resistance.
On the night of November 29,1 the men of Mael
einydd obtained forcible possession of Eoger de Mor
timer's castle at Cefn Llys, called also Castell Glan
Ithon. They reduced it to a heap of ruins, slaying
the garrison, and capturing the governor, Howel ab
Meurig, together with his wife and children. Eoger de
Mortimer and Humphrey de Bohun, hearing of this
exploit, speedily led their retainers to the spot, and
pitching their tents within the shaking walls, set dili
gently about the task of restoring them. The Prince
of Wales being informed of this, led his troops to Cefn
Llys, and invested Castell Glan Ithon.
Peter Aquablanca, the Savoyard bishop of Hereford,
in a contemporary letter2 to the King, describes the
forces of Llewelyn as consisting of 30,000 infantry and
300 cavalry ; therefore, without slackening their watch
and ward over the blockaded Marchers, detachments
were employed in winning four other castles in that
1 Annates Cambrise, A.D. 1262 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1262 ;
Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales.
2 Rymer's Fcedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 754-755 ; Eishanger's Continu
ation of Matthew Paris's English History, a.d. 1263.

376 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, neighbourhood, besides Eoger de Mortimer's castle at
> XXI_. Cnwclas on the Teme, against which Llewelyn brought
such formidable engines that the garrison surrendered
on December 20. Meanwhile Mortimer, his friends
and retainers, having lost 500 men in sallies and skir
mishes and slain about 300 of the Welsh, remained
cooped up in the ruins at Cefn Llys,1 where they
suffered so severely from want of food that they were
compelled by hunger to adopt some means of saving
their lives, and at length the proud Lord Marcher con
descended to appeal to the prince's chivalric courtesy as
a kinsman, and was suffered to depart in safety with
his company. While they effected their retreat,
Llewelyn visited Aberhonddu, and received oaths of
fealty from the inhabitants, then making a hasty
journey to Aber for the celebration of Christmas, he
returned to South Wales and renewed his attacks upon
the contiguous Marches, plundering and burning the
lands near Weobley and Eardisley, ravaging those
of Wigmore, and terrifying the citizens of Hereford by
the near approach of his troops, so that they strength
ened their fortifications, and, through their bishop, im
plored the king to send instantly to their relief, forty
knights with their retainers.
§ 5. Soon after January 22, 1263,2 Llewelyn com
menced a new series of incursions upon the lands
claimed by Prince Edward in North Wales, and the
young Plantagenet, exhorting Gruffydd ab Gwenwyn
wyn, lord of Powys, to take the field with him against
Llewelyn, soon entered upon a course of warlike
1 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reign of
Henry III. vol. ii. No. 586, p. 228, No. 587, p. 229.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. p. 755 ; Annales Cambria), a.d. 1263 ;
Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1263; Powel's Historie of Cambria; Wynne's
History of Wales.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 377
operations, which were completely frustrated by the chap.
dispersion of the Welsh forces, and the retreat of . XXL .
Llewelyn to a fastness among the mountains.
These predatory expeditions were long continued, A-D- 1263-
for, on April 25, Prince Edward wrote to his father,
entreating him to order the Bishop of Hereford to
fortify the castle of Ledbury North, and William
d'Evereux to remain in the castle of Le Hales.
On the 27th day of the same month, Llewelyn ab
Maredudd, one of the most distinguished princes of
South Wales, was slain, together with a hundred of his
followers, in unsuccessfully assaulting the castle of Clun,
which belonged to John Fitz Alan, a lord marcher.
Prince Edward and his troops were soon afterwards
recalled by the king to bear a part in the civil war,
which had been provoked throughout England by that
monarch's tyrannical extortions. Simon de Montfort,
earl of Leicester, was in arms, and numerous bands of
Welshmen joined his standard ; while others, acting in
concert with him, were led forth in various directions
by their native chieftains. By some of these troops
the obnoxious Bishop of Hereford was l captured in his
cathedral church, led thence and imprisoned in the
castle of Eardisley.
In July 1263, an alliance was formally entered into
between the Prince of Wales2 and the Earl of Leicester ;
and, early in August, Llewelyn inarched to Disserth
Castle, took it by assault, and demolished its fortifi
cations. About this time, Gruffydd ab Gwenwynwyn, lord of
1 Chronicle of the Barons' Wars, by William de Rishanger, Halliwell's
ed. p. 11 ; Chron. Tin. Leland, Antiq. Collect, ed. 1774, vol. i. p. 173.
2 Chronicle of the Barons' Wars, by William de Rishanger, HalliweH's
ed. pp. 14-20 ; William de Rishanger's Continuation of Matthew Paris's
English History, a.d, 1263, Bohn's ed. p. 340.

378 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Powys Isaf, forsook the cause of King Henry, and
^J^A- joined his forces with those of the Prince of Wales, to
whom he renewed his homage acknowledging his
sovereignty ; and then, in the first zeal of his fresh
patriotism, he led the men of Powys against the castle
of Gwyddgrug, called also Mold and Monthaut, took it
by assault, and razed it to the ground.
On September 18,1 King Henry, in a letter to
Llewelyn ab Gruffydd, agrees to a truce to last from
that date until the llth day of the following November,
the terms being less favourable to the English than
those of the former truce, and liberty being reserved to
victual and replenish the garrison of only one castle,
that of Tyganwy, which the English called Gannock.
It had even then been long invested by Llewelyn's
troops, and the famishing garrison having eaten their
hounds and horses, found the scanty supplies of pro
visions arrive too late, and capitulated upon Septem
ber 29.
At this time Llewelyn's troops overrunning and
ravaging at will the whole earldom of Chester, the
boundaries of the kingdom of Gwynedd were once
again extended to the banks of the river Dee.
a.d. 1264. § 6. Eoger de Mortimer,2 waging war on behalf of
the king, ravaged the estates of the Earl of Leicester,
whose sons made speedy reprisals on those of Mortimer.
The Prince of Wales and the younger Simon de
Montfort jointly laid siege to the castle of Wigmore, in
which the eldest son of Gwladys was then residing ;
but he contrived to elude their vigilance, and effected
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. p. 775,
2 Rishanger's Continuation of Matthew Paris, a.d. 1264, Bohn's ed.
pp. 340, 342, 347-349 ; Annales Cambria? ; Brut y Tywysogion ; Powel's
Historie of Cambria; Wynne's History of Wales; Chron. Tin. Leland,
Antiq. Collect, ed. 1774, vol. i. p. 174.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 379
his escape in February 1264, when Prince Edward chap.
came in to the neighbourhood, and without attempting ^J^y
to relieve the castle received its fugitive lord, and
marching westward with him took the castles of
Humphrey de Bohun at Huntingdon, Hay, and Aber
honddu, and delivered them into Mortimer's hands, as
some compensation for the losses he had sustained in
the cause of the Plantagenets. While the English
prince and his friend the Lord Marcher were thus
occupied, the Prince of Wales and young Simon de
Montfort, leaving Wigmore invested by their troops,
made an excursion into Maesyfed, and took and burned
Mortimer's castle at New Eadnor, and returning thence
succeeded in obtaining possession of Wigmore.
About the middle of April, John l'Estrange the
younger, constable of Montgomery Castle, issued forth
one evening with his fierce retainers and marched
through Ceri, intending to surprise by night the castle
of Cyclewin ; but the people of the neighbourhood,
becoming aware of his purpose, gathered promptly
together in great numbers, slew 200 of his men, and
put him and the remainder to flight.
In another hostile encounter, which occurred soon
afterwards near Gun (Colunwy), the Welsh were
worsted by the Marchers.
On May 14, 1264, King Henry and his partisans
unfurled their banners, and preceded by the royal
standard bearing a salient dragon, advanced to try
their warlike strength against the Earl of Leicester, the
chief noblemen of England, and their Welsh auxiliaries,
and, ere the sun went down that day, the monarch
lost the battle of Lewes, and surrendered himself a
prisoner to Simon de Montfort. Within a few days
afterwards, Prince Edward delivered himself up to the

380 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Earls of Leicester and Gloucester, and the other patriotic
y XXL_. barons, who consigned him as a prisoner to the castle
of WaUingford, and subsequently in turn to the castles
of KenUworth and Dover.
Gilbert de Clare, earl of Gloucester,1 hitherto the
friend and coadjutor of De Montfort, became at this
time jealous of his supreme power, and that jealousy
soon becoming known, attracted to him many noblemen
who feared that the people might approve a change of
dynasty in favour of the champion of their rights and
liberties. The kinsmen and partisans of the captive
king likewise hailed with joy so important an accession
to their confederacy.
In the autumn of this year, De Clare and Mortimer
left London secretly, and each of them repairing to his
own Welsh district assembled his military retainers in
arms. The regal earl with the king marched promptly to
Hereford, the Prince of Wales soon joined him there,
and the allied forces proceeded in concert to ravage
the neighbouring lands of their opponents, and seizing
upon the castles of Hay and Ludlow, pursued their
retreating adversaries to Montgomery, and obliged them
to lay down their arms and to give hostages for the
observance of a truce. On January 14, 1265, at a
great councU held in London, a decree of banishment to
Ireland for three years was passed against De Clare,
Mortimer, and the other Marchers who had taken part
in the recent insurrection. The offenders, however,
took refuge in the castles of De Clare and of Prince
Edward, and entered upon a series of hostile expeditions
against the Welsh.
1 Rishanger's Continuation of Matthew Paris, a.d. 1265, Bohn's ed.
pp. 351-356; Florence of Worcester, second Continuation, A.D. 1265;
Rishanger's Chronicle of the Tarons' Wars, Halliwell's ed. pp. 41-47.

TEE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 33^
§ 6. According to writs1 issued by De Montfort in chap.
King Henry's name, a Parliament assembled in London . x^Ii.
on January 22, 1265, which is remarkable in the history
of the English constitution as the first to which the
counties, cities, and boroughs are certainly known to
have sent regular representatives, the. writs being still
extant. Gratitude and affection prompted him at this time to a.d. 1265.
promise his daughter Eleanor in marriage to Llewelyn,
and a sense of justice led him to endeavour to secure
for Wales the ancestral and popular rights and liberties
which he had staked his fortune and his life to win for
England. These two remarkable men are said to have
held a conference at Hawarden for the arrangement of
a plan of combined action in opposition to the faction
which upheld the tyrannous exactions of the Plan-
tagenets. In March, 1265, died Maredudd ab Gruffydd ab the
Lord Ehys at Llanbadarn Fawr, and was buried in the
chapterhouse of the monks at Ystrad Flur.
Early in April the Earl of Gloucester raised his
standard, avowedly in behalf of King Henry, and in
viting all the friends and loyal subjects of that monarch
to join in effecting his liberation. On the 25th of the
same month De- Montfort conducted the King and
Prince Edward to Hereford, where he imprisoned the
latter in the castle, and fixed his own headquarters,
while his troops repeatedly skirmished with those of
De Clare's partisans. To complete the desolation of
South Wales, William de Valence, earl of Pembroke,
the king's half-brother, John de Warrenne, earl of
Surrey and Sussex, and other powerful friends of the
captive monarch, arrived by sea at Penbroch on May 18 ;
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 802-804.

382 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, and, on the 28th of the same month,1 Prince Edward
> XXI— escaped from Hereford Castle by the contrivance of
2 Thomas de Clare and the aid of Mortimer, and putting
himself at the head of the Lords Marchers proceeded to
retake the castles which the Earl of Leicester and the
Prince of Wales had acquired.
On June 7, in spite of De Montfort's precautions,
Prince Edward took possession of Worcester, and broke
down the bridges of the Severn. Supplies of men and
stores being thus cut off from the Earl of Leicester, he
attacked and destroyed De Clare's castle at Monmouth,
and, still faithfully succoured by Llewelyn, devastated
the neighbouring districts, with part of Morganwg, and
entrenched himself with his royal prisoner at Newport.
Letters patent,3 dated June 19, 1265, set forth by
Llewelyn, prince of Wales and lord of Snowdon, from
the castle of Pyperton, declare that he holds his princi
pality and all that he possesses of the King of England
as the princes his predecessors did of former Kings of
England ; and promise to pay 3000 marks sterling at
Whittington, and to agree to the terms of peace. The
seals of Llewelyn ab Gruffydd, Gruffydd ab Gwenwyn
wyn, Gruffydd ab Madoc, Howel and Madoc his brothers,
Ehys Fychan, Howel ab Maredudd, Howel ab Ehys,
Goronwy ab Ednyfed, Howel ab Bleddyn, and many
other persons, attest this document.
By a charter dated June 22, 1265, King Henry, at
the instigation of De Montfort, resigned to Llewelyn ab
Gruffydd all claim to the actual possessions of that
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 810, 811.
2 Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collect, ed. 1774, t. iii. p. 417, from Thomas
Wike's Annals.
3 Royal and other Historical Letters, illustrative of the Reign of
Henry III. vol. ii. No. 635, p. 285, No. 636, p. 287 ; Rymer's Foedera,
ed. 1704, t. i. p. 814.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY.

383

prince, and gave up to him the cantref of EUesmere, CHAP
the lordship of Whittington, the castles of Hawarden, ^_XXI-
of Matilda, and of Montgomery, with their respective
territories ; and he also ceded to Llewelyn and his
successors the sovereignty of Wales, and the right to
receive the homage of all its nobles, reserving only to
himself a fine of 3000 marks, and to the English crown
the homage of the Prince of Wales.
From Newport, the regal earl returned to Hereford,1
and hearing of Prince Edward's march to Kenilworth,
and the danger of young Simon, who had thrown him
self into that castle to avoid defeat and captivity, he
hastened on to Kempsey, whence, finding that Prince
Edward had returned to Worcester, the earl took the
king away at nightfall, on August 1, to Evesham. The
next day the prince cut off the earl's only way of access
to Kenilworth by crossing the river near Claines. De
Montfort, in reconnoitring on the evening of August 4,
remarked to the officers of his staff the discretion and
skill with which the adverse army was disposed, and
said, 'They are approaching wisely, and they have
learned this method from me, not of themselves. Let
us therefore commend our souls to God, for our bodies
are theirs.' He then urged Hugh le Despencer the
lord justiciary, Ealph Basset, and others to flee and
save themselves for better times, but they said they
would not live if he died.
On Tuesday, August 5, Prince Edward, commanding
one division of his army, the Earl of Gloucester another,
and Eoger de Mortimer the third, advanced steadily
from three different points upon Evesham.
Surrender or battle were De Montfort's only alterna-
1 Royal and other Historical Letters illustrative of the Reign of
Henry III. vol. ii. No. 637, p. 288.

384 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, tives ; he chose the latter, and drew up his troops in
V""V"T ' ' *
>  r— the plain outside the town. The conflict which ensued
was most severe, sanguinary, and obstinate, until at
length, in the midst of appalling darkness attendant
upon a violent storm of thunder and lightning, De
Montfort's ranks gave way, he strove in vain by
astonishing acts of personal prowess to rally his fugi
tives, and to redeem the day ; and when at last he fell
dead among the slain, the people thought they heard
in the crashing thunder-peal the utterance of heaven's
indignation against their champion's enemies. His
noble friends kept their word and died with him.
Henry, his eldest son, was also killed ; and besides the
men who died in battle, thousands who tried to escape,
and more especially the Welsh, were massacred within
and without the neighbouring abbey, drowned in the
rivers Avon and Severn, and slaughtered on the banks
by the merciless victors, who cut off the head, hands,
and feet of the illustrious De Montfort, and sent one
foot as a present to the Prince of Wales, insulting his
grief in their savage exultation.
§ 7. On September 13, 1265,1 Pope Clement IV.
issued a bull commanding Llewelyn to restore all the
castles he had taken, and to yield obedience to King
Henry. This bull was brought to England by the
legate Ottoboni.
On November 28, the King being at Westminster,
authorized James Audeley2 to treat with Llewelyn for
the arrangement of a truce. Negotiations ensued,
which do not appear to have produced any definite
result, for the chroniclers mention several incursions
made by the Lords Marchers in the following spring,
one especially by Eoger de Mortimer, whose whole
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 823, 824.
2 Ibid. pp. 834, 835.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 385
host perished near Brecon, while he with difficulty chap.
escaped. In the winter of 1266, Gilbert de Clare, earl ..XXI;.<
of Gloucester, took arms in behalf of the rights and
laws for which De Montfort had cast away his life.
The Prince of Wales x joined in this rising, but it soon -
subsided. It was evidently Llewelyn's object, as well as his
interest, at this time to secure by a durable peace as
many as possible of those advantages which had been
conceded to him in the king's name by the late Earl of
Leicester. Prince Edward likewise desired peace, for
he intended to join in the crusade, and was anxious to
leave his father and the harassed English barons in un
disturbed tranquiUity. Eobert Walerond was conse
quently sent on February 21, 1267, in the king's name, to
Llewelyn, empowered to conclude with him a truce for
two years, preparatory to a lasting peace. This truce
was agreed to,2 and in the following summer the king
with his army arrived at Shrewsbury, and sent forward
Ottoboni, the papal legate, together with Walerond and
Geoffrey de Geneville, attended by a suitable retinue,
to settle the conditions of the proposed peace. On
September 25, the king issued from Shrewsbury a safe-
conduct for Llewelyn to attend at the Ford of Mont
gomery and do homage, the protection extending only
until the 30th day of the same month. On Michaelmas
day King Henry in due state appeared at Montgomery,
and Llewelyn met him there, attended by the principal
men of his country.
' Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation, Bohn's ed. pp. 342, 343 ;
Brut y Tywysogion, A.D. 1267 ; Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1267 ; Rishanger's
Continuation of Matthew Paris, a.d. 1267, 1268.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 840, 848-847; Annales Cambrias,
A.D. 1267 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1267 ; Powel's Historie of Cambria ;
Wynne's History of Wales ; Rishanger's Continuation of Matthew Paris,
a.d. 1268 ; Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. pp. 466-469.
C C

386 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. The treaty bears the double date of Shrewsbury,
>-XXi- September 25, and Montgomery, September 29, 1267.
Eobert de Walerond and John de la Lynde swore to
its observance on the part of the King and of Prince
Edward; Eineon ab Caradog and Dafydd ab Eineon did
the like for the Prince of Wales. The first clause
declared mutual forgiveness of injuries. Llewelyn re
nounced all his victorious acquisitions, excepting only
Brycheiniog and Gwarthrynion, and agreed to do jus
tice in all of them after the custom of the Marches.
Maeleinydd was left subject to adjudication between him
and Eoger Mortimer. Burget, Cydewin, and Ceri were
assigned to him subject to the condition respecting the
law of the Marches, and also Whittington Castle, re
serving the actual possession of it to the knight who
had previously received a grant of it from the king.
The land of Hawarden — Pennard Halawg, or Pen y
Uwch — was to be given up by Llewelyn, but Eobert de
Monthaut was not to erect a castle there for thirty
years. Gruffyd ab Gwenwynwyn was to retain aU the
lands which he had possessed previous to his desertion
of King Henry's cause for that of Llewelyn, but Gruffydd
likewise was sworn to the observance of the law of the
Marches. Llewelyn and his heirs were to be styled
successively and severally Prince of Wales, and to
receive the homage of the native Welsh barons, who
were to hold in chief of them, excepting Maredudd ab
Ehys, to whom Llewelyn engaged to restore his lands
to be held in the same manner of the king ; or, in the
event of Maredudd's homage being transferred by the
king to the Prince of Wales, Maredudd was to pay to
the king a fine of 5000 marks. Llewelyn promised to
restore to his brother David all the lands which he
had held, or was entitled to hold, before he joined

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 337
King Henry, subject to the arbitration of Gruffydd ab chap.
Gwenwynwyn under the supervision of the king's com- . XXL .
missioners, and in accordance with the Welsh laws ;
but his claims must be made before the next following
Christmas. The Perfeddwlad, otherwise known as the
four cantrefs, were ceded to Llewelyn, on condition of
his holding them of the English crown on the same
tenure of feudal service as his ancestors. Neither the
King of England nor the Prince of Wales was to harbour
the enemies, or escaped criminals, of the other. This
treaty annulled all previously existing ones. The Prince
of Wales agreed to pay a fine of 25,000 marks by
yearly instalments, subject to augmentation at a specified
rate in the event of delay.
On August 17, 1268,1 King Henry appointed several
commissioners to attend at Montgomery Ford on Sep
tember 14 following, to hear and decide all questions
relative to the law of the Marches according to the
terms of the preceding treaty.
On May 21, 1269, a similar commission was ap
pointed, in which Prince Edward and certain associates
were empowered to attend on the 23rd at Montgomery
Ford, to adjudicate similar causes. On September 23,
in the same year, Prince Edward was authorized by the
king to take possession of the town of Shrewsbury and
its adjacent districts; and that politic prince was conse
quently enabled, without the further interference of his
father, to entrust the Marches and border lands to the
custody of sturdy and attached guardians previous to
his own departure for Palestine.
On October 17, 1268,2 death deprived the Prince
of Wales of his trusty chief counsellor, Goronwy ab
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 850, 851, 855.
2 Brut y Tywysogion ; Powel's Historie of Cambria.
c c 2

388 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Ednyfed Fychan, the son of that Ednyfed Fychan who
¦ XXL_. had been chief counsellor to Llewelyn ab Iorwerth.
On December 7, 1269, Gruffydd, lord of Dinas Bran,
passed away, and was buried in the abbey of Vale
Crucis. On October 13, 1270, the Prince of Wales, urged
by some unrecorded acts of provocation, burned down
the Earl of Gloucester's castle at CaerphUly.1 The 3rd
of November was consequently ordered to be the day
for commissioners to meet at Montgomery Ford in the
king's name, to investigate the charges made against
Llewelyn, and to adjudicate upon them after the cus
tom of the Marches ; the presence of the prince and
earl being strictly enjoined.
If this meeting ever took place, it produced no good
effect, for on June 1, 1271, the earl commenced the
restoration of the castle, and in process of time had
nearly completed it, when Llewelyn announced that
unless the earl made full and immediate compensation
to him for certain injuries, he would, three days hence,
again destroy Caerphilly. De Clare in alarm consigned
the castle to the care of the Bishops of Worcester,
Coventry, and Lichfield, to be held in the king's name,
until the disputed points between himself and the
Prince of Wales could be duly tried according to the
treaty of 1267. Llewelyn reluctantly raised the siege
and permitted this arrangement to take place on No
vember 2, 1271; the three prelates in the king's name
issuing an order for the cause to be tried at Mont
gomery Ford on July 8, 1272. When this day drew
near, the trial was postponed to a more distant one ;
and when that approached, it was again put off, upon
1 Rymer's Fcedera, ed. 1704, t. i. pp. 805, 866; Brut y Tywysogion,
a.d. 1270; Arch. Camb. October, 1850.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 389
the pretext that the king was going to the Continent to chap.
do homage to the King of France and therefore could . — ,_1-
not be present. The letter containing this excuse
warned Llewelyn, as former ones had done, against
warlike proceedings.
A subsequent letter and the last ever addressed in
Henry's name to Llewelyn, acknowledges the arrival
of communications conveyed by the Bishop of St.
Asaph from that prince, complaining of the gross
breaches of the treaty committed by De Clare and De
Bohun, and yet again postpones the long promised
trial at Montgomery Ford to the next quindisme of
Easter, exhorting the aggrieved prince meanwhile to
observe the peace. The quindisme x of Easter includes
the eight days immediately preceding and the eight
immediately following Easter Day, so that, supposing
that day to be March 25, the quindisme would begin on
March 18, and end on April 1.
§ 8. King Henry died2 November 16, 1272, and Gil
bert de Clare, earl of Gloucester, was among the first3
who swore fealty to the absent heir. Within a fortnight
after Henry's death, the members of the regency sum
moned Llewelyn4 to present himself on 20th January
next, at Montgomery Ford, to renew his allegiance by
performing homage to certain abbots specially author
ized to receive it. The abbots kept the appointment,
but neither Llewelyn nor any deputy of his attended.
About. the middle of the year 1273, the 5Prince of
Wales aroused the fears of the Constable of Mont
gomery Castle by beginning to erect a fortress and
1 L'Art des Verifier les Dates, quoted by Sir Harris Nicolas, Chronology
.of History, ed. 1833, p. 100.
2 Nicolas, Chronology of History, p. 291.
3 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. p. 1. 4 Ibid. p. 2, and pp. 3, 4.
5 Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. pp. 473-475.

390 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, market-place in that immediate neighbourhood. The
. XXL . Prior of Wenloch was consequently ordered by the
regency to dehver a letter of prohibition into Llew
elyn's own hands, and to receive his answer. The
remonstrance proved effectual, and the works were
abandoned. A letter from the Prince of Wales to E. de Grey,
dated September 3, 1273, acknowledges the receipt of
letters from the king relating to the 2,000 marks due
to Pontius Mora, and the 3,000 then due to the mon
arch, and inviting the prince to attend the coronation,
which was fixed for AprU 8 in the following year.
Llewelyn promises ready compliance with the request
that venison might be sent for the festival. The return
of the king, however, was delayed, and consequently
the coronation was postponed.
Commissioners1 were appointed by the regency to
meet at Montgomery Ford on May 6, 1274, to try causes
according to the existing treaty ; and the Prince of
Wales, the Viscounts of Worcestershire, Herefordshire,
Shropshire, Staffordshire, and Gloucestershire, were
directed to be present either in person or by deputy.
Early in August,2 Edward arrived in England, and
his coronation took place on the 19th of that month.
The Prince of Wales did not attend at it, nor did he
obey a subsequent summons to do homage at 3 Canter
bury; but he communicated to the Pope the fears
which he and his people entertained of endangering
their lives by travelling through disturbed districts,
complained of the wrong inflicted by summoning them
to Canterbury for the settlement of ecclesiastical causes,
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. p. 25.
2 Ibid. p. 34 ; Nicolas, Chronology of History, p. 292.
3 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 35, 36, 41, 42, 53.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 39 1
and then punishing their alleged contumacy by excom- chap.

munication and interdict.
The Pope saw the force of this reasoning, and, on
August 18, forbade that the Welsh should be thus
summoned thither for the future : he likewise, at the
same time, addressed a bull to the Prince of Wales,
confirming an arrangement made by the Bishops of
Bangor and St. Asaph concerning Prince David's lands,
and constituting those prelates arbitrators on disputed
points of that intricate business.
The excuses offered by the Prince of Wales for his
delay in doing homage appear to have been hitherto
accepted civilly by the king, who, on November 3,
issued a summons for Llewelyn to meet him on De
cember 2 at Shrewsbury. The day was afterwards
changed to November 25, but, ere that time arrived,
an attack of illness warned the king that he could not
attend, and he wrote on the 22nd to Llewelyn ex
pressing his disappointment, and reminding him that
6,000 marks were due for the last two years' instal
ments besides the 2,000 to Pontius de Mora.
Early in the year 1275, x Llewelyn being at home in
his palace at Aber, entertained his brother Dafydd as a
guest, together with Dafydd's retainers, and expected
with friendly hospitaUty the arrival of Owen ab Gruff
ydd ab Gwenwynwyn to share their social board and
the pleasures of the chase. Prince Owen arrived, but
the knights who were to have accompanied him were
prevented from coming by the bad weather, which ren
dered many parts of the country impassable. Dafydd
being much troubled by this circumstance, left his
1 Annales Cambria?, a.d. 1274; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1274;
Powel's Historie of Cambria ; Wynne's History of Wales ; Eymer's
Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 64, 65.

XXI.

XXI

%ly r
392 HISTORY OF WALES.
/
chap, brother's court abruptly, and Owen disconcerted, and
fearing that one or other of his accomplices might be
tray him, made full confession to Llewelyn of a plot
formed by Prince Dafydd, who, desiring to obtain the
sovereignty of Wales, had intended, on a certain night
during his sojourn, to conduct Owen with his knights
to Llewelyn's sleeping-place, that they might murder
him. Owen had been won to promise his aid in this
conspiracy by Dafydd's offer of his daughter in mar
riage, endowed either with Cydewin and Ceri, or with
the private patrimony of Llewelyn in Y Perfeddwlad.
The Prince of Wales being informed of these par
ticulars, cited Dafydd to appear at Ehuddlan and
answer to the charge of treason. Dafydd refused to
do so unless furnished with a safe-conduct; an ac
cusation was therefore formally drawn up, and a day
fixed for him to appear and answer it ; but before that
day arrived, he had mustered a strong band of armed
men, left his abode, found refuge with Llewelyn's
enemies, and with them commenced a series of pre
datory incursions upon Llewelyn's territories.
Meanwhile, the Prince of Wales having learned that
sealed documents embodying the terms of this treason
able compact were kept at Castell Tre'r Llyn (Welsh
pool) in the safe custody of Owen's mother, sent
messengers1 thither to demand them. Gruffydd ab
Gwenwynwyn, prince of Powys Isaf, Owen's father, re
ceived the messengers, offered them hospitable accom
modation for the night, and promised to accompany
them on the morrow into Llewelyn's presence ; but
having thus plausibly beguiled them, he cast them into
1 Annales Cambria?, a.d. 1274 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1274 •
Powel's Historie of Cambria; Wynne's History of Wales; Rymer's
Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 64, 65.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 393
a deep dungeon, marshalled and victualled his garri- chap.
son, burned all the neighbouring buildings, and pre- - — ,_—
pared his castle to stand a siege. He then called
together a strong band of armed men, and with them
left his home, entered the border-land, and joined the
Marchers in making predatory incursions upon Llew
elyn's territories. The remonstrances addressed to him
by a deputation of Welsh ecclesiastics were vain, and
he went afterwards to Shrewsbury, and joined Prince
Dafydd in plotting new acts of treason.
Another summons from King Edward fixed August
29, 1275, for Llewelyn to meet him at Chester, and
take the long delayed oath of allegiance. Messengers
and letters from Llewelyn assigned reasons for bis non-
attendance, based upon his apprehensions of personal
danger, and upon the king's refusal of a fit escort to
ensure his safety. The king remained at Chester until
September IO,1 and on that day wrote in anger to the
Prince of Wales, stating that, as he had often and vainly
commanded his attendance at Chester, he should now
expect him to come to Westminster within three weeks
after Michaelmas, and that he had appointed an escort
of honourable men to whom he might safely entrust
himself. On September ll,2 Llewelyn, being at Treddyn,
addressed a letter to the Pope, in which he recapitu
lated the chief parts of Ottoboni's treaty, and com
plained of the infractions committed by Edward in re
taining certain lands belonging to him to his injury
and that of the rightful tenants. Llewelyn also com
plained that fugitives who had sought his life were
sheltered by Edward, who had summoned him to un
safe places to do homage, and refused to send persons
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. p. 57. 2 Ibid. pp. 57-59.

