Yale University Library

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39002007028351

RECGNSTIUJCflON

EDWMDLWELLS

;7907

WADE HAMPTON, 1876.

HAMPTON

AND

RECONSTRUCTION

BY
EDWARD L. WELLS
Author of "Hampton and His Cavalry in *64"

"A Heart to resolve, a Head to contrive, and a Hand lo execute."— G/iion.

Columbia, S. C.
The Stale Company
1907

Copyright, 1907
h
THE STATE COMPANY

Cd :,,hilO

PREFACE
I venture to ask a favor of the reader — that he do what I
myself often shirk, it must be confessed — read this preface.
You would naturally infer from the title of this volume
that it is the biography in part of a man whose career was
very remarkable. So it is, but it is also — or is intended to
be — something more. You may be inclined, at the flrst
glance, to suppose that it can possess no interest for the
present generation except as "ancient history." If you will
read the narrative, I think that you will flnd this flrst impres
sion an error. This sketch is part of the biography of a
people, the American people, at a most important period of
its life. The past is the parent of the present and of the
future of a people's life, as it is with every man's life. Hered
itary inclinations, good and evil, influence a people's career
just as they influence that of an individual, and they should
be equally subject to the guidance and restraint that experi
ence imposes through conscience. Although this is an ac
count of events happening many years ago, yet the causes
producing them, at present in the background, are as full of
vitality now as then — they are sleeping lions. Where treas
ure is, near at hand will always be lurking thieves. Because
you may be sailing on summer-seas, free of care and with no
thought of tempests, you do not doubt that the ocean, now so
harmless-looking, will some time or other be lashed into angry
waves mountain-high by blasts at present slumbering in the
caves of the winds. So will the demon of storms reappear
from time to time in your political summer-seas. You cannot
prevent this by ignoring it, but you can save yourself from
shipwreck by proflting by the experience of others. The mis
eries of Eeconstruction were rendered possible only by the
subversion of representative government — "the consent of the
governed" — without which all government is simply despot
ism, however disguised. This thing can never again take place
at the South under the same pretext — the negro — for that
humbug has been exploded by the unanswerable logic of the

iv Preface
reductio ad absurdum. But wily, unscrupulous politicians,
hungering for plunder, will sooner or later manufacture other
pretexts to "fool the people." Next time the North or West
may become the scene of such planned wholesale burglary.
When that time comes, the afflicted section will sorely need a
political heir of the qualities of Hampton, and also sorely
stand in need of the experience taught to the Southern people
by their affliction.
It may perhaps be said that, granting all so far, the
account of this period should be written only by one who
has grown to manhood since its close, for he would write in
a more "judicial spirit," as the phrase is, than an older man.
But this view seems to me wrong, and a little reflection will
convince anyone of its error. The keen interest that ani
mates an observer of contemporary events stamps on his mind
exact impressions of facts, and these impressions are durable
as brass. If he be fairly intelligent and educated, and be
comes an earnest, conscientious, lifelong student of the sub
jects involved with the facts graven on his mind, he is likely
to arrive at approximately correct conclusions. On the other
hand, a mere academician, cold, unimpassioned, totally inex
perienced in the heartbeat of sympathy evoked by the per
sonal sight of human misery, of "the agony and bloody sweat"
of his fellowman, who undertakes to gather materials and
impressions from lifeless, moldy volumes, nine-tenths of the
contents of which consist of ew parte testimony from the side
that was the stronger in numbers, is like an artist attempting
to make a faithful portrait of a dead stranger by glancing at
his corpse; or, rather, like a surgeon dissecting a cadaver and
assuming to analyze and set down on paper all the glorious
characteristics that the immortal soul, which formerly inhab
ited that now senseless clay, may have possessed. But when
he who has been a personal observer of "times that tried
men's souls" becomes conscious that he is an old man, stand
ing on the verge of the grave, very well aware that he must
soon render a truthful account of his stewardship, he flnds
that his own vain aspirations, animosities and prejudices
fade away into nothingness, but that the noble, unalterable
principles of right, the basic elements of the social compact,

Preface v
loom up before his eyes in all their vast proportions. That
man will not — dare not — misrepresent.
The responsibility for Eeconstruction as carried out has
been, so far as I know, ascribed only to negroes and carpet
baggers or to the refractory spirit of the South, unwilling to
accept the legitimate results of the war. But neither of
these had anything whatever to do with it except as deaf,
dumb, blind instruments in other hands. It was not the
outgrowth of racial antagonism, nor was it a war legacy.
The cause was but the pirate's instinct of a few, deluding the
many, to wreck the ship of state in order to plunder the cargo
and rob the passengers ; and this could be accomplished only
by murdering the pilot, representative government. How
and by whom the murderous dagger was used will be made
clear by these pages. It will also be made clear how the
State's resurrection from the grave was brought about by
Wade Hampton, and that in the paciflcation of the entire
country, in the restoration of fraternal feeling, no man's
handiwork was so widely beneficent as his; that he was in
the truest, most patriotic, most exalted, and most all-embrac
ing sense of the term, a Union man. E. L. W.

Contents

Chapteb Page
I. Family. Early Life. Characteristics. Secession  1
II. War  36
III. Eeconstruction in the Southern States  69
IV. Reconstruction in South Carolina  86
V. Hampton Nominated and Elected Governor  101
VI. The Campaign after the Election  148
VII. Inauguration of Governor Hampton and Beginning of His Adminis
tration  168
VIII. President Hayes Restores Constitutional Government  192
IX. Declining Years and Death  209

ERRATA
Page 60, line 14, for New, read Near.
Page 70, line last, for Andrews, read Andrew.
Page 72, line fourth from bottom, omit word it.
Page 99, line 23, for mal, read mala.
Page 102, line 1, before equally, insert almost. .
Page 233, Index, for Baker, read Barker.

CHAPTEE FIEST
Family, Early Life — Characteristics — Secession
statesman, yet friend to truth ! of soul sincere,
In action faithful and In honor clear ;
Who broke no promise, serv'd no private end.
Who gained no title, and who lost no friend. — Pope.
Wade Hampton, the subject of this memoir, was born on
March 28, 1818.
Before attempting to describe his personal characteristics,
as exemplified by his career, or his individual antecedents,
it is necessary, for a proper understanding of the man, to
examine into his ancestry. This is not done here in the nar
row spirit of the "family-dendrologist," for nothing is more
worthless by itself
Than a successive title, long and dark,
Drawn from the mouldy rolls of Noah's ark,
but because, like all others of the. human race, he was the
necessary product of hereditary traits far more than of the
evolution of environment. His irrepressible instinct, as a
soldier, to join in "freedom's battle once begun" : his undying
belief in representative government, so that "Give me liberty,
or give me death" did not express to him merely a burst of
fiery eloquence, but contained a solemn, sober conviction;
these were as much parts of his natural self by inheritance
as were the clear, calm, well-balanced mind, and amiable
disposition, the exalted moral nature, and the magnificent
physique, which he possessed.
Hampton flrst saw the light in his mother's former maiden-
home in Charleston, S. C, where the mingled blood of Saxon
and Celt, of Briton and Huguenot, had built up a civilization
and culture inferior to none in America, or anywhere in the
mother countries. But on his paternal side he came of that
sturdy stock, large and vigorous in frame, active in mind
and body, brave men, and true women, the Virginians, who
did such patient work and gallant deeds in winning empire

2 Hampton and Eeconstruction
from the wilderness, in extending the boundaries of the
United States from the Atlantic over the Appalachian bar
rier, across the Mississippi, tapping the Eockies, through the
treeless deserts, and planting the flag of their country on the
shores of the Paciflc, and spanning the territory from Canada
to the Eio Grande, wherever they went carrying with them
the principle of representative government and manly,
generous honor.
Anthony Hampton, the great-grandfather of our Wade
Hampton, was among the first settlers from Virginia in the
frontier of what was then the English colony of South Caro
lina, locating his family on Tiger Eiver in what is now
Spartanburg County. In 1776 the British allied themselves
with the Indians against their own flesh and blood, and, as a
strategical measure, in connection with the attack on
Charleston delivered by their army on Sullivan's Island,
thundered by their fleet at Fort Moultrie, let loose the
savages to ravage and murder in the frontier settlements,
where cruel misery was thus produced. Anthony Hampton,
and Mrs. Hampton, as well as one son, Preston by name, and
an infant grandchild, were butchered, the other sons being
absent from home and thus escaping the fate of parents and
brother. Wade Hampton, the grandfather of our Hampton,
was serving with the army defending Charleston at its capitu
lation in 1780, and was paroled and took "protection." It
was not long, however, before the terms, to which the British
stipulated to adhere in accepting these paroles, were violated
by them, and this the Americans correctly considered as
releasing them from their promise, on the legal and moral
ground that a contract broken by one side operates as a
release to the other from obligation under it. So Wade
Hampton again drew his sword in the American cause, and
was to be found from that time foremost among the militia in
the interior operating against the British. They, in spite of
having been the flrst to annul by non-observance the contract
of surrender, did not in theory recognize the right of the
paroled to resume their arms, and killed many of them, when
captured, without even the formality of a drum-head court-
martial, but the Americans took care to pay back the debt

Early Life — Secession 3
thus created in similar coin, which kept this practice within
certain bounds. Hayne thus fell a victim at the hands of the
British. But it imparted a character of ferocity and despera
tion to the contest, and a general exasperation, which served
to bring good hard flghters to the ranks of the "Eebels," and
thus proved indirectly a beneflt in the end. The Hessians,
hired by the English to subdue the Americans, were given
almost free license to plunder friend as well as foe, and this,
too, had a happy effect on enlistments. But, besides this, an
organized system was put into effect by which the property
of "Eebels" was divided up among the British regiments like
piratical booty, the officers receiving according to rank, and
the privates their pro rata share, nor were they at all partic
ular to inquire whether the belongings of the Americans thus
pillaged under general orders did not belong to the "loyal."
So this, also, proved a most excellent recruiter for the
"Rebels" and sharpened their swords mightily. The people
formed militia, and partizan bands continually attacking and
cutting the British lines of communication from the coast
with the garrisons, which they tried to maintain in the
interior, destroying convoys as well as posts, and injuring
them in all possible ways, dispersing, when hard pressed by
too great numbers, but always to assemble anew, and strike
again and again. They possessed advantages in being better
acquainted with the topography of the thickly wooded
country, and were much abler horsemen than their antag
onists, and very deadly with the rifle at a range at which
the smooth-bore musket of the regular "shot wild," and com
paratively harmlessly. These militia and partizan bands
were of a very much higher class in military efficiency than
would usually be understood by the title. The colony of
South Carolina had been, from its commencement, a foster-
child of the wilderness, and a step-daughter of the Mother
Country. Separated from the northern colonies by inter
minable miles of trackless forest, and cut off by sea at
Hatteras, the reputed hotbed of tempests: with three
thousand miles and more of ocean dividing her from the
parent, who at best looked upon her as a hewer of wood and
drawer of water to administer to her "sheltered lives" ; the

4 Hampton and Eeconstruction
colony found it necessary to rely upon herself for protection
against the Indian at her doors, and the flerce relentless
Spaniard lurking ever watchful to the southward. So an
effective militia system had been the result — not mere
effeminate "trained bands"— and it has left a permanent
impress upon the people "to the manner born," which is
apparent even today. It was these militia and partizan
bands that practically reconquered the State from the
British, with scant support from anywhere but from North
Carolina and Georgia, and who, by this, and its indirect
consequences did very much to gain the independence of the
thirteen States. They saw vastly more service than did the
Continentals, who did not possess the same spirit and
endurance. It was in this school of war that the elder Wade Hampton
flrst learned and then taught. In proportion to the numbers
engaged, the losses sustained and inflicted there make war
fare of the present day, with huge masses of troops of all
arms and enormous amounts of ammunition expended at
long range, and a fearful hurly-burly of sound, with but
small percentage of casualties, look tame. In South Carolina
there were during the war recorded one hundred and thirty-
seven engagements. It was here, too, that he learned, from
object lessons burned into the soul, not from academic dis
cussions, the far more important but corelated lesson of the
inestimable value of representative government ; that it was
not a matter, as the cynic says, of indifference who rules, but
of paramount importance. He had seen his aged parents,
and brother, butchered by allies operating under the orders
of the British: he had witnessed the nation, which had
rejected for themselves, by the expulsion of James, the
dogma of The right divine of kings to govern wrong,
endeavoring to impose upon his own people this exploded
fallacy grotesquely inappropriate to the surroundings, and
the halter and flre and sword and pillage chartered to per
petuate it on the virgin soil of his country. All this was a
ten thousand times more efficient mode of teaching the value

Early Life — Secession 5
of representative government than could be had in a century
of post-graduate courses in the best of modern universities.
Heart and brain charged full of convictions thus acquired
were transmitted in proportionate intensity to the grandson
of the elder Wade.
Of Wade Hampton, the Eevolutionary hero, we hear in
1781, as abandoning all his property to the British and
Tories, and raising a Eegiment of Cavalry for service under
General Sumter. Just before this, he had been arrested by
the British and was being taken to prison by a party of
twelve men, when he wrenched away from two of them their
muskets, and effected his escape. He notably, from this
time, flgures in the hot flghts continually raging. He was
with Sumter on his expedition in Rawdon's rear in the
neighborhood of Charleston, sweeping up the enemy's
detachments and breaking up his power. Hampton, with his
own command and some other troops, performed the exploit
of penetrating to the Quarter-house within four miles of
Charleston — nearer than anyone had gone since the sur
render — and capturing there after some resistance the entire
guard, and taking them along as prisoners, leisurely with
drawing. After the completion of this expedition to the
low-country, Hampton was left in command of Sumter's
Brigade until the arrival of a ranking officer.
At the important battle of Eutaw Springs Hampton com
manded Sumter's Brigade after the wounding of his ranking
officer. He performed signal service at a very critical
juncture against the enemy's right flank, thereby saving the
day for the American army, and also later covered Greene's
withdrawal by a brilliant and successful charge. He ivas in
fact the hero of the day. He had now become one of the
most famous, trusted, and successful of the American leaders.
Of the Legislature convened in January, 1783, he was a
prominent member. That was an assemblage remarkable, in
that almost every representative had earned a title to legis
late for his country, not by the arts of the politician, but by
the achievements of the soldier in defense of the government
of the people. After the war he served one term in Congress,
from 1803-5. On the apprehension of war with England in

6 Hampton and Reconstruction
1808, he went to New Orleans as colonel, U. S. A., and in 1813
was made major-general, operating on the Canadian frontier.
After the war Hampton's sword, turned into a plough
share, beqame to his country an even more beneficent instru
ment of peace than it had been conspicuously a safeguard on
the battlefield. He was one of the first— probably the very
flrst — to have the foresight to grasp the idea of the para
mount importance of cotton to his own section, and to the
world at large, and planted it on a very extensive scale. If
he who makes two ears of corn grow where one had grown
before is entitled to the gratitude of mankind in a greater
degree than the foremost "statesmen," what shall we say of
the man, and
Where sleeps the poet who shall fitly sing
The source wherefrom doth spring
That mighty commerce which, confined
To the mean channels of no selfish mart,
Goes out to every shore
Of this broad earth, and throngs the sea with ships
That bear no thunders ; hushes hungry lips
In alien lands ;
Joins with a delicate web remotest strands ;
And gladdening rich and poor,
Doth gild Parisian domes.
Or feed the cottage-smoke of English homes,
And only bounds its blessings by mankind !
At his death he left a large fortune, and rich estates in
Mississippi and Louisiana, as well as in South Carolina. He
was a man of strong individuality and will; one destined
to make his mark anywhere. But he seems also to have
taken in all matters peculiarly broad, liberal views, unin-
fiuenced by prejudice. It is related of him on good authority
that on one occasion, when political feeling was running high,
he astonished people by voting for a party-opponent for an
office in an educational institution, on the ground that the
candidate was the best fitted for the duties of the place, and
that the character of the studies pertaining to the chair
was entirely outside the realm of politics.
His son. Wade Hampton, in his youth was an officer of
dragoons in the United States army, and served with dis
tinction at the battle of New Orleans on the staff of Jackson,
as inspector-general. He therefore prominently associated

Early Life — Secession 7
his name for all time with the most remarkable battle, taken
all in all, of which there exist authentic records. There are
others looming through the mists of time, the vague reports
of which are as mythical as Homeric legends, which might
perhaps stand some comparison with it if the accounts of
them were true and unexaggerated, but such cannot be
assumed to be the case, whereas the facts of New Orleans are
deflnite and undisputed.
After Napoleon was shut up in Elba, the English nation
had a breathing spell and leisure to give undivided attention
to their war against the United States, and they put forth
strong efforts in that direction. Among other things, an
expedition was fltted out to capture New Orleans, and thus
wrest from the United States, and permanently hold either
for herself or Spain, the vast region of which the Mississippi
was the only line of transportation and New Orleans the sole
outlet before the introduction of railways. Their fleet con
sisted of one man-of-war carrying eighty guns, flve carrying
seventy-four each, flve of somewhat lesser armament, four
teen other men-of-war and gunboats, manned by 10,000 sail
ors, and a large number of transports and schooners. These
war-vessels were commanded by the elite of the British navy.
The army, numbering over 10,000 men, was made up almost
entirely from the flower of Wellington's Spanish veterans,
commanded by his brother-in-law. Sir Edward Pakenham,
also a Peninsula hero, who led the storming party at Badajoz
and the splendid charge at Salamanca, for which latter
exploit he received knighthood. The three generals next in
rank had, too, brilliant war records. A number of civil
officials were also brought along to administer the country,
which they counted upon conquering.
Jackson had, at flrst, to oppose this formidable array but
700 United States Eegulars and about 1,000 State militia,
which was all that the general government was able to supply
him with after putting Commodore Patterson in charge of
the naval defenses and river forts — ^which were antiquated
and weak — and two armed schooners and flve smaller boats.
But Jackson set about in earnest raising troops through his
personal influence and the prestige which his name had

8 Hampton and Eeconstruction
acquired, assuring the inhabitants that "no British soldier
should enter the city, save as prisoner, except over his dead
body," and all knew that this meant sober truth, not boasting.
Fortunately the Creoles, at that time none too friendly to the
United States, were eager to flght their hereditary foemen,
the English, and therefore all the local organizations
responded with great alacrity to the call to arms. There were
even some companies of quadroons, numbering in all 330 men,
which volunteered, and were assigned to duty. The negroes
seemed to be imbued with almost as much enthusiasm as the
whites, and did effective service with the spade on the
defenses. But Jackson's chief reliance was on his old com
rades, the riflemen from Tennessee and Kentucky, whom he
was energetically hurrying forward to give him indispensable
reinforcements. Jackson reached the city of New Orleans on December 2,
1814. The English effected their first advance and developed
their plans on December 23 by getting into position a por
tion of their force on a plantation on the river a few miles
below the city, where Pakenham came on the following day
with the greater part of the remainder of his command.
Jackson established his outer line behind a canal and em
bankment confronting his enemy, and about three miles
distant from the city, with his right flank on the river and his
left resting on an impenetrable swamp. He worked night and
day to strengthen his position with the spade, and to get
guns into place, besides putting one battery, supported by
800 men, on the other side of the river to enfllade an attack
ing column, and to cover his own right flank.
It will be remembered that on this very 24th day of Decem
ber peace had been signed, unknown in America, and, there
fore, if the cable had then existed, the life of many a brave
man would have been spared and the British arms saved from
a memorable defeat.
But it will not do to say that the battle of New Orleans,
unknowingly fought after the treaty of peace had been signed,
was for that reason a fruitless slaughter, for unless there had
been a decisive American victory in Louisiana the English
would not have been willing to relinquish possession of the

Early Life — Secession 9
territory on the right bank of the Mississippi. The veiled
expressions of their commissioners at Ghent before signing
the treaty, dissenting from Napoleon's construction of inter
national law, meant this — meant that they did not recognize
the validity of Napoleon's transfer of Louisiana to the United
States. So our country is indebted to Jefferson for that vast
vaguely deflned empire then termed Louisiana, which has
been the means of our breaking from what would have been
our prison-pen on the east of the river, and of our legitimate
expansion to the Paciflc ocean and from Mexico to the lands
on the north of the continent now temporarily held by Eng
land in trust for us — which will eventually be ours. True,
but what does it owe to Jackson for safeguarding those
countless States which were to be born from that proliflc
mother — for causing the title-deed to the land in fee simple
to be signed in the blood of the invader? And in this grand
transaction in history-making the name of a Hampton is
associated, the one from whom the great soldier and paci
ficator derived his being.
After some skirmishing, and much artillery fire, the real
action came off on January 8, 1815, over a fortnight after the
treaty of peace had been signed. The British were through
out overmatched in the previous artillery fighting, which
seems unaccountable, for they could have brought up, in
addition to those attached to the army, a far superior force
in guns and gunners from the fleet, which, equally unac
countably, made no serious demonstration to cooperate with
the land forces, nor itself, to capture the city.
Jackson's force equaled about 4,000 men, of which 800
were on the western bank of the river, which probably
included not only those in the actual flring line, but nearly
every efficient man that he had. Pakenham had his 10,000
men, of which he detached about 1,000 to cross the river and
silence the battery there, and drive away its supports, which
was easily accomplished, but too late to help the main attack.
He then attacked with 6,000 men, holding the rest in reserve,
for the purpose of storming Jackson's line. But he only con
verted the fleld in front of the Americans into a slaughter-
pen for his own troops. It was the old, old story of English

10 Hampton and Eeconstruction
physical pluck undirected by military skill — a frontal attack
in mass over open ground against a resolute flre of "straight-
shooters" behind cover. They came on in close order, in a
beautiful red column, spick-and-span in uniforms and accou
trements, armed mostly with the comparatively harmless
smooth-bore musket, and went down like sheep before the
famous rifles of the Western frontiersmen. In twenty-five
minutes by the clock Pakenham was a dead man, his two
generals next in rank wounded, one mortally, and his troops
— what was left of them — in pell mell retreat covered by the
reserves. The English acknowledged a loss of 1,929 killed
and wounded, but the Americans put it at 2,600, besides 500
prisoners, the discrepancy consisting probably in the count
ing by the British of only the badly wounded, whilst we
counted all put hors de combat and prisoners. The Ameri
can loss was exactly eight killed and thirteen wounded. Some
writers — and among them very recent ones — put down the.
British losses at over 3,000 killed and wounded, but there is
no dispute about the number of American casualties as above
given. The two British West Indian regiments were "no
good" either in fighting or endurance. They were composed
in part of negroes.
This battle ended the campaign. The British withdrew to
their ships and embarked for home. Eeaching there they
found Europe again ablaze. Napoleon escaped from Elba.
Many of them were sent to Belgium and took part in the
Battle of Waterloo.
The unique features of this battle were that it was fought
more than a fortnight after peace; that a force of regulars,
the fiower of the British army (save two partially negro regi
ments from the West Indies) 10,000 strong, attacked 4,000
militia and heterogenous nondescripts, say with odds of two
and a half to one, or, counting only the attacking column
actually engaged, exclusive of reserves, one and a half to one;
that the enemy lost, by their own count, of the troops
engaged, 33 per cent., and by our count about 52 per cent.,
and that the American casualties were in all twenty-one
men, or about half of one per cent. But Jackson had
only 3,200 men on the east side of the river against Paken-

Early Life — Secession 11
ham's 9,000. Other remarkable circumstances attending this
movement are: why the British did not act with their fieet
against the city, nor make any serious demonstration against
it, and why Pakenham blundered so egregiously in his opera
tions, as he was not a "tin soldier," but accounted a good one.
Perhaps this latter was caused by his inexperience in a sepa
rate command. Another strange thing is that the expedition,
so ambitiously prepared for a great object, should have been
abandoned so lightly, with the fieet intact and a land force
remaining still nearly double that of Jackson. In point of
fact, the American infantry actually engaged on the east side
of the river did not exceed 1,600.
Whatever honest differences of opinion there may be as to
Jackson's qualifications for a political career, we do not
think that there can be any doubt about his place among
the world's greatest commanders. Unquestionably, a man in
whom the military instinct predominates may be very dan
gerous in civil life, but, all the same, he may also be a weapon
of inestimable value to the people in time of war. It has
been given, indeed, to very few possessing military genius to
unite with it unswerving obedience to the vital principles of
representative government — among those few was the subject
of this memoir. During Jackson's campaign in Louisiana,
his tactics — taking into consideration his inferior numbers
and the heterogenous character of his force — ^were faultless.
In his strategy there is only one point open to criticism, and
on this it is provable that he was not in fault. It may be
said that the provision on January 8th to cover his right flank
from across the river was inadequate, and that the disaster
which occurred there might have proved fatal if the enemy
had vigorously pushed their advantage. But Jackson read
his adversary aright. He correctly divined that Pakenham,
already disheartened and bewildered as to the numerical
strength of the Americans, which he greatly exaggerated,
would not dare to separate his force by detaching a strong
body to cross the river to turn his enemy's flank, but would —
as English commanders still usually persist in doing — make
a frontal attack, a head-on rush. Meantime Jackson had sent
a detachment across the river sufficient to hold the position.

12 Hampton and Eeconstruction
and that this was not done was not his fault. The greatest
of generals may have his plans foiled through failure of sub
ordinates to obey orders, as happened to Jackson at New
Orleans, and to Lee at Gettysburg and at many another
battle. After the battle Hampton was sent by Jackson as bearer
of dispatches to President Madison at Washington, who thus
flrst received the news. Inspired by the thought of conveying
to his countrymen the glorious report of such a victory, which
he knew would ring like a bugle-blast throughout the land,
giving fresh courage to friends much in need of it, for the
rest of the war on land had been far from glorious, and was
only redeemed by the splendid achievements on the ocean;
and unaware, as all were, that peace had been arranged, he
sprang without a moment's delay into the saddle and gal
loped forth on a ride of about seven hundred and fifty miles
to Columbia, S. C, and thence to Washington. Three hun
dred miles of this distance were through uninhabited country
and swamps, where he must carry on saddle forage for horse
and food for himself — if he ever thought of the latter. He
took the shortest practicable route, regardless of obstacles,
plunging in on horse and swimming the rivers where bridge-
less. One day it was impossible to make over seven miles,
owing to being obliged to swim streams swollen by floods, but
he made the ride nevertheless in ten days and a half, which,
counting the one day referred to as a dies non, would be an
average of seventy-nine miles a day, including detentions by
swimming rivers and otherwise. He rode the same animal
during the entire journey, a magnificent thoroughbred, and
brought him in entirely undistressed — "not a hair turned,"
so to speak — equally splendid horse and rider.
After the close of hostilities Hampton left the army and
settled down upon his estates. His residence was at Mill
wood, some five miles from Columbia, but only the stately
columns on the front of the mansion, and ruinous walls are
left to remind one pathetically of the warm, open-hearted,
unostentatious hospitality and happiness that once reigned
there, for it was burnt by Sherman's troops in 1865. Hamp
ton possessed large means, and was never so pleased as when

Early Life — Secession 13
he could help along some one less fortunate than himself, or
do a good turn to a friend. Kind-hearted above all things,
with the natural, attractive manners of the well-bred, his
home-circle drew toward it all that was best in the country,
with a welcome accorded not because of a full bank account,
or foolish fashion, but on individual worth. Here, too, was
his private race-track, where he trained his thoroughbreds, of
which he raised some of the finest in the country. Here, also,
were "ancient oaks," and the fragrance and delicate beauty
of the rose in every hue, queen of flowers in this, her most
congenial realm, and all the other delights of country-life, in
a climate, which made it most charming. At the large plan
tations in those days when a gentleman came to stay as a
guest, to him was assigned a horse to suit him and a "boy,"
both to be his during his visit. He was left quite indepen
dently to his own ideas of enjoyment, not bored by being
"entertained," nor obliged to be "agreeable," during the
mornings, up to dinner-time. He could be with the family,
or other visitors, or by himself, as he liked : could ride, shoot,
fish, or sit in the sun and read, and smoke, always with the
faithful "boy" at his bidding; or he was at liberty to follow
beaux yeux to the rose-garden. The Colonel's negroes were
fat and happy, as well they might be, where light work and
kindly attention in health and sickness from infancy to old
age, were as well an hereditary instinct as a recognized duty
in the kind-hearted master. In politics he took no active
part, but lived the life of a spotless, noble gentleman.
It was in this atmosphere that his eldest son, the subject
of this biographical sketch, was reared. He could not have
been born in one better adapted to develop his fine nature,
and impart the friendly thoughts and ways and the gracious
manner, which made him liked by acquaintances and loved
by more than it has been granted to many men to be. There
he learned to ride, as a duck does to swim, "and witch the
world with noble horsemanship." His was riding, not the
artificial mechanical product of riding master and sawdust,
but of the lightness and grace so grateful to the eye, and
making a heavyweight in pounds a burden easily and pleas-
urably carried by the horse. Natural hereditary aptitude.

14 Hampton and Eeconstruction
life-long daily practice, and a sympathy with animals, which
makes their minds and hearts your own, subject to the will
without external sign or motion, such are what go to make
up a perfect horseman. He rode with single rein and curb
bit, wearing spurs with horizontal rowels. When a young
man he was to take part in a militia parade in Charleston.
His horse was brought to the door for him to mount, but the
animal being young and fiery and excited by the surround
ings, plunged and reared, so that it required three servants
to lead him up, and he would not remain quiet long enough
to enable Hampton to mount in the usual way. But he
vaulted into the saddle without touching the stirrup, and
before the excited creature knew it, was firmly seated. Can
tering up the street a hundred yards or so, the horse and he
had come to a perfect understanding — there is something in
the sympathetic contact of the person, and the "feel of the
mouth," that convert the horse and the perfect rider into a
centaur, no longer dual but animated by a common will —
and as he turned and came "loping" back past the place
where he had mounted he stooped gracefully, when at speed,
and picked from the ground a glove which had been acci
dentally dropped when springing into the saddle. A friend
turned to his father and said :
"Are not you afraid he will be hurt?"
"Not unless he 'shucks' his skin," replied the Colonel,
smiling. On his Mississippi plantation before the war were often
assembled hunting parties, as well as other guests. It was
here that he was so famed as a bear hunter, and was the only
one known who could, unassisted, put a dead bear on a horse
to be carried home. On one occasion a young Englishman
was his guest, a man of the class who are bred from boyhood
to hunt across country, and he himself was a noted dare
devil rider, following the hounds through thick and thin.
After the first day's hunt was over he remarked to a fellow
guest: "There are few men in England who can ride with him,"
indicating Hampton.

Early Life — Secession 15
After the second day's hunt he said :
"There are not three men in England who can ride with
him." On the third evening he made no remark for a while, and
then said quietly :
"There is only one man in England who can ride with him,"
On the fourth night he sat after dinner silently and
thoughtfully smoking his cigar in front of the generous
chimney, where were blazing the huge yule logs cut from the
adjacent forest. At length he jumped up, turned his coat-
tails to the fire, and as he stood before it toasting that portion
of the human form divine which most touches the saddle,
exclaimed excitedly :
"By Jove ! There is not a man in all England who can ride
with him !"
Like many who have associated much with men in public
life, or in social affairs, Hampton possessed the faculty, to a
wonderful degree, of remembering faces and names, but he
never forgot a horse once seen. Nor need it be one of high
degree, for as his was the broad, genial, democratic temper
of the true natural aristocrat with men, so it was with four-
footed friends. It was believed that during the war he knew
individually not only every private but every horse in his
command, and certain it is, from the writer's own observa
tion, that he frequently noticed when a trooper was riding
some animal not his own, and would inquire the reason.
With a shotgun over dogs he was a capital and quick shot,
noted far and wide, and a perfect sportsman. It is unusual
for any one to be a past-master both with gun and rod, for
they seem to require different temperaments, but he could
throw a fiy to attract from the depths the most fastidious
of trout, salmon, and bass, and, once struck, they had but
a poor chance ever to get away from that firm hand and those
steady nerves.
After graduating at the South Carolina College, of which
his father was a trustee, he studied law, but not with the view
of practising it as a profession. Although before middle life
much occupied with social and other duties, and agricultural
cares, as well as field sports, he found time for reading, and

16 Hampton and Eeconstruction
would thus pass many an agreeable evening that would other
wise have been lonely in the absence of guests in the cheerful
light of the logs in his plantation home in Mississippi. So,
when living friends were not within call, or when weather
prevented looking after plantation matters, or enjoying the
woods, and field sports, there would be the book-shelves
containing, after all, the best friends a man ever has; who
are cheerful with you in prosperity; considerate always, and
never give the cold shoulder when luck is against one ; ready
to laugh, or to cry with you ; never a bore by oversitting their
time, but always coming promptly, when asked, to chat alone
with you; so tactful and thoughtful, too, that they will
unobtrusively whisper useful hints in your ear during the
sleepless nights, and brace you up for the dreaded tomorrow ;
or in the trenches or on the charge, perhaps, when you feel
Gui bono, one of them will come to you in memory, button
hole you for a moment, remind you of some hero who has been
made corporeal in song and story perhaps for a thousand
years or more, or possibly within your personal recollection ;
and then, soon your comrades are saying, "That man would
rather fight than eat!" but it is all the doing of your old
friends, the books, and you are only hypnotized by them.
Once when Hampton was in the United States Senate at
Washington, he was taking a stranger from California to
introduce him to President Cleveland. On the way there, the
conversation somehow fell upon the odes of Horace, and there
arose a difference of opinion between them as to the correct
quotation of a certain line. They afterwards settled their
controversy — for, I believe, Mr. Cleveland declined the
responsibility of referee on this Hague tribunal — by a copy
of Horace, and it turned out that Hampton was right. On
his return home, the Californian, who cultivated a vineyard
as well as letters, sent to Hampton a cask of choice claret in
graceful acknowledgment of having been in the wrong, and
from personal knowledge the writer can testify that his taste
in claret was good, if his recollection of the Latin poets might
be now and then a little inaccurate.
Hampton was a splendid specimen externally of the genus
homo. Standing just six feet in height, broad-shouldered.

Early Life — Secession 17
deep-chested, well proportioned in waist, and narrow-hipped,
with legs which, if he chose to close them in a grip, could
make a horse groan with pain, he possessed an iron consti
tution, and great muscular strength, gifts of nature and
inheritance, never marred by any excess, and kept in vigor by
habits of out-door exercise. Tobacco he used in no form, and
wine or liquor very sparingly. Up to old age, and until for
years his active habits had been at times interfered with by
suffering from the results of his amputated leg, he never
knew by personal acquaintance "that curs't hag, dyspepsia."
And let no one fiatter himself that he can achieve and main
tain the position of a very great cavalry leader, whatever
his other qualifications may be, unless he possesses, in large
measure, such a constitution, and the endurance, mental and
physical, which accompanies it. Many thousand lives were
needlessly sacrificed in the war of 1861-65, many a crit
ical position lost, or cause perhaps almost ruined, because,
at "the time that tried men's souls," the body of the com
mander was unable properly to do its part of the work. I
think I know of an infantry general of great eminence, one of
the best militarily educated of the officers in the old army, a
fine strategist and very able tactician, who ruined a cam
paign, which probably decided the result of the entire contest,
because stomach complaint, become chronic, curtailed his
personal activity, and, of course, reacted disastrously upon
temper, nerves, and reasoning powers. Nor could any but
an iron constitution have carried a statesman unruffled and
calm, unsleepingly vigilant and energetic, through the polit
ical campaign of 1876.
Hampton, in eyes, complexion and hair was of the Saxon,
not the brunette type, but not too markedly so. His eyes were
large, and gray in color, but having a "suspicion" of blue,
when in repose, and could be on occasion steel-gray. The
troopers used to assert, and I think correctly, that they
sometimes "snapped fire" when he was in action. Ordinarily
in friendly intercourse, they had a frank, honest, open, kindly
look, which at a glance carried conviction of truth, sincerity,
and honor. During the war he wore a full beard, but after
wards only whiskers and mustache. His voice in conver-

18 Hampton and Eeconstruction
sation, up to his death, had that smooth, fiowing- water sound,
which is supposed to be the gift of a mild climate usually
free from atmospheric rasping infiuences, a voice which seeks
out the hearer's heart, and yet possessed an undertone denot
ing the firmness of his character.
Though free from all undignified levity in social inter
course, he yet always was cheerful and genial and enjoyed a
joke, and at times could perpetrate one. Though perhaps
having been engaged in more single combats with sabre and
pistol than any other officer in the army, and never hesitating
to strike hard with his command, neither soft-handed in
action with foe, nor hesitating to exact obedience and courage
to the death from his men, yet, the battle over, his humanity
and personal kindness to the wounded and prisoners of the
enemy were a very marked characteristic ; and not the life of
a single one of his troopers was ever risked or paid out inten
tionally otherwise than thriftily, and for a larger equivalent
in military value. As a consequence, he was beloved above all
by his men, who considered "following Hampton" the
greatest honor of their lives, and was held in almost as much
esteem by his foes, and with them, as well as with friends, his
intercourse was often marked by an amiable humorousness,
which left a pleasant flavor behind it ever afterward.
Once during his Virginian campaigns, when scouting alone,
which he was very much addicted to doing, he happened to
come upon a single Federal soldier, who was bathing in a
stream of water presumably secure from Confederates, and
had left his clothes on the bank. Hampton covered him with
his pistol, and summoned him to surrender, which he
promptly did, and came ashore. Hampton could not help
feeling amused at his woe-begone looks, all naked as the day
he was born, and probably showed it good-naturedly, for the
fellow put up a most piteous plea to be released. He assever
ated, in the flrst place, that he served in the quartermaster
department, and was therefore a non-combatant.
"And so, you know. General," said he, "I could not pos
sibly have hurt any of your friends, but must, on the con
trary, have supplied them with lots of nice captured things."
Moreover, he stated that he had just obtained a furlough.

Early Life — Secession 19
and was going home to be married, and was taking a bath —
most unprecedented proceeding for a soldier in the fleld —
before starting. So Hampton could not stand his supplica
tion any longer, and laughingly said :
"All right. You can go, then, for it is a fact that your
department is very useful to us, and you do not look as if you
could do any of my men much harm."
So the soldier went to put on his clothes, but Hampton put
a stop to that proceeding, remarking :
"Oh, no ! I let you off, but not your clothes. I want those
for my men, who are in need of them."
In spite of all entreaties, the General was obdurate in the
matter of the clothes. Of course it was not their value, which
was very little, but the joke of the thing. So the poor wretch
had to leave without them, nude as a Venus arising from the
sea-foam, and on leaving expressed profuse thanks for his
liberation, and said:
"I'll name my flrst son Wade Hampton, after you."
Many years afterward, when the General was a United
States Senator at Washington, he was going up to his room
in his hotel in the elevator, when he was spoken to by a young
man there, who asked :
"Are you General Wade Hampton?"
On his replying in the affirmative, the stranger inquired
whether he remembered capturing and releasing a naked
Federal prisoner at a certain time and place in Virginia, and
Hampton replied that he recollected it perfectly.
"Well," said the stranger, "he's my father, and my name is
Wade Hampton. Good morning, sir," and stepped out of the
elevator at his landing.
On March 11, 1865, Johnston's army was crossing the Cape
Fear Eiver at Fayetteville, N. C, the cavalry, of course, being
the rear guard. When all but a portion of the army had
effected the crossing, a detachment of Federal cavalry, con
sisting of a captain and sixty-eight men and officers, in
advance of the Federal army close behind them, rode through
a by-road, which by somebody's inattention must have been
unpicketed, and came near to causing a very ugly situation ;
in fact, did cause it. No other troops being immediately

20 Hampton and Eeconstruction
available, and no time to lose, the bridge over the river
being already sufficiently crowded, and a panic possible,
Hampton caught up seven followers (there were no others
cooperating) and flung himself on the intruding company in
a hand to hand combat, driving them pell-mell from the town,
a large percentage being killed, or captured. Among the
latter was David Day, a noted Federal spy, dressed in Con
federate uniform. When, after the charge, brought to the
General to know what disposition should be made of the spy,
the General told him that he had no time to attend to him
then, but when he had crossed the river he would be obliged,
to his regret, to have him hanged. The fellow was accord
ingly turned over with the other prisoners to the keeping of
some Junior Reserves, and, when asked for at night, it was
discovered that he had made his escape. He was an exceed
ingly active, efficient spy, one of the best Sherman possessed,
and had been captured and managed to get away three times
before this.
Thirty-one years afterward Hampton was in Denver, Colo
rado. A stranger called upon him at his hotel, and said that
he had been among the Federals in the Fayetteville charge.
Hampton spoke about the spy in gray uniform, whom he had
intended to hang, but who had escaped.
"I'm the man," remarked the stranger.
"Well," replied Hampton, "I said that I would have you
hanged as soon as we got across the river. I certainly would
have done it, if you had not got away, but I am glad the
hanging did not come off."
"So am I," said the man, laughing.
The next morning Day published in the local newspaper
a full account of the charge, and his intended fate and escape,
and was almost as laudatory and enthusiastic about Hamp
ton as if he had been one of his troopers instead of a spy con
demned to death by him. Some people do favors in such a
churlish, disagreeable way, that they make enemies by them,
but it is not often that you flnd anyone who can condemn a
man to death and thereby make a friend of him.
One of the junior officers on Hampton's staff was a young
man whom he had well known from boyhood, and for this

Early Life — Secession 21
reason and others, was warranted sometimes in making a
little joke at his expense. Once, while in quarters in mid
winter, not even Hampton's energetic spirit could contrive
any useful operations for his command — except, of course,
the everlasting picketing in hunger, cold, and wet, but from
that staff officers were exempt. He became tired, after
a while, of seeing the young officer referred to loafing around
and smoking all the time, with nothing to do. The head
quarters of General  were some ten miles away, and
the roads in Virginia in those days in winter were bottomless
pits of mud. Hampton wrote a dispatch to General 
and said to the young staff officer, whom we shall call
"Blank" :
"Please be kind enough to take this to General  ."
Now, as I have said, the roads were almost swimming
depth in mud, and Blank was very careful about the appear
ance of his dress and accoutrements, top-boots always
shining, steel spurs, stirrups, and bit as bright as silver — the
pride of his "boy" — and horse well groomed. He "hated"
that ride, but nothing was to be done but "mount and away."
After a nasty ride, horse and rider, covered with mud, clothes
and accoutrements in the same plight, he reached the head
quarters to which he had been ordered, and delivered the
dispatch to the general for whom it was intended. The
latter opened it, laughed, and handed it back to Blank to
read. It was :
Deae 

Please give Blank a drink, and send him back.
He had another "good story" on Blank. It was in the Mine
Run campaign in November, 1863. Hampton had ascertained
by heavy skirmishing during the day, that Meade was in
force in his immediate front and reported this to General
Lee. So the Commander-in-Chief rode down to go over the
ground with his general of cavalry, and see for himself the
situation. Meantime, some members of Hampton's staff,
including Blank, had managed to find a small house, where
there was one room with a fireplace, which looked to them
on that wet, raw November night exceedingly pleasant for
cavalry headquarters, and they accordingly arranged to

22 Hampton and Reconstruction
establish them there for the night, sending a courier to meet
General Hampton on his return from the front, to show
him the way. When General Lee with Hampton arrived at
the house, they found Blank and one or two others of the
staff toasting themselves before the fire, in a high state of
comfort. After warming their hands, Hampton turned to
General Lee, and said :
"General, where are your headquarters tonight?"
"Indeed I do not know," replied the General; "These were
my headquarters this morning, when I left them, but these
young gentlemen have made themselves so comfortable, that
I do not know where they are now."
Profuse apologies and explanations were made. They had
not, of course, known they were his headquarters. They
would all move out at once, Hampton said. But General Lee
would not hear of such a thing, and so it was arranged by
the two generals occupying the only bed in the room, a staff
officer of each to lie on the fioor in front of the fire ready
to receive the dispatches arriving during the night. The
other members of the two staffs were turned out to sleep
huddled together in the damp on a small piazza. It fell to
Blank's good luck to be the officer whom Hampton told to
remain with him, and it is said that he snored all night long
in front of the fire, and that Colonel Marshall, General Lee's
attendant, was up about every ten minutes receiving the dis
patches pouring in by couriers for both generals. In the
morning, of course, they all breakfasted together, the meal
consisting of the contents of a basket with some tough "bull-
beef," and one slice of nice boiled Virginia ham on the top
of it — this naturally intended specially for General Lee —
which had been sent — the best certainly, probably all, she
had — by some lady residing in the neighborhood. General
Lee presided at the table with the same dignity, grace, and
urbanity as he would have shown at Arlington, and to each
in turn said :
"Which will you have? This is some rather tough beef,
and here is a nice piece of ham."
Everybody said "beef," until it came to Blank's turn, who
promptly answered "ham."

Early Life — Secession 23
As they rode away after breakfast Hampton said chaffingly
to Blank:
"Don't you think it was an impudent thing to take all
General Lee's breakfast? You did not leave him a mouth
ful." "No, indeed, I don't think so at all," replied Blank, "That
old gentleman is always presuming on his rank with us. See
how he turned us all out in the cold last night [as a matter
of fact, he himself had been all night snoring by the fire].
I had to take him down a bit."
About a year after this. General Lee stopped one morning
to see Hampton at his headquarters and took breakfast there.
The menu was boiled rice, and sweet-potato coffee, and noth
ing at all else. Hampton presided at table, and asked Gen
eral Lee if he could help him to some rice.
"Yes, thank you," said General Lee, "and, if convenient, I
would like to be helped before Captain Blank."
So the General had remembered that ham incident all that
time, and Blank was "taken down a bit." But he had his
chance to make amends, for he was a rice planter, and after
the war had the pleasure of sending barrels of rice from time
to time as presents to General Lee, in memory of the break
fast of which he had deprived him.
It was at this time that an incident happened, which Gen
eral Hampton used to relate.
General Lee was riding with him over the outer lines to
inspect the ground. Each had left his staff behind, for there
was nothing to be gained by risking more lives, and, besides,
the fewer there were the less likely it would be that the
attention of the sharpshooters would be attracted to them.
After a time they reached a position where for some little
distance the direct way, which they would have to go, was
open, and very much exposed to sharpshooters, but by making
a slight detour this could be avoided. When this point was
reached General Lee turned to General Hampton, and show
ing him the detour said :
"General, there is no use for you to risk it by riding here.
You had better go that way and I will meet you over there,"
indicating the place where some cover began again. It is

24 Hampton and Reconstruction
needless to say that Hampton did not adopt the suggestion,
but it illustrates how thoughtful and considerate General
Lee was of everybody — except himself.
Hampton's largest agricultural interests were in Missis
sippi, and there he spent much of his time prior to 1861. His
principal crop was cotton, which that season reached 5,000
bales. At ten cents a pound this crop would have been worth
a quarter million dollars. Besides this, corn and other pro
visions were raised. There was a large stock of mules for
work, as well as other animals, and then there were hundreds
of negroes to be looked after. It was, therefore, an occupa
tion which was very far from a sinecure. It required a
careful attention to details, as also a broad grasp, and the
able management of a large capital. This training, and the
spirit of command and management on a large scale thus
learned were no bad preparation for much of a military
officer's duties. He was to his negroes kind, considerate
and wise for their happiness : a more contented people were
never to be seen. They were always attached to him, and his
influence over them survived the war and "freedom."
Everything pertaining to country life was dear to Hamp
ton, the simplest as well as the more important. It is related
of him that once when required to prepare an important
State paper, he remained home from church on a Sunday,
for the purpose of writing it out, at his place in the country
not far from Columbia. As his family returning from church
drove up to the door, he met the carriage to help the ladies
out, and was asked if he had flnished his paper.
"No," said he, "but I have found where the old turkey
hen has made her nest in the long grass behind the stable!"
Cashier's Valley, in Western North Carolina, was his
favorite home in summer. Up to thirty or forty years ago,
there was good hunting there for large game, as well as
pheasants (ruffed grouse). Trout at first existed only on
one side of the watershed, but he carried them in buckets over
the ridge, where they have since fiourished. Sport of any
kind enjoyed in that beautiful region, or mere existence, is
rendered vastly more pleasurable than elsewhere by the sur
roundings. Mountains, the highest this side of the Rockies,

Early Life — Secession 25
usually clothed with magnificent forests to a considerable
altitude, and beautifully verdant to their summits ; plateaus
four thousand feet above the sea, swept by health-bearing
breezes ; sheltered nooks among the picturesque "coves," and
along the clear, cool streams rushing among the mossy rocks ;
it was from this mountain-home of his youth that Hampton
came forth to redeem his people in 1876, and well that heart
and mind and hand were charged full and braced up with
pure vigor of the "everlasting hills."
Among the many other gentle traits in Hampton's char
acter was his goodness to children. In Cashier's Valley,
before the sixties, in the summer time on Sundays — there
were no churches there then, and he would never fish, shoot,
or hunt on Sundays — he would often be seen wandering about
with children, making hooks of bent pins and with a cord
attached helping them to catch minnows, and otherwise
amusing them. When little Miss Ruth Cleveland was infant
queen of the White House he met her once in the hall as
he was leaving from an interview with her father, and
stopped to talk with her for a few minutes to their mutual
delight. At length, when the elevator stopped at the floor
to take her upstairs, she pointed to it and said :
"Go, now."
So he obeyed the royal command, and they were great
friends ever afterward. He related the incident to Mr.
Cleveland, saying laughingly : "She must have caught that
phrase from hearing you so often use it to importunate office-
seekers." Not very long before his death, when, in fact, he was suf
fering from a cold the effects of which probably ended his life,
the writer told him of the great mortification and distress
felt by a son of his, then a small boy, who a day or two before
had missed a fine buck by overshooting him. He smiled and
said: "Tell him, to comfort him, that accidents will happen in
the best regulated families. Old Mr. Taylor, Squire Taylor,
as they used to call him, was considered in my young days
the greatest of deer hunters. One day he was on a stand at
the bottom of a small hill, aiTd a herd of deer, six in number.

26 Hampton and Reconstruction
I think, came to the top of the hill, stopped, and looked at
him ; he took aim, fired, overshot every one of them, and was
so disgusted that he did not fire his second barrel."
"Then shall I give him your order, General," said I (quot
ing Ben Pump's favorite phrase from Cooper's "Pioneers"),
' "to fire low, and hull your enemy'?"
"Yes," he said, laughing, "tell him to fire low and hull the
enemy." Wounded and helpless people, as well as children, always
attracted kindness from him, as has been said before this,
but an example often shows a trait of character better than
the mere statement of a fact can do. It was the Monday
morning after the two days' fighting at Trevillian in 1864,
when he had, by an exhibition of military ability rarely sur
passed in the annals of war, extricated his command from
almost hopeless defeat and destruction, caused by no fault of
his own, and wrenched a signal victory out of the bloody
jaws of disaster. On following up, at the head of his column,
the retreating foe, he happened to pass, lying close by the
roadside, a wounded Confederate trooper, who had fallen into
the hands of the enemy on Saturday morning during the
serious complication then occurring, and whom they had
left behind in their retreat, as supposedly hors de combat
permanently. It has been remarked, that Hampton was
believed to know every man and horse in his command, but
few indeed have been the great leaders, of any age, the wide
world over, who could or would have paused to do this thing,
which I am about to relate, for, remember, he had for two
days and nights been engaged in a death grapple and was
now eagerly following up the retreating defeated foe. He
recognized the poor, miserable, dirty private as one who was
farther from friends and home than most, halted a moment,
and then sent one of his staff — it was "Blank" — to say a kind
word and lend him some money. It is only fair to add, that
a half hour or so before this, had passed by the rear-guard
covering Sheridan's retreat, and that the colonel of a New
Jersey regiment, a quondam college friend and brother Delta
Phi from old Princeton, had got down from his horse and
tendered his brandy flask.

Early Life — Secession 27
This subject suggests very agreeable recollections of other
kindnesses received, which I cannot bear to pass over, and
for that reason will ask to trespass further on the reader's
patience by relating them, although insignificant personal
incidents. When wounded, I fell into the hands of the Federals, and
remained a prisoner until they retreated about forty-eight
hours afterward, as has already been related. During that
time the attentions of the hospital authorities were not press
ing by any means, and I was a good deal the worse for wear,
which lying unsheltered in the sun all day, and in the rain
during one night, did not have a tendency to better. As it
chanced, there was a boy of about my own age in the hospital
slightly wounded, who belonged to the Second United States
Cavalry, that corps d' elite of the old army of which Albert
Sydney Johnston had been colonel and Lee lieutenant-colonel,
and in which several other officers on both sides, afterward
generals, had served. Of Confederates there were Hardee,
Van Dorn, Kirby Smith, Evans, Hood, Field, Chambliss,
and Phifer; and of Federals, Thomas, Palmer, Stoneman,
Johnson, and Garrard.
This boy, from the moment that he saw me, was as kind
and friendly as possible ; obtained some food for me, and even
a drink of whiskey, which latter was like a refreshing shower
in the desert of Sahara. Observing that I wore a signet ring
on the little finger of my left hand, he advised me to take it
off and hide it at once in my clothes, for he said, "Those other
boys [from which I understood him to mean the conscripts]
are none too good to steal it." I replied that I had thought
of that, but could not remove it from the finger, because
the joint was swollen. He said that it must be concealed
somehow, for otherwise "the boys" would be very likely to
cut the finger off to obtain it. So he tore a piece from his
handkerchief and bound it around the finger, as if it were
wounded, and thus effectually hid the ring. A few minutes
afterward he brought up a sergeant in his regiment, a much
older man, also slightly wounded, and I at once recognized
in him another "friend at court," for I had seen him once

28 Hampton and Reconstruction
before under peculiar circumstances, some three years pre
viously. It was impossible not to recognize the man, for he
was a remarkable looking fellow, immensely tall, strong and
wiry, with a very pronounced "Cape Cod nose," and a shrewd,
but honest face. When seen before, he was talking with com
rades about the merits of the commanders on both sides, and
I had heard him say :
"I tell you men, Albert Sydney Johnston was the best
man that God Almighty's sun ever shone on. I served under
him in the Salt Lake expedition."
On this occasion I led up to that subject, and his expres
sion was exactly the same as used nearly three years before.
That man did every kindness he could to me — from his
limited resources — and I verily believe it was chiefly for the
sake of Albert Sydney Johnston. I was his beneflciary.
Hampton's amiability and good judgment prevented his
entertaining ill-feeling against any former antagonist of hon
orable record after the smoke of battle had cleared off, and
the same was true of political opponents conscientiously
entertaining their views, and pursuing them by legitimate
methods. During his twelve years' residence in Washington,
while Senator, he had many personal friends among Repub
licans, besides others. President Arthur, with whom he often
enjoyed a gallop, and a flshing excursion for Potomac bass.
At the time of his death a letter was published in the Phila
delphia Record from the well-known Colonel A. K. McClure,
in which it is said, "From the day the war ended no expres
sion of bitterness or resentment ever came from Wade Hamp
ton. Op the contrary, he earnestly urged the restoration of
peace and fraternal brotherhood." The letter, after referring
to incidents of the Chambersburg raid in 1862, when McClure
flrst met Hampton, continues : "I did not again meet Hamp
ton until after his election to the governship in 1876. At our
flrst meeting we had a pleasant evening, recalling the inter
esting incidents of the Chambersburg raid. From then, until
the last few years, I met him many times in Washington, and
was always delighted to enjoy his genial and kindly com
panionship. ... In 1876, when the people were goaded
to desperation by the licentious 'carpet-bag' rule of the State,

Early Life — Secession 29
Hampton was forced into the campaign for governor. The
contest was one of unusual desperation, but with all the
power and the machinery in the hands of the State author
ities, sustained by the army, and by a State constabulary
that permeated every precinct, Hampton was elected by
1,134 majority. I doubt whether Hampton rendered more,
heroic service in the flame of battle than he did in restraining;
his friends from resorting to violence, when the election
fraud was perpetrated, and driving the . corrupt 'carpet
baggers' from the State, but he held his people steadily to law
and order, feeling' assured that in time the right would!
triumph. . . . During his twleve years' service in the^
Senate he was always one of the most conservative and
patriotic of Southern law-makers. He exhausted his efforts
to suppress sectional strife, not only by example, but every
deliverance he ever made, he pleaded for the suppression of
sectional bitterness, and the restoration of fraternal rela
tions between the North and the South. He was one of the
most delightful of all the Senators to meet in social inter
course, and his magniflcent physique, soldierly bearing, and
honest face commanded the admiration of all who came
within the range of his acquaintance."
Ex-Governor Hugh S. Thompson, prominent in Washington
in Mr. Cleveland's administration, wrote of Hampton: "In
the United States Senate he acquired wonderful influence.
It was remarked by one, who was in a position to know of
what he spoke, that Hampton had more influence in the
Senate than any other man. His brother Senators respected
his high character, his judgment, and his patriotism, and they
were always glad when party affiliations permitted them to
follow him in any measure. Shortly before his term in the
Senate ended, he made a speech upon the then exciting ques
tion of the day — the force bill. His speech was delivered late
at night during one of the long sessions of the Senate, while
there were but few auditors in the gallery, but it made a
profound impression upon all who heard it. At the close.
Senator Plumb, of Kansas, one of the strongest Republican
partizans, shook him warmly by the hand and said : 'General

30 Hampton and Reconstruction
Hampton, whatever may happen to you in the future, remem
ber that, after that speech, I am always your friend.' Vice-
President Levi P. Morton, who was presiding, said after
ward, that he wished every man in the country could have
heard that speech, which abounded with the highest patriot
ism, and that in all respects it had made more impression
upon him than any speech which he had heard while he pre
sided in the Senate."
At the same time the late Judge C. H. Simonton of the
United States Circuit Court — who would have sat on the
Supreme bench if selection always went by desert, and not
political "pull" — wrote about Hampton words which have
unusual weight, coming from such a distinguished source :
"My relations with General Hampton became closer and
my opportunities of knowing him were more frequent after he
became a candidate for governor, and whilst he filled that
office. He had a wonderful faculty of reaching his conclu
sions, as it were, by instinct. State to him a proposed line of
action and, at once, without any hesitation, he gave his opin
ions, apparently not reasoned out, but the result, as it were,
of intuitive perception. In nine cases out of ten he was right.
"As a member of the Legislature, and on the Judiciary
Committee, he would send for me occasionally to explain
some Act, which had gone through that committee, and was
submitted to him for approval. On one occasion, particu
larly, I recall, that he objected to an Act.
" 'It will not do,' he said, 'I will veto it. I am busy with
these other Acts ; suppose that you write the message.'
"The result of a careful examination of the Act showed
that his intuition, or instinct, call it what you will, was
correct. The veto was unanimously sustained. So it was in
a great many ways with him.
"General Conner used to say that during the campaign of
1876, those who were in his closest intimacy were often
startled to flnd General Hampton reaching at once a conclu
sion as to a course of action over which, in his absence, they
had been debating long and anxiously. He was a born woods
man, and carried into all his pursuits the tastes and experi
ences of this character. It was this adjunct to his genius for

Early Life — Secession 31
fighting which made him the great cavalry leader, and this,
which in civil life made him abnormis sapiens et crassa
Minerva, wise without the aid of scholastic rules, and full of
strong common sense.
"So long as manhood, and honor, and devoted patriotism
are appreciated, his name will be remembered and revered."
As to the bearing of woodcraft on war, it is recalled that
Macchiavelli in his Prince recommends hunting for develop
ing topographical skill.
I have been told by Judge Simonton that one afternoon
during the crisis of the campaign of 1876, a consultation of
the gravest importance was being held, only two or three per
sons, besides the General, being present. He was silent as to
his own views, but listened attentively to those of the others.
Before any conclusion was reached there was a knock at the
door, and it was announced that a certain man was waiting
outside to see the General, one who had been a good old
soldier of his, of whom he was very fond, and on whom
he frequently relied for hunting expeditions. Hampton at
once rose and said that he regretted, but he would have to
adjourn the meeting until the next morning, as he must talk
to his hunting friend, who had come a long distance to see
him. There was nothing to be done, of course, but to adjourn,
but the gentlemen present, without saying anything, looked
at one another signiflcantly, as much as to say, "At last Jove
is nodding." But they found out their mistake next morn
ing, when the meeting was reconvened. The supposed hunt
had been on the instant seized upon by him as a convenient
means of delaying the decision until the next morning, when
he expected to receive information having a most momentous
bearing upon the matter, and about which he was not at
liberty then to speak. The information was received during
the night, and totally changed the decision which had been
contended for on the previous evening.
The writer could furnish almost numberless quotations
similar to the above, from newspapers and letters, which he
has preserved, but space forbids the introduction of more.
After being admitted to the bar Hampton devoted a portion
of his time to politics, as was but the duty of the eldest son

32 Hampton and Reconstruction
of a family, which, from historical fame, social position, and
wealth, justly held so much influence in the community. His
opinions on the burning questions of the day were very con
servative — not at all in accord with extreme views. The best
interests of his country, not his own private advantage, were
those nearest his heart, and his judgment was never found at
fault. While, of course, believing that negro slavery, which
at that time had not long ceased to exist — from climatic
causes alone — in the Northern States, was, being an estab
lished institution, right and proper for his people, yet he was
no fanatic, and resolutely opposed any public opinion directed
toward the toleration of the reimportation of negroes. His
speech, as a member of the State Senate, on this subject was
greatly applauded by the Hew York Tribune — at that date
the most extreme radical journal of any consequence in the
country — which called it "a masterpiece of logic, directed by
the noblest sentiments of the Christian and the patriot."
When the crisis of 1860-61 was approaching, there were in
South Carolina — and indeed in all the "Cotton States" —
three, and practically only three, groups of opinion on the
jnomentous question of Secession, or Union. Strange as it
may perhaps seem to those of a purely material turn of mind
(who ignore sentiment, as being of enormous controlling
power), the personal status of a man, whether poor or rich,
slaveholder or non-slaveholder, appeared to make no differ
ence at all in the nature of his opinions, and not one in flve
was in fact the owner of a single slave. Those are jaundiced
minds that now think that it was "a rich man's war, and a
poor man's flght." The two clauses of the sentence are
equally incorrect. Moreover, the hope of an ultimate well-
considered plan, with due regard to humanity toward both
races, of the gradual abolition of slavery, where entertained
at all, would be found almost exclusively among the richest
and most cultured slaveholders wearied of the responsi
bilities and duties imposed upon them by the system.
The flrst group above referred to would have expressed
its views, in substance, as, follows : they would have asserted
that they were Americans in every fibre of their being,
devotedly attached to the Union, and would have pointed to

Early Life — Secession 33
their record in the past, in peace and war, as a proof of this ;
that they believed that any State, acting through a constit
uent assembly, or convention of the people elected by them
for that purpose, possessed the legal, and moral right to
secede from the Union, when the people elected to do so, but
that nothing, short of the necessity of self-preservation,
should ever cause them to exercise this right: that the Ter
ritories were the common property, and undivided asset of
all the States, and that consequently all were coequal in
their rights there ; that as long as these remained Territories,
the citizens of all the States had the equal right to emi
grate there, carrying with them all their property recognized
as such by the existing laws of the United States ; that when
a community constituting a Territory adopted a Constitution
and applied to Congress for admission into the Union, as a
State, such community had the right to decide whether the
new State should, or should not admit negro slavery there,
as an institution ; that, if they did not maintain these, their
Territorial rights, there would be no more States made
having the institution of negro slavery, and consequently
they themselves would become in a hopeless minority, and be
exposed to ruinous legislation leveled against them, even to
the suddenly turning loose upon them of their own forcibly
emancipated slaves; that the election of Mr. Lincoln on a
"free soil" (i. e. their exclusion from the Territories) plat
form should be the danger-signal for Secession.
There was a second group, which held to the right of Seces
sion, and the rest of the contentions of the first group, except
that the election of Mr. Lincoln should be the signal for Seces
sion ; they held that his election, and the incidents leading to
and connected with it, were not a justification for Secession ;
that self-restraint should be practised, and every means made
use of to remove the necessity for Secession, before going into
it. Nevertheless, they admitted the right of a State conven
tion to take the State out of the Union in spite of their wishes
and to bind them by this action, allegiance to the State being,
in their opinion, a paramount duty.
There was a third group, consisting of those who, while
freely admitting that Secession had existed as a right

34 Hampton and Reconstruction
originally at the adoption of the Constitution, and for many
years afterward, yet contended that, as time had gone on, the
States had entered into mutual agreements by contracts,
made transactions together, consented to Acts of Congress,
and to decisions of courts establishing precedents, which had
by now created a condition of affairs inconsistent with the
exercise of the former right of Secession; in other words,
that, since the adoption of the Constitution, they had, as
States, entered into what were virtually implied treaties with
their sister States not to secede. Those of the third group,
however, believed in the right of revolution, as presumably
every one else does. There were not very many in South Car
olina belonging to the third group, and it was found there, as
elsewhere in the South, that, when the war actually began,
nearly all of these threw in their lot with their neighbors,
and none were more resolute or more gallant in the field.
General Lee would probably have been enrolled in the
third group, if he had resided in South Carolina, and like
him many and many a man there belonging as well to the
first and second, as to the third group, would gladly have
given freedom to his slaves — if he could honorably, and with
out the stigma of compulsion, have done so — to save the
Union, and avert bloodshed.
In the second group, it would seem that General Hampton
should be classed; certainly not in the first. Immediately
after the Ordinance of Secession was passed he resigned his
seat in the State Senate on the ground that he was about to
enter the army. Thus, mailed from head to foot in the armor
of duty, he drew his "stainless sword" to defend a cause,
which the verdict of the people, the principle of representa
tive government, according to his conscience, bade him de
fend, in a war, which he had done nothing to produce, and
which he had used his utmost exertions to prevent; with
nothing possible to gain, and everything to lose. In this,
he was not unlike Cromwell at the commencement of his
career, nor does the similarity end here, for Cromwell first
took to war at the same age as Hampton, and, like him,
without any previous military training, also became the
greatest cavalry general of his time at a period when the

Early Life — Secession 35
horse was the most important part of an army. Moreover,
Cromwell, too, was a great lover of fine horses and fond of
field sports, and affectionate and irreproachable in his family
relations, but there (unfortunately for Cromwell's fame) the
comparison must end.

36 Hampton and Reconstruction
CHAPTER SECOND
War
Forth from its scabbard, high in air
Beneath Virginia's sky !
And they who saw It gleaming there.
And knew who bore It, knelt to swear
That where that sword led^ they would dare
To follow — and to die ! — Father Ryan.
Hampton was forty-three years of age when he first drew
his sword. He had had no military training whatever, unless
a connection with the militia may be considered such. This
was, as a matter of course, a great impediment to promotion
in the army, firstly and evidently, because technical knowl
edge had to be acquired by experience, by practical study;
and, secondly, because there was a very natural, and proper
prejudice among the professionals, the old West-Pointers at
Richmond, against amateurs, and "political generals," and
all are naturally supposed to be such, until they prove them
selves of different stuff. But, in spite of this, he rose to be
one of the two officers in the Confederacy commanding
cavalry who attained the rank of lieutenant-general, the
other being Forrest, who, singularly enough, had also re
ceived no military education prior to the war. There were
no other lieutenant-generals of cavalry in the Confederate
army. As they operated in entirely different spheres of
action, and were subject to quite dissimilar conditions, there
is no need to attempt to argue about their respective rank in
the world's gallery of great cavalry leaders : let us say, then,
par nobile fratrum. Forrest possesses a biographer worthy
of him in Wyeth.
This narrative is not intended as an account of Hampton's
military career, but only as an attempt to give the reader
some idea of him as man and statesman ; but, in order to do
this effectively, it is necessary to point out the most marked
of his characteristics developed in war, which constituted,
in great measure, his strength when at the helm in civil
storms, and the knowledge of which gave his people un-

War 37
bounded confidence in him. Only a short outline will be
given of his military career, and a few incidents related illus
trating his possession of the qualities referred to. Such an
account, to be of any value at all, must be not only conscien
tiously accurate in intent, but the writer of it must also be in
a position to know what is true in regard to friends, and the
same with respect to former antagonists : he must be able to
sift the evidence and arrive at the real facts. The present
writer believes himself to be in this position. He has already
published an account of the chief parts of Hampton's mili
tary career {Hampton and His Cavalry in '64), and in
writing it had the advantage of access to private notes and
memoranda of the General kindly lent him for that purpose,
which were afterward burned in the destruction of the
Hampton residence in 1899 ; he also made use of and studied
other available original sources of information, as well doc
umentary as oral data from persons then living, and himself
possessed some personal knowledge of the subject. It is not
for a moment denied by the writer, that recollections of the
"long ago," when Forth from its scabbard, high in air
Beneath Virginia's sky,
he first beheld Hampton's "stainless sword," or that the im
pressions of some few great events of which he happened to
be a spectator, still send a very vivid thrill through the long
interval of years and stir the blood. But he does emphat
ically deny that these feelings bias his judgment of military
events, or affect his relation of them. To magnify or exag
gerate about one's own side in the past contest would be
unpardonable; to misstate about the other, contemptible.
In May, 1861, Hampton was commissioned as colonel, and;,
authorized to raise a body to be composed of infantry, cav
alry, and artillery, combined in a "legion" designed to act
together as an independent command. After a little expe^
rience in a great war, it was found that such an organi
zation was impracticable: the infantry became a body to
itself, and the cavalry and artillery were otherwise incor
porated. A considerable portion of the cost of organizing
and arming the Legion was paid for by Hampton from his

38 Hampton and Reconstruction
own purse. He went to Virginia with his Legion in June,
and they took part in the first battle of Manassas (Bull Run) .
This was a great historic battle, much written about, and
the important part taken in it by the General is not widely
understood. We shall, therefore, quote here the exact words
of Major T. G. Barker, who was adjutant of the "Legion" in
that engagement, and whose military services during four
years of war, and subsequent high position at the bar, and
personally, are a guarantee of accuracy :
"The Legion was formed and became the apple of his eye.
It went to Virginia in June, 1861, and in a few short weeks
thereafter it received its first baptism in war. On July 21st,
before daylight, the Legion was dropped from the cars at
Manassas Junction and at eight o'clock a. m. it was marched
thence under the very indefinite order 'To go in the direction
of the firing.' Under these orders it preceeded westward on
the Sudley Ford road toward the left of General Beaure
gard's line, where heavy firing was heard, and at ten o'clock
it took position on the Warrenton turnpike, on the brow of a
hill, on which stood a farmhouse known in history as the
'Robinson house.' After half-past nine on that morning,
this hill was the extreme left point of the Confederate line,
facing north, and it became the pivot of ground around which
the Federal Army, advancing from the north, from the west,
and finally from the south and rear of the position, wrapped
the apparently irresistible folds of its great flank movement.
"It is very slightly known in history, but it is none the
less a fact, that on that day Colonel Hampton, with six
infantry companies of the Hampton Legion, held that 'Robin
son hill' under a teontinual flre from before ten o'clock in
the morning until two o'clock in the afternoon; that, after
twice refusing to withdraw, he at last retired under per
emptory orders from General Beauregard communicated by
General Barnard E. Bee; and that, when he did at last
withdraw his command, the Legion fell back upon the
plateau upon which Stonewall Jackson's command was
posted. Before the Legion left the 'Robinson hill' the
enemy was flring upon it from the north, and from the west.

War 39
and from the south, and rear, with infantry and with
artillery. "The Legion had held its position on the 'Robinson hill'
all day without any supporting force near it. When it with
drew, under orders to fall back upon General Jackson's
position, it took position on the right of the new line, which
General Beauregard had formed, by facing to the rear, and
the Legion kept that position on the extreme right in the
two charges, which were made, first up to, and afterward
past the 'Henry house.' In the first of these charges Colonel
Hampton was wounded, and the Legion, under command
of Captain James Conner, occupied the right of the line in
the second charge. Conner's company, the Washington Light
Infantry, from Charleston, was right company of the Legion,
and, therefore, the extreme right of Beauregard's line in the
charge past the 'Henry house,' which charge of the whole
line, simultaneously with the movement of General Kirby
Smith on the left, put the enemy to fiight and decided the
fate of a most eventful day.
"I do not propose to attempt to recount General Hampton's
work in the war, but this, his first experience in battle, has
been so little known and so clearly revealed the possession by
him of the true military instinct, and of the qualities, which
made him afterward a great soldier, that it is not out o*f
place to speak of it at some length.
"In his subsequent career I never knew him to encounter
the responsibilities of a new and larger command, or to be
thrown in contact with troops to whom he was a stranger,
or with officers, who met him with more or less prejudice
against him, as a civilian, or a volunteer officer having had
no military education, without witnessing the effect of his
force as a commander upon all who came under his command
or in contact with him.
"I do not believe any officer in the Southern Army received
such deep and loving personal devotion from his soldiers
and officers as General Hampton seemed to compel by his
irresistible charm of character. No commanding officer was
more implicitly trusted by his men in battle, or in camp, or
on the march.

40 Hampton and Reconstruction
"I cannot pretend to paint him, or to recall his brilliant
career as a military hero, but if any one wishes to know
what he was, let him go to the survivors of the men, whose
lives he so often held in his hands, with whom he so con
stantly risked his own life during four memorable years of
danger and of death, and let him ask those men how his
officers and men valued General Hampton, and why they
thought so much of him, and he will learn from the best
witnesses the secret of his power and success as a commander
of men."
In the May number, 1885, of the Century Magazine will be
found an article written by General Hampton himself on the
Legion at Manassas.
After Hampton resumed command of the Legion, on suffi
ciently recovering from his wound, he was presented with a
regimental flag by President Davis in person, the command
being formed in three sides of a square to receive him. An
account may be found in the Richmond Dispatch.
At the commencement of the War General Hampton had
accumulated unsold on his Mississippi plantation 4700 bales
of cotton. At the time of which we are about to speak it was
worth in United States currency probably about |1,200,000,
but later on nearly four times that amount. He urged upon
the Confederate government to ship this cotton to Europe,
invest the proceeds in arms and bring them back to the Con
federacy for the army's use. But nothing was done about it,
and when New Orleans was captured, and the Mississippi
threatened, the cotton was burned lest it fall into the hands
of the Federals. Major Barker relates the conclusion of this
matter :
"On the afternoon of the day when the news of this heavy
loss reached camp, I rode out with Colonel Hampton, and I
wondered at the equanimity with which he bore the loss. It
was a revelation of character. I truly believe that he felt
the disappointment of his pet scheme for procuring arms
for the soldiers far more than the large pecuniary loss. I
remember his then repeating as he rode along the favorite
lines :
Ah, well ! for us all some sweet hope lies.
Deeply buried from human eyes.

War 41
"Such was the temper, and such the philosophy or faith
of this heroic man."
It is rather remarkable that out of the officers and men
orginally composing the Legion there were two who became
lieutenant-generals, one a major-general, and three brigadier-
generals. After Manassas Hampton continued, on recovering from
his wound, to serve with his Legion in General Joseph E.
Johnston's army in Virginia. When McClellan commenced
his campaign in the following spring at Yorktown, Hampton
was there confronting him. At Seven Pines he was wounded
in a desperately fought fleld.
In May, 1862, he was made brigadier-general of infantry.
Early in the autumn of 1862 he was assigned to the First
Cavalry Brigade of the Army of Northern Virginia, "Mac-
Gregor on his native heath," a flsh put in its element. It
was after Sharpsburg, in October, that J. E. B. Stuart struck
out on his famous raid to Chambersburg, Pa. Hampton was
second in command, and it was then that he and A. K.
McClure flrst met, as described by the latter, which has been
referred to. Hampton was responsible for safe-guarding
private property, and it was safer so than it would have been
under the present police of most of our cities. Nothing what
ever of private property was touched, except for subsistence,
and for that and the horses impressed the regular quarter
master receipts were given the owners, thus enabling them
to claim and receive compensation from their own govern
ment. Mr. McClure had a "model farm" just outside of the
town, and was spending a day or two of holiday there. None
of his fancy poultry or blooded calves or lambs were
molested, or the favorite trout in the spring, or anything
else. No soldiers were allowed to enter private houses. Mr.
McClure invited some of the officers to take coffee after din
ner, and smoke in his library, and there they talked together
about the current topics of the day, just as gentlemen would
do in time of peace, but Mr. McClure noticed that, in the
free references to the relative merits of different com
manders, no allusion was ever made to the position, or num
bers of troops at that time. We cannot help thinking, though,

42 Hampton and Eeconstruction
that, in this instance, the host was inclined to "speed the
going guest."
In the winter of 1862-63 Hampton guarded the crossings of
the upper Eappahannock, near Brandy and Stevensburg, and
from there led in person a number of daring expeditions in
the rear of the Federal Army near Fredericksburg, capturing
prisoners and commissary and quartermaster stores in large
quantities. He was fond of choosing the most inclement
weather, particularly snow-storms and sleet, for these expe
ditions, and would thus pounce down unsuspected in the
darkness and confusion, and be off with his "plunder" before
daylight. At the celebrated cavalry battle of Brandy Station,
June 9, 1863, he exhibited conspicuous personal valor and
professional ability. It was here that his brother Frank
Hampton — noted, among other things, so greatly for amia
bility that he never had a private enemy — met his death in
the forefront of battle. At Gettysburg he was with Stuart's
command. There is — and probably always will be — a con
troversy as to how far General Lee was placed at a disad
vantage from being deprived of the use of "the eyes and the
ears of the army," through Stuart's being on the right (east)
flank of Hooker's (Meade's) marching column on its advance
to Gettysburg. However that may be, Hampton had no
responsibility whatever in the matter, having been second
in command, and not consulted about the movement. Hamp
ton reached the fleld in time for effective flghting. He
received two sabre-cuts in the head, and a shrapnel wound in
the thigh, and was disabled, but not before he had success
fully repelled and driven off after a sanguinary engagement
a vastly superior force. The brigade had twenty-one of its
twenty-three fleld officers killed, or wounded during the
Gettysburg campaign. But Hampton was soon back in the
fleld again, as will be remembered from the incident about
"Blank" in the Mine Eun campaign of November, 1863.
On August 3, 1863, he was commissioned major-general.
During the winter of 1863-4 he was near Milford picketing
the Eapidan and Eappahannock rivers on the right of the
army, about sixty miles by road from Eichmond. On the
morning of February 29, it was discovered by his scouts

War 43
that the Federal infantry and cavalry were moving. This
proved to be merely a feint on the part of the infantry to
divert attention from Kilpatrick, who marched with a cav
alry force of nearly 4,000 picked men on Sunday evening,
February 28th, for the purpose of dashing round the right
flank of Lee's, army and capturing Eichmond unawares,
Dahlgren, leading the advance with 460 men, intending to
cross the river above the city, and cooperate from the south
side with the rest of the expedition. Ascertaining this,
Hampton started in pursuit without a moment's delay,
taking with him 306 troopers and a part of a horse-artillery
battery, all that could be spared from pickets at such short
notice. Sunday night had been almost summer-like in tem
perature, but it proved a "weather-breeder," as Hampton
thought and prayed it would, for Tuesday opened with a
snow and sleet storm, which increased in severity as the day
advanced, and the night closed in pitch dark, as well. About
ten o'clock at night the camp flres of Kilpatrick were made
out near Atlee's Station, about ten miles north of Eichmond.
Hampton decided at once to attack with vigor, counting upon
the storm and darkness concealing the small number of his
men. He dismounted one hundred troopers, supported by
the rest mounted on each flank, with orders, when the pickets
were encountered, not to return their flre, but to rush in on
the main body. Complete silence was enjoined, until the
camp itself was reached, when all the yells that throats could
furnish were to be poured forth, for dear life. In connection
with this, his two pieces of artillery were to open, flring as
rapidly as possible, and making all the noise practicable.
The plan worked out perfectly. It was a complete surprise,
and Kilpatrick, supposing himself attacked by a large force,
made haste to get away, leaving rations cooking on the flres
and other good things — much to the satisfaction of Hamp
ton's famished troopers — and also one loaded wagon with
horses attached, and a caisson of ammunition. He was cut
off from return to his own army, pursued, and forced to seek
Ben Butler of the Army of the James, and his command had
to be shipped back by steamers to the Army of the Potomac.
He says in his official report, that learning Hampton "was

44 Hampton and Eeconstruction
after him"— as he expressed itH-"with a large force of
mounted infantry and cavalry, and four pieces of artillery,"
who had attacked him the night before, he "decided to move
by the nearest route to General Butler's lines at New Kent
Courthouse." The "large force" numbered, after deducting
the necessary details for scouts and pickets, less than three
hundred men. The losses officially reported by Kilpatrick
on his expedition were 340. Meantime Dahlgren's small
party had been otherwise destroyed, and Eichmond was
saved. Hampton was thanked for his succor thus rendered
in a general order from the Commandant at Richmond.
On May 11, 1864, J. E. B. Stuart, senior major-general of
'cavalry of the Army of Northern Virginia, was mortally
wounded and died on the following day. General Hampton
became by this event senior major-general of the cavalry.
The generals commanding the other two Divisions — ^the
Second and Third, his own being the First — would have to
report to his headquarters, when their Divisions were under
his immediate command, but otherwise to army headquarters.
If considered a corps, all division commanders would report
always to corps headquarters. On August 11, 1864, by
"Special Order No. 189. vii," this drawback to the efficiency
of the cavalry was removed, and he was assigned the com
mand of all the cavalry of the Army of Northern Virginia,
and division commanders were ordered to report to him. It
is a pity this had not been done before.
Taking command on May 10, 1864, Hampton assumed the
responsibility for the cavalry in the hardest fought, most
sanguinary, and most momentous campaign of that war —
or of any other. How he acquitted himself, the results, and
the commendations of General Lee illustrate. He com
menced at the battle of the Wilderness, closely succeeded by
Spottsylvania, and followed by almost continuous flghting
until the Thirty-days "Overland Campt^ign" of General
Grant was ended by his flnal defeat at Cold Harbor, and the
transfer of his army to the siege of Petersburg, with losses
aggregating during that terrible month far over sixty
thousand men — as many as Lee's entire army. During that
awful month there was not a day that the cavalry was

War 45
not engaged, and picketing always where not fighting.
Hampton seemed to be omnipresent, always at hand. For
the cavalry it was hopeless flghting, too, and that is the most
trying kind, for it well knew that it must always ulti
mately fall back daily before vastly superior numbers, its
duty being to check, as much as possible, and develop the
position of the opposing army, and allow its own infantry
and artillery time to come up.
To appreciate what Hampton accomplished, when in com
mand in 1864, it is necessary to have some idea of what his
means of carrying on the struggle were, compared to those of
his opponent ; of what his resources were in number of men,
subsistence, equipment as to arms, and supply of horses and
forage. The regular rations intended for each man daily were a
half pound of bacon, or salt pork, and a pint of corn meal,
or flour, but frequently this was from necessity reduced to
one half, and even this often could not be had for days to
gether. This was all ; no tea, coffee, sugar, or any stimulant.
No foraging was allowed. Now and then "bull beef" would
be issued instead of bacon ; and, in winter quarters, but not
until then, infinitesimally small doses of sugar and coffee
were doled out.
In armament, the cavalry had usually only muzzle-loaders,
whereas its opponents were armed with excellent magazine
(breech-loading) rifles. Some Sharp's single-shooting,
breech-loading carbines, which had been captured, were used,
but there were few of them and they were very poor weapons.
But not only were the rifles used by Hampton thus inferior
in class, but frequently they were not sufficient in number.
The horse supply was another weak point. In the cavalry
each man furnished, at his own expense, his horse, and when
unserviceable, must supply another, which necessitated
giving him a furlough home to obtain the remount, and this
always at the most inconvenient time to spare him.
In forage supply there were equal disadvantages. As to
disparity in numbers of men, it is, of course, needless to point
out that.

46 Hampton and Reconstruction
Hardly had the carnage at Cold Harbor ended, and Grant
decided to abandon his attempts from that direction on Eich
mond, when Hampton was called upon for another supreme
effort, perhaps the most important of his life, and one of the
most important that any cavalry leader ever embarked upon,
the result of which, if he had never achieved anything else,
would entitle him to a place among the greatest of the world's
commanders. Early on the morning of June 8, his scouts
reported that a large force of cavalry and artillery had
crossed the Pamunkey Eiver, and were moving north, Hamp
ton at once signaled this news to General Lee, and dis
patched him a letter giving his interpretation of the move
ment ; that Sheridan's plan was to strike at Gordonsville and
Charlottesville, to destroy the railroads and stores, and then
to unite with Hunter, who was moving on Lynchburg.
Assuming this to be the plan, he urged that he be allowed to
endeavor to frustrate these purposes, and after full consulta
tion with him. General Lee agreed to this.
General Hampton had read aright General Grant's inten
tions. General James H. Wilson was to be ordered out from
Grant's left flank to destroy the railroads on the south of
the James Eiver as far as Lynchburg. Hunter was directed
to move up the Shenandoah Valley toward Staunton, and
Lynchburg. Sheridan with two divisions of cavalry, with
artillery, pontoon bridges and all the appointments of a
powerful flying column, was to pass around Grant's right and
proceed by the way of Charlottesville to unite with Hunter
and bear down upon Lynchburg, destroying all railroads and
supply depots on his route and, on his return, the James
Eiver Canal. This was an admirably conceived plan, and if
it had been carried out successfully would have necessitated
the falling back of Lee from his line of defense at Petersburg
and Eichmond, and thrown open to Federal occupation all
eastern Virginia and North Carolina, for the lines of com
munication being destroyed, the army would have been like
a human body without arteries to maintain life. And there
was good reason for Grant to suppose that the plan would
succeed, for, as he was to besiege Petersburg, he could spare
most of his cavalry and he knew that Hampton's force must
be much depleted in both horses and men by the losses of the

War 47
last month, and that, after all, there is a limit to the
endurance of human nature.
Hampton was at Atlee's Station with the First Division
(after this called Butler's Division, because commanded by
General M. C. Butler), and Fitzhugh Lee with the Second
Division at Cold Harbor.
Hampton, with the First Division, in light marching order,
but carrying, nevertheless, three days' rations, and horse-corn
on saddles, hurried away on June 9, at daylight, and the
Second Division was ordered to follow. Not a soul knew
where they were going, not even the brigade commanders.
This was to be a cavalry duel, pure and simple, there being
no possibility of infantry supports for either side, if Hamp
ton caught up with Sheridan before the latter's junction with
Hunter. Hampton's force did not exceed 4,700 men in his
two divisions, and he had three batteries of horse-artillery
numbering in all twelve guns. Sheridan had his First and
Second Divisions, numbering about 9,000 men in all, and six
batteries of four guns each, making twenty-four pieces in all.
These figures are correct, not guess-work. It must be remem
bered, too, that they carried magazine rifles against Hamp
ton's muzzle-loaders.
Although starting one day behind Sheridan, Hampton
had the advantage of shorter interior lines, and rode lighter
and faster, thus heading him off from his objective point,
arriving on the evening of June 10, at Green Spring Valley,
three miles from Trevilian Station, the Second Division
reaching Louisa Courthouse, five miles distant, at about the
same time. On this evening, Sheridan crossed the North
Anna Eiver at Carpenter's Ford, about sixty-five miles from
his starting point, camping on the road leading to Trevilian
Station, a few miles distant. Hampton had intended that his
coming should be a surprise to his antagonist, and it was a
surprise. A scouting party of Hampton's, sent out that night
to ascertain definitely Sheridan's position, was supposed by
the latter, as we learn from official reports, to have been
merely some country militia, and the same was thought of
Butler's division, when encountered the next morning. So
far all had gone exactly as intended.

48 Hampton and Eeconstruction
There was a burning drought just then, which had pre
vailed for weeks. The march had been a very hard one for
men and animals. But in the evening the air was crisp and
bracing, coming from the foot-hills of the Blue Eidge, which
were lighted up by a glorious sunset, and the air was laden
with the fragrance of clover. Then for the first time did
officers and men know what was before them ; that they were
to_ grapple by sunrise in a death struggle with more than
double their number.
Each look'd to sun and stream and plain.
As what they ne'er might see again,
; and then peacefully smoked a pipe, cracked a joke or two, and
: lay down beneath the stars to sleep the sleep of the just — a
sleep which was to have short waking for many a poor boy.
Hampton introduced into the cavalry tactics of the Army
of Northern Virginia, when he took command — a new de
parture. Previous to that time, the mounted operations
had been those most practised: he made the dismounted
: fighting by far the most important feature, while equally, as
before, preserving efficiency for mounted charges, picketing,
and scouting. As a consequence of this he possessed
mounted infantry, as staunch and effective as their brothers
of the line, which could be dispatched mounted from place to
place with great rapidity, and "put in" and "drawn out" with
dazzling suddenness, thus multiplying their effectiveness in
a manifold degree, and creating, particularly in a wooded
country, the impression upon antagonists of a very much
larger force than really was present. Owing to the "property
qualification" of being obliged to furnish their own horses,
the troopers were usually of a higher average of quality than
the run of the infantry, mostly coming from farms, or
plantations, acquainted with country life, and knowing how
to ride and shoot and take care of horses, or else they joined
the cavalry from the towns generally because of possessing
some sporting proclivity. In fighting, after being "put in,"
they deployed always in open-order, and the line was not
usually rigidly held to mathematical accuracy, each man —
though nominally "by the books" fighting as one of three
"comrades in battle" — selecting for himself the best cover he

War 49
could find — a tree, log, rail-fence, ditch, or any irregularity
in the ground, or even a bush, if nothing else offered — to
furnish protection, behind which, lying at length on the
ground, he would fire — never by "volley, always at will" —
covering his object. Although slowness of fire was a terrible
disadvantage with the muzzle-loaders, yet there was in expert
hands a very much larger percentage of hits, and these were
much more serious than wounds from the magazine rifle of
those days, because the rifled-musket with M.mi6 ball was
more accurate and had a far greater range, and the ball was
a heavier missile. Hampton, therefore, used his cavalry as
a "jack of all trades," and "maid of all work" for the army,
and when the siege of Petersburg settled down they manned
the trenches on the extreme right flank. Unless otherwise
stated, by a "charge," we always mean a dismounted charge,
or operation.
During the night of June 10, Hampton matured his plan
of battle for daylight on the following morning. It had in
view no less than the total destruction of Sheridan's two
divisions, which, if accomplished, would have left Grant in a
very awkward position, practically without cavalry, as the
Third Division (Wilson's), operating toward Lynchburg
on the south of the James Eiver, was handled so roughly
that it had to be reorganized before regaining efficiency.
From Trevilian Station, near where Hampton was, in per
son, with the First Division (Butler's) , a road ran in a north
erly direction to Carpenter's Ford on the North Anna River,
and on this road was Sheridan, south of the river. The Sec
ond Division (Fitzhugh Lee) was near Louisa Courthouse,
from which a road ran toward Carpenter's Ford, joining the
Trevilian road at Clayton's store. A third road on the left,
leading from Gordonsville, converged on the Trevilian road.
Butler's Division was to proceed on the Trevilian road
and attack. The Second Division was ordered to move down
the Louisa road toward Clayton's store, and engage vigor
ously the foe, when met. A brigade from Butler's division
(Eosser's) was placed to bar the passage of the Gordons
ville road. If carried out in the way intended, Butler's

50 Hampton and Eeconstruction
division's right flank would cover and be covered by the Sec
ond Division's left flank, drawing Sheridan back as they
advanced toward Clayton's store, where the two divisions
forming a junction would strike on front and flank.
Hemmed in and crowded together thus, with a river in rear
and a bad ford, Eosser at the same time operating on the
other flank, Sheridan would be destroyed. This was no wild
cat scheme, but a carefully planned, prudent, practicable
measure, which ought to have been thoroughly successful,
and would then have exerted a momentous influence at a
critical juncture militarily, when public feeling at the North
was very despondent.
Butler's Division moved forward promptly in good style,
met Sheridan's main force advancing on the road, engaged
them, flrst checked, and then pushed them back, thus carry
ing out completely its part of the programme. But unhappily
the Commander of the Second Division was not fortunate in
performing his share of the enterprise, but moved so slowly
and ineffectually that a large interval remained open between
his left and Butler's right, perceiving which, Custer, a very
alert officer, pushed his brigade through the gap, thus getting
in Butler's rear, stampeding his led-horses, and placing the
division in jeopardy of utter destruction, as Sheridan's entire
force was concentrated upon it, the Second Division (Fitz
hugh Lee) at this moment being isolated and out of action.
So far from destroying Sheridan, it would have now been
said by any ordinary observer, that Hampton himself was
devoted to destruction. But never did he show in a greater
degree military genius, and unswerving equanimity. With
the rapidity of lightning, he took in the situation, and applied
the remedy. Flinging Eosser's brigade mounted, like a thun
derbolt, upon Custer, he swept him back with much loss, and
pushed him into the Second Division (Fitzhugh Lee), which
then engaged him. The led-horses, wagons, and reserve
caissons taken from Butler were all recaptured. Meantime
Butler's Division was being fearfully pressed by Sheridan's
entire command — except by Custer — and lost heavily, but
in spite of this, Hampton drew them back, and took a posi
tion to the west on the Gordonsville road covering that place

War 51
and Charlottesville, never for a moment having abandoned
the purpose of barring the way to Gordonsville. Any one
else would, under the circumstances, have been quite content,
if he could save the remnant of his force by getting away, but
not so Hampton. He had come there to destroy Sheridan,
failing which (through no fault of his) he was still unalter
ably determined to turn him back from his objective points,
if he had to do it with one division alone. His natural eye
for topography, developed in many a hunt, and since then put
to practice in battle-flelds, enabled him to seize at a glance
a favorable place for making a resolute stand. Sheridan
attacked, as he was compelled to do, if intending to continue
his expedition, but made no impression, and desisted until
the following day, when at about three o'clock in the after
noon, he renewed with great vigor, and flnally, with despera
tion, making seven distinct and gallant charges all along the
line, which were all repulsed. At about twelve o'clock that
day, the Second Division Commander (Fitzhugh Lee) got
up and reported. One of his brigades reinforced the left of
the line, and the other made a detour and attacked on Sheri
dan's right flank. Sheridan was defeated with a loss of 695
prisoners, and retreated back to his army without accomplish
ing any of the objects of his expedition. Hampton pursued,
and inflicted considerable further injury, but was hampered
by having no pontoon train, which he never possessed at any
time, while Sheridan was well equipped in that, as in other
respects. None of the railroad track was injured, except
about two hundred feet, if so much, at Trevilian Station,
which was as quickly replaced. Hampton had no infantry
reinforcements and no infantry were at Gordonsville, or any
where nearer than Richmond. In his official report of this
expedition made to General Grant, Sheridan says, "I regret
my inability to carry out your instructions." The only result
was some two hundred feet or less, of rails temporarily
removed at Trevilian Station. On June 25, General Lee
wrote to General Hampton thanking him and his command
for causing Sheridan's "expedition to end in defeat." The
official report of General Hampton commends the Second
Division Commander for his conduct in the evening of the

52 Hampton and Reconstruction
Sunday (last day) flghting, but generously makes no refer
ence to the flrst day.
Sheridan having crossed to the south side of the James
River, and rejoined his army, Hampton quietly crossed, too,
for Lee had other and immediate work for him. General
James H. Wilson with his own, and Kautz's Division of cav
alry, numbering together 6,714 "effective mounted men," had
been sent on June 22, by Grant to destroy Lee's lines of
communication on the south side of the river, as has been
stated was the plan in connection with Sheridan's operations
on the north of the James. This latter plan was based upon
the supposition by General Grant that Sheridan would be
able to detain Hampton from molesting Wilson. Indeed it is
merely justice to Wilson to add that he had only expressed
the opinion that he could attain the objects desired, pro
vided Hampton were prevented from following him. Wilson
having had several days head-start, succeeded in doing some
harm to the South Side Railroad and collected about 5,000
horses, according to Federal reports, in spite of the gallant
efforts against him made by W. H. F. Lee with a portion of
his division (Third), an inadequate force in numbers. At
Staunton River Bridge he was turned back, or decided to go
no farther, but unhappily in returning he was to encounter
Hampton. He fortifled, as well as he could, when attacked,
but the result was rout, with the loss of over 1,300 prisoners,
all the horses and other property taken from the inhabitants,
and all his artillery, consisting of sixteen pieces, and all his
wagons. The remnant of his troopers, many having been
killed and wounded, reached camp eventually entirely disor
ganized, and broken up as a command. If the officer in
charge of the Second Division had realized the importance
of keeping closer in touch with his commanding general, thus
being an integral part of a complete whole, rather than an
independent unit, it is probable that hardly a man of Wil
son's but would have been entangled in the meshes of the net
which Hampton was drawing.
Thus had Hampton ended the project to starve out the
Army of Northern Virginia by destroying its lines of com
munication.

War 53
Another remarkable performance of Hampton's was the
cattle-raid in September, 1864, by which he brought into
camp a herd of beeves sufficient to furnish rations of one
pound of meat a day for forty days to flfty thousand men.
If it had not been actually done, the exploit would be thought
impossible, and yet it was not a wild, sensational affair, but
wise and prudent, when you understand it.
Near Coggin's Point on the James River, less than flve
miles east of City Point, and opposite to Westover, was a
herd of 2,468 fine large beef -cattle belonging to the Army of
the Potomac. This Hampton determined to capture. To
do this, it would be necessary to go almost within a stone's
throw of City Point, General Grant's headquarters, and the
base of supplies for his army, where immense stores were
kept. One would have supposed the locality to be safer from
intrusion than Washington. It was behind the immense
masses of infantry of the army, all the approaches carefully
guarded; easterly an unfordable river — Blackwater — all
picketed ; on the James River, forts and gun-boats only three
miles or so from the cattle-yards — within hail of General
Grant's own headquarters. If before it had been done any
soldier of either army had been asked if the deed were prac
ticable, he would have answered not more so than to capture
the fortress of Gibraltar with a steam-launch. And yet it
was practicable, in great measure because deemed by every
one impossible, and therefore never thought of.
On September 14, Hampton started on this expedition,
taking with him a very light flying column consisting of the
Third Division, two detached brigades, and 100 picked men,
in all about 3,000 troopers. He marched rapidly in a south
easterly direction, thus throwing hostile scouts off the trail
of his intentions, no one in his own command among the men,
or among the officers beyond the staff, knowing where he
was going, and bivouacked quietly for the night. Making a
very early start the next morning, he dashed forward on a
nearly northerly route, thus going round the left flank of the
Federals, and reached Cook's Bridge on the Blackwater
River, during the day. He was now due south of Coggin's
Point, and only ten miles from where he intended to break

54 Hampton and Reconstruction
through their pickets. The bridge at this point had been
destroyed and it was for that very reason that he selected
this place for crossing. He was aware that his opponents
very well knew that he was possessed of no pontoons, and
would therefore not keep as close watch, as they ought to
have done in this direction. In a few hours at night a tem
porary bridge was constructed by the engineers, horses and
men meantime resting and eating, and by midnight the river
was crossed and the march resumed. About nine miles north
of the Blackwater, near Sycamore Church, was the largest
picket detachment nearest to the herd, about two miles
further on, and to the right and left were smaller pickets.
By an impetuous charge the large picket was demolished
after a stiff flght, and scattered, and then the smaller ones
dealt with in detail. By another detachment Hampton at
the same time dislodged a post about three miles from Fort
Powhattan on the James River, and held the roads to prevent
relief from there, while another detachment rushed forward
and seized the roads from City Point, thus preventing inter
ruption from that quarter. As much noise as possible was
made, and everything in sight incontinently ridden down, in
order to create a belief in large numbers and to produce
a panic, in which great success was attained. Flying pickets,
as well as fleeing "reliable citizens," reported "an immense
force," and "more coming." General Kautz, whose cavalry
was driven in, estimated the number with Hampton at
14,000 men. Great alarm was felt on account of the immense
stores in peril. To make matters worse. General Lee had, by
pre-arrangement with Hampton, made a feint to divert atten
tion, and Butler's (First) Division did the same, and it
looked on the lines as if a general engagement was inaugu
rated. General Grant was temporarily absent at Harper's
Ferry, and General Meade, with the entire responsibility on
his hands, was under great anxiety and excitement, making
the wires hot in every direction with calls for help. It is said
that he used some strong language, as he would sometimes
do on occasion. No doubt he thought of curses as did the
royal ladies — Let them have scope, though what they will impart
Help nothing else, yet do they ease the heart.