394 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, properly authorized to receive his oaths of allegiance.
. xf1' ¦ He therefore entreated the Pope to defer his judgment
upon these subjects during the impending war.
Llewelyn, writing from Talybont,1 on October 6, ad
dressed a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and
to aU the English prelates, begging their interference
to procure justice and to prevent war.
He did not appear at Westminster at the time ap
pointed, but he sent messengers to repeat his former
statements of apprehended peril, remembering his
father's fate, and knowing that Dafydd and Gruffydd
were reckoned among the king's friends.
At this time Eleanor de Montfort resided with her
mother, the half-sister of King Henry III., and the
widow of the great Earl of Leicester, at the convent of
Montargis in France. The King of France was the
maiden's feudal guardian, and to him,2 as well as to
the countess, Llewelyn addressed the request that the
marriage might no longer be delayed. His ambassa
dors were empowered to plight his troth to Eleanor,
and to enter into a treaty of aUiance, offensive and
defensive, with the French king. They bore to Philip
a letter from Llewelyn, promising on his own behalf,
and on that of all the subordinate princes of Wales,
friendship and constant attachment, asserting that he
has by force of arms recovered great part of the land
and the strongest castles which his enemies, who are
also Philip's enemies, had previously by fraud and
treachery subjugated to their tyranny. He and the
confederated princes of Wales entreat, therefore, that
the King of France wiU not make truce or peace with
the English, assuring him that they will not on any
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, ed. 1584, pp. 329-333.
2 Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. pp. 476-478.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 395
account, nor for the sake of any advantage, be hence- chap.
forth yoked with them in any league or peace without . XXI" .
first obtaining his concurrence.
In accordance with these arrangements, Eleanor de a.d. 1276.
Montfort,1 under the care of her brother Amaury,2 an
ecclesiastic, and attended by a stately retinue, embarked
on board four French ships, and set sail for Wales. King
Edward, however, had a spy in the bridal train, who
gave information which enabled that monarch to inter
cept, surprise, and capture Eleanor and her convoy at
sea, off the Scilly Isles. She was placed under the
protection of the queen, and treated with great respect
as the king's kinswoman, but her brother was sent as a
prisoner to a fortress.
1 Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 144-146, 178, 179, 185-187,
188, 189, 192-194, 197, 198.

396

CHAPTEE XXII.
THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY.
FROM THE CAPTTTKE OF ELEANOK DE MONTFOKT TO THE DEATH OF
LLEWELYN AB GBUFFYDD, A.D. 1275-1282.

Why then doth Flesh, a bubble glass of breath,
• Hunt after honour and advancement vain,
And rear a trophy for devouring death
With so great labour and long lasting pain,
As if his days for ever should remain ?
Sith all that in this world is great or gay,
Doth as a vapour vanish and decay. Spensee : Ruines of Time.

chap § 1. The next summons addressed to the Prince of
 , 1. Wales1 ordered him to appear at Winchester on
January 20, 1276, to do homage, and it was an
swered only by repetitions of the reasons formerly
assigned for non-attendance.
King Edward then proceeded to summon him to
appear at Westminster within three weeks after the
festival of Easter. On April 19, therefore,2 the Dean
and Chapter of Bangor wrote a letter to the Archbishop
of Canterbury intended to exculpate the Prince of
Wales from a charge of contumacy, and to impress
upon the primate the truth and importance of the
statements made by that prince six months before.
' Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. c. xxviii. pp. 464-486.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 64, 65.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 397
The dean and chapter in their letter detail the particu- chap. XXII
lars of Prince Dafydd's conspiracy, the temperate mea- • — ,— 1--
sures taken by Llewelyn on that occasion, the defec
tion of the Prince of Powys Isaf, and the confession of
his son Owen.
This letter affected the archbishop so much that,
together with several bishops and earls, he obtained
the king's permission to endeavour to persuade Llew
elyn to do homage, and they consequently sent the
Archdeacon of Canterbury on repeated missions to
him. Early in October, the Prince of Wales wrote to
King Edward, assuring him of his readiness to attend,
either at Montgomery or at Oswestry, to do homage,
provided that the king would ensure his safety in going,
staying, and returning, by appointing for his escort
the Archbishop of Canterbury and his archdeacon, the
Bishop of Winchester, the Earls of Cornwall, Norfolk,
and Gloucester, and some other noblemen, and would
previously by letter confirm the treaty of 1267, supple
ment that treaty in some defective particulars, and give
up Eleanor de Montfort his affianced wife with her at
tendants. This letter having been read before the king and
council on November 12,1 it was formally resolved that
Llewelyn ab Gruffydd had broken the peace, and
should henceforth be treated as a rebel ; that the king's
military tenants should be summoned to meet in arms
at Worcester, on June 24, unless greater haste should
be required ; that the Marches should be strictly
guarded, and all intercourse with Llewelyn prohibited.
On the day after this order in council, the Archbishop
of Canterbury2 with other bishops and noblemen ad-
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 68, 69. 2 Ibid. p. 71.

398 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap dressed a letter to the Prince of Wales and Lord of
. XXIL . Snowdon, informing him that, as a disturber of the peace
and breaker of the laws, it would be their painful duty
to pronounce against him the ban of excommunication,
unless within a fortnight after the reception of this
notice he chose to make amends, and to adopt wiser
counsel. Two days after the date of the above missive, ] Eoger
de Mortimer accepted the appointment of commander
of the local forces against Llewelyn ; and, on the third
day, William de Beauchamp, commandant at Chester,
was authorized to receive into amity any of the Welsh
people who might desire to renounce their connection
with Llewelyn.
The summons to the king's military and ecclesiastical
tenants did not issue until December 12, and July 1
was then finaUy fixed for their assembling at Worcester.
Paganus de Cadurcis,2 commandant in Caerfyrddin
and Ceredigion, soon afterwards effected the destruction
of the principal castles in those districts, and subjugated
the adjacent territories to the king. Hence it appears
that the Prince of Wales was hemmed in and beset on
all sides by strong bands of vigilant foes, preparatory to
the march of the king and his army.
a.d. 1277. The primate, after waiting six weeks for an answer
to his premonitory warning, pronounced the sentence
of excommunication 3 against Llewelyn personally, and
threatened the same to aU who aided his cause, unless
within a month they submitted themselves to the king.
The fealty of many was shaken by this threat; and
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 71-76.
2 Annales Cambrise, a.d. 1276; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1276;
Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 334 ; Wynne's History of Wales, p. 283 •
Chron. Tin. Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collect, ed. 1774, vol. i. p. 177,
3 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 79-81.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 399
about Easter,1 Ehys ab Maredudd went to Caermarthen chap.
and entered into an amicable arrangement with Paganus - — ,-L,
de Cadurcis, stipulating that he should receive Castell
Dinefawr with the adjacent districts of Maenor Deilo,
MaUaen, Caeo, and Mabelfen, do homage to the king for
all his lands, and hold them of him if he pleased in ca
pite. Ehys promised to assist the king in the approach
ing campaign, and assented to the proposition that, if
Gruffydd ab Maredudd ab Owen should also accept
peace from the king, he would give up his claims on
Gwenyonydd and Mabwynion for an equitable compen
sation from the king.
To meet the exigences alike of peace and war, King
Edward now caused the courts of law to migrate from
Westminster to Shrewsbury and there to hold their sit
tings : he commanded a fleet from the Cinque Ports to
attack the island of Anglesey ; and sent Prince Edmund,2
his brother, with fresh forces to establish a strong mili
tary position at Llanbadarn Fawr. On June 243 the
sagacious monarch was at Chester, watching the gra
dual arrival of his troops, and superintending their
encampment upon Saltney Marsh.
As soon as they had all assembled, he led them on
ward against the Welsh, fording the river Dee at
Shotwick, passing along the estuary and capturing
Flint Castle, securing all the intervening fortresses, and
then seizing upon Ehuddlan,4 while stalwart pioneers
hewed down trees and prepared a road for the army,
through the wide and thick forest which shielded the
alpine valleys.
' Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1277; Rymer's Foe-dera, ed. 1705, t. ii.
p. 81.
2 Annales Cambriee, a.d. 1276, and note 2.
3 Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation,
4 Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810, vol, ii. pp. 123, 124,

400 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Prince David1 accompanied the king, and by his know-
•  r—1- ledge of the country and people contributed greatly to
the success of the invasion. Ehodri ab Gruffydd, who
had ktely escaped from prison,2 fled to King Edward,
who received him with favour ; and the still captive
Owen found means to communicate his sympathy with
the cause of his alienated brothers, and his good wishes
to the King of England.
Anglesey being held in check by the naval forces, and
the whole of Wales occupied by hostile troops acting
in concert with the main army, Llewelyn could only
retreat to the mountains, and strengthen the defences
of their almost impregnable fortresses. Nevertheless,
King Edward's progress was slow, his numerous troops
began to feel the hardships of cold and scarcity, and
he had withdrawn to the castle of Ehuddlan for shelter
and supplies, before the Prince of Wales submitted to
solicit peace. The request was granted, and Llewelyn
ratified the treaty at Aberconwy on November 10,
1277. It specified3 that he should pay a fine of
50,000 pounds sterling, resign for ever the four
cantrefs, and all the lands of which the king had re
cently obtained possession, excepting only the isle of
Anglesey, which Edward engaged should be restored
to him for an annual rent of 1,000 marks ; that the
Prince of Wales should be relieved from the ban of
excommunication, and then do homage at Ehuddlan
for his dominions ; that his brother Owen, the prisoner
of Dolbadern, should be released from captivity, and
either an amicable arrangement approved by the king
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 86, 87; Chron. Tin. Leland,
Antiq. Brit. Collect, ed. 1774, p. 177.
2 Trivet, quoted by Woodward, History of Wales, part ii. p. 483, and
by Lhoyd in Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 335.
3 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 88-90.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 401
should be made with him, or else Prince Owen was to chap.
. XXII
put himself under the king's protection, and institute a - — r_^
lawsuit in the Welsh courts against Llewelyn ; that
Ehys ab Gruffydd also was to be set at liberty and put
into possession of such lands as he had held when he
previously submitted himself to the king ; that Owen
ab Gruffydd ab Gwenwynwyn and other imprisoned
princes and noblemen were to be unconditionally set free.
Llewelyn was allowed to retain for life the homage
of the Princes of Powys and of Deheubarth, who were
to be reinstated in their possessions. King Edward
granted the patrimony of Prince David to the Prince of
Wales, engaging to make compensation for it to the
former, and retaining for himself a right of inheriting
that patrimony upon the death of either of those two
brothers. The king undertook to see that the just
claims of Owen and Ehodri, Llewelyn's brothers, should
be satisfied. All the other lands of the Prince of Wales
were confirmed to himself and his heirs. Such were
the chief stipulations of the treaty, supplemented1 by
seme minor arrangements, and provisions for the settle
ment of disputed points.
Lewelyn paid down 2,000 marks, and received from
Edward an acquittance from the obligation to pay
1,000 marks yearly for Anglesey.
Other deeds bearing the same date were executed
by Llewelyn to the same effect as the treaty, with the
requisite alteration subsequent to annulling the obliga
tion to pay 1,000 marks annually for Anglesey. King
Edward forgave the fine of 50,000 marks sterling, and,
a few days afterwards, the Prince of Wales, in a deed
dated from Aberconwy, made over to the king the
reversionary inheritance of the isle of Anglesey. This
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 90-92 95.
D D

402 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, business being concluded, the king dismissed his army,
- ™' - and returned to London. He gave to Eoger de Mor
timer the castles of Ceri, Cydewin, and Dolyforwyn,
and made Prince David seneschal of all the royal
English castles in North Wales, with lands worth a
1,000^. yearly. He gave also to Prince David the
lordship and honour of Frodsham in Cheshire, and the
hand and wealth of Eleanor, the widowed daughter of
Eobert de Ferrars, the late 1earl of Derby ; adding to
aU these benefits higher personal favour than English
monarch ever gave to Welsh prince before.
On December 6,2 the king publicly announced that
he had taken under his protection the Prince of Wales
and his retinue until the next ensuing second of Feb
ruary, committing them to the guardian escort of the
king's chancellor the Bishop of Bath and Wells, the
king's treasurer the Prior of the Knights of St. John,
Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, Eoger de Mortimer,
and Eoger de CUfford. At Christmas, accordingly,
Llewelyn arrived in London, performed the long de
layed act of homage, and afterwards, from his lodgings
in the neighbourhood of that city, sent letters 3 and mes
sengers to his affianced bride, who was then at Windsor,
and for whose release from captivity the King of France
was at this time interceding. King Edward now con
sented to the proposed marriage, and gave his sanction
to the arrangements made by Llewelyn for Eleanor's4
dower. The prince's retinue were dissatisfied with the diet
supplied to them, requiring more abundant quantities
of milk, and disliking the unaccustomed kinds of bread,
beer, and wine. They were also hurt and offended by
1 Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. i. p. 187.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. p. 96. 3 Ibid. p. 97. * Ibid.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 403
the rude curiosity of the people, who crowded around chap.
them, making remarks aloud upon their dress and - XXIL .
language. The prince and his attendants consequently
resolved that they would visit London no more unless
they came as conquerors. Soon after January 4, 1278,
they returned into Gwynedd, and the prince proceeded
to1 execute strictly the terms of the treaty concerning
all legal causes before the Justiciaries of the Marches,
in which his name appeared either as plaintiff or
defendant. King Edward soon afterwards went through the
politic ceremony of presiding at the re-interment of
the alleged remains of King Arthur at Glastonbury;
evidently intending, by this act of respect, at once to
soothe the feelings of the Cymry, and to extinguish
their hope of that hero's return.
§ 2. A parliament was held in the spring, and
Llewelyn refused to attend it. In the course of June
and July, he complained in letters to the king of
various wrongs done to him and to his people by the
Justiciaries and by Gruffydd ab Gwenwynwyn. Com
missioners were consequently appointed; the king2
wrote temperately and kindly to the prince, and early
in August visited the Marches, when Llewelyn met
him as a friend, and the peace remained unbroken.
On October 13 3 the King and Queen of England with
their court, and the King of Scotland, being at Wor
cester, the Prince of Wales by previous arrangement
came thither, and in their presence married Eleanor
de Montfort, whom he conducted immediately after-
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. p. 109.
2 Ibid. pp. 116, 117, 119, 125, 126, 172.
3 Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation; Annales Cambrise,
a.d. 1277; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1278.
d d 2

404 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, wards to his favourite residence, ^ber, in the Pen-
XXII.
- — , — • maen-mawr. On November 10, 1279, King Edward and his
brother Prince Edmund effected an 2 exchange which
tended to concentrate and strengthen the power of the
king in Wales, Edmund resigning to him all his lands
and castles in Caerfyrddin and Ceredigion, and receiv
ing in their stead estates in England.
In the years 1280-813 great mortality occurred
among the cattle and sheep in Wales, and, during the
last of those two years, nearly all the flocks of Mor
ganwg perished. The fact that wolves infested the
border lands, and doubtless the interior also, at this
period, shows the desolation wrought by warfare, and
the imperfect occupation of the country.
This grievous murrain increased the distress of the
people, and augmented their discontent. The 4 inhabit
ants of Y Perfeddwlad, holding their lands subject at
their own option either to the Welsh or English laws,
felt aggrieved at the violation of this tenure by the
compulsory establishment among them of English judi
cature. A letter from the Princess of Wales to the king,
written July 8, 1280, 5 begs him not to credit any
reports of disaffection either on her part or on her
husband's, and assures him of their kind recollection of
the honour which he had done them at Worcester. On
October 18, in the same year, the princess sent to the
king an earnest letter of intercession, pleading for the
liberation of her brother Aylmer, who was still detained
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. p. 1074. 2 Ibid. p. 142.
3 Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. c. cxxix. pp. 487, 488.
i Literary Remains of the Rev. T. Price, vol. i. pp. 352, 370 371.
6 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 1076-1078.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 405
a prisoner. The bond of peace between England and chap.
Wales was broken, zJune 19, 1281, by the death of . XXIL ¦
this amiable woman. She was buried in the house of
the Friars Minor at Llanfaes, in the isle of Anglesey.
On June 9, 1281,2 King Edward addressed a letter
to the Prince of Wales, informing him that, in conse
quence of the result of an inquisition made by jury
before the Bishop of St. David's and others, concerning
the laws and customs formerly used in Wales and the
Marches, the roUs of briefs and pleas being inspected
and found 'to accord with that result, he had decided
that those old customs should be observed, and had
instructed his justiciaries that the long-pending cause
between the Prince of Wales and Gruffydd ab Gwen
wynwyn should be promptly decided in accordance
with the laws and customs of Wales. Nevertheless,
the promise of speedy adjudication was not fulfilled,
and the Prince of Wales, provoked by repeated post
ponements, and irritated by useless summonses, was
rendered at length fiercely indignant by King Edward's
absolute refusal to bring the case into court unless the
prince would consent to have it tried by English laws.
The choleric and fickle David took affront about this
time at being treated by King Edward as a feudal baron
of the realm and not as a royal personage, and in this
evil hour returning to Wales, obtained forgiveness, and
was re-admitted into his brother Llewelyn's council.
§ 3. The Palm Sunday of the year 1282 passed
quietly away at Penharddlech (Hawarden Castle), but,
on the following night, marked in Eomish calendars as
the feast of St. Benedict, March 21,1 Prince David and
1 Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation; Brut y Tywysogion,
p. 365.
2 Rymer's Fcedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. p. 172.

406 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, a strong military force surprised that stronghold, slew
^ XXJL, Fulk Trisold, the governor, with all the garrison, cap
tured Eoger de Clifford the justiciary in his bed, and
carried him off, together with Payn Gamage, into the
wilds of Eryri, where he immured them in a fortress.
David then joined his troops to those of the Prince of
Wales, which attacked and took by assault the castles
of Flint and Ehuddlan.
Meanwhile, and evidently by preconcert, Ehys Fychan
ab Ehys ab Maelgwn with his sons Gruffydd and Lle
welyn, and the brothers Gruffydd and Cynan ab Mare
dudd ab Owen, took arms in South Wales, destroyed
the castle which Prince Edmund had built at Llan
badarn Fawr, and took forcible possession of the castles
of Lknymddyfri and Carreg Cennin.
Llewelyn was enraged by the oppressive and unjust
proceedings2 of Eeginald de Grey, the king's justiciary,
against the inhabitants of the four cantrefs which had
formed his patrimonial property, subjecting them to
punishment for old and condoned offences, altering the
assured tenure of their lands, and setting up many new
customs. He complained also of similar acts of injus
tice and cruelty practised by the justiciary towards his
immediate subjects, and of the threats enforcing the
claims of the queen dowager to the 2,000 marks yet
remaining unpaid of his debt to the late king, and, more
emphatically than all other grievances, he protested
against the alleged intention of King Edward, when
next he came to Ehuddlan, to make him a captive,
declaring that he had been warned of this intention by
persons worthy of belief. Prince David, likewise, set
1 Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation; Chron. Tin. Leland
Antiq. Brit. Collect, ed. 1774, vol. i. p. 178.
2 Powel's Historie of Cambria, ed. 1584, pp. 340-363.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 407
forth a list of grievances in excuse or extenuation of chap.
his inconstancy. ^xxii. ^
The men of Ehos and Tegeingl, two of the four
cantrefs, recited also for themselves their serious and
grievous wrongs ; and Goronwy ab Heilyn of Ehos set
forth the abuses of nominal law by which he and his
dependents had long and sadly suffered before intole
rable ills impeUed him to revolt.
The chiefs of Ystrad Alun complained in a similar
strain of injuries inflicted upon them by Eoger de Clif
ford and his deputy Eoger Crosskill.
The men of PenUyn complained of their sufferings
under the violent exactions of Henry Chambers, the
constable of Ty Gwyn, and his retainers ; and other
northern- districts set forth other statements of their
miseries. From South Wales, Ehys Fychan of Ystrad Towy,
and his sons Llewelyn and Ehys, issued protestations
against the sacrilegious desecration, plunder, and ar
son of local churches, and against broken covenants ;
while the sons of Maredudd ab Owen joined to those
accusations, charges of lawless interference, and com
plained that, since the last war, they had been deprived
of their ancient code and customs.
King Edward received the tidings of this insurrection
at Devizes, and, without a moment's delay, he sent off
reinforcements to his troops in the Marches. On
March 28,1 the day before Easter Sunday, he wrote to
the Archbishop of Canterbury, directing him to ex
communicate the rebels, that the ban of the Church
might encourage his soldiers and depress the spirits of
their opponents. Meanwhile, the Welsh continued to
ravage the Marches and aU the king's lands in Wales,
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t, ii. pp. 188, 189.

408 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the forces opposed to them proving too weak to with-
s-XXI1:.. stand the wild torrent of popular fury.
§ 4. Besides summoning his Karons to meet him
with their retainers at Worcester upon May 17, calling
out the fleet of the Cinque Ports, and making other
warlike preparations, the king commanded the clergy
to perform extraordinary masses, psalteries, and proces
sions in that city, to invoke success for his expedition,
forbidding them to remit or cease from these cere
monies until that much desired success should be
achieved. He arranged for the barons of the exche
quer and justiciaries of the law to hold their sessions
again at Shrewsbury. He excused himself from aU his
obligations of sending aid to foreign potentates on ac
count of his present undertaking, and caused special
auxiliaries to be sent to him for military service in a
mountain land, from Scotland, Gascony, and Biscay.
Early in June he went from Worcester to Chester, and,
while continuing on a vast scale his preparations for
the final subjugation of the country, he encouraged the
young noblemen of his court to whet their appetite for
war in excursions against the Welsh. In one or other
of these,2 too eager for booty or for fame, Luke de
Tany, Eoger de Clifford the younger, William de
Lindsey, WiUiam de Audeley, and many other men of
note, fell into an ambuscade and perished, some by the
sword, and others in crossing rivers which obstructed
their flight. A similar disaster befel the king's troops
in South Wales, and William de Valence the younger,
Eichard de Argenton, and others were slain on June 16.
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 189-192, 194, 196-201, 205 206,
241. 2 Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation ; Chron. Tin. Leland
Antiq. Brit. Collect, ed. 1774, t. i. p. 178.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 409
Nevertheless, the success of the king though slow was chap.
steadily progressive. Before the close of the month of - XXI1' .
June, Hope Castle surrendered to him, and, early in a.d. 1282.
July, he raised the siege of Ehuddlan, and thence sent
orders to the English Viscounts of Hereford, Salop, and
Stafford, and the Custodian of the forest of Dean, to
furnish him with practised woodmen provided with
axes for the purpose of J feUing a passage through the
forest for his troops. At Ehuddlan he established his
headquarters, and in August he welcomed there the
mihtary contingents of the barons, prelates, and abbots
of all England.
Llewelyn, David, and the chiefs of Gwynedd having
carefully strengthened and guarded the mountain
passes, now withdrew with their troops within those
fortified precincts, and the king, finding access thither
across the Conwy to be completely barred, sent round
the fleet to attack Anglesey. From Ehuddlan, from
Euthin, and from Llangernyw, during the months of
August, September, and October, he issued his orders,
and perseveringly directed the difficult movements of
his military and naval forces, until at length Anglesey2
was subdued, and he exclaimed with exultation at the
news, 'There goes the finest feather in Llewelyn's
tail!' The English having now gained a base for further
operations against the mainland, used the utmost assi
duity in erecting a floating bridge across the Menai
Straits from the coast of the island to Moel y don near
Bangor. 1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 207, 208, 222-224; Pennant's
Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810, vol. ii. p. 39; Leland, Antiq. Brit.
Collect, ed. 1774, t. iii. p. 420, from Thomas Wike's Annals.
2 Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collect, t. iii. p. 420 ; Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705,
t. ii. pp. 220, 223, 224.

410 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. § 5. The Archbishop of Canterbury being reluctant
-iE^L. to place the Anglo-Norman bishops of Wales in jeopardy
by excommunicating Llewelyn, still continued to defer
that act, while endeavouring by friendly arguments to
persuade the prince to submit himself to King Edward ;
and the king, well knowing the costliness, difficulty, and
hazard of Welsh warfare, desired that every possible
means might be tried of shortening the struggle and
accelerating the attainment of his object. On Novem
ber 3, 1282, the Archbishop in due state presented him
self before the Prince of Wales, offering to his consider
ation a document1 embodying seventeen articles, and
adjuring him to agree speedUy with the King of England
on pain of that monarch's vengeance, and the high
displeasure of the Pope. The Archbishop remained
three days with the Prince of Wales, and the English
nobles of the camp in Anglesey began to entertain fears
that he was treacherously detained, and they conse
quently resolved to attack the Welsh entrenchments to
rescue or avenge him. Accordingly, on November 6,
seven bannerets and 300 men-at-arms made their way
across the still unfinished bridge of boats, but having
no guide, and being ignorant of the locality, they wan
dered wearily about, until the rising of the tide, and
the swerving and drifting of the bridge from the shore
had cut off their retreat ; and then, down from the
mountain rushed the watchful men of Gwynedd, and
slaughtered all who did not perish by drowning. One
man alone escaped, Lord William Latimer, whose
powerful horse swam with him to the floating bridge.
The archbishop soon afterwards returned in safety to
the English headquarters. His mission had proved fruit-
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, pp. 338-340; Warrington's History of
Wales, Appendix.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 411
less, and without more delay he pronounced against chap.
Llewelyn the sentence of excommunication. - — ,— -
Llewelyn's answer1 to the articles which the arch
bishop had delivered to him contains a repetition of
former complaints against oppressive injustice and ra
pacity, and a renewed profession of willingness to be
reconciled if native laws and customs were insured to
his people, and equitable decision awarded upon all
cases of attested wrong. On the arrival of this answer,
the archbishop2 entreated the king to remedy those
grievances, and the king replied by avowing his readi
ness to do justice to everyone that asked it of him.
Encouraged by these words, the archbishop begged the
king to allow the Welsh to come and plead their own
cause before him, and to grant them a safe-conduct
back again. The king assented to the first part of this
proposal, but attached to the latter part a condition,
making their free return depend upon a judicial decision
as to their deserts. The archbishop, thus authorized,
set forth a second time upon a mission of peace, and
again personally attempted to persuade the Prince of
Wales and his tributaries to submit themselves to the
king. After much discussion, Llewelyn declared that
he was ready to submit to the king's will, with the
reservation of only two points, his conscientious sense
of duty towards his people and his own dignity. Again
the archbishop returned to King Edward, who sternly
replied that he would accept nothing less than unquali
fied submission both from princes and people. The
indefatigable primate then obtained the monarch's per
mission to consult with the noblemen present, and this
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, pp. 340-363 ; Warrington's History of
Wales, Appendix.
2 Powel's Historie of Cambria, pp. 364-372 ; Warrington's History of
Wales, Appendix; Wynne's History of Wales, Appendix, pp. 363-398.