War 55
General Hampton could not obtain relief in that way, for
he never "swore like a trooper," or at all. Meantime Hamp
ton had some stores taken and some destroyed, in order to
blind his opponents to his real purpose, and worked quietly
at removing the cattle. This was easily done by dividing
them into small herds, when they followed each other with
docility. It was hardly later than eight o'clock a. m. when
the withdrawal began toward Blackwater River, and before
reaching the stream all portions of his command were united,
when he crossed and destroyed the bridge. He kept the
roads open with his cavalry and got his cattle safely to
camp. Never was such a cheering heard, as burst from the
soldiers, when they saw all those "Hampton steaks," and
understood from where he had "lifted" them. General Lee
wrote a letter complimenting and thanking him for this
exploit and the valuable addition to the army's larder. In
addition to the beeves, many horses, and eleven wagons were
taken, and a considerable quantity of blankets and army
stores was brought off, and many burned, and there were
sardines, pickles, and the like, galore for many a day. The
prisoners taken away amounted to 304; Hampton's entire
losses to sixty-one. Grant remarked to Meade in a telegram
from Harper's Ferry, that it was "a big haul."
In conformity with the intention to give but a brief outline
of Hampton's military career, only referring to a very few
of the notable incidents illustrating his characteristics, the
writer will now submit a short account of the salient features
of the battle of Burgess Mill, as it is usually called, occurring
on October 27, 1864. This battle has special historic interest,
because it is the counterpart of that of Five Forks, which
took place about flve months later, and there the right flank
of Lee's army was turned, which compelled the withdrawal
from Petersburg and Richmond, and the extinction of the
Confederacy. It also serves the writer's end by showing the
distinguished ability displayed by Hampton with decisive
effects upon the action fought. These battles were alike in
all respects, save the results, as the reader will perceive, if he
will follow this narrative assisted by a glance at a map.

56 Hampton and Reconstruction
It will be remembered, that the plan of General Grant's
siege operations at Petersburg, after his assaults had been
repelled, was to cut the lines of communication of Lee's
army, and thus compel the withdrawal from Petersburg and
Richmond — each of which was but part of a whole, in a mili
tary sense. To effect this purpose he had dispatched Sheri
dan and Wilson, but they were frustrated in their attempt
by Hampton, as related. Grant then proceeded to press for
ward systematically on his left flank westerly to obtain pos
session of the Petersburg and Weldon Railroad. There was
persistent flghting for weeks for that object, and he flnally
effected it. The other line of communication left to Lee, and
which was essential to maintaining his hold on Petersburg
and Richmond, was the South Side Railroad from Peters
burg, forming a junction at Burkeville with the Richmond
and Danville Railroad, and thence south and west. The pos
session of this railroad was vital to Lee. In October, 1864,
and for five months later, it was covered by the extreme right
fiank of the Army of Northern Virginia, the cavalry being
concentrated, as far as possible, in that neighborhood to
picket approaches and repel attacks, the works on Hatcher's
Run, and contiguous ground being held by such infantry as
could be spared for the purpose, as well as by dismounted
cavalry in the outer trenches.
Great discouragement was prevailing among the people at
the North with the stationary position of Grant, and he
was strongly urged by the authorities to move faster. Grant
had replied by demanding reinforcements of 40,000 addi
tional men, and at the period of which we are writing, these
had been received. No more time could be lost, if anything
of importance was to be achieved before the setting in of
winter would put a stop to active operations. It was
determined, therefore, to make the final great effort of the
campaign. Orders were accordingly issued by General Grant to por
tions of his command to move out by half -past two a. m. on
October 27, other bodies to march at later hours, depending
upon position, so that the advance would encounter the op
posing forces at the desired point by the first daylight. All

War 57
the troops which could be spared from manning the fortifi
cations were employed, consisting of all of the Second, Fifth,
and Ninth corps not left in the trenches, and Gregg's
Division of Cavalry, the latter numbering 5,471 troopers
after the battle, thus making the entire force about 40,000
strong, provided with four days' rations, so as to hold the
positions intended to be taken. Benjamin Butler on the
north side of the river was instructed to deliver an attack
there, so as to distract attention from the movement south
of the river, and prevent the transfer of troops by Lee's short
interior lines.
The Federal force initiated the operation in admirable
form. The Second Corps (Hancock's) had the left, march
ing down the Vaughan road to Hatcher's Run, the extreme
right of the Confederate line, and in connection with this
corps Gregg's cavalry operated. The task before them was to
extend around Lee's right, and thus cut it off from the South
Side Railroad. If this had been accomplished, the battle of
Five Forks would never have taken place, for it would have
been forestalled. It need not be pointed out, that the cover
ing of Lee's necessarily extended lines, with troops so
wonderfully inferior in numbers to those of his antagonist,
required — among other things — unsleeping vigilance in
transferring sufficient force to the particular points attacked.
By daylight on the morning of the 27 October, Hamp
ton's pickets were driven in all along his line, from Arm
strong's Mill on Hatcher's Run to Moncks-neck Bridge, on
his extreme right, a distance of about two miles. Hancock's
infantry crossed Hatcher's Run at the Vaughan road, and
Armstrong's Mill, and Gregg's cavalry at Moncks-neck
Bridge, two miles further south, at the juncture of Hatcher's
Run and Gravely Run.
General A. P. Hill, with a part of his corps and some of the
cavalry, occupied the works on Hatcher's Run.
I do not think it well to recount the details of the magnifi
cent cavalry (dismounted, and mounted) fighting of the day,
for it would prolong this part of my narrative too much, and,
besides, I have already written about it ("Hampton and his
Cavalry in '64"), and the correctness of the account has been

58 Hampton and Reconstruction
approved by General Hampton. Suffice it to say, that up to
four o'clock p. m. the cavalry under Hampton covered and
successfully defended the right flank of Lee's army from the
operations of Hancock's Corps, and Gregg's Cavalry, and
without assistance, up to that time, from any source. With
the stern, resolute determination of infantry, with the won
derful flexibility of mounted-infantry, with the lightning-like
suddenness of light cavalry mounted, all combined in the
same men, and with horse-artillery up to the line of battle,
"covering themselves," and flashing their guns into the very
faces of the foe, Hampton on that day safeguarded the life of
the army.
At four o'clock p, m.. General Heth, of Hill's Corps, with
his Division, crossed over Hatcher's Run and made an attack
in concert with Hampton. As soon as Heth's rifles an
nounced that he was engaged, M. C. Butler charged with his
whole line (dismounted) across an open fleld and drove the
force encountered toward the Boydton road. At the same
time W. H. F. Lee advanced down this road, his left uniting
with Butler's right. The Federals were thus enveloped on
three sides from a point on the Quaker road to Burgess mill-
pond. Hancock was in this way driven from his position on
the roads, became piled up in the flelds east of the Boydton
road, isolated from the support of the other corps — defeated
and obliged to retreat after night had set in, back to the
lines of his army.
The operations of the two other Federal corps against the
works effected nothing. In fact, when they struck the thick
wooded country and the twisting of the runs, they became
separated from each other and out of touch with Hancock's
Corps, which caused considerable disputation afterward
between the different corps commanders. To deploy troops
in flelds or open ground is easy enough, but in the woods
it is quite a different matter. An officer not possessing
some familiarity with wood-craft, is as much bewildered as
a coal-heaver in a ballroom, and hence many defeats, and
many thousand valuable lives frequently sacrificed. It was
the intuitive and developed skill of Hampton in topography,
that formed a great part of his strength in action.

War 59
So in this way the right fiank of the army was hermetically
sealed up against intrusion for five months. General Hamp
ton received thanks for himself and his command from Gen
eral Lee.
There was a very sad occurrence that evening. As Butler
swept forward to connect his right with W. H. F. Lee's left,
Hampton was in front, and his son Preston, who was aide-
de-camp on his staff, fell mortally wounded, and almost at
the same moment another son. Wade, temporarily attached
to his staff, was also struck down by a bullet. It was only
possible for the General to stop an instant, leap from his
horse, bend over Preston, kiss him tenderly, whisper some
words in his ear, which only he and the angels heard, and
then gallop on with his men. After daylight that morning
the air had the fresh crispness of autumn, and the hoar-frost
glistened like silver in the bright sunlight, and the forest
leaves were gorgeous in color. It was a beautiful day until
toward evening, when a cold wintry rain set in, and a black
wet night followed.
Not that in sooth o'er mortal urn
Those things inanimate can mourn,
but to the General, lying on the ground unsheltered beneath
the cold, dripping sky, sleeplessly awaiting the morning to
resume his arduous duties, the father's heart all the while
with those two boys, one stiff and stark, as he knew, the
other perhaps so too, it must have seemed that nature was
mourning with him. Later on in this narrative I shall point
out how, when his own spirit was hovering on the border
land of death, the father's heart seemed to go back to this
dreary night.
If the reader is sufficiently interested to look into the sub
ject further he will find that this battle of Burgess Mill is
very similar in the main features to that of Five Forks,
except that it was an incomparably more formidable demon
stration, and the tragic memories of the momentous result of
Five Forks lend to this engagement a special importance.
At the battle of Five Forks there were three Confederate
divisions of cavalry, numbering in all about 7,000 men, about
one-third more than Hampton could muster at Burgess Mill,

60 Hampton and Reconstruction
and nearly a third more than he had at Trevilian. Sheridan
had but 13,209 men by returns, considerably less than double
the Confederates, and the latter should Have known the
ground well. The Confederates faced nearly in the direction
of Dinwiddle Courthouse, with Picket's Infantry in the
centre, all the cavalry on the right, except one division, which
was held in reserve north of Hatcher's Run, and never made
use of at all. The Federal infantry (Warren) came up the
run (westerly) unobserved, turned Picket's fiank, and getting
in his rear, doubled him up. Thus was practically ended the
war, and that this would not have been the case if Hampton
had been in command, was General Lee's opinion, as will be
seen from the following letter to General Hampton :
New CartersviUe, August 1, 1865.
My Dbab GenehaLj
I was very much gratified at the reception of your letter of 5th ultimo. I have
been very anxious concerning you, and could obtain no satisfactory Information.
You cannot regret as much as I did, that you were not with us at our final
struggle. The absence of the troops which I had sent to North and South Carolina
was, I believe, the cause of our immediate disaster. Our small force of cavalry
(a large portion of our men, who had been sent to the interior to winter their
horses, had not rejoined their regiments) was unable to resist the united cavalry
under Sheridan, which obliged me to detach Picket's Division to Fitz Lee's support,
thereby weakening my main line, and yet not accomplishing my purpose. If you
had been there with all of our cavalry, the result at Five Forks would have been
different. But how long the contest could have been prolonged, it is difllcult to say.
It is over, and though the present is depressing and disheartening, I trust the
future may prove brighter. We must at least hope so, and each one do his part
to make it so.
******** That every happiness may attend you, and yours, is the earnest prayer of
Your friend, R. E. Leb.
The parts of this letter omitted are about matters having
no connection with the quoted portion.
At the time Five Forks took place Hampton was in North
Carolina, commanding all the cavalry of Gen. Joseph John
ston's army.
In January, 1865, the troops being in winter quarters, and
the campaign ended, General Hampton was ordered to South
Carolina to command all the cavalry of Johnston's army.
While he had commanded the cavalry of Lee's army, the
prisoners taken by his corps, and which were recorded in the
returns, amounted to 11,000, but more than that number
were captured, for many were unrecorded during very active

War 61
periods. By the returns of December 31, 1864, Hampton had
in his command 7,063 men, but by the return of October
20, 5,375 only, and it should be remembered that "present
for duty" in Confederate reports meant those in camp,
whether with or without serviceable horses. The last men
tioned figures certainly fully averaged the effective strength
of his force during the campaign.
When Hampton was ordered to South Carolina he was
made a lieutenant-general. Butler's Division was then sent
to South Carolina, but it numbered, by the return of Decem
ber 20, 1864, only 1,526 effectives. Hampton's Corps with
Johnston's army was composed of this division, and that of
Major-General Wheeler, the latter made up of troops from
Hood's old army rendezvoused at Columbia, S. C.
Columbia was an unfortified and ungarrisoned town.
There was some little skirmishing, a few miles distant from
it, with Sherman's advance, but the Confederate force was
totally inadequate in numbers to cope with such an adver
sary. Consequently, early in the morning of February 17,
all troops were withdrawn from the neighborhood. Hampton
commanded the rear-guard, which passed through and left
the town at a very early hour in the morning. The city was
burned after dark on the same day, it having been formally
surrendered by the Mayor and taken under safeguard by the
Federal army more than eight hours before. At first there
was a disposition, in some quarters, to attribute the burning
to 'General Hampton's order, or to some part of the Con
federate army, which would amount to the same thing, as he
was in command of the rear-guard, and, therefore, responsi
ble. To a man of his humanity, and whose ideal of a soldier's
honor and duty was so high, this was very painful, and he
indignantly repudiated the imputation. Indeed at first
General Sherman charged the burning against Hampton,
or his troops, but subsequently explicitly withdrew the
charge, and it has been proved before the "Mixed Commis
sion," and otherwise, that it was set on fire at night on
February 18. No cotton was set on fire during the day by
the Confederate army, or by any one else, except by some
Federal soldiers, who got hold of liquor on entering the town.

62 Hampton and Reconstruction
and mischievously stuck their cigars and pipes into some
cotton piled in the streets, but they were at once arrested by
their provost-guard and the fire entirely extinguished, and it
amounted to nothing of importance, having no connection at
all with the fire that night. It so happens that the writer
himself rode into the town after all troops had been with
drawn, and as the Federal column was about entering, and
the cotton was not then fired, nor were there any persons,
white or black, in the streets, all having retired within doors.
Moreover, with a small detachment, he remained for several
hours after the Federal column had been seen to occupy the
town, up to after two o'clock p. m., on a hill beyond the Char
lotte depot overlooking the city, and could not have failed to
observe any fire had there been any up to that time ; but there
was none.
General Hampton remained in command of the cavalry
corps of Johnston's army until the cessation of hostilities.
During the march of the hostile army he accomplished very
much in curtailing the swath of destruction, and in saving
property by assisting in its removal, many horses and much
stock being preserved and returned to the inhabitants after
Sherman's columns had passed by, thus enabling the poor
people to plow their fields and obtain after a while sub
sistence.. The sufferings of those living along the route were,
however, terrible to witness, particularly those of the women
and children, and no conscientious men made cognizant of
them by personal contact, but would forever afterward
oppose the initiation of all wars not purely defensive in their
nature: it would cure all good men of any imperialistic
sentiment previously entertained.
Only one incident showing "Hampton's way" during this
period will be here given. The ninth of March had been a
rainy day and the night was very dark. Early in the evening
before the halt was made for the night bivouac, a picket of
about forty men coming from the opposite direction was met,
and made prisoners in the darkness without the firing of a
shot, or any other noise. Until too late they thought them
selves among friends. It turned out to be the detachment
sent out by Kilpatrick, commanding the cavalry of Sherman's

War 63
army, to picket that road for the night, he having gone into
camp not far distant. Scouts at once dismounted, and felt
their way cautiously down the road, and to the camp, finding
no guard between, every one there relying in perfect security
upon the picket, which had been captured. All night long
the scouts lurked in the cover, reporting the camp undis
turbed, having quietly captured two or three men on their
way to the picket station. Hampton conferred with Butler
and Wheeler, and communicated to them his plan, and gave
them instructions in detail. The opportunity presented was
just what was desired, for Kilpatrick was endeavoring to
block the roads leading to Fayetteville on the Cape Fear
River about eight miles distant, and Johnston wished to
pursue that route,
Butler's division remained during the night near the road,
no fires, or even pipes being lighted, all talking prohibited.
Each man sat on the ground holding his bridle-rein and
keeping his horse from conversing with his friends in whin
nies, as they are inclined to do when perceiving something
unusual afoot, or when scenting danger,
steed threatens steed. In high and boastful neighs
Piercing the night's dull air.
At the first faint streak of daylight Butler was to strike, and,
on hearing him, Wheeler was to cooperate from his position,
which would be at about right angles to Butler, thus envelop
ing their antagonist on the two sides not contiguous to his
infantry. On the third side was an impenetrable swamp.
Just before daylight the regiments of Butler, intending to
attack, moved out on a slow walk and proceeded to within
about two hundred yards of the outskirts of Kilpatrick's
camp, and quietly halted there. Gradually the first faint
light preceding dawn began to be perceptible. As it had
rained all the day before and most of the night, the ground
was wet and soft and the air charged thick with vapor,
serving to muffle sounds. There was profound stillness, ex
cept for two little birds disturbed in their morning nap twit
tering alarm from the dripping bushes, while the ghostly
pines, shrouded almost to the ground in mist, were all that
sentineled the sleepers near by. The rest of the division

64 Hampton and Reconstruction
remained where it had bivouacked, and was deployed dis
mounted to act as a reserve, or repel a possible counter
attack. At length Butler rode quietly to the head of the column,
uncovered his head and cried :
"Forward ! Charge ! Troops from Virginia, follow me I"
With irresistible, sudden impact the regiments were hurled
horse and man into the profoundly sleeping camp. It was
as if supernatural foes had leaped up among them from the
bowels of the earth. Awaking in wild alarm, trampled by
horses' hoofs under their files, bewildered and half asleep,
while horses rushed over them, pistols flashed, and sabres
swished like devil's music, they fled pell-mell they knew not
where, if fortunate enough to get away. A wild sight it was
— one never to be forgotten.
There could not have been a more complete and successful
surprise. Kilpatrick himself, whose headquarters were near
the point of entrance, escaped in shirt and drawers, not being
recognized in the dim light. This opening was supported by
a portion of the reserves, and the entire camp was in Hamp
ton's possession. Unfortunately Wheeler's troops, which
M^ere expected to be up by this time, were detained in getting
through some wet ground, and did not cooperate, as had been
intended. They, however, made a good showing in assisting
in covering the withdrawal from the camp.
The fugitives carried the news to the nearest infantry,
which was set in motion on the double-quick for their pro
tection, and they themselves soon rallied very well, Kilpat
rick acting gallantly. Then a sharp flght ensued, while
prisoners and a large number of captured horses were
removed by Hampton. The artillery and most of the wagons
could not be got off in time, because the horses pertaining to
them had been stampeded and much of the harness was gone.
A considerable number of arms and accoutrements were
secured. There were released 173 Confederate prisoners, and
over 500 Federals were carried off, which was about half of
Butler's effective force at the time. Kilpatrick's Corps num
bered about 5,000 ; Wheeler's division about 3,000, if it could
have been gotten together at one time.

War 65
This affair pretty badly demoralized Kilpatrick's Corps.
He said of it in his official report :
"Hampton led the centre division (Butler's) and in less
than a minute had driven back my people and taken posses
sion of my headquarters, captured the artillery, and the
whole command was flying before the most formidable cav
alry charge I ever have witnessed. Colonel Spencer and a
large portion of my staff were virtually taken prisoners."
This effectually opened the roads to the Cape Fear River.
General Hampton said that the returns of prisoners captured
by his corps during the campaign in the Carolinas were quite
incomplete, owing to irregular attention to these matters in
some quarters, and the loss or destruction of papers conse
quent upon the break-up, but that the number was between
three and four thousand.
When Mr. Davis was on his route southward from Rich
mond, accompanied by some of the members of his cabinet
and by his family. General Hampton wrote to him from
Hillsboro, N. C, under date of April 19, of which letter the
following are extracts :
The military situation is very gloomy, I admit, but it is by no means desperate,
and endurance and determination will produce a change. There are large numbers
of the Army of Northern Virginia who have escaped, and of these many will return
to our standard. If they are allowed to enter the cavalry service. Many of the
cavalry, who escaped, will also join us, if they flnd we are still making head
against the enemy.
******
Give me a good force and I will take them safely across the Mississippi.
******
I write to you, my dear sir, that you may know the feelings which actuate many
of the officers of my command. They are not subdued, nor do they despair.
******
If you will allow me to do so, I can bring to your support many strong arms
and brave hearts.
Not hearing from Mr. Davis in reply. General Hampton
went to Greensboro, proposing to go from there to Salis
bury to meet him, but learning that he was not at the latter
place, wrote him a letter dated April 22, from which we
quote :
I came here intending to go to Salisbury to see you, but hearing that you are
not there, I am not able to reach you at present.

66 Hampton and Reconstruction
If you should propose to cross the Mississippi, I can bring many good men to
escort you over. My men are In hand and ready to follow me anywhere.
* * • • • •
My plan is to collect all the men who will stick to their colors, and get to Texas.
I can carry with me quite a number, and I can get there.
On April 22, General Hampton received the following
telegram from Mr. Davis — either in answer to the letter just
quoted from, or to the flrst one :
Letter not received. Wish to see you as soon as convenient. Will then confer.
The word "not" is probably a telegraphic error for "just,"
There were other communications between them, when on
April 26, Mr, Davis wired from Charlotte, N. C. :
If you think it better, you can, with the approval of General Johnston, select
now, as proposed for a later period, the small body of men, and Join me at once,
leaving General Wheeler to succeed you in command of the cavalry.
The meaning of "the small body of men" is, that Hampton
had proposed to join Mr. Davis with a mounted force number
ing at least 5,000 men, and Mr. Davis had objected to so large
a column for his escort, on the ground that it would attract
attention and pursuit, have difficulty in foraging, and not be
sufficiently mobile.
General Hampton met Mr. Davis at Charlotte, and, after
a full consultation, the latter approved of the plan suggested,
and gave the General a letter authorizing him to join him
with all the men willing to volunteer, and take as many of the
artillery and wagon-horses as might be deemed advisable, for
mounts. Having received this authorization from his com
mander-in-chief, Hampton returned to Hillsboro to carry
out the plan agreed upon, arriving there at eleven o'clock
p. m., April 26, and found that the army had surrendered.
This defeated the plan, for Hampton, of course, recognized
that the convention entered into by Johnston and Sherman
included his command — the entire cavalry corps present.
He then informed General Johnston, that, being absent at the
time under special orders from the commander-in-chief, he
did not consider himself embraced in the surrender, and that
he would at once endeavor to join Mr. Davis, but would take
none of his command with him. Learning that a large part

War 67
of his men had refused to surrender and had left the camp,
he sent a courier after them with orders to halt, until he
could come up with them, and at twelve o'clock midnight
left his headquarters, accompanied by several of his staff,
and seventeen scouts and couriers. At sunrise he came up
with the men to whom he had sent orders halt, and
besought them to prove themselves then, as they had done
throughout the war, good soldiers, by obeying the command
of General Johnston by whom they had been surrendered, as
part of his army. He assured them in most affecting words,
that he knew they were ready to share his fate, but that this
they could not honorably do, as they had been surrendered
with the army, but that he himself was acting under the
orders of the commander-in-chief, and could therefore join
him. The writer was not present, but has been informed by
those, who were there, that it was a most impressive and
pathetic scene, old soldiers with tears streaming down their
faces, and many sobbing like children, the General's eyes wet
and his voice shaking with emotion.
After having thus taken leave of his old comrades, many of
whom had been with him since the beginning of the war,
Hampton pushed on toward Charlotte, accompanied only by
the men attached to his headquarters originally following
him from camp, expecting to find Mr. Davis at that place,
but on reaching there in the evening, it was discovered that
he had left for Yorkville, S. C, about thirty-five miles distant.
Leaving his escort, whose horses were tired out, at Charlotte,
Hampton procured a fresh horse, and at once pressed on
alone to Yorkville, swimming the Catawba River during the
night, and arriving at Yorkville at two o'clock a. m. only to
find that Mr. Davis was reported gone to Abbeville, S. C.
Thus disappointed in overtaking Mr. Davis and not knowing
his plans of route, Hampton dispatched a letter to him by
General Wheeler, whom he met at Yorkville, and also sent
two couriers with communications for him, but all these
failed of reaching him.
Thus, faithful to the last, but hearing nothing further from
Mr. Davis, General Hampton eventually accepted a parole in

68 Hampton and Reconstruction
accordance with General Lee's views that resistance was to
cease, and, from that moment, there was no man. South or
North, more sincere in accepting the legitimate results of the
war, or in using his influence more conscientiously to bring
about a Union restored in good faith and fraternal feeling.

Reconstruction in the South 69
CHAPTER THIRD
Reconstruction in the Southern States
A pilot ! God, a pilot, for the helm is left awry.
And the best sailors in the ship lie there among the dead !
— Sidney Lanier.
At the end of the war of 1861-65 began the Reconstruction
Period, which lasted in South Carolina over ten years, if we
consider the Hayes-Tilden election as its termination. It is
necessary for the reader to have a clear general conception of
the condition of affairs in the State during that period in
order to appreciate the priceless services rendered by Hamp
ton to his country. In trying to effect this, the writer will
give a mere outline of the situation before the State and Pres
idential contest of 1876, and only sufficient details of that
time to illustrate the value of what Hampton accomplished.
This he will do in the spirit of candor and truth, without
exaggeration, and free from intended offense to anyone.
The war ended, as everyone knows, by the surrender in the
spring of 1865 of all the organized armies of the Confederacy.
It is characteristic of men imbued with the true military
spirit, to flght hard, to the death, if you like, but, when sur
rendering, to do so in good faith, without any mental reserva
tion whatever, accepting as irrevocably settled the points
which have been at issue. It is not of this nature to com
plain and regret, still less to plot and conspire. The
true soldier, after a fair flght, and his acknowledgment of
defeat, has an inclination to shake hands and "make up,"
expecting his adversary to be possessed of a like generous
feeling. The Southern armies were composed of true soldiers,
as they had proved on many a fleld, and when we say "the
Southern Armies," we mean the Southern people, for the rest
were not of sufficient consequence, either in numbers, or
character, to be worth considering. Moreover the Southern
soldier knew full well that, with good cause, his name and
fame were engraved for all time in the memories of brave
men everywhere, and that he did not come home to his family
like a whipped cur, but to be welcomed there as a hero by

70 Hampton and Reconstruction
mother and sisters, wife or sweetheart, so that he was spared
personally much of the bitterness of defeat. Then, too, the
great mass of them were Americans — far more generally so
than was the case with the Northern armies chiefly recruited
from foreigners, or those of near alien descent — a race, which
had comparatively lately conquered their homes from the wil
derness with their own sturdy arms, and flnding them again
and again devastated by the savage, had always returned
there to rebuild before the ashes were cold, and to run a
furrow in the flelds still wet with the blood of the red man.
In the same resolute spirit they returned now to their homes
equally devastated, determined to recreate their fortunes, as
best they could. If you desire conflrmation of this in sub
stance, read the report of December, 1865, made to President
Johnson by General Grant, on his return from a trip to the
South, where he had been sent chiefly for the purpose of ascer
taining the sentiments of the people there, and surely he
cannot be suspected of overstating the case. You will never
find, I think, search the pages of history as you may, at the
end of any sectional or civil war, a brighter prospect of quick
pacification, complete reconciliation, and speedy rehabilita
tion. Even the abolition of negro slavery was not as sore
a subject, as many suppose it to have been, for at least four
fifths of the Southern people were not slaveholders, and had
been fighting for independence, not negro slavery; many of
them in their hearts were not sorry that the perpetual, worri
some, political wrangle over the negro would thus be ended
forever, as then they supposed it would be.
The points which had been at issue and which had been
conceded by the South by the surrender, were primarily the
right of secession and incidentally the right to own negro
slaves, but they had not given up their inherent rights, as
Americans, to life, liberty, and property— other than that in
negro slaves — while rendering obedience to the laws of Con
gress passed in accordance with the Constitution of the
United States. This was the agreement — a mutual one — as
evidenced by the words contained in the paroles. This was
the well-known programme of Mr. Lincoln for "reconstruc
tion," and it was that of Mr. Seward, Governor Andrews of

Reconstruction in the South 71
Massachusetts, and similar statesmen, as also that of General
Sherman and of General Grant, until the latter threw in his
fortune with the party that originated the policy embodied
in what are known as the Reconstruction Acts. There can be
no doubt at all that, if the Confederate armies had known
what awaited them at the hands of those whom they trusted
in good faith, they would never have laid down their arms.
General Lee, whose opinion will doubtless be accepted on
this point as representative of his section, when in Charles
ton while traveling for his health not long before his death,
was asked whether he would have surrendered, if at that
time he had foreseen the frightful condition of affairs, which
was to ensue, caused by the Reconstruction Acts. Drawing
up his still commanding figure to its full height, with fiushed
face and kindling eyes, he replied :
"No, sir! never! never!"
It is useless now to investigate the animus that brought
about the policy referred to, and I have no intention of doing
so. It is immaterial how much was due to an honest misun
derstanding of the South, and how much to mere distrust;
how much was owing to want of knowledge of the true nature
of the negro, and how much to anxiety lest he be ill-treated
by the white population; how much to a cold political pur
pose to establish permanently a "solid South" in the interest
of the then dominant faction through negro supremacy, and
how far party discipline and dread of being ostracized
deterred opposition, that could have prevented the worst
excesses. We do not know what proportion of each of these ingre
dients went to the making up of the bomb, but we do know
that it shattered society at the South, almost destroyed the
elementary bonds of the social compact, and has crippled her
progress for fifty years or more.
A measure more unspeakably cruel to the negro race than
emancipation, as it was managed, cannot be conceived. I
am not condemning emancipation in itself, but the manner
in which it was effected. I believe that the time had come
for emancipation in the South, just as it had come a few
years earlier in, the Northern States, and for precisely the

72 Hampton and Reconstruction
same reasons — not for moral but for industrial reasons-
because negro labor was so much inferior to white labor that
it kept back the material and, through that, the intellectual
growth of the South. But if emancipation with compensa
tion to owners (which it is known Mr. Lincoln favored) had
been adopted in an equitable spirit, on a principle akin to
eminent domain, the then existing cordial relations between
the two races would have continued, and under friendly
guidance the negro would have remained happy and attained
the highest moral and physical development of which he is
(or, rather, was,) capable. But, instead of this, the plan
adopted by the anti-Lincoln faction was a combination of
vindictiveness toward the whites, and to the negroes the
color of philanthropy "cheaply" effected altogether at the
expense of the whites, but which in the end proved very
"dear" to the entire country. Thus several millions of a race
stamped inferior by nature, intellectually as helpless as
children, accustomed only to daily "tasks" so light that they
would have been laughed at by an average white laborer,
and innately indolent, were turned adrift into the cold world
to make the struggle for existence in competition with the
superior race. The only real, comprehending friends they
ever had, the Southern whites, who could and would intelli
gently and sympathetically have helped them, were placed
against their will in a position of hostility, and the poor
negroes were mercilessly turned over by their new "friends"
to the exploitation of cranks, carpet-baggers, scalawags, and
mulattoes, the latter inheriting some of the intelligence, and
all the vice and rascality of the lecherous white blood from
which they sprang. Then the ever-ready aid of those con
genial missionaries of "civilization," alcohol and lust, was
called in to honeycomb them with loathsome disease, which
has poisoned for all time the blood of a frightfully large per
centage of the race, and rendered them in spite of themselves
degenerates, unable to do good work, even if willing. The
result was just as certain beforehand as it is the due working
out of a chemical formula, and this was earnestly pointed out
at the time. But the "experiment" at the expense of others,
the vivisection of the "specimen," was taken up with as much

Reconstruction in the South 73
light-heartedness as would be shown by a young medical
student in dissecting a frog, and with as little sense of moral
responsibility as children playing with matches in a powder
magazine. And the end is not yet, for the grievous wrong done the race
is irreparable. The last refuge for the negro from being
extirpated by the vigorous white immigrant is in those parts
of what is sometimes called the "black belt," where in
swampy, undrained lands malaria holds high carnival during
the summer months. Booker Washington (who for obvious
reasons always speaks of himself as a "negro," when in fact
a mulatto) foresees this full well, as evinced by recent utter
ances. But when these same lands are drained, malaria is
eliminated and the song of the mosquito stilled forever. The
climate then becomes healthful and pleasant all the year
round, and the soil is second in fertility to none in the world.
All these now malarial sections eventually will be effectively
drained on a large scale — if not by the present owners, then
by new-comers, for the cupidity of mankind can be trusted
for that. Then they will become densely populated by an
industrious, hardy yeomanry, eager in the struggle of life,
and, as new-comers, without any sympathy for the negroes,
a sentiment which has never been eradicated from the hearts
of the original soil-owners. If it be asked what will then
become of the negro, the answer is, what has become of the
Indian? The fact is that emancipation without compensation is
based upon the principle that the will of the majority of the
people (that is to say, the will of the majority of those
allowed to vote) is the supreme law^ vested rights, constitu
tions, and statutes to the contrary notwithstanding; that
private and corporate property are not held by any natural
right, but by a privilege granted under the social compact,
which is revocable at the will of the people, those termed
owners being in reality only temporary trustees for their
principal, the people. This doctrine, which is as old as the
hills, has naturally never been a favorite with the "trustees,"
but they have been always reluctantly compelled to obey the
de facto government, and give up unto Caesar the things

74 Hampton and Reconstruction
which he says are his. Not only emancipation, but much
other legislation in this country, and a great deal in Eng
land also in recent times, can only be legalized on this prin
ciple. It applies, of course, in full force to the proposed
expropriation of unduly large private and corporate estates.
The indirect effect of these measures will be to generalize
property, but the immediate result, the appropriation by gov
ernment of vast sums, which can be employed in public
utilities, among others the furnishing free transportation to
Africa for negroes and giving them when there the long-
promised "forty acres and a mule." It is a solution of the
"negro question" quite in harmony with "the eternal
verities." There can now be no doubt that President Johnson con
scientiously endeavored to carry out in good faith the well-
defined policy that Mr. Lincoln had bequeathed to him,
but he could not stem the tide let loose by Thaddeus
Stevens and Oliver P. Morton, and there was no other able
to do it, and but few inclined to make the attempt. Mr.
Johnson was honest and patriotic, but wanting in tact, tem
per, and judgment, and without the commanding prestige of
Lincoln, who, kindly in nature, firm of will, and beneficent in
purpose, might have stayed the hand upraised to smite the
defenseless. The vile, cowardly assassin, an outsider to the
South, a wretched non-combatant, he, who at the most
momentous point of the crisis, murdered in cold blood the
best friend the South then possessed, by the consequences
of that fiendish crime consigned many another man to a death
of despair, broke many and many a poor woman's heart, con
demned countless children to mature, if at all, dwarfed
mentally and physically for want of normal nutriment.
As soon as practicable after the disbandment of the
Southern armies civil governments were organized in the
previously seceded States, and these communities admitted
to their former rights of statehood under Mr. Johnson's (or,
rather, Mr. Lincoln's) programme, after they had renounced
the right of secession and accepted the abolition of negro
slavery. In the interests of society and property Federal
troops were maintained there in sufficient force to ensure,

Reconstruction in the South 75
if necessary, tranquillity, a measure the wiseness of which
was not doubted by any one, in view of the feeling of unrest,
and socialism among the negroes, stirred up chiefly by the
emissaries of the Freedmens' Bureau, with free rations and
promises of "forty acres and a mule." The result was a sort
of quasi-civil government.
It became necessary, as well for the good of the negroes, as
of the whites, in fact absolutely indispensible, to deflne the
rights and responsibilities of the blacks under the new order
of affairs. The Freedmen's Bureau, though in its origin]
beneflcent in intention, did much more harm than good to thej
negroes themselves. By free rations they were encouraged to
be idlers and vagrants, and by constant interference between
them and the whites, and the creation of demagogue "carpet
baggers," the mutual kindly regard for each other originally
entertained was weakened, or changed altogether. Good
judgment would have dictated a course that could have left
this unimpaired, as they were to live together in the same
community, and as, in the long run, the racially weaker side
would suffer most loss by the change. To organize society,
therefore, upon a living basis for all concerned, statutes were
passed by the State, which, if they had not been interfered
with by Federal legislation, and had been modifled, as they
would have been, as time showed the propriety of doing so,
would have greatly advanced the well-being of both races.
Any one, who will now dispassionately and carefully examine
the statutes referred to, will, I feel sure, come to this con
clusion. All the civil rights of the negro were secured under
these laws, and the provisions as to labor and vagrancy were
such as good judgment would provide and kindly feeling
approve, if the characteristics of the negro were understood.
Racial friction would have been avoided, and the blacks
gradually and naturally developed into a capacity for citizen
ship. Under this government, though anomalous in character,
and leaving much to be desired, yet all that could be expected
during a temporary transition period, the whites took up
earnestly and in good faith the struggle of life, and General
Hampton among them. But he was handicapped by being of

76 Hampton and Reconstruction
the large number who were disfranchised, and was thus
rendered unable to get possession of his landed estates for
some time. His large, extended, and complicated interests
were in South Carolina, and Mississippi, principally in the
latter. States necessarily most upset by the changed condi
tions of labor, in consequence of the negroes outnumbering
the whites. The problem presented was one very difficult of
satisfactory solution, but, as far as labor was concerned, he
was advantageously placed, as he was and always had been
much looked up to, liked, and admired by the negroes, and
their misleaders found it, throughout his life, a difficult task
to poison the black man's heart against him. But, under
such circumstances, reserve-capital required for running
crop expenses destroyed, cash hard to obtain and only pro
curable, if at all, at high rates of interest ; with assets of all
kinds diminished in value by emancipation and the losses
incident to it, and liabilities ever increasing, it may easily
be appreciated that success could have been attained only by
a hard and patient struggle. Yet he was a man well fltted to
gain the day in such a battle with fate, and would probably
have succeeded, but for the overturning of President John
son's policy, and the substitution of chaos under the Eecon
struction Acts. Then the majestic oaks went down uprooted
in the storm, and he among the number, and the poor little
saplings were blown prostrate on the ground.
The Eeconstruction Acts were passed over the President's
veto, amid derisive cheers and uproarious shouts of laughter
on the floor of Congress, and black night settled down upon
South Carolina for a weary decade. The previously seceded
States were divided into military districts, or proconsulates,
each under the command of an army officer with absolute
control over property and power of life and death, the writ
of habeas corpus being abolished, as well as trial by jury,
indictment or even accusation under oath not required, and
appeal barred; all this without limit in time. Thus these
Acts were originally passed, but, in order to ensure the two-
thirds majority that would be required to pass them over
the President's veto, they were modifled to this extent — ^but
only to this extent — that before actually putting to death a

Eeconstruction in the South 77
condemned man, the General Commanding must obtain the
approval of the Executive just as now on courts-martial, and
that, when these communities should be organized into
embryo States under the General Commanding, and should
present to Congress a Constitution acceptable to that body,
and should accept the proposed Fourteenth Amendment
(negro suffrage and partial white disfranchisement) not yet
ratifled by a sufficient number (two-thirds) of the Northern
States to make it binding; that Congress might then, if it
elected to do so, admit them, as States, into the Union, when
military government would cease. Not long after this votes
were had in Ohio and several other of the principal Northern
States on conferring the right of suffrage on the negroes
residing there, and the proposition was voted down by large
majorities. In fact the Fourteenth Amendment was declared,
adopted through the thus obtained acceptance under duress
of "Eeconstructed States" admitted on this as a condition
precedent. Belief applied for from the enforcement of these Acts, so
patently subversive of organic law, could not be obtained by
legal means, for the Supreme Court of the United States
decided that political questions were involved, and that in
such cases it was without jurisdiction.
Morley ("Oliver Cromwell") in speaking of the tyrannies
of Charles, says :
"A stout-hearted merchant of the City of London brought
the matter in a suit for false imprisonment before the King's
Bench. There one of the Judges actually laid down the doc
trine, that there is a rule of law, and a rule of government,
and that many things, which might not be done by the rule
of law, may be done by the rule of government. In other
words, law must be tempered by reasons of state, which is as
good as to say, no law."
A professor (Burgess) of political science and constitu
tional law in one of the greatest of our American universities,
in lectures published in 1902— assuming "State suicide," in
spite of the impassible barriers in the way of his argument,
such as Magna Charta, the Bill of Eights, the Constitution,
and others, as well as the natural rights of man in which all

78 Hampton and Eeconstruction
(these are rooted — gives it as his opinion, that a Congress
[representing only some of the States was acting within its
jlegal powers, when assuming to legislate to deprive of life,
lliberty, and property the citizens of other unrepresented
States. If this were correct doctrine, where would be for the
physically weaker the aegis of fundamental law, including
the right of representation? We should have "Thorough"
indeed. It is too much the tendency of exclusively academic
minds, busied with speculations in political ethics, to demand
that facts shall conform to their theories, and if they do not
conform, so much the worse for facts. The professor referred
to thinks that the power of a legally constituted Congress
to legislate for Territories furnishes a sanctioned precedent
for legislation (including, of course, taxation) without repre
sentation. But the citizens of Territories, are not unrepre
sented. The Territories are composed, as far as Americans
are concerned, of citizens from States, and they are repre
sented by these States, which are properly and constitution
ally legislating in Congress for the Territories, with the
"consent of the governed," and for their welfare, until they
form new States. This is, therefore, not a precedent of legis
lation without representation, and the same reasoning applies
to martial law exercised within prescribed constitutional
limits. Here it should be recalled that although representa
tion is an inalienable right of the American citizen, suffrage
is not, and never has been so considered by anybody any
where, for nowhere have minors been allowed the suffrage,
and only in some few places has it been accorded to women,
and then as a privilege, not as a right, although they are all
citizens represented by the qualifled voters through their
chosen delegates. Bacon wrote three centuries before this,
that "the use of the law consisteth principally in these three
things": to secure the person (including, of course, his
liberty) , the property, and the reputation of the subject. But
"the law" was either "common law" (immemorial custom,
which implies original "consent" either direct or representa
tive) or else statutes of representative parliaments.
It is well known that Thaddeus Stevens was the head and
front of the opposition to Mr. Lincoln's policy of Eeconstruc-

Eeconstruction in the South 79
tion; that it was his masterful will, unrelenting purpose,
and unquailing courage, that carried through Congress the
Eeconstruction Acts, and humbled. Andrew Johnson to prac
tically a nonentity in the government, and only narrowly
failed of consigning him to the infamy of a convicted traitor
to his office. It was Thaddeus Stevens, whose stentorian
voice issued the commands, his strong arm, which cracked
the party whip, that kept subject to him the majority in
Washington, and it was he who pronounced the doom of
political death on all refusing to obey. His unswerving pur
pose was irretrievably to destroy the dominant race in the
Southern States, and on its ruins to erect, the rule of a
population of hybrids. Against all pity for the unspeakable
miseries to be inflicted, for tottering age, for helpless infancy,
for the womanhood of his own race, his heart was relentlessly
steeled. But what was the paramount passion, which must
have shut his breast against human sympathy? Some have
said that it was a vindictive feeling engendered by pecuniary
losses sustained during the war ; but this, though no doubt a
contributing cause, totally fails to furnish an adequate
explanation. Others have imputed his conduct to ambition
of leadership; but this could much better and more easily
have been acquired in other ways. Public plunder has been
suggested as his motive ; but there is no proof that he was a
noted spoilsman personally, though using money lavishly for
corruption purposes. What, then, is the true explanation?
To answer this question we must lift the veil from his private
life. This is only permissible where the private life of a
public man furnishes the key to his course in public affairs.
Then it is not only permissible, but the duty of the student of
history to lift this veil as a guide — as a warning — ^to the
future. The "colored" race (meaning those persons with half or
a lesser proportion of negro blood) is the product of the lust
of the Aryan race, which has never encountered an inferior
one without some degrading illicit admixture. It shames
the British rule in India; "Alas and alackaday" is the epi
gram on its lust and plunder. In America it "follows the
flag." Indeed, the allurements of Circe, the daughter of the

80 Hampton and Eeconstruction
Sun, were too much for even the "Saints," nor were they able
to stop their ears to the seductive strains of the sirens. We
flnd that to "deliver us from temptation" it proved necessary
in the early days in Massachusetts to pass Exclusion Laws
expelling all of the mixed blood. The necessity for so
"heroic" a remedy — the driving out of their own flesh and
blood — is evidence that satan was hot upon the trail of the
"Saints." It was a crime no more general in the English
colonies, which have now expanded into the Southern States,
than on any other part of this continent, if estimated on the
percentage of local population of the lower race. Here it
had one redeeming feature, for it branded the lack of female
chastity as the despised vice of an inferior race, and thus
contributed in raising to a preeminently exalted standard the
character of the Southern woman, the whitest and most fra
grant rose in Christendom. Still, it was the one and only
spot on the fair escutcheon of the "old regime," and must be
admitted. As to the negro, the conscience of the Southern
man is at rest, for to him he has been and is a kind and
uplifting friend. Would that there were an equal freedom
from responsibility in the problem of the mixed race, but its
existence is an indictment in the court of conscience to which
he must plead guilty. His own race, as well as his spurious
offspring, has paid the penalty — the innocent are saddled
with the responsibility involved — for the status of the negro
has been flxed by nature, but that of the colored people pre
sents difficulties. Fortunately the number is comparatively
small. This sin of the fathers has condemned the hybrid
product to a position in the world which cannot but call
forth pity from anyone possessing a human heart. The
colored branch is fettered by its inferior blood to the negro
race, whom they look down upon and often loathe — now and
then with the despair of a vainly aspiring soul consciously
pent up hopelessly in a body unworthy of it, the soul of the
Aryan chained down to the physical attributes of the colored
race ; but, also, now and then with the pride of that Nemesis
possessing the attractive beauty of the children of God but
the spirit of the earthy black. On the other hand, the white
blood in their veins, sometimes derived from masterful and

Eeconstruction in the South 81
intellectual sources, makes them long with insatiable craving
for social equality with the higher race, but they well know
this to be hopeless. So they hang suspended between the
hell, as they consider it, of negro degradation, and the unat
tainable heaven of white equality. Pitiable? Oh, pitiable
beyond the power of words to express, because irremediable,
so mercilessly does nature avenge her outraged laws. Some
of them bear their cross in life in a subdued and chastened
spirit ; others make the best of the situation, take the happi
ness the world offers to them; others, again — and these are
those, usually, inheriting most strongly 'the masterful and
ambitious characteristics of the higher race — rebel against
the inevitable, and there is a perpetual warfare going on in
their hearts against their unfortunate fate. This resentment
against the inexorable law of nature, which through their
fathers' sin presses so cruelly upon them, often develops, by
long-continued brooding, into an intense hatred of the white
race and a corresponding contempt for the black. Under
normal conditions these fires smolder unknown to others, but
when a vent is provided they blaze up into devouring flames.
Such a vent was provided by the Eeconstruction era when
Lincoln's policy was frustrated by Thaddeus Stevens and his
associates. It is a law of nature, as flxed as that which makes the
world turn on its axis, that where there is a permanent illicit
connection between a man and a woman of markedly different
moral status, one of two things happens: either the higher
nature uplifts toward it the lower, or else the lower draws
down to it the higher. The former very rarely happens, the
latter almost invariably ; and in the case of Thaddeus Stevens
this was necessarily so, for his mistress was a mulatto. In
accordance, then, with this inexorable law of nature, he was
dragged down in race sentiment to her level, and became
as thoroughly saturated with hatred as she herself was. He
thus was made her instrument for vengeance upon America
through hybridization, of which the South was to be the flrst
fleld. Through his mouth she thundered in Congress the
vehement words which cowed the hearers into submission to

82 Hampton and Eeconstruction
her will. Through his brain she forged the fetters, by his
iron hand she fastened the manacles.
When persons possessing markedly strong characteristics
have left the plane of middle life and entered upon old age,
those characteristics write their record in unmistakable
marks on face, feature, and form. It is a process of the
gradual molding of the exterior to conform to the nature of
the soul. We have all of us in our own experience known
people who in their youth had not a trace discernible of
beauty, and yet became in later years transfigured into love
liness. Unfortunately the reverse is also true; the evil
passions burn in their brand with hideous letters of flame.
The latter was the case with Thaddeus Stevens. His picture
engraved on the mind is terrible to look at, compelling a
morbid fascination. He was an instance of the inevitable
penalty exacted by natural law, and we try to turn away our
eyes from the revolting sight. As in some of Eembrandt's
works, from a dark, gloomy, portentous background we see
the strong face of a man, originally in the image of God, stand
out from the canvas with the Satanic expression of the fallen
angel, and the memory we carry to our dying day
Of Moloch homicide, lust hard by hate.
It is a most remarkable thing, that the purpose of Thad
deus Stevens, parented, conceived and born of hatred of the
white race, should have in fact brought to it a great moral
gain, a result exactly the opposite of that intended by him.
Instead of hybridizing the South; instead of converting it
into a Haiti or Santo Domingo, his measures rent asunder the
races, destroyed forever the former patriarchal feeling, and
formed a public opinion deep in conviction and passionate in
sentiment against all illicit association. Even upon those
incapable of rising to this moral plane racial self-respect has
imposed its will by decreeing such a connection to be "bad
form," a social stigma, a bar, the badge of Circe's "swine"
and the product the sign-manual of treason against Aryan
blood. Thus was this smirch wiped from the face of the
South. She hath mightily won
God out of knowledge and good out of Infinite pain
And sight out of blindness and purity out of a stain.

Eeconstruction in the South 83
But history is never tired of bringing its surprises, pre
senting apparent anomalies, for truth is stranger than flction.
The Thaddeus Stevens faction not only tore to tatters Lin
coln's programme of Eeconstruction, dashing in ruin his
dearest hopes and aspirations, but also, besides this, during
the eight years following Andrew Johnson's administration
and until the people called a halt under Hayes's conscientious
work, ran counter to almost every other ideal, which Mr.
Lincoln cherished. Hence it came about that Lincoln, the
true Lincoln, became an honored name at the South, whereas
his picture was turned to the wall by the dominant faction
in the other section^
If Mr. Lincoln had remained at the helm of the ship of
state he would have steered her aright, clear of the Charybdis
of Eeconstruction as he had kept her off of what he regarded
as the Scylla of disunion. The opposite in nature of a vision
ary or fanatic, he was a man of strong practical common
sense, which is as much as to say he possessed wisdom.
Devoted to the preservation of the Union, because he sincerely
believed it to be of paramount importance to the welfare of
all, his devotion was the offspring of love of country, not the
product of protectionist self-interest, or imperialist ambition,
and he wished the end accomplished with the least prac
ticable dislocation of existing law. He had advocated before
the war the exclusion of negro slavery from the Territories,
knowing full well that this meant its ultimate extinction in
all the States and was willing to see it abolished even by
extra-legal means, when the time came with the triumph of
the North, but in all this he was actuated only by a determin
ation to do his utmost, according to his lights, to preserve
the Union, and not from any sentimental abstract love for the
negro. Of Southern origin, he looked upon the negro as did
the other plain people of the section from which he sprang,
and to him negro social equality, or political power on an
important scale, would have been as repugnant, as it was to
the large land-owners, for whom — unlike Andrew Johnson —
he did not entertain any personal animosity. Toward the
"poor whites" of the South sectional feeling could raise no
barrier in his heart against sympathy in their distress, for he

84 Hampton and Reconstruction
was one of them in blood. At the time of his death he was so
strongly entrenched in the affection and imagination of the
people of the North, that he would probably have been able
to hold at bay Thaddeus Stevens and his followers — many of
whom were very unwilling followers — and the great warm
heart of the South would have gone out to him with a pas
sionate impulse of gratitude that would have bridged with
the celerity of the pontoon and the durability of the granite
arch the gulf of former misunderstandings.
Let me try to illustrate one Southern soldier's feeling when
realizing justice and magnanimity from a conqueror's point
of view, though so different from his own. The man, who had
previously served in the Army of Northern Virginia, was on
detached service with the cavalry from Columbia to the flnal
surrender of Johnston. Every day he had seen homes — the
humblest ones, as well as stately mansions — causelessly
burned without military reason, decrepit age, defenseless
women, helpless infants turned out without shelter or food
to the mercy of God alone. Each night he had witnessed the
skies lighted up far and wide, a swath of flame, a hell on
earth. There was hardly a day when he was not a spectator
or participant in flghting. To run down "Sherman's Bum
mers," like wolves, seemed to him a sacred duty. He was an
enthusiast, a fanatic, if you like. The contest ended, he
regarded Sherman as the incarnation of all that is most hor
rible and detestable in unjustiflable methods of war. Years
passed and he became an old man, but time had not modifled
his sentiments in this respect. Happening to be in New York
after the unveiling of St. Gauden's statue to Sherman, he
went to see it as a work of art — only because it had been
executed by St. Gaudens — never having seen illustrations or
read descriptions of it. When at length he looked at the
statue, the feelings, which I have described, were never more
vividly alive. But he looked, and saw in the idealized con
ception of the artist a stately conqueror on a noble charger,
but in advance of him, pressing forward, shining golden in
the sunlight of Heaven, strode the angel of peace proffering
the olive branch. Then, as if by a flash of lightning, stood
revealed a glimpse into the heart of the conqueror, and the

Reconstruction in the South 85
man's own heart thrilled in touch, as if by an electric shock ;
the memory of that convention, which Sherman formulated
with Johnston — repudiated at Washington — rushed into his
mind like a new revelation. The artist in that second of time
had changed the man so that, altering not at all his convic
tions as to the merits of the past contest, but allowing for a
different point of view in others, he could sincerely feel for
his country. Thy Past sings ever Freedom's song.
Thy Future's voice sounds wondrous free ;
And Freedom is more large than Crime,
And Error is more small than Time.
. And how did military government "work" considered
from the view-point of the governed. It was inflnitely
preferable to the negro supremacy that followed. This was
certainly true of South Carolina. But not for any trivial,
silly sentiment did the representatives of our race "riot" at
Runnimede, or behead Charles, or drive out James, nor for
such was George Third ejected from America. Nor were our
forefathers all fools, because they dreaded and would not
tolerate standing armies in time of peace. Reconstruction
has left many legacies of evil to the American people, but not
the least of these is the precedent established for all time of
despotism unresistingly endured by one side, loudly ap
plauded by the other.

86 Hampton and Reconstruction

CHAPTER FOURTH
Reconstruction in South Carolina
Our hearths are gone out and our hearts are broken,
And but the ghosts of homes to us remain.
And ghastly eyes, and hollow sighs give token,
From friend to friend of an unspoken pain.
O I raven days, dark raven days of sorrow,
Will ever any warm light come again?
Will ever the lit mountains of Tomorrow
Begin to gleam athwart the mournful plain? — Sidney Lanier.
Reconstruction in South Carolina was the same in general
scope as in other Southern States, but the effects here were
more ruinous at the time, and the injury more permanent,
than elsewhere. This was because, through the large prepon
derance in numbers of negroes over the white population,
black supremacy under the aegis of Federal support became
at once established, and ran riot at will. "Red-Rock," by
Mr. Page, besides being a charming story, is no doubt a cor
rect picture of Virginia during that period, but it is as far
from representing conditions then existing in South Carolina,
as an autumn gloaming would be from a black wintry night.
The counties from the centre of the State to the seaboard
suffered most, as in that section was concentrated the great
mass of the negroes and also because, in those times, was
there the greatest amount of previously acquired wealth,
which proved a magnet for attracting the keenest and most
voracious "carpet-baggers." It will require the efforts of
more than the life-time of two generations born since 1865,
say flfty years, or more, to make up for the material injury
then sustained. It is from this cause chiefly that Charleston,
possessing admittedly a very flne deep-water harbor and a
healthful climate at all seasons — by far the best port in natu
ral advantages on the South Atlantic coast — finds herself
today handicapped in her interior transportation-lines, as
well as her coastwise and foreign ones by water. It is true
that it also required a decade for Florida and Louisiana to
pass back into the government of their own people, but the

Reconstruction in South Carolina 87
plight of those States during that period was not so desperate.
In Florida at that date there was not so much to steal and
therefore she did not attract so many first-class robbers. Lou
isiana had been reorganized as to civil government by Mr.
Lincoln before the end of the war, without the imposition of
negro suffrage, and, although this government was over
thrown by the Reconstruction Acts, yet the organization of
party previously created survived in a measure the cataclysm,
and was able to effect much good by lessening the practical
effect of the evils. Thus all the other States got "head-start"
of South Carolina in the struggle for bread and in the steeple
chase for wealth.
Under the Reconstruction Acts of March, 1867, the com
manding General in South Carolina during October regis
tered voters to elect delegates to a convention "to frame a
Constitution and civil government." All male negroes, who
had presumably attained twenty-one years of age, and whites
over twenty-one, not disfranchised, and who took the "iron
clad oath," which excluded nearly all, could be registered at
his discretion by the military officer. This excluded a very
large proportion of the whites, and all the prominent ones.
On a fair registration in the State there would probably have
been a negro majority of about twenty thousand or more,
even if no whites had been excluded. With a large percentage
of whites disfranchised, and almost unlimited "repeating"
on the part of the blacks, any majority desired could be
obtained for the latter. A Constitutional Convention thus
organized met in Charleston on January 14, 1868, consist
ing of a sprinkling of whites — strangers to the State, almost
all — and the rest negroes, very few of whom could read or
write or had the faintest conception of what legislation
meant. Perhaps it will be sufficient to quote the opinion on this
point of Mr. Daniel H. Chamberlain, who was a member of
the Convention :
("Atlantic Monthly," April, 1901.) "The property, the
education, and intelligence, the experience in self-government
and public affairs in this State, were, of course, wholly with
its white population. Numbers alone were with the rest. It

88 Hampton and Reconstruction
[the Convention] did not contain one Democrat, or one white
man, who had high standing in the State previously."
On March 6, 1867, an address was issued from Columbia
by the "Conservative" Party appealing to Congress and their
countrymen generally against the imposition upon them of
the Reconstruction legislation just passed. The language is
dignified, eloquent, and touching in its calm and earnest
statement of the case, and the words seem now, in the light of
results, like inspired prophecy, but the outcome of Eecon
struction was in fact what any one possessing common sense,
and knowledge of the negro could not fail to foresee. Later
on the Conservatives protested to Congress against the Con
stitution, about to be presented to the latter by the Conven
tion, in these words :
"The Constitution was the work of Northern adventurers.
Southern renegades, and ignorant negroes. Not one per cent.
of the white population of the State approves of it, and not
two per cent, of the negroes, who voted for its adoption,
understood what this act of voting implied. — We do not mean
to threaten resistance by arms, but the people of our State
will never quietly submit to negro rule. We may pass under
the yoke you have authorized, but by moral agencies, by polit
ical organization, by every peaceful means left us, we will
keep up this contest until we have regained the political
control handed down to us by an honored ancestry."
Adverse criticisms of the conduct of the whites in taking
virtually no part in the Constitutional Convention — not
heard at the time — became quite frequent after the pernicious
effects of the Congressional programme had become too pal
pable to be denied. It was alleged that the white population
could and should have shaped the course of the Convention,
But they, on their part, assert that it was impossible for
them to do so, and that, because of its being self-evidently
impossible, it was not attempted; that the registered negro
voters were in an enormous majority and under the control
of the white "carpet-bag" demagogues, and that a fair vote
was out of the question ; that the influence, which the white
population might otherwise have, to some extent, exerted
over the blacks, was practically nullifled by the large per-

Eeconstruction in South Carolina 89
centage of the disfranchised, whose hands were tied and
whose discredit thus created with the negroes reacted upon
the hold that others might have in a measure maintained
upon them. Besides, they declared their conviction that, even
if it had been practicable for them to organize a possible civil
government, this would have been unacceptable to the faction
then ruling at Washington and would have been upset, just
as the Lincoln-Johnson State had been overturned. They
believed it to be self-evident that the programme "Thorough"
was inexorably decreed for them; that, either because of a
doctrinaire belief that negroes were as competent to rule as
the white population, and that the majority of all ought to
rule ; or else that, to perpetuate political factional triumph at
Washington, to the blacks was to be given free hand to plun
der the property of the whites — the only community-assets
existing — or, if they could. Africanize the State, provided
that, in return for this, they handed over to their friends at
Washington the presidential electoral votes, and the congres
sional delegation at every general election. Meantime the
only part left the white population in the picture was to
supply cash exacted for taxes, to furnish the carcass to fatten
negro and "carpet-bagger." Believing thus, they determined
on the course of conduct set forth in this protest to Con
gress, which I have already quoted :
"We do not mean to threaten resistance by arms, but the
people of our State will never quietly submit to negro rule.
We may pass under the yoke you have authorized, but by
moral agencies, by political organization, by every peaceful
means left us, we will keep up this contest until we have
regained the poltical control handed down by an honored
ancestry." They knew that at least one element of strength was
ensured to them by the attempt to force upon them negro
supremacy ; the only part of civil society then worthy of the
name would spontaneously close up shoulder to shoulder,
in a solid phalanx, and remain so, and that it would be
reinforced by every honest immigrant coming to the State
from whose eyes the scales of prejudice would soon fall when
confronted with facts. Very much they counted for a power-

90 Hampton and Eeconstruction
ful ally upon "the sober second thought of the people" at the
North, for well did they remember Lincoln's saying, that
"you can fool all the people some of the time, you can fool
some of the people all the time, but you can't fool all the
people all the time."
So, as soon as the empty form of civil government had been
set up in spite of their earnest protests, they, without having
compromised themselves by a quasi-sanction of the proceed
ings through a nominal participation in them, began to take
part in politics, as far as disfranchisement would allow.
Their patient purpose was, not to set up candidates of their
own, as a rule, but to support one, or other of the factions
developing from time in the local Eadical (i. e.. Straight
Eepublican) party, which factions always styled themselves
"Eeformers." They were never successful in important elec
tions, were "counted out" again and again, but they kept
hammering on the wedge of cleavage of the Eadical party, a
policy which bore fruit in 1876, and which exercised some
mitigating effect throughout the entire miserable period
preceding. But all the time, in the foresight of the wise, and
in the blind unswerving faith of the multitude, was kept
flrmly flxed the inexorable resolve that true representative
government was the goal in view, and that skirmishing
meanwhile was only for tactical advantages; that represen
tative government they would eventually attain to, or else,
failing this, again a military despotism of white men; but
that negro supremacy was never, except temporarily and
under transient duress, to be endured.
The flrst Governor elected (virtually by himself) with
State officers and Legislature, in 1868, under the above
regime, was E. K. Scott, Brigadier-General of Volunteers
from Ohio, and agent of the Freedmen's Bureau. He was
reelected (in the same way) in 1870 for a further term of
two years, and was succeeded by P. J. Moses, known as the
"Eobber Governor," though why specially honored by this
distinction above his predecessor it would be hard to say.
In 1874 Mr. Daniel H. Chamberlain was the regular Eepubli
can ("Eadical") candidate for Governor against John T.
Green, a Eepublican and so-called "Eeformer." The majority

Eeconstruction in South Carolina 91
reported as counted for Mr. Chamberlain was about twelve
thousand. The Governor-elect was a native of Massachusetts,
and in politics and personal feelings an extreme original
abolitionist of the Garrison school. He had graduated at
Yale, and then pursued law studies for about one year at
Harvard. In the spring of 1864 he entered the United States
Army as lieutenant in a negro cavalry regiment just then
organized, which served during the last year of the war in
connection with the Army of the James, guarding depots of
military stores. He came to South Carolina for the first
time in January, 1866, when in his thirty-first year, was a
member of the Constitutional Convention, and attorney-
general under Scott during the next four years. Owing to
factional dissensions he was thrown out of office until 1874,
when he was elected, as above stated, as Eadical candidate
for Governor.
As this narrative will now have to deal with the period of
1876, and the events immediately affecting it, when Wade
Hampton performed services for his State and the country
in general of inestimable value, it will be necessary to en
deavor briefly to give a fair idea of the condition of affair
then existing, political, industrial, and social. We must try
to picture the actual results of "Thorough." Heretofore we
have said something about the seed-time, but now we have
the harvest before us. In order to effect this purpose in a
manner that must be necessarily convincing to the reader,
because unquestionably free from Southern bias, I shall ask
but two witnesses to take the stand, both Eepublicans of
unquestioned party loyalty, and both admirably informed
upon the subject. The flrst of these is Mr. James S. Pike,
formerly United States Minister at The Hague, who spent
about two months in Columbia, S. C, in the spring of 1873,
and published during 1874 a book called "The Prostrate
State." Speaking of the Legislature he says :
"They were of every hue, from the light octoroon to the
deep black. Every negro type and physiognomy was here to
be seen, from the genteel serving-man to the rough-hewn
customer from the rice, or cotton fleld. Their dress was as
varied as their countenances. There was the second-hand

92 Hampton and Eeconstruction
black frock-coat of inflrm gentility, glossy and threadbare.
There was the stove-pipe hat of many ironings, and departed
styles. There was also to be seen a total disregard of the
proprieties of costume in the coarse and dirty garments of
the field, the stub- jackets, and slouch hats of soiling labor.
In some instances rough woolen comforters embraced the
neck, and hid the absence of linen. Heavy brogans and
short torn trousers it was impossible to hide. The dusky
crowd fiowed out of the capitol into the littered and barren
grounds, and issuing through the coarse wooden fence of the
enclosure melted away into the street beyond. These were
the legislators of South Carolina. In conspicuous bas-relief
over the door of exit on the panels of the stately edifice the
marble visages of George McDuffie and Eobert Y. Hayne
overlooked the scene. 'My God ! Look at this !' was the un
bidden ejaculation of a low-country planter clad in home
spun, as he leaned over the rail inside the house, gazing
excitedly upon the body in session. — Here, then, is the out
come, the ripe perfected fruit of the boasted civilization of
the South after two hundred years of experience. A white
community that had gradually risen from small beginnings
till it grew into wealth, culture and refinement, and became
accomplished in all the arts of civilization ; that successfully
asserted its resistance to a foreign tyranny by deeds of con
spicuous valor, which achieved liberty and independence
through the fire and tempest of civil war, and illustrated
itself in the councils of the nation by orators, and statesmen
worthy of any age, or nation. Such a community as this
reduced to this. It lies prostrate in the dust, ruled over by
this strange conglomerate gathered from the ranks of its
own servile population. It is the spectacle of a society sud
denly turned bottom side up. — In the place of this old aris
tocratic society, stands the rude form of the most ignorant
democracy that mankind ever saw, invested with the func
tions of government. It is the dregs of the population
habilitated in the robes of their intelligent predecessors, and
asserting over them the rule of ignorance and corruption
through the inexorable machinery of a majority of numbers.
It is barbarism overwhelming civilization by physical force.

Eeconstruction in South Carolina 93
It is the slave rioting in the halls of his master and putting
that master under his feet. ... As things stand, the
body is almost literally a Black Parliament, and it is the
only one on the face of the earth, which is the representative
of a white constituency, and the professed exponent of an
advanced type of modern civilization. But the reader will
find almost any portraiture inadequate to give a vivid idea of
the body and enable him to comprehend the complete meta
morphosis of the South Carolina Legislature, without observ
ing its details. The speaker is black, the clerk is black, the
doorkeepers are black, the little pages are black, the chair
man of the ways and means is black, the chaplain is
coal-black. At some of the desks sit colored men whose types
it would be hard to find outside of Congo : whose costume,
visages, attitudes, and expression only befit the forecastle of
a buccaneer. . . . It is in the unpremeditated language
of the leading Eepublican newspaper of Columbia in advo
cating compulsory education, that the negroes are termed
'ignorant, narrow-minded, vicious, worthless animals.' This
is the spontaneous criticism of an editor who is a child, and
a champion of black rule, betrayed accidentally into the
expression of his real sentiments through the urgency of his
advocacy of compulsory education. . . . The black con
stituency of Charleston itself is today represented by men
who belong in the penitentiary. . . . It is bad enough to
have the decency, and intelligence, and property of the State
subjected to the domination of its ignorant black pauper
multitude, but it becomes unendurable when to that
ignorance the worst vices are superadded. ... In view
ing the condition of South Carolina one naturally is led to
inquire into the political situation of its chief city, Charles
ton. The last remaining privilege of counting and recording
its own vote has been taken away from it by the last Legis
lature, apparently for the reason that a majority of its
citizens are opposed to the ruling dynasty. That body has
passed an act giving to the Governor the appointment of
commissioners and sub-commissioners, who are to take entire
charge of the city elections, control the ballot-boxes, count the
votes, and, of course, manipulate the electors in such way as

94 Hampton and Eeconstruction
they please. With such wholly unscrupulous persons, as they
have in Charleston to manage elections, this scheme is equiva
lent to subverting the right of election altogether. . . .
The rule of South Carolina should not be dignified with the
name of government. It is the installation of a huge system
of brigandage. The men, who have had it in control, and
who now have it in control, are the picked villains of the
community. They are the highwaymen of the State. They
are professional legislative robbers. They are men who have
studied and practised the art of legalized theft. They are
in no sense different from, or better than, the men who fill
the prisons and penitentiaries of the world. They are in
fact of precisely that class, only more daring and audacious.
They pick your pockets by law. They confiscate your estate
by law. They do none of these things even under the tyrant's
plea of the public good, or the public necessity. They do all
simply to enrich themselves personally. The sole base object
is to gorge the individual with public plunder. . . , The
present government of South Carolina is not only corrupt
and oppressive, it is insulting. It denies the exercise of the
rights of white communities, because they are white. . . .
As it is morally, so it is intellectually. These same rulers of
a great State, speaking of them as a whole, neither read, nor
write. They are as ignorant and irresponsible in the exercise
of their political functions as would be the Bedouin Arab of
the desert, or the roving Comanches of the plains, if called
upon to choose the rulers of New York, or Massachu
setts. ..."
This and much more of similar import writes Mr. Pike,
who, coming to the State on a visit for health and recreation,
saw with his own eyes the fruits of Eeconstruction through
negro supremacy. He speaks, too, of the demoralization
among Federal, as well as State office-holders, as follows :
"The only authority to which these miscreants pay the least
deference is the Federal Government, for its power and its
countenance are requisite to the success of many of their own
operations. . . . That, for some reason, it has not exer
cised its influence to any appreciable extent in the interest
of good government, is evident. It might do much toward

Eeconstruction in South Carolina 95
repressing many corrupt practices, and raising the moral
tone of the State government. It has not done this. Some
of the leaders of affairs are men who have merely adopted
Eepublicanism as a cloak for their villainies. . . ."
Very much more of interest Mr. Pike relates about the
nefarious practises of the executive, judicial, and flnancial
departments of the State government, but the foregoing is
enough, and too much, for pleasant reading. As, however,
he had no opportunity of viewing the constituencies from
which the representatives he has sketched were derived, it
may not be superfluous to subjoin a picture of one of these.
It was painted from life, and is not a caricature, but a fair
portrait. Very many such, or worse ones, could have been
seen on the coast islands, or among the large partially de
serted plantations and farms, where the negroes formerly,
as well as at that time, greatly outnumbered — perhaps in the
proportion of forty or fifty to one — the white population.
Indeed the locality, where the following scene was enacted,
was not many miles distant from the constituency which
sent Mr. Chamberlain to the Constitutional Convention.
It was on the afternoon and evening of the day preceding
the "Sabbath" that this grotesque "Cotter's Saturday night"
could be witnessed. From deserted plantations, and fields
mostly untilled, fast returning to the appearance of the
primeval wilderness; from rude cabins of logs in the pine-
woods ; from phosphate mines operated nearby ; from far and
near, came a motley throng of negroes and negresses, frowsy,
ragged, filthy, and half naked. Laborers from the mines,
desperate in look, and nature, accompanied by a squalid fol
lowing of female lewdness and ribaldry; hands from the
hoe encased in the dirt of months; deacons and preachers,
loafers, and idlers of nondescript type ; they all were stream
ing to the rendezvous at a large country store kept by one
white man and a clerk. They came primarily to invest the
wages just received for the week, or the proceeds of labor, or
theft, in villainous whiskey, and tobacco, cakes and candy,
and incidentally to buy with what money was left a little
bacon, and fiour, and many knives and pistols for the men,
and gaudy bonnets, parasols, or similarly useful articles for

96 Hampton and Eeconstruction
the women. The evening became cold and rainy, and they
were all ceaselessly, crowding, struggling, and fighting to get
into the shelter of the store. This was a large, barn-like
building of rough boards, the entire space within being a huge
room from one end of which a small compartment was par
titioned off where the storekeeper slept and lived, and it was
from this vantage-ground, the only place from which the
throng was excluded, that such a scene was for the first time
viewed by one secure from harm by the possession of a shot
gun and plenty of cartridges, for he had been shooting that
day, and had sought there shelter from the storm. The two
white storekeepers were the only other representatives of
their race — and far from worthy ones, too — ^within a consid
erable distance, and for a radius of miles there were very
few others. The large uninviting enclosure within soon
became packed to repletion with a dense mass of sweltering,
reeking, half-naked blacks, jostling and fighting to be served
first with whiskey. The voices of this race in normal tones
are soft and attractive, but when raised to a high pitch in
shrieks and yells, become very discordant and brutal in
sound, and soon a babel of blasphemy and lewd, drunken
howls created an uproar indescribable. The place was dimly
lighted by two foul-smelling oil lamps hung from the rafters
out of reach, and with the odor from these was mingled that
of whiskey and clouds of tobacco smoke, together with
another unmentionable, converting the air into nauseous
poison. Now and then a fight would occur, when sufficient
space could be had, in which the women would join frenzied
with rage and drink. Occasionally a girl, some special
favorite presumably, would leap high into the air with a
fearful squeal, with skirts — ^her only lower garment — ^held
high over head, and then, room on the floor being accorded
by the crowd with a lecherous shout that baffles description,
she would proceed to execute an unspeakably lustful dance
and gyrations, which would have put to blush the most
brazen votaries of the "can-can," and forcibly reminded one
of the Voodoo rites in Haiti as described by Spencer St. John.
It was a scene, with all its brutal and savage accompani
ments, never to be forgotten, always remembered as a picture

Eeconstruction in South Carolina 97
of an inferno suitable for a frontispiece to the history of
negro supremacy. And yet it was nothing unusual.
I shall now submit a few lines of Mr. Chamberlain's testi
mony {Atlantic Monthly, April, 1901) :
"Before the war the average expense of the annual session
of the Legislature in South Carolina did not exceed twenty
thousand dollars. For the six years following Reconstruc
tion the average annual expense was over three hundred and
twenty thousand dollars. . . . The cost of public print
ing for the flrst six years [of Reconstruction] was one
million, one hundred and four thousand dollars. . . . The
total public debt of South Carolina at the beginning of Recon
struction was less than one million dollars. At the end of the
year 1872, flve years later, the direct public debt amounted to
over seventeen millions flve hundred thousand dollars. For
all this increase the State had not a single public improve
ment of any sort to show; and of this debt over flve millions
nine hundred and flfty thousand dollars had been formally
repudiated by the party and the men who had created the
debt and received and handled its proceeds. . . . Public
offices were objects of vulgar commonplace bargain and sale.
Justice in the lower and higher courts was bought and sold ;
or rather those who sat in the seats nominally of justice made
traffic of their judicial powers."
Deplorable and shocking as all this is, the facts proved by
Mr. Pike and Mr. Chamberlain only represent the less miser
able outside surface, and do not touch upon the tragedy to be
witnessed, in greater or less degree, in every home; gray
heads sinking into the grave from insufficient and improper
food; parents half-crazed by inability to furnish adequate
physical and mental nutriment to their children, and these
saddened under the cloud of misfortune; manor-houses,
homesteads, plantations and farms, hitherto representing
annual wealth and comfort, put under the hammer for taxes,
and often .flnding no purchaser at all. Then, too, flrst ap
peared the "monster of monsters," unknown during all the
times of slavery, unheard of throughout the four years of
war, when women and children were defenceless — and
needed no defenders — on large plantations and remote farms.

98 Hampton and Reconstruction
And following in his wake, as righteous avenger, when courts
were silent, strode the lyncher, hitherto a stranger to the
land. But in sharp contrast with all this, was the roar of
drunken laughter, and ribald song from Columbia, and from
almost every cross-roads, as shameless profligates, male and
female, made merry on the proceeds of stolen taxes and
bonds. Well might men flnd natural sleep impossible, when
the haunting ghost of the past and the dreaded spectre of the
future fevered their dreams.
The unspeakably horrible crime of assaults and attempted
assaults by negroes upon women of the other race and the
punishment of lynching for such outrages, are, as stated
above, the direct, legitimate offspring of Reconstruction —
did not exist before that era, mother of woes unnumbered.
As, therefore, this ill-begotten monstrosity is necessarily ger
mane to the contents of this book, it would seem improper to
shirk discussing it here in view of the present importance of
the subject, however loathsome it may be.
And flrst of lynching. It goes without saying that it is
repulsive to all civilized men and a great injury to any com
munity, both because of the tendency it has to create general
disrespect for law, and because of the discredit to the law-
abiding reputation of the people. It is true that lynching
for comparatively small crimes, such as horse-stealing, has
been justifled by prominent writers from the northern section
of our country — for instance, by a noted author, an honored
graduate of Harvard, and by another of world-wide reputa
tion from the same alma mater. But I am not here as its
advocate as a normal remedy, and if I were, my sentiments
would not be in accord with those of the community. Like
war (which is in fact lynching on the most extensive scale,
where the innocent suffer equally with the guilty), it is some
times justiflable as a defensive measure to prevent worse
evils, but it is always abnormal. But the suppression of
lynching at the South is an easy matter provided jthe proper
remedy is applied — otherwise impossible. It is only neces
sary to remove the worst cause, and it will cease to exist.
That cause is the unspeakable crime above referred to. Erad
icate that, and lynching will not be tolerated by any civilized

Reconstruction in South Carolina 99
community. But as long as that monster is permitted to
roam at large, so long will lynching continue and increase,
and those who condemn it in most unmeasured terms would
probably flnd themselves among the first to inflict the punish
ment, if the provocation came in their own homes. How,
then, can the crime, the cause of lynching, be stamped out?
To assume that the nature of the negro is virtually the
same as that of the Aryan, and, therefore, that the laws ade
quate to govern the one race are necessarily fltted for the
other, is a radical fallacy. Good order in both races will
never be preserved, unless this is recognized as a fallacy. In
some respects the negro's nature is essentially and unalter
ably different from that of the Aryan, but in no other respect
so radically different as in his physical and moral constitu
tion in regard to sexual lust. This feeling in the negro is a
purely brutal instinct, without any admixture whatever of
sentiment and without any inherent sense of the propriety of
self-control. With the Aryan we know it is entirely different,
however great may be the individual variations in reflnement.
The tendency to commit the crime referred to is, therefore,
perfectly normal in the negro — it is abnormal in the Aryan.
I doubt if the negro could be convinced that this crime is
among the mal in se; but he can be controlled equally well
by proving that it is among the mala prohibita, for which the
death penalty will be dealt out.
But how can the crime be eradicated, you ask, if inherent
in the negro nature? The crime is the product of Recon
struction — did not exist at all under the slavery regime. It
has been kept alive by agitating ideas of social equality, and
by the harping on the enormity of lynching, which the
negroes interpret (not unnaturally) as a crime and the cause
a peccadillo. If this pernicious nonsense could be stopped,
the crime would practically cease, but it cannot be stopped,
and, therefore, some other remedy must be found.
The remedy consists in the framing of proper laws to meet
the case. These (because of the constitutional amendments)
will have to be equally applicable to both races, but this
would be no hardship on a white man, who had un-raced
himself by the crime. The criminal caught in flagrante

100 Hampton and Reconstruction
delicto will always — in spite of written, and in conformity
with unwritten, law) be summarily shot down by the rela
tives of the injured woman; but a white man also will be
dealt with in the same way for flagrant seduction. But
where the criminal escapes from the scene of the outrage, he
should swiftly and surely be hunted down and captured by
the sheriff and his posse (composed of all available white
men). He should then be tried at once, if possible, but in
any case within two days. The rulings of the presiding
judge should be flnal — not subject to appeal to a higher court.
If convicted, the felon ought to be executed on the day on
which the verdict is rendered. The death penalty should
apply to assaults, and attempted assaults, and, of course, to
accessories before the fact. Accessories after the fact should
invariably be punished by long-term sentences of imprison
ment, not subject to pardon by the governor. The evidence
of the injured woman ought to be taken with all persons not
concerned excluded from the court-room, and not subject to
cross-examination ; or, at the discretion of the judge, by affi
davit. As some of these provisions would be in conflict with
the existing course of legal procedure, the latter would have
to be altered to conform to the necessities of these cases — by
constitutional amendments, if necessary. The details will
probably not be found hard to arrange. The essentials are :
sure and swift capture, trial, and death for the guilty. Delay
robs the law of its efficacy, and after a few weeks the criminal
and the rest of his race regard him as a saint destined for
heaven, which with them is a powerful incentive to future
crime. It is full time to frame such laws — otherwise the
innocent will often suffer with the guilty. Remember how it
was in New England in dealing with the Indian problem —
the remedy was extermination of the entire race, without
regard to sex or age, innocence or guilt, and this programme
was inexorably carried out.

Hampton Elected Governor 101
CHAPTER FIFTH
Hampton Nominated and Elected Governor
Help thyself and God will help thee. — Qeorge Herbert.
In South Carolina from 1872 to 1874, during the adminis
tration of "Robber-Governor" Moses, had been a peace such
as that of Warsaw ; but not so in Louisiana. There the "Con
servatives" had united with a faction from the Radical
(Regular Republican) party under the banner of "Reform,"
and had prevailed over their opponents. But the Washing
ton administration had openly supported the defeated party.
At length the State House was seized and a file of Federal
troops sent to break into a session of the Legislature and
remove at the bayonet's point the representatives of the peo
ple. No sooner was this news flashed over the wires to every
city, town, and hamlet in the North, than a wave of indignant
popular protest surged from Maine to Texas. The news
papers of the North — and among the loudest were some of
the oldest and strongest Eepublican journals — burst into a
chorus of condemnation. But the people needed not their
teaching ; they had heard the tramp of armed men in a legis
lative assemblage, and by their Anglo-Saxon instincts knew
what that meant. At the November elections in 1874 they
flocked to the polls and recorded there a scathing verdict.
It is true that the corruption, which came to light in admin
istrative circles, and among friends close to the President —
the whiskey ring, Indian agent frauds, and others — contrib
uted to this adverse public feeling, but the chief momentum
was derived from the Louisiana affair. When citizens opened
their morning paper the day after the elections they looked
aghast at the returns and exclaimed to one another, "Is it pos
sible?" A land-slide due chiefly to the above outrages had
occurred such as that generation had never before witnessed.
The House of Eepresentatives elected in 1872 had been two-
thirds in support of the administration, but in a day this had
been changed and the House elected in 1874 had become

102 Hampton and Eeconstruction
equally strong in opposition. People everywhere took heart
at the news. Of course the change in the popular will would
be reflected much more slowly in the Senate than in the
House and the Executive would remain unchanged for two
years more, but, still, it was recognized as the handwriting on
the wall. It required a mighty shaft from a search-light to
penetrate into the gloom in South Carolina, but still the
f arseeing ones perceived in the air the germs of the longed for
revolution of 1876. And the Governor-elect, Mr. Chamber
lain, of trained and active intellect, could not fail also to
see them. The Eadical party at the North would have too
heavy a load, however strong its back, with carrying its
own home-burdens, and would soon kick against the imposi
tion of the infamies of South Carolina. The year 1876 would
be the Presidential election, a close one certainly — probably
a life and death struggle. It would not do to furnish much
fresh ammunition to the enemy ; they had too much already.
Then there was trouble nearer home. The Governor had been
elected against "Eeform" opposition, as a Eadical (Eegular
Eepublican), with State officers and Legislature of this
brand, and no more profligate body (himself excepted) had
come into power during Eeconstruction. Nor was this
even the worst, viewed from a purely political standpoint.
Negro supremacy had by this time progressed, in its inevi
table evolution, to the critical point where the negro leaders
of pure, or nearly pure blood, were demanding exclusive rule
for themselves. They had advanced to the position of being
willing, that the white carpet-baggers should continue to
cooperate with them for the present, but thought that they
ought to do so as camp-followers, or petty subalterns, no
longer as leaders. As the negroes held a majority of twenty
thousand votes, and as they now had learned from the white
carpet-baggers the forms and tricks of stealing under the
; guise of law, why should they any longer concede to them the
lion's share of the spoils? The sentiment was "Africa for
the Africans," in a great measure kept tacit as yet, but it
would have broken into a barbaric roar that would have
eventually driven "Conservatives" and "Carpet-baggers"
; alike from the State, if not effectually quenched by such a

Hampton Elected Governor 103
movement as that of Hampton's in 1876. The Governor-elect
acknowledges now with commendable candor all this, though
he did not see it then ; but what he could not fail at that time
to perceive was the political danger from this cause to all
within the Eepublican party in South Carolina who, like
himself, had any regard for decency. Moreover he had plenty
of white enemies, secret ones, within his own camp. There
fore, both from national and local causes, there was foul
weather ahead, breakers perhaps. The ship must be put
about on a new course. But how do it with such a drunken,
dissolute, mutinous, ineffective crew? And then, too, the
prisoners conflned below. Will they not break loose and re
capture the ship? The captain could not but be very anxious.
Might he perhaps venture as a last resort, to unmanacle some
of the prisoners below, trust them in a measure, and by them
replace the worst of his own crew? It was surely to be con
sidered. The Governor delivered his inaugural. It was a document
recommending, nay urging, some reforms of immediate neces
sity, and its tone was in the direction of more. By the Legis
lature (of which he said he felt no distrust) it was received
either stolidly, with incredulity, merrily, or angrily, as the
mood of the hearer might be. With the "Conservatives" it
made not much impression of any kind, for they had got to
regarding such sentiments as "chestnuts." The newspapers
all praised the tone and expressed intentions of the Governor.
Some of them went further than this and (read between the
lines) indicated more than mere Platonic affection. Some
thing was in the air.
It became quite evident at the very commencement of the
session, that the Governor could accomplish no important
reforms with that Legislature. The best that he could do was
to veto its most outrageous Acts, and this he did to the
extent of over twenty during his term. But this was not
reform at all. Yet it was not his fault that he could not
carry out his announced programme, and this the news
papers and the public freely admitted. Meantime, as the
months passed on, he put himself more and more in touch

104 Hampton and Eeconstruction
with the public (Conservatives) by eloquent speeches and let
ters as well on literary and educational, as on political sub
jects. The years 1875 and 1876 were the occasion of many
centennial celebrations, and reunions, and in these functions
he participated gracefully and tactfully, not endeavoring to
thrust himself into undue prominence.
In December, 1875, occurred an event that had the effect
of eventually deciding the lines of the struggle of 1876. In
the temporary absence of the 'Governor for a day from Colum
bia, the "Africa for the Africans" faction in the Legislature
convened a caucus sworn to vote that day for its nominees
for judgeships of the Circuit Court of the State. The result
was the election of Whipper, a scandalously corrupt, profli
gate, and intellectually incompetent negro "carpet-bagger,"
and Moses, the ex- "robber-governor." The outrage was such
a flagrant one that it stood out prominently from the mass
of corruption surrounding it, and a howl of "shame!" went
up not merely from all decent people in the State, but also
from the Northern press. The Governor was placed in an
awkward dilemma. He, of course, was without veto power in
an election, and this one had been regular in form. But if
these so-called judges were installed in office it would prove
him either a nonentity in the role of "reform," or worse. In
deed, it would be ridiculous. He could not, according to law,
refuse to sign their commissions, but to sign them would
seem to make himself, in the eyes of the public, particeps
criminis. So he refused to sign their commissions, and, on
their vaporings about taking possession of their offices by
force, arranged to prevent them by force, and they had to
submit. The Conservatives gave him great credit for this
bold act, and it greatly increased their tendency to gravitate
toward him. But it made him bitter enemies within his own
party, some of whom stabbed him in the back at a very critical
period of the campaign of 1876. His act was certainly the
strongest possible practical declaration that a negro majority
ought not necessarily to rule. He was also denounced in
unmeasured terms for party disloyalty, "for breaking up the
party," by some Eepublican journals at the North, among
others by the National Republican, the administration organ

Hampton Elected Governor 105
at Washington, which characterized his conduct as "political
turpitude," and him as "an apostate," and Oliver P. Morton
spoke in the same strain. This was another rock ahead for
the Governor, for to possess the ear of Washington was
indispensable to his continued existence as leader of the
Eadical party in the State. Then, too, it weakened him,
because demonstrating his lack of power at the time with
his own Legislature, and thus lessened his value to the
Conservatives, as a possible ally, and diminished the chances
of that "deal" being accomplished ; but it was being pushed
all the while.
In January, 1876, the Executive Committee of the Demo
cratic party met at Columbia and issued an address to the
party in the State urging organization, the flrst attempted
for several years. In it Chamberlain was, in general terms,
commended for his course.
In April of this year the Eepublican State Convention met
in Columbia to choose delegates to the Eepublican National
Convention to meet at Cincinnati in June to make Presiden
tial nominations. Mr. Chamberlain headed this delegation,
though he had a hard struggle to be elected at all, and nar
rowly escaped personal violence. At Cincinnati was conflded
to him that part of the platform dealing with Southern
affairs, and he wrote the plank which, while dealing in many
generalities, emphasized the duty of the Executive, and Con
gress to enforce the equal poltical and other rights of the
negro. He vigorously stumped the State during the summer
for the Hayes electors, and had presumably got again into
the good graces of the Northern faction.
Before the spring of 1876 the Eeform "boom," with Mr.
Chamberlain at its head as candidate for Governor, was
tacitly launched. The newspapers, which before that had
been credited with more than Platonic affection, now came
out openly and broke into the cry that indicates that the
game is afoot. The whole of the programme was not made
public, but was an open secret. The "Conservatives" were to
make no nomination for Governor; it would be arranged,
that they should have their man for lieutenant-governor, with
a fair number of State officers, and enough representatives in

106 Hampton and Eeconstruction
the Legislature to make a good working majority in connec
tion with the "Eeform" Eepublicans. It was not thought
that the Eadical Eepublicans would venture to set up any
ticket in opposition, and, if they tried it, that they would
easily be lashed into their place, with troops, if advisable,
for the Governor would have the ear of Washington. He
could obtain anything asked, it was said, for was he not to
deliver the coveted prize, the electoral vote for Hayes? Not
that the electoral vote formed a part of the bargain between
"Conservatives" and Eepublican "Eeformers"; the Demo
crats would nominate Tilden electors, and could vote for
them, if they liked, and they would do so, but there naturally
would be no enthusiasm on their part, if this "Eeform" move
ment took place, and the Hayes electors would have prac
tically a "walk over." Besides they controlled the "count
ing." In December an election would have to take place in the
Legislature for a United States Senator for a full term of six
years, and by the agreement the Governor would be elected to
that position, the Lieutenant-Governor becoming Governor.
Thus to some extent, the King would enjoy his own again.
As Senator, the former Governor would have a pleasant posi
tion among congenial surroundings in lieu of the opposite
conditions to which now he was subjected, and could then
claim from Washington the reward to which, by unwritten
political law, he would be entitled as payment for the delivery
of the electoral vote of the State.
The advantages of this arrangement for the Governor were
evident. Without any risk at all of failure, he would secure
his end. As for the "Conservatives" they would be effecting
a great temporary amelioration of existing conditions for the
State, with the prospect, it was alleged, from this vantage-
ground, of totally breaking up the Eadical party at the next
election, thus attaining the goal which they had had un
swervingly in view all along, the destruction of negro
supremacy. By this arrangement there could be no "count
ing out," for the Governor had entire control of the election
machinery, and Washington would be behind him in support ;
there could be no miscarriage. It all appealed very strongly

Hampton Elected Governor 107
to the "Conservative" politicians, for thus they would obtain
offices. It was attractive to tax-payers for obvious reasons.
It suited the taste of the timid, for it called for no risk or
exertion. But the rank and file, who wanted no offices, knew
little of politics and its methods, and were in the habit of
transacting their private business in a straightforward,
manly manner, were very lukewarm, or averse to going into
it, especially as it seemed to them like virtually deserting
their friends at the North at a critical juncture, and this was
repugnant to their sense of honor. In the counties having
negro majorities the "deal," however, was virtually accepted,
however reluctantly, as an accomplished fact by the majority
of persons. But it was not liked at all in the upper counties
having white majorities. There was, consequently, skirmish
ing between those entertaining different views. The sup
porters of the Chamberlain "Eeform" movement endeavored
to have the meeting of the "Conservative" (Democratic)
State Convention for nominations postponed until the Re
publican Convention met, and had made nominations, but
were outnumbered. The Convention met at Columbia on
August 15, the "Straightouts" developed unexpected strength,
Hampton was nominated for Governor with a complete Con-
serative State ticket, and Presidential electors thoroughly
representing the worth, intelligence, and property of the
community. The nomination of Hampton was made on the morning of
August 16, by General M. C. Butler and seconded by Mr.
Aldrich. Before more was done. General Hampton took the
fioor for a few minutes. He made some remarks upon the
situation, reminded the meeting that once before, shortly
after the war, he had been asked to run for Governor, and had
refused to do so, because he then thought that he could serve
the interests of the people best in a private capacity. He con
cluded in these characteristic words :
"There are men in the State in whose eyes I possess dis
qualifications of which I cannot dispossess myself, and would
not if I could. I mean my army record. That record is the
record of sixty thousand Confederate soldiers of this State,
and if I were to say that I am ashamed of it, I would be

108 Hampton and Reconstruction
saying that which is not true. All the offices in the world
might perish before I would say so. I beg you, gentlemen,
to consider these things carefully before you decide upon
your action. Do not let any partiality, or prejudice lead you
into hasty action. Consider only what is good for our State,
and the Democratic party. I shall retire and leave you to
consider the question in the light of the most good for the
party. If, upon a full consideration, you think you can select
some one as earnest and as true as myself — and I am sure
that there are thousands of them in the State — I pledge my
self to give all my time, all my efforts, and all that I am
worth, to ensure his success, and I shall do so with a lighter
heart than I would if you select me.
"In conclusion, I call upon you to remember that I have
not advised, nor counseled you in this matter. I have simply
told you, honestly and frankly, my opinion, and come weal
or woe, I promise that I shall stand by you to the last."
The General then withdrew, and left the Convention to con
sider the question. It went into secret session, excluding
newspaper reporters. Three simply complimentary nomina
tions were made, but in each case the gentleman named at
once arose and declined to be voted for, on the ground that
he was for Hampton and no one else. In a short time, by a
viva voce vote, Hampton was unanimously nominated. W.
D. Simpson was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor, and
General James Conner, of Charleston, for Attorney-General,
and for the other positions men of similar standing.
At this time Hampton was in his fifty-eighth year, as
vigorous in body and mind as ever, and as impressive and
attractive in person.
No sooner was the news known, than the wildest en
thusiasm took the place of hesitancy or doubt. If any were
dissatisfied, they took pains to conceal their feelings. It was
as if a blast of fresh air had rushed down from Hampton's
mountain home among the Appalachians, and blown to sea
the malaria of the swamps and the fetid air of the coast
towns. The name of Hampton was on every tongue, joy in
all hearts. The men cheered, the women cheered, the children
cheered, pet dogs were taught to cheer in merry barks for

Hampton Elected Governor 109
Hampton. Absolute confidence in victory had come to them,
and determination to achieve it in spite of everything. By
common conviction he became at once their leader for life or
death, such as he had been formerly to the men in Virginia.
One hundred years before, in her dire extremity, the State
had acclaimed John Rutledge dictator, and now again by pas
sionate plebiscite she set up another.
Wade Hampton had not sought the position, but when the
"Straightout" movement was decided upon the leaders
sought him out and placed before him their solemn convic
tion, that he, and he alone, could lead to victory. His opinion
in favor of a "Straightout" movement had been given during
the spring. Ambition is never absent from the minds of most
men, and no doubt, however high and pure the ultimate pur
pose, there were many who would like to have headed the
movement, but, in view of the momentous issues involved, they
instinctively stood aside, only asking to serve under this
"born leader of men." In all the political efforts of conse
quence taking place within the previous ten years, Hampton
had been prominent with wise counsel, but not playing for
vulgar notoriety, not actuated by greed for office, only de-
sirious of serving the best interests of his people. The masses
outside of political circles knew him well and loved him, as
the Bayard of the South, the hero of a brilliant and pic
turesque career. But they knew him, too, as a leader of calm,
cool, unruffled judgment, of iron will, of quick decision, and
instantaneous execution; but never rash, never foolhardy,
always counting the cost, or risk of each soldier's life;
doing nothing from selfish ambition for sensational fame, but
only for substantial objects well worth the cost. The old
soldiers around the firesides of the South in every home for
the last ten years had been fond of relating Hampton's
exploits, always dwelling on the fact that, however desper
ate an undertaking might seem to them to be at the time, it
invariably turned out, when they had come to understand it,
prudent and well considered, as well as brilliant in concep
tion ; the very reverse of the dare-devil dash of a hot-headed
man. And they explained how that was one great secret of
his success, for with his stately figure in front — and there it

110 Hampton and Reconstruction
always was— the men said and felt, "It's all right !" They
would point out — those who had been there— how many a
time, he easily performed by the inspiration of military
genius what would have been pronounced by every man in
both armies absolutely impossible with his available force.
In these ways, in history by word of mouth at that period
generally current, the people had learned to know what man
ner of man he was, to love him and to trust him implicitly in
this their life and death struggle. In 1865, under the John
son Reconstruction, he was, against his will, voted for as
Governor, and probably received a majority of the votes.
In the early stages of Reconstruction a letter was written
on the subject by General Hampton to President Andrew
Johnson. This document, never so far published, would be of
great interest to my readers, and ought to be by publication
made accessible to the entire country. I have deep regret
to express for being unable to reproduce it here in full. I
have fruitlessly made every effort in my power to obtain a
copy of it. The original is believed to be among the Andrew
Johnson papers purchased by the United States Government
now in the Library of Congress at Washington, but a search
kindly made there by the officials has failed so far to bring it
to light. The immense mass of these papers is as yet un
classified, and it could not be found at present. As it is,
therefore, impossible to give to the reader the letter in full
in its exact words, I will not take the responsibility upon
myself of attempting to give its purport further than to say
that its wisdom has been proved by results. It is, however,
asking too much of any one possessing a heart that he should
refrain from any reference to the appeal made by Hampton
in behalf of Jefferson Davis. Few men, indeed, would, under
the circumstances then existing, have ventured to commit
themselves so unreservedly in writing to the succor of Mr.
Davis. At first blush, one might be inclined to think other
wise, so totally changed are present conditions from those
then existing, and to believe that he himself would at that
time have been equally brave and faithful; but let me
remind you of the feeling then prevailing in regard to Mr,
Davis, for otherwise you cannot realize the situation. Today

Hampton Elected Governor 111
he is regarded by all moderately well-informed persons, what
ever their thoughts may have formerly been, as an able, up
right, high-minded, humane, refined gentleman, actuated by
conscientious motives throughout his career, and as loving
the Union, holding it paramount to everything, save only his
own and his people's conception of liberty. But such was not
the opinion entertained for him at the North at the period
of which we are speaking. There not only by the masses, but
by the great majority of all, every crime forbidden by the
decalogue — and more — were ascribed to him; he was calum
niated and vilified beyond belief, especially by non-com
batants. Any connection with him put a black mark against
the name thus associated. As to the South, there had always
been during the war an opposition to his administration,
which, while ardently devoted to the cause, criticized very
adversely his management, though not questioning his good
intentions. After final defeat, the people, broken-hearted and
impoverished, too frequently found in him a scapegoat for
disasters, which, as they thought, should have been military
successes. Others thought of him not at all, for they were
absorbed in their own pressing affairs, and with railroad
communication interrupted, and mails disorganized, news
reached them but slowly. It was not until it was generally
realized that Miles had chained Mr. Davis as if he were the
vilest of convicted felons, had lacerated his aged limbs with
iron shackles, that a thrill of universal horror, and a pas
sionate heart-beat of sympathy and devotion went forth from
the whole Southern people to the martyr crucified in their
stead. But this was afterward. Then, too, Hampton, when
about to urge his views of Reconstruction upon Johnson,
might well have hesitated to do anything which could
prejudice his cause, by coupling with it an appeal for justice
to Mr. Davis, who would be, as "born in the purple," obnox
ious to the President's socialistic sentiment and political
principles. But all these considerations were not counted as
a feather's weight by Hampton; they were drowned in the
clank of the chains. As fearlessly and generously had he
often on the field, regardless of rank, "bestrode" some poor
unhorsed fellow, saving a life, of which the writer furnishes

112 Hampton and Reconstruction
one of many examples. As a matter of fact, by his attitude
at this time toward Mr. Davis, and his adherence to him in
his extremity after the fall of Richmond, Hampton earned
the enmity of the anti-Lincoln faction, which was manifested
against him throughout all the "raven days" of Reconstruc
tion. How far the miscarriage of the projected "Reform" move
ment was due to the wrangles of politicians on each side,
"Conservative" as well as Republican, over the distribution
of offices, it is now needless to inquire. No doubt it had a
certain influence. But whatever helped along the inaugura
tion of the "Straightout" programme must be hailed as a
blessing, whatever its origin, for the time had come and with
it the man. In proof of this we need go no further than the
words of Mr. Chamberlain himself :
{Atlantic Monthly, April, 1901.) "If the canvass of 1876
had resulted in the success of the Republican party, that
party could not, for want of materials, even when aided
by the Democratic minority, have given pure, or competent
administration. The vast preponderance of ignorance and
incapacity in that party, aside from downright dishonesty,
made it impossible."
All the Conservative newspapers of the State, which had
been supporting the "Reform" boom, turned the required
somersault as soon as the telegram announcing Hampton's
nomination reached them, and hastened to tear up editorials
written for the next day's issue, and substitute others proving
to their own satisfaction, that they had always favored the
"Straightout" movement. There were no Radical journals
in the State — ^what need when subscribers were unable to
read? — except one maintained feebly at Columbia, as an
official organ. The newspapers, particularly The (Charles
ton) News and Courier, vigorously called upon Mr. Cham
berlain, if a sincere reformer, to support the Hampton ticket,
as the only choice would now be between it and the men
already denounced as thieves and rascals; but he did not
accept the suggestion, which he might well have done.
What was the situation, and what the programme of the
Hampton party?