412 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, being done they agreed upon a series of articles, which
- XXI1— they sent in writing to Llewelyn by Brother lefan, a
Cymric monk. It was stated in these articles that the
four cantrefs and the isle of Anglesey, with the other
lands lately conquered by the king and granted by him
to Englishmen, should not be brought into question,
and that the inhabitants of those four cantrefs should
submit themselves unconditionally to the king, the
nobles promising to use their influence with him to
obtain for them merciful treatment. That Llewelyn
should likewise submit unconditionally, on the assurance
of similar intercession in his favour, so that he might
hope for an English barony worth 1,0001. sterling for
himself, and an honourable provision for his daughter ;
and, in the event of his marrying again and having a
son, the nobles promised to try and secure the barony
to him and his heirs for ever. They proposed to David,
if he would consent to go to the Holy Land, and to
remain there during the king's pleasure, that he should
be provided with a suitable outfit and maintenance, and
that they would entreat the king to provide also for his
family. Llewelyn told the archbishop in writing that he could
not consent to those terms, but he entreated his inter
cession towards obtaining an honourable and settled
peace, it being more for the king's honour that the
Welsh princes should continue to hold their hereditary
lands than that those lands should be given to aliens.
He stated that the four cantrefs and Anglesey had
belonged to Wales ever since the days of Camber, the
son of Brutus, as the letters patent of Ottoboni the
legate testified, and therefore he would consent to no
peace in which they were not treated of: that the
Welsh landowners altogether refused to submit, know-

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 413
ing that the king did not keep treaties, and that his chap.
agents persecuted the church ; and they declared them- . XXIL .
selves to be the Prince of Wales's tenants, and willing
that he should do service to the king, but not uncon
ditionally. Llewelyn refused to accept a barony in
England because Wales was his own, and had belonged
to his ancestors since the time of Brutus ; and the
laws, language, and manners of England being all
strange to him, a possession of that sort could only
bring him into trouble ; nor was it likely that the king,
who envied him his mountain pastures, would give him
in their stead cultivated lands. Besides all this, the
prince declared that he had not -power to give up
Snowdonia to the king, for the people would not con
sent to do homage to a stranger, having already seen
the manner in which the inhabitants of Y Perfeddwlad
were treated. As to David, whenever he might go to
the Holy Land, it would be of his own accord ; and if
he went, he deemed that his children ought rather on
that account to have their inheritance secured to them
than to be deprived of it. The document in which
this answer was formally set forth complained afresh of
the injuries inflicted by the English originators of the
war, and concluded with a protest against the fulmina-
tion of ecclesiastical censures. It was dated from Garth
Celyn. The rejoinder of the archbishop bears the date of
November 14. It recites his laborious attempts to
serve the Welsh people, expatiates upon the king's
good intentions towards them, and reproves the discre
ditable and fabulous boast of a genealogical descent from
one who had abetted the evil doings of Helen's seducer,
censures their own licentiousness (probably in reference
to the marriage of priests), and declares that they being

414 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, guilty of treason against both the civil and canonical
- ' , _¦ laAvs, their hereditary rights are extinct, and nothing
remains for them but royal clemency. He casts back
the imputations made against the king's character,
fiercely recriminates upon the Welsh accusers, ascribes
the laws of Howel Dda to ' the authority of the devil,'
advises them to change those laws for English rule,
and adds many otlier words of bitter and reproachful
chiding, concluding with an expression of willingness
to accept their repentance. This was the last attempt
at conciliation. The Snowdonian fortresses still offered
effectual resistance to King Edward, and no fresh effort
appears to have been made to attack them from
Anglesey.
a.d. 1282. § 6. In South Wales, Gilbert de Clare, earl of Glou
cester and Hertford, continued to carry on a ruthless
war against the Welsh, until a pitched battle, fought
near Llandeilo Fawr, ended in a bloody victory ob
tained with great loss of life by the English, who nearly
destroyed the native forces. Anxious to follow up this
success, and to cut off all communication between the
southern side of Snowdon, Powys, and South Wales,
the king issued special orders to his military tenants in
the latter, directing them to join his kinsman William
de Valence, earl of Pembroke, on December 13, in
making a vigorous attack upon the Welsh insurgents.
On November 24, he issued special orders for another
levy of troops for the Welsh war from all the English
counties, and having taken these measures, he remained,
constrained by the season and circumstances, inactive,
though vigilant in north-eastern Gwynedd, while the
Earl of Gloucester withdrew from Ceredigion to rest
and recruit his forces.
The Prince of Wales thought this a favourable

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 415
opportunity for action, and early in December he chap.
confided the Snowdonian fortresses to his brother David, ^JE^Ey
and led his army into Ceredigion, ravaging the
English settlements there, and the lands of King Ed
ward's partisan, Ehys ab Maredudd, in Ystrad Towy.
On the llth of the same month he was at Castell Aber
Edwy, and thence he advanced to Llanfair yn : Buallt,
leaving the main body of his troops in the Epynt moun
tains, placing a guard upon Pont Orewyn, and taking
with him only one attendant he descended thence on
horseback, but without armour, into the dell since
called Cwm Llewelyn, having engaged by appointment
to meet and to confer in that secluded spot with some
chieftains of the neighbourhood, who had treacherously
professed to him to be disaffected towards the king.
While Llewelyn waited for them in vain, the bridge
was attacked by Edmund de Mortimer and John Gif-
fard at the head of their forces. The guard, being
advantageously posted, repelled the attack, and the
English under the guidance of Elias Walwyn, a knight,
crossed the stream at a safe ford lower down and pro
ceeded towards the other end of the bridge. The
prince ordered his esquire to go and see if his men
still held the bridge. The esquire looked out, and re
ported to the prince that the Cymric guard still held it,
and the prince remarked that while they did so he did
not fear all England on the farther side. The clang of
arms increased, and the tramp of martial men drew
nearer. The prince and his attendant left the dell, and
perceiving that the English had crossed the river, over
powered the guard at Pont Orewyn, and directed their
1 Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collect, t. i. p. 247; Annales Cambrise, A.D.
1280, 1282 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1279 ; Powel's Historie of Cambria,,
pp. 373, 374; Wynne's History of Wales, pp. 298, 299; Florence of
Worcester, Second Continuation.

416 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, march towards the Cymric camp, Llewelyn urged his
•JHjEL. horse to full speed intending to rejoin his men and to
lead them against the foe. One of Mortimer's knights
named Adam de Francton caught sight of the fugitives,
pursued and overtook them, then thrusting his lance
through Llewelyn's body, rode off to his company while
the prince fell dying to the ground. The Cymry
awaiting his return, saw the troops of Mortimer and
Giffard approach, and rushed to defend themselves, but
they fought at a disadvantage and were defeated, many
being skin and the rest dispersed. The victors were
returning, when Adam de Francton rode aside to take
the spoils of the Welshman whom he had slain before
the battle. Llewelyn had not yet expired, and had
asked a passing man-at-arms for 1a priest. De Francton
looking stedfastly upon the prostrate warrior recognized
the Prince of Wales, and immediately cut off his head
and carried it away to 2 Edmund de Mortimer, together
with the regal signet and torques, and a list of names.
De Mortimer sent the head to King Edward who was
at Ehuddlan. King Edward received it with joyful ex
ultation, and sent it to Anglesey that his army might
see that the object of their campaign was accomplished.
As soon as the soldiers had been glutted with the spec
tacle, the head was sent by the king's command to
London. On December 22, the citizens came out in
procession to meet it, crowned it with ivy, and amidst
triumphant shouts, and the clang of trumpets and
cornets, conducted its bearers throughout all the streets
of the city to the pillory, where they set up the head
and left it for the remainder of that day. On the
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 224, 225.
2 Ibid. ; Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collect, t. iii. p. 420, from the Annals of
Thomas Wike.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 417
morrow a horseman bore it upon the point of a lance chap.
along Cheapside, and in the evening carried it to the - XXIL_.
Tower, where it was fixed, stiU encircled by an ivy
wreath, upon a tall pole, and set up over the gateway
to rot and moulder, a ghastly spectacle, in derisive ful
filment of Merlin's prophecy, that when round money
should be circulated in England, the sovereign of Wales
should be crowned in London.
His body was buried near the spot where he died,
at a place since known and revered as Cefn y Bedd
Llewelyn. Local tradition avers that the remains still
rest there, but Eymer shows that Maude de Longspee,
the wife of John Giffard, and a kinswoman of the
prince, interceded earnestly with the Archbishop of
Canterbury that the corpse might receive Christian
burial, and chroniclers record that her request was at last
complied with ; and, notwithstanding the bann of ex
communication under which Llewelyn died, his body, it
is asserted, was removed and re-interred with religious
rites in the Cistercian abbey of Cwmhir ; of which the
ruins are stiU visible in the little valley of the small
river Clywedog. This abbey was founded a.d. 1143,
by Cadwallawn ab Madog, prince of Powys.
Many bards celebrated the warlike prowess and
princely qualities of the sons of Gruffydd ; and, on the
death of Llewelyn, Dafydd Benfras, Bleddyn Fard, and
Gruffydd ab yr Ynad Coch composed elegies. Dafydd
Benfras enumerates twenty-one battles in which the
hero was engaged, and Gruffydd ab yr Ynad Coch
laments the loss of his prince in strains of peculiar
pathos.

E E

418

CHAPTEE XXni.
THE AXGLO-NOPMANS AND THE CYMRY.
FROM THE DEATH OF LLEWELYN AB GRUFFYDD TO THE DEPOSITION OF
KING EDWARD II., A.D. 1282-1327.

Though from your race the proud birthright be torn,
Unquenched is the spirit for monarchy born.
Felicia Hemans : The Fair Isle.

chap. § 1. King Edward kept the foUowing Christmas at
— - -. — '- Ehuddlan, and believing that the native ecclesiastics
a.d. 1282. uge(j i\ie[r influence to promote the cause of the Welsh
Princes, he caused so many of the priests to be hung
that the Archbishop of Canterbury x ventured to rebuke
him for such sacrilegious severity.
An assembly of Cymric chieftains, caUed together by
Prince David on the news of Llewelyn's death, acknow
ledged him as his brother's successor and sovereign
prince of Wales. The fortresses of Snowdon remained
in his keeping, and winter rendered them for the
present impregnable and unapproachable.
On March 7, 1283,2 King Edward enacted the Sta
tutes of Ehuddlan. The preamble states that the king
had caused the laws and regulations up to that time in
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. p. 224.
2 Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, edited by Aneurin Owen, and
published by the Record Comm. 1 vol. folio, 1841 ; Literary Remains of
the Rev. T. Price, vol. i. pp. 371-391.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 419
force in those parts to be read over before himself and chap.
his nobles, and that, having clearly understood their . xxin-
bearing, he had, by the advice of his council, annuUed
some, permitted some to stand, amended others, and
decreed to add certain new ones to be perpetually
observed throughout Wales, which Divine Providence
had now delivered entirely into his hands. He entrusts
the Snowdonian district and adjacent lands to the care
of a justiciary having under him vicecomes (sheriffs),
coroners, and bailiffs ; defines the boundaries of the
jurisdiction to be exercised by the sheriffs, thus con
stituting the counties of Anglesey, Caernarvon, Merion
eth, FUnt, Caermarthen, and Caerdigan, and leaving
the cantrefs and cwmwds as marked out by their
ancient meers, enters into particulars concerning the
duties of the several officers now appointed, and pre
scribes certain forms of legal proceedings, thus de
claring and dating the general subjugation of the
country. About the same time he fixed the exchequer of
Wales and the officers of the treasury at Chester.
About March 25, 1283, King Edward advanced his
headquarters to the Cistercian abbey of Aber Conwy ;
there he spent the season of Easter, and planned the
majestic castle1 which he afterwards began to build
upon the site of the ecclesiastical edifice ; and there he
projected several other magnificent specimens of mili
tary architecture, in well chosen places, for completing
and sustaining the forcible occupation of the country.
§ 2. The return of spring exhilarated the spirits of a.d. 1283.
the English noblemen, and they repeatedly led the
mercenary mountaineers of Gascony, Biscay, and Scot-
' Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collectanea, t. i. pp. 178-179, t. iii. ed. 1774,
p. 346 ; Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 427, 428.
E E 2

420 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, land against the last strongholds of Cymric indepen-
xxni. j
• — , — ¦ dence. Prince David was not deficient either in courage or
ability. He looked well to the munitions of the castles,
strengthened their garrisons, and guarded the shep
herds' rhiws with ceaseless vigilance. Dolbadern, one
of the oldest walled fortresses in Cymru, had hitherto
been deemed capable of stopping the advance of any
army ; but the men of Gwynedd, dispirited by the loss
of their beloved Llewelyn, disappointed in their expec
tations of national glory, and despairing of their coun
try's cause, surrendered that castle in April to the Earl
of Pembroke's blockade, and about the same time
allowed WUliam de Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, to
force his way among the defiles of Snowdon.
Prince David retreated before the victors, and soon
became a fugitive in the forest with his wife, seven
daughters, two sons, and a few attendants, leading
there a life of seclusion, privation, and anxiety for about
two months, and being at last betrayed by Eineon ab
Ifor, Dafydd ab Goronwy, and others in whom he
trusted, he was captured, fettered, and taken together
with his family to Ehuddlan, and, about June 24, deli
vered up to King Edward. The princess and the
children,2 the gilded relic of the true cross, the crown
of King Arthur, and the other regalia of Wales, were at
the same time presented to that monarch, the glory of
Wales being then, by the providence of Almighty God,
transferred to the safe-keeping of English hands.
Among the treasures which derived their value from
1 Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation, a.d. 1283; Annales
Cambria, a.d. 1283 ; Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 247-249.
3 Archseologia Cambrensis, January, 1846, pp. 42, 43 ; Leland, Antiq.
Brit. Collectanea, ed. 1774, t. iii. pp. 346, 404.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 421
superstition was the reputed body of Constantius, father chap.
of Constantine the Great, and King Edward received XX^11" .
it joyfully at Caernarvon, where it lay interred or
enshrined. On the last day of September 1283, King Edward
assembled a parliament at Shrewsbury for the trial of
Prince David. By this high court David was convicted
of high treason, and condemned to die a traitor's death.
The sentence was executed without mitigation : he was
hung, drawn, beheaded, and quartered in that town ;
his dismembered frame was distributed for exhibition
in four English cities, and his head, being taken to
London, was placed over the lofty gateway of the
Tower, beside the skeleton of his brother's. Mabadin,
Prince David's steward, was also convicted of treason,
and likewise torn asunder by horses ; a punishment not
unusual in England during the thirteenth century.
The capture of David led to the voluntary surrender
of many chiefs of the insurrection, and Gruffydd and
Cynan, sons of Maredudd, Ehys Fychan ab Ehys ab
Maelgwn, Gruffydd and Llewelyn, sons of Ehys Fychan,
and some other men of note, were sent to London and
imprisoned in the Tower.
There were, however, many more who stood aloof,
and being eventually outlawed and dispossessed of their
lands, they sought refuge in France, and honourably
distinguished themselves in the military service of that
country. § 3. For the second time, the vigilant and sagacious
King Edward found it necessary to spend the Christmas
season at Ehuddlan.
His son Edward was born at Caernarvon on April 25,
1284. It was stated by1 Dr. Powel, and has been sub-
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, ed. 1584, p. 377.

422 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, sequently repeated by Stowe, that the king, being then
> XX^I_- at Ehuddlan, and having assembled there aU the prin
cipal men of the country, announced to them that, as
they had often asked him to appoint a prince to reign
over them, he was now willing to comply with their,
request on condition of their acceptance and obedience.
The chieftains answering that if the prince were of their
own nation, they would certainly accept and obey him,
and the king assuring them that he would name one born
in Wales, and unable to speak a word of EngUsh, whose
life and conversation no man could impugn, the chief
tains are said to have repeated the promise of obedience
and the king to have named his new-born son.
In the spring of that year, the king1 made a stately
progress throughout the Principality, John Peckham,
archbishop of Canterbury, entering at the same time
upon a visitation of the Welsh dioceses, for the purpose
of arranging the ecclesiastical affairs of the country.
Considerable sums of money were consequently paid
by the king to various religious estabhshments in
Wales, as compensation for the damage and spoliation
which they' had suffered during the war. On August
1, King Edward displayed his hospitality, and cele
brated a round-table2 festival at Nefyn, when a tourna
ment of his nobles formed the chief entertainment. The
allusion to King Arthur shows that conciliation was the
object proposed, whUe the exhibition of power was
also calculated to repress the ambition of the conquered
people. Circular earthworks, stiU remaining, reveal
the site of this chivalric display. By the death of
Prince 3 Alphonso at Windsor, on the nineteenth of the
1 Annales Cambriee, a.d. 1284; Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705 t ii
pp. 272, 273, 275-279, 287, 291, 292, 316, 317.
2 Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810, vol. ii. p. 389.
3 Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 423
same month, Edward of Caernarvon became heir appa- chap.
rent of the British throne. . XXTJI -
In the middle of September the king was at Chester,
early in October he was at Hope Castle, and towards
the close of that month at Caernarvon. On Sunday,
November 26, in the same year, the king and queen
appeared as pilgrims at St. David's shrine ; then, look
ing diligently to the military and civil affairs of South
Wales, he passed on to Bristol, and there kept the
festival of Christmas and held a parliament. In the
beginning of January, 1285, he returned to London,
after an absence of three years.
In the spring of the year 1285, King Edward made
a solemn procession from the Tower of London to
Westminster Abbey, with the head of St. David and the
other relics which he had brought with him out of
Wales. These were lard upon the high altar, to which
young Alphonso,1 by his father's command, had borne
in the previous year the personal spoils of Llewelyn ab
Gruffydd. It is beheved that the jewels were after
wards worked up into King Edward the Confessor's
shrine ; what became of the other regalia of Cymru is
unknown. § 4. Ehys ab Maredudd, 2lord of Ystrad Towy, had
done good service to King Edward in the war against
Llewelyn, prince of Wales, and several confiscated es
tates in his neighbourhood had been assigned to him
as a reward. His manner of taking possession of these
estates, as a right and not as a grant, was reported to
1 Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collect, t. iii. p. 393.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. pp. 258-260, 343-346, 353-355,
482 ; Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation ; Annales Cambrite,
a.d. 1283, 1287 ; Powel's Historie of Cambria, pp. 378, 379 ; Archseologia
Cambrensis, October 1854, pp. 295-298 ; Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 1277
Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collect, t. i. p. 179, t. iii. p. 346.

424 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the king, who rebuked him with sternness. This
¦JE^EL aroused the anger of Ehys, and the way in which he
was summoned by the district officers to attend the
legal courts provoked him still more, and directed the
current of his indignation against Eobert de Tybetot,
the justiciary of Caermarthen. King Edward was on
the Continent, but he wrote to Ehys in May 1287, pro
mising redress for the wrongs of which he had com
plained, and charging him not to break the peace.
Unhappily this injunction arrived too late, for the im
petuous Cymro was already in arms, and engaged in a
series of skirmishes against Eobert de Tybetot, who
acted as warden of the king's castles, and against Alan
. Plunket, the king's steward. Early in June, Ehys mus
tered his forces and seized upon the castles of Llan
dovery, Dinefawr, and Carreg Cennin ; and, in the
course of that month, he pUlaged and burnt the towns
of Swansea, Oystermouth, Caermarthen, and Llanba
darn Fawr.
Edmund, earl of Cornwall, called together the royal
forces at Gloucester in July, and marched at their head
against Ehys and the Welsh insurgents. On August 1
the English army laid siege to Ehys' castle of Droslyn,
and at length overthrew it by means of a mine, which
was so unskilfully managed that several EngUsh noble
men and their attendants were crushed to death by the
falling walls. The earl took the castle of Emlyn on the
Teify, and recovered the royal fortresses which Ehys
had taken. The contest was severe, but after great
slaughter on both sides, and a vast destruction of pro
perty, Ehys withdrew before superior force, his prin
cipal coadjutors laid down their arms towards the close
of September, and peace appeared to be restored.
Nevertheless, Ehys did but watch for a favourable

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 425
opportunity of renewing the insurrection, and on No- chap.
vember 2 he retook the castle at ^mlyn, capturing JEEf^y
Eoger de Mortimer within it, and he continued to
carry on a successful warfare throughout the following
winter. At the end of March, 1288, the Welsh garrison of
Emlyn Castle, after a sanguinary conflict, surrendered
to Eobert de Tybetot. Ehys was proclaimed a traitor
and an outlaw, and fled to Ireland, where the Earl of
Gloucester afforded him a refuge ; but he continued to
be remembered and beloved in South Wales, and when
he returned thither, after an absence of more than three
years, the people hailed him as their prince and ex
pected deliverer, and readily foUowed his standard to
attack and ravage the lands of the king's adherents.
On AprU 2 he was encountered by the forces of Eobert A.D. 1292.
de Tybetot, 4,000 of his men were skin, and he was
himself taken prisoner. The justiciary2 sent him to
the king who was then at York, and there Ehys was
tried, condemned, and executed for high treason. He
was the last but one of the many eminent representa
tives of the royal line of Dinefawr.
§ 5. The king had commanded Eeginald de Grey, a.d. 1294.
justiciary of Chester, and Eobert de Staunton, justiciary
of North Wales,3 to lay a tax upon Gwynedd towards
defraying the charge of his wars in Gascony, and he
sent Eoger de Pulesdon down to collect the proceeds.
Against this imposition a formidable opposition was
raised, which soon took the form of a provincial insur
rection, headed by Madog ab 4 Maredudd, a kinsman
1 ' Castrum novum super Teyui.'
2 Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation ; Leland, Antiq. Brit.
Collect, ed. 1774, t. iii. p. 393.
3 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. p. 654.
4 Florence of Worcester, Second Continuation; Powel's Historie oi

426 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, of Llewelyn's race. The insurgents hung several of the
^xxiil ^g.g tax-gatherers, and after having hung Eoger de
Pulesdon, they beheaded his corpse. In the commo
tion which ensued, the town of Caernarvon was de
stroyed by fire, and the authorities of the province were
completely overpowered. At the same time exactions
of the same kind occasioned great disturbances in
South-western Wales. The insurgents placed young
Maelgwn Fychan at their head, and carried fire and
sword through Penbroch, Caerfyrddin, and Ceredigion ;
while Morgan, a chieftain of Morganwg, put himself at
the head of the oppressed Cymry in that district, drove
out the Earl of Gloucester, and regained possession of
the territory of which that nobleman's predecessors had
formerly deprived his ancestors.
The king had an army ready to go into Gascony,
under the command of his brother Edmund, earl of
Lancaster, and Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, and he
at once gave orders for it to march into North Wales.
The army of the insurgents was led by Madog to
encounter the English, and, on November 11, a battle
took place near Denbigh, in which King Edward's
forces suffered great loss and were completely defeated.
King Edward soon afterwards raised another army, and
marched with it into Gwynedd, and Madog retreated
to the mountains. The tides were unusually high at
that time, and the King with great difficulty succeeded
in getting a part of his troops across the Conwy.
Madog immediately took advantage of this opportunity,
invested the king in the new castle, cut off his convoys,
Cambria, pp. 379-381; Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810,
vol. iii. pp. 288, 289 ; Chron. Tin. Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collect, ed. 1774,
t. i. p. 179.
1 Archaeologia Cambrensis, October,. 1854, pp. 298-300; Chron. Tin.-
Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collect, ed. 1774, t. i. p. 179.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 427
reduced him to extreme scarcity and distress, and slew chap.
or otherwise caused the death of 1,000 of his followers. - xx,111' .
In the course of these operations, however, the Cymric
chief lost many men, and when the floods abated and
the English crossed the river, the insurgents fled before
them. Three of Madog's principal coadjutors, among
them being Morgan Fychan, fell into King Edward's
hands, were sent to Hereford, and there executed as
traitors. The Earl of Warwick again distinguished
himself by penetrating into the recesses of Snowdon,
and routing the native forces ; and the malcontents in
Anglesey being also crushed down, the king began,
early in December, to build the castle of Beaumarais,
and he celebrated the festival of Christmas at Conwy
without molestation.
Early in the year 1295, Madog reappeared at the
head of an army, attacked and won the town of
Oswestry, twice defeated in ranged battle the forces of
the Lords Marchers, and ravaged their lands for many
months ; but he was at last defeated in a conflict at
Cefn Digoll, near Cawr's Castle, and early in the month
of August fell into the hands of his enemies, and was
sent as a prisoner of state to the Tower of London.
The insurrection in Morganwg was subdued about
the same time, and its leader Morgan was taken to
London and there beheaded. One of the finest of the
Welsh x martial airs was probably composed or selected
by the harpers of this prince to animate the march of
his followers.
§ 6. King Edward, in the twenty-ninth year of his
reign (November 20, 1300, to November 20, 1301), con
ferred upon his son Edward of Caernarvon, the princi
pality of Wales and the earldom of Chester ; and, within
1 Rhyfelgyrch Gadpen Morgan.

428 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the same year, the young prince came to Chester, and
. XXI11- . received l the homage of the Welsh freeholders, and of
the English noblemen who possessed freeholds in Wales ;
among the latter being Henry of Lancaster, the king's
nephew, who did homage and fealty for Monmouth.
The power of the Welsh people was now effectually
broken, and no concentrated effort could be made to
retrieve their independence; but general discontent
prevailed, and many chieftains exhibited so much
readiness in leading their armed retainers upon maraud
ing expeditions, and in joining their warlike bands to
the militia of rebellious English barons, that the king
found incessant vigilance necessary to prevent combina
tion and provincial insurrection. Imitating, therefore,
the old Soman policy, he systematically employed
2 Welsh auxiliaries in his Scottish and Continental wars,
thus giving scope to the martial spirit of the people,
and removing the most fiery and untamed of their
youth from the country.
This great king3 died July 7, 1307, and Edward of
Caernarvon succeeded to his crown.
§ 7. Gilbert de Clare, tenth earl of Gloucester, feU at
the battle4 of Stirling in the year 1313, and his three
sisters being his heirs, Edward II. took possession of
their estates, and sent an English agent down to
manage the Welsh property. Native officers had been
employed under the earls to overlook the Welsh
tenants, and the imprudent and impolitic agent soon
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, ed. 1584, pp. 382, 383 ; Leland, Antiq.
Brit. Collect, ed. 1774, t. iii. p. 377 ; Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii.
pp. 954, 986, 987, 990, 1041, 1043.
2 Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810, vol. ii. p. 125.
3 Nicolas, Chronology of History; Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1705, t ii.
p. 1059. '
4 Gibson's Camden, ed. 1772, vol. i. p. 289.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 429
provoked the indignation of those tenants by dis- chap.
missing those officers, of whom Llewelyn1 surnamed — , — A
Bren was the chief. Llewelyn hastened to appeal
from a petty tyrant to his sovereign, and personally
stated his own and his neighbours' grievances to King
Edward. The thoughtless monarch refused to grant
redress, and did not attempt conciliation. Llewelyn's
indignation soon burst forth in threats of vengeance,
and returning to his home in Morganwg, he summoned
his friends and retainers to appear in arms, captured
the constable of Caerphilly Castle, and made a hostile
inroad upon the lands held by the obnoxious agent.
His forces rapidly increased until they numbered
10,000 men, who, placing their families and their
flocks and herds in strongholds among the mountains,
led a sort of brigand life and carried devastation
throughout the English colonies of Morganwg. Mili
tary levies were repeatedly opposed to them by the
Marchers, and in several fierce encounters Llewelyn
Bren was worsted. Perceiving at length that the
power sent against him by the king must ultimately
crush him, he offered to make restitution for the
injuries he had inflicted, and to surrender upon terms
calculated to secure his own welfare and that of his
followers. The king would grant no terms, and in
sisted upon unconditional submission ; nevertheless,
Llewelyn seems to have received some private intima
tions of merciful treatment, for he gave himself up
together with eighteen of his adherents in the month
of July, and was with them sent to London and com
mitted to the Tower. In June, 1317,2 he was liberated
1 Cambrian Journal, September, 1857, pp. 202-204 ; Ibid. December,
1857, pp. 312, 313; Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1706, t. iii. pp. 546-548, 551,
578, 579, 617, 622, 637-639, 671.
3 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1706, t. iii. pp. 649, 671.

430 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, together with his sons Gruffydd and lefan, and evi-
.  ,  A dence exists that he and his other fellow prisoners
were at large, and re-instated in their lands before the
expiration of two years from the date of their incar
ceration. Eleanor, the eldest co-heiress of De Clare, was
bestowed in marriage by the king her uncle upon
Hugh le Despencer the younger, who in her right
became possessed of the castle and lands of Caerphilly.
This baron and his father, in the mischievous exercise
of unbridled licence, not long afterwards assumed regal
functions,1 captured Llewelyn Bren, carried him off to
Caerdiff, and caused him there to suffer death as a
traitor. AU these examples of unsuccessful insurrection, the
horrible punishments openly inflicted upon many of
the rebel chiefs, and the mysterious uncertainty which
veiled the fate of others, proved insufficient to deter the
impulsive Cymry from again attempting to realize that
national expectation, which, although often misdirected
and disappointed, seldom fails in the long run of ages
to find a remarkable fulfilment.
In the years 1309 and 1319, levies of troops were
made2 throughout Wales to aid the king in his war
against the Scots. Sir Gruffydd Llwyd3 had been
knighted by Edward I. for bringing him the news of
Prince Edward's birth, but the sufferings and tumults
of the men of Gwynedd, under the tyrannous rule of
the royal justiciary, aroused the excitable knight to
attempt their deliverance by the re-establishment of a
1 Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. p. 563.
2 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1706, t. iii. pp. 156-158, 774, 775.
3 Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 383 ; Wynne's History of Wales,
pp. 310-313; Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810, vol. iii.
pp. 52, 53.

THE ANGLO-NORMANS AND THE CYMRY. 431
native dynasty. He soon assembled an army, and in chap.
the first unexpected and furious onset obtained some !!i
advantages, took the castles of Mold and Chirk, formed
intrenched camps at Tregarnedd and at Ynys Cefni in
the morass of Maltraeth in Anglesey, but being finally
vanquished in battle, Sir Gruffydd was taken prisoner
and committed to Ehuddlan Castle, where he languished
out the remainder of his days in captivity.
January 20, 1327,1 King Edward H. was deposed
and Edward III., his eldest son, succeeded to the
throne. 1 Nicolas, Chronology of History, ed. 1833, pp. 296-298.

432

CHAPTEE XXIV
THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY
FROM THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD III. TO THE DEATH OF HENRY
A.D. 1327-1422.