Hampton Elected Governor 113
A word about the programme, flrst. Let us understand
that it was a movement practically unanimous on the part
of the white citizens — who constituted the mental and moral
worth, as well as the property-representative in the State — to
put an end to unendurable miseries by reestablishing law
and liberty subverted under color of the Reconstruction Acts
passed by a body at Washington in which the community
was without representation. It was in no sense a "one man"
movement, but a universal uprising of the people to reinstate
on its throne the fundamental law of the land. To effect this,
under the extraordinary conditions then existing, it was
necessary to confide unlimited power to Hampton and his
associates, just as must be done to its general by an army
in the field in time of war, but this power was conferred by
a virtual plebiscite, not grasped by the strong arm of a man.
Theodore Roosevelt, referring to Cromwell's usurpations,
says {Oliver Cromwell, page 54) : "In a great crisis it may
be necessary to overturn Constitutions, and disregard stat
utes, just as it may be necessary to establish a vigilance com
mittee, or take refuge in lynch law." This implies that the
"one man" is to judge when such a crisis exists, and then
"overturn Constitutions and disregard statutes." If this be
correct doctrine, then it follows necessarily, that all repre
sentative government is an absolute fallacy. It has, however,
always been the usurper's plea in all ages, and would have
been equally as pertinent to Charles as to Cromwell. A
vigilance committee or lynch law (whether right or wrong)
rests on entirely different foundation, the will of the people,
which is the exact opposite of the "one man power." But
however all this may be, the movement of 1876 was certainly
not a "one man" movement, but of the people. Nor was it
"to overturn Constitutions and disregard statutes," but to
reestablish their authority. And now to return to the situa
tion. Nobody could know, except by approximate estimate, what
was the real majority in the State possessed by the negroes.
A census had been prescribed by the Constitution, but it had
never been taken, for the obvious reason that it might prove
a slight impediment to fraud at elections. A reasonable

114 Hampton and Reconstruction
"guess" was twenty thousand negro majority; in other
words, ten thousand negro votes obtained by the Conserva
tives would obliterate the negro majority. The only whites
who would vote against Hampton would be "carpet-baggers"
and their retainers, more than counterbalanced in numbers
by Republican immigrants, settled in the State during the
preceding decade and engaged in business, who, confronted
by facts more important than previous theories and look
ing to their own moneyed interests, would vote the Con
servative State ticket, whatever they might do about the
Presidential polls. General Hampton had since 1868 enter
tained strongly the belief that the votes of negroes could be
largely influenced in the direction of decent government by
legitimate and kindly measures, and in this he proved entirely
right. The negroes of that date, still under the previous
humanizing influences of intimate association with white
masters, had a strong tendency to gravitate back toward
them, and during the darkest days of Reconstruction would
come for succor in illness, and distress. On the contrary, in
spite of the political propaganda to which they were sub
jected, they entertained a profoundly aristocratic contempt
for "carpet-baggers" as "white trash." No time was lost,
therefore, after his nomination in the establishment of Demo
cratic Negro Campaign Clubs throughout the State, and they
soon numbered 8,000 members. The whites, of course, could
be counted upon to a man to vote the "Conservative" ticket,
but an energetic canvass was put under way to keep up
enthusiasm to the boiling point, and also to obtain every
negro vote possible — for that counted two, as it was one
taken from the Radicals, and contributed to the Conserva
tives — and, next best, to induce Radical voters to remain
away from the polls. There were many ways of effecting this
in addition to mere kindly persuasion, such as discriminating
in employment. For a Radical negro was presumably a dis
honest unreliable fellow, if not an outright thief, and a Dem
ocratic negro supposedly the reverse, and selection on these
lines would seem but natural and admissible to an employer.
Then, physical force, the show of it, is an effective influence
with all mankind, which is the reason underlying political

Hampton Elected Governor 115
meetings, torch-light processions, and other similar campaign
methods at the North, and elsewhere. So red-shirted horse
men, and rifle clubs peacefully parading became the order of
the day and sometimes, where more convenient, by night too.
That these should be armed to the teeth was a necessity of
the times, and had been for years past, but unquestionably
it would now add to the moral effect of their appearance.
The impression produced by such demonstrations in neigh
borhoods, where the negro population was dense, and the
white very sparse, would be particularly great, if ener
getically conducted, and might sometimes, on timid imagina
tions, create vague alarm, but this need not prevent lawful
and innocent proceedings. As it was the year of a Presi
dential election, and as the Tilden electors would be supposed
to share the success or defeat of the Hampton party, it was
natural to infer that help would come energetically from the
Democrats at the North to carry the State, but this did not
prove so. In no other respects, than the foregoing, would
the election programme differ from the usual methods prac
tised everywhere.
It has been so repeatedly charged by those disappointed at
the results of this election, that it was carried by "fraud,
intimidation and force" ( meaning "unlawful violence" ) , that
even many well-wishers have been led, by the reiteration of
the charges, reluctantly to believe them, or to ignore the dis
cussion on the ground that the end justifled the means. But
it is full time that this error should be corrected. As to
fraud, it is true that the prostitution of the principle of free
suffrage had been made so complete, the ignorance and cor
ruption of the negro voters had been so flagrant and shame
less for a decade past, and the cheating in counting votes so
patent — the entire thing such a farce and tragedy com
bined — that it could not but bring into contempt the very
name of voting. It cannot be wondered at that, under such
circumstances, many, indignant and disgusted, should, under
the temptation of the issues involved, be carried away by the
sophistry that the end justifles the means, and imitate, as far
as able, the practises of their adversaries. But, on the other
hand, the Radicals were more perfect in all the arts of fraud

116 Hampton and Reconstruction
from ten years of incessant practise; they were lashed into
frantic exertions by hourly telegrams from their friends at
the North, to obtain the electoral votes at any cost, and they
knew that their political lives depended on this; they pos
sessed, through the Governor, the exclusive right to appoint
from their own party all the commissioners and managers
of election, the "Conservatives" for the flrst time in this
election being allowed — by arrangement made when the "Re
form" deal was expected to be consummated — one, but only
one, of the three inspectors of election, and all the other
election machinery was with the Radicals ; it follows, there
fore, that the Radicals having a greater experience and skill
in crooked practises, having at least equal incentives to
employ them, more than double chances to do so undetected,
there must have been polled and counted vastly more fraudu
lent Radical than "Conservative" votes ; consequently, if all
fraudulent votes could have been eliminated, and a perfectly
fair count had, it would have been greatly to the advantage of
the Conservatives and thus greatly increased their majority.
This seems absolutely to dispose of the charge that the "Con
servatives" carried the election by fraud.
As to "intimidation" by the Hampton party, the only kind
practised — if it can be called such — was the moral influence
exerted by the means already described. The cases of actual
"intimidation" were very few, and were very much more than
offset by a hundred times more outrages perpetrated on negro
Democrats by the Radicals. But of systematic "intimida
tion," the programme pursued by the Radical leaders was full
to repletion. By the United States Army they intimidated
the whites. By their oath-bound associations, such as the
"loyal league," and many similar ones, they produced a reign
of terror among the negroes. Their churches were centres
of the most urgent measures to keep their constituencies
solid. Every means imaginable were employed that gross
superstition could furnish. Oaths, of supposedly fearful
import were administered. Negro Democrats were ostra
cized and the women were sworn not to cohabit with them.
Nor were threats of shooting them down by Federal troops
unavailed of to keep waverers in the traces. It is probable,

Hampton Elected Governor 117
that when the Hampton government was installed, and quiet
thus restored, the negroes felt the relief even more markedly
than did the whites. Two wrongs do not make a right in
morals, but the above facts go to show that the "intimida
tion" by the Radicals was far greater than by the whites, and
that consequently the total absence of it would have been in
favor of the Conservatives at the election, and that, therefore,
the election was not carried by "intimidation."
As to "force," meaning by the term violence due to physi
cal force, the charge that it preponderated on the part of
the whites, and that the elections were won by this means,
is equally unfounded. Not that it is meant, that the applica
tion of open manly physical force to wipe out the negro
supremacy would not have been perfectly justiflable, if ever
anywhere in the world a revolution was justiflable, but that,
in point of fact, it was not used. Every vestige of the State
government could have been destroyed at any time, in a
moment, and bloodlessly, too, so utterly weak and rotten was
it. As Mr. Chamberlain wrote at the time to Washington,
"My only reliance for effective physical force must be upon
United States troops." But it was perfectly understood by
the "Conservatives" that physical violence on their part, or
anything that could be successfully represented as such, was
just what the Radical party ardently desired, and then they
would flood the State with troops and lettres de cachet, and
have the election all their own way, paying the price for the
aid rendered them in the handing over of the electoral vote.
They knew, that the hands of the whites were tied, both by
sentiment and policy, and they would not flght the United
States troops. So this was the Radicals' trump card, and it
would have been folly to furnish them the lead. Without
such a lead from the Conservatives, they could not so well
play the strongest card of this their trump suit, because the
North presumably would condemn it, and it might cause a
landslide at the coming elections, like that of 1874, produced
by the use of similar means in Louisiana. In fact, so skil
fully did Hampton play his side of the game, so absolutely
did he prevent his followers — though subjected to provoca
tions which it was almost impossible to endure unresented —

118 Hampton and Reconstruction
from giving the Radicals a fair pretext for using troops as
unblushingly as they desired, that they never were able to
risk doing so to the extent they intended, during the entire
campaign, until the day after the election, too late to have
an effect on Northern votes, it is true, but also, thanks to
the skill of Hampton, and the implicit obedience of his
people, too late to carry the election. The manner in which
Hampton held locked up in his hand the burning passions
of his people was the most magniflcent of the manifold
manifestations of his power. It will be seen from this, that,
as a matter of fact, Hampton did not use force ("violence")
in carrying the election, but that the Radicals did use force
to the greatest extent practicable.
Much has been said disparagingly of the State being but an
armed camp at that time, as far as the "Conservatives" were
concerned. So it was an armed camp, and more, and with
good reason. For years past, since the flrst term of Scott, a
negro militia had been organized, at least twenty thousand
strong. Hundreds of thousands of dollars were spent (or
stolen) in equipping them, and besides many stands of arms
were borrowed from Washington for this purpose. They
were never of the slightest value for flghting, but could prowl
about armed, murder, burn, and worse. No white militia
were allowed to be organized and statutes were passed im
posing severe penalties on the military drilling of men not so
organized. The police in the cities and towns, and the
constables in the villages were Radicals. So the whites were
not only without any official protection, but, far worse, every
official was their armed, active enemy. Moreover, encouraged
by the teaching that "it made them manly" to have guns,
nearly every negro was provided with some kind of firearm.
So it thus became the evident, urgent duty of the whites to
arm in order to protect their own flresides, and those of their
neighbors, and they did arm accordingly. Their right to
possess arms was beyond dispute, for besides the natural
right, it was one guaranteed to every citizen by the Consti
tution. The danger became more and more pronounced, and
the personal arming got to be more general and heavier by
the autumn of 1876. As the old New Englanders were in the

Hampton Elected Governor 119
'. habit of going to church armed to the teeth before they had
settled, by extermination, their Indian "racial question," so
it was now in South Carolina from a similar cause. During
these times, in the evenings at the Charleston Club, might be
seen on a table near the entrance piles of revolvers left there
by members on arriving, glad for the moment to be relieved of
the unaccustomed weight of one, often two, and sometimes
three, pistols with their cartridges, they never having before,
except in war, carried arms. But there was good reason for it
now. On the evening of November 8, the evening after the
election, an aged, white-haired clergyman, as venerable in
character as in years — though not a member — called at the
Charleston Club to borrow some cartridges for an old rusty,
harmless pistol, which he had managed somehow to procure.
There had been white blood shed in the town that day. Four
men going to their places of business were fired on from the
neighborhood of the courthouse. Three were wounded, two
of them being a father and son, the latter mortally. In
another part of the town the chief editor of the newspaper,
which had been so ardent in the Reform "boom," was
wounded while riding in the street. Citizens reading the
returns on the bulletin boards in the principal business
street had been attacked, and many other like demonstrations
had been made. During one of these, three negro policemen
in full uniform were seen by the writer crouching behind one
of the pillars on the street in front of the police headquarters
pumping bullets from Winchester rifies. No doubt these
occurrences were not accidental, but parts of a systematic
plan to goad the whites into "violence," and then flood the
place with troops, now that it was too late to damage their
chances for votes in the election at the North, but not too
late presumably to throw out correct and substitute false
returns. The aged clergyman referred to, had thought it his
duty at such a time to stand shoulder to shoulder with the
respectable people of the town, and hence his call at the club
to procure cartridges for his ancient weapon. One of the
members handed him some, but he hesitated to take so many
lest he be unduly depleting the ammunition of the giver, but
the latter's laughing reply was, "A charge to keep I have," as

120 Hampton and Reconstruction
a pocketful was exhibited. This member, a lawyer, amiable
and lovable, a charming companion, William Clancy, had
been about two hours before, on the way to his office to
complete the work of the day, when he was set upon by a
mob of fully two dozen negroes equipped with clubs and
firearms, who proposed to demonstrate their fitness for the
elective franchise by promptly putting our friend to death.
But he, strange to say, objected to this very reasonable
demonstration, and treated each of the two foremost to a
bullet from his pistol, and the rest beat a masterly retreat,
all this occurring within less than one hundred yards of
police headquarters, where no notice was taken of the fusil
lade, until the mob had fled. In the various negro riots of
this day one white man was known to have been killed and
fourteen wounded, but there were no doubt other casualties
not reported. The negroes suffered very little damage be
cause of the forbearance enjoined by Hampton upon the
whites. But it became necessary not only to be personally armed,
but also to be organized. The negroes were marshaled in
militia regiments twenty thousand strong, and under oath-
bound societies, and greatly outnumbered the white popu
lation, especially in the lower part of the State. It was obvi
ous, that the latter must make the most of their force in
order to counterbalance mere numbers. Two or three men
cooperating are much more effective than the same individ
uals acting separately and independently, and the advan
tage of organization is increased in vastly greater propor
tion when you deal with large numbers. Thus not only
would the safety of hearths and homes be promoted, but it
would greatly lessen the danger of bloodshed for both races.
Thirty or forty good men well organized in a rural com
munity would be the equivalent in real force of almost an
unlimited number of blacks and would be recognized as such
by the latter and go far toward morally policing tranquility.
Besides, being thoroughly under control, there would be no
danger of their becoming aggressors. But the "Conserva
tives" could not organize as militia, for no white militia
would be received by the State authorities, and acts were

Hampton Elected Governor 121
passed making it highly penal to drill white men not in the
militia. An expedient by which general organization could
be effected had therefore to be found. It was effected by the
formation of social societies, as rifle, sabre, and artillery
clubs, presided over by presidents, with secretaries, marshals,
and other civil officers. There was not necessarily any
ulterior object lurking under these social associations. If
the peace of the State were preserved by the official author
ities, whose duty it was to protect life and property, the
essential objects for which all governments exist, there
would never be any actions of the clubmakers outside of the
purposes indicated by their social societies. They had in no
case in contemplation any unlawful proceedings whatever.
If the occasion unhappily arose, caused by the impotence, or
intention of the Radical authorities, by which negro riots
were precipitated, then, although this was not within the
purposes expressed by the clubs, they would naturally take
part to suppress murders, and worse. Meantime, it would
be advisable, in fact necessary, to have orderly arrangements
by which members would fall-in, walk in line, and observe
other rules requisite for smoothly carrying out the ostensible,
and lawful objects of the associations, and these would
unavoidably approximate to military discipline, but would
in fact not be that at all. In all these respects, without excep
tion, a rifle club would be equally as lawful as a baseball
club, it being as much the right of a citizen to own and law
fully use a rifle as a baseball bat. Such clubs would rest on
precisely the same footing as baseball clubs, and no ulterior
object could be inferred, much less proved, and none of an
unlawful kind existed. If the members of a baseball club on
their way to play a game, or when at their rooms, should
become cognizant of there being a murderous attack on their
homes in progress, which the regular official authorities were
unwilling or unable to disperse, the members, grasping their
bats as weapons, would certainly fly to the rescue of their
families and friends; and the member of a rifle club, under
the same circumstances would do exactly the same thing,
with his rifle as weapon, and all his fellow-members would
i act in the same way, and this would be perfectly lawful. It

122 Hampton and Reconstruction
would not do for the Executive of the State or the Washing
ton Executive to say that it was to be inferred that "vio
lence" was intended by the mere formation of a social rifle
club. The intention must be proved, either by an overt act of
unlawful "violence," or else a conspiracy to commit such
"violence" must be proved, both of which were impossible in
these cases, as no acts of "unlawful violence" were either com
mitted or contemplated. But when these clubs were during
the campaign "proclaimed" from Columbia and Washington,
it was not done on the strength of overt acts or conspiracy
proved, but on what we must term "telepathic violence" (a
new title and a new offense) , that is to say, "the intention to
commit unlawful violence" discovered only by the "mind-
reading" of the State Executive, a "mind-reading," which,
too, was at fault, as no such intention existed. So when the
proclamations referred to were in due time put forth, they
were disregarded as being of no legal force, for only on the
application of the Legislature when in session, or of the State
Executive, when such a body is not sitting and cannot be
convened, based on the fact of there existing "domestic vio
lence" (not "telepathic violence"), which the State authori
ties flnd themselves, after trying to do so, unable to suppress,
is it competent for the Federal Executive to interfere and
furnish troops. This could not be done lawfully in the case
alluded to, on the theory of "telepathic violence," for that
invented offence was unknown to the law.
Over this "armed camp," with these clubs extending from
the mountains to the sea, Hampton's word was law, and that
word was, "Peace."
The nomination of Hampton abruptly terminated all of
Mr. Chamberlain's hopes of the "Reform boom." He was
thus placed in the position of being compelled either to relin
quish politics altogether, as an occupation, or else to throw
in his lot with the worst element of his party containing the
very individuals whom he had personally denounced in most
scathing terms. He was nominated for Governor by this
party on September 15. But he was obliged to surrender,
in order to obtain the nomination, and the ticket — -himself
excepted — was the worst, most profligate, and desperate that

Hampton Elected Governor 123
had as yet been submitted to voters. If it had been elected,
it could not, as he himself has since then admitted in words
quoted on a former page, have produced an amelioration of
conditions. Not only that, but it would have proved the
fruition of the "Africa for the Africans" movement ; violence
under the forms of law would have either driven the white
population from the State, or resulted in armed revolution,
or permanent martial law under white troops.
J. J. Patterson, "Carpet-bag" United States Senator from
South Carolina, "Honest John," came on to attend the Con
vention, as "boss." He was the most powerful man in his
party, and of the worst faction. There had been a quarrel
between him and Mr. Chamberlain, but they had made peace
on the night before the Convention met, otherwise Mr. Cham
berlain could not have obtained the nomination. "Honest
John" was a rough-looking man, far from neat in appearance,
with sandy complexion and hair, and a restless, furtive eye.
He wore a long black coat and a watch chain big enough to
tie a mastiff. But his legs were wonderful — long, thin, and
very crooked; and, when speaking to an audience, he would
become nervous, or excited, these legs would double up under
him, like those of a contortionist, so that you could not
keep your eyes off them, fearing a catastrophe. He told
the Convention, that he and "Daniel" (meaning Chamber
lain), "had fell out," but that now "me and Daniel are
friends." He was the person who had made the statement
that "there were still flve more years' good stealing in South
Carolina." In his speech he alluded to his well-earned repu
tation as a thief, but very much in the way that sweet six
teen might disclaim the soft impeachment of being a flirt.
He said :
"President Grant has his eye on South Carolina and in
tends to take care of her, and I will warrant that Grant will
bring the strong arm of the United States Government to
support and keep the Republican party in power. By the
eternal Gods ! the Democrats shan't have any say at all in the
government," and much more to the same effect, and worse.
And this was a Senator of the United States in the year of
our Lord 1876 !

124 Hampton and Reconstruction
There is some soul of goodness in things evil
Would man observlngly distill It out.
Not in Patterson, distill ye never so wisely.
So Mr. Chamberlain was nominated for Governor, Gleaves,
his present mate as Lieutenant-Governor, a mulatto, colored
like a meerschaum pipe, was renominated, Elliott, a negro,
the planner of the Whipper-Moses outrage, who had been
denounced by Chamberlain, was nominated for Attorney-
General; Hayne, a mulatto, for Secretary of State; and Car-
dozo, a mulatto, for State Treasurer. The rest of the nom
inations were similar, consisting of persons notoriously dis
honest and profligate, and the ticket for the Legislature was
selected in the same way.
Although "Honest John's" words were vulgar, and his ap
pearance and manners repulsive, yet the correctness of the
ideas which he expressed about the intentions of the Wash
ington authorities can hardly be questioned. On August 17,
Cameron, Secretary of War, directed the general command
ing the army "to hold all the available force under command,
not engaged in subduing the savages, for the enforce
ment of certain, condign, and effectual punishment upon
all persons who shall attempt by force, fraud, terror, intim
idation, or otherwise to prevent the free exercise of the right
of suffrage." Taft, United States Attorney-General, said,
"The marshals have absolute power over the troops," As
Radicals were to apply this direction untrammeled to what
soever they pleased to style "intimidation," there could be
no doubt that the intention was simply to make a "solid
South" for Hayes and Wheeler and their following. There
were at that time in the Reconstruction States thus to be
"solidifled" 138 companies of troops and batteries of artillery,
amounting to about 14,000 men, and many thousand more
were sent before November, and these latter were despatched
with such haste, that they came with full catridge-boxes
ready for action, and were astonished when they found pro
found peace, instead of the expected war.
It is hardly necessary to allude to the advantages possessed
by the Radicals in the coming campaign, for they are self-
evident. Having in their own hands, to be used with entire

Hampton Elected Governor 125
unscrupulousness, all the machinery of nominal local gov
ernment and the strenuous support and encouragement of
their party at the North, who were playing for the electoral
vote, it would have seemed to those not behind the scenes
useless for the "Conservatives" to attempt to struggle against
such apparently overwhelming forces. But to those who
could perceive beneath the surface the thorough rottenness
and weakness underlying the acting State government, and
who were alive to the desperate determination animating the
white population, the situation looked very different.
It is necessary to recur to an important matter antedating
the nomination of Hampton on August 15.
On July 22, Mr. Chamberlain wrote to President Grant
a letter to which he received a reply signed personally dated
July 26. Mr. Chamberlain's letter was a very lengthy one,
conceived and expressed with much tact and ability, a mas
terly effort indeed, regarded from a purely political stand
point. Taking as his text the Hamburg riots, which had
occurred early in July, he wove a plausible argument to the
effect that there was widespread violence lurking in the
depths of society, though not perceptible on the surface, sub
marine torpedoes set for the pui*pose of blowing up the sacred
right of suffrage, only to be detected by "mind-reading." He
argued that the Hamburg riots were an instance of this kind,
which would be followed by innumerable others, unless force
were available to crush them, and that the only force of the
kind adequate, or indeed at all available, was that of United
States troops. He represented the Hamburg riots to have
been a political disturbance in its origin. He forwarded
enclosed in his letter some ex-parte evidence taken by corrupt
Radical officials, which, if true, would have proved that five
negroes were killed or wounded after they had been cap
tured in the fight. Those accused of this crime vigorously
demanded trial, but such was never accorded them, which
does not speak well for the truth of the alleged evidence.
But whatever the case may or may not have been in this
regard, there is no evidence whatever, even from this ex-parte
testimony, that politics entered, in the slightest degree, into
the riot. It was a fight caused purely by personal friction.

126 Hampton and Reconstruction
having no connection at all with politics. Hamburg was
then, as now, a little place in South Carolina opposite
Augusta on the Savannah River. The town officials were
negroes, and there had been for years past mutual vexations
and exasperations, which necessarily result from such con
ditions, more pronounced and irritating there because just
across the river in Augusta order and tranquility prevailed.
Finally some negroes, acting under false color of militia
organization not authorized by law, and armed with rifles
belonging to the State illegally obtained, came in collision
with two respectable white men, who employed a lawyer and
sought legal redress. The negroes summoned to attend the
court refused to comply, and took position armed, within a
building. White men, expostulating with them and trying
to induce them to give up their arms and peaceably disperse,
were flred upon and one of the number instantly killed. The
sequel could be predicted, in spite of the odds and the strength
of the position held by the negroes. But there was nothing
political in it at all, from flrst to last. Under the same con
ditions, and in the absence of the restraining influence of law,
a similar collision between white men and Democrats would
have been probable. But Mr. Chamberlain represents to Gen
eral Grant that, because all of the rioters on one side were
white and Democrats, and all on the other negroes and Repub
licans, it follows that it was a political riot caused by a wide
spread determination to deprive the negro of the right to vote.
This logic would be on the same plane as to argue that, because
now all the burglars, murderers and rapists are negroes
and Republicans, and their victims whites and Democrats,
therefore burglary, murder and rape are political crimes con
nected with the negro franchise. The evidence adduced in the
letter of the existence of widespread "domestic violence" was
not founded at all on overt acts, or proved conspiracy, but
entirely as "telepathic violence." After his presentation of
the case Mr. Chamberlain puts the question squarely whether,
in case of "domestic violence" beyond his control, he can
count deflnitely on the Federal troops. The reply is also a
somewhat long one, and, after commenting at length and very

Hampton Elected Governor 127
severely on the existing status of the Democl"atic State Gov
ernments in Louisiana and Mississippi, explicitly promises
troops, when the "domestic violence" referred to by Mr.
Chamberlain makes their presence, in the opinion of the
latter, advisable. It does not appear how far the President
was made a convert to the "telepathic violence" theory, but,
as it was left to the Governor to decide about the occasion for
troops, it would be immaterial whether the President was or
was not a convert, as the former would all the same act upon
the theory, when he desired, and could count upon being at
once supported without inquiry into facts.
In this connection one remembers that the Convention of
the Republican Party of South Carolina in April of this year
extolled in the strongest of language the Southern policy
of President Grant's administration, and unanimously advo
cated a third term for him, and that Grant believed himself
entitled to this reward from his party in return for the power
his name and military prestige lent to the upholding of the
anti-Lincoln programme of Reconstruction. Nor were the
desire and expectation of Grant of a third term ended by the
nomination and counting in of Hayes, for he could become his
successor, and the nominating conventions and electoral
votes of the three "Reconstructed States," which still might
be held for the party — South Carolina, Louisiana, and
Florida — would be very important to the fruition of his
hopes. This no doubt will go far to explain the attitude
taken by him in the letter to Mr. Chamberlain and his sub
sequent course throughout the Hampton campaign.
The great, and apparently overpowering advantage, that
Mr. Chamberlain gained by this arrangement with the Exec
utive, which was susceptible of proof whenever he chose
to show the letter, is evident. His chances of carrying
through the "Reform" agreement were not yet gone, although
by this time greatly lessened from the prospect at an earlier
date. That arrangement was manifestly to his interest, as
he would thus be assured of securing the electoral vote, to say
nothing of the State election, and for the former he would be
entitled, by political ethics, to a large reward for himself and
to provision for his party friends. The letter would, in case

128 Hampton and Reconstruction
of the consummaition of the "Reform" agreement, enable him
by the weight which it would give him with his fellow Rad
icals to lash into line any rebelious spirits or waverers and,
if occasion required, he could use troops against the "Africa
for Africans" dissentients. On the other hand, if the
"Reform" deal were to fall through, he could, by using the
letter and all that it implied, crush out any opposition that
might develop to his nomination as the regular .Radical candi
date, and could afterward in the campaign make use of troops
when he wished against the white population and its follow
ing of Democratic negroes, and thus, as he conceived, make
sure of the election both Federal and State. That the use
of troops would not prove an omnipotent force, he could not
then foresee. As already pointed out, his hands were, to a
certain extent, tied, in that he could not make too prominent
a use of troops before the election, for fear of creating at the
North a feeling like that aroused by the similar Louisiana
incidents referred to. After the November elections, when
only the counting had to be done, the Louisiana proceeding
was in fact duplicated, as we shall see later in this narrative.
If, however, before the election was held, it could be arranged
to goad the Conservatives into resistance and manage to
bring them into conflict with the Federal troops or authori
ties, to such an extent as to blind the North to the real facts
and merits of the case, then free hand could be had with the
use of troops to control the election. But in this he was
balked by the wisdom of Hampton and the patience and for
bearance which he imposed upon his followers.
In accordance with the agreement made with the Execu
tive, orders were issued to make such a disposition of troops
as would render them most effectively available when needed
by the Governor.
On September 6, about ten days before Mr. Chamberlain's
nomination as Radical candidate for reelection, occurred the
flrst riot of consequence in the Conservative campaign. A
"Conservative" political meeting was held in Charleston to
consolidate and give standing to the negro Democratic clubs,
many of which were present. This incensed the Radicals
and they, according to their own admission, broke up the

Hampton Elected Governor 129
meeting, killing two Democrats, one of whom was a negro.
No political capital was sought to be made of that occurrence
against the "Conservatives," as the facts were too patent and
the affair took place at a center where the searchlights were
strong, and, besides, Mr. Chamberlain had not then been
nominated. It was not, however, considered "domestic vio
lence" on the part of the negroes, and no punishment was
attempted against them; there was no call for "troops," nor
did Marshal Wallace attempt to make a single arrest.
But before this, from August 23 to September 16, riots
had been daily taking place on plantations on -or near the
Combahee River, where much rice is cultivated. Several
negroes were killed or wounded, and many severely beaten
and maimed by other negro strikers, the processes of law
had been successfully resisted, and anarchy prevailed. In
these riots only negroes were concerned. But the Governor
did nothing, made no attempt to quiet the disturbance; nor
did he "call for troops" nor wire Washington that "domestic
violence" existed. The tumult was eventually quieted by the
influence of the white population without the use of force.
On September 16 what are known as the Ellenton Riots
in Aiken County began and lasted several days. They origin
ated in an assault attempted by two negroes on a very
respectable white woman, the wife of a farmer absent in his
flelds. At any time and anywhere. North or South, this
crime will necessarily arouse the strongest passions of neigh
bors, and where corrupt courts, negro juries, and purchasable
pardons made the prospect of punishment by legal means
altogether impossible, it would have been but natural for the
white population to have caught and lynched the offenders.
It should be well understood, too, by those really wishing
to comprehend this question of the "nameless crime" and
lynching, both of which were created at the South by the
Reconstruction Acts, that, where such a crime was committed,
the great bulk of the negroes, not being alive to its full enor
mity, would become accessories after the fact, endeavoring
to harbor and conceal, and assist the criminal in escaping —
which is still at present too often the case with them — and
that therefore sometimes they would unavoidably share the

130 Hampton and Reconstruction
fate intended for accessories before the fact. In this instance,
however, they made no attempt to, and had no intention of,
lynching the criminals, for they were under Hampton's strict
injunctions to act only within the law. A small party of
men — about twelve in number — quickly went in pursuit of
the offenders and apprehended one, whom they took for
identiflcation, and, when this had been effected, were pro
ceeding to take him to jail, when he broke away and would
have escaped, if he had not been shot at and wounded. The
next day it was ascertained that the negroes throughout the
country were assembling in large numbers, armed and
threatening vengeance. The neighborhood was but sparsely
settled by whites, and the danger to their homes very great,
and they consequently got together for mutual protection.
On the following day it was reported that the negro con
cerned in the attempted assault had sought protection with
a large number of armed negroes concentrated at a strong
position. A regular constable, duly provided with a warrant
from a Eepublican magistrate and accompanied by a posse,
proceeded to serve the warrant and arrest the criminal. Be
fore reaching the place where the armed negroes were sup
posed to be, the posse, without warning, was flred upon from
ambush, and the fire was returned, but, so far as known, with
out effect on either side. After a time a conference between
the posse and the negroes was had, the constable exhibiting
the warrant, but by that time the criminal had had time to
betake himself elsewhere. It was then mutually agreed that
both parties would disperse to their homes, which was done
by the whites, but the negroes did not carry out their part of
the agreement, but remained where they were and fired upon
two white men happening to travel the road about two hours
afterward, while another party a few miles off ambushed
some whites, wounding five, and waylaid two other farmers,
one of whom they succeeded in killing. They then tore up the
track of what was at that time called the Port Eoyal rail
road, wrecked a train, cut the telegraph wires, and burned a
mill and ginhouse in the neighborhood. After some further
collisions, in which the whites, owing to their smaller num
bers, suffered as many, or more casualties than the negroes.

Hampton Elected Governor 131
the latter moved down to a swamp near Ellenton, and the
whites were marching upon them in orderly formation, when
they met a company of United States regulars, which had
been dispatched to the scene. A conference was held with the
officer in command and, on his promise that he would cause
the negroes to disperse, the whites returned to their homes,
leaving the settlement of the riot to the troops. Thus ended
the riot as far as bloodshed was concerned.
The above are the facts of the case and are, in brief, the
sworn statement of men living in the neighborhood, of the
highest position in the country, of life-long unblemished
character, having knowledge of the transaction, and not con
cerned or suspected of having been concerned in it. Such
evidence would be accepted today as conclusive by any jury
in the land. This sworn statement was tendered by the
signers to the Commissioner collecting the affidavits from
negroes, but he avoided accepting it or making it a part of
the record. It was, however, published in the newspapers,
as information to the public, and also forwarded by Hampton
to Washington. The testimony on the other side was taken
by Eadical partizan Commissioners, and the affidavits were
those of irresponsible negroes, who had taken part in the
riot, who had no appreciation of the meaning of an oath,
whose passions were inflamed to the highest pitch, and who
received pay for making the affidavits. No court or jury in
the world, at the present day, would attach any credibility
whatever to. testimony of such witnesses so taken.
It is necessary to point out here that these Ellenton riots
bear the marks of preparation, and not of accident. The
provocation given the white population was of the character
known to be sure to stir up ,the people, and the instan
taneous assembling of hundreds of armed negroes, concen
trated and ready for action, proved previous arrangement.
So does the prompt taking of affidavits and the political
capital obtained from them, and the call for troops.
In the latter part of September a public notice was posted
at Belton by negroes, or "carpet-baggers," "warning colored
Democrats," some of whom were named, "not to join any
more Democratic processions," threatening to flog them and

132 Hampton and Eeconstruction
drive them from the county, and giving them a limited time
to leave. There were other similar notices. No attempt was
made by the Governor, or United States Marshal to inflict
"condign punishment" nor to disperse these "intimidators,"
nor were "troops" hurried to the neighborhood? Why?
Early in October the Governor, basing his action, as he
alleged, on the Ellenton Eiots, wrote to the Federal Execu
tive claiming the fulfllment of his promise to furnish him
troops against "domestic violence." Owing to the absence of
the President from Washington on a holiday, the call was not
acted upon until October 17, when an Executive proclama
tion was issued notifying the rifle clubs and others to disband.
On the same day the Secretary of War was directed to order
"all the available force in the Military Division of the
Atlantic to report to General Euger commanding at Colum
bia, S. C, and to instruct that officer to station his troops in
such localities that they may be most speedily and effectually
used in case of resistance to the authority of the United
States — supplemented, if necessary, by the militia of the
various States." Meantime, on October 7, the Governor
had similarly "proclaimed" the rifle clubs and all other
persons and organizations supposed to be armed. He also
issued an address to the people of the United States giving
his version of the Ellenton Eiots and the state of public
affairs based on alleged information which had been obtained
from the sources that we have mentioned. He was not even
in the State at the time the alleged occurrences took place.
He stated that from thirty to one hundred negroes had been
killed and as far as known not one white man, whereas the
facts are that the casualties were, among the whites ten, and
the negroes eighteen, one of the latter being the original
assailant of the woman, who after arrest tried to run away
from the posse. At the same time Corbin, who was United
States District Attorney, a carpet-bagger of many years
standing, and one of the Governor's stanchest supporters,
went to Aiken County to assist the United States Commis
sioner in obtaining evidence, such as has been already
described, against the white Ellenton rioters, with a view to
prosecuting them in a United States Court for conspiracy to

Hampton Elected Governor 133
deprive the negroes of their votes. Great political capital
was sought to be made out of it. The number of arrests it
would be impossible to give accurately, because they were
made frequently without record kept, but during the time
intervening before the November election they numbered
several hundred, mostly of whites, with a sprinkling of
Democratic negroes, but no Eadicals. In one day thirty-two
highly respectable citizens were thus arrested in Aiken
County, and afterward discharged for want of evidence.
General Hampton telegraphed to General M. C. Butler and
General Hagood, to use their utmost influence to induce the
people to submit to this martial law and to make no resist
ance, as it was of the greatest importance to furnish the
Eadicals with no pretext that could be tortured by fraudu
lent affidavits into "campaign ammunition." The result of
all this harrying was widespread distress throughout the
country-side. Women and children had to be sent away from
home to places of safety as the negroes were greatly elated
and rendered very turbulent, night was made hideous, many
a poor man's barn burned, and the lives of the aged and weak
and of women and children were shortened.
It had now reached the middle of October, and the anxiety
in Washington over the coming Presidential and Congres
sional elections, to take place three weeks later, became very
acute. It was evident that it would require the most ener
getic exertions to turn the tide against the Democrats in the
country, and therefore the electoral vote and Congressional
representation of South Carolina assumed an importance not
attached to it, to the same extent, earlier in the campaign,
and, besides, the capture of the State then was considered a
foregone conclusion. In consequence of this, frantic efforts
were put forth by the friends of the Eadicals at the North.
It proved a great misfortune to the State that the Hampton
movement had taken place in the year of a Presidential elec
tion and was therefore complicated with it. Had it not been
for this, the better elements of the Eepublican party at the
North would have been loth to increase the load of dis
credit from the South, which they had already found it hard
to carry. But the temptation of securing, by any means, the

134 Hampton and Eeconstruction
electoral vote and the Congressional representation over
shadowed all other considerations. On the other hand,
although the situation and doings in South Carolina fur
nished ammunition to the Democrats, and gained them votes
at the North, yet their friends there could render but little
assistance to their Southern confreres. There must always,
probably, remain considerable uncertainty as to the share of
responsibility of the State Eadical party and its colleagues
at the North acting through Federal office-holders in the
State, for the worst and most extreme measures to carry the
election in South Carolina. It is natural to suppose, how
ever, that the greater blame rests on the latter, as their temp
tation was even stronger, the stake being so large, and there
are other reasons also for believing this. It is likely that the
set purpose of bringing about collisions between the races —
only thwarted by Hampton's inflexible rule and unsleeping
vigilance — in order to "wave the bloody shirt," make arrests,
and flood the State with troops, and the scheme to precipitate
a conflict between these and the whites, were principally
worked from outside the State officials, with some exceptions.
Indeed it was so self-evident that, if very serious riots were
brought about, the white "carpet-baggers" would suffer in
the melee, that this exerted some restraining influence on
them, while the Federal office-holders considered themselves
to possess a chartered impunity, and were proportionately
emboldened. It must be confessed, however, that many
Eepublican journals at the North blamed Mr. Chamberlain
very severely for "his plan of campaign" in arresting respect
able citizens without cause, on trumped up affidavits, and said
that he was "ruining the Eepublican party," and "electing
Tilden." The troops sent so freely to the State did not prove
as overwhelming an instrument in the Eadicals' hands as
they had expected. The minor officers, whatever their
politics might have been, soon took in the situation from
personal observation, and saw that, as far as the State elec
tion was concerned, it was not a question of politics at all,
but of plain, clear right against wrong. They could not mix
in a friendly personal way with the "carpet-baggers," for they
perceived that the social ostracism in which these were held

Hampton Elected Governor 135
by the white population had too good cause, while they found
in the residents people of congenial manners and feelings,
and with these they fraternized. They were compelled to
obey orders, frequently very distasteful ones, but a thing
may be done humanely and judiciously, or harshly and
cruelly, and few instances of the latter are known to the
writer. As for the privates and non-commissioned officers,
they were, one and all, strongly sympathetic with the white
citizens. All this might have been different, if general poli
tics had entered into the situation, but locally politics was
not in it at all, but only respectability against ignorance and
crime. It was a different thing in 1867-68, when volunteer
officers were employed, such men as Scott, for instance. The
writer can vouch for the following. During the latter part
of October two residents of Charleston were talking with a
colonel of regulars, stationed there, and the conversation
drifted to public affairs,
"I hope there will be no trouble," said he,
"There will be none coming from the white population.
Colonel, It would be contrary to their interests. General
Hampton's programme is, quiet."
"Oh, yes, I know that ; I can see that. But, if the whites
lose patience at last, and there is trouble, I hope your friends
will see to it that vengeance is not wreaked upon the poor
misled negroes, but upon the white carpet-baggers, who are
responsible for all this thing."
On October 17 took place the Cainhoy Eiots, This little
village is a few miles by water from Charleston, A joint-
meeting for discussion was arranged to take place there, and
a party, accompanied by their speakers, composed of Con
servatives and Eadicals, went from Charleston in a steamer
to attend it. The former, as agreed upon, carried no rifles
and not all were provided even with pocket pistols, as the
Eadicals had pledged themselves to maintain order and that
their friends would be without rifles. It was a neighborhood
where the negroes were living in large numbers, and there
were very few white residents. The blacks attending had
hidden their rifles in a thicket contiguous to the place of
meeting, and while this was in progress, without provocation.