A noble people, who being greatly vexed
In act, in aspiration keep undaunted. E. B. BKowNure.

chap. 6 1. King Edward III.,1 by a charter dated Pomfret,
— r~y March 18, in the seventh year of his reign (January 25,
1333, to January 24, 1334), gave the earldom of Chester
to Edward the Black Prince, together with the castles
of Chester, Beston, Eothlan, and Flint, and all the king's
lands there ; and also the cantred and lands of Engle-
field, the castle of Hope, the manors of Hopedale and
Fordsham, and the advowson of the cathedral church
of St. Asaph, and the temporalities of the bishoprics
of Chester and St. Asaph.
King Edward ILL,2 in a parliament held at West
minster in the fifteenth year of his reign (a.d. January
25, 1 341, to January 24, 1342), created Edward earl of
Chester, his eldest son, Prince of Wales, and invested
him by putting a wreath around his head, a gold ring
upon his finger, and a silver rod into his hand. He
1 Dodridge's Historical Account of the Ancient and Modern State of
the Principality of Wales, Dutchy of Comwal, and Earldom of Chester,
2nd ed. 1714.
2 Ibid.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 433,
also bestowed upon him the Principality and all the chap.
manors, lordships, castles and lands owned therein by ..XXIY^
the king, including the confiscated lands and other
property taken by Edward I. from Ehys ab Maredudd,
and all voidances of ecclesiastical offices, customs, pri-
sages, &c, ' to have and to hold the same unto the said
prince and his heirs, kings of England.' From these
words, Dodridge infers that the right to the Principality
merged in the crown when each succeeding prince of
Wales became king, and that a new creation was
necessary to every heir-apparent. Deducting1 the fees
of the justices, the nett amount of the revenues of
Wales at the death of the Black Prince was 4,681£.
12s. bd., exclusive of that part of Wales contained
within the earldom of Chester.
No particulars are given by Dodridge of Eichard of
Bourdeaux's creation, but the date assigned to it by2
Nicolas is January 26, 1377, and on the 26th King
Edward III. authorized him by that title to act as his
deputy in opening the next parliament. On June 22,
in the same year,3 Eichard succeeded his deceased
grandfather, Edward III., as king of England. In the4
twenty-first year of the reign of Eichard II. the earl
dom of Chester was by act of parliament united to the
Principality of Wales, and it has ever since been held
by the heir-apparent to the throne.
§ 2. Many of the royal race of Ehodri Mawr and many
of the district sovereigns of Wales, with their families,
1 Record of a Survey taken in the 50th year of King Edward HI.
quoted by Dodridge.
. " Synopsis of the Peerage, ed. 1825, vol. i. p. 6 ; Rymer's Foedera, ed.
1709, t. vii. p. 134.
3 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. vii. p. 151.
4 Synopsis, vol. i. p. 125 ; Chron. Tin. Leland, Antiq. Brit. Collect.
ed. 1774, t. i. p. 187.
P F

434 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, continued during the fourteenth century to seek refuge
xxiv. .fl France. Among them, or their descendants, was
lefan de Galles, who asserted his right as male heir to
the throne of Gwynedd and the suzerainty of Wales.1
Thierry conjectures him to have been a great-nephew
of Llewelyn ab Gruffydd, which is not unlikely, as that
prince had three or four brothers. lefan was retained
in the palace of Philip VI. and educated among the
pages of his chamber. He was greatly beloved by
King John, and fought by his side at the battle of
Poictiers, a.d. 1356. Charles V., surnamed the Wise,
entrusted lefan with several mUitary commands, one
of them being a descent upon the. island of Guernsey,
Iefan's special company consisted of 100 men-at-arms,
aU of them Welsh ; and at their head he fought with
distinction against the English in Limousin, Perigord,
and Saintonge ; and following Duguesclin into Spain,
he took part in the wars of Castile. He appears to
have cherished sanguine, though vain, hopes of restora
tion to the throne of his fathers, and in the year 1388,
near the town of Mortagne, in Saintonge, died by assas
sination, being stabbed with a dagger by a treacherous
fellow-countryman, who afterwards found refuge from
justice with his English employers in Guienne. The
pages of Froissart embalm his memory.
It may be inferred2 that Llewelyn ab Gruffydd and
his wife Eleanor de Montfort had two daughters, the
eldest, Gwenddolen, otherwise called Catherine, who in
after days married Philip ab Ifor, lord of Iscoed, and
is reckoned by some of the Welsh and English3 heralds
1 Thierry's Norman Conquest, conclusion, section 2, quoting Froissart,
I. 253, pp. 305, 351, 420.
2 Pennant's Tours in Wales, ed. 1810, vol. iii. Appendix vii. p. 310.
3 Wynne's History of Wales, ed. 1697, Appendix, pp. 331-334; Lane's
Vendigaid, vol. ii. Pedigree appended by Blue Mantle.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY, 435
an ancestress of King Henry VII.; the youngest,1 at chap.
whose birth her mother died, GwenUian, who being JH^Il.
taken prisoner together with her nurse, soon after her
father's death, was sent by King Edward to the convent
of Sempringham, unwillingly became a nun there, and
died there at Whitsuntide in the year 1337, after a resi
dence of fifty-four years, beloved and mourned as a gentle
and courteous lady. Her cousin, Gwladys, a daughter
of Prince David, was placed at the same time with
GwenUian in the same convent, and died there in the
previous year.
§ 3. Owen,2 surnamed Glyndwrdu, was born about
the year 1348, and May 28 is said to have been his birth
day. His father was Gruffydd, lord of Glyndwfrdwy,
in Merionydd, and of Cynllaith, in y Perfeddwlad, third
son of Gruffydd, native sovereign of Powys Isaf and
lord of Dinas Bran. His mother, the wife of Gruffydd
Fychan, was Helen, daughter of Eleanor Goch and
grand-daughter of Catherine ferch Llewelyn, the last
Cymric prince of Wales. Hence it appears that the
only hereditary claim which Owen could assert to the
throne of Cymru Oil was maternally derived, for the
royal blood of Powys and the estate of Glyndwfrdwy
were his only patrimonial inheritance. He appears to
have been educated at one of the English universities.
He subsequently entered himself at the Inns of Court
in London, studied there, and became a barrister ; but,
1 Annales Cambria?, ed. 1860, p. 107 ; Brut y Tywysogion, ed. 1860,
p. 565 ; Woodward's History of Wales, part ii. pp. 487, 488 ; Rymer's
Foedera, ed. 1705, t. ii. p. 429.
2 Pennant's Tours in Wales, ed. 1810, vol. iii. appendix vii. pp. 310-392;
Williams, Enwogion Cymru, pp. 169-173 ; Knight's English Cyclopaedia,
Biography, vol. iii. pp. 119-123; Woodward's History of Wales,
pp. 565-574; Powel's Historie of Cambria, pp. 386-388; Wynne's
History of Wales, pp. 315-322 ; Gibson's Camden's Britannia, ed. 1772,
vol. ii. pp. 4, 5. rii

436 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, some unrecorded incident having changed the direction
^_yxiVl. of his career, he accepted the appointment of scutiger —
esquire of the body — to King Eichard II. , and attached
himself with faithful aod unswerving affection to the
service of that unhappy monarch. Owen was captured
with Eichard in FUnt Castle, and when the king was
consigned to a solitary prison, the loyal knight retired
to his native home. His wife was a daughter of Sir
David Hanmer, of Hanmer, Flintshire, and they had a
numerous family of children.
Iolo Goch, an eminent and independent bard, who
attached himself to the fortunes of Owen, describes that
chieftain's principal abode, Sycarth, in the parish of
Llansilin, as comparable in splendour to the palace at
Westminster, having a gate-house, being surrounded
with a moat, and comprising within its precincts nine
halls, each furnished with its own wardrobe. On a
verdant bank near this stately home Iolo Goch informs
us that there stood a wooden edifice, supported on posts
and covered with tiles, which contained four apartments,
each of two chambers, prepared for the reception of
guests. A cruciform church, including several chapels, stood
also within the moat. Around lay a park, and near at
hand were a warren, a dovecote, a mill, an orchard, a
vineyard, a pond full of pike and of Bala gwyniads, a
heronry, and every other luxurious appendage befitting
the owner's exalted rank. Hospitality and honesty
were alike attested by the fact that no locks or bolts
protected these domestic treasures ; and the beneficent
wife and beautiful children of Owen added at once to
his happiness and to the prosperity of the neighbour
hood.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 437
On Monday, September 29, 1399,1 King Eichard II. chap.
resigned his crown, and on the following day his cousin, - XXIV:,
Henry Plantagenet, surnamed Bolingbroke, became
king of England. He soon afterwards, and2 before the
close of that year, created Henry of Monmouth, his
eldest son, prince of Wales and earl of Chester by
charter, and invested him with the wreath, gold ring,
and a golden rod.
§ 4. The happiness of Owen Glyndwrdu was much
disturbed by the political troubles of the period, and
he was also harassed by contention with his neighbour,
Eeginald, lord Grey de Euthyn, who claimed a piece
of land called Croesau, which Owen considered as his
own. A suit at law decided the question in his favour,
but he did not long enjoy its undisturbed possession,
for Eeginald was a partisan of Bolingbroke, and
emboldened by his accession to the throne as King
Henry IV., took forcible possession of the Croesau in the
year 1399. Owen laid the case before parhament, but
he could obtain no redress, and his suit was dismissed.
A writ summoning Owen as a feudal baron of the
British crown to attend King Henry in his expedition
against Scotland was entrusted for delivery to his avowed
enemy, Eeginald de Grey, who purposely delayed it
until the time for obedience had passed. Nevertheless,
Eeginald de Grey and other political adversaries of
Owen contrived so to misrepresent the facts of the case,
as to deduce the inference that the Welsh chieftain was
guilty of high treason. The subject was debated in
parliament, and John Trevor, bishop of St. Asaph, not
1 Nicolas, Chronology of History, ed. 1833, p. 302; Rymer's Foedera,
ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 90, 91.
2 Dodridge's Historical Account ; Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. i. p. 6 ;
Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 94-148.

438 ¦ HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, only exonerated him from blame, but warmly remon-
- XX.IV". strated against the impolicy of provoking a man of his
character and of his influence with the Welsh people.
The majority of the EngUsh nobles answered the elo
quent prelate with the contemptuous assertion, 'that
they were not afraid of those barefooted scrubs ; ' and
Eeginald de Grey was consequently authorized to seize
upon Owen's whole estate under the pretext of forfeiture
for high treason.
The indignant Cymro did not quietly await the exe
cution of this decree, and the sting of personal injury
augmenting his corroding recoUection of King Eichard's
griefs and of Cymru's wrongs, he vehemently resolved
to avenge himself and his friend's death, and to deliver
his country from cruel oppression by asserting in arms
his right to reign over the Principality.
The numerous bards who partook of his hospitality
hailed with joy the declaration of his purpose, and
busied themselves in setting forth among the people
the ancient prophecies of national deliverance from the
Saxon yoke, expatiating upon the heroic qualities of
their Owen, and encouraging them to arise and follow
him to war and victory.
The household bard of Glyndwfrdwy, Gruffydd
Llwyd, composed a cywydd upon this occasion, which
is alike remarkable for poetic merit and for the confi
dent assurance of success which breathes through every
line. The people, ready for revolt, responded to the
call, and many Welsh chiefs brought out their martial
levies. In the summer of the year 1400 Owen first took the
field with his troops, attacking the retainers of Lord
Grey de Euthyn and forcibly recovering the lands of
which he had been dispossessed by that crafty baron.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 439
He then proceeded through North Wales and its chap.
marches,1 taking forcible possession of many castles s3XIXl^
and strongholds.
Leaving for a Uttle while his martial levies, Owen
revisited his home at Glyndwfrdwy, and was there sur
prised by the Lords Grey de Euthyn and Talbot, who
with their retainers surrounded the house at night, in
the hope of capturing him ; but, eluding their vigilance,
he hastily escaped to the woods, and thence returned
to his army, while his enemies piUaged his demesne.
On September 20, 1400, Owen attacked and pillaged
the town of Euthyn, by way of reprisal for Eeginald
de Grey's depredations at Glyndwfrdwy. An English
army entered Wales soon afterwards by way of Chester,
but Owen retreated into the wilds of Snowdon, and the
English were soon compelled by stress of weather to
withdraw. On November 8 King Henry made 2 a grant, com
prising all Owen's possessions in Wales, to John de
Beaufort, earl of Somerset, on the plea of forfeiture by
treason ; and, on the 30th of the same month and year,
he proclaimed a free pardon to all Welshmen who
chose to appear at Chester previous to the next session
of parliament.
§ 5. The parliament which met in January 1401
passed a series of the most oppressive and cruel ordi
nances ever enacted against any people ; prohibiting
the Welsh from purchasing lands, from holding any
corporate office, and from bearing arms within any city,
borough, or market town ; ordering that in lawsuits
between an Englishman and a Welshman the former
should be convicted only by the judgment of English
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 159, 160.
2 Ibid. pp. 163, 167.

440 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, justices or the verdict of aU the English burgesses, or
. — l~y, by inquests of English boroughs and towns of the lord
ships in which the respective suits lay ; disfranchising
all English burgesses who were married to Welshwomen ;
and forbidding Welshmen to assemble together for con
ference without licence from the local authorities and
in their presence. No provisions or arms were to be
received into Wales without special permission from the
king or his councU. No Welshman was allowed to
have the charge of any castle, fortress, or place of
defence, even though he might be its owner, nor to
execute the offices of lieutenant, justice, chancellor,
treasurer, chamberlain, sheriff, steward, coroner, or any
other office of trust, notwithstanding any patent or
licence to the contrary. These tyrannous statutes like
wise forbade Welshmen to bring up their children as
scholars, or to apprentice them to any occupation
within any town or borough of the realm.
The withdrawal of Welsh students from the English
universities and grammar schools, and their simulta
neous return to their own country, together with crowds
of Welsh craftsmen, labourers, and military retainers,
were immediate results of these laws ; and the ag
grieved and indignant people, augmented by these
wayfarers, arose once more with its ancient zeal to
reassert the claims of personal liberty and national
independence. On the petition of Henry, prince of Wales,1 King
Henry proclaimed on March 10, 1401, pardon and pro
tection to aU submissive Welshmen within the counties
of Caernarvon, Anglesey, Merioneth, Denbigh, and
Flint. On May 6 the same proclamation was extended
to Chirk and Chirkknd; on the 10 th to Bromfield,
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 181, 182.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 441
Yale, and the hundred of Oswestry ; on the 16th to the chap.
hundred of Ellesmere in 'Wallia,' and on June 25 to the . XXIV" .
hundred of Whytington ' in Wallia.' From these offers
of pardon and protection Owen Glyndwrdu, Ehys ab
Tewdwr, and Gwilym ab Tewdwr were excluded by
name ; and generally all those offenders who were
already in custody and those who persisted in rebellion.
Each of these offers was issued from Westminster.
On March 18 the king issued a series of repressive1
ordinances, supplementing the cruel acts of the late
parliament, and on the 22nd, with the consent of his
councU, the great seal was affixed to them. One of
the clauses prohibits the ' Ministrelx, Bardes, Eymours,
& Westours, & autres Vagabundez Galeys deinz North-
gales' on pain of imprisonment for a year.
From March 10 (a.d. 1401) to July 8, the eldest son
of the potent Earl of Northumberland, Henry Percy,
surnamed Hotspur, being then justiciary of Chester
and Gwynedd, dihgently carried on the siege of Conway
Castle, which was held by Gwilym ab Tewdwr for
Owen Glyndwrdu.
The mUitary operations of Hotspur, in the siege and
in the field, were alike unsuccessful, and his letters
impatiently complain of the stubborn obstinacy of the
Welsh insurgents ; nevertheless, he prevailed upon
Gwilym ab Tewdwr to deliver up Conway Castle, and
he obtained for that chieftain, and for thirty-one other
Welshmen,2 the king's pardon and favour.
Owen at this time took up a strong position on A'B- I401-
Plynlimmon, there welcoming recruits, and thence send
ing forth predatory expeditions against the English
settlers, and against such Welsh chieftains as refused to
aid his cause. The county of Montgomery suffered
1 Rymer's Fcedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 184, 185. 2 Ibid. p. 209.

442 HISTORY OF WALES.'
chap, much from these expeditions, for Owen sacked Mont-
. XXIY- . gomery, burned the suburbs of Welshpool, and ravaged
many estates. He also destroyed the abbey of Cwmhir
in Maeleinydd, took the castle of Eadnor, and caused
the garrison of sixty men to be beheaded on the brink
of the castle yard.
Extending his hostile march, Owen with 500 men
harassed and piUaged the Flemish settlements in Car
diganshire and Pembrokeshire, but on his return laden
with spoils, the Flemings mustered 1,500 men, pursued,
surrounded, and attacked him at Mynydd Hyddgant,
and would have destroyed him, had he not at the head
of his men made a vigorous defence, and finaUy cut his
way through the assailants, leaving 200 of them dead
upon the spot.
In the autumn of this year, King Henry appears to
have entered Wales x with an army, and lingered there
for some weeks, proclaiming Owen a rebel, destroying
the abbey of Ystrad Flur, ravaging the country, and
then, finding his troops exhausted by fatigue and famine,
making with them a disgraceful retreat baffled and
worsted. § 6. The year 1402 was ushered in by a comet, and
the fervour of Glyndwrdu's followers was increased by
its appearance, which they haUed as a token of good
success.
a.d. 1402. By the king's command, Eeginald Grey de Euthyn
again raised a body of troops and made war against
Owen ; but meeting him in battle at the Fyrnwy, he
was completely defeated and captured by Owen. His
majesty subsequently 2 deputed special commissioners
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 225, 226, October 1, 1401, was
in fact the day fixed for the assembling of the army at Worcester.
2 October 13, 1402. Ibid. p. 279.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 443
to treat for Lord de Grey's Uberation, the ransom was chap.
fixed at 10,000 marks, 6,000 to be paid on the next - XXIV-,
St. Martin's day, and hostages being given for the re
maining 4,000. Future neutrality seems to have been
a condition agreed upon, for Lord ele Grey never again
took arms against Owen, and was never afterwards
molested by him.
In May, 1402, Prince Henry led a predatory expe
dition from Shrewsbury against Owen's homestead at
Sycarth,. ravaged Glyndwfrdwy, and killed many men,
among them being one of great wealth, who vainly
offered bOOl. for the ransom of his life.
About this time Owen's adherents, at his command,
burned and destroyed the cathedrals of Bangor and St.
Asaph,1 with the episcopal palace and the canons' houses
of the latter see ; this he did to punish the clergy of
North Wales for their zeal in the cause of Bolingbroke ;
and more especially John Trevor, bishop of St. Asaph,
who owed his bishopric to Eichard II. , and had never
theless pronounced sentence of deposition upon him in
Henry's favour, and then accepted the office of ambas
sador to the court of Spain to justify the usurpation.
In June, 1402, Owen attacked and ravaged the
Welsh territories of young Edmund, earl of March, who,
together with his brother Eoger, a still younger child,
was then held in custody by the king on account of his
having been acknowledged by parliament to be King
Eichard's lineal heir. Sir Edmund Mortimer, their
uncle and proper guardian, hastening to protect the
lands, encountered Owen on the 22nd at Brynglas,
near Pilleth, in Maeleinydd. The Welsh tenants
deserted Mortimer in the onset ; nevertheless a bloody
conflict ensued ; 1,100 of Sir Edmund's followers were
slain, and he was himself taken prisoner by Owen.
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed, 1709, t, viii. pp. 222, 246.

444 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. King Henry now resolved x to suppress the Welsh
- — , — A insurrection by invading the country from three sides
simultaneously. The first division of his army he com
manded in2 person, and fixed its place of meeting at
Shrewsbury. The Earl of Arundel commanded the
second, which had its rendezvous at Hereford ; and
Prince Henry commanded the third, which had its ren
dezvous at Chester ; the day appointed for each being
August 27, 1402.
In the beginning of that month Owen ravaged Mor
ganwg, burned the Bishop of Llandaff's castle and the
archdeacon's house, and the towns of Caerdiff and
Abergavenny, and then returned to prepare for the
invaders by driving away the flocks and herds from the
plains and vaUeys to the mountains, and removing goods
and families to his almost inaccessible fortresses.
On the 15th the Scots, led by Earl Douglas, and
acting in concert with Owen, crossed the northern
English border,3 and made a devastating inroad upon
the lands of the king's loyal subjects ; but Douglas was
defeated and taken prisoner by the Percys at the battle
of Holmidon Hill, September 14, 1402. The king ad
vanced with his forces into Wales, and Owen withdrew
his troops into the mountain fastnesses, one of them
being Caer Drewyn, near Corwen, from whence he
kept vigilant watch and ward over his paternal home.
Meanwhile the king penetrated into Mona, putting all
to the sword who offered to oppose him, plundering and
burning the convent of Llanfaes, kilhng some of the
monks and carrying others away ; but storms, heavy
rains, and bewildering mists soon troubled his army,
active foes were ever ready to waylay foraging parties,
1 June 25, 1402 ; Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 264, 265, 268.
J Ibid. pp. 271, 272. 3 Ibid. pp. 257, 278, 279.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 445
and sickness and want of food at last constrained him chap.
to make an inglorious retreat. To cover its disgrace, . xxlv\
the frustrated invaders attributed their discomfiture to
preternatural obstructions raised by the necromancy of
Owen. Henry Percy's wife was the sister of Sir Edmund
Mortimer, and the Percys urgently besought the king
to be allowed to ransom him. The king, however, re
joiced in the humiliation of a rival house, and would
not listen to any proposals which might lead to Sir
Edmund's Uberation. Owen, meanwhile, treated his
distinguished prisoner with the utmost kindness, and
succeeded in winning his friendship and confidence, so
that Sir Edmund, communicating with the slighted and
offended Percys, induced them with Earl Douglas to
unite in a confederacy against the reigning king.
The confederation was yet a secret, but relying upon
its strength, 'and upon the popular favour which his
cause had won in Wales, Owen now called together
all the landowners of the Principality. Those who
favoured his claim obeyed the summons and assembled
at MachynUaeth, where they solemnly recognized him
as their sovereign. He was accordingly proclaimed
Prince of Wales, and crowned in their presence on
September 20.
On December 13, 1402, Sir Edmund Mortimer in
formed his tenantry that he had joined Owen ab Gruff
ydd of Glyndwfrdwy for the purpose of restoring King
Eichard if still1 aUve ; and if not, of making Edmund
Mortimer, earl of March, king of England, and of
securing to Owen the sovereignty of Wales.
§ 7. In March, 1403, Prince Henry was appointed2
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 255, 261, 262, 268, 269.
* Ibid, pp. 291, 292, 304, 305.

446 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, lieutenant of Wales and the border counties, for the
. — Ir— A especial purpose of frustrating the confederacy of Owen
and Sir Edmund Mortimer, and soon afterwards a
tripartite treaty was signed against King Henry.
a.d. 1403. Dafydd Aberdaron, dean of Bangor, a descendant of
Caradog ab lestyn, prince of Morganwg, was a zealous
Cymro, who earnestly desired justice for Wales, and
believed that it could be obtained only by means of
national independence. At his house,1 therefore, the
confederates met, and he acted as clerk of that illustrious
council which, with a map spread before them, parcelled
out the realm between them, the Percy claiming all
England northward of the Trent, Sir Edmund Mortimer,
on behalf of his young nephew, claiming aU the country
from Trent and from Severn to the southern and
eastern shores of the island, and Owen taking as his
portion aU the lands lying westward of the rivers
Severn and Wye. According to an old prediction
ascribed to Merlin, the Dragon, the Lion, and the Wolf
were to divide the kingdom between them, and
Moldwarp was to be destroyed, and thus the bards
believed its fulfilment had begun.
Late in June, or early in July, Owen was again in
South Wales, raising recruits among his friends, and
exacting supplies from his foes. He met with a repulse
from the lord of Carew Castle, but carrying fire and
sword through the lands of the king's adherents in
western and south-western Wales, he so terrified the
constables of the royal castles, that many surrendered at
his approach, and the Archdeacon of Hereford wrote
on July 10, entreating the king to send the power
of England to check the ravages of the advancing-
foe. 1 Shakspeare, First Part of King Henry IV. act iii. scene 1.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 447
Owen, in the course of his campaign, burned several chap.
of the king's castles ; this phrase including all that were - XXIV1-
garrisoned for the king. After having dismantled Tre
Twr, he encountered at Mynydd Cwmdu, Eichard Beau-
champ, earl of Warwick, the royal lieutenant, who
attacked him and constrained him to retreat with the
loss of his banner and of many men. Nevertheless,
Owen again rallied his scattered forces, and pursued his
victor so rapidly that he overtook the earl and his
army at Craig y Dorth, near Monmouth, defeated them
in the second conflict, and chased them to the very gates
of the town which took them in.
On July 12 x orders were despatched from West
minster to the lieutenant of Gloucestershire to keep
watch and ward against an expected irruption of the
Welsh. On the 16th the king, being at Burton-upon-
Trent, issued further proclamations, and hearing that
Henry Percy had led from Berwick the Earl of Nor
thumberland's retainers, accompanied by Earl Douglas
and his Scottish auxiliaries, into Cheshire, where he was
augmenting his forces with many of King Eichard's
partisans, immediately returned to London ; from
thence, on the 18th, he dispersed more proclamations
for the levy of troops, and advanced by rapid marches
upon Shrewsbury, hoping to prevent the obviously
intended junction there of the northern powers with
the Welsh levies of Mortimer and Owen.
Percy and Douglas, with their troops and 400 men
sent by Owen, were laying siege to the town of
Shrewsbury, and about to scale its walls ; Sir Edmund
Mortimer and his nephew's retainers were on the way,
but had not yet come up ; Glyndwrdu, unaware of the
king's sudden approach, was still occupied in South
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 304, 305, 313, 314.

448 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Wales ; when, on July 22, r King Henry encamped his
-  ,  A army within three miles of Shrewsbury, upon the side
next Oswestry, and upon ground since known as the
Battlefield. Percy at once raised the siege, and rashly
disdaining to wait for the arrival of his confederates,
rejected an offer of negociation, and attacked the royal
army. Defeat and slaughter were the assailants' lot,
and Henry Percy was found among the slain.
The affairs of the king called him promptly into the
north of England, and when the victorious army was
withdrawn, Owen mercilessly ravaged the border lands.
This dire retahation continued for many weeks, but
early in September the king returned to Worcester, and
spent some weeks in rebuilding and2 strengthening the
royal castles, encouraging meanwhile by proclamations
of pardon the defection of Owen's partisans.
King Henry's writ, issued September 8 (a.d. 1403),
and addressed to Guy de Mona, bishop of St. David's,
then Keeper of the Privy Seal and Treasurer of
England, commends to him the safe custody of the
castle of Llawhaden ; that of Llanymdovery to Lord
Audeley; that of Llaugharn to Sir Henry le Scrope;
that of Crug Howel to John Pauncefoot, Tretwr to
James Berkeley, Abergavenny and Harold Ewyias to
Sir Wilham Beauchamp, Goderich to Sir Thomas NevUl
de Furnival, Eardisley to Sir Nicolas Montgomery,
Caerleon and Usk to Sir Edward Charlton of Powys,
Caerphilly and Gwialacy to Constantia, lady De Spencer;
Manorbeer to Sir John Cornwall, Payne's Castle and
Eoyl to Thomas, earl of Warwick; Huntingdon to Ann,
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. Compare the dates of three docu
ments, pp. 318, 319, 320 ; the heading of the last is distinct — 'De Potestate
reeipiendi Rebelles ad Gratiam, qui juxta Salopiam, 22 Julii, debellati.'
2 Ibid. pp. 328, 329, 331-333, 353. Hereford, September 14 ; Defynog,
September 15 ; Westminster, September 27.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 449.
countess of Stafford, Lynhales (PLyonshall) and Dorstone chap.
to Sir Walter Fitz Walter ; Stapleton to John Brian, .Xx^vl.
baron of Burford ; Brampton to Brian de Brampton,
and Suowdon to Sir John Chandos.
Other deeds, dated severally September 14 and 15,
authorize William Beauchamp to grant pardons to
certain Welshmen, his vassals, for having borne arms in
Glyndwrdu's cause against King Henry, and empower Sir
John Oldcastle and others to pardon certain inhabitants
of the towns of Brecknock, Buallt, Can Cressely, Hay,
Glynbough, and Dinas, to receive their weapons, and to
oblige them to take an oath of fidelity.
§ 8. (a.d. 1404.) About this time John Trevor,
bishop of St. Asaph, deserted the cause of King Henry
for that of Prince Owen, and the Pope sanctioned
Owen's appointment of Llewelyn, otherwise called
Lewis, Bifort to the see of Bangor, thus tacitly approv
ing the deposition and imprisonment of Eichard- Yonge,
the former bishop, who received as a compensation the
see of Eochester from King Henry.
Prince Henry took his station sometimes at Shrews
bury, sometimes at Hereford, and sometimes at Wor
cester, but his utmost success against Owen consisted
in forcing him to re-cross Offa's Dyke. A league
offensive and defensive was concluded in this year
between Charles VL, king of France, and Owen, the
native and actual Prince of Wales.
On May 10,1 Owen sent from Dolgellau his chancel
lor, Gruffydd Yonge, archdeacon of Merionydd, and his
wife's kinsman, John Hanmer, as ambassadors to the
French court. The treaty was signed at Paris on July
14, by the French king and by the representatives of
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 356, 365-368, 382.
G G

450 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the Welsh prince, and ratified on January 12, 1405,
*__,__ by Owen, at his castle of Llanbadarn.
The plan which Owen Glyndwrdu, Henry Percy,
and Sir Edmund Mortimer had formed, was frustrated
by the defeat and death of Percy ; but another was
speedily substituted for it, in which Owen and the
Earl of Northumberland undoubtedly, and probably
Sir Edmund Mortimer, again took prominent parts,
although the latter acted no longer with a view to
personal aggrandizement, but merely to promote the
interests of his nephews, the next heirs of the deceased
King Eichard II. The confederates now proposed to
liberate the young Edmund Mortimer, earl of March,
to make him king of England in Henry's stead, and to
place him under the care of Owen as protector. Con-
stantia Plantagenet, widow of Lord le Despencer,
being unsuspected of complicity in any plot, suc
ceeded by means of false keys in liberating the two
boys from their imprisonment in Windsor Castle ; and
she was journeying with them towards Wales, when
their pursuers overtook and captured the whole party,
and then led them back again to Windsor. This oc
curred early in March, and on the : llth of the same
month Owen's partisans in Gwent and Morganwg arose
in arms to the number of 8,000 men, ravaged the lands
of their hostile neighbours, and burned the town of
Grosmont. Prince Henry's forces, under the command of Sir
Gilbert Talbot, Sir William Newport, and Sir John
Greindre, advanced to meet the insurgents, and soon
defeated and scattered them, slaying 800 men. Owen,
hearing of this misfortune, immediately sent his son
Gruffydd with fresh troops to rally the fugitives, and
1 Rjmer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 390, 391.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 451
to re-establish his martial fame. Another conflict chap.
therefore ensued on March 15, at Mynydd y PwU xxfvy
Melen in Brycheiniog, but the issue was again dis
astrous to the cause of Glyndwrdu ; his brother
Tewdwr being slain, his son Gruffydd and Chancellor
Yonge captured, and 1,500 of his men disappearing
from service.
In consequence of these discomfitures, Morganwg
submitted at discretion to King Henry's troops, a
panic seized the insurgent chieftains, and Owen for a
time withdrew from general observation, concealing
himself in out of the way places with his most trusty
friends. On the detection of the Earl of Northumberland's
second conspiracy, Sir John Gruffydd, a Welsh knight,
was executed for complicity therein, and the Bishops
of St. Asaph and Bangor, Owen's accredited agents,
fled for their lives from the home of the Percys into
Scotland. § 9. French troops, in the spring of the year 1405,
had made several attacks upon various parts of the
English coast, with the intention of dividing King
Henry's forces, and favouring the Welsh insurrection
and that of the northern earls.
Meanwhile, the Duke of Orleans, lieutenant-general
of the kingdom of France, under his imbecile brother
Charles VI. , prepared a fleet of 140 ships, which sailed
from Brest about the end of June, bearing an army of
12,000 men. These troops disembarked from Milford
Haven, under the command of the Count de Hugue-
ville, and besieged Haverfordwest, which was so ably
defended by the Earl of Arundel, that the French
were constrained to march away with loss. At Caer
marthen they had better success, and took the town

452 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, by capitulation, allowing the garrison to depart with
 ^Ay military honours.
Owen, with 10,000 men, having joined De Hugue-
viUe, the united host marched triumphantly through
Morganwg and Gwent into Herefordshire, and pro
ceeding into Worcestershire, approached its chief city,
ravaging the country round and burning the suburbs.
In August King Henry heard of the French inva
sion, and after having taken active measures of re
sistance, he marched in person from Pontefract to
encounter De HuguevUle. As the king and his army
approached, the allied forces withdrew. The French
entrenched themselves upon a high hill about three
leagues westward of Worcester. Owen's camp is said
by tradition to have been pitched on Woodbury Hill,
in the parish of Whitley, the site being that of an
ancient British caer surrounded by one trench, and
affording a safe retreat towards Wales. Pennant, who
surveyed the ground, declares that it agrees precisely
with Monstrelet's description, and refers to a plan
given in Nash's History of Worcestershire. King
Henry and his army, from the western outskirts of the
city, watched the movements of his foes, and during
eight days the adverse armies severally endeavoured
to tempt each other to make the first attack, neither of
the leaders venturing to quit his advantageous position,
although occasional skirmishes occurred, in which some
distinguished French officers were slain. Not more
than 200 men were killed on either side in these
encounters, but many were wounded. It was King
Henry's strategy to cut off the enemies' supplies, and
he did it so effectually, that on the eighth day, at mid
night, De HuguevUle and his troops, worn down with
watchfulness and famine, stealthily left their entrench-

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 453
ments and retreated into Wales, closely followed by chap.
Owen and his men. - xxiy- ,
King Henry proceeded to Hereford,1 and attempted
to pursue his retreating foes, but the ravaged border
lands yielded no forage, tempestuous weather set in,
his presence was required near York, and the month
of September being far advanced, forbade his intended
war of retaliation. Having already lost fifty of his
baggage-waggons by floods, morasses, and predatory
seizures, the king with his army retired hastily, while
Glyndwrdu placed the French troops in winter quarters,
and dispersed his own to their several homes.
Meanwhile Prince Henry had undertaken the siege
of Llanbedr Castle,2 and Ehys ab Gruffydd ab Llewelyn
ab Jencin, who held it for Owen, being hardly pressed,
was induced to sign a document, by which he under
took that, if not relieved between October 24 and
November 1, he would deliver it up, together with the
' canones ' 3 and other instruments of war. Satisfied
with this apparent success, the prince left his officers
to await the expected surrender, and withdrew to other
occupations ; but Owen coming up, and learning what
stipulations had been made, turned out the governor
and garrison, and replaced them with other men.
The French fleet having been diminished by hostile
attacks, and withdrawn from Milford Haven, and the
French troops being expensive visitors and having no
adequate employment, Owen provided transports in
the spring of the year 1406, on which De HuguevUle
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 412-414.
Q In Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 419, 497-499, there is
obviously a confusion of dates concerning this siege, for the two docu
ments certainly relate to the same castle and to tho same month and
year. 3 'Anglice Gunnes vocatorum.'