136 Hampton and Eeconstruction
by prearrangement, a riot was started. The negroes ran for
their rifles close by, and from the advantage of the cover
opened flre upon the whites, killing six of them, only one
black being killed or wounded, as far as known. The whites
got back to their boat some three miles distant and departed
for Charleston, leaving their dead behind, not a very credit
able affair in that respect, but proving, at least, their non-
resistance. That night a rifle club was despatched to the
scene of the disturbance to protect the village, which was
done without attempting to arrest any of the riotous negroes,
and on the following day the club was amicably relieved by a
company of United States troops, between whom and the
rifle club the United States Marshal, Wallace, tried unsuc
cessfully to stir up trouble. A vigorous effort was made by
the Eadicals to twist this affair into political capital as was
intended it should be, and the usual plan of procuring negro
witnesses was put in practice, but owing to the forbearance —
or more — ^proved by the whites, it did not turn out as good
a card as had been expected. No negroes, however, were
arrested, and they became in consequence more and more
aggressive and disorderly, interfering greatly with the can
vass. The whole thing bore the stamp of prearrangement
upon its face. Here was "domestic violence'' of the real kind,
but Mr. Chamberlain and the marshal used no troops or
negro deputy-marshals to arrest the murderers. They were
chartered for the work, while the best people in the upper
counties were at the same time being hunted down for pro
tecting their homes from similar treatment. Within a few
days of this occurrence, after a Hampton meeting held at
Edgefield, six white farmers, respectable men, returning
quietly to their homes, were ambushed by negroes with
militia rifles, and one killed and one wounded. The Governor
tried to do nothing, the marshal tried to do nothing, to punish
the perpetrators of this "domestic violence," or to prevent the
recurrence of such bloody "intimidation." Why was this so?
Some time after this, when the campaign was over, "Honest
John" Patterson said, "That Cainhoy massacre was a god
send to us. We could not have carried Charleston County
without it," because of the encouragement thus given to the

Hampton Elected Governor 137
negroes to intimidate other negroes from voting the Demo
cratic ticket. He added that 700 arrests of Democrats were
made during the campaign.
On October 19 occurred one of the moves under the Ellen
ton Riot programme, which would probably have resulted in
bloodshed but for wonderful forbearance on the part of the
aggrieved. A Democratic meeting, at which General Hamp
ton was present as speaker, took place at Aiken. Imme
diately after the speeches, the United States Marshal with
a squad of troops arrested eleven of the principal Conserva
tives present on the usual charge of "conspiracy," the purpose
evidently being to bring on a disturbance and thus embroil
the citizens with United States troops. However, the
arrested men quietly submitted, and after a while procured
bail, thus frustrating the plan. The whole thing was the
very reflnement of cruelty. Wallace, the marshal, a "scala
wag" — the crop of such was very "short," thank God — had
all the physical Federal machinery in his hands and, besides,
the troops at his absolute disposal, and nearly every other
negro you met in those days was a "deputy marshal" under
him, drawing daily wages for harrying the whites. As the
Governor was at the head of the State Radicals, so was Wal
lace "high up" among the Federal officeholders, and the con-
fldential agent of his party leaders at the North and, as
Attorney-General Taft said, "supreme" with the troops. He
was to keep a watch, too, upon the other Federal officeholders,
deputed to keep them lashed forward to seize the prize of the
electoral vote and the Congressional delegation, and his exer
tions knew no bounds. This arrest, as I have said, was the
very reflnement of cruelty, for not only was the Aiken meet
ing a political affair but it partook also very largely of the
nature of a social function. General Hampton was being
welcomed by the men arrested not only as the leader of their
political movement but also as the honored guest invited to
partake of the warmest hospitality their homes could render.
The studied insult to hosts and guest involved in this arrest,
which could with equal ease have been effected at any other
time, was unmistakably planned for the purpose, as we have
I already indicated, of involving a contest with the troops, and

138 Hampton and Reconstruction
that it did not serve the purpose intended was due only to a
self-restraint that, it is no exaggeration to say, no man in the
world but Hampton could have imposed. Colonel A. P.
Butler, chairman of the meeting, was one of those arrested.
The State "Conservative" Executive Committee gave to the
country the true state of affairs, showing that there was no
"domestic violence" in the State, and General Hampton also
explicitly denied its existence. The Committee, under Gen
eral Hampton's authority, inquired of the Governor where
the alleged "violence" existed, and pledged the readiness of
the white population to act as legal posses under him to main
tain order there and elsewhere, but this offer was rejected,
in somewhat heated language. The Governor, on October
25, in a letter to the New York Times referring to Hamp
ton's denial, admits that the "civil officers had not been
resisted in the execution of the laws," but adds that "resist
ance may exist without being physical." So here again we
have the "telepathic violence" theory, and the admission that
troops were called for on that ground alone — not a lawful
one. A manifesto was also issued to the country signed by the
principal clergymen in the State, including those of all
denominations, certifying to the conditions existing and the
absence of violence, and that the contest, as far as the State
elections were concerned, was. not one of politics at all, but of
civilization represented by the white population, against
barbarism led by thieves and vagabonds, the negro and the
"carpet-bagger." This was published by the Democratic
newspapers at the North, and also by a portion of the Repub
lican press, and had much effect : it knocked hard, and not in
vain, for admission to the conscience of the people. It was
evident to the most careless reader, that if the accounts
emanating from the Eadical leaders. State and Federal, were
not absolutely untrue, then every clergyman whose signature
was affixed to this paper — and many of these names were
known far and wide — was a perjurer of the basest descrip
tion. In reply also to General Hampton, the Judges of the Su
preme Court and of the Circuit Court wrote letters, which

Hampton Elected Governor 139
were published, denying the truth of the Governor's state
ments to the effect that violence and disturbances existed, or
that processes of the Courts were resisted or obstructed, and
this information was all sent by Hampton to the President.
The bankers and capitalists did the same thing, and also men
of Northern birth resident in the State for business purposes.
From this time on until election day, the exertions of both
parties, already so manfully vigorous on one side, and on the
other limited by no law, human or divine, grew daily more
and more desperately strenuous. General Hampton seemed
everywhere at once, working day and night. The only effect
that the "proclamations," State and Federal, against the
rifle clubs had had, was to stir up increased armed organiza
tion, which for the safety of hearth and home was thus
demonstrated to be indispensable, if any further proof had
been needed. Heavy importations of arms and ammunition
were daily arriving, packed in dry-goods boxes, provision bar
rels, and other devices for eluding detection. Combinations
for action between neighboring households of even three or
four members would be made, where these did not already
belong to some larger organization. Every man of responsi
bility combined with some one else for self-preservation.
Eed-shirted horsemen traversed the lonely country districts
and seemed omnipresent at all the cross-roads. Democratic
negroes must be protected, and much they needed it, and if
this were "intimidation," then it was of such kind as law and
order always seem to be to the evil-doer. The joint discus
sions went on more vehemently than ever, but the "Conserva
tives" took care not to be caught in a trap such as had been
set for them at Cainhoy. The "Conservative" State Com
mittee endeavored to bring about such joint meetings at
which General Hampton and Mr. Chamberlain should speak
on the issuesj but the other side fought shy of this, as indeed
they always did, where possible, of all such meetings. It
was quite understood on these occasions that the Eadical
leaders present would be considered somewhat in the light of
hostages against a repetition of the Cainhoy affair, and a
meaning glance, a tap on the butt of a pistol exhibited, and

140 Hampton and Reconstruction
the remark, "It looks squally. If I go, you go too," have been
known to induce the party addressed to quiet his followers.
All through this campaign there were none more resolute,
untiring and courageous than the women. From the moment
that Hampton's name was flrst flashed through the land as
leader, until he was recognized as Governor at Washington
and the troops withdrawn, their enthusiasm knew no abate
ment and their efficient work no cessation.
One of the last great political demonstrations of the cam
paign was a notable celebration, a procession in Charleston
on October 30, led by General Hampton accompanied by
Senator Gordon of Georgia. All business was suspended,
stores and houses flamed in welcoming bunting and banners,
streets and residences along the route were crammed with
white and black spectators cheering, while many hundred
horsemen in column of twos, generally in red shirts, and a
large number of negroes, red-shirted and mounted on mules,
and thousands on foot marched to the music of the "Con
quering Hero," and similar strains. On an impressionable
race, and one with strong reversionary, spectacular instincts,
like the negro, a sight of this kind has a great effect, and that,
of course, was the motive for this display of strength.
It was from Charleston at this time that General Hampton
sent, by invitation, a letter to the New York Tribune, which
that journal published, as it said, "in justice to an honorable,
brave gentleman." The letter denied every charge that the
Governor had made about the existence of "domestic vio
lence," need of "troops" to preserve order, and other similar
matters, and gave a dispassionate statement of the situation,
which effected much good in the country.
A sufficiently accurate picture of the situation in South
Carolina during the decade preceding the events just related,
has been furnished in the quotations given from 'Mr. Pike and
Mr. Chamberlain. It will not be necessary to remind the
reader of the disagreeable details. He will remember that
everything which negro supremacy under the direction of
carpet-bag guidance, backed up by the unstinted assistance
ot the Federal administration during the last eight years,
I could do, had been done to break up civil society and resolve

Hampton Elected Governor 141
it into its elements. Legislatures, Governors, and State
officers existed only in name, and for the purpose of enriching
themselves by plunder under the forms of law. Life and
property, so far from being protected by their nominal guard
ians, found their greatest danger from these sources. The
courts were notoriously corrupt and incompetent, crime
under ordinary circumstances unpunished, and pardons, like
cotton, for sale to the highest bidder. Elections were a farce,
through the power exercised by the existing government of
fraudulently miscounting votes and stuffing the ballot boxes.
And now, after ten years of steadily increasing, almost in
credible evils, the white population found itself pitted
against the whole force of the State and Federal power in an
election, which anyone unacquainted with the situation
would have considered hopeless, and yet which the "Con
servatives" felt confldent of winning. Why should this have
been so? How could it have been thus? One would have
supposed that the disintegration of society would have been
so complete, that the disorganized units would have been so
scattered and remained in such hopeless, listless, segrega
tion, that emigration from the State by the respectable part
of the population would have left it within those ten years as
a hybrid community of the "carpet-bagger" and the negro.
Yet so far was this from being the result, so all powerful was
the centripetal force in the nature of the white race, so in
destructible the cohesive power in an Anglo-Saxon people,
that, amid this "darkest Africa," and because of it, they
were solidifled — ^instead of being disrupted — and within their
phalanx preserved the substance of civilization and main
tained religion and letters and the amenities of life. With
out police or militia, and worse than without them, they
individually armed and organized. By the compelling will
of an able bar and the momentum of long established usages,
the machinery of the Courts was made to serve after a fashion
for ordinary business between man and man, where the
negro and carpet-bagger were not concerned. Social inter
course went on almost as usual. Commercial transactions,
though greatly hampered, pursued the customary routine
and farmers raised their crops for market. There was

142 Hampton and Reconstruction
marrying and giving in marriage. More than this: the
necessities of the times drew out men of brains, courage, and
energy from their flresides, men who had never held office,
and looked down upon it as an avocation, and thus was given
to the community when the Hampton regime came such a
number of efficient public officers as it had rarely before pos
sessed. Why was all this so? The answer is, because of the
centripetal force, the cohesive tendency, the cooperative
hand-grasp of the principle of representative government.
It is in the life-blood of our race, an ineradicable instinct.
Fling such a people upon a new desert continent entirely
separated for a century to come from all intercourse with the
outside world, and after that interval you would find a
community equal to their fellowmen in civilization, though
it may be with different ideals. But subject an equal num
ber of educated negroes of unmixed blood to the same
experiment, and long before the end of the century we should
find the Guinea-coast race duplicated. If it has required
several centuries beyond a thousand years, assuming repre
sentative government to have had its origin in the feudal sys
tem, and with a receptive race, for it to acquire its present
fruition with us, how many thousands of years will be neces
sary for the negro, with no hereditary aptitude and strong
reversionary tendencies, to become imbued with even the
elementary principles of civil liberty?
The State and Federal elections took place on Novem
ber 7.
Throughout the rural districts the negroes came in mar
shaled masses, and were voted by their leaders like so many
sheep. They could very rarely read the tickiets, but obedi
ently took what were handed them. The chances for cheating
in their votes were much greater than for whites, and they
are past-masters in repeating, as they are very difficult of
identification, being generally so much alike in appearance.
Favorite weapons with them, where they had not guns, were
clubs through the ends of which were driven large nails, or
spikes projecting on each side, which resembled those used
by their African ancestors, and were probably the result
of reversionary recollection. In Charleston the streets,

Hampton Elected Governor 143
especially near the polling booths, swarmed all day with hun
dreds of negro deputy sheriffs and United States marshals,
with badges indicating their office, armed with ferocious-
looking sticks, and generally with pistols concealed beneath
their clothes, and plentifully supplied with liquor. No Dem
ocratic negro could be got to the polls, unless well guarded :
otherwise these deputies of the marshal would beat and chase
him away. In fact throughout the campaign the cruelties
exercised or incited against negro Democrats by the marshal
or his deputies were revolting. There were enrolled in negro
Democratic clubs alone some eight thousand members, and
this excited great indignation among the "trooly loll." Be
cause of the urgent need of securing the electoral vote, the
means practised were more extreme as time went on. There
were no collisions of consequence, however, not as many
probably as took place on the same day in most other States.
The order and discipline maintained among the whites were
complete, and the absence of disturbances was entirely due to
their self-restraint.
I relate the following incident because it illustrates "intim
idation" within my own actual experience ; not only that, but
official intimidation, that is to say, intimidation by United
States civil officers acting in their official capacity and em
ployed so to act. Of course there were hundreds of similar
instances. On the morning of the election day a negro, whom I had
been in the habit of employing from time to time as a boat
man on shooting excursions to islands not far from the city,
came to me with the information that he had twelve negroes
well in hand who wished to vote the Democratic ticket, pro
vided I personally guaranteed their protection. This I prom
ised. Isaac — this was the name of my man — "had a story,"
several of them, probably. I had missed him at one time for
about a year, and on again coming across him, inquired where
he had been in the interval.
"Bin in Columbia, Boss," said he, as airily as a young lady
might tell of her return from her first European trip.
"Ah, you have been working up there, eh?"

144 Hampton and Reconstruction
"Not wukin' thar. Boss," said he, proudly; "bin in de peni
tentiary, but dey tu'n me loose now."
"You have been there? And what for?"
"Jist 'case I killed another nigger on Jim Island."
"What did you do that for?"
"You see. Boss," — with a lamb-like look — "we was a'ter de
same gal."
As there was only a lady in the case, I added my "pa'don"
to that of the Governor, and took Isaac back into my good
graces, for he was reliable when not drunk — which he usually
was — and he had always been honest.
Three of my friends offered to go with me to the polls to
protect my voters. So we put the twelve in column of fours,
with the odd one, Isaac, behind (this position was assigned
him at his earnest request) . One of us went in front, one in
the rear, and one on each flank, and started with our voters,
who were well primed with "Dutch courage," for the polls.
Thirteen is said to be an unlucky number, and it proved so
in this case. All went well, our black army as bold as
Nubian lions, until we came within about a hundred yards of
the booths; and then a change came over the spirit of their
dream. They were spied by the United States Deputy Mar
shals (all negroes), conspicuous by official badges, armed
with formidable clubs, and known to have concealed weapons.
These swarmed around us, brandishing their barbaric clubs,
and fllling the air with blasphemy and threats. We paid no
attention whatever to their demonstrations, ignoring them
altogether, and marching silently on. Not so our negroes.
They were perfectly safe, covered by us, could not be got at
except through us, and the first attempt at that would have
been effctually quelled by our "peace-makers," for then the
moment would have come when endurance would have ceased
to be a virtue. But our Nubian lions had been transformed
into lambs. Their faces turned from black to greenish, yel
lowish, hideous hue, their sign of terror. However, we got
our black Macedonian phalanx (nearly all of it) almost to
the booths, when our intended voters could stand it no longer,
broke and incontinently fled, headed by Isaac, at a pace that
would have distanced a professional sprinter ; then the United

Hampton Elected Governor 145
States Deputy Marshals fled in the opposite direction. This,
it will be remembered, occurred in the year of our Lord 1876,
in the centennial year of independence, of independence from
tyranny, under representative government so-called, when
the slogan of the anti-Lincoln faction, employing these very
officials for the purpose of intimidating voters, was "a free
ballot and a fair count."
The returns were coming in all night, and as the telegrams
were posted on the newspaper bulletin-boards, the probability
of the success of the State and Federal Conservative tickets
gradually became a conviction, and the joy was very great.
At the North also the election of the Democratic Presidential
ticket was at first conceded by most of the Republican press,
as it would have required the electoral votes of South Caro
lina, Louisiana, and Florida to elect Hayes, and all those
States showed on the returns Tilden majorities. But almost
immediately a claim to Republican electors in the three States
States named was made, and measures were pressed to obtain
them through the returning boards. On the following day,
that succeeding the election, the riots were started in Charles
ton which have been referred to in a former page of this nar
rative. They were apparently not accidental, for all the
circumstantial evidence would point to design, and the fact
that no riots took place on election day, and not until the
following day, after it had been determined by Republican
headquarters at the North to claim the electoral vote through
the returning board, adds to the weight of the other indica
tions. Riots were started at several points in Charleston,
but the principal attempt took place on Broad street about
three hundred yards from where the police headquarters then
were, on the site of the present postoffice. About fifty or
more men were near the bulletin-board of The News and
Courier, when an attack was attempted upon them from the
direction of the police headquarters, the party being com
posed altogether of negroes, who were believed to be the same
as those acting as United States deputy marshals the day
before. At the first intimation that the attack was to be
made, a negro policeman, standing in the crowd about the
bulletin-board, fired his pistol twice among the bystanders.

146 Hampton and Reconstruction
and then fled down a narrow street running at right
angles, and thus escaped. No one was hit by his shots,
strange to say. His conduct was supposed to be the result of
previous knowledge of the intended attack. The attack was
repelled by the foremost of the by-standers, without any
serious harm to either side, as far as known, and after that,
but not until the street was clear of rioters, a large squad of
policemen emerged from headquarters, and marched down
the street in the direction of the bulletin-board with rifles at
the "charge bayonets." There would certainly have been
bloodshed, for the by-standers were in no mood to submit
to this proceeding, when two mounted men, dispatched
from "Conservative" headquarters, galloped ahead of the
police column, thus reaching the crowd before the latter could
come up and vehemently impressed upon every one Hamp
ton's orders to avoid at all hazards a conflict with the police,
which would be used as a pretext for violence, and therefore
do harm in regard to election returns. The principal rifle
clubs at once assembled at their club rooms. Colonel Hunt,
commanding the United States troops in the place, was com
municated with, and turned out his men to clear the streets
of all rioters and vagrant negroes, and invited the com
mander of a rifle club to have his men fall in at the rear of the
Federal column and thus march through the town, which
was done. This had a wonderfully quieting effect upon the
negroes, as it demonstrated to them that the white popula
tion and the troops were fraternizing for the sake of order,
while they had been told by their leaders to expect support
from the troops. It also very much incensed "Carpet-bagger"
Worthington, Radical Collector of the Port, who protested
against it, until silenced by the flrm, dignifled reply of the
Colonel. Worthington, however, reported to Washington,
and Colonel Hunt was within a few days, removed from com
mand, but his conduct doubtless saved bloodshed and, as
the electoral vote of the State was eventually secured, the
parties who planned the affair, when reason returned after
all, must have been glad that he acted as he did. During that
night the city was safe-guarded by foot and mounted patrols
of the clubs and the troops.

Hampton Elected Governor 147
As we have said. Colonel Hunt was removed from command
in South Carolina and transferred elsewhere at Worthing-
ton's instance. Hunt was a Colonel in the regular army, but
had the rank of general of volunteers during the war, and
was, I think, at this time brevet brigadier general. He had
been in the army all of his life, had married in army circles,
and most of his associations were there. He neither pos
sessed nor desired political "pull." At Gettysburg and on
other fields he had performed most gallant service with the
artillery and was, withal, socially and professionally, a man
of the very highest character. He had made a report on
November 27 of his service in South Carolina, including
the riots of November 8 in Charleston, but this report the
public never saw until late in January — too late to injure the
politicians — and presumably it would never have seen the
light at all had it not been for Hunt's causing it to be made
public, as a vindication of his conduct. In this report —
which is a long one, entering into details — he says that the
only disturbers of the peace during his command were Re
publican negroes and that Worthington circulated false
reports among them in order to inflame them to riot.
I think anyone, who will study this subject, or who will
even dispassionately read this narrative, will be compelled to
come to the conclusion, as I have reluctantly been compelled
to do, that there was a deliberate plot at the commencement
of, and throughout the campaign of 1876 in South Carolina,
by the Radical leaders there to stir up bloodshedding by the
negroes, which being resisted from motives of self-preserva
tion by the white population, would enable the Radical
leaders to flood the State with United States troops, embroil
the whites with them and the Washington administration,
and thus render easy the prevention of the canvass on the
part of the "Conservatives," and I am also compelled to
admit, that there is the best of reason for believing that
some of the principal leaders at the North of the party then
in power were fully privy to this plot. This is a grave charge,
for it was a horrible thing to have done, and no one is more
averse than the writer to be forced, by knowledge of facts,
to believe it.

148 Hampton and Reconstruction
CHAPTER SIXTH
The Campaign After the Election of Hampton
God is our guide,
No sword we draw.
We kindle not War's battle-fires,
By union, justice, reason, law,
We claim the birth-rlght of our sires
By law it was allotted to the Board of Canvassers of the
State to examine the returns and certify to the Secretary of
State the sealed returns for Governor and Lieutenant-Gov
ernor, and who by the face of the returns were elected State
Senators and Representatives. But the Board had no right
to go behind the returns, the two houses of the Legislature
being the exclusive judges of the election of their own mem
bers, and, after organizing in joint session, were to pass
upon and declare the election of Governor and Lieutenant-
Governor. But in this election, three of the five members
composing the Board of Canvassers were candidates for
reelection, and were therefore admittedly disqualified from
canvassing any of the votes, all the State candidates at that
time being voted for on one ticket.
The votes by law were to be and had been counted pub
licly immediately after the closing of the polls by the pre
cinct managers (two Republicans and one Democrat), who
then and there made statements of the results, and forwarded
them to the Board of County Managers, who from these state
ments made the proper County statements, and forwarded
these last, along with the precinct-managers' returns, the
poll-lists, and all papers appertaining to the election, to the
Board of State Canvassers. It goes without saying, that if
it were left to the Board of Canvassers to decide protests,
it could, and would "count in" whomsoever it chose, with
out reference to the votes actually cast. This was the way
in which it had been done for the last ten years, and that
was the programme intended by this Board, which was quite
as bad as any of the preceding ones. Of course this had been
foreseen and provided against, for otherwise the whole elec
tion would have been simply a farce. Congress, with a loud

The Campaign after the Election 149
guffaw, had passed the Reconstruction Acts intended to give
a "solid South" forever to the party of Thaddeus Stevens and
Morton, but he laughs best who laughs last, and the time was
coming for this latter laugh.
On the grounds above mentioned, the intervention of the
Supreme Court of the State was obtained. But with the cor
ruption and incompetency pervading the State Government,
it may well be asked how relief in the direction of justice was
to be looked for from the Supreme Court. It was for this
reason. The Court was composed of three members. Chief
Justice Moses, Mr. Willard, and a negro, Wright, who had
come early in "Reconstruction" from Massachusetts.
F. J. Moses was a Republican, it is true, and could not
otherwise have obtained the official position which he held.
Though the presumption of respectability would not be in
those times in South Carolina in favor of a resident mem
ber of that party, yet there were reasons why his was an
exceptional case. He had accepted the position, in large
measure, to prevent it from falling into worse hands, and
had in this the approval of the bar. He came of a family
long and favorably known in the State. His great misfor
tune, for which he merited pity, not obloquy, was being the
father of the notorious man who had been one of the Recon
struction Governors. The family of General Hampton had
been looked up to with great respect and consideration in
the community for a hundred years and more, and Moses
considered himself under obligations to Colonel Wade Hamp
ton, the father of the General, and for the latter personally
had a high esteem and admiration. In the contest raging in
1876 the side of right and the side of wrong could not be in
doubt to anyone with the facts daily before his eyes. More
over, Mr. Moses was not personally on good terms with Mr.
Chamberlain and his followers. From this it will be seen
that the Chief Justice could be counted upon in the present
crisis to follow the only course open to him, if he wished to
act justly and honestly, and that was all that Hampton
desired. Justice Willard had come to the State from the North, To
better his condition and succeed in life were doubtless his

150 Hampton and Reconstruction
creditable motives, but he seems to have come with honest
intentions. Imbued with the belief in negro poltical equality,
in which he had been educated, he accepted the sequence of
the blacks' right to vote and thereby, when in a majority,
their right to rule. But when these theories had been reduced
to practice, and the deplorable results were before his eyes
every day, he did what any sane and honest man must have
done under like circumstances: he changed his opinions.
Moreover he had a summer cottage in Cashier's Valley,
among the beautiful Appalachians of North Carolina, near
General Hampton's mountain home, and here sickness had
invaded his household. It is a good old Southern custom,
which nothing can extirpate, that when the faintest shadow
of the wing of the angel of death darkens a home, or
threatens an individual, not only is the bitterest enemy then
in the sanctuary of the temple, but- — far more than that — all
antecedents are at once forgotten, and human sympathy,
kindness, and help are poured forth unstintedly. And this
happened to Willard at the hands of General Hampton and
his family, and, fortunately for the credit of men and women,
such things are not easily nor quickly forgotten. The con
sequence was that Willard imbibed that personal feeling
toward the General which the latter had the faculty of
creating in all with whom he came in contact.
The third member of the Court was Wright, who was a
profligate, ignorant negro, and, as long as their money lasted,
to be counted upon to do the bidding of his Radical masters,
but his obstructive part in dissenting from rulings would be
practically nullifled by the other two justices.
The case before the Supreme Court was against the Board
of Canvassers (the Returning Board), who were represented
by Corbin, as counsel, although he was at this time United
States District Attorney. The result was that the Court
issued a mandamus commanding the Board of Canvassers
and the Secretary of State to declare duly elected and to
issue certiflcates to that effect to those who had received by
the returns the greatest number of votes for the offices of
State Senators and members of the House of Representatives.
This would enable the two houses to meet in joint session.

The Campaign after the Election 151
and open the sealed votes and declare the election of Gover
nor and Lieutenant-Governor, the Hampton party having a
majority of one on joint ballot and its popular majority being
over twelve hundred. This order would also apply to the
Congressmen elected, but subject to contest before the House,
of course. The Court also issued another order to the Board
having reference to the votes for Presidential electors, which
in effect would compel the Board to bring into court its
report on the votes for electors, with all official papers and
documents relating to them, thus making it possible for a just
result to be arrived at by the Court, and a declaration of elec
tion and corresponding certificates to be ordered issued by
the Board. But the Board had a member present in court on
watch and got wind of the issuance of these orders before
the official papers could reach them, and at once adjourned
sine die, thus ending finally, as claimed, their functions and
existence as a Board. Before doing so, however, they threw
out the returns from Edgefield and Laurens counties, and
issued certificates for the Legislature and Presidential
electors, based upon the thus fraudulently mutilated returns.
This would have given a majority in the Legislature to the
Radicals, with the power to "count in" their man for Gov
ernor, and would also give the electors to Hayes. It was a
smart attorney's trick; that and nothing more. The Board
could not terminate its existence, and at the same time per
petrate a patent fraud, while actually in the hands of the
Supreme Court supervising its action with the view of
preventing fraud. It was a bold proceeding, the result of
desperation and confidence of immunity from punishment
as in similar cases in former years, and in accordance with a
prearranged plot. Not only the control of the State govern
ment, but also of the United States government for the suc
ceeding four years, was trembling in the balance. The temp
tation was great and the telegrams from Washington impera
tive, and support from there was promised and given. On the
other hand, if the Hampton government could sustain itself,
and with it the Tilden electors, not only did political ruin
stare in the face the South Carolina Radical politicians, but
also personal ruin, and the penitentiary would yawn for

152 Hampton and Reconstruction
many of them, when honest courts were reestablished. It
is no wonder then, that they took this, and subsequent des
perate risks, for their game now made this course the lesser
peril to them. And the plight of the Northern politicians was
little less critical, as far as their political life was concerned,
and they could be counted upon for seconding their Eadical
workers in the State without inconvenient scrupulousness as
to means.
When the Supreme Court was apprised of the conduct of
the Board of Canvassers it imprisoned all the members for
contempt and subjected them to fines. Judge Bond of the
United States Circuit Court had, however, found it con
venient to be in Columbia at this time, although he had no
business to transact there until a week or more later. He at
once issued an order releasing the Board from custody. His
Court was entirely without jurisdiction in the premises, the
matter being exclusively between the State and its own
officers. This was so clear that he never even attempted a
justification, or excuse for his conduct. It was on the face
of it a mere political move, entirely outside of law, and quite
on the plane of the order of Judge Durell in New Orleans
against the McEnery government, the only excuse attempted
for which was a very shady one, the alleged drunkenness of
the Judge. But no explanation at all was vouchsafed by
Judge Bond, and his illegal act served to prevent the Supreme
Court from compelling the Board of Canvassers to perform
its duty under the supervision of the Court.
As for the consummated plot of the Board of Canvassers, it
was construed to stand for the action of the State in regard to
the Presidential electors, and consequently made Hayes Pres
ident. That is not an exhilarating thought for a patriotic
American. A State by the grace of Thaddeus Stevens and
Morton, unable, by the assertions of its own Governor, to
perform any of the functions of government, or to exist at
all unless sustained by Federal bayonets : a Eeturning Board
chiefly of negroes, notoriously corrupt and guilty of a trick
devised for it by others equally corrupt but abler than it,
which consigned its members to jail ; a Federal Judge block
ing the wheels of the Supreme Court ; a Eepublican majority

The Campaign after the Election 153
on the Electoral Commission declaring the action of the
Board valid on the strictest of "States' Eights" technicalities,
contrary to the merits of the case, and the will of the people —
this was surely a curiosity of politics.
It will be remembered that trouble loomed ahead in the
counting by the two houses of Congress of the electoral votes.
There were two sets of returns from each of the States of
South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, and a disputed vote
from Oregon. It was necessary for all these to be counted for
Hayes, if he were to be declared elected. The Democrats had
the House, the Eepublicans the Senate and President, and
"South American methods" were consequently feared by the
country. The Democrats, thinking their case safe, as any
one point decided in their favor would give them the Presi
dency, consented to the Electoral Commission Act, by which
ten members of the Senate and House representing equally
both parties, and four designated members of the "Supreme
Court, also equally divided politically, with power to choose
a flfth from the members of the Court, should decide all
disputed points. This was a revolutionary proceeding, but
was done doubtless for the best, and to prevent a possible
recourse to force to solve the riddle. But the Democrats were
out-generaled — not for the first time nor the last time. It
was understood that Judge David Davis would be the fifth
member chosen on the Commission from the Justices of the
Supreme Court. He had been a Eepublican of the Lincoln
school, but had not gone with the new ways of the party of
Stevens and Grant, and would certainly not have ruled all
points in favor of the latter, and would have been, in point of
fact, the umpire, as otherwise the Commission stood seven of
each party. Had he been on the Commission, Tilden would
have been President. But either the Democrats were incred
ibly stupid, or else there was bad faith somewhere, for on
January 25, after the bill had passed the Senate and the day
before it passed the House, the Democrats in the Illinois
Legislature elected Mr. Davis United States Senator, and he,
accepting the position of Senator-elect, resigned his judge
ship on the ground that he could not, under the circum
stances, honorably serve on the Commission, as presumably a

154 Hampton and Eeconstruction
partizan. This resulted in the appointment to the decisive
position on the Commission of Justice Bradley, who, when
the time came, cast his vital vote invariably in favor of his
party, thus giving Hayes the Presidency on "eight to seven"
votes on each occasion, as the points came up. The Justices
of the Supreme Court proved just as good party men as any
other politicians could possibly have done, but the fact of the
majority deciding the vital points on the "States' Eights"
principle cannot but be deemed a little refreshing by pos
terity, considering the source from which this reversionary
impulse so suddenly came, for they were not before that time
credited with having sat at the feet of Calhoun, nor were they
afterward. The Board of Canvassers had, at a former stage of the pro
ceedings in the Supreme Court, made a report to the Court
of the members-elect of the Legislature according to the face
of the returns, and this was matter of record. As the Board
had failed to comply with the further orders of the Court,
and had ceased to exist by Judge Bond's action, it necessarily
devolved upon the Court to perfect their duties left unper
formed. The Court consequently ordered its clerk to give
certificates of election to the eight members from the Coun
ties of Edgefield and Laurens, shown to have been elected
according to the returns. With these and the members certi
fied by the Secretary of State, the Conservatives had a
majority in the House, and a majority of one on joint ballot
with the Senate.
On November 28 the Legislature was to meet. But two
days before that time Secretary of War J. D. Cameron, in
accordance with orders received by him from the Executive,
ordered General Euger, then at Columbia, to "sustain" Mr.
Chamberlain as Governor "until a new Governor shall be
duly and legally inaugurated under the Constitution. The
Government had been called upon to aid with the military
and naval forces of the United States to maintain Eepublican
government in the State against resistance too formidable to
be overcome by the State authorities. You are directed
therefore to sustain Governor Chamberlain in his authority
against domestic violence until otherwise directed." General

The Campaign after the Election 155
Euger was ordered "to advise with the Governor and dispose
your troops in such manner as may be deemed best."
These are plain words with a clearly defined meaning and
purpose. "The Government has been called upon to main
tain Eepublican government"; by whom called upon? By
Mr. Chamberlain, claiming to have been reelected, and by
such men as Patterson, the "carpet-bag" Senator from the
State, a man admittedly a thief and, what is worse even, not
ashamed of it. "Against resistance"? Eesistance from
whom? Not only had General Hampton, whose word no one
doubted, and the Democratic Executive Committee, composed
of citizens of the highest character, and Senators from New
Jersey and Georgia, then at Columbia, and many others,
denied vehemently in telegrams and letters the existence, or
danger of "violence" or "resistance"; but so would, or had,
every other responsible man in the State cognizant of the
situation. Not only so, but it was well known, that Hamp
ton's policy was not one of "resistance" in the sense of force.
There could not possibly have been any mistake or misappre
hension. It was simply an attempt, by purely "South Ameri
can methods," to set up a usurping State government and
thus, by color of it, to increase the chances of securing the
electoral vote, and inaugurating a Republican President.
And we shall see in a moment that the programme thus
commenced was carried out on precisely these lines. It will
not serve to say, "Let the dead past bury its dead. We are
now a reunited country. Do not open old sores." It is not
the dead past. Precedents are never dead, but always live
on the record, vital, abounding in strength, ready to leap into
the arena unexpectedly, armed to the teeth, strenuous, with
drawn sword. History is "philosophy teaching by example,"
or, better expressed, is common sense teaching by prece
dents. What happened once may happen again, if unheeded,
and next time, perhaps, in Massachusetts or Ohio. There are
many "burning questions" that will be coming to the front
at the North, and the South has yet her "racial question" to
be tinkered with, at least a question made artificially "racial"
by the effects of the Reconstruction Acts and the Amend
ments and outside misguided interference with a conscien
tious people's best endeavors.

156 Hampton and Eeconstruction
On the evening of November 27, the State Capitol was
seized by troops under General Euger's orders, as directed
by Chamberlain. All semblance of civil government was thus
destroyed. At twelve o'clock on November 28, the "Conservative"
(Democratic) members of the House, accompanied by the
Governor-elect, Hampton, went together to the State House,
After some little delay at the entrance, they were admitted,
and proceeded to the Eepresentative Hall, intending to enter
there and organize in accordance with law. At the door of
the Representative Hall these representatives of the people,
acting in accordance with the spirit and the forms of repre
sentative government, were met by a corporal and a file of
United States troops in charge of persons named Dennis and
Jones, deputed for the purpose by Chamberlain. This Den
nis was without any official status, a "carpet-bagger" of very
bad character, who would have been in the penitentiary under
normal government. This individual instructed the soldiers
as to whom they were to admit or exclude. The way was
thus barred by bayonets against the representatives from
Edgefield and Laurens Counties bearing the certificates of
the clerk of the Supreme Court. Upon that their colleagues
all withdrew from the chamber, and read a solemn protest
against their exclusion by military force.
When apprised of what had occurred, a large number of
citizens from the town and adjacent counties, who had come
to witness the opening of the Legislature, became wrought
up by the outrage to an indescribable state of excitement.
They were not at all a mob of loafers or noisy boys, but men
of all ages and conditions, sober-minded, law-abiding. God
fearing citizens, who "know their rights, and knowing dared
maintain," the bone, muscle, and brains of the community,
farmers, merchants, artizans, lawyers, and physicians. For
ten long, weary, bitter years they had been ground down
under the heel nominally of negro supremacy, but in fact
by "carpet-baggers" supported by Washington; they had
been impoverished and insulted by thieves; harried and
maltreated by troops and deputy marshals; the demon of

The Campaign after the Election 157
the "nameless crime," unknown before, created by legisla
tion in their inidst, and lynching, the only punisher in the
absence of courts worthy of the name, let loose among them.
They had cried aloud to God in their agony from every
church in the State, and at length He had listened to their
prayer, and led by the greatest man who had ever trod the
soil of their State, they had, against tremendous odds of
money and force unscrupulously used, won an election, which
was to set them free. But now, between their liberty thus
won by the fair agencies of representative government, is
thrust the bayonet of military power directed by the miser
able creature, Dennis, whom no honest man would permit in
his kitchen. "South American methods" are substituted for
representative government. The pent up indignation, the
righteous indignation, of those ten years was seething in the
veins of these distinctively American men. And well they
knew their power, and that, at a word of command from
Hampton, the Capitol would be instantly swept clean of all
intruders. Armed, as always necessary in those times, many
of them practised in the use of weapons on famous Virginian
fields, they awaited, but not in patience, the order which
their hearts craved, and the murmur of the coming storm, at
first faint, like distant wind, was gradually swelling in
volume. The stern battle-scarred faces of middle-aged men,
the flushed cheeks of boys, the unimpassioned but resolute
features of the old were there, all inspired by a common
feeling. Mr. Chamberlain sat in the Governor's private room, and
by his side General Ruger; they heard the ominous sound,
and negroes now tallow-colored with fear, came running to
tell them of the impending danger. The Governor had "a
very unpleasant quarter of an hour," as the French say, only
that he compressed it into fewer seconds. At his suggestion.
General Ruger ordered an officer to seek out General Hamp
ton, and request of him, as a favor, to quiet the citizens. It
was indeed a hard thing to bring one's self to do — to request
Hampton to save them — but it was necessary, and they swal
lowed it. It shows, too, what perfect confldence they, as
every one else, had in Hampton's power to control the people.

158 Hampton and Reconstruction
and how baseless their former assertions of "domestic vio
lence." Hampton gravely and quietly complied with the request
thus reluctantly wrung from the Governor. Walking out
upon the steps of the Capitol, he addressed the people. As his
grand, noble flgure towered against the background of the
stately ediflce, complete silence fell upon the assemblage a
second before surging and murmuring in storm. The people
knew not what his coming meant ; it might be, as they hoped,
to give the order to clear the State House of usurpers, and
alert, but quiet, they grasped their weapons, every eye among
the throng fixed on his face in mute appeal and perfect confi
dence. It was a spectacle to witness, the "born leader of
men" at a momentous crisis. Once witnessed, you would have
known forever that there is a mighty psychic power, a spir
itual overwhelming force, which goes out from the soul of
one man in a supreme moment, mastering the wills of his
fellowmen. The words which he spoke were few and simple, with no
meretricious rhetoric, no vulgar attempt at oratory, no
catchy, sensational phrases. They were only the calmly
uttered wise words of a leader confident of himself and sure
of his people. He said :
"My friends, I am truly doing what I have done earnestly
during this whole exciting contest — pouring oil upon the
troubled waters. It is of the greatest importance to us all, as
citizens of South Carolina, that peace should be preserved.
I appeal to you all, white and colored, as Carolinians, to use
every effort to keep down violence or turbulence. One act
of violence may precipitate bloodshed and desolation, I
implore you, then, to preserve the peace, I beg all of my
friends to disperse, to leave the grounds of the Capitol, and
advise all the colored men to do the same. Keep perfectly
quiet, leave the streets, and do nothing to provoke a riot. We
trust to the law and the Constitution, and we have perfect
faith in the justice of our cause. I have been elected your
Governor, and, so help me God, I will take my seat."
As I have said, the silence had been profound from the
moment the General was seen on the steps of the Capitol, nor

The Campaign after the Election 159
was it different when he ceased speaking, except that one
could hear the muffled tread of hundreds retiring, as he had
requested them to do, without a word spoken. With a silent
assent and obedience, the most perfect tribute that man can
pay to man, that crowd, a moment before so fierce and threat
ening, melted quietly away, like little children sent home
from school, and all was quiet at the Capitol ; peace reigned,
but not "the peace of Warsaw" — the peace of Hampton. Not
the peace of "proclamations" and of serried ranks of troops
marshaled to prevent "domestic violence" by means of blood
shed, but the peace of intellect, conscience, and unswerving
will, as opposed to brute force.
When Hampton commenced speaking there was a fine,
tall, stalwart fellow from the country, evidently a leader,
standing near him, and to this man his words therefore
seemed chiefly addressed. It was a study to watch that man's
face. At flrst, before Hampton had begun speaking, his ex
pression was that of one about to engage in a life or death
struggle — eyebrows drawn down in a flerce frown, eyes steely,
lips firmly pressed together, and every muscle of the body ap
parently tense. When the first sentence was spoken the
frown relaxed, presently the eyes gradually lost that terrible
look, and when the last sentence was uttered the lips abso
lutely parted in a kindly, good-natured smile. "It is all
right," for had not Hampton said it?
The "Conservative" members-elect of the Legislature, being
excluded from their regular place of meeting in the Capitol
by soldiers, occupied other quarters in the town, and organ
ized the House, electing W. H. Wallace speaker.
Mr. Chamberlain's adherents, having obtained possession
of the regular Representative Hall through the intervention
of the soldiery, made an illegal organization of the House,
being without a regular quorum, which had to be calculated
with regard to the whole number of representatives. They
elected a "scalawag," E. W. M. Mackey, speaker. He was
married to a respectable colored girl — more was the pity
for her. The only thing known in his favor was that he
possessed physical courage, which was so rare among his
party friends that it conferred on him quite a prestige, and

160 Hampton and Reconstruction
was a valuable asset. A mandamus was applied for to the
Supreme Court ordering Mackey to hand over to Mr, Wal
lace, Speaker of the House, the returns received from the
Secretary of State, but the order was refused on the ground
that a mandamus was applicable only to a public officeholder,
and Mackey, having no official position in law, could not be
brought into court. This settled, by the decision of the
highest authority in the State, that the Mackey House was
not legal, was not the House of Representatives at all.
General Ruger, having discovered that Dennis had not
possessed even the color of authority for directing his squad
of soldiers in passing on the credentials of the Eepresenta
tives, expressed to General Hampton's friends regret for the
occurrence, which he attributed to a mistake. It was replied
that this expression of regret was gratifying in a personal
sense as a reparation for the affront, but that it left the prac
tical injury unremedied, and it was asked that he undo his
work, and let affairs begin de novo. This he did not in terms
agree to do, but promised that in future he would remain
neutral, and confine himself strictly to preserving the peace.
He was, in fact, finding his position of proconsul not without
its drawbacks. The newspapers at the North — all the Demo
cratic press and some of the other party — ^were denouncing
in unmeasured terms the usurpation of which he had been
the instrument. It was not so much that the Democrats
at the North cared deeply whether or not the Hampton
State government per se were maintained. As long as negro
supremacy at the South was merely to them an academic
question, not affecting their own interests, it was one thing —
indeed new and sensational experiments in suffrage, like
vivisection, may be quite interesting, where one is not the
subject operated upon — but the present was altogether an
other matter, one of practical importance to them, for the sus-
tainment or destruction of the Hampton regim^ might have
much to do with gaining, or losing the electoral vote and
the Congressional representation of the State. The Grant
administration would doubtless have hesitated long before
adopting this "heroic treatment," if it had not been that the

The Campaign after the Election 161
elections were now over, and there would be no more impor
tant ones for nearly two years, for the lesson taught by the
"landslide" of 1874 was not forgotten. Meantime General
Euger felt far from comfortable, and was asking for more
specific instructions. He did not wish to be told merely to use
his own discretion within the limits of the orders which he
had received. For, if there were trouble, his actions might be
disavowed by his superiors, and he find himself a scapegoat,
which had happened in a measure during the Louisiana epi
sodes alluded to, and he was aware that he would be person
ally answerable to the courts for fine or imprisonment, for
any illegal acts done outside of his military authority, as
proved by orders in his possession.
Relying upon General Ruger's assurance that there would
be no further military interference with the Legislature, the
Hampton members went to the Capitol on the morning of
November 30 and occupied the hall of the House of Repre
sentatives, Wallace and Sloan, the duly elected speaker and
clerk, taking their chairs. At the door of entrance had been
stationed a deputy United States marshal in company with
a negro without any official authority, but claiming to be
sergeant-at-arms of the Mackey House, which the Supreme
Court had decided had no existence in law. Afterward
Mackey, with his following of the black rump parliament,
entered the hall, and was much astonished and disgusted to
find the real House holding its rightful position there. It
appeared that he was not then aware of Ruger's change of
mind. Mackey demanded the chair, but his request was, of
course, refused. He then communicated with Mr. Chamber
lain, presumably to obtain troops with which to eject the
Hampton House, but not then obtaining this aid, after a while
drew up a chair near the speaker's desk, and called his follow
ers to order. It thus became a contest of endurance between
the real House and the pretended one of which Mackey
asserted himself to be speaker, but which had been pro
nounced spurious by the Supreme Court. Neither body would
adjourn lest the other should thereby gain an advantage, and
prepared to hold a continuous session day and night. There
was no disturbance or anything like it. The negroes of

162 Hampton and Reconstruction
Mackey, in fact, seemed — child-like in simplicity as the race
is— to think it a "huge joke," until they became very hungry,
and much envied the lunches sent to the "buckramen," who
good-naturedly gave them the leavings. But then, to the sur
prise of the "Conservatives," the mailed hand was again out
stretched to obstruct a legal and assist an illegal assembly.
Ruger sent a staff officer and informed Speaker Wallace, at
his desk, that the delegations from the counties of Edgefield
and Laurens would not be permitted to remain in the State
House after the hour of 12 M. of December 2. To this com
munication of General Ruger the following reply was at once
sent: "Central T. H. Ruger, Commanding U. 8. Troops in- South
Carolina,
"Dear Sir : We have just heard through Major McGinnis,
of your Staff, your order communicated to William H. Wal
lace, Speaker of the House of Representatives, that at twelve
o'clock tomorrow the members elect from Edgefield would
not be allowed upon the fioor of the House.
"To say that we are surprised at such an order, after the
explanations and pledges made by you to each one of us, is
to use very mild language. When the outrage of Tuesday
last was committed by the placing of armed sentinels at the
door of the House of Representatives, who decided upon the
admission of members to their seats, and when the provisions
of the Constitution and the decision of the Supreme Court
were brought to your attention, you distinctly and warmly
asserted, again and again, that your orders were misunder
stood : that you did not intend to have sentinels at the door
of the hall ; that you had not and did not intend to assume
to decide upon the legality of any man's seat or upon his
right to enter the hall. You were then reminded by us that
your guard received instructions from one Dennis, a citizen,
and partizan of Governor Chamberlain, to admit parties
upon his own pass or that of one Jones, and had, through
armed forces, excluded all Democrats from the hall until the
Republican organization was completed.
"You assured us again that such were not your orders, and
were told by us that, notwithstanding the perpetration of

The Campaign after the Election 163
this inexpressible shame upon our free institutions, and the
rights of the people, the evils could still be remedied without
violence or bloodshed by a simple withdrawal of your guard
from the doors of the hall, and that a majority of votes
decides all questions in accordance with law and the usage
of Legislative bodies. You stated that no troops should be
at the door and that under no circumstances would you
interfere, except there should occur a serious disturbance of
the peace. You affirmed your determination to exercise no
supervisory control whatever over the body or bodies claim
ing to be the House of Representatives. All this occurred on
yesterday. Last night, in a later interview with Senator
Gordon, you made the same assurances, and this morning,
after both bodies were assembled in the hall, you assured
General Hampton that under no circumstances would you
interfere, except to keep the peace.
"What now can justly measure our astonishment at the
issuance of such an order as the one just sent by you? There
is no breach of the peace, and no prospect of its disturbance.
You had it officially brought to your notice that absolute
good-humor prevails in this hall. We cannot refrain from
expressing the apprehension, that the fact that a number of
leading Republicans are taking issue with the legality of the
proceedings of the Republican House, has changed your
views as to your line of duty. It is proper that we should
say in conclusion that we relied upon your honor as a man
and your character as a soldier to maintain your pledged
position of non-intervention.
"The Democratic members from Edgefield and Laurens are
entitled to their seats by the judgment of the Supreme Court
of this State, and we have advised them to remain in the hall
until removed by your troops, that the issue may be made in
this centennial year of American independence whether we
have a government of law, as construed by courts, or a cen
tralized despotism whose only law is force. Let the American
people behold the spectacle of a Brigadier-General of the
Army seated by the side of Governor Chamberlain in a room
in the State House, and issuing his orders to a legislative

164 Hampton and Reconstruction
body peacefully assembled in one of the original thirteen
commonwealths of this Union. Respectfully yours,
J. B. Gordon.
Wade Hampton.
A. C. Haskell.
"Columbia, S. C, November 30th, 1876."
Of the signatures attached to the above letter, the first was
that of United States Senator Gordon of Georgia, and the
last of Mr. Haskell, Chairman of the Democratic State Com
mittee. On December 1 General Ruger sent a dispatch addressed to
either General Sherman or the Secretary of War at Washing
ton, admitting his original "mistake," but saying nothing
about the matter referred to in the above letter.
The country was apprised of the true condition of affairs
by telegrams sent not only by General Hampton but by Sen
ator Gordon and other well-known men, and so was the
President. On November 28 Mr. Chamberlain had sent to President
Grant a telegram stating that "the House [meaning the
Mackey black parliament] and Senate organized today,"
having "a quorum." To say the least, this was a misleading
statement, inasmuch as the Mackey assemblage had not a
legal quorum, and the Supreme Court decided that it was
not the "House." It could only be satisfactory to
Such as do build their faith upon
The holy text of pike and gun.
General Ruger did not carry out his announced programme
of seizing in the hall the representatives from the counties
of Edgefield and Laurens, but on the night of December 3 a
number of negroes were sent to the State House under the
name of a State constabulary force, and the next day Mackey
informed Mr. Wallace, the speaker, that the negroes, aided
by troops, would at 2 P. M. proceed to clear the hall of per
sons obnoxious to him. The plan was not difficult to see
through: the negroes would make the attempt and, having
been promptly kicked out, the wished-for "violence" or

The Campaign after the Election 165
"breach of peace" would be assumed established, and then
Ruger's troops would make the attempt and, if they likewise
were ejected, there would be a conflict with the United States
authorities, to bring about which had been the desire of the
Radicals for months past. But Hampton was not to be
caught in this way. So the regular House adjourned to the
hall in the town which it had flrst occupied.
On December 5 the two Chamberlain so-called Houses (i. e.
the bogus House and the Senate) met in joint session, and,
having thrown out three other counties in addition to Edge-
fleld and Laurens and thus "counted-in" Mr. Chamberlain
as Governor, proceeded to declare his election. They flgured
his majority, according to their approved method of "count-
ing-in," at about three thousand, but it would have been as
easy and as honest to have added another aught. It is but
fair to say here, that Hayne, the Secretary of State (a negro),
and member of the Board of Canvassers, had put himself on
record as voting against the throwing out of the votes of the
two counties, on the ground that all the evidence against
them was purely ex parte, and no other had been admitted,
but the other members of the board had voted unanimously
against him. Mr. Chamberlain did not deliver an inaugural
address in the usual form, but made a speech, intended,
naturally enough, for the country. It is hardly fair to crit
icise it after all the changes of the intervening years have
upset ideas then entertained by him. Gleaves, a mulatto,
and not more off in color than in honesty, was "counted in"
as Lieutenant-Governor, to succeed himself. He had been
complained of by the Governor during the last two years for
issuing pardons for infamous crimes during the Governor's
frequent absences from the State, and there had been pardons
issued for infamous crimes during Scott's regime numbering
579, in that of Moses 457, and under Chamberlain 73, and
how many thousands of criminals unconvicted and unprose-
cuted no man can know. The rest of the personnel of the
State government thus sought to be set up was in conformity
with this, and never at the darkest hour of Reconstruction
had there been a worse lot. Had the ship of state been really
thus launched she would have been under the black flag, with

166 Hampton and Reconstruction
a pirate crew, destined on a cruise of unparalleled crime on
the political seas.
As Mr. Chamberlain never succeeded in getting nearer to
being Governor from the election of 1876 than at this junc
ture, we can best examine his credentials here.
To begin with, he was not a de facto Governor at all. This
he himself asseverates again and again, in daily and hourly
telegrams and letters to Washington and to the country. He
leaves no doubt upon the subject, saying, what was perfectly
true, that he and his so-called State officers and Legislature
were powerless to perform a single function of government,
and unable even to remain in the Capitol unless maintained
there by United States troops. That settles the de facto
question, the most important, by far, of all.
He was not de jure Governor, because his title was founded
entirely upon the fraud committed by the Board of Can
vassers, and, as he was at that time Governor, and they a part
of his administration, their aid was quasi his own act, and
it is an elementary principle of law that no man can take
advantage of his own wrongful act. Besides this — and many
other disqualifying circumstances — the counting of the votes
for Governor was not legally done, because the Mackey black
parliament had been declared by the courts not to be the
House of Representatives and therefore incompetent to act
in joint session with the Senate, as was required by law.
Moreover, even with the Mackey crew, the joint session did
not have a majority of the members elected to the two houses.
Still more important, on the merits, disregarding technicali
ties and artiflcial legal niceties and sophistry, he had only a
minority of the votes fairly polled at the booths and fairly
counted, and even this minority consisted only of the votes
of ignorant or corrupt negroes and "carpet-baggers," the
mere receiving of which was a shame and degradation to the
very principle of suffrage. Under such circumstances it is
hardly supposable that the Washington administration
would have endeavored to maintain him, if it had not been
for the prize of the electoral vote. It could not abandon him
without weakening its position, until that point was settled,

The Campaign after the Election 167
and then, as we all know, it promptly did leave him in the
lurch. As for the Hampton party, it had a valid House of Eep
resentatives as conflrmed by the Supreme Court, with a
majority on joint ballot with the Senate, but it had not by the
returns a majority in the Senate. As the Eadical members
of the Senate refused to join with them in joint session, the
Hampton members found it thus rendered impossible to
count the votes for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor in the
regular way. They consequently did the only thing possible
and proper to do, for the State could not be left in the position
of having an executive who had been fairly elected by the
people, not inaugurated merely because the majority of the
Senate would not act. So the House, the regular one, met in
joint session with the Democratic members of the Senate,
thus having a majority of all the members of both houses,
and counted the votes, declaring General Hampton Governor,
and Mr. Simpson Lieutenant-Governor. This sufficiently
explains the purely technical grounds of General Hampton's
title. But on the merits his title was perfect. He had received
the highest number of votes of the people according to the
returns, having a majority of over twelve hundred, and had
also received the majority of votes fairly cast and fairly
counted. Moreover, this majority represented the suffrages
of the entire respectable, educated, tax-paying, substantial
part of the community, the brains, morals, and muscle. His
de facto right was perfect throughout the State, with the
single exception of the space in square feet actually occupied
by United States troops. A de facto title is the foundation
of all government, which cannot be regarded as a government
at all without it, and, with permanence and order main
tained, becomes a perfect title, even if in its origin totally
without de jure claim.
On December 12 President Grant sent six hundred more
troops to Columbia. Secretary Fish was reported as oppos
ing all the troop-sending programme, and threatening to
resign from the cabinet.