454 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, gradually embarked his men and returned to France ;
xxrv. ^ iast division departing in the month of March, and
friendly relations being maintained between Owen and
the French government.
The defection of the people of Ystrad Towy at this
time tended much to the discouragement of Owen's
adherents throughout the Principality ; but he con
tinued to maintain his authority so effectively, that the
English parliament, which in former years had pre
maturely given away his property and the estates of
his partisans, now found it necessary to decree that no
heritages conquered from the Welsh should be granted
to new owners until three months after possession had
been obtained. This regulation afforded hope to such
of the Welsh landowners as might be tempted by a
prospect of retaining their estates, to forsake a declining
cause. About this time, the fugitive Earl of Northumber
land, Lord Bardolf, and other leaders of the northern
rebellion, found a secure and hospitable refuge with
Glyndwrdu. In the year 1407, Owen lost the castle of Harlech,
but he continued to make predatory war from his
mountain fortresses, and to assist his EngUsh guests
in the organization of a third rebellion in northern
England. The Earl of Northumberland and his fugi
tive coadjutors having arranged with their friends and
feudatories the plan of proceedings, left Wales, and
returned to their homes to encourage the mustering of
their forces, and on February 28, 1408, they lost their
lives in the battle of Branham Moor, in Yorkshire.
This event appears to have restrained the fiery spirit
of Glyndwrdu, and it quenched for ever his hope of
changing the regnal dynasty of England. Neverthe-

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 455
less, he maintained his dignity as sovereign prince of chap.
Wales throughout the least accessible parts of the • — , — L.
country, and never ceased to assert his right to rule
over the whole. He used, from the time of his coro
nation, a seal bearing his fuU length portrait, seated
in a chair, holding a sceptre in the right hand and a
globe in the left. Pennant mentions an extant deed
which he had seen to which that seal was affixed, grant
ing a pardon to John ab Howel — ' Anno principatus
nostri VI" datum apud Cefn Llanfair X° die Jan. per
ipsum principem.' The names of the four witnesses
are Gruffydd ab Owen and Maredudd ab Owen,
Gruffydd Yonge the chancellor, and Ehys ab Tewdwr
of Pen Mynydd. It may be inferred from this fact
that. Gruffydd ab Owen, Owen Glyndwrdu's eldest son,
and the chancellor Yonge had regained their liberty
after the battle of Grosmont, either by an exchange of
prisoners or otherwise.
In the spring of 1409 Glyndwrdu devastated the
Welsh estates of King Henry's subjects, and treated
with especial severity those districts of Powys which
had passed by marriage into the hand of Edward de
Charlton. In the month of May x De Charlton, Edward duke
of York, Thomas earl of Arundel, Eichard earl of
Warwick, Eeginald lord Grey de Euthyn, Eichard
Grey of Codmore, Constantia lady le Despencer,
Francis A'Court, and WiUiam Beauchamp, received
orders from King Henry to act on the defensive, and
to make reprisals. Ehys Ddu and Philip Scudamore,
two of Owen's best friends, while engaged in ravaging
Shropshire, were overpowered and seized by his ene
mies, taken to London, and there tried, condemned, and
1 Rymer's Fcelera, ed. 1709, t. viii. p. 588.

456 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, executed as traitors. Many other Welsh chieftains,
< — ^II, after having suffered1 long imprisonment, were soon
afterwards consigned likewise to the scaffold.
On November 23,2 King Henry issued a series of
writs, commanding that all agreements of truce made
by officers of the Lords Marchers and by others with
Owen, should be rescinded as illegal and null. These
measures, together with rigorous parliamentary enact
ments, the military activity of Prince Henry and of
the king's lieutenants and constables, and the grant
of free pardons3 to certain malecontents, effectually
repressed the power of Owen, and constrained him to
keep within his own fortresses.
§ 10. King Henry IV. died March 20, 1413, and
was succeeded by his son Henry V., by birth a Welsh
man. Beginning in the year 1400, and ending in the
i year 1413, the English parliament had passed a series
| of the most unjust and cruel laws that ever disgraced
j the Statute Book, being in fact the vindictive edicts
; of a ferocious partisan rather than the corrective
,' measures of a paternal government. The period in
cludes nearly the whole reign of Henry IV. and the
, first few months of the reign of Henry V. ; and those
; laws remained unrepealed for many following years.
In 1415, Owen stUl maintained his independence,
and on July 5, Henry V. being then at Porchester
Castle, deputed Sir Gilbert Talbot to negotiate with
him, even to the extent of promising pardon to him
and his adherents, provided they would condescend to
ask for it. On September 21 in the same year, un
submissive and unsubdued, Owen died at the house of
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. pp. 599, 600.
2 Ibid. pp. 611, 612. 3 Ibid. p- 71L

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES AND THE CYMRY. 457
his youngest daughter, in the parish of Monnington and chap.
county of Hereford. xxiv.
He had five sons and five daughters. Of the latter
Isabel, the eldest, married Adam ab Iorwerth Ddu ;
Alicia married Sir John Scudamore of Ewyas and
Holm Lacy, escheator of Herefordshire, Gloucestershire,
and the Marches of Wales ; Janet married Sir John Croft
of Croft Castle in the county of Hereford ; and Margaret
married Eoger Monnington of Monnington in the same
county. Pennant denies that a daughter of Glyndwrdu
ever married a Mortimer, and he asserts that a daughter
named Jane, or Joan, standing fourth on his list, was
married to Lord Grey de Euthyn, but neither Debrett
nor Burke mention such an alliance.
The pacific proposal of King Henry V. was renewed
February 24, 1416, and accepted by Maredudd ab
Owen Glyndwrdu.
Several interesting Welsh episodes belong to the
reigns of Henry IV. and V., but want of space permits
only a brief record of one.
§ 11 . The first wife of King Henry IV. was Mary
de Bohun, a co-heiress ; and in her right he possessed
large estates in Brycheiniog, and bore the title of
duke of Hereford.
David, surnamed Gam, of Peytin, in the parish of
Garthbrengy, was consequently King Henry IV. 's feudal
tenant and military retainer, and being zealous for the
house of Lancaster, and unscrupulous as to the method
of furthering its interests, he attended the Welsh
parliament of September 20, 1402, under the pretext
of supporting Owen's claims, but with the secret in
tention of assassinating that prince. Owen's friends,!
however, averted the blow, and caused David to be\
arrested and forthwith" imprisoned.

458 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. For eleven years David Gam1 was detained a prisoner,
vXXIVl> and being then liberated for a ransom, he returned to
his native district, and soon manifested such fierce
animosity towards the partisans of Owen, that the native
prince marched into Brycheiniog, devastated his lands,
burnt his house, and made an extemporary stanza in
his wrath, while Gam fled to the English court and
attached himself more firmly than ever to the fortunes
of the Plantagenets.
In 1415 he raised a body of forces from the Bohun
estates, and at their head recruited the army of King
Henry, which he accompanied to France. The eloquent
pen of Sir Walter Ealeigh has celebrated Gam's valiant
exploits at the battle of Agincourt, October 25, when
having been sent to ascertain the numbers of the foe,
he made on his return the remarkable reply, ' that there
were enough to kill, enough to capture, and enough to
run away ; ' and in the course of the engagement,
together with his son-in-law, Eoger Fychan, and his
cousin, Walter Llwyd, rescued the king from danger at
the price of his own life, and as he lay expiring on the
field, received with them from the grateful and sorrowing
king the honour of knighthood.
§ 12. King Henry V.2 died in the Bois de Vincennes,
near Paris, August 31, 1422.
1 Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1709, t. viii. p. 753.
2 Nicolas, Chronology of History, ed. 1833, p. 303.

459

CHAPTEE XXV.
THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES OF THE CYMRY.
FBOM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY VI. TO THE DEATH OF EICHARD III.
A.D. 1422-1485.

. . . . York and Lancaster
Divided in their dire division.
Shakspbaeti : King Richard III. act v. scene 4.

§1. King Henry V. left1 one infant child, a son, c?^>-
who2 never bore the title of Prince of Wales, but — . —
succeeded his father upon the English throne as
Henry VI.
The widow of Henry V. and mother of the young
king was Catherine, daughter of Charles VI. , king of
France. She took for her second husband, in 1428,
Owen ab Maredudd ab Tewdwr ab Gronw ab Tewdwr
ab Gronw ab Ednyfed Fychan of Tegeingl, whose wife,
GwenUian ferch Ehys ab Gruffydd, prince of Deheu
barth, sent the current of royal British blood into the
veins of her handsome, valiant, and accomplished de
scendant. He was known at the English court as
Sir Owen Tewdwr, of Penmynydd in Anglesey, and he
and Queen Catherine were the 3 parents of one daughter
1 Nicolas, Chronology of History.
2 Dodridge's Historical Account.
3 Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810, vol. iii. pp. 46-49.

460 history of wales.
chap, who died an infant, and of three sons, Edmund,
> — r— Jasper, and Owen.
The Queen died in 1437, and Sir Owen was then
punished for his ambitious marriage by imprisonment
in Newgate, while the two eldest children were com
mitted to the care of the Lady Catherine de la Pole,
abbess of Berking. Sir Owen twice escaped from cap
tivity, and was at last permitted to enjoy his freedom.
In the year 1452 his son Edmund was created earl of
Eichmbnd, and his son Jasper was created earl of
Pembroke, precedence over all other noblemen being
at the same time granted to them by Henry VL, their
half-brother. Owen, the third son, became a monk of
Westminster, and did not live long enough to receive
any ecclesiastical preferment.
On October 14, 1453, Prince Edward, the king's
only son, was born, and on October 30, 1454, the child
was created by one x patent prince of Wales and earl of
Chester, and invested with the usual formalities. The
charter was confirmed two years afterwards by Act of
Parliament. § 2. Edmund of Hadham, earl of Eichmond, Sir
Owen's eldest son, married in or about the year 1455
the Lady 2 Margaret, only child of John Beaufort, duke
of Somerset ; and on January 21, 1456, their only son
Henry was born in Pembroke Castle, and became
fatherless in the course of the same year. In 1459
Sir Owen received from the king a grant of 100/. a.
year out of the royal Kentish manors of Falkston,
1 Dodridge's Historical Account; Powel's Historie of Cambria, ed.
1584, p. 388.
2 Granger's Biographical History of England; Walpole's Catalogue
of Royal and Noble Authors, Park's ed. ; Wilford's Memorials and
Characters; Ballard's Memoirs of Learned British Ladies; Biographia
Britannica.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES OF THE CYMRY. 461
Walton, and Bensted ; and in 1460 his good services chap.
were rewarded by a grant of the parks in the lordship ^P^vl^
of Denbigh.
At the battle of Mortimer's Cross, February 2, 1461,
Sir Owen Tewdwr fought under the Lancastrian banner
of his son, the earl of Pembroke, against Edward
Plantagenet, duke of York, and in the defeat and rout
which ensued he was taken prisoner, and together
with several other eminent Lancastrians beheaded at
Hereford, and buried there within the precincts of the
Grey Friars' monastery.
On Easter day, April 14, 1471, Edward of York
defeated the Earl of Warwick in the battle of Barnet.
Eighteen clays afterwards, Queen Margaret and the
Prince of Wales and their French forces, with the
Duke of Somerset, the militia which the duke had
raised, and the remains of the slain Earl of Warwick's
army, awaited at Tewkesbury the arrival of their
zealous coadjutor, Jasper Tewdwr, earl of Pembroke,
from Wales, at the head of a large reinforcement of
his countrymen, when Edward of York attacked the
entrenchments, routed all the troops with dreadful
slaughter, and captured the queen, the Prince of Wales,
and the Duke of Somerset.
After the engagement, and in the presence of Ed
ward IV. and of the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester,
Edward of Lancaster, prince of Wales, was stabbed to
death in cold blood ; and but a short time elapsed ere
King Henry VI. was privately murdered in the Tower
of London, with his regal successor's consent, and pro
bably by the : hand of Eichard, duke of Gloucester.
Jasper, earl of Pembroke, on receiving intelligence of
the disaster and catastrophe at Tewkesbury, dismissed
1 Lord Bacon's History of the Reign of King Henry VII.

462 HISTORY OF WALES.

XXV.

chap, his troops, and contented himself with watching over
the safety of his young nephew, Henry, earl of Eichmond.
They continued to live quietly in Wales until the
exterminating rage manifested by Edward IV. towards
even the last scion of Lancaster warned the kind and
faithful guardian to embark with the lad for France.
Stress of weather drove their ship upon the fraternal
coast of Britanny, and the duke detained them there,
although English ambassadors once so far succeeded as
to induce him to deliver the two earls into their hands,
but promptly feeling that death was intended for them
by King Edward, he snatched them again from the
ambassadors, and continued to treat them with hos
pitable kindness.
§ 3. On June 26,1 1471, the king, by charter and
the usual investiture, created Edward, his eldest son,
prince of Wales and earl of Chester. Ludlow Castle,2
with its appertaining territory, was an hereditary posses
sion of the house of Mortimer, and passed with Anne,
the heiress of the main branch, into the possession of
the house of York. Edward IV. as well as several of
his maternal ancestors had personaUy held the earldom
of March, and in honour of that title he substituted for
the office of Warden of the Marches 3 a court composed
of a president and council of the Marches. This court
was established at Ludlow, and held its first session in
the town hall 4 April 10, 1478, when the young Prince
of Wales took up his abode at the castle under the care
of his maternal uncle, Anthony, earl Eivers. John
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 389; Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. i. p. 6;
Dodridge's Historical Account.
2 Gibson's Camden's Brit. ed. 1772, vol. i. p. 471 ; Wright's Ludlow
Castle, ed. 3, 1862.
3 Baker's Dedication to Dineley's Beaufort Progress of 1684, and
Notitia Cambro-Britannica. 4 Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 389.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES OF THE CYMRY. 463
Alcock,1 bishop of Worcester, was appointed president
by warrant under the king's sign manual, and the
council was composed of the great officers attendant
upon the prince, and of other noblemen, bishops, and
gentlemen of local influence and importance, who were
also appointed by the king. This court had power to
decide all such causes as Avere specially assigned to it
by him.
It does not appear that any amelioration took place
in the state of the Principality during the reign of
Edward IV, which ended with his life2 April 9, 1483.
The Prince of Wales, who was then about twelve years
old,3 became by his father's death king of England.
He was taken from Ludlow to London, where he arrived
on May 2, and was lodged for a short time in the
bishop's palace. The Duke of Gloucester soon after
wards persuaded the widowed queen to deliver Eichard,
duke of York, into his hands. The young king was
delighted to see his little brother, and suspected no
harm when their uncle sent them together to the
Tower, the place whence English sovereigns usually
proceeded to their coronation. His brief and nominal
reign ended on 4 June 22, when the Duke of Gloucester
possessed himself of the throne. On the 26th of the
same month the duke was proclaimed king by the title
of Eichard III., and soon afterwards the two boys 5 were
murdered in the Tower by Forest and Dighton, two
ruffians, under the direction of Sir John Tyrrel, to
1 Translated from Rochester, September 20, 1476; see Nicolas,
Synopsis, vol. ii. pp. 879, 891.
2 Nicolas, Chronology of History, ed. 1833, p. 306.
3 Isaac Kimber's History of England, ed. 1755, p. 202.
4 Nicolas, Chronology of History, ed. 1833, pp. 306-308.
5 Sir Thomas More's History of Richard III. ; Lord Bacon's History of
the Reign of King Henry VII.

464 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, whom the charge of despatching them had been en-
- — r~y trusted by their ambitious and unprincipled uncle.
§ 4. King Eichard III. on August 24, in the first
year of his reign, created1 Edward, earl of Salisbury,
who was his only son and heir-apparent, prince of
Wales and earl of Chester, but the youth died in the
following year.
Margaret, countess of Eichmond and widow, of Sir
Henry Stafford, the young earl's mother, had con
tracted a third marriage with Thomas, second Lord
Stanley, of whom she was the second wife. He had
been a zealous friend of King Edward IV. ; and among
many other politic measures taken by King Eichard in
order to secure a quiet reign, was that of attaching the
countess and her husband to his court by appointing
Stanley lord steward of the household.
The ambition of the mother prevailed, nevertheless,
over the interests of the wife, and she readily, though
stealthily, entered into two successive conspiracies,
having for their object the dethronement of Eichard
and the substitution of her son. A tower of Brecon
Castle,2 which still bears the designation of Ely, is
said to have been the scene of those interviews be
tween Bishop John Morton, a state prisoner there, and
his custodian, Henry Stafford, duke of Buckingham,
at which it was arranged that the crown of England
should be offered to Henry, earl of Eichmond, on con
dition of his engaging to espouse Elizabeth of York,
eldest sister of the murdered boys. The queen dowager,
her son Thomas Grey, marquis of Dorset, and many
other persons of high rank, approved of the plan, and
1 Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. i. p. 7; Dodridge's Historical Account;
Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 389.
2 Jones's History of Brecknockshire, vol. ii.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES OF THE CYMRY. 465
great pains were taken so to stimulate the feehngs chap.
of the people as to raise an insurrection in Henry ~._xxv" ,
Tewdwr's favour. In expectation of such aid, the young
earl obtained troops and transports from the Duke of
Britanny, and accompanied by his uncle Jasper set sail
in October from St. Malo ; but a storm scattered his
little fleet in the Channel, and, on approaching the
English coast near Poole, he found his forces insufficient
to attempt a landing, and was constrained most re
luctantly to return.
Meanwhile, King Eichard's suspicions were aroused,
and he sent peremptory orders to the Lord High Con
stable to appear at court. The Duke of Buckingham,
who held that office, instead of obeying the summons,
took up arms and led his Welsh levies through the
Marches, intending there among his tenantry to increase
his. forces, and then to join his confederates in the
western counties, and to welcome the Earl of Eichmond,
whom they expected, in spite of storms, to land upon
the southern coast. The weather inland, however, was
not less wild than on the sea ; the autumnal rains,
pouring down upon the mountains, had swoUen the
springs ; the tributary streams had gorged their rivers,
and Severn suddenly overflowing its banks inundated
the country in its course. The sheep were swept
helplessly away from the lower pastures, the struggling
cattle borne away from the meadows, trees wrenched
up by the roots from the valleys, buildings torn down
piecemeal ; and the surging stream, laden with victims
and wrecks, rushing along through the vast waste of
agitated waters imperilling or destroying human life,
and scattering far and wide the bannered host of
Buckingham, during six days raged on with unremit
ting fury.
h h

466 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. With one attendant only the panic-stricken chief
>_ ,vl. himself sought refuge from drowning, from famine, and
from foes, in the homestead of a trusted retainer named
Banister ; but Banister soon found that the king had
by proclamation set a high price upon the person of
the duke, and Banister betrayed his lord into the
hands of the Sheriff of Shropshire, who sent him to
Salisbury, where, by King Eichard's order, the duke
suffered decapitation on November 1, 1483.
These disastrous incidents caused the Marquis of
Dorset, the Bishop of Ely, and other active conspirators,
to leave England for Britanny ; and an act of attainder
was passed by Parliament, January 23, 1484, against
the Earl of Eichmond and all his adherents. Lord
Stanley's strict loyalty at this time to King Eichard
enabled him to obtain pardon and oblivion for his wife
Lady Margaret's share in the conspiracy. His brother
Sir William,1 lord of Broomfield, Ial, and Chirk, if
implicated, contrived to escape suspicion.
Soon after these events, the faihng health of the
aged Duke of Britanny enabled Landois, his corrupt
minister, to enter into a negotiation with King Eichard
for dehvering up the Earl of Eichmond, but happily
the Bishop of Ely became acquainted with the project,
and gave immediate notice to the earl, who in dis
guise and with great difficulty effected his escape, and
found refuge in France at the court of Charles VIII.
Thither his adherents followed him out of Britanny ;
and many other English noblemen, detesting the ini
quitous actions of King Eichard, entered for a time
upon voluntary exile to offer their services to the earl.
Throughout all England aversion to King Eichard,
attachment to the other members of the House of York,
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 390.

THE PLANTAGENET PEINCES OF THE CYMRY. 467
and a desire for the establishment of King Edward IV.'s chap.
eldest daughter upon the throne, had now become ~2°^Y' -
prevalent. In Wales, the Uke feelings were blended
with strong national prepossessions towards an aspirant
of Cymric blood, and Sir Ehys ab Thomas x of Carew
Castle, who on his extensive lands had more than
1,800 tenants, zealously stirred up the people of South
western Wales in favour of the Tewdwr.
Sir Owen Tewdwr's marriage with Queen Catherine
brought that surname into the knowledge and use of
EngUsh courtiers, who, true to the sound, reproduced
it according to the power of English letters, and spelled
the word Tudor. Henry, earl of Eichmond, and his
descendants adopted this orthography, and rendered it
the historic designation of a dynasty.
§ 5. The Earl being fully and accurately acquainted
with the state of affairs in Britain, prevailed on the
French government to assist his enterprise, for which
having made deliberate and careful preparations, he set
saU from Harfleur with his uncle, his exiled friends, and
2,000 foreign mercenaries. On August 6, 1485, he
safely entered MUford Haven, and found Sir Ehys ab
Thomas with 2,000 horsemen ready to accelerate his
landing. The retainers of the Earl of Pembroke gladly
increased the little army, and Henry, unfurling upon
the Tewdwr colours, 2white and green, the sanguine
salient dragon of the ancient Cadwaladyr, set forth upon
his march. Sir WiUiam Herbert brought the forces of
Gwent to join him ; South Wales and North Wales
welcomed his passage and sweUed his ranks ; and, at
Shrewsbury, Sir George Talbot joined his standard
with 2,000 well equipped retainers. Knowing that
1 Cambrian Register, vol. i. ; Enwogion Cymru, pp. 448-450.
* Pennant's Tours, ed. 1810, vol. i. p. 30.
H H 2

468 HISTORY OF WALES,
chap. King Eichard was aware of his landing, and had
¦  rJ— ordered the military strength of England to Notting
ham, Henry, reinforced and encouraged by Sir Walter
Hungerford, Sir Thomas Bourchier, and other power
ful leaders, marched steadily onward to encounter the
host. He trusted not only to the good troops that
foUowed him, and to the common people's detestation
of King Eichard's crimes, for he had received secret
assurance that, on the very battlefield, Lord Stanley
and Lord Stanley's brother, Sir William, would desert
King Eichard and join their forces with his own.
On August 22 the rival hosts met in conflict near
Bosworth in Leicestershire. In the midst of the en
gagement, Henry found his own life in manifest peril,
being beset and enclosed by foes, when Lord Stanley
hastily sent Sir William with 3,000 men to the rescue,
who turned the tide of battle and insured the triumph
of the Tewdwr. The last of the Plantagenet kings,
when he saw the day was lost, rushed into the thickest
ranks of the victors and fought till he was slain. His
regal crown of ornament1 was set by Sir WiUiam
Stanley upon the Earl of Eichmond's head, and the
army hailed the conquering Welshman as Henry VII.
king of England. Te Deum was chanted on the field,
and solemn thanks were afterwards offered up to God
for the victory.
§ 6. The well known Welsh tune ' Ffarwel Dai Llwyd '
is traditionaUy reported to have been addressed to the
vahant Lord of Cwm Bychan, near Harlech, when he
left his home and went with Jasper Tudor and Owen
Llawgoch to fight against Eisiart Frawdwr — Eichard
the Traitor.
1 Lord Bacon's History of the Reign of King Henry VII.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES OF THE CYMRY. 469
§ 7. King Eichard III.1 founded the Heralds' College, chap.
and therefore, at the close of his reign, may fitly be - xxv,_-
introduced a brief notice of Welsh coat-armour.
Among all nations, from the earliest historic periods,2
symbolic ensigns and devices appear to have been used
to distinguish warlike tribes and individuals from each
other. Such were certainly borne by the ancient
Gauls, whose military standards are mentioned and
described by Greek and Eoman 3 writers.
The ancient Britons had their red dragon ; Cuthred,
the Saxon king of Wessex, bore a golden one4 in obvious
rivalry ; the Danes had their raven ; and such national
ensigns were used from generation to generation ; but
the symbolic bearings of individuals, being suited to
express personal characteristics, did not descend in
families until the superstitious veneration attached to
all devices used or won in the Crusades gradually intro
duced to European nations the hereditary retention of
coat-armour. It was not, however, fully established in
England as distinctive of families 5 until the reign of
Henry III. Crests continued to be of arbitrary and
occasional use until the days of King Edward H., 6 when
they likewise became hereditary.
The bardic genealogists of Cymru. readily adopted
every new form of this symbolic art, and not content
with blazoning the surcoats, shields, banners, flags, and
pennons of their contemporary kings, princes, and
nobles, they attributed to the ensigns and distinctive
devices which tradition ascribed to their remote pre-
1 Noble's History of the Herald's College.
2 Potter's iEschylus : The Seven Chiefs against Thebes, v. 390-721.
3 Polybius, lib. ii. c. ii..
4 Chron. Mon. S. Albani, ed. Riley.
6 Camden's Remains concerning Britain, ed. 1657, p. 213,
" Ibid. p. 230.

470 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, decessors, the quaint peculiarities of mediasval coat-
- — r-^— armour. In Enderbie's x Cambria Triumphans may be found a
series of engraved shields charged with the arms of
British and Cymric chieftains according to bardic
tradition. The most recent of these arms are valuable
on account of their correctness ; others are also valuable
because, in a modernized form, they preserve the sym
bolic ensigns and personal devices of the heroes to
whom they are fancifuUy ascribed ; the rest are worth
less, for, in defiance of chronology and possibility, they
attribute the heraldic inventions of Plantagenet and
Tudor times to Brute,2 Locrine, Camber, Urien Eheged,
Brochwael, and King Cadwaladyr.
A lion 3 rampant in a bordure appears to have been
the favourite ensign and the earliest heraldic bearing of
the provincial kings of South Wales. A hon rampant
without a border appears to have been the favourite
ensign and the earliest heraldic bearing of the provin
cial kings of Powys, and the district princes bore it to
the last with certain distinctive differences. Lions and
eagles appear to have been the favourite ensigns of
North Wales. 4 Gules, three Uons passant gardant
in pale argent incensed azure, are ascribed to Gruffydd
ab Cynan ; vert, three eagles in fess or, membered and
beaked gules, to Owen Gwynedd.
The arms, quarterly gules and or, four lions passant
gardant counterchanged, are set down by Mills in his
1 Cambria Triumphans ; or, Britain in its Perfect Lustre. Reprint for
S. Bagster, 1810, from the original edition of 1661.
2 Geoffrey of Monmouth, lib. i. ii.
3 Enderbie's Cambria Triumphans.
" Burke's Heraldic Illustrations, No. 5, 184 ; Enderbie's Cambria
Triumphans.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES OF THE CYMRY. 471
Catalogue of Honour 1 as the armorial bearings of Ehodri chap.
Mawr, who lived in the ninth century, and during the .J0^'-*
latter part of his reign was contemporary with king
Alfred; but Camden,2 the chief of antiquaries, and
himself an heraldic king-at-arms, distinctly states that
the usage of quartering began in foreign countries with
the conjunction of the arms of Castile and Leon, and
that Edward III. was the earliest king of England who
bore a quartered shield.
Sir Samuel Eush Meyrick states, in an explanation
prefixed to the second volume of Lewis Dwnn's he
raldic visitations of Wales,3 that the recognized arms
of Wales, four lions passant gardant quarterly, are
mentioned in the Life of Foulque Fitz Warren, of the
time of Henry HI. without blazon ; and this he avers
to be the first coeval document in which they occur.
This baron * otherwise caUed Fulke Fitz Warine, suc
ceeded his father of the same name about a.d. 1195,
and died 1263.
The first instance known to Camden of a 5 nobleman
bearing arms quarterly was that of Lawrence Hastings,
earl of Pembroke, who quartered his paternal coat
with that of De Valence, having married the heiress of
the House of Lusignan, and holding the earldom in her
right (a.d. 1339).
BouteU, in his Heraldry (ed. 3, 1864, p. 160), ad
duces an earlier instance, that of Symon de Montagu,
whose arms are marshaUed in a roll of Edward H.
a.d. 1308-11.
1 Folio 209.
2 Remains, ed. 1657, pp. 226, 227. See also the engraved facsimile of
King Alfonso's seal, Rymer's Foedera, ed. 1704, t. i. p. 531.
" Ed. Welsh MSS. Society.
* Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. i.
5 Camden's Remains, ed. 1657, p. 227 ; Nicolas Synopsis, vol. ii.