168 Hampton and Eeconstruction

CHAPTEE SEVENTH
Inauguration of Governor Hampton^ and Beginning of
His Administration
Ring out the old, ring In the new.
Ring out the false, ring in the true. — Tennyson.
On December 14 General Hampton was inaugurated Gov
ernor, and Mr. Simpson Lieutenant-Governor. The ceremony
was performed in front of the hall in which the representa
tives of the people had been assembling since they were driven
from the Capitol by duress of troops, as already related. The
Conservatives had by this time a legal majority exclusive
of the members from Edgefleld and Laurens Counties, as a
number had come to them from the Mackey rump parlia
ment. Unbounded enthusiasm prevailed and perfect good
order. Indeed the feeling, intense and ardent though it
was, took more the form of a devout "thank God!" than of
noisy demonstrations in the streets, and from church and
chamber thanksgivings were mingled with prayers for the
future of their own government, now their very own, and
Hampton, their very own. But good, honest jollity was there
also ; cannon boomed, flred by all the clubs, and rockets went
up, and rousing cheers. It was a beautiful, bright, sunny,
crisp day, such as can be had only at the South at that season
of the year, and the very earth and sky seemed to sympathize
with and participate in the general rejoicing. In the street,
before an immense concourse of people, a good part of whom
were women, young and old, of the highest standing, the
Governor delivered his inaugural address. His flne presence
and commanding appearance, and clear, calm, gentle voice
attracted all eyes and ears in the vast throng. After picturing
in eloquent words — every one of which found a response in
each of his hearers' hearts — the deplorable conditions under
which — as all knew but too well — their State had been suffer
ing for ten years, and the mighty struggle which they had
just made to rescue civilization, and condemning in language

Inauguration and Administration 169
fitting the deed the usurpation attempted through the bayo
nets of troops to defeat a people's lawfully expressed will, he
concluded in these words:
"A great task is before the Conservative party of this State.
They entered on this contest with a platform so broad, so
strong, so liberal, that every honest citizen could stand upon
it. They recognized and accepted the amendments of the
Constitution in good faith. They pledged themselves to work
reform and establish good government. They promised to
keep up an efficient system of public education, and they
declared solemnly, that all citizens of South Carolina, of both
races and both parties, should be regarded as equals in the
eyes of the law — all to be fully protected in the enjoyment
of every political right now possessed by them. To the faith
ful observance of these pledges we stand committed, and I,
as the representative of the Conservative party, hold myself
bound by every dictate of honor and good faith to use every
effort to have these pledges redeemed fully and honestly.
It is due not only to ourselves, but to the colored people of
the State, that wise, just, and liberal measures should prevail
in our legislation. We owe much of our late success to those
colored voters, who were brave enough to rise above the
prejudice of race and honest enough to throw off the shackles
of party in their determination to save the State. To those
who, misled by their fears, their ignorance, or by evil coun
selors, turned a deaf ear to our appeals, we should not be
vindictive, but magnanimous. Let us show to all of them
that the true interests of both races can best be secured by
cultivating peace and promoting prosperity among all classes
of our fellow-citizens.
"I rely confidently on the support of the members of the
General Assembly in my efforts to attain these laudable ends,
and I trust that all branches of the government will unite
cordially in this patriotic work. If so united and working
with resolute will and earnest determination, we may hope
soon to see the dawn of a brighter day for our State. God
in His infinite mercy, grant that it may come speedily, and
may He shower the richest blessings of peace and happiness
on our whole people,"

170 Hampton and Eeconstruction
The Governor then took the oath of office administered by
a judge of the Circuit Court.
And then the welkin rang with the shouts of thousands.
Men and women almost tumbled over one another to get a
hand-shake of their chief. They grasped one another's hands
again and again in a spirit of comradeship, which had been a
marked feature of the campaign from its inception ; all were
"red shirts" in enthusiasm — fellow-soldiers all. At length
they could no longer restrain themselves. Hampton was
induced to seat himself in a large armchair, and "most
potent, grave and reverend signiors," like boys once more,
caught it up on their shoulders and marched with him thus
enthroned through the streets to his hotel, accompanied by
the tramp of thousands of feet, and the mad cheers of men,
the air vibrating with the music of women's voices mingled
with the roar of artillery and the ringing of church bells.
What a different spectacle was witnessed at the Capitol
on December 5, when the contestants for the position of Gov
ernor went through the form of inauguration. The hall was
strictly guarded, the public carefully excluded, and there,
amid the black faces of the "rump parliament," with a
sprinkling of the palid, anxious countenances of "carpet
baggers," the solemn farce was quietly enacted surrepti
tiously. It resembled a funeral. It was a funeral: the
funeral of negro rule, crime, and humbug. A correspondent
of a Northern newspaper, who was there, tells how he shud
dered at the sight of twenty-five rifles stacked by the door
of the Governor's private room, and how sentinels paced the
corridors and passageways.
The inaugural of Governor Hampton was very well re
ceived throughout the country; with acclamations by the
Democratic newspapers, and with marked approval by all
independent journals, and was hardly less commended by
the Eepublican papers not the actual organs of the adminis
tration, and even these latter emitted very faint and quali
fled grumbles. The Springfield Republican said that "either
Hampton or Euger was Governor, for Chamberlain certainly
was not." Indeed it was a spectacle to chain the attention,
and fire the heart and imagination of an Anglo-Saxon people

Inauguration and Administration 171
wherever they might live, to see this one man, erect in the
majesty of a people's universally acclaimed leader, calm,
confident in the justice of his cause, confronting the whole
power of the local Eadicals and the Executive at Washing
ton backed by an unwilling army.
As Lieutenant-Governor Simpson was now inaugurated,
it became practicable to organize the Senate, which had not
before this been feasible by law. The prescribed practice
under the law was for the Lieutenant-Governor to organize
the Senate, and if there were vacancies, to issue writs of elec
tion to fill them.
On December 19, with a legal quorum, at a joint session of
both houses, M. C. Butler, formerly a very brilliant Major-
General of Cavalry in the Army of Northern Virginia, was
elected United States Senator for the term beginning March
4, 1877. He was destined to serve for two terms with dis
tinguished success and usefulness to his State.
After his inauguration. General Hampton requested Mr.
Chamberlain, his predecessor in the office, to deliver to him
the great seal of the State, and other appurtenances, but this
was declined.
At this juncture a Bill (in form) was introduced in
Mackey's "black parliament" the purpose of which was to
proceed against General Hampton and others for treason,
and under its provisions to arrest them. Nothing came of it.
Probably it was only an attempt to "intimidate" on the part
of Mackey, who, to do him justice, was the only one of those
"statesmen" who possessed courageous energy. The attempt
to enforce such a so-called Act would, of course, have been
ridiculous, and likely to have resulted in the consignment of
the authors to prison.
The notorious Whittemore, who had been expelled from
Congress because convicted of making a trade of bribe-receiv
ing for naval cadetships, was one of the "high-lights" of the
Senate, chairman of principal committees, and all that. At
this time, it appears, there were some bills of the Bank of the
State, which should have been canceled. He recommended
that in this instance (note that he was not a member of this
committee for cancelation) they be canceled with a stamp.

172 Hampton and Eeconstruction
which would cut through the bills, before they were delivered
to the committee, because, as he said, in the last case of the
kind the bills had been canceled with a stamp which ad
mitted of being rubbed out, and that the bills had been
treated in that way and used by "some one." This sugges
tion was received without surprise by the members of the
present, and previous, committee, who were among the
audience, not the slightest exception being taken to the
charge that the last committee had stolen the bills, and that
the present one would, if they had the chance, do the same
thing, as a matter of course. Every one knew that they would
do so, and why needlessly take the trouble to affect surprise
or an appearance of offense? There were hundreds of far
worse crimes committed, though stealing money held in a
fiduciary capacity is more base than burglary ; but the writer
quotes this case as illustrating fairly well the moral color
blindness, the utter absence of anything serving in the place
of a conscience, the bottomless turpitude of persons who had
not the faintest conception that a shameless thief is some
thing outside of the pale. It is almost inconceivable to people
imbued with normal ethics. And yet here was an ordinary,
every-day occurence.
There was, about this time, a case of real practical "in
timidation." Some gentlemen residing in Columbia selected
a bright, moonlight night for a fox-chase to take place not
far from the town limits. The fox usually commences his
supper-calls before dark in the afternoon and, if successful
in obtaining satisfactory hospitality, lies up long before
dawn of day, so that the earlier in the evening one starts on
the hunt the easier it generally is to strike a trail. On this
occasion a fine fox was soon trailed and jumped and made in
the direction of the town, followed by a large pack of hounds
in full cry, and men galloping after them yelling the hunting-
cry, which, it must be confessed, much resembles the old
Confederate battle-yell, which was derived from it. "States
men" awoke, and trembled in their beds. They had been for
long bawling in fun to President Grant, "Wolf ! Wolf !" and
now here sure enough was true "wolf." Some of them, as it
was credibly reported in the newspapers, incontinently fled

Inauguration and Administration 173
in their night-shirts (it was before the era of pajamas) to the
Capitol, seeking safety there with the "troops." It is cer
tainly and soberly true that great consternation was pro
duced among them, and intense indignation, when they
discovered that they had made themselves the victims of a
joke. This was "domestic violence" of the genuine brand,
no "telepathic" sort about it. But inasmuch as they had been
for so long wearing out the wires to the North asseverating
that their presence at the South was purely from altruistic
motives, an unselfish sacrifice for their fellow (colored) men,
it is a wonder that they did not welcome this apparent chance
for martyrdom in the good cause.
This reminds me, as Mr. Lincoln would say, of another inci
dent illustrating how "conscience does make cowards of us
all." There was a kind, good-hearted old gentleman in
Charleston, who had never killed anything larger than a
mosquito. But he would become almost always excited in
conversing about any subject which interested him, and as he
would warm up it was his habit suddenly to thrust hand in
pocket, and seize his handkerchief with which to wipe his
face. He was talking one day with a "carpet-bagger," and
becoming heated, mentally and physically, as usual, dove into
his pocket for a handkerchief, perceiving which the valiant
"carpet-bagger" waited to see no more, but broke in a run for
"troops," or some other sanctuary, thinking that a pistol was
being drawn upon him.
One of these "statesmen" — Tim Hurley — used to say that
he never saw a lamp-post but his neck commenced to hurt
him. He is probably about the only "carpet-bagger" who,
departing with the others, "as the swallows homeward fiy,"
in the following April, left behind him anything of value to
the community; he left some fair jokes. Among others, he
told one of his colleagues, a dull fellow, that, as fish was
brain food, he had better buy a whole whale and eat it all by
himself. In early January, 1877, he was presented by the
grand jury of Charleston County for corruption, fraud, and
official misconduct as County Treasurer, and ejected on Feb
ruary 2. He was one of the Hayes Electors.
Immediately after his inauguration, Hampton set about

174 Hampton and Eeconstruction
putting in order the county offices throughout the State, so
that business could get back into its normal channels. He
sent circulars to reliable, substantial citizens in the different
counties, asking them to name suitable persons for trial jus
tices and other positions, if the offices were vacant or occu
pied by corrupt or incompetent incumbents. When the
Legislature had first convened, legal steps had been taken
to enjoin the banks, which were State depositories, from
paying out any funds on checks or vouchers from any of the
Eadical State officers. When inaugurated, Hampton served
similar official notice upon them, but the banks were ready
to honor his official drafts, so that necessary funds were
thus made available. On December 22 a mass meeting was
held in Charleston, at which practically the names of all
those well-known in business and social circles figured, as
vice-presidents, and here by a unanimous vote the members
were pledged — and their action virtually bound the entire
community — to sustain the Hampton govemment in all its
branches, as the only State government. This necessarily
implied the pledge to pay taxes to that government, and to
pay assessments to none other asserting itself to be a State
government. The chairman, by instructions of the meeting,
sent the following telegram to Governor Hampton :
"The citizens of Charleston, in mass-meeting assembled,
send you greeting, and pledge your government their obedi
ence and support to the fullest extent, and denounce D, H,
Chamberlain as a usurper and a traitor to the State and her
laws." This action was followed throughout the State. By early
January the Governor was able to appoint receivers generally
for the taxes to be voluntarily paid, which were made as
moderate as circumstances warranted but were sufficient
for all purposes, and the collecting went on regularly and
smoothly. Meantime, a bank in Charleston, as well as those
in Columbia, advanced all needed funds. This proved to
be a killing blow for Mr, Chamberlain's bogus government.
It could raise no money. Its credit was gone. Its bonds
would not have sold higher than waste paper, and evil-
odored waste paper at that. Kimpton paid it a visit, but

Inauguration and Administration 175
to no avail. He it was who had been its financial Napo
leon in the times which United States Senator Patterson
had characterized as "years of good stealing in South Car
olina," but those halcyon days were gone, never to return.
Even the Superintendent of the Penitentiary refused to
recognize the contesting Governor's pardons, and that had
been a fertile source of revenue in the good old days. As
the "statesmen" were there "for what there was in it," gloom
pervaded now every face, white as well as "black and tan."
The contestant for the office of Governor was placed in the
position of "the penniless traveler," who "can sing in the
presence of robbers," as Horace has it ; that is to say, he was
"penniless," and there were the "robbers" sure enough, but
he found it doubtless no occasion for careless singing. As
for the negroes and mulattoes composing the so-called legisla
ture, they were even in a worse plight. Accustomed for the
last decade to regard a legislative session as a grand frolic
from first to last, free liquor and cigars, oysters and pates
galore at the expense of the State, and fun voting taxes to be
got exclusively from white people, and their "sal'ry" paid
in advance. But now starvation stared them in the face
since the Democratic hen-roost was debarred them; nothing
to eat but what they could steal from one another, and, what
was far worse, no whiskey to drink, where oceans had been
wont to fiow. "Dis ent no freedom," they could be heard
groaning. Christmas-time was at hand, too, and a darkey
with an empty stomach at such a season is indeed a pathetic
sight. They might even be reduced to doing a little, just a
very little, honest work for the "buckra."
No doubt some of the leaders had funds — ^probably not
within the State, for prudence is always advisable — but their
confidence in getting back anything loaned to the "govern
ment" was rudely shaken, and they themselves required
always cash in hand to purchase suddenly a railway ticket
North, if it became more "squally^" for recognized courts of
justice performing their functions were an abomination to
them. Friends at the North, who had sent them funds
freely enough during the campaign, now were inclined to
close their purses, or contribute very sparingly, for the

176 Hampton and Eeconstruction
electoral vote could now be not much affected by anything
further that they could do, and had to be fought out else
where. If the Eadical contesting State government would
keep up a feeble showing until March, that was all which
was required of them. At length, however, a limited amount
was borrowed from some one more altruistic than the rest,
and a little was doled out for most pressing needs, but the
poor negroes got nothing for their Christmas dinners.
Dennis, now breveted by common consent by his friends as
"General" for distinguished services performed under Euger,
as related, laid claim to several hundred dollars. At length,
with heavy hearts and empty stomachs, and an awful thirst,
these legislators adjourned on December 23 sine die, forever,
for "we shall not look upon their like again." Certainly they
went "down to the base earth" "unhonored and unsung," but
not, alas, "unwept" in one sense, for the havoc which they
and their predecessors wrought will be the source of distress
for years and years to come.
The Hampton Houses adjourned sine die on December 22,
having now assisted in putting the ship in trim and left the
Governor on the bridge, where he stood night and day.
Imperturbable coolness, and nerve; quick conception and
rapid execution; wonderful detection and measure of his
opponents' plans, and quick frustration of them ; untiring
faith and confidence of ultimate success; almost sublime
self-respect, proof of the most exalted courage, which enables
a man without sense of humiliation, to submit to indignities
when his nature yearns to resist ; all these qualifications for
their leader his people well knew he possessed. But the
intuitive wisdom with which he was gifted, which enabled
him, as if by instinct, in a moment, to arrive at a conclusion
obscured to others in greatest doubt, and yet always to prove
in the end right, and the quick grasp of intricate legal points ;
the accomplished diplomatic ability, which never erred;
these, I have been informed by those nearest to him in con
fidential transactions during this exciting period, often filled
them with profound astonishment and admiration. It was
as if supreme occasions with him brought to the surface
reserve power for the emergency, those occult, mysterious.

Inauguration and Administration 177
psychic forces, which rise for the moment above mere mental
ratiocination, and which the man himself cannot explain or
comprehend. On December 22 the New England Society of Charleston
had its annual dinner. The old Puritans of "Mayfiower"
fame might perhaps not have approved altogether of the
good cheer, the viands and wine, but the dinner had become
a custom. There being not as numerous descendants of these
worthy men in Charleston as in some other localities, it is
usual to bid to the feast a good many French Huguenots, and
even godless Cavaliers. General Hampton was invited on
this occasion in a very appreciative and complimentary tele
gram, but could not leave the helm to come, as he would have
liked to do. Of course, there were many speeches all about
or touching on the absorbing topic of the times, and all en
thusiastic in devotion to Hampton.
The old year went out, and the new year came in with
all the excitement in the State and country that anyone
could desire. Perhaps it may have been deemed a favorable
omen for honest government everywhere that Mr. Tweed,
who in South Carolina had so many disciples putting to
shame their master, should have been got in limbo a little
before this time and some of his fellow "statesmen" were
being proceeded against. It was encouraging at least.
Many were the speculations as to what Mr. Ferry, Presi
dent of the United States Senate, would do; how he would
construe his powers in the opening of the electoral votes.
Had it been then known, that he had conscientiously refused
to serve his party in the way that they desired, there would
probably have been no Electoral Commission. He had an
interview with the President on the last day of the year, and
it is supposed it was then that he confidentially announced
his decision.
At this time,' too, was forwarded to Congress through Sen
ator Gordon, of Georgia, a memorial signed by General
Hampton and Messrs. Simpson and Wallace and sixty-five
members of the House and thirteen of the Senate. It laid
before the United States Congress the facts of the situation,
the legality and correctness of the election, going into details

178 Hampton and Eeconstruction
to show clearly how the law had been conformed to, and
ending thus : "Wherefore your petitioners, unable to assert
their rights in the premises," pray Congress, "to cause ces
sation of the unwarranted interference of the military author
ities and the United States troops in the affairs of this State."
Hampton had written a letter, identically the same in
tenor to Mr. Hayes as to Mr. Tilden, so that whichever was
eventually declared elected would be accurately informed of
the legality and rights of the "Conservative" government.
The United States House of Eepresentatives early in De
cember had sent a committee to investigate and report upon
the election in South Carolina, and now the Senate also had
one in session in Columbia consisting of two Eepublicans and
one Democrat. Mr. Corbin, the United States District Attor
ney, was very active in presenting the evidence of irresponsi
ble negroes. It was currently reported and believed that
the price for affidavits was "a dollar fifty for one, or eighteen
dollars a dozen." If there was an incident of "freedom"
which was "a thing of beauty" and "a joy forever" to negroes,
it was the acting as witnesses and jurors, and an idle herd
of them was always in waiting around court-houses for this
purpose. The committee had with it two professional news
paper correspondents, who for the time being gave up their
regular engagement for employment by the committee, but
in fact busied themselves sending telegrams where they
"would do the most good." When testifying before this com
mittee, Mr. Chamberlain, under cross-examination by the
Democratic member, admitted that of $511,000 worth of arms
and ammunition purchased, and paid for by the State, only
one hundred and twenty-five rifles could be accounted for.
He admitted that when at the North in the preceding Septem
ber he had had a consultation with President Grant, Secre
tary of War Cameron, and other Eepublican leaders in regard
to introducing troops into the State; also, that he had never
called upon the white population to assist in preserving
the peace; that he made no attempt to arrest anyone con
cerned in the Hamburg and Ellenton riots; that the sheriff
of Aiken County had testifled that he, unassisted, could
execute warrants, and that no resistance whatever had been

Inauguration and Administration 179
made by the whites to the due process of law; also, that
every judge in the State, except one, had denied the allega
tions of his proclamations relative to disorder.
The way of the transgressor began to show signs of being
hard, for about the middle of January the Grand Jury of
Charleston County made presentments against nearly a score
of County officials for fraud and corruption, and at the same
period influential Eepublicans in some of the upper Counties
declared they would pay no taxes to the Chamberlain
dynasty, and urged their fellow Eepublicans to act in the
same way.
During the early part of January an anonymous letter
appeared in an Augusta, Ga., newspaper, purporting to give
"a leaf of history." It said in effect, that the Hampton party
in the election had virtually thrown overboard, by a quiet
"deal," the Tilden ticket, and that this accounted for the
State ticket receiving more votes than the electoral. The
reason in fact was that many Eepublicans could not stomach
the Eadical State ticket and voted for Hampton, while poll
ing their ballots for Hayes and Wheeler. An imputation of
this kind, involving treachery, and so contrary to truth, and
at variance with General Hampton's well-known nature,
would require in ordinary times no notice, but be treated
with silent contempt. But at that period excitement was
running so high throughout the country, and falsehoods were
so plentiful, that this one was deflnitely contradicted and
set at rest forever. General Hampton said :
"The writer has fallen into many and grave errors. I had
no agency whatever in Judge Mackey's visit to Ohio, and he
bore no proposition. No message came from me. He says so
himself. A proposition was made to withdraw our electors,
and the Democratic Executive Committee knew that I took
strong ground against it. A subsequent proposition was
made on the same subject, and this I also declined. .
Whether the canvass was a mistake or not, is not for me to
say, but I do say that I supported Tilden thoroughly and
heartily throughout. The Democratic Electors can speak on
this point, and especially General McGowan, who is referred
to, and who will, I hope, answer for himself. The 'leaf of

180 Hampton and Eeconstruction
history' has been so secret, that no one in the State knows
anything about it, and it is as utterly unreliable as 'history,'
as it is 'secret'."
In a letter from A. C. Haskell, Chairman of the State
Democratic Committee, dated January 16, more light is
thrown on this matter. He says, in substance, that when the
campaign was flrst inaugurated in South Carolina by the
nomination of Hampton, the movement met scant sym
pathy — or none — from the headquarters of Mr. Hewitt and
presumably from Mr. Tilden. It was more than hinted that
it would have an unfavorable effect on the Presidential con
test, and assistance was refused on the ground that it should
be reserved for the doubtful States. To this it was replied
by the State committeemen that the withholding of help to
be applied to the doubtful States was satisfactory, but that,
all the same, the canvass would be vigorously pressed in
South Carolina on their own resources. The letter says:
"Hampton made earnest, brave efforts for the Tilden ticket.
It is utterly untrue, that he did otherwise. . . . On the
night after the day of Chamberlain's nomination. Judge
Cooke and Judge Mackey called at Democratic headquarters
at Columbia, General Hampton being absent at Abbeville,
and declared their intention to join. They had been sup
porters of Mr. Chamberlain, but repudiated him now. They
did urge the abandonment of the national contest. They sub
mitted that it would not injure the Democracy, stating that
we were regarded as an embarassment rather than a beneflt
to the party (we had heard the same from other sources).
Mackey stated that the plan of the Eadical leaders was to
be passive for a time, allege that they were restrained from
canvassing from fear of violence; meantime to excite riot,
and violence among the colored race, cause bloodshed, and
thus invoke military interference. He expressed his con
viction, that such was the State and National plan, and
events have proved the correctness of this. Judge Cooke
conflrmed the views above stated, stating he knew of contem
plated riot and bloodshedding from conversations with lead
ing Eepublicans with whom he was allied up to that time.
It was resolved to do nothing until after consulting the

Inauguration and Administration 181
National Executive Committee. This was communicated to
General Hampton, and he decided that nothing be done
unless Mr. Tilden signifled that he wanted it done for his
own sake, the withdrawal then to be under protest stating
plot as laid down by Judges Mackay and Cooke, announcing
withdrawal because of intervention of military force to
rob us of the right to vote. General Hampton wrote to Mr.
Tilden through Mr. Manton Marble, and I to Mr. Hewitt.
Before any answers were received, Hampton decided it was
not wise, or proper. Tilden and Hewitt assured us that
we were not an embarrassment but an aid to the National
cause, and it was never again thought of. . . . Alone
our victory would have been a plaything, but together with
the National Democracy, we bore the brunt of the force of
the administration — State and National — canvassed under
the watchful eyes of the professional detectives, who were
backed by bristling bayonets ; voted over the bayonet's point ;
we won from the enemy 15,000 to 17,000 votes and carried
the State for Tilden, as well as Hampton. If there has been
a champion for Tilden, it has been Hampton."
The following is the material portion of Hampton's letter
to Tilden through Marble :
"There is no doubt of it [the election] being carried for
our State ticket, for our opponents would gladly agree to let
us elect our men, if we withdrew from the Presidential con
test. Of course we are most anxious to aid in the general
election, but you can understand our solicitude as to how we
can best do this. If our alliance is a load, we will unload.
If our friends desire us to carry on the contest, as begun,
we shall do so."
To this Marble wired Haskell :
"It is agreed here that your friend's persistence and his
present efforts and plans are wise and advantageous."
I do not like to refer to personal incidents — it seems ego
tistical ; but generalities are not so convincing as the relation
of things within one's personal knowledge. And I am still
hearing from time to time of the debt of gratitude due from
the people of this State and section for substantial assistance
rendered to them from the outside in the campaign of 1876.

182 Hampton and Eeconstruction
Does this look like it? Or does it savor of treason to Tilden?
A very few days before the election — on the Thursday or
Friday, I think, before the momentous Tuesday — F. W. Daw
son, editor of the Charleston News and Courier, and at that
time a member of the Democratic National Executive Com
mittee, came to my office and showed me a telegram just
received by him — in cipher, if I remember aright — from head
quarters, stating that it was absolutely necessary to raise
more money for presidential election expenses at the North,
and that |5,000 had been apportioned to Charleston to raise.
I gave him a check from my firm for |100, which was all that
we could afford at the time, being very far indeed from multi
millionaires, and having already spent over fl,000 for the
cause — chiefiy for arms and ammunition — and knowing well
that we should have to expend more. The f 5,000 were raised
and sent.
On January 18 the joint committee of the House and
Senate of the United States made their report suggesting an
Electoral Bill, which was generally received with satisfaction
in Congress and by the country. Messrs. Morton, Cameron,
and Sherman opposed it vigorously. It passed the Senate on
January 25, and the House a day after. On March 2 Hayes
was declared elected. Meantime matters remained unsettled
in South Carolina, as far as Federal interference was con
cerned, but were becoming daily more normal as to local
government. In the latter part of January the city of Green
ville, through a public meeting, denounced Chamberlain "for
attempting to trample on the liberties of the people," and
pronouncing the Tax Bill of his Legislature "null and void,"
and pledging the County to pay the Hampton taxes, and
none other. Eepublicans in the upper counties also refused
to pay the Chamberlain taxes.
A case was got up for the Supreme Court to obtain a de
cision as to the legality of Hampton's title. A convict was
pardoned by Hampton, and then the Superintendent of the
Penitentiary refused to recognize the pardon, and the case
went to the Supreme Court on habeas corpus. Before it was
decided. Chief Justice Moses became ill, and did not recover,
but eventually died. During his illness the remaining judges

Inauguration and Administration 183
werie Mr. Willard and the negro Wright. Unless they agreed,
no decision could be arrived at. Wright was receiving his
salary monthly from the Hampton government, the Cham
berlain "dynasty" having no funds to pay to anybody, and
being very much put to it, and obliged to make private loans
to keep their heads above water. So it was Wright's interest
to continue to receive his pay. Moreover he was — among
other things — a great gambler, and his friends, the "states
men," could beat the "heathen Chinee" in holding aces, so
that he nearly always lost, and had nothing to fall back upon.
But his friends "wined him and dined him" incessantly at
this period, to keep him from agreeing with Mr. Willard.
His "church sisters" brought him more and more liquor, and
prayed and wept over him incessantly. At length he got
what they termed the "delirious freemens," and was laid up
for a fortnight. However, before succumbing to this mys
terious malady, he signed an order in connection with Judge
Willard releasing the convict, thus adjudicating Hampton
Governor. Before doing so, he stipulated that the order
should not be filed for two days, "because," he said, "it will
seriously endanger my personal safety, if not my life, at the
hands of persons of my own race and party." He came to
Hampton and informed him that he feared that he would
be driven out of the State by persons of his own color, but
the General told him not to be at all alarmed, and that, if he
should be "driven out," he would go along with him. After
ward he wished to withdraw his signature, but it was too
late, and so this profound jurist went on another spree, dis
appearing altogether for a fortnight. The Hampton govern
ment was now recognized by all the Circuit Judges, and
affairs began to become normal in the courts.
Commissions were issued to militia officers, and a consid
erable force thus organized from the rifie clubs, and they
were a very much better class of troops than ordinary militia.
Everywhere patiently working untiringly day and night,
Hampton was gaining, Chamberlain weakening. Even Presi
dent Grant said, if Chamberlain could not collect taxes and
sustain himself, he could not be maintained by the whole
army of the United States.

184 Hampton and Eeconstruction
Before the select committee at Washington considering
the President's message in regard to the use of troops in
the Southern States at the elections, called for by previous
action of the House, A. C. Haskell testified that there was no
insurrection, or threatened disturbance in South Carolina
before, or after the late election calling for the interposition
of troops. He saw Federal soldiers on guard at the State
House inspecting the certificates of the members of the Gen
eral Assembly. The officers of the army took their instruc
tions from and acted under orders of O. A. Jones, private
secretary for Chamberlain. The Legislature was organized
by United States soldiers in the interest of Chamberlain.
Mr. Eobertson, one of the Eepublican United States Sen
ators from South Carolina, said in the Senate, speaking on a
resolution introduced by General Gordon, of Georgia, to
recognize Hampton as Governor, that there had been no
intimidation by whites on election day, and very little during
the campaign, but that there was great and incessant intimi
dation by Eadical negroes of other negroes, and also that
there were very many more fraudulent votes cast by the
Eepublicans than by the Democrats. He cited details show
ing some 3,000 bogus Chamberlain votes polled in Beaufort
County, a negro stronghold. He favored the recognition of
Hampton as inevitable and in the interests of peace and
order. Even The National Republican (extreme Eadical organ)
came out in the latter part of February for fraternity, "bury
ing the hatchet," and "letting the South alone."
On February 20 a thing occurred which had much better
not have occurred. The Hampton militia were arranging to
parade in Columbia and Charleston on Febraury 22, Wash
ington's Birthday. The personnel was the same as that of
the former rifle clubs. Lieutenant-Colonel Black, Eighteenth
Infantry, stationed at Columbia, in the Capitol, sent to the
Hampton authorities the following communication — very
reluctantly sent it — quoting the Secretary of War's exact
words :
"His Excellency, the President of the United States,
directs me to notify you, that the members of the so-called

Inauguration and Administration 185
rifle clubs, who under his proclamation of 17th October last
were instructed to disband, are not to make any public
demonstration, or parade, on 22nd instant, as is said to be
contemplated." He added, "My orders require me to see that
no such parade takes place."
When this was received, a messenger was on the way from
Hampton to invite Black's Eegiment to lead in the parade,
and this much embarrassed the latter, who was an unwilling
instrument. Governor Hampton on this issued the following proclama
tion: "Executive Chamber,
"Columbia, S. C, Feb. 20, 1877.
"His Excellency, the President of the United States, hav
ing ordered that the white militia companies of the State
shall not parade on 22nd instant to celebrate Washington's
Birthday; in deference to the office he holds, I hereby call
upon these organizations to postpone to some future day
this manifestation of their respect to the memory of that
illustrious President whose highest ambition it was, as it was
his chief glory, to observe the Constitution, and to obey the
laws of his country. If the arbitrary commands of a Chief
Magistrate, who has not sought to emulate the virtues of
Washington, deprives the citizens of the State of the privi
lege of joining publicly in paying reverence to that day so
sacred to every American patriot, we can at least show by
our obedience to constituted authority, however arbitrarily
exercised, that we are not unworthy to be the countrymen of
Washington. We must, therefore, remit to some more auspi
cious period, which, I trust, is not far distant, the exercise of
our right to commemorate the civic virtues of that unsullied
character, who wielded his sword only to found, and perpet
uate, that American Constitutional liberty which is now
denied to the citizens of South Carolina.
"Wade Hampton^ Governor."
The action of the President was received with an almost
universal condemnation from the journals of both parties at
the North, and Hampton's proclamation was approved with
out dissent. It was pointed out that the President had no

186 Hampton and Eeconstruction
more lawful power to prohibit a Washington Birthday
parade in Columbia and Charleston, than to do the same
thing in New York or Boston. It was noted, too, that the
negro militia had not been forbidden to parade until after
ward. There were many heated comments by members of
both parties at the North. One Northern newspaper asked :
"What is the reason for this barrack-room order in time of
peace? Is it because Washington was a Southerner? Is it
sought to treat his memory with disrespect because he always
acted strictly within the law? Are we to be ordered not to
celebrate the birthday of Abraham Lincoln because he, too,
was of Southern birth, and a respecter of law and liberty?"
In fact special significance was attached to the incident — ^it
makes so much difference whose ox is gored. Intense excite
ment was prevailing all over the country, attention being
absorbed by the Electoral Commission now in session, and
every hour, almost every minute, was bringing important
reports, sometimes true, as often false. Morton (Thaddeus
Stevens's old running-mate) and his party had bitterly op
posed the passage of the Electoral Bill, and their threats were
now audible of non-submission to its findings, if unfavorable
to their interests. It was well-known, that this faction of the
dominant party would stop at nothing and had infiuence over
the Executive, and there were observed — or imagined — cer
tain ominous movements of troops, which many people feared
might indicate the purpose of a coup d'etat. There can be no
doubt that this feeling of unrest and dread exercised a certain
duress — unconsciously to themselves, perhaps — upon the
action of the Electoral Commission. So when this order con
trolling State militia was flashed upon the public — without
any plausible explanation — it added to the apprehensions,
which were filling the air. It was understood that the Ex
ecutive had said that, in the event of there not being a new
President inaugurated on March 4, he would hold over,
whereas, it was contended that he should yield the place to
Mr. Ferry, the President of the Senate, a civilian and a
moderate man not bound to any faction, although a Repub
lican.

Inauguration and Administration 187
But whatever the effect on others, the incident greatly con
tributed to Hampton's credit, for his dignity and forbear
ance and perfect manliness in the treatment of the matter
could not but excite general admiration.
One of the very agreeable accompaniments of this affair
was the spontaneous burst of warm-heartedness from the
Georgia militia. They all sent by telegram the kindest of
invitations to the South Carolina militia, obstructed illegally
in their own State, to join them in parading on Washington's
Birthday. This, together with all the valuable assistance
during these trying times so freely rendered by Senator
John B. Gordon, left a deep impression.
Bloodshed, accompanied by the old slogan of "rebellion,"
would, in the hysterical state of the public mind, have been
a most valuable asset to the political heirs of Thaddeus Ste
vens. To this fact the order owes its origin in all probability.
But, whatever the real cause may have been, there can be no
doul3t that it was the strongest provocation to bloodshed that
could have been devised. Remember, that this people had
been for ten long and weary years suffering the tortures of
the damned in an inferno of chaos combined with despotism
such as their Anglo-Saxon race had never experienced. Bear
in mind, that by their unaided exertions, and with but scant
sympathy, even from the outside, they had exacted from fate
their redemption, for the election and installation of the
Governor of their choice were now certain, and it was also
generally known that with the inauguration of either Hayes
or Tilden the Southern policy of the Washington adminis
tration would become humane and patriotic. And thus, after
a decade of black night, full of miseries, horrors and delirious
dreams, they felt that the glorious sunrise was near at hand ;
* * it had not yet come, but already the light of gray dawn
was transforming their world from a hideous prison-pen into
a thing of beauty to their eyes— pleasant glimpses of the
future were opening up through the vistas. And now comes
this unprovoked blow in the face. The manhood in them
cried out against abject submission to an edict no more
morally or legally justifiable than would be a similar one

188 Hampton and Reconstruction
addressed to the English people by the Sultan of Turkey for
bidding them to do honor to the birthday of Queen Victoria.
What! Had not they before that been "proclaimed"? Had
the rifle-clubs been thereby "dispersed"? Had it not, on the
contrary, proved a bugle-blast calling to the front every man
worthy of the name, armed to the teeth? Was the soldiery
now to attack the people peacefully and lawfully assembled?
A hoarse, ominous murmur from the people became audible,
which might well have burst into a deafening roar, drowning
all expostulation, but the merciful God of Peace spoke from
the lips of Hampton, "Submit yet awhile." Bloodshed was
thus prevented, quiet restored, as it had been by his few
calmly uttered words at the State House in Columbia in
that impressive scene, which I have already attempted to
describe. On February 27, a letter signed by Messrs. Stanley
Mathews and Charles Foster, close personal friends of Mr.
Hayes, was given to Senator John B. Gordon, of Georgia,
outlining what the Southern policy of Mr. Hayes would be,
if declared President. The Southern States were to be
allowed to control their own affairs without Federal inter
ference. On March 4, Mr. Hayes, the decision of the Electoral Com
mission in his favor having been acquiesced in after some
demur, was duly inaugurated, and the country breathed
freely once again. He was recognized as an upright man,
who would endeavor to do his duty and obey the Constitu
tion and the laws. He was not the choice of the people, as by
the popular vote he was in a very decided minority, nor had
he fairly received a majority of the real electoral vote, but,
as far as he was concerned, his title was honorably based
upon the decision of the Electoral Commission. But the very
fact of his title being unique and not derived from the people,
would naturally, on a conscientious man, such as he certainly
was, have a sobering and steadying effect and keep him, it
was felt, within the law. This proved true, and it was high
time that the country should come to its old safe moorings,
or wreck was ahead.

Inauguration and Administration 189
At flrst the Radical party in South Carolina had hoped
against hope from the inauguration of Mr. Hayes, but its
members almost immediately "gave in" and tried to make
peace for themselves with "the powers that be." Mr. Cham
berlain was fast being stranded alone among the Federal bay
onets at the Capitol. On March 6 Stanley Mathews, after
consultation with Haskell at Washington, wrote a letter to
Chamberlain broadly though politely suggesting that he had
better give up the contest. Mr. Evarts wrote a polite mes
sage on the letter, saying that he had read it. This was a
shot between wind and water to an already practically
sunken craft. Mr. Chamberlain replied, as he naturally
would, from his standpoint, and no fault can be found with
that, but added unnecessarily, it was thought, some words
that when known gave offense. They were :
"I have been exposed to personal danger by day and night
constantly for five full months, and I am wearied to death."
The fact of his having been in any personal danger was
indignantly denied. It was pointed out, in the first place,
that he had been at liberty to leave at any time he chose, and
remained only for his own personal interests; that he had
been constantly guarded while in the State House by United
States troops, and his residence watched by the "State con
stabulary" and detectives, while all the white population of
the State had only themselves to rely upon for protection,
and were surrounded by troops and negroes stirred up to
turbulence. If, therefore, it was contended, he was "wearied
to death," they themselves could be excused for having
nervous prostration. But still more loudly they exclaimed,
that, whatever faults had been justly or unjustly laid at the
door of the Southern people, no one had ever imputed cow
ardice to them, and that assassination was the quintessence
of cowardice. They pointed out that the Reconstruction
Acts had created many and untold evils — among others, rape
and lynchings — but that even those Reconstruction Acts had
never been able to naturalize assassination, which was held
in immeasurable contempt and loathing.
There is but a step, it is said, from the sublime to the
ridiculous, and of this one is reminded by some of the straits

190 Hampton and Reconstruction
to which Mr. Chamberlain was put toward the end of his
political existence. He had by that time ceased to be a trage
dian in the eyes of the public, and had become involuntarily
a light and airy comedian. Our Nemesis can find few crueler
instruments of torture than the lash of ridicule — many men
in misfortune would rather be shot at than laughed at. Not
only had Mr. Chamberlain's castles in Spain collapsed in
ruins, "the cloud-capp'd towers, the gorgeous palaces"
"melted into air, into thin air," the "unsubstantial pageant
faded," leaving "not a rack behind." This was bad enough,
but might be borne with more or less equanimity, if the ele
ment of self -supposed dignity had not also "faded" "like the
baseless fabric of this vision." To be reduced from the heroic
rol§ acclaimed throughout Stevensdom of champion of "the
rights of man," defender of "a free ballot and a fair count"
(or was it only a free count?), and changed into a political
mendicant, locked out of the tills of the taxpayers, and com
pelled to buttonhole in vain for loans every one whom he
could think of ; after having long been "clothed in purple and
fine linen and fared sumptuously every day" at the expense
of his neighbors, to be reduced to the "cold wittles" of a
defeated "statesman," and to be deafened by the unavailing
clamors of his "faithful few" for "change" for market and
wails for drink, and the "bar'l" empty ; to be gravely reproved
and even vilified by former Northern friends, who had been
until lately hounding him on to obtain the electoral vote at
any price of criminality; after leaving for the last time the
State House, and alone, deserted by all, driving through
unfrequented, silent streets in a hired hack to his temporary
home, to realize that he must for the first time pay the fare
out of his own pocket instead of as formerly from the public
treasury — all this, and much more like it, must have been
very trying indeed, and the best that he could hope for from
the public was, not sympathy, but a smile of amusement. It
is one thing to imagine one's self, when "the jig is up," a
Roman hero falling on his sword, and quite another to know
one's self to be, in plain English, only a defeated and offi
cially "hard-up" politician (officially "hard-up" only, of
course, for naturally there would be treasures laid up, not in

Inauguration and Administration 191
Heaven, perhaps, but at the North, in safety from molesta
tion). If it were not for fear of being accused of undue
levity, I should be inclined to "size up" the situation by quot
ing a unique epitaph, the appreciative tribute to the stren
uous but unfortunate deceased :
"He done his d — dest, and no one can't do no more."

192 Hampton and Reconstruction
CHAPTEE EIGHTH
President Hayes Eestores Constitutional Government
Peace In the crowded town,
Peace in a thousand fields of waving grain.
Peace in the highway and the fiowery lane.
Peace on the windswept down !
Peace on the farthest seas,
Peace in our sheltered bays and ample streams.
Peace whereso'er our starry garland gleams.
And peace in every breeze !
Peace in the whirring marts.
Peace where the scholar thinks, the hunter roams.
Peace, God of Peace, peace, peace. In all our homes.
And peace in all our hearts ! — Henry Timrod.
As time went on after Mr. Hayes's inauguration, impa
tience began to be manifested with the delay in carrying out
the promised withdrawal of troops. It had always been the
fixed intention of the community never again to submit to
negro rule. They had fairly and squarely elected their own
government, and it was now in working order. They would
exhaust all peaceable legal means to regain their rights, but,
failing that, in the end they would render it necessary to
establish and permanently sustain absolute military govern
ment administered by white men; either real representative
government or the naked bayonet, but never again the negro
as ruler. No question but that Mr. Hayes was acting in good
faith, but great impediments were sought to be put in his
way by the faction in his own party hostile to him, and then
the Louisiana problem was not yet settled. Hayes tenta
tively put out the proposition to Hampton which had already
been made to him by Eadicals in the State — to have ainother
election and abide by the result. The Governor replied that
he would consent to this, provided Mr. Hayes would agree to
abide by the result of another Presidential election, but not
otherwise. Then a commission, somewhat the same in prin
ciple as the electoral one, was proposed, but this was also
declined.