472 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. It seems therefore probable, that if Ehodri Mawr used
~Y"Y"\7" *-
- — ,— _> the four Uons, he did so separately on flags, or con
jointly on a banner, with the intention of showing his
sovereignty over Gwynedd, Powys, Deheubarth, and the
Isle of Man. Those arms were undoubtedly borne by
Llewelyn ab Gruffydd ; but heralds vary in blazoning
the first and fourth and second and third quarters, some
giving the field or the precedence, and others gules.
The red dragon, either passant or rampant, has from the
earliest times been deemed the ancient standard of Cym
ric Britain coUectively, always used by the Pendragon.
King Henry VEL1 used, as the supporters of the arms
of England on the dexter side, the red dragon of Wales,
and on the sinister side a greyhound argent accolled
gules, in right of his wife, Elizabeth of York, who derived
it from the Nevilles, earls of Westmoreland. King
Henry VHI. used the same supporters during the former
part of his reign ; afterwards he discarded the greyhound
and adopted a lion as the dexter supporter, removing
the dragon to the sinister side. The same supporters
were used until the accession of King James.
Camden's sketch for Queen EUzabeth's funeral2 omits
the blazon of the Welsh banner, but quarterly gules
and or, four Uons passant gardant counterchanged, are
the bearings authorized by the MS. 2 Geo. IV. in the
Heralds' CoUege for that queen. The Welsh crest, a
red dragon passant, has been invariably borne by every
British sovereign from the days of King Henry VII.
until now.
1 Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810, 1773; Dineley's Beau
fort Progress. For some variations in the use made by Hemy VH. and
Henry VIH. of their armorial supporters, the reader is referred to
Boutell's Heraldry, ed. 3, p. 302.
2 Sir S. R. Meyrick's Explanation, prefixed to the 2nd vol. of Lewis
Dwnn's Heraldic Visitations of Wales.

THE PLANTAGENET PRINCES OF THE CYMRY. 473
Existing monuments and memorials prove that1 an chap.
ostrich feather was used as a badge by King Edward III. . XXY- .
and his family, and, ever since the reign of Henry VII.,2
the three ostrich feathers in a circlet or coronet have
formed the cognizance of the Prince of Wales. Though
not of Cymric origin, the Welsh have learned to love
that cognizance from its connection with the ascendancy
of their race.
§ 8. There is so evident a reaction between the cha
racter of a nation and the sports and games practised
among the people, that from a knowledge of the one
the other might almost be inferred. The games of the
Welsh had been so long in use as to have taken a
systematic form when Dr. John Davies of Llanferras,3
Denbighshire, published an account of them in his
dictionary. They were Hwenty-four in number, ten
being manly, six of which consisted in trials of bodily
strength by raising weights, running, leaping, swim
ming, wrestiing, and riding races, either on horseback
or in chariots ; the other four required skill in the
use of weapons, and consisted of archery, sword and
buckler, the two-handed sword, and the two-ended
staff. Another ten were deemed juvenile : of these
three belonged to the chase, and consisted of coursing
with the greyhound, fishing, and fowhng ; seven were
of a domestic kind, namely poetical competition, play
ing on the harp, reading Cymraeg, singing a cywydd
to music, singing a cywydd with accents between four
persons, and drawing heraldic devices and coat-armour.
1 Clarke's Heraldry, edited by PlanchS, 1866, p. 118; BoutelP
Heraldry, ed. 3, pp. 256-260.
8 Clarke's Heraldry, p. 88.
3 Afterwards of Mallwyd, Merionethshire.
1 Antiq. Ling. Brit. Diet. Duplex, 1632.
5 Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810, vol, iii. pp. 120-122.

474 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. The four remaining games were : one resembling fox
xxv
• — y~. and goose, and caUed chwarau gwydd bwyU ; one re
sembling backgammon, caUed chwarau tawl bwrdd ;
another, played with dice only, caUed chwarau ffris-
taU ; and the cyweiriaw, tuning the harp.
Besides the games above-enumerated, the celebrated
1knappan and several sorts of 2 ball-playing were com
mon among the Welsh.
1 Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 168.
3 Roberts's Cambrian Popular Antiquities, pp. 122, 123, 331-353.

475

CHAPTEE XXVI.
THE TUDOB DYNASTY.

A.D. 1485-1603.

So shall the Briton blood their crown again reclaim.
Spensek's Faery Queen, book iii. canto iii. stanza xlviii.

XXVI.

§ 1. The partisans of the White Eose accepted Henry chap
as the restorer of the House of York in the person of
Elizabeth his affianced wife. The partisans of the
Eed Eose regarded him in his mother's stead as the
representative of the extinct House of Lancaster. But
Henry, from the first day of his reign until the last,
never failed to consider himself as the victor of
Bosworth Field, and king of England in his own
personal right ; scorning to be deemed ' a king at
courtesy,' and scarcely enduring to stand upon the
doubtful claim of a descent from Catherine Swin
burne, although he did not hesitate to reckon both his
maternal and matrimonial rights in the accumulation
of claims to which victory, parliament, and x a papal
bull gave confirmation.
He appointed Sir William Stanley lord chamberlain
of the royal household, and allowed him to possess the
vast spoils of Bosworth Field. He appointed Lord
1 Lord Bacon's History of the Reign of King Henry VII.

476 HISTORY OF WALES
chap. Stanley lord high constable, created him an earl, Oc-
3XVI1. tober 27, 1485, and enriched him with suitable terri
tories. But he was weU content to see his mother
merely a countess-consort of Derby, after he had
created Jasper, his paternal uncle, Duke of Bedford,
October 2, 1485 ; a title previously borne by John,
regent of France, uncle of King Henry VI.
On October 30, 1485, Henry was crowned king of
England by Cardinal Thomas Bourchier, archbishop of
Canterbury and lord chancellor ; and, at that time, the
king instituted a band of fifty archers under a captain,
to be called Yeomen of the Guard, to watch over the
security of his person, and to protect all future sove
reigns of England in succession.
On November 7, 1485, King Henry's first parliament
assembled at Westminster, and by his direction enacted
' that the inheritance of the crown should rest, remain,
and abide in the king,' and be entailed on his posterity ;
that aU attainders and judgments given against his
adherents should be reversed and annulled ; and that
certain persons should then be specially attainted.
With the exception of those persons, several of whom
were already dead, the king, by public proclamation,
offered to all his enemies a general pardon. His object
in attainting the dead was the disinheriting of their
posterity, and the forfeiture of their estates to the
crown. Sir Harris Nicolas x mentions the singular anomaly,
that although the battle of Bosworth was undoubtedly
fought on August 22, some contemporary documents,
of unquestionable authenticity, date the commencement
of Henry's reign from the 21st. This may probably
be accounted for as a legal fiction suggested by the
1 Chronology of History, ed. 1833, pp, 309-314.

THE TUDOR DYNASTY.

477

political expediency of passing an act of attainder chap.
against Eichard, who could not be deemed guilty of . XXVL
usurping Henry's right if Henry were not the rightful
king when Eichard fought against him.
§ 2. The accession of Henry did not proximately
cause the repeal of the cruel laws which had long
afflicted the Cymry ; but he granted them a charter,
which rendered the administration less rigorous, and
relieved the people from the most grievous part of their
thraldom. A knowledge of the sovereign's predilections
and belief in his good will tended also to soothe the
feelings of his countrymen and to mitigate the malice
of their foes.
Writing of the feudal system, and of the manner in
which it was qualified by WiUiam the Conqueror and
his successors, Hallam says ' : ' Still, however, there re
mained the original principle, that allegiance depended
conditionally upon good treatment, and that an appeal
might be lawfully made to arms against an oppressive
government.' In connection with this declaration, the (
same discriminating historian adds : ' As to the Welsh I
frontier, it was constantly almost in a state of war,
which a very little good sense and benevolence in any
one of our shepherds would have easily prevented by
admitting the conquered people to partake in equal
privileges with their fellow-subjects. Instead of this,
they satisfied themselves with aggravating the mischief,
by granting legal reprisals upon Welshmen.' 2
In confirmation of this statement, the author quotes
Henry IV. c. 16 ; and the statement applies more
especiaUy to the period between the fall of the last
1 Hallam's View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages,
llth ed. 1855, vol. iii. p. 163.
2 Ibid. p. 169, note.

HISTORY OF WALES.
native sovereign and the charter of hberties granted by
King Henry VII.
§ 3. King Henry, finding that people spoke reproach
fully of his grandfather as a man of low degree, issued
a commission to the Abbot of Llanegwest, to Dr. Owen
Poole, canon of Hereford, and to John King, an English
herald, empowering them to make inquisition concern
ing Sir Owen Tudor's parentage. These commissioners,
having occasion to consult Cymraeg MSS., called to
their aid Sir John Leyaf, Guttyn Owen, a bard ; Gruf
fydd ab Llewelyn ab Evan Vychan, and some other
Welsh genealogists ; and having together diligently
sought out and studied the ancient books of pedigrees,
they traced Sir Owen's lineage to the ancient kings
of Britain, ascending through Ednyfed Fychan, Coel
Godebog, and Beli Mawr to Brutus, in five score
degrees ; and proving also his descent from Llewelyn
ab Iorwerth, from the Lord Ehys, prince of Deheu
barth, and from Llewelyn ab Gruffydd. The pedigree1
of King Henry VII., duly attested by the commissioners,
is given at full length in the Appendix to Wynne's
History of Wales.
§ 4. His marriage with Elizabeth of York was
solemnized January 18, 1486. On September 20, in
the same year, their eldest son was born, whom the
King2 ' in honour of the British race, of which himself
was, named Arthur, according to the name of that
ancient, worthy king of the Britons, in whose acts
there is truth enough to make him famous besides that
which is fabulous.' On November 20,3 in the year 1489,
King Henry created his heir apparent, Arthur, prince
1 Ed. 1697, pp. 331-334.
2 Lord Bacon's History of the Reign of King Henry VII.
3 Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 390.

THE TUDOE DYNASTY. 479
of Wales and earl of Chester, with the usual investi- chap.
ture. . XXVL .
On October 4, 1501, the Lady Catherine, fourth
daughter of Ferdinand IL, king of Aragon, and IsabeUa
queen of Castile, arrived at Plymouth, and she was
married at St. Paul's to Arthur, prince of Wales, on
November 14 following. Her father gave her as a
portion 200,000 ducats, and her jointure was the third
part of the principality of Wales, and of the earldom
of Chester, and of the dukedom of CornwaU. Great
magnificence was displayed at this wedding, and the
British hero King Arthur had his part among the
' devices, conceits, and triumphs.' The residence of
the young pair was fixed at Ludlow Castle, and there
Arthur held his court as Prince of Wales, assisted by a
president and council. He had the reputation of being
studious and learned beyond his years, and far beyond
the custom of princes. Of his disposition and character
little else is known. He died at Ludlow Castle, AprU
2, 1502.
§ 5. On February 18, 1503, Henry, duke of York,
the king's second son, was by his father created prince
of Wales and earl of Chester with the usual investiture.
The old Druidical practice of publicly denouncing
enemies before a battle had, in a modified form, been
kept up through successive ages ; and it was customary
during this reign, at certain seasons, to curse the king's
opponents by name at St. Paul's Cross, even though
they did not actuaUy bear arms against him.
As long as Jasper Tudor, duke of Bedford, retained
life and health, the king, his nephew, entrusted him
with the chief command of his military power. Lord
Bacon, enumerating the leaders of the army which
Henry had prepared for the invasion of France, men-

480 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, tions ' Eichard (? Ehys) Thomas, much noted for the

xxvi,

brave troops that he brought out of Wales;' and during
this king's whole reign he manifested upon all occasions
peculiar confidence in the military forces of his native
land. The encouragement given by Henry VII. to Sebastian
Cabot, and to other adventurous sailors, cherished
among the English that zeal for maritime discovery
which continues a national characteristic.
A passage in Bacon's history of this reign authenti
cates the prediction assigned by Shakspeare to King
Henry VI. , when seeing the young Earl of Eichmond
with Henry de Beaufort, duke of Somerset, the boy's
cousin, the melancholy monarch said :
My Lord of Somerset, what youth is that,
Of whom you seem to have so tender care ?
The duke replies:
My liege, it is young Henry, earl of Richmond.
And then the king adds :
Come hither, England's hope ! If secret powers
Suggest but truth to my divining thoughts,
This pretty lad will prove our country's bliss.
His looks are full of peaceful majesty;
His head by nature framed to wear a crown,
His hand to wield a sceptre, and himself
Likely in time to bless a regal throne.
Make much of him, my lords ; for this is he
Must help you more than you are hurt by me.1
The unadorned fact being,2 that one day, at a great
feast, when King Henry VI. was washing his hands,
he cast his eyes upon the young earl, and said to his
courtiers : ' This is the lad that shaU possess quietly
that that we now strive for.'
1 Third part of King Henry VI. act iv. scene vi.
2 Bacon's Moral and Historical Works, Bohn's ed. 1852, pp. 467, 478.

THE TUDOR DYNASTY.

481

Henry VII., when fully established upon the throne, chap.
rich, renowned, and prosperous, recollecting this forlorn . XXVL
conjecture as a fulfiUed prophecy, in grateful acknow
ledgment of the enunciator's goodwiU, and intending
to enhance thereby his own importance, superstitiously
entreated Pope Julius II. to canonize Henry VI. as a
saint ; but the alleged holy acts and fancied miracles
being referred to a committee of cardinals, the proposal
failed of success ; probably because the Pope feared to
incur ridicule by rendering conspicuous honour to a
known simpleton, and consequently set a higher price
upon the affair than the king would consent to pay.
The queen and five of her eight children died before
the king. He expired April 21, 1509. The surviving
chUdren were afterwards weU known to history as
Henry VIH., king of England ; Margaret, queen con
sort of Scotland ; and Mary, queen consort of France.
§ 6. For deliverance from the domination of the
Pope of Eome, and for the suppression of monasteries,
England and Wales stand for ever indebted to the
fiercely resolute wiU of King Henry VEIL To him
also they owe the institution of many grammar schools,
which, instead of the meagre instruction previously
given in the monasteries, imparted to eager and assi
duous pupils the rudiments of sound scholarship.
§ 7. Dr. WiUiam Smith, bishop of Lincoln, who had
been President of the Council of the Marches under
Prince Arthur, continued to fill the same office untU
his death, which occurred January 5, 1514. His suc
cessor in the presidency was Geoffrey Blythe, bishop of
Lichfield and Coventry, who Ukewise held the office
untU his death, which occurred in 1533. John Voysey,
bishop of Exeter, was the next president, but he died
October 23, 1534. Eowland Lee, bishop of Lichfield
1 1

482 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, and Coventry, a statesman of extraordinary sagacity
• — ~L- and perfect integrity, was Bishop Voysey's successor.
Either by the sovereign's direction, or by common
courtesy, each president after Prince Arthur's decease,
having no superior but the king, was styled Lord Pre
sident. By means of Bishop Lee's urgent statements, and in
accordance with a petition suggested by him and pre
sented by certain Welsh landowners, the king was
induced, in the year 1536, to originate and confirm a
1 statute enacting that the Principality and whole country
of Wales should be for ever united to the kingdom of
England and incorporated with it ; that all Welshmen
should enjoy equal liberty, rights, and privileges with
the king's English subjects; that lands in Wales should
be inheritable according to English tenures and rules of
descent ; and that the laws of England and no other laws
should be used throughout Wales. It enacted that
four new shires should be erected in Wales out of
territories which had not previously been so divided,
namely, the shires of Eadnor, Brecknock, Montgomery,
and Denbigh ; and that the specified lands of the Lords
Marchers, most of them being then in the king's hands,
should be annexed, and united partly to certain English
counties and partly to certain Welsh counties, according
to vicinity and convenience. It also enacted that a
county called 2 Monmouth should be constituted and
should thenceforth be governed in like manner and by
the same judges as the counties of England, and that
it should be accounted one of them. The eight
counties of Wales formed by King Edward I. and the
1 Statutes at Large, ed. 1763, vol. ii. pp. 420-427; 27 Hen. VIII.
Act xxvi.; Stephen's New Comm. ed. 1853, Introduction, § iv.
pp. 82-84; Dodridge's Historical Account, ed. 1714, p. 39.
8 Gibson's Camden's Britannia, ed. 1772, vol. i. p. 120, note c.

THE TUDOR DYNASTY. 4gg
four new counties were each enabled, by this statute, ghap. XWT
to send one knight to represent it in the English -=-^— ^-
Parliament, and every town specially mentioned in the
act was likewise enabled to send one burgess, the
election of such knights and burgesses being ordered to
take place after the English manner.
One lamentable mistake was perpetuated by this act,
and counteracted all its beneficial provisions. No doubt
Bishop Lee and His Highness King Henry really did
bear ' a singular real love and favour ' towards his ma
jesty's Welsh subjects, but by appointing the sole use
of the EngUsh language in all judicial courts, and inter
dicting the enjoyment of every sort of office through
out his dominions to persons using the Cymraeg, on
^pain of forfeiture, unless they adopted English speech,
he instituted a grievance which has been cruelly felt
through many following generations.
§ 8. On St. Edward's eve, October 12, 1537, King
Henry VHI.'s son and heir was born, the mother being
Jane Seymour. The Principality having been legally in
corporated with England, it was 1 not deemed necessary
to create young Edward prince of Wales and earl of
Chester, or to give him the usual investiture, both those
honours devolving upon him, like the dukedom of
Cornwall, as a birthright.
The change from the genealogical and descriptive
style of designation in Wales to fixed and hereditary
surnames is not even now, in the latter half of the nine
teenth century, complete. It began in single instances
with Welshmen who had become familiar with England
and English habits ; it was promoted by the accession
of Henry VII. to the throne ; but, even among those of
1 Powel's Historie of Cambria, ed. 1584, -p. 306 ; Dodridge's Historical
Account, ed. 1714, p. 38. i i 2

484 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, the highest rank, it did not become general untU Eow-
^XX7I1> land Lee, bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, lord presi
dent of Wales and the Marches, when calling over the
panel of a jury one day became weary1 of the repetition
of the ab, and directed that the 'ancient worshipful
gentleman' Thomas ab William ab Thomas ab Eichard
ab Howel ab lefan Fychan, &c. of Mostyn, and the rest
of the jury, should thenceforth severally assume as a
surname either their last genealogical name, or that of
their residence.
/ § 9. At Bishop Lee's suggestion some further altera
tions were made by King Henry in the political state
of the Principality, all of them being intended to estab-
Ush the equality of its legal privileges with those of
England, and to bring the two nations into harmonious
action. By a statute2 passed in the year 1543, it was enacted
that the twelve shires should be comprized in four
circuits under four several judges, whose duty it was
to administer justice in each of their three shires twice
every year. The first circuit comprized Denbigh,
Flint, and Montgomery, the shires of Eastern Wales,
under the jurisdiction of the Justice of Chester. The
northern shires, Anglesey, Caernarvon, and Merioneth,
formed the second circuit under the Justice of North
Wales. The shires of Cardigan, Caermarthen, and
Pembroke formed the third circuit, under the Justice
of West Wales. Eadnor, Brecknock, and Glamorgan
formed the fourth circuit under the Justice of South
Wales. 3AU matters, both of law and equity, were
1 Camden's Remains, ed. 1657, pp. 145, 146; Pennant's Tours in
North Wales, ed. 1810, vol. i. pp. 17, 18.
2 Statutes at Large, ed. 1763, vol. ii. pp. 348-360, 34 & 35 Hen. VIII.
Act. xxvi.; Stephen, vol. i. Introduction, pp. 83, 84; Dodridge,
pp. 39-43.
3 Dodridge's Historical Account of the Ancient and Modern State of

THE TUDOR DYNASTY. 485
heard and determined in these circuits, and every chap.
session lasted during five days ; these justices having _XX,V1, -
nearly the same jurisdiction that the ancient English
justices in eyre or justices itinerant had had.
By the same statute King Henry VHI.1 reconstituted
the court of the Marches, erecting it by 2 statute for
the Principality and its marches, under the name of the
Court of the CouncU of Wales, continuing its seat at
Ludlow under a lord president, adding to the council
lors a secretary, an attorney, a solicitor, and the four
justices of the Welsh counties, and reserving to himself
and future sovereigns the right of regulating the num
ber of councUlors, and of choosing them, and also of
assigning the causes and matters to be tried as had here
tofore ' been accustomed and used.'
In each of the thirteen counties by the same statutes
were severally appointed sheriffs, justices of the peace,
coroners, and other local officers like those previously
belonging to English counties.
Bishop Lee, lord president of Wales, died January
24, 1543.3 His successor was Eichard Sampson, bishop
of Lichfield and Coventry, who died September 25, 1 554.
Previous to his decease, Bishop Sampson appears to
have resigned the presidency, for, contrary to precedent,
the government of King Edward VI. confided it to a
layman, John Dudley, earl of Warwick, afterwards
duke of Northumberland, who traced his maternal
descent through the Charltons to the native princes of
Powys. He soon resigned the office for employments
better suited to his vaulting ambition.
the Principality of Wales, Dutchy of Cornwal, and Earldom of Chester
ed. 1714, pp. 41-43.
1 Hallam's Constitutional History of England, ed. 1832, vol. i. p. 448.
2 34 & 35 Henry VHI. c. xxvi.; Gibson's Camden's Britannia, ed.
1772, vol. i. p. 472.
3 Powel's Historie of Cambria, pp. 389-401 ; Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. ii.

486\ HISTORY OF WALES.
chap.) William Herbert, afterwards earl of Pembroke, suc-
•A^,~y ceeded the Earl of Warwick in the presidency of
Wales, and held it until Michaelmas 1554, when
Nicholas Heath, bishop of Worcester, and soon after
wards archbishop of York and lord high chancellor
of England, held the office for a very short period.
The Earl of Pembroke then resumed the presidency,
and held it until superseded by Gilbert Bourne, bishop
of Bath and Wells, who retained the office until Queen
Mary's death, November 17, 1558.
John lord Williams of Thame was sent to Ludlow
as lord president of Wales in the first year of Queen
Elizabeth's reign, and he died October 14, 1559. Sir
Henry Sydney was his successor, and Sir Henry had
held that office twenty-eight years and six months
when Doctor Powel concluded the manuscript Historie
of Cambria with an account of the repairs done by Sir
Henry at Ludlow Castle and of the new buildings
erected there by him. Sir Henry Sydney, in a x letter
addressed to Sir Francis Walsingham, dated March 1,
1583, alluding to his Welsh presidency, calls it 'his
great and high office in Wales, a happy place of
government, for a better people to govern or better
subjects Europe holdeth not.' He died at Ludlow
Castle, May 5, 1586.
By an 2act of Parliament made in Queen Elizabeth's
reign, the addition of an assistant justice was given to
each of the four Welsh circuits.
The river Severn having been of old the recognized
boundary line of Wales, the president and council of
that country and its Marches asserted 3 that the four
1 Lemon's Calendar of State Papers, 1581-1590, p. 98.
2 18 Eliz. c. viii. ; Dodridge, p. 43.
3 Hallam's Constitutional History of England, ed. 1832, vol. i. p. 448,

THE TUDOR DYNASTY. 437
counties of Hereford, Worcester, Gloucester, and Salop chap.
were included within the limits of their authority ; and, ._XXYL-
to strengthen their claim when disputed, they alleged
that those counties had been reduced from a very dis
orderly condition to a state of tranquillity by means of
their court's jurisdiction. In the reign of Elizabeth,
the inhabitants of those four counties, who were chiefly
of Teutonic descent, complained of being excluded from
the general privileges of the common law by means of
this subjection to the Lord President and his Council.
In the reign of her successor James I., the discontent
increased ; and the question was referred to the twelve
judges, who decided that Hereford, Worcester, Glouces
ter, and Salop were ancient English shires formed by
King Alfred, and not within the jurisdiction of the
court of the Council of Wales. Nevertheless, the usur
pation was not wholly discontinued, and an elaborate
defence of the court's jurisdiction was written by Lord
Bacon in order to uphold the arbitrary power of the
sovereign. Henry earl of Pembroke succeeded Sir Henry
Sydney, and held the office of lord president until the
appointment of Lord Zouch in 1601.
In 1607,1 Ealph lord Eure, baron of Multon, was
sent to Ludlow by King James I. as lord president,
and also as the king's lieutenant within the Principality
of Wales. His successor in both offices was WiUiam
lord Compton, afterwards earl of Northampton, whose
appointment bears the date of November 12, 1617.
He died in 1630. John Egerton, earl of Bridgwater,
appears to have entered immediately upon the duties
footnote ; Pennant's Tours in North Wales, ed. 1810, vol. iii. Appendix
iii. pp. 298, 299.
1 Arch. Camb. April 1846, W. W. E. W. pp. 139-141.

488 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap, of both offices ; but his appointment as lord president is
. XXVI1- dated May 12,1 1633, and that of lord heutenant of the
dominion and principality of Wales was made in 1634.
Three children of this earl2 chanced to lose their way
in a wood near Ludlow, during the period of studious
retirement which MUton passed with his father and
mother at Horton in Buckinghamshire, and the great
poet was persuaded by his friend Henry Lawes, the
eminent musical composer, to embody the incident in
a drama. Milton consequently wrote the admirable
Masque of Comus ; Henry Lawes set the exquisite
lyric verses of that masque to original music ; and it
was represented at Ludlow Castle in 1634, by the
heroes and heroine of the story.
The court of the President and Council of Wales and
the Welsh Marches3 was abohshed by the same act of
Parliament which abolished the Star Chamber and other
tyrannical courts, a.d. 1640-42. It was revived4 at
the restoration of Charles II. ; and Eichard Vaughan,
earl of Carbery, was appointed lord president and lord
heutenant of Wales.
In the year 1672, Henry Somerset, marquis of
Worcester, was constituted lord president, and ap
pointed lord lieutenant of Wales and the Marches.
He was created duke of Beaufort 5 December 2, 1682 ;
and Dineley, a contemporary and apparently an ad
miring dependent, has left an 6 amusing record of his
1 Rymer's Foedera.
2 Masson's Life of Milton, vol. i. 1608-1639; Warton's History of
English Poetry ; Johnson's Lives of the Poets ; Milton's Poems, vol. ii.
3 Hallam's Constitutional History of England, ed. 1832, vol. ii.
pp. 134-136.
4 Arch. Camb. April 1846, W. W. E. W.
6 Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. i. p. 53.
6 Account of the Progress of Henry, first duke of Beaufort, through
Wales, 1684, and Notitia Cambro-Britannica, by T. Dineley, edited from

THE TUDOR DYNASTY.

489
CHAP.

master's stately progress through Wales in the year
1684, when executing the offices of lord heutenant xxvi
and lord president.
The duke was superseded in both his Welsh dignities
by Charles Gerard, earl of Macclesfield.
The court was : finaUy abolished in the year 1689 ;
and from that time until his death, January 7, 1694,2
Lord Macclesfield held the office of lord lieutenant of
North and South Wales. The whole Principality has
never since been subjected to one lord lieutenant.
§ 10. It was declared by statute3 in the year 1746,
' that where England only is mentioned in any act of
Parliament, the same notwithstanding hath been and
shaU be deemed to comprehend the dominion of Wales
and the town of Berwick-upon-Tweed.'
UntU recent times Wales differed from England in
two important particulars : 4 — 1. In possessing within
itself superior courts called courts of Great Session
independent of the processes of Westminster Hall, and
not visited by the English judges of assize, the pro
ceedings in these courts being partly regulated by the
Welsh Judicature (Act 13 Geo. III. c. 51). 2. In such
of its counties and towns as sent members to Parliament
sending only one member each, the usual represent
ation of English counties and boroughs being two.
One of these differences was abolished by the Act
for the More Effectual Administration of Justice (1
Wm. IV. c. 70), the jurisdiction of the court of Great
the original MS. by Charles Baker, 1864, and printed for private circu
lation. 1 1 W. & M. c. xxvii. ; Gibson's Camden's Britannia, ed, 1772, vol. i.
p. 472.
2 Arch. Camb. April 1846, W. W. E. W.
3 20 George II. c. xiii. § 3.
4 Stephen's New Comm. ed. 1853, vol. i. Introduction, § iv. p. 84.

490 HISTORY OF WALES.
[ chap. Session being put an end to, and assizes appointed to be
xxvi. keid in ^he Principality for the trial of aU matters civil,
and ecclesiastical in Uke manner to those usual in the
English counties ; and the other ceased with the Act
to Amend the Eepresentation of the People (2 Wm. IV.
c. 45), which arranged for the return of two members
from three Welsh counties respectively, leaving each of
the other Welsh counties with one.
By Acts 8 & 9 of Queen Victoria, the manner of
assigning sheriffs for Wales was regulated and assimi
lated with that of the English counties.
§ 11. It is probable that William Caxton practised the
art of printing in London about the year 1470, but the
first Welsh book ever printed was a sort of calendar of
quarto size, written by the learned and pious x William
Salesbury, of Plas Isaf, Denbighshire, and published in
London in the year 1546. Besides his native Cymraeg
and English, Salesbury understood the Hebrew, Chal-
daic, Syriac, Arabic, Greek, Latin, French, Italian, and
Spanish languages. In the year 1551, when Edward
VI. reigned, Salesbury published a translation of all
the epistles and gospels, made by himself for the Welsh
churches. Sir John Price of Brecknock, author of the ' De
scription of Wales,' member of the Council of the Court
of Wales and the Marches, made a translation of the
Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments,
which was printed in the year 1555.2
In the year 1562,3 Elizabeth being queen, an act of
1 Williams's Enwogion Cymru, pp. 466, 467 ; Owen's Cambrian Bio
graphy, p. 312.
2 Jones's History of Brecknockshire.
3 Llewelyn's Historical Account of the British or Welsh Versions and
Editions of the Bible, with an Appendix containing the Dedications pre
fixed to the first impressions. Ed. 1768.

THE TUDOR DYNASTY.

491

Parliament ordered the translation of the whole Bible chap.
and the Book of Common Prayer into the Welsh . XXVI-
language, directing that such translations should be
viewed, perused, and aUowed by the bishops of the
four Welsh dioceses and by the Bishop of Hereford,
and printed and brought into use in all the Welsh
churches by March 1 in the year 1566, under penalties
of 4:01. each ; to be severaUy levied on those five
bishoprics. The charge of fulfilling these enactments was left
wholly to the five bishops, and the difficulty of obtain
ing proper remuneration for translators, and adequate
funds for the printing and attendant expenses, rendered
those bishops willing rather to pay the decreed fines
than to incur pecuniary responsibilities of far greater
amount. Nevertheless, three patriotic scholars gra
tuitously undertook the task of translating the New
Testament from the Greek collated with the Latin
Vulgate. Dr. Eichard Davies, bishop of St. David's,
translated the First Epistle to Timothy, the Epistle to
the Hebrews, the Epistle of St. James, and the Two
Epistles of St. Peter ; Thomas Huet, precentor of
St. David's, rector of Cefnllys, Brecknockshire, and of
Disserth, Eadnorshire, translated the Book of Eeve-
lation ; and WiUiam Salesbury translated aU the rest.
This Welsh version of the New Testament contains 800
4to pages in black letter, and it was printed and pub
lished in London by Henry Denham, at the expense of
Humphrey Toy, in the year 1567. The bishop pre
fixed to this work, an address ' to all the Welsh, espe
cially those, within his diocese, desiring a renewal of
the ancient catholic faith by the light of the Gospel of
Christ.' Dr. Eichard Davies,1 with the assistance of William
1 Williams's Enwogion Cymru, pp. 108-110.

492 HISTORY OF WALES.
chap. Salesbury of Pks Isaf, translated the reformed Book of
xxvi.^ Qommon prayer into Welsh, and it was printed at their
joint and equal expense in the year 1567.
These two eminent and excellent men had together
undertaken to make a Welsh translation of the Old
Testament, and the work was in progress, when va
riance of opinion concerning the general sense and
etymology of a word unhappily produced an alienation
of feeling which led to the abandonment of the design.
Dr. WiUiam Morgan,1 a Caernarvonshire man, when
vicar of Lknrhaiadyr yn Mochnant in Denbighshire,
had occasion to visit the Archbishop of Canterbury
upon some parochial business ; and the Archbishop,
Dr. Whitgift, finding in the course of conversation that
the vicar had spontaneously engaged in the task of
translating the Pentateuch from the Hebrew into
Welsh, formed so favourable an estimate of his learning,
ability, and character, that he advised him to extend
the translation to the whole of the Old Testament, and
he appointed him one of his own chaplains.
In executing his great work, Dr. Morgan found
ready access to the Ubraries of Dr. William Hughes,
bishop of St. Asaph ; of Dr. Hugh Bellot, bishop of
Bangor ; of Dr. Gab ; of Dr. David Powel, the historian ;
of Edmund Pryse, archdeacon of Merioneth, author of a
Welsh metrical version of the Psalms ; and of Eichard
Vaughan of Duffryn, archdeacon of Middlesex, after
wards bishop of Bangor 1595, Chester 1597, and
London 1604. These erudite men and Dean Goodman
aided Dr. Morgan alsoby revising and correcting his
translation.

1 Williams's Enwogion Cymru, pp. 342, 343 ; Yorke's Royal Tribes
of Wales, Appendix i. ; Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. ii.

THE TUDOR DYNASTY. 493
Dr. Gabriel Goodman,1 dean of Westminster, was
born at Euthyn in the year 1524, and owed his ad- .
vancement in the world to his own remarkable merit
and the friendship of Lord Burleigh. He translated
into English the First Epistle to the Corinthians for the
version called the Bishops' Bible, and, about the year
1590, he founded the grammar school of Euthyn.
In 1587, Dr. Goodman kindly received Dr. Morgan
into the deanery at Westminster, and hospitably enter
tained him there for a year or more, assisting him also
with advice and labour while the sacred sheets were
passing through the press. This great work was
printed in London, and appeared in the year 1588. It
is a black letter folio, numbered by the leaves 555, and
comprises in one volume the Old Testament, the Apo
crypha, and a revised edition of Salesbury 's New
Testament. The copy presented by Dr. Morgan to
the dean and chapter of Westminster remains in their
library. At the express command of Queen Elizabeth, Dr.
William Morgan's eminent services to his country were
acknowledged by his election to the see of Llandaff,
June 30, 1595.2 He was translated to St. Asaph,
September 17, 1601, and he died there September 10,
1604. After the lapse of a few years, the want of Bibles in
Welsh churches again became a cause of loud com
plaint, and the learned Dr. Eichard Parry,3 bishop of
St. Asaph, assisted by his chaplain, the learned Dr. John
Davies, rector of Mallwyd, Merionethshire, undertook

1 Fuller's Worthies ; Williams's Enwogion Cymru, pp. 175, 176 ; Sir
Thomas Phillips's Wales, pp. 340-342.
2 Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. ii.
3 Williams's Enwogion Cymru, pp. 300, 891,

494 HISTORY OF WALES.

XXVI

chap, to make a thorough revision and correction of Bishop
Morgan's Bible. The result of their diligent labours
was the production of an edition in black letter folio,
printed by King James's printer, Norton, in the year
1620, which continues to be the standard version of the
Cymraeg Scriptures,
The number of copies comprised in these early
editions has not been precisely ascertained, but it is
supposed by Dr. Llewelyn scarcely to have equaUed in
each case the number of Welsh parochial churches.
No attempt had yet been made to supply families
with the Bible ; and doubtless the parish copy, chained
in its church, wore out the sooner for the friction of
many eager hands which turned its leaves. Many
pious Welshmen keenly felt that every home ought to
be enlightened and cheered by the reflected beams of
the Sun of Eighteousness, and they at length succeeded
in interesting other good and wealthy persons in the
spiritual wants of the uninformed and poor, and con
ferred upon their beloved country the greatest of all
benefits in supplying that inestimable treasure — a house
hold Bible.
Bishop Parry died1 September 26, 1623; but2 his
version was republished in an 8vo. form for household
use in the year 1630, the expenses being chiefly borne
by Eowland Heylin, of Pentre Heylin, Montgomery
shire, alderman of London ; by Sir Thomas Middleton,
a Denbighshire man, alderman of London ; and by
some other citizens of London connected with the
Principality. In 1632, Dr. John Davies3 published his transktion
of the Thirty-nine Articles. He died May 15, 1644.
1 Nicolas, Synopsis, vol. ii.
2 Llewelyn's Historical Account.
3 Williams's Enwogion Cymru, pp. 105, 106,

THE TUDOR DYNASTY. 495
Looking only through the biographies of the Welsh- chap.
men who in Tudor times sprang from obscurity to the . XXYL -
bright forefront of all professions, without reference to
the distinguished hosts of succeeding centuries, the
words of Ben x Jonson recur forcibly to the mind —
'Eemember the country has always been fruitful of
loyal hearts, a very garden and seedplot of honest
minds and men. What lights of learning hath Wales
sent forth for your schools ! What industrious students
of your laws ! What able ministers of your justice !
Whence hath the crown in all times better servitors,
more Uberal of their lives and fortunes ? ' May many
readers of this book win a place on the beadroll of
Welsh worthies !
§ 12. . It was a common tradition,2 in the twelfth cen
tury, that the Snowdon range of mountains was fre
quented by an eagle, which, perching upon a fatal
stone on every fifth recurring holyday of the Eomish
Church, expected to satiate its hungry rage upon the
carcases of men freshly slain in battle ; and the stone,
by the bird's cleaning and sharpening its beak, was
believed to have been almost perforated.
Under the influence of gentler and more equitable
treatment than the nation ever experienced before the
accession of their Henry, and under the divine power
of scriptural truth, Wales has gradually become a
land of peace, to which bloodshed, with heinous crime
in every form, is now almost unknown.
1 For the Honour of Wales. Works, edited by Barry Cornwall.
2 Giraldus, Itin. book ii. c. ix.

APPENDIX.

The following table identifies the old Cymraeg names with the
English and Anglicized ones. Any student, with a map of
Eoman Britain before him, can easily make for himself such a.
table of the Eoman and English ' names of antiquity ' as Phile
mon Holland has subjoined to his translation of Camden's ' Bri
tannia,' ed. 1637, Appendix.
Mine is derived from Camden's 'Eemains,' Gibson's 'Camden's
Britannia,' Pennant's 'Tours in North Wales,' 'The Cambrian
Eegister,' Jones's 'History of Brecknockshire,' 'The Cambro-
Briton,' 'The Archseologia Cambrensis,' Hartshorne's 'Salopia
Antiqua,' Ab Ithel's 'Glossary to the Brut y Tywysogion,'
Aneurin Owen's preface and notes to ' The Ancient Laws and
Institutes of Wales,' Lewis's 'Topography of Wales,' Welsh
dictionaries, guide-books, &c.

AN AID TO THE IDENTIFICATION OF PLACES
MENTIONED IN" THIS HISTORY.

Aber. A conflux ; a village in
North Wales.
Aberdaucleddau. Milford Haven.
Abergivaun. Fishguard.
Aberhonddu. Brecknock.
Aberllwchwr. A district of Gower.
Abertawe. Swansea.
Aberteifi. Caerdigan.
Amwythig. Salop.

Arberth. Narberth ; so called in
English from blending part of
the preposition yn with the
true name, which signifies above
the thicket.
Ardudwy. The overflowed land.
Bachrhyd. The Little Ford;
Boughrood.

K K

498

HISTORY OF WALES.

Bala. A place where a river
emerges from a lake.
Buallt. A land of boscage.
Bryn Buga. Usk.
Bryneich. Bernicia.
Bod Wylim. William's Home.
Bryn y Pin. A lofty and rocky
eminence, now called Pen y
Pare. It is in North Wales.
Caer. A stronghold on an emi
nence encompassed with agger
and trench.
Caer Badclon. Bath.
Caer Caradog. Salisbury. Caer
Caradog is also the name of
a stronghold in Fferlegs, where
Caradog fought his last battle
with Ostorius.
Caer Ci. Chichester.
Caer Colwyn. Harlech Castle.
Caer Cori. Cirencester.
Caer Cynan. Norwich.
Caer Efrog. York.
Caer Ffawydd; called also Tre
Fawydd, and Henfordd — Here
ford.
Caer Fyrddin. Caermarthen.
Caer Gaint. Canterbury.
Caer Gwrle. Hope ; also called
Hopedale. It is now known to
the Welsh as Estyn.
Caer Lleon ar Dyfrdwy. Chester.
Caer Lleon. Carlisle.
Caer Lleon ar Wysg. Caerleon.
Caer Loew. Gloucester.
Caer Odor. Bristol.
Caer Waun. Chirk Castle; called
also Castell y Waun and Moch-
nant.
Caer Went. Striguil ; also called
Chepstow.
Caer Wyrangon. Worcester.

Caer Wysg. Exeter.
Cantref y Barwn, included three
cwmwds, of which two are now
in Merionethshire, and one
is in Denbighshire. This can
tref formed the northern part of
the kingdom of Powys. The
cwmwds are Edeyrnion, Glyn
dwrdu, and Dynmael.
Cantref Penwedig is in Ceridigion.
Car on TJwch Clawydd. Ystrad
Flur; also called Strata Flo-
rida.
Castell Cymaron, near Llandewi
Tstradenny
Castell Goch yn Gernfor. Ruthyn.
Castell Lleon. Holt.
Castell Penwedig ; called also Cas
tell Gwalter and Caer Brynhir.
Castell Tre V Llyn. Welshpool.
Ceubalfa. A ferry ; now called
Cabalva. It is between Clyro
and Hay.
Cii Gwri. The Wirral, being the
peninsula between the estuaries
of the rivers Dee and Mersey.
Cii Owen. AplainnearLlan-Elwy.
Craig Caerau. Cruker Castle ;
now called Old Radnor.
Creigiau V Eira, or Eryri. Snow-
donia.
Cas Newydd. Newport in Gwent.
Colunwy. Clun.
Croesffordd. Gresford.
Croes Oswalt. Oswestry.
Cydweli ; so called from Cyd, a
junction, and ivyl, a gushing.
The town stands upon the con
flux of the rivers Gwendraeth
Fawr and Fychan.
Cynsyllt or Counsyllt, is Coleshill,
near Coed Eulo, and near Flint.

APPENDIX.

499

Deheubarth. The land lying to
one's right or south hand : South
Wales. Dyfed is an abbreviated
form of this word. The term
Deheubarth is used by the oldest
British writers to designate
Wales, the term being applied
with reference to Y Gogledd of
Lowland Alban and northern
England.
Dinan ; more recently called Llys-
twysiog and Llwydlo, Ludlow.
Dinas Bran. Crow Castled This
was a chief castle of Powys
Maelor, and belonged to Prince
Gruffydd ab Madog. The
strongholds which bear respec
tively the name of Dinas have
level terraces, which the Caers
have not.
Dinbych y Piscoed. Tenby.
Dindryfan. Dunraven.
D61. A Holm ; that is to say, an
island formed by a river.
Dwrinwyr. Dorchester.
Dyfed. South Wales ; and, in sub
sequent years, that district of S.
Wales now known as Pembroke
shire and Caermarthenshire.
Eithin Fynydd. The Furze Moun
tain.
Elfel. A cantref in the southern
part of Radnorshire.
Ellennith. Maeleinydd, the Plin-
limmon range of mountains.
Ergengl. Urchenfield.
Esgyr. Aplace suitableforplough-
ing ; corrupted into Screen, per
haps into Scoigir.
Essylwg. Siluria.
1 The Catalogue of British History, Rolls Com. vol. ii. p. 196, a.d. 1136,
on 'Historia Prioratus Lanthonise in Comitatu Gloucestrice.'
kk2

Fferlys; also called Fferlegs, or
Fferregs : the district lying be
tween Severn and Wye was so
called from the departure of
the Romans until late in the
middle ages.
Glanawg ; called also Ynys Len-
arch and Ynys Seiriol — Priest
Holm.
Glyndwrdwy. The valley of the
Dee.
Gwent Llug, i.e. Open Gwent.
Gwrscam. Wrexham.
Gwyddgrug. Mold, Monthaut.
Gwrihrynion, one of the three
cwmwds of Arwystli, a cantref
of Merioneth, attached by King
Henry VIII. (stat. xxvii.) to his
new counties of Radnor and
Montgomery. Arwystlihadthree
cwmwds — Cwmwd Uwchoed,
Cwmwd Iscoed, and Gwrthryn-
ion ; gwrth meaning by, or
over-against ; and rhynion, pro
montories.
Gwys. A place in Cantref Cemaes
in Dyfed.
Gwys. The castle of the Sons of
Uchred in Cantref Mawr, in
Caerfyrddin.
Llanandras. Presteign.
Llan Lleifiad. Liverpool.
Llan Llieni. Leominster.
1 Llantoni Abbey, in Gwent, was
founded by Normans, a.d. 1103,
and the church was consecrated
a.d. 1108, Augustinian canons
being brought from Merton,
from Trinity at Aldgate, and

500

HISTORY OF WALES.

from Colchester, to instruct those
at Llantoni. The establishment
removed to Hereford during the
troubles which followed the
death of King Henry I., and
thence to Gloucester, where the
church of another Llantoni
dedicated in the

Abbey was
year 1136.
Llanfendigaid. Blessed.

The resort of the

Manaw. The Isle of Man.
Maeleinydd. A cantref in the
northern part of Radnorshire,
extending into Montgomery
shire, and giving its name to the
mountain range of Plinlimmon.
Maelor. Broomfield.
Manor Byr. The manor of the
lord.
Mold. Monthaut.
Rhosfair. Newborough, in An
glesey.
Ruichom. The Isle of Thanet.

Tafolwern, wern.

in CyfeUiog. Wal-

Trefdraeth. Newport, in Caer-
diganshire.
Tegeingl, called in Doom's Day
Book Aticross, and subsequently
Englefield.
Tregelli. Hay.
Trefy Clawydd. Knighton.
Treffynon. Holywell.
Tre V Llyn. Welsh Pool: this
was the chief castle or palace in
Powys, and belonged to Gwen
wynwyn and his successors.
Tre Twr, in Brycheiniog.
Tyganwy. The dwelling, or home
stead, on the Conwy.
Penard Lag, or Halawg ; called
also Pen y Llwch. Hawarden.
Ystradwy, comprised part of the
present hundred of Talgarth and
the hundred of Crug Howel,
and generally was meant to in
clude the vale of the river Usk.
Ystradwy, and Ewias which
extends into Herefordshire, are
styled by an old writer ' The
two sleeves of Gwent-Uchwed.

LAND MEASURES.

4 Erws .
4 Tyddin
4 Rhandir
4 Gafels
4 Trefs
12 Maenols and 2 Trefs
2 Cwmwds

= 1 Tyddin.
= 1 Rhandir — district.
= 1 Gafel — bailiwick.
= 1 Tref — township.
= 1 Maenol — manor.
= 1 Cwmwd — association.
= 1 Cantref— ten townships

25,600 Erws in the cantref.

APPENDIX.

DEGREES OF MEN.

Arglwydd

. = Lord.

Boneddig .

. = Lineage ; signifying a Cymro

with a good pedigree.

Alltud

= A foreigner.

Aillt

= An alien.

501

GLOSSARY' OF WELSH WORDS.

Ab, corruptly or euphonically
called Ap, is from Mab, a son,
and signifies, when placed be
tween proper names, 'the son of.'
Aber. A conflux.
Am. About, around.
Ar. Bordering upon.
Aran. A high, smooth mountain.
Alt. A cliff.
Afon. A river.
Bach. Little.
Bedd. A grave.
Bettws. A chapel.
Blaen. A projecting point.
Bod. An abode.
Braich. An arm.
Bryn. A hill.
Bwlch. A rocky defile.
Bron. A breast, or slope, of a
hill.
Bychan. Small.
Cader. A chair ; a hill fortress.
Cae. An enclosed field.
Caer. A fortress.
Capel. A chapel.
Cam. A heap.
Carnedd. A heap of stones, either
artificially or naturally accu
mulated.

Careg. A rock.
Castell. A castle.
Cefn. A ridge.
Cell. A cell, or grove.
Clas. A space ; a plot of ground.
Clawdd. A dyke.
Cistfaen. A stone chest for the
dead.
Clogwyn. A precipice.
Coed. A wood.
Coch. Red.
Cors. A marsh, or bog.
Craig. A crag.
CU. A retreat, or recess.
Croes. A cross.
Cwm. A hollow glen.
Dinas. A fortress having terraces.
DSL A holm.
Drws. A pass ; a doorway.
Du. Black.
Dwfr, or Dwr. Water.
Dyffryn. A valley.
Eglwys. A church.
Ffynon. A spring of water.
Fforcld. A road.
Garth. A hill which bends round.
Glan. A river's bank.

502

HISTORY OF WALES.

Glds. Green.
Glyn. A narrow valley through
which runs a river.
Givern. A swampy meadow.
Chvydd. A wood.
Givastad. A level, or plain.
Givyn. White, fair.
Gwys. A summons.
Llafar. The Sonorous.
Llanerch. A slang, or slip, of
level ground.
Llan. A sacred and enclosed spot
of ground.
Llivyn. A grove.
Llech. A flat, or flagstone.
Llechwedd. A declivity.
Llyn. A lake.
Morfa. A salt-water marsh.
Maen. A stone.
Maes. An open field.
Mawr. Great, or large.
Melen. Yellow.
Melin. A mill.
Minffordd. A road side.
Moel. A smooth, conical hill.
Mynydd. A mountain.
Nant. A channel ; a ravine.
Pant. A concave place.
Pentref. A cluster of dwellings
without a church ; a hamlet.
Pendrej. Head of the trench ; a

place usually situated on the
site of a Eoman camp.
Pen. A head.
Pistyll. A spout ; a spouting ca
taract.
Plds. A place ; a superior place
of residence.
Pont. A bridge.
Porth. A gateway.
PwU. A deep pool.
Rhaiadyr. A broad cataract.
Rhiw. A trackway over a moun
tain.
Rhos A moist common.
Rhyd. A ford.
Sam. A causeway.
Swydd. A shire.
Tal. The forehead or front.
Tan. Under.
Traeth. A sandy shore
Tref. A dwelling-place.
Tri. Three.
Twyn. A mound.
Twr. A tower.
Ty. A house.
Y. The, on the, of
Ym. My.
Yn. In, at, into.
Ynys. An island.
Ystrad. A vale ; a road
Yspytty. A hospital.

INDEX.

anc
Ancient British Saints:
Eigen, or Eurgain, 41, 42
Cyllin, 42
Alban of Verulam, 53
Julius and Aaron of Caerleon upon
Usk, 53
Ancient British Sovereigns :
Caswallawn, (Cassibelaunus), 18
Caradog (Caractacus), 18, 19, 20, 21,
22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 29
Cogidunus, 21, 33, 34, 39, 67
Prasutagus, 21, 22
Aregwedd Poeddawg (Cartismandua),
22, 25, 27, 28
Venutius, 22, 27, 28, 31, 35
Bran ab Llyr, 29, 30
Buddig (Boadicea), 33
Leurwg, or Lleufr Mawr (Lucius),
44
The local kings in Britain, 49, 50,
64

Bards : of Ancient Britain, 6, 64, 65
Merlin, 79, 105, 256, 417, 446
Llywarch Hen, 81, 87, 92, 93
Aneurin, 87
Taliessin, 87, 92, 105
Bards flee from the Saxon invaders,
95
Cadwallawn, 105
His defeat and death deplored by his
bardic brethren, 107
Duties of the Bardd Teulu defined
by tho laws of Howel Dda, 144,
145
Bards and minstrels assemble in
Eisteddfod at Caerwys, 202
Enactments of G-ruffydd ab Cynan
concerning them, 202, 203
Bards and minstrels assemble in
Eisteddfod at Aberteifi, 208

Bards, continued —
Revival of Druidical tenets among
the Bards of the twelfth century,
225, 226
Cynddelw, 226, 265
Bards and minstrels assemble in
Eisteddfod at Ystrad Towy, 232
Meilyr, 233
Gwalchmai, 253, 262, 265
Bardic influence, 256, 257
Howel ab Owen Gwynedd, a bard,
256, 264
Owen Cyfeiliog, a bard, 257, 258
Peryf ab Cadifor, 264, 265
Bardic eulogy, 265
Llywarch ab Llewelyn, 269, 336
Eineon ab Gwgan, 336
Dafydd Benfras, 336, 417
Elidwr Sais, 336
Phylip Brydydd, 336
Bleddyn Fardd, 417
Gruffydd ab yr Ynad Coch, 417
Iolo Goch, 436, 438
Gruffydd Llwyd, 438
Other bards, 438, 446
Bardic genealogists and heralds,
469, 470
Britain : its aboriginal state, 1-16
Its condition under the propraetors
of the Roman emperors until the
reign of Diocletian, 17-47
Its prosperity under Carausius, 47-
52
Its government under Constantine
the Great, 55, 56
Its state when Honorius resigned the
island, 64-66
And later in the fifth century, 67-79
Its state in the seventh century, 109
The state of Cymric Britain in the
eleventh century, 193, 194
In the twelfth century, 227, 228

504

INDEX.

British Ecclesiastics, more espe
cially those of the Cymry :
Eborius (Efrog) Restitutus (Rhysted),
57
Adelfius (Cadfrawd), 57
Bishops sent to Nice, 57
Bishops sent to Ariminum, 57
Their number in the fifth century,
65
Pelagius, 70
Deputation to Armorica, 70
Garmon and Severus, 71
Tudwal, Cynan, Gistilianus, Pawl
Hen, &c, 73, 75
Padrig ab Mawon, 73
Trefor (Tremorinus), 74
Cattwg, 74
Dyfrig (Dubricius), 73, 74, 80, 82,
83
Dewi (David), 75, 76, 82, 83, 81, 90,
91
His leek, 106
His shrine, 188, 266, 267, 423
His canonization, 225, 342
Padarn, 81, 82
Dunawd, 86, 100, 101
Gildas, 89, 90
Cynog, 91
Teilo, 91, 111
Ismael, 91
Deinioi ab Dunawd, 91
Cydern, surnamed Mwyngu, called
also Kentigern, 91, 93
Asaf abSawl, 93
British clergy described by Gildas,
89, 90
Their flight from the Saxons, 95
Bishops massacred, 95
Cymric prelates and clergy confer
with Augustine, 99-101
Celebration of Easter, 102, 114
Mode of tonsure, 102
Mode of baptism, 102
Elfod, 114, 117
Asser, otherwise called Geraint Bardd
Glas, 127, 128
Camelauc, 134
Madog Nun, 164
Gruffydd, 218
Bledri Ddoeth, 165
Gwgan, 165
Joseph, 165
Tremorin, 176
Nicholas ab Gwrgant, 177
Sulien Ddoeth. 184, 185, 188, 190,
227
Abraham, 185, 188
Rythmarch, 201, 227
Gruffydd, 218

CYJI
British Ecclesiastics, con
Daniel, 227
Maurice, 236
Uchtryd, 236
Geoffrey of Monmouth, 244
Urgenny, 262
Llawdden, 262

Chieftains celebrated in Cymric
Warfare, or otherwise :
Geraint (Gerontius), 66, 68
Cunedda Wledig, 68, 69
Caswallawn ab Eineon ab Cunedda,
69
Serigi, an Irish invader of Cymru,
69
Tewdrig, king of Morganwg, 69
Meurig, king of Morganwg, 69, 73,
78
Brychan, an Irish prince, marries
Marchell, daughter of Tewdrig, his
character and progeny, 69, 70
lestyn ab Gwrgant, 191-193
Bleddyn ab Maenareh, 193
Morgan of Caerleon, 230
Iorwerth of Caerleon, 230, 266, 267,
268, 270, 271
Seissyll ab Dyfnwal, 271, 275, 278
Trahaern Fychan, 297, 298
Changes in the designation of the
Welsh rulers, 234
Changes in the ownership of land, 234,
235
Change from the genealogical and de
scriptive style of personal and family
designation to fixed and hereditary
surnames, 483
Christianity : its first introduction
to Britain, 29, 30
Its early converts there, 41, 42-44
Its martyrs, 53
Heretics persecuted by Maximus,
61
State of Christianity in the fifth cen
tury, 70-76
State of Christianity in the sixth cen
tury, 81-92
Its suppression, and the slaughter of
its ministers by the Saxons, 95,
96
Mission of Augustine, 98-102
State of British Christianity in the
twelfth century, 226
And generally in the Middle Ages, 308
Cymraeg Literature, in the twelfth
century, 244, 245
Cymraeg Versions of the Scriptures,
95, 96, 490-494

INDEX.

505

FI!A

Cymric Cathedrals and Communities,
71-81, 85, 86, 100, 101
Glastonbury, 111.
Rival claims of St. David's and Llan
daff to primacy, precedency, and
property, '111, 112, 228, 241, 242,
302
First appointment of a Norman
bishop to the see of St. David's,
and the object of that appointment,
218
Merfyn, abbot of Ty Gwyn, 241
The Norman bishop Bernard's re-
assertion of the rights of the dio
cese of St. David's, 241, 242
Temporary expulsion of foreigners
from the Cymric sees, 235
Bishop Bernard's suit carried on by
Giraldus Cambrensis, 302
Archbishop Baldwin, while preaching
the second crusade, enforces the
metropolitan claims of Canterbury,
277-288
Archbishop John Peckham visits tho
Welsh dioceses, and arranges the
ecclesiastical affairs of the country,
422
Cymric Kings who defended their
Country against the Teutonic
Tribes:
Gwrtheyrn Gwrthenau (Vortigern),
76,77
Vortimer, 77
Emrys Wledig (Aurelius Ambrosius),
78, 79, 80
Arthur, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 85
His sepulchre, 291, 292
Geraint ab Erbyn, 81
Caradog Fraichfras, 86
Urien Eheged, 86, 87
Constantine ab Cadwr, 87
Maelgwn Gwynedd, 87, 88, 89
Constantine of Damnonia, 89
Aurelius Conanus, 89
Vortiper, 89
Rhun ab Maelgwn, 103
Cadfan ab lago, 103, 104
Cadwallawn ab Cadfan, 104, 105,
106, 107, 109
Cadwaladyr ab Cadwallawn, 109, 110

Druids, 4-10
Their dress, 13, 14
Their influence, 31, 32
Their remarkable prediction, 35, 36
Early converts to Christianity, 42
Their power curtailed by the Romans,
64,65

Druids, continued —
Revival of their tenets in the twelfth
century, 225, 226
Their practice of publicly cursing
enemies kept up until the reign of
Henry VII., 479

EcclesiasticalEstablishments found
ed and appropriated by the Nor
mans in Wales, 205-207, 218-219
Expulsion of Normans from the
Cymric sees, 235
Subjection of the Cymric church to
the see of Canterbury, 277-288, 422
Episodes of Welsh History :
The young Cymro of Counsyllt, 249,
250
A legend of Llynsafaddan, 223, 224
The story of David Gam, 457, 458

Flemings : a colony of them planted
by King Henry I. in the district of
Rhos in South-western Wales, 207-
208
William of Brabant their bishop, 212
Attacked by Gruffydd ab Rhvs, 220,
221
Fight under the command of Gerald
de Windsor, 222
Fight under the command of Stephen,
constable of Aberteifi, 231
Subdued by the combined Welsh
princes, 235
Worsted by the sons of Gruffydd ab
Rhys, 239
Surprised by them, 245
A second colony of Flemings sent
into Dyfed by Henry IL, 246, 247
The Flemings of Rhos ravage Iscoed
and Ceredigion, 260
Castles taken from the Flemings,
293
The Flemings propose peace to Llew
elyn ab Iorwerth, 313
Fight against Owen Glyndwrdu, 442
France: Owen Gwynedd. treats with
Louis VII., 259, 260
Cymric exiles, 421
lefan of Wales fights in the French
wars against England, 434
Owen Glyndwrdu treats with Charles
VI., 449, 459
And is assisted by French troops,
451-454
Catherine, daughter of Charles VL,
and widow of Henry V., marries
Owen Tewdwr, 459, 460

506

INDEX.

Gerald de Windsor seneschal of Ar
nulph de Montgomery, and after
wards president of Dyfed under king
Henrv I., 195, 207-209, 219, 222,
223,232
His wife Nest, 208, 209, 214, 222,
242, 260, 262
Their sons, 239
David, bishop of St. David's, 242, 266,
271, 273, 274
Giraldus Cambkensis :
His legend of Llysafaddan, 223, 224
His parentage and education, 271
His actions, 272-274
His election to the bishopric of St.
David's, 274, 275
His administration of the affairs of
the see, 277
Appointed preceptor to Prince John,
279
His attendance upon Archbishop
Baldwin and Itinerary, 279-288
His account of the Welsh people,
288-291
He goes to Normandy with Henry
IL, 292
Is appointed by Richard I. a coad
jutor in the regency of England, 292
His second election to the bishopric
of St. David's, renunciation of his
claim, resignation of his arch
deaconry, retirement, and death,
301, 302

Heraldic Bearings of the Welsh sove
reigns, 469-473

Insurgent Chieftains against the
Plantagenet Princes of Wales:
Rhys ab Maredudd, lord of Ystrad
Towy, 423-425, 433
Madog ab Maredudd, of Gwynedd,
425, 426, 427
Maelgwn Fychan, of Deheubarth, 426
Morgan, of Morganwg, 426, 427
Many others, 428
Llewelyn Bren, 427-430
Sir Gruffydd Llwyd, 430, 431
lefan de Galles, 434
Owen Glyndwrdu, 435-457

Kings of England:
Egbert, 117, 119, 120
Ethelwulf, 120, 121, 122
Ethelbert, 122
Ethelred, 122

KIN
Kings of England, continued —
Alfred the. Great, 122, 126, 127, 128,
129, 130
Edward, 130, 132, 133, 134, 135
Athelstan, 135, 150
Edmund, 151, 152
Edred, 152, 154
Edwy, 154
Edgar, 155, 157, 158
Edward, 158
Ethelred, 158, 162, 163
Sweyn, 162
Canute, 162, 163, 166
Edmund Ironside, 163
Harold, 166, 168
Hardicanute, 168, 169
Edward, 169, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176,
177, 178, 179, 180, 182
Harold, son of Godwin, 173, 175, 176,
177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182
William of Normandy, 182, 183, 185,
188, 189, 190
William Rufus, 190, 193, 196, 197,
198, 201
Henry I., 201, 203, 204, 206, 207,
209, 211, 212, 214, 216, 217, 218,
219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225,
228, 229
Stephen, 229, 236, 246
Matilda, 236, 237, 246
Henry IL, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250,
251, 253, 254, 255, 257, 258, 259,
261, 265, 266, 267, 268, 270, 271,
274, 275, 278, 280, 285, 292
Richard I., 291, 299
John, 279, 299, 301, 303, 304, 305,
306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312
Henry UL, 313, 315, 317, 319, 320,
321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327,
328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334,
335, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343,
344, 345, 346, 347, 350, 353, 354,
355, 357, 358, 363, 364, 365, 366,
367, 368, 370, 371, 372, 373, 378,
379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385,
386, 387, 389
Edward I., 357, 359, 360, 361, 362,
364, 365, 376, 377, 379, 380, 381,
382, 383, 385, 387
His accession to the throne, 389
Subsequent actions, 390, 391, 393,
395, 396, 397, 399, 400, 401, 402,
403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409,
410, 411, 412, 413, 414, 415, 416,
418-422
Bears from the Tower of London to
Westminster Abbey the most pre
cious heirlooms of the Welsh kings,
423

INDEX.

507

law

Kings of England, continued —
Represses Welsh insurgents, 424-427
Confers upon his eldest surviving son
the Principality of Wales and the
earldom of Chester, 427, 428
Dies, 428
Edward II., 421, 422, 427, 428
His accession to the throne, 428
Events of his reign, 429, 430
Deposed, 431
Edward III., 431
Creates his eldest son prince of
Wales, 432, 433
Authorizes his grandson, Richard of
Bourdeaux, to open parliament as
his deputy by the title of prince of
Wales, 4 33
His death, 433
Richard II., 433
Causes the earldom of Chester to be
united inalienably to the Princi
pality of Wales, 433
His deposition, 437 .
Henry IV., creates his eldest son
prince of Wales, 437
Confiscates the estates of Owen Glyn
dwrdu, 439
On his eldest son's petition offers
pardon to the Welsh insurgents,
440, 441
His repressive ordinances, 441
His son pillages Owen's homestead,
443
The king resolves to invade Wales, 444
Appoints his son lieutenant of Wales,
446
Issues proclamations, 447
Encamps near Shrewsbury, issues
writs, &c, 448, 449
Military proceedings against the
Welsh, &c, 450-456
Henrv V., 456-458
Henry VL, 459
He creates his only child prince of
Wales, 460
Death of the Prince of Wales, 461
Murder of the king, 461
Edward IV. : he creates his eldest son
prince of Wales, 462
Establishes the court of the President
a,nd Council of Wales at Ludlow,
462, 463
Edward V., 463, 464
Richard III., 461, 463
He creates his only child prince of
Wales, 464
The prince's death, 464
Other incidents, 465-468, 469
Henry VII., his ancestry, 459-461

Kings of England, continued —
Saved by the Earl of Pembroke from
Richard III., 461, 462
The crown secured to him, 464
Incidents preceding his accession,
465-468
His reign, 475-478
Creates his eldest son prince of
Wales, 478, 479
The prince's marriage and death, 479
The king creates his son Henry prince
of Wales, 479
Prediction of Henry VII.'s reign, 480
His death, 481
Henry VIII., 481
Statutes passed by him concerning
Wales, 482-485
The Principality of Wales and earldom
of Chester devolve upon Edward
his only son, 483
Edward VI., 490
Elizabeth, 472, 490, 493

Law Court of tho President and Coun
cil of the Marches of Wales, substi
tuted by Edward IV. for the office
of warden, 462, 463
The same, court continued by Henry
VII., 479
Reconstituted and established by
parliament under Henry VIIL, 485
Jfs abolition, 488
Its revival, 488
Final abolition, 488, 489
Presidents of this court, 462, 479,
481, 482, 485, 486-489
Law Courts established by the Nor
mans in Wales, 205, 206
Rhys ab Gruffydd accepts from
Henry II. the office of justiciary of
South Wales, 268
Llewelyn ab Iorwerth accepts from
Henry HI. the office of bailiff of
the castles of Caermarthen and
Caerdigan, engaging to hold law
courts there, and to administer
English law to the English popu
lation, and Welsh law to the Welsh,
315
Laws : of Howel Dda, 136-150
Modifications made in the laws of
Howel Dda by Bleddyn ab Cynfln,
182-183
By Gruffydd ab Cynan, 202, 203
Inquisition by order of Edward I.
into the laws and customs formerly
used in Wales, and his decision
that they should be observed, 405

508

INDEX.

Laws, continued —
The statutes of Rhuddlan, 418, 419
Unjust and oppressive laws passed
by Henry IV. and Henry V., 439,
440, 456, 477
Laws relating to Wales passed by
Henry VIIL, 482-485
By Queen Elizabeth, 486
By George II., 489
By George III., 489
By William IV., 489
By Queen Victoria; 489

Norman Noblemen who conquered dis
tricts of Wales in the 1 1th century :
Hugh d'Avranches, earl of Chester,
187
Robert Fitzhamon, earl of Gloucester,
191, 192, 201
Bernard Newmarch, 193
Arnulph de Montgomery, 194, 203,
207
Roger de Montgomery, earl of
Shrewsbury, 194, 195
William Fitz Baldwin, 196, 197

Paramount and Provincial Kings of
Cymru of Cunedda's Race:
Rhodri Maelwynog, 112, 113, 114
Cynan Tindaethwy, 114, 115, 116,
117, 118
Howel ab Rhodri Maelwynog, 114,
117, 118
Merfyn of Powys, husband of Essyllt
ferch Cynan Tindaethwy, 119, 120,
121
Rhodri Mawr ab Merfyn and Essyllt,
121, 122, 123, 124, 125
Anarawd ab Rhodri Mawr, 124, 125,
126, 127, 128, 130, 131
Cadell ab Rhodri Mawr, 124, 128,
130, 131
Merfyn ab Rhodri Mawr, 124, 130
Tudwal ab Rhodri Mawr, 125
Idwal Foel ab Anarawd, 132, 133,
134, 151
Elised ab Anarawd, 151
Anarawd ab Gwriad ab Rhodri Mawr,
154
Meurig ab Idwal Foel, 151, 153, 156
lefan ab Idwal Foel, 151, 153, 156
lago ab Idwal Foel, 151, 153, 155,
156, 157, 158, 159
Cynan ab Idwal Foel, 151
Idwal ab Idwal Foe], 151
Rhodri ab Idwal Foel, 151
Idwal ab Meurig, 160, 161, 162

PAR
Paramount and Provincial Kings of
Cunedda's Race, continued —
Ionfal ab Meurig, 156, 160
Howel Drwg ab lefan, 156, 157, 158,
159, 160
Cadwallawn ab lefan, 160
Meurig ab lefan, 156, 160
Cystennin Ddu ab lago, 161
Cynan ab Howel Ddrwg, 162
lago ab Idwal ab Meurig, 162, 164,
166
Cynan ab lago ab Idwal, 166, 168,
169, 171, 172
Cynan ab Anarawd ab Rhodri Mawr,
151
Trawst ferch Anarawd ab Rhodri
Mawr and wife of Seissyll, 151
Llewelyn ab Seissyll, 162, 163, 164,
166, 171, 173
Cynan ab Seissyll, 165
His sons, 165
Gruffvdd ab Llewelyn ab Seissyl,
166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172,
173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179
Rhys ab Llewelyn ab Seissyll, 169,173
Maredudd ab Gruffydd ab Llewellyn
ab Seissyll, 182
Ithel ab Gruffydd ab Llewelyn ab
Seissyll, 182
Gruffydd ab Cynan, 186, 187, 194,
195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202,
203, 216, 217, 219, 224, 226, 227,
230, 231, 232, 233
Cadwallawn •ab Gruffydd ab Cynan,
226, 227, 228
Owen Gwynedd ab Gruffydd ab
Cynan, 226, 231, 234, 235, 237,
238, 240, 242, 243, 244, 246, 247,
248, 249, 250, 251, 257, 259, 260,
261, 262, 286, 287
Cadwaladyr ab Gruffydd ab Cynan,
231, 235, 237, 238, 241, 242, 243,
244, 247, 251, 253, 257, 261, 286
Maredudd ab Gruffydd ab Cynan,
237
Cunedda ab Cadwallawn ab Grufiydl
ab Cynan, 244
Maelgwn ab Cadwallawn, 281
Cadwgan ab Cadwaladyr ab Gruffydd
ab Cynan, 243
Cynric ab Owen Gwynedd, 236, 237
Howel ab Owen Gwynedd, 237, 238,
240, 241, 243, 244, 245, 253, 256,
257, 263, 264, 265
Maelgwn ab Owen Gwynedd, 276
Cynan ab Owen Gwynedd, 238, 241,
242, 248, 253, 257, 262, 276, 286
His sons, 342
Rhun ab Owen Gwynedd, 240

INDEX.

509

PAR

PAR

Paramount and Provincial Kings of
Cunedda's Race, continued —
Dafydd ab Owen Gwynedd, 248, 257,
264, 265, 269, 270, 275, 276, 293,
294, 297, 302, 303
Llewelyn ab Owen Gwynedd, 260
Rhodri ab Owen Gwynedd, 269, 276,
286, 293, 294, 295, 296
Madog ab Owen Gwynedd, 269, 276
Gruffydd ab Cynan ab Owen Gwy
nedd, 285, 293, 294
Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, 263, 293, 294,
300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306,
307, 309, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315,
316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 323,
324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 331,
333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 340, 356,
364
Gruffydd ab Llewelyn ab Iorwerth,
318, 334, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341,
342, 343, 354, 356
Dafydd ab Llewelyn ab Iorwerth,
324, 334, 335, 337, 338, 339, 340,
341, 343, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348,
352, 350, 351, 356
Owen ab Gruffydd ab Llewelyn ab
Iorwerth, 338, 339, 341, 342, 343,
351, 352, 355, 357, 400, 401
Rhodri ab Gruffydd ab Llewelyn ab
Iorwerth, 339, 367, 400
Llewelyn ab Gruffyd ab Llewelyn ab
Iorwerth, 352, 355, 357, 358, 359,
360, 361, 362, 364, 365, 366, 367,
369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 375, 376,
377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383,
384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390,
391, 392, 393, 394, 396, 397, 398,
399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405,
406, 409, 410, 411, 412, 413, 414,
415, 416, 417
His daughters, 434, 435
Dafydd ab Gruffydd ab Llewelyn ab
Iorwerth, 339, 356, 357, 367, 369,
370, 386, 391, 392, 393, 394, 400,
401, 402, 405, 406, 407, 409, 412,
413, 415, 418, 420, 421
His daughters, 420, 435
Howel Dda ab Cadell, 132, 133, 134,
135, 136
His laws, 136-150
His death, 152
His sons, 153, 154, 155
Clydawg ab Cadell, 134, 135
Meurig ab Cadell, 135, 150
Hennyrth ab Clydawg, 150
Owen ab Howel Dda, 153, 154, 558
Rhun ab Howel Dda, 153
Rhodri ab Howel Dda, 153, 154
Edwyn ab Howel Dda, 153, 154

Paramount and Provincial Kings of
Cunedda's Race, continued —
Eineon ab Owen ab Howel Dda, 156
158, 159, 160
Maredudd ab Owen ab Howel Dda,
160, 161, 162
Llywarch ab Owen ab Howel Dda, 160
Edwyn ab Eineon ab Owen ab Howel
Dda, 160, 161, 164
Tewdwr ab Eineon ab Owen ab Howel
Dda, 160, 161, 186
Angharad ferch Maredudd ab Owen,
wife of Llewellyn ab Seissyll, 162
And secondly of Cynfyn ab Gwerystan,
171
Howel ab Edwyn ab Eineon ab Owen
ab Howel Dda, 164, 165, 166, 167,
169
Maredudd ab Edwyn ab Eineon ab
Owen ab Howel Dda, 164, 165,
167, 181, 184
Rhys ab Owen ab Edwyn ab Eineon
ab Howel Dda, 185, 186
Howel ab Owen ab Eineon ab Howel
Dda, 186
Ehydderch ab lestin ab Owen ab
Howel Dda, 165, 169, 170, 174,
177
Gruffydd ab Rhydderch ab lestin,
169, 170, 174
Rhys ab Rhydderch ab IestiD, 169,
170, 174
Meurig ab Howel, 177
Caradog ab Gruffydd ab Rhydderch,
177, 178, 179, 181, 184
Rhydderch ab Caradog ab Gruffydd,
184, 185, 186, 187
Caradog ab Caradog, 186
Trahaern ab Caradog, 185, 186, 187
Llywarch ab Trahaern ab Caradog,
209, 213, 228
Gwladys ferch Llywarch ab Trahaern,
wife of Owen Gwynedd and mother
of Iorwerth ab Owen, 263
Cynfyn, ab Gwerystan, married An
gharad, daughter of Maredudd ab
Owen ab Howel Dda, and widow of
Llewelyn ab Seissyll, 171
Bleddyn ab Cynfyn, 177, 17S, 180,
182, 186
Alterations made bv him in the laws
of Howel Dda, 182, 183
His death, 185
Rhiwallawn ab Cynfyn, 177, 178,
180, 182
Cadwgan ab Bleddyn ab Cynfyn, 185,
189, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199,
201, 203, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212,
213, 214

510

INDEX.

PAR

PAR

Paramount and Provincial Kings op
Cunedda's Race, continued —
Maredudd ab Bleddyn ab Cynfyn,
185, 189, 203, 204, 211, 215, 216,
217, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228
Llywarch ab Bleddyn ab Cynfyn,
185, 189
Gruffydd ab Bleddyn ab Cynfyn,
203
Madog ab Bleddyn ab Cynfyn, 185,
189
Rhiryd ab Bleddyn ab Cynfyn, 185,
189
Iorwerth ab Bleddyn ab Cynfyn,
185, 189, 203, 204, 211, 212, 213
Gruffydd ab Maredudd ab Bleddyn,
190, 191
Goronwy ab Cadwgan ab Bleddyn,
185, 186
Llewelyn ab Cadwgan ab Bleddyn,
185, 186
Eineon ab Cadwgan ab Bleddyn, 224,
226
Morgan ab Cadwgan ab Bleddyn,
224, 227
Maredudd ab Cadwgan ab Bleddyn,
227
Madog ab Cadwgan, 224
Owen ab Cadwgan ab Bleddyn, 208,
209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215,
216, 217, 221, 222, 224
Henry ab Cadwgan ab Bleddyn, 211
Owen Cyfeilog ab Gruffydd ab Ma
redudd ab Bleddyn, 242, 253, 257,
258, 259, 260, 261, 275
Meurig ab Gruffydd ab Maredudd ab
Bleddyn, 242
Ithel ab Rhiryd ab Bleddyn, 209,
210, 211, 215, 226, 227
Madog ab Rhiryd ab Bleddyn, 209,
210, 211, 212, 213, 215, 216
Madog ab- Maredudd ab Bleddyn,
236, 237, 242, 243, 246, 247, 250,
253
Gruffydd ab Madog ab Maredudd ab
Bleddyn, 253, 257, 259, 275, 287,
293
Owen ab Madog ab Maredudd ab
Bleddyn, 253, 257, 259, 260, 261
Elised ab Madog ab Maredudd ab
Bleddyn, 253, 257, 259, 287
Marred ferch Madog ab Maredudd ab
Bleddyn, wife of Iorwerth ab Owen
Gwynedd and mother of Llewelyn
ab Iorwerth, surnamed the Great,
253, 263
Madog ab Gruffydd Maelor ab Madog
ab Maredudd ab Bleddyn ab Cyn
fyn, 293, 300, 306, 321, 334

Paramount and Provincial Kings of
Cunedda's Race, continued —
Gwenwynwyn ab Owen Cyfeiliog,
297, 298, 299, 302, 303, 304, 306,
309, 311, 315
Elis ab Madog, 301, 321
Gruffydd ab Madog ab Gruffydd
Maelor, 334, 338, 339, 340, 343,
359, 361, 362, 373, 382, 388
Maredudd ab Madog, 358
Gruffydd ab Gwenwynwyn, 339, 342,
343, 353, 376, 377, 382, 386, 387,
392, 393, 394, 397, 403, 405
Owen ab Gruffydd ab Gwenwynwyn,
391, 392, 397
Rhys ab Tewdwr ab Eineon ab Owen
ab Howel Dda, 186, 187, 188, 189,
190, 191, 192, 193, 208, 209
Gruffydd ab Rhys ab Tewdwr, 219,
220, 221, 223, 229, 230, 231, 232,
233
Cadell ab Gruffydd ab Rhys, 235,
236, 239, 240, 242, 243, 244, 245,
276
Anarawd ab Gruffydd ab Rhys, 235
237
Maredudd ab Gruffydd ab Rhys, 239,
240, 243, 244, 245, 246
Morgan ab Gruffydd ab Rhys, 230,
231
Maelgwn ab Gruffydd ab Rhys, 230,
231
Rhys ab Gruffydd ab Rhys (the Lord
Rhys), 235, 236, 239, 240, 243,
244, 245, 246, 251, 252, 253, 254,
257, 259, 260, 261, 262, 266, 267,
268, 269, 271, 275, 276, 279, 280,
284, 285, 292, 293, 295, 296, 297,
336
Eineon ab Anarawd ab Gruffydd ab
Rhys ab Tewdwr, 252, 254
Cynwrig ab Rhys ab Gruffydd, 284
Maelgwn ab Rhys ab Gruffydd, 285,
291, 293, 297, 299, 300, 302, 303,
304, 306, 307, 308, 310, 315, 319,
321, 324
Owen ab Rhys ab Gruffydd, 293
Howel ab Rhys ab Gruffydd, called
Sais, 266, 293, 303
Gruffydd ab Rhys ab Gruffydd, 293,
297, 298, 299, 300, 303, 305
Madog ab Rhys ab Gruffydd, 293
Anarawd ab Rhys ab Gruffydd, 293
Rhys ab Rhys ab Gruffydd, called
Rhys Fychan and Rhys Gryg, 295,
296, 300, 302, 306, 307, 310, 311,
314, 316, 317, 321, 329, 332
Maredudd ab Rhys ab Gruffydd, 295,
296, 300

INDEX.

511

PAR

Paramount and Provincial Kings of
Cunedda's Race, continued—
Rhys ab Gruffydd ab Rhys ab Gruf
fydd, 300, 302, 304, 308,310, 311
313, 315, 318, 319
Maredudd ab Gruffydd ab Rhvs ab
Gruffydd, 381 *
Owen ab Gruffydd ab Rhys, 307, 308
310, 313, 319, 327, 329, 334
Maredudd ab Owen ab Gruffydd ab
Rhys, 352, 369, 370, 374, 407
Rhys ab Rhys Fychan and Grvg,
317, 369, 374, 382, 406, 407
Maredudd ab Rhys Fychan and Grvg
352, 366, 367, 370, 374, 386
Howel ab Rhys, 382
Maelgwn ab Maelgwn ab Rhys ab
Gruffydd, 324, 327, 329, 339, 352,
353
Rhys ab Maelgwn ab Maelgwn, 358,
406
Howel ab Maredudd ab Gruffydd ab
Rhys, 353, 382
Llewelyn ab Maredudd, 377
Rhys ab Maredudd, 399, 415, 423
424, 425
Cynan ab Maredudd ab Owen, 406
Gruffydd ab Maredudd ab Owen, 399,
406
Rhys ab Gruffydd, 401
Rhys Fychan ab Rhys ab Maelgwn,
406, 407
Gruffydd ab Rhys ab Rhys ab Mael
gwn, 406
Llewelyn ab Rhys ab Rhys ab Mael
gwn, 406
Paramount and Provincial Kings of
Cymru, not of Cunedda's Race :
Aeddan ab Blegwryd, 162, 163
Meurig ab Arthfael, 164
Rhun, the pretended son of king
Maredudd, 164
Printing : its earliest use for Wales, 490
The religious books and translations
of the Scriptures printed for Wales
in the sixteenth century, 490-492
And in the beginning of the seven
teenth, 492-494
Roman Conquerors and Proprietors
of Britain :
Julius Caesar, 17, 18
Aulus Plautius, 18, 19
Publius Ostorius Scapula, 20, 21, 22,
23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28
Aulus Didius Gallus, 28, 30
Didius Veranius, 30
Caius Suetonius Paulinus, 30, 31, 32,
33, 34

ROM

Roman Conquerors and Proprietors
of Britain, continued —
Petronius Turpilianus, 34, 35
Trebellius Maximus, 35
Vectius Bolamis, 36
Petilius Cerealis, 36
Julius Frontinus, 36
Cnaeus Julius Agricola, 37, 38, 39,
40, 41, 43
Sallustius Luculhis, 40
Neratius Marcellus, 42, 43
Julius Severus, 43
A. Platorius Nepos, 43
Priscus Licinius Italicus, 43
Lollius Urbicus, 43
C. Valerius Pansa, 43
Sejus Saturninus, 43
Calphurnius Agricola, 43
Ulpius Marcellus, 44
P. Helvius Pertinax, 44
Clodius Albinus, 44
Virius Lupus and Heraclytus, 45
Roman Emperors :
Augustus Csesar, Tiberius, and Cali
gula, 18
Claudius, 18, 19, 28
Nero, 30, 34, 35
Galba and Otho, 35
Vitellius, 35, 36
Vespasian, 19, 36, 38
Titus, 38
Domitian, 38, 40, 41, 42
Nerva, 41
Trajan, 41, 42
Hadrian, 43, 45
Antoninus Pius, 43
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, 43
Commodus, 44
Septimius Severus, 44, 45
Caracalla, 45, 46
Probus, 46
Diocletian, 47, 51, 53, 54
Maximian, 47, 48, 50, 51, 54, 55
Constantius Chlorus, 51, 52, 53, 54
Galerius, 53
Constantine the Great, 53, 54, 55-57
Maxentius, 55
Licinius, 56
Constantius IL, 57
Constans, 57
Valentinian, 59, 60
Gratian, 60, 61
Valentinian IL, 60, 62
Valens, 60
Theodosius, 60, 61, 62, 63
Eugenius, 62, 63
Honorius, 63, 64
Anthemius, 68

512

INDEX.

ROM

TRA

Roman Emperors elected in Britain :
Carausius (Carawn), 47-53
Allectus, 52-53
Clemens Maximus, 60-62
Marcus, 63
Gratian Municeps, 63
Constantine, 63, 64, 66
Owen ab Maxim, 65
Roman Emperor elected in Gaul
and recognized in britain :
Magnentius, 57, 58

Saxon Conquest of England and the
Welsh Marches, 76-120
Sports and Games of the Cymry, 473,
474

Translators of the Scriptures into
the Welsh language, 490-494

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INDEX.

Acton's Modern Cookery  20
Afterglow (The)  19
Alcock's Residence in Japan  16
Allies on Formation of Christianity  15
Alpine Guide (The)  16
Apjohn's Manual of the Metalloids  9
Arnold's Manual of English Literature . . 5
Arnott's Elements of Physics  S
Arundines Cami  18
Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson .... 6
Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge  14,
Bacon's Essays by Whately  5
•  Life and Letters, by Spedding . . 3
 Works  4,
Bain's Mental and Moral Science  7
 on the Emotions and Will  7
 on tho Senses and Intellect  7
 on the Study of Character  7
Ball's Guide to the Central Alps  16
 ¦ — Guide to the Western Alps  16
 Guide to the Eastern Alps  16
Barnard's Drawing from Nature  12
Bayldon's Rents and Tillages  13
Beaten Tracks  16
Becker's Charicles and Galtus  17
Benfey's Sanskrit-English Dictionary  6
Black's Treatise on Brewing  20
Blackxey's Word-Gossip  7
Blackley and Friedlandeb's German
and English Dictionary  6
Blaine's Rural Sports  19
 ;  Veterinary Art  19
Booth's Epigrams  6
Bourne on Screw Propeller  12
•  's Catechism of the Steam Engine . . 12
 Examples of Modern Engines . . 13
 — Handbook of Steam Engine .... 13
 Treatise on the Steam E ngine .... 12
Bowdlee's Family Shakspeare  18
Brande's Dictionary of Science, Literature,
and Art  9
Bray's (C.) Education of the Feelings .... 7
— —  Philosophy of Necessity  7
 On Force  7
Beinton on Food and Digestion  20
Beodie's (Sir C. B.) Works  10
Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles .... 13
Buckle's History of Civilisation  2
Boll's Hints to Mothers  20
 Maternal Management of Children . . 20
Bitnsen's Ancient Egypt  3
 God in History  3
 Memoirs  3
Bunsen (E. De) on Apocrypha  15
 's Keys of St. Peter  15

Bukbury's Mary's Every Day Book  20
Burke's Vicissitudes of Families  4
Burton's Christian Church  3
Cabinet Lawyer  20
Calvert's Wife's Manual  15
Cannon's Grant's Campaign  2
Carpenter's Six Months ii 1 India  16
Cates's Biographical Dictionary  3
Cats and Farlie's Moral Emblems  11
Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths  6
Chesney's Euphrates Expedition  17
 Indian Polity  2
 Waterloo Campaign  2
Child's Physiological Essays  10
Chorale Book for England  n
Churchman's Daily Remembrancer  11
Clough's Lives from Plutarch  2
Cobbe'b Norman Kings  3
Colenso (Bishop) on Pentateuch and Book
of Joshua  11
Commonplace Philosopher in Town and
Country  e
Conington's Chemical Analysis  9
 Translation of Virgil's iEneid 18
Contanseau's Two French Dictionaries .. 6
CoNYBEAHEandHowsON'sLifeandEpistles of St.Paul  13
Cook's Acts of the Apostles  13
 Voyages  4
Copland's Dictionary of Practical Medicine 10
Coulthart's Decimal Interest Tables  20
Counsel and Comfort from a Cily Pulpit . . 6
Cox's (G. W.) Manual of Mythology  17
 Tale of the Great Persian War 2
 Tales of Ancient Greece  17
¦  — (H.) Ancient Parliamentary Elections 1
 History of the Reform Bills  1
 Whig and Tory Administrations 1
Cresy's Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 12
Critical Essays of a Country Parson  6
Cross's Old Story  19
Crowe's History of France  2
Crump on Banking, &c  19
Culley's Handbook of Telegraphy  12
Cusack's History of Ireland  2
Daet's Iliad of Homer  18
D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation in
the time of Calvin  2
Davidson's Introduction to New Testament 14-
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