Constitutional Government Again 193
The newspapers at the North began to criticize Mr. Hayes
pretty severely for not acting. So on March 23 he wrote a
very friendly letter to Hampton asking him, if convenient, to
pay him a visit in Washington to talk matters over, and the
General wrote on March 26 that he would accept the invita
tion. He briefly explains in his letter to Hayes the situation,
and says: "I give the assurance that no proscription shall
be exercised here on account of political opinions; that no
discrimination shall be made in the administration of justice,
and that all citizens of both parties and both races shall be
regarded and fully protected by and amenable to the laws."
Hayes also wrote inviting Mr. Chamberlain to come on to
see him, which he did.
So Hampton went to Washington, accompanied by General
M. C. Butler. A committee of citizens of Charleston inter
ested in commercial matters also went on to Washington to
confer with the President.
Hampton's trip was one continuous ovation. At every rail
way station a crowd was present, when the train stopped, to
express the admiration of the people. Seldom, if ever, has
such a genuine, spontaneous, popular outburst been wit
nessed. It was not confined to places in his own State; the
feeling was equally appreciative in North Carolina and Vir
ginia. When in Washington, admirers wished to make a
great popular demonstration in a serenade, but he persuaded
them that it was better not to do this.
On March 29 General Hampton, accompanied by his Attor
ney-General, Conner, and by Senator Gordon of Georgia, had
a very pleasant interview with Mr. Hayes. He dined that
evening with Mr. Evarts, and was during his stay in Wash
ington constantly meeting people, turning those hitherto
opposed politically to him into personal friends, and warm
ing up to steam heat the hearts of old acquaintances, for he
possessed in a most remarkable degree, as has before been
pointed out, that wonderful influence over men, call it mag
netic, psychic, whatever you like, a very real and grand power
over one's fellow-men.
At length Mr. Hayes was "hypnotized" by Hampton, and
on April 2 agreed to withdraw the troops, and let Hampton

194 Hampton and Eeconstruction
take possession of the Capitol. This the Governor promised
he would do by legal means if necessary, and not by force.
If Mr. Chamberlain still declined, after the withdrawal of the
troops, to vacate the Capitol, he would proceed against him
by law, eject him in that manner, not using harshly the
treason process, which could have been done, but acting under
a statute against such as attempted to carry on government
under pretended authority. Hampton renewed his assur
ances of peace given Hayes by letter, and wired Mr. Simpson,
Lieutenant-Governor :
"Everything is satisfactorily and honorably settled. I ex
pect our people to preserve absolute peace and quiet. My
word is pledged for them. I rely on them."
The withdrawal of troops was flxed for April 10.
The return of Hampton was marked by even greater pop
ular demonstrations along the route than his trip to Wash
ington had been. Eailway stations were ornamented with
bunting of welcome and garlanded with flowers. A deputation
in a special train from Columbia met him at Charlotte, N. C,
and a great mass meeting was held there, followed by a recep
tion. It was a "royal progress" all the way ! On his arrival
at Columbia he was met by thousands, and escorted by a
procession to his home. In each case he acquainted the peo
ple in a speech with what he had done in their name and for
their beneflt, and as to what was expected of them and prom
ised in their behalf.
There was on his return a "landslide" of Eepublicans to
Hampton. They all wanted to get aboard the Democratic
wagon. "Honest John" Patterson, Senator, promised to
cease all opposition and to support General Butler for his
position in the Senate. The Eepublican leaders now gen
erally said that Hampton's election was for the good of the
State and everyone in it, and expressed great satisfaction
with the character of his addresses.
Mr. Chamberlain, too, returned to Columbia, and to the
State House. He had been urged by the "Stalwarts," who had
quarreled with Hayes, to hold on to the last gasp, as they
wished to do all that they could to embarrass the President.
But within the last twenty-four hours before the time fixed

Constitutional Government Again 195
for the withdrawal of the troops, he concluded that further
opposition was not advisable, and Hampton took possession,
as arranged between them, on the morning of April 11.
At exactly twelve o'clock of April 10, the order was heard
in the Capitol :
"Attention !"
"Take arms !"
"Unfix bayonets!"
"Carry arms!"
"Count fours !"
"Twos right !"
"March !"
Thus ended the most deplorable drama, of using troops to
carry elections in South Carolina. God grant that it ended
thus forever in America. In His mercy this time He raised
up Hampton, with courage, patience, temper, and wisdom
most wonderful, but human endurance has its limits.
Mr. Chamberlain thought well to issue an address, nom
inally to his constituents but really intended, no doubt, for
the country. It was all a repetition of the old story of which
the country was now heartily tired, for it had heard and
seen Hampton. It also took Hayes severely to task. The
newspapers at the North were not generally at all compli
mentary in their comments on it. The Springfield Republi
can called it "a case of excusable cussing."
The New York Sun said: "Chamberlain's piratical ship
goes down defiantly with the bloody shirt nailed to the mast."
The New York Herald said : "The protest is an insult to
the common sense and moral feeling of the country."
The Philadelphia Times remarked: "He retired ungra
ciously and ungracefully," and adds: "The dispassionate
men of all parties will see in his bombastic and reckless ap
peal only a terrible arraignment of himself, if only half be
true that he alleges as the condition of South Carolina."
The New York World put it : "A hollow sound."
And so on with others.
However, at this distance of time, it seems to those not
behind the scenes in the Eepublican camp, that Mr. Chamber
lain was, at the end, badly treated by his party, unless there

196 Hampton and Eeconstruction
has been recompense unknown to us. An estimate of the
kind of campaign carried on and methods used may be
made from this narrative, but at all events it was openly
done with the approbation or at the instigation of the lead
ing faction at that time in the party, and it caused Hayes to
be President. How much of the cruelty and severity of the
campaign measures made use of by Federal officials was
without his privity and desire we have no means of knowing,
but between the pressure from that quarter and from the
irresponsible, reckless, and desperate Eadical element in the
State, it can be inferred that he was swept along against his
original purposes by an irresistible current. In this narra
tive, however, we can only relate, without prejudice against
anyone, the facts of the. case as they appear on the record.
Probably, after all, his address was intended as a brief of his
case for his party. It was said at the time that he was
offered a mission abroad.
One of the first fruits of Senator ("Honest John") Pat
terson's repentance, vowed to Hampton on bended knee at
Washington, was to be the release, and entering of noi pros.
in the cases against citizens arrested on charges of "con
spiracy to deprive the negroes of the right to vote." Accord
ing to Patterson, these numbered seven hundred — ^it is
natural to suppose an underestimate — and the arrested were
chiefly in the rural districts, where homes would be thus
rendered unprotected, and much hardship result. This num
ber would be about one per cent, of the total white voting
population of the State, but of course a very much larger
percentage of the white voters in the country districts, where
these arrests had been made. Estimating each family, whose
male bread-winners and protectors were thus taken from
them, to average four persons, this would show at least two
thousand eight hundred people on farms and in hamlets left
in a condition of misery by this "plan of campaign." The
charges against them were "trumped up" on irresponsible
negro affidavits (at "one-fifty for one, or eighteen dollars a
dozen"), and were now generally admitted to have been with
out foundation in fact. All this was done in order that Mr.
Morton and his friends should obtain the electoral vote of the

Constitutional Government Again 197
State and a President supposedly favorable to their personal
interests. If this had been done in Eussia, what would have
been said about it in the United States?
Though "Honest John" had said that these prosecutions
would be dropped, yet, owing to his quarreling with some
of his former friends or for some other reason, they all
were not noi prossed. In May the so-called Ellenton rioters
(the whites, not the blacks) were tried before the United
States Circuit Court in Charleston. The District Attorney
managed to exclude all white men from the jury, except such
as could take the "iron-clad oath," i. e., that they had not
served in the Confederate army, which excluded nearly all
men not cripples within a certain age; and the rest of the
jurors were negroes, such as always could be found hanging
around court-houses, anxious to serve on juries in political
cases, and pocket money without work. But it was as
well. For there was one acquittal, and all the other cases
turned out mistrials, the negroes invariably going for con
viction, and the white jurymen (though "iron-clad oath"
men) for acquittal. It was a perfect vindication of the
accused. It was proved that the affair originated in an
attempt at rape made by two negroes upon a white woman,
and that the whites by the posse saved the entire section from
being destroyed by the negroes, evidently incited by prear
rangement for the political purposes of the canvass. But the
accused had been put to great anxiety for themselves and
families, loss of time, and expense by the prosecutions, thus
suffering irreparable injury. It was brought out in the trial
that before the riots harangues were being freely and openly
made to the negroes, inciting them to murder and arson.
If anyone really feared an outbreak from whites or negroes
on the withdrawal of the troops and the acknowledged unob
structed rule of Hampton, the event proved them to have
been entirely mistaken. On the contrary, it was like a quiet
Sunday morning after a turmoil ; there was universal relief.
So quiet and natural was the dropping-back to normal
conditions that the people could hardly realize that all the
artificially produced misery of the last eight years was not
merely the recollection of a bad dream, which had no real

198 Hampton and Eeconstruction
existence, until they looked around them upon the havoc
made in their fortunes and the marring of the lives of at
least two generations. To the negroes themselves — not
leaders in politics — ^it was probably a greater relief than
even to the whites. They had been so bullied and badgered
by the Eadicals that they did not know where to turn.
If they sought, as many did, their natural protectors,
between whom and themselves there was always a gravita
tion, they met the denunciations of their leaders and still
more of the preachers and the negro women. After the first
novelty of voting had worn off, they would not have cared for
it at all, if not inflamed by the demagogues. They knew full
well that it had proved a fatal gift replete with evil to both
themselves and the white population. But now the barriers
set up by politicians for their own benefit were knocked
down — or rather, had rotted away from natural causes — and
they were, for the first time in eight years, really free, and
felt it so. Moreover, they realized the conviction that, even if
there had been any vindictive feeling against them among
citizens of the other color, they possessed an impregnable
rock of defense in Hampton, who had pledged to them just
treatment, and from him that meant more than just, it meant
kindly, considerate treatment, and he would keep his promise,
they knew, though the sky fell. No one on the outside ever
will, ever can — it is useless to try to explain — quite under
stand the mutual feelings between such a man as Hampton
and the blacks. Born the hereditary owner of vast numbers
of negro slaves, and saturated with the inherited feeling of
kindness, protection, considerateness for their many faults
and failings and sense of responsibility for their happiness
and well-being, he was not divested of these sentiments by
emancipation. To his dying day, in all his poverty, no poor
wretch of a negro would ever bring to him an unheeded tale
of distress and request for help; the last cent in his pocket
would be bestowed, and kind words and advice as well. That,
and because, too, he never could bring himself to refuse to
help an old fellow-soldier, were the chief reasons why he died
poor. It was, also, from this mutual feeling — which it is
hopeless to make clear to this generation born during the

Constitutional Government Again 199
inferno of Eeconstruction at the South, or residing in other
and differently constituted communities — that he possessed
so much influence on the votes of negroes during the cam
paign. They naturally looked up to him, were proud of him,
proud of themselves as being "Car'linians," as he was. They
never could have felt so toward a stranger, charmed he never
so wisely. This was a factor in the campaign which the
Eadicals, most of whom really regarded the blacks as so
many "dumb driven cattle," could never appreciate, but that
is why the boasted twenty thousand majority melted away
from them so unexpectedly.
Hampton had promised Hayes, and reiterated in his
speeches, that both parties and colors should be "protected
by and amenable to the laws." This however did not make
it possible, even if it had been desirable, to protect those who
had been guilty of flagrant civil crimes. That would have
been to compound with felonies. There were, therefore, a
good many former "statesmen," who now found it advis
able — or thought it so — to leave for pastures new. There was
no vindictiveness — every one felt too happy to be vindictive —
but, naturally, with a carnival of unrestricted rascality in
progress for eight years, or more, the number of criminals at
large would have filled all the penitentiaries in the United
States, and half of them wished to turn "state's evidence"
against the other half. But great forbearance was shown,
and absolute amnesty was tacitly given to all negroes, except
some of the most criminal leaders, who incontinently fled.
To those with a tendency to philosophize, and having the
leisure for it, one of the strangest features of the transforma
tion effected by Hampton's acknowledged rule was that there
was not, from the flrst moment of it, a vestige left of any
other government. There were no debris, no wreckage ma
terial to be seen ; no ruins. It had simply disappeared like
a mirage in the desert. The reason is not far to seek ; there
never had, in sober truth, been any government at all under
Eadical rule. There had only been a nebulous, misty phan
tasm of nauseous vapor, in the air, which faded out of sight
immediately when the bayonets of the troops were removed,
and which could have been blown away into space — if the

200 Hampton and Eeconstruction
bayonets had not been there — at any time, in five minutes,
during the last eight years. It is said that there is honor
among thieves, but it was not so in this case; they turned
upon one another, like wolves devouring the wounded of the
pack, and there was hardly one who proved other than a
coward, when the time for bragging was past, and for action
had come.
As political affairs were now on a settled basis, Hampton
was but too glad to lay down the sceptre of dictator, which,
by universal acclamation, he had been compelled to assume
eight months before. He called a session of the Legislature
to meet on April 24. It is only fair here to revert to the
difficulties, which he had overcome, backed by. a united peo
ple, during those eight months.
Never had the clouds lowered blacker over the political,
commercial, and industrial conditions of South Carolina, and
of the South in general, than they did in August, 1876. It is
needless to remind the reader by reexhibiting the vivid pic
tures painted by Mr. Pike and Mr. Chamberlain. Beside
this, a Presidential contest was on of the closest and hottest
description. The Morton party scanned with eager, anxious
eyes the political prospects in every State, and they could
afford to lose none which could by possibility be held. They
saw in South Carolina a popular uprising from a condition
of unparalleled distress and misery, which must be crushed
or the electoral vote would be lost to them, and that electoral
vote they considered they owned by right of conquest. They,
therefore, employed measures, which I have only partially,
but perhaps sufficiently, described, and it must be confessed
by any one at this date that they were "heroic remedies"
indeed, such a spectacle as God forbid Americans shall ever
again behold. The "Conservatives" had but limited financial
resources and many expenses to meet in the purchase of
arms, and ammunition to protect their homes and for usual
campaign purposes, and received no assistance from outside
the State. They had a majority of negro votes of twenty
thousand to overcome. All the electoral machinery of the
so-called State government was against them, handled ably
and unscrupulously, and also the courts and legal machinery.

Constitutional Government Again 201
and militia and State constabulary. The Democrats, black
and white, were perpetually harried by the marshal, with
one thousand deputies and troops, and intimidated and
obstructed in the canvass. A patent fraud was eventually
engineered by Federal officials by which the Board of Can
vassers did their utmost to defeat the will of the people, and
the Legislature was organized by troops. Moreover, though
Hampton was backed by the people and would have been
sustained through thick and thin by all the better and by
far the larger part of them, yet all are not of the stuff from
which heroes are made. Though ably and gallantly assisted
by the men who stood close to him and cooperated with and
obeyed by the people, yet it was like one grand battle from
August to April, where the General had to be on the firing-
line day and night, and exercise the authority, the one-man
power, which in the exigencies of battle is indispensable to
requisite discipline and success. It was no time for debating
societies. All this, he did, exhibiting a wisdom and intuition,
a self-restraint and control of the wills of the people, without
which success would have been utterly impossible. It was
for him and him alone to "pluck up drowned honor by the
locks" for us all.
The Legislature met on the day appointed. It will be
remembered that the Democrats had a majority in the House,
but not in the Senate. The Eadicals in the latter body met in
a somewhat defiant mood, thinking to have things their own
way. But in this they found themselves mistaken. There
were so many members against whom criminal prosecutions
could be instituted that they were sufficiently weeded out. It
was discovered — among other things — from evidence of rec
ord in some of the public offices, that Gleaves, Whittemore,
Nash, and Woodruff had purchased thousands of dollars'
worth of champagne, brandy, whiskey, and cigars for their
private use delivered at their homes and paid for them with
warrants signed by Woodruff, Clerk of the Senate, and
Gleaves, Lieutenant-Governor. In one instance over $5,000
had been paid out in this way and charged on the books as
"stationery." Gleaves had been Lieutenant-Governor from
1874 to 1876, as a "reformer," and had claimed to have been

202 Hampton and Eeconstruction
reelected in the last election. He was a weak-looking, meer
schaum-colored mulatto. Whittemore, a Congressman ex
pelled from Washington for cadet-peddling, was now the
chairman of several Senate committees, a most sanctimonius
fellow in whose mouth butter would not melt, with the
manner of a "preacher," very deprecatory and mild. It
also came out now, that he had pocketed some money
assigned him for the purchase of portraits of Lincoln and
Sumner intended for the Capitol. So he fled without more
ado, as did the others soon afterward. It seems that "though
on pleasure bent," they "had a frugal mind," for they con
ducted barrooms and brothels for their own proflt at the
expense of the State.
When the houses had been put in running order, Hampton
sent in his message, which was a very able document, laying
down a well-digested programme. Matters financial and
otherwise were found in a deplorable condition, and long and
arduous efforts would be necessary to reestablish a satisfac
tory administration.
How well and faithfully was performed by Hampton the
task of building up the waste places desolated by ten years of
turbulance and robbery, it is not within the scope of this
narrative to relate. The story of the "crisis" has been briefly
but fairly told, of Hampton^ — the Pacificator. Nor is it the
writer's intention to relate Hampton's career of two terms in
the United States Senate. That is a part of the history of
the country in general, and concerns broad questions not pur
posed to be discussed here. Suffice it to say that his record
in the Senate of the United States is one of which his State
may well be proud, and that he and Butler conspicuously
redeemed the honor of their constituency, which had been dis
graced by such creatures as "Honest John" and his fellows.
The wounds infiicted upon the State by Eeconstruction
were deep and gangrenous when Hampton took up the
reins of government. The blood-poisoning, however, is not
incurable, and in two decades from now the patient may
have entirely recovered, provided it is possible "to close the
door of hope" from the "race-question" to the ambition of the
politician and to the temerity of the uninformed meddler.

Constitutional Government Again 203
For this it is only necessary to leave that question where it
belongs, outside of politics, and to those who from birth,
experience and sympathy are fitted to deal with it : to let it
rest in the patient and conscientious treatment prescribed by
Hampton. He who interferes is the worst enemy the negro
can have. He is the worst enemy, too, that the white popula
tion can have, whether he err from evil design or folly or
both combined, for he it will be who keeps the South "solid."
She first was made so to her ruin, as a vassal of "Eecon
struction," and is so today, as a free community, to protect
herself from the possibility of a similar fate. As long as the
beacons of danger are lighted, so long will there be an
Eleventh Commandment, obeyed as conscientiously as the
ten handed down from Sinai, "Before all else, thou shalt
stand 'solid' with thy neighbor against negro rule under
whatever disguise." Eemove the menace, and the South
would gladly again, as she formerly did, possess two parties
honorably divided on general policies. It was unscrupulous
politicians who first made her "solid"; it is they only who
can keep her so. She realizes that "solidity" tends to con
traction and narrowness of thought, and an isolation harm
ful to intellectual and material effort. She knows, too, that
the so-called "race-question," come what may, will be settled
by the march of events, and that it is at most only a tem
porary matter; that her territory, so broad and fertile, is
ample to maintain in happiness and plenty hundreds of mil
lions of inhabitants, and that, when the certain prospect of
this has been evolved into a living fact — as surely it will be,
and that, too, in a short space, measured by the life-time of
races — the negroes will constitute such a small percentage of
the total population as to have ceased to be a very important
factor in the social life of the section. But for that very
reason is he the negroes' worst foe who would sever them
from their neighbors, who must then be their only help and
protection. Well knowing all this, the South is also aware
that meantime grave injury may be done to her in the future
as was done in the past; that there is nothing so evil and
unjust but that wily politicians, and ingenious doctrinaires

204 Hampton and Eeconstruction
may with it "fool all the people some of the time," to her
detriment and the disturbance of the whole country.
Though this may be play to you,
'Tis death to us !
With a statesman of grasp at the fore, and amateurs and
negrophilists to the rear, it would not be found necessary or
expedient for the Eepublican party to make a flank attack
upon the South through the attempt to curtail her Congres
sional representation, for the purpose of legislating against
her thus weakened, in the spirit if not the form of the Eecon
struction period. Common interests would make allies, if
allowed to do their peaceful work uninterrupted. There are
many such common interests, among them the cotton-spin
ning industry. The South now spins considerably more raw
cotton than the North. South Carolina is the largest spinner
of any State in the Union, except Massachusetts, consuming
in her mills more than half of the raw material which she
grows, and of the money invested in these enterprises more
than four-fifths is Southern capital. And so in the great iron
industry and others, there are interests, and therefore politi
cal opinions, common to both sections. With common inter
ests to draw the country together, there are really no longer
sectional questions to separate it. If our rebellion against
Great Britain was right, many might think "imperialism," or
any approach to it, wrong ; but there is nearly as much diver
sity in sentiment on this subject at the South as at the North,
and so on with other public questions, not excepting even the
trusts. Disintegration of the "Solid South" can be arrested
only by calling back from a hideous past the loathsome
specter of Eeconstruction. Only let us alone with the "black
peril," and it will cease to be one. Encourage "expansion"
in liberality and toleration, and we are friends and brothers
through thick and thin. For the "Monroe doctrine," if you
like, in the "yellow peril," if it comes, "our rifles are your
own." As we were re-reading the above long after it had been
written, a coincidence worth relating occurred. A large
party of Northern tourists had just made a journey through
the South on an "Educational Conference" (the "Ogden

Constitutional Government Again 205
movement") in order to teach the Southern people how to
elevate the Southern negro by education. The three principal
speakers (Carnegie, Taft, and Booker Washington) were
reported as advocating the education of the Southern negroes
to render them capable of taking an important part in legisla
tion in the "black belt," as they termed the Cotton States. A
fourth speaker declared that the putting the ballot in the
hands of the Southern negroes was right in spite of the
ghastly results of the Stevens-Morton scheme of Eeconstruc
tion. You may say that these were only foolish, idle words,
which could really do no harm, because the percentage of
Southern negroes sufficiently educated to be politicians would
always remain too small, compared with the ever-increasing
white population, to constitute an important political factor
in the community. This would be true, were it not that but
slender mental equipment suffices for a politician, and this
the mulattoes, with the greater intelligence derived from their
white blood, could acquire and then, in their own personal
interests, vote the negroes "like dumb driven cattle," as was
done during Eeconstruction, and in this way hold the balance
of power between white factions, and thus practically rule.
We have no comment to make on this further than to say that
it accentuates the wisdom, nay, the necessity of a "solid
South," and tends to postpone the good time coming when it
will be possible to have two legitimate political parties there.
But the point which we wish to make is this: A careful
student of the statistics of crime flnds that the South as a
whole is more law-abiding than the North, and also that the
percentage of crime among Southern negroes is as four to
seven among Northern blacks, or not much over half as great.
Such being the case, we cannot help saying that perhaps it
would be better to learn from the Southerners how to elevate
Northern blacks. As announced by the Chairman, the thou
sands of dollars expended in the tour were furnished by the
great oil monopolist, who at the time was undergoing legal
investigation for alleged rascalities, which is regrettable.
The chief speaker was the mammoth steel monopolist. The
Chairman himself possesses the confldence of all as to his
intentions. Another thing to be noted is that, if it is true,

206 Hampton and Eeconstruction
as they allege it is, that the percentage of illiteracy at the
South is much greater than at the North, and as it is proved
by statistics, that the percentage of criminality is greater at
the North than at the South, it follows that education (edu
cation, as they understand the meaning of the term ; that is
to say, "the three E's" and what accompanies them) does not
necessarily promote morality.
A book has been recently published by Mr. Von Grabill
under the title Letters from Tuskegee, in which he alleges
that very grave irregularities, and worse, exist in the manage
ment of that institution. Of course, these charges will be
denied by the management, and every one will hope that they
are exaggerations — most sincerely will those hope so to whom
they do not come as a surprise. The most serious accusa
tions, at least those upon which most stress is laid, may be
classed under four heads : "graft," sexual immorality, incul
cation of social equality and all that the term implies, and
insincerity in the boasted industrial education, of which we
have heard so much laudation from some sources.
As to "graft," its existence there can be a matter of aston
ishment to but few, for money lavishly subscribed and put at
the disposal of irresponsible parties is sure to lead to this.
Eecent revelations in life insurance, railway, banking, and
other circles conducted by members of the Aryan race should
make us slow in casting stones at the colored people for sim
ilar crimes, and if well-intentioned, but badily-informed, per
sons choose to squander their money in ill-advised subscrip
tions, it is, perhaps, only their own concern.
In regard to sexual immorality, we would suggest that this
is too harsh a term to use in characterizing the offense.
Negro blood, by an inexorable law of nature, carries with it
uncontrolable lust, and the colored race is no more to be
blamed for possessing this characteristic than for having
dark complexions.
Of the yearning for social equality, it should be remembered
that it, too, is a universal inheritance of the blood, which
elicits pity, not anger, from the white man.
But the fourth charge, that the pretended industrial educa
tion is a "fake," a complete fraudj is very serious and

Constitutional Government Again 207
demands rigid investigation, for it is the one subject of real
practical importance to be considered. Industrial training
pursued in a bona fide manner, with sensible methods, would
prove useful to both races; but if it is a "fake," as charged,
or even if it is in a measure a fraud, or inefficiently conducted,
it will greatly assist nature in increasing the weight that the
colored race is and must be upon any community.
It may seem strange that so little has been said in this book
about the secret organizations, which are supposed by many
to have played so important a part during Reconstruction.
But they did not play at all the important part often attrib
uted to them ; the work was chiefly in the open. One cannot
approve in general of the principle of secrecy in combina
tions, or think such, under normal conditions, justiflable —
there is too much risk of the remedy becoming worse than the
disease. There may arise sometimes, however, terrible exi
gencies that justify secret associations. Secrecy is the
weapon of the weak against the strong. Should David tell
Goliath beforehand of his sling? It is essential to any organ
ization of a military character, which without it would be
ridiculous. The people found it necessary to make Hampton
a virtual dictator, as they had been compelled to confer sim
ilar authority on Rutledge a hundred years before. The
American, whose birthright is liberty, is reluctant to tolerate
secrecy, or render unquestioning obedience except in war.
But the campaign of 1876 was war peacefully waged by cour
age, intelligence, and self-restraint.
I have now presented the case of Reconstruction to my
reader on its merits, free from the legal quibbles of the hired
attorney. For his sake, for his convenience, I have stricken
out from my brief unnecessary details that otherwise would
have fllled volumes, through which he could not be expected
to have the patience to wade. To avoid harsh personalities
(for I am for peace and tolerate "blood and iron" only as a
last resort, and even then it is a remedy often worse than the
disease) , the chief offenders have not been designated by me
as such by name (with two exceptions) . But the reader can
not mistake their identity. They are pilloried in the public

208 Hampton and Reconstruction
records by their own acts, those politicians who nullified Lin
coln's testament to the people, who destroyed his most cher
ished ideals, his fondest, dearest hopes. "With malice
toward none, with charity for all," I ask only that these
offenders be branded with eternal condemnation in order that
they may be distinguished from honest men by those who
read this book, and by their children and their children's
children. And surely, sooner or later, will they have their
resurrection from "bottomless perdition." But they will not
come in the cerements of the grave, but clothed in most
"up-to-date" garments, "silver-tongued," or smoothly speak
ing "golden words" of sophistry. But they should be known
by the brand.
So, I submit my little brief as sufficient. I do not desire
to address the jury, confident its conscience will render a
verdict of "Guilty."

Declining Years and Death 209

CHAPTER NINTH
Declining Years — Death
Suffering I and yet majestical in pain ;
MysterioTis I yet, like spring-showers in the sun,
Veiling the light with their melodious rain,
Life is a warp of gloom and glory spun. — Hayne.
Unpractis'd he to fawn, or seek for power
By doctrines fashion'd to the varying hour.
— Goldsmith.
At the State election in 1878 Hampton was elected to a
second term as Governor. There was no opposition from
Democrats: it was on their part virtually a unanimous
plebiscite. During the first year of his second administra
tion, he was sent to the United States Senate, and served two
terms. After that he was appointed by Mr. Cleveland Com
missioner of Pacific Railroads, which office he held until a
change of administration, and for about one year after
ward. This ended his public career, as far as office was con
cerned. But in the record of his declining years are found
unfailing amiability, magnanimity, wisdom, and heroism,
which endured as long as life lasted, and which have left a
sweet fragrance about his memory that will always be present
to those well acquainted with his story.
We have passed the noonday summit,
We have left the noonday heat,
And down tbe hillside slowly.
Descend on weary feet.
I wish I could quote, as appropriate, the next succeeding
lines. Yet the evening airs are balmy.
And the evening shadows sweet,
but on him the "evening airs" blew chill, and the "evening
shadows" were gloomy. Yet, with a spirit which would
make no surrender to fate, with mind clear, memory perfect,
and kindliness, cheerfulness, and attractiveness undimin
ished, he lived his life bravely to the end, and was no less the
hero than at the most brilliant stages of his career.

210 Hampton and Reconstruction
When elected to the Senate he had not yet recovered from
a bad accident. He had taken an outing in November on a
deer hunt at some distance from his home. It had proved
difficult to procure a suitable horse, and he had contented
himself with a young mule as a mount, being able to ride any
thing. While alone in the woods, the bridle proved rotten,
and the head-stall and bit fell off. The wretched animal be
came uncontrolable, and dashing wildly through the woods
brought the General's leg in contact with a tree with great
violence. This occurring at some distance from where suitable
surgical assistance could be obtained, the injury was aggra
vated. It proved necessary to amputate the leg below the
knee. The delay thus caused in making the operation pro
duced very serious complications, and for days his life was
despaired of. During all that time the public hung over the
reports about him on the newspaper bulletin boards as eagerly
and anxiously as if it had been a near and dear relative whose
life was wavering in the balance. At the Charleston Club
private telegrams describing his condition were posted from
time to time during the day. In the end, his magnificent con
stitution, never enfeebled by excesses, triumphed, and there
was a long breath of relief, and many a "thank God!" was
reverently uttered. Nor did it very materially interfere after
ward with his horsemanship, and he continued to be a cheer
ing sight when mounted. His health, however, was somewhat
affected by the local pain afterward experienced and by the
curtailment rendered necessary, at times, of out-door exercise.
But to the end he hunted, and his rod contined to be almost
as much a resource as formerly, as it could be used with much
less physical exertion than the gun. To his former captures
of the gamest fish he added many trophies of tarpon, when
that finny champion in silver-mail entered the lists. On one
occasion, when pursuing sport with the latter, he was beaten
in the day's score by his companion, a lady of his family very
expert with rod and reel, and there was consequently a great
joke at his expense. It was pleasant to hear during his rail
road commissionership of his sometimes landing some big fel
lows off the Southern California coast and of the interest

Declining Years and Death 211
which he would take during the evenings in arranging tackle
for the next day's exploits.
It is necessary to refer to a painful period of Hampton's
life, because then he exhibited grand qualities, and without
notice of them, some of the most exalted, as well as most
lovable of his characteristics, would be passed over, but the
writer does this with no tinge of hostility against anyone.
Such a feeling would be altogether out of keeping with the
nature of his subject. Moreover, there are certain great
principles which are unchangeable and admit of no com
promise; which are as imperative always as the "eleven"
Commandments; but when you come to apply those prin
ciples to practical cases, there often will be room for honest,
and intelligent differences of opinion. Besides, important
subjects are like mountains seen from different points of
view. The man who has always lived immovably fixed on
the east is familiar with the contour as seen from that side,
and thinks he knows all about that mountain, and by what
trail to cross or climb : he who has all his life long lived on
the "w^est is equally cock-sure that he understands that moun
tain through and through; and the two, meeting by chance
on neutral ground, are ready to beat each other to death to
prove the correctness of their views. Yet neither is neces
sarily either a fool or a villain, but only a narrow-minded
person. A third dweller in the neighborhood, who happens
to have been repeatedly round and round the mountain, can
see that each disputant is right from his own standpoint,
and wrong from the other man's : in short that "heterodoxy
is somebody else's doxy."
The failure to be elected for a third term to the United
States Senate closed Hampton's active political career. This,
happening not at his own volition, but like a blow in the
face, would try to the fullest any man's equanimity. It
ended his official infiuence, and took him out of a sphere of
usefulness which had become also during those twelve years
a habit of life at an age when, after long years spent in the
service of his people, it was too late to take up other occu
pations. It forever put out of his reach the objects of hon
orable ambition, which he had always pursued to the benefit

212 Hampton and Reconstruction
of the community. Moreover, busily occupied since 1876
with public concerns, he had had no opportunity to look after
his private interests and thus recuperate in fortune, as
others had been able to do through improved conditions,
which he had done so very much to produce. The pay of a
Senator living in Washington is soon eaten up by necessary
expenses, I have heard of but one human being who ever
honestly saved up money out of a salary in Washington, and
that one was President Hayes, and he is said to have done it
chiefly by giving his guests at dinner only water to drink.
Moreover, if Hampton had a cent in his pocket it would go
out to the first friend who told him he needed it. So- it
was that non-election to the Senate meant for him not only
the end of honorable ambition and influence, and the agree
able sense of being useful to his people, but also left him in
straightened circumstances. This latter condition was
relieved, for the time being, by the railroad commissioner-
ship, but when that ceased, he was pretty much "high and
dry" in a monetary point of view, and then about eighty
years of age, though vigorous in mind and body.
It is unquestionably true that it was not any of the above
considerations, or all combined, which hurt him most griev
ously. It was the fact that his people, so many of his people,
all of whom he loved, and who, as he thought up to that time,
loved him, should do this thing to him in his old age. It was
the personal grief for this that burned in so deeply ; not the
loss of political position and the means of subsistence. The
latter he bore with a smiling face : no stoic more imperturb
able, but his was the cheerful, genial way of taking it. The
other was a deep wound, a wound given by a loved hand, but
it elicited no remonstrance nor reproach, and left absolutely
no bitterness behind: his heart was incapable of that. It
was not done to him from lack of love. Old soldiers came to
him before the election, almost or quite with tears in their
eyes, and swore they would do anything in the world for him,
except vote for him, and that they could not do, because of
party fealty. If before his end he could have been sure that
his people, one and all, loved him, as they did "beneath Vir
ginia's sky," and in 1876-77, poverty, physical pain, and loss

Declining Years and Death 213
of power would have been accounted but little. If he could
have witnessed that grand spontaneous demonstration from
the people's heart in Columbia at his funeral, he would have
known it.
Charleston never wavered. The delegation from there
voted on each ballot in the Legislature unanimously for him
at the election, save one member. Whenever he came to
Charleston, it was the signal for an ovation.
Let others hall the rising sun ;
I bow to that whose course is run.
Always at the railroad station he would be met by a detach
ment from the Charleston Light Dragoons, as an escort
during his stay, a crack militia company, formerly a "sabre-
club" during the Inferno, before that a war-company serv
ing under Hampton, and during the Revolution of 1776
and previously a military organization. "Hampton Day,"
which was celebrated at this period, will long be remembered
as expressing an outburst of devotion seldom equaled, and
which had no possible connection with politics and office-
seeking. As we have said, it is not the scheme of this book to recount
Hampton's political career during the two Senatorial terms
which he served as that would involve the discussion of
national questions requiring too much space. But inasmuch
as his political course was ended and the rest of his life
darkened by the stand which he took upon the flnancial ques
tion and the subjects of minor importance constituting the
system of which that was the central sun, it would be im
proper to avoid examining his record to ascertain whether
he was right or wrong on that issue, and his treatment
of it in reference to himself. If we conclude that he was
wrong, then, although feeling equal sympathy for the dis
tress caused to him, yet we should consider that he had
unfortunately brought his misfortunes upon himself by a
deplorable error of judgment. If, on the other hand, we find
on investigation that he was right in acting as he did and,
believing himself right, followed the dictates of conscience
hand-in-hand with correct judgment, fully knowing the disas
trous consequences to himself which would ensue, then we

214 Hampton and Reconstruction
must admire him as an upright statesman, as distinguished
from a selfish politician. In making this investigation it is
not necessary to go into local political questions, but better
to confine ourselves to the great central subject, the sun of
the system, finance.
We can now consider the currency controversy, as far as
silver and gold are concerned, as definitely settled, and it is
so recent that the details are familiar to everyone. Results
have proved that the advocates of 'unlimited silver" were
wrong, for what they predicted as the consequences of the
adoption of the gold standard has not occurred. The far
mer, in particular, instead of being ruined as foretold, is
(as we write this) receiving and has been receiving for a
long time a hundred per cent, more money for his cotton,
nearly in the same proportion for wheat and measurably more
for other products. Whether this has been brought about by
the adoption of the gold standard as a definite cause, or
whether only because the settlement of that "burning" ques
tion has relieved the strain and anxiety existing — without
j'ustification, if you like, and sentimentally — is an entirely
immaterial academic question. Legislation on finance which
ignores the sentiment of those best informed, might be very
fine in the abstract, and disastrous practically. What is a
panic but the result of sentiment? Everything purchasable
is intrinsically worth as much the week after, as the week
before, a panic, and there is the same quantity of money exist
ing ; but credit is impaired, sentiment is to the fore, and the
important point for the business man and the farmer is
not intrinsic, but market values, where compelled to sell.
It is idle, of course, to argue against the logic of facts, for
facts only are important. It is quite easy to perceive this
now, that it has hapened, but the difficulty was correctly
to foresee it, and that was the part of a statesman to do.
Hampton did this, in spite of opposite opinions being held
by the majority of his constituents on this and related sub
jects. But was he right by chance, or through the exercise
of good judgment? I think it will be found clearly to be
by the latter.

Declining Years and Death 215
The commercial life of this country — "business" — is de
pendent ultimately on the agricultural conditions and, there
fore, if they are permanently bad, "business" cannot for long
be prosperous. Everyone is in "business" for purely selfish
motives, to make a support for himself and his family, or to
acquire property. All such persons can therefore be trusted
not to advocate, knowingly, legislation which, without bene
fitting them exceptionally, bids fair to injure the general
"business" situation of the community. Moreover, such per
sons must necessarily be better able to judge what kind of
financial legislation will or will not be favorable to "busi
ness" interests than will those totally unacquainted with the
subject in its practical bearings, however well informed
academically. What is beneficial to general legitimate "busi
ness" interests must also, in the long run, be advantageous,
in such a country as this, to the agricultural interests upon
which commerce — "business" — is based. In a question de
veloping such an angry controversy as that between "gold-
bugs," and "silverites," it must be a man more bold than
wise who would shut himself up in his study in order to
decide, according to abstract principles, which side was in
the right; if wise, and not a "know it all," he would obtain
the opinions of "business men," who could have no interested
motive in deceiving him, and he would give decisive weight
to such views. If it were important to obtain for your
guidance some practical information about an agricultural
matter, you would expect to apply not to a doctor of divinity
nor a financier nor a lawyer nor a "business man," who
had never seen cotton except in bales, or wheat, unless in
bread, but to farmers, who could be depended upon to tell
you the truth according to their own knowledge. The same
reasoning applies to finance as to farming, and it is difficult
to comprehend why we should have sat at the feet of a lawyer
and politician as a monetary Gamaliel. I think it was upon
these principles that Hampton acted in the currency battle,
and that it was because of this, and not through chance, that
he proved right, and that by doing so he showed himself a
statesman instead of a political charlatan. If he had been
capable of putting aside conscientiously entertained opinions

216 Hampton and Reconstruction
for the sake of self-interest, and joined in that hightly intel
lectual refrain once blazoned on banners, "sixteen to one, or
bust," he could have remained undisturbed in the Senate
for the rest of his life. Probably he could have gained the
same personal end merely by the desertion of his friends and
by remaining non-committal on vexed questions, but this he
was also incapable of doing, not being "built on those lines."
In short he acted with wisdom, found the right path, and
unfiinchingly pursued that path, because it was right, know
ing all the time that it led to the precipice of personal ruin.
Of how many statesmen can this be said?
In the spring of 1899 General Hampton was engaged to
come to Charleston to take a prominent part in a general
meeting of Confederate Veterans, and was to be the guest
while there of a friend. Just at that time his house, a short
distance out of Columbia, and beyond the reach of fire-
engines, caught fire and was burned to the ground. All his
household goods were destroyed, nearly all his effects,
and almost every personal article he possessed, including
valuable papers — original documents — the loss of which was
irreparable. He hardly more than saved the clothes which he
was wearing. It is needless to remind the reader that his
purse was also depleted before this. He was at this time in
his eighty-second year. It was feared that this last mis
fortune, added to the burden which fate had been indus
triously piling upon him, might crush down, more or. less,
even his indomitable spirit. His friend, who had been
expecting him as his guest at the reunion, wrote to him in
some anxiety, and received a reply from which the following
is an extract :
"I have saved some clothes, my gun, and fishing-tackle.
We are in an outhouse, quite comfortable. If I had only
saved my tent, I would be all right."
To another friend, who had written expressing the hope
that he would make his promised visit, in spite of his fresh
misfortune, he wrote :
"You see that I know you better than you did me, or you
would never have expressed a doubt about my coming to
Charleston. Did you ever know me to keep out of a fight

Declining Years and Death 217
because one of my staff was ill? I shall fight the fight out to
the end, for, as I wrote today, a fight is never lost, until its
close." The General came to Charleston, as had been previously
arranged, and, in spite of being stripped of everything, ex
hibited the same dignity, urbanity, and geniality, as if
nothing unusual had happened. He met his numerous
friends and old comrades with a pleasure which was unmis
takably genuine and not forced. He was never known to be
more attractive and lovable. A genuine outburst of enthusi
astic welcome greeted his appearance, whenever seen, not
only from the inhabitants of his own State, but from every
man, woman, and child, who looked upon the grand figure,
more grand to their eyes in old age, bereft of everything but
dignity, honor, and glory, than even when leading victorious
squadrons, or standing the champion and sentinel of a peo
ple's redemption. In the procession he rode at the head of
the old fellows of the Army of Northern Virginia, and as the
immense column passed along the streets crowded from
sidewalk to housetops, a wave of cheers from the throats of
men and boys, and wild plaudits from the lips of women and
little girls, rent the air, as his figure loomed up. A fiLne horse
had been provided for him, but it was high-spirited and had
not been exercised for several days, and at the unaccustomed
sights and sounds would plunge and rear in a manner to have
disconcerted many a younger man, but Hampton sat him
with all the accustomed grace of a fine horseman.
In delivering a speech in the early part of the Spanish war,
he recommended the men of the State to look to it that their
quota of troops should be furnished and of proper material.
Not that he was in favor of any but purely defensive wars,
but that war was already commenced — the country was com
mitted to it — and, besides, every breeze that blew from Cuba
brought to our ears the heart-rending cries for help from the
lips of women and babes herded like wild beasts in the death-
pens called concentration camps. Little did we think then
that humanity and natural sympathy for the sufferers there
would be perverted by ambitious politicians into a similar
war in the Philippines. Besides, a purely defensive war is not

218 Hampton and Eeconstruction
necessarily, and should not be, fought on our own soil, but on
that of the enemy. If indeed "war is hell," then let the pande
monium not be at our own doors. If, unhappily, we are ever
involved in war with England, for instance, it would be
the dictate of common sense, as well as of military prudence,
to transfer the theatre to Canada. And a defensive war may
very well compel us to protect the soil of these two continents
from the aggressions of the buccaneers of Europe attempting
to transplant in the Americas those antiquated relics of bar
barism, imperial policies and standing armies. But God for
bid all aggressive wars for "trade." It will be a sad day for
our country if our President adopts that programme, for
he is young and knows not what war really is, with all its
unmentionable horrors, physical and moral. He is brave —
no doubt will be found so, if ever tested — but it will not be
he, but your boys, who will die miserably in the trenches and
rot in the hospitals. This is real war:
'Tis a vision of ghastly faces.
All pallid and worn with pain.
Where tbe splendor of manful graces.
Shines dim through a scarlet rain : —
In a wild and wierd procession
They sweep by my startled eyes.
And stern with their fate's fruition.
Seem melting in blood-red skies.
Or this (referring to South Africa, the "Christian Nations"
in China, and the Philippines),
The gates of mercy shall be all shut up,
And the flesh'd soldier, rough and hard of heart,
In liberty of bloody hand shall range
With conscience wide as hell, mowing like grass
Your fresh fair virgins and your fiowering infants.
What is it then to me, if Impious war,
Array'd in flames, like to the prince of fiends.
Do, with his smirched complexion, all fell feats
Enllk'd to waste and desolation?
The Spanish War was not a real war at all, whatever some
others may think from experiences in one or two skirmishes.
It was merely a mobilization, as far as it went — a military
demonstration — which had the desired effect, but it was not
war. I know of an old soldier of four years' battles' teach
ings, and bearing the marks of the lessons engraved by bullets

Declining Years and Death 219
on his body, meeting a "veteran of the Spanish War," and
the latter, to make himself agreeable, claimed comradeship
as a "veteran." The old man looked surprised, and then
asked how that could be, for he was too young.
"I am a veteran of the Spanish War," explained the youth.
The old fellow looked at him for a moment in astonish
ment, and then remarked, in a low tone to himself :
"My God!"
Only those two words, but they expressed a world of pre
monition for the future to the unknowing present.
Shortly after the loss, a movement was set on foot to
rebuild by public contributions General Hampton's house
destroyed by fire. It was a spontaneous idea direct from the
heart, prompted by universal regard and sympathy. The
General was greatly touched by this evidence of feeling, but
was unwilling that the project should be carried out, and, in
order to let this be known to the public, wrote the following
letter :
"To the People of the State:
"My duties during the past week at the Eeunion in
Charleston left me no opportunity of expressing to my
friends my grateful sense of the spontaneous and almost
universal sympathy shown by them for the loss I have
recently sustained by fire. Let me now assure them that I
am profoundly touched by their manifestation of kindness
and by the proposal to rebuild my house.
"But they must pardon me for asking them to abandon this
intended act of kindness, though the motives which prompt
it are fully and gratefully appreciated. I cannot accept
from my friends a testimonial of regard such as they propose ;
but the affection shown by them in wishing to reimburse me
for my loss can never be forgotten, for it is prized by me
far more than any gift from them could ever be.
"It is the duty of every citizen to serve his State whenever
called on to do so, and his sole reward should be the con
sciousness of having fulfilled that obligation. If my fellow-
citizens think, that I have ever been able to serve my State
in any manner, I only discharged my duty in doing so, and

220 Hampton and Eeconstruction
I am amply compensated for any services rendered by their
verdict of 'Well done, good and faithful servant.'
"I am, with heartfelt thanks for the great kindness shown
me. Your fellow-citizen, "Wade Hampton."
This frank, manly, and dignified letter went home to all
friends and neighbors and to the people at large, and also
made a strong impression at the North, as evidenced by the
comments of the press. It is a pleasure to say, however, that
the project was carried out. It was thought better, instead
of rebuilding the burned house, to buy a lot and erect a home
for him in Columbia, because of his age making it advisable
that he should be nearer to his friends and their personal
attentions. In the residence thus provided he commenced
his last sleep.
During the Boer War General Hampton, like nearly all
Americans, sympathized with the heroic struggle of the
South African Eepublics to maintain their liberty and inde
pendence. The New York Herald wrote a letter to him and
to one or two others of the most eminent surviving officers of
the Confederate Army, asking their views as to the best
course for Eoberts to pursue in his efforts to crush out the
Eepublics. The General replied that he thought the best
thing Eoberts could do was to reembark his troops and take
them home to England.
During the winter and spring of 1902 Mr. Eoosevelt gave
evidence of a desire to build up a respectable Eepublican
party in South Carolina and some other States where it did
not then exist, owing to the odium earned by the name during
Eeconstruction and for other reasons. In pursuance of this
policy, some citizens of good standing in South Carolina
were induced to take local Federal offices and it looked as
if considerable headway would be made in that direction, and
probably it would have been so if other considerations had
not caused a change in the plans of the powers that be.
Mr. McKinley's tactfulness and good nature, in connection
with other circumstances, had produced a profound and
widespread impression throughout the country, and by no
means least at the South, where his murder by an execrable

Declining Years and Death 221
assassin was regarded as a special misfortune to that section,
not of course as great as that of Lincoln's, but of the same
nature. There had never been a time since the contest of
1861-65 when sectional ill-feeling had apparently so entirely
disappeared and when there seemed to be so good a prospect
of political affairs throughout the country resuming the nor
mal conditions prevailing before the troubles of 1861, and the
causes producing them, which latter had for long ceased to
exist. Nor has there even been a period when race-antagonism
disappeared so completely at the South since the time when
it was created by the Eeconstruction Acts. Under the move
ment started in South Carolina by Mr. Roosevelt, who was
at that time considered the heir to the policies and good will
of Mr, McKinley, it was well understood that there was to
be no political miscegenation, but that negrophilism, as a
demagogical instrument, should disappear from politics, as
sensible people, not seeking office, think it should do, for the
good of both races, particularly of the negro. It was given
out that there would be a divorce of politics from the negro
(including an "a mensa" separation). It was understood
that Mr. Eoosevelt agreed that men of character accepting
local Federal appointments would not thus, in any sense,
be associated with negroes or mulattoes, for that he would
appoint none except whites to important positions, thus
recognizing the fundamental principle of representative gov
ernment in selecting officials truly representative of the
individuals and the interests of their constituencies. He
certainly was believed to mean this, as attested by those
whose assertions admit of no doubt but how far this can be
reconciled to the nomination for Collector of the Port of
Charleston of a mulatto unknown to commerce, the writer
is unable to explain. It is manifest that the immediate suc
cess of such a movement as that referred to would very
largely, if not altogether, depend upon the character, stand
ing, and public influence of the appointees. If General
Hampton could have been induced thus to take office, that
would alone have gone a very long way to remove any politi
cal or social discredit which might otherwise attach to those
doing the same thing, for there were many waverers who by

222 Hampton and Reconstruction
this would be turned into advocates. There were more indi
viduals than it can elsewhere be believed who would have sac-
riflced their own judgment in following his, having always
found him right in the end; and the adverse criticism of a
large number would have been silenced, even if they did not
follow him, and the hostile comments of the rest would have
been moderated out of respect to the old chief. It would
therefore have been a trump card in the game, and the game,
provided the national policies of the party in power could be
relished, or even tolerated, would commend itself to a large
circle, particularly among the young, whose memories did
not extend far back. Beside the desire and evident advan
tage of obtaining General Hampton's sanction, there is no
doubt but that kindly feeling toward him, in old age and
adversity stripped to the blast, played a considerable part
with those conducting the programme and not least with the
President. I do not use here any information whatever derived from
General Hampton, but, knowing his traits of character, it is
not difficult to picture to one's self the interview betw;een
him and the friend deputed to sound him upon the subject of
his accepting the appointment of postmaster at Columbia.
One can imagine the old General, with clear, frank, wise eyes,
and open countenance, upon which he who runs could read
honor and good faith above all else, sitting in his arm-chair
in his residence, a gift from the hearts of his people. His
manner, always urbane and kindly, would probably be
warmer than usual, as he listened to the proposition, for he
would feel the good will manifested toward himself in it,
combined with the political purpose, and his reply, though
short and epigramatic, must have been, we can feel sure,
totally free from harshness. Then one cannot be at a loss
as to the way in which the case was presented to him and the
arguments in its favor: among other things, it would be
said how much it would benefit the State and the South,
thus eliminating the negro as the football of politics; how
advisable it would be to have two legitimate parties in the
State, thus removing all sectional friction, as was the case in
normal times before the War and Reconstruction upset

Declining Years and Death 223
everything: perhaps, in this connection, would be quoted
the lines of Burke — certainly their purport would — ^that, "He
that wrestles with us, strengthens our nerves, and sharpens
our skill. Our antagonist is our helper" ; then it would be
urged that if a respectable administration party existed in
the State she would no longer be always treated as a badly-
behaved step-child, but would enjoy some of the advantages
and favors, the bon-bons and nice things and kisses now
monopolized by her dear half-sisters, who come in after
dinner so sweet in pretty frocks ; then, too, natives, or legiti
mate residents, would receive the emoluments of office,
instead of, as hitherto, negroes and "carpet-baggers," and the
State would have a voice at Washington. He would be
assured that, if he accepted the office, he would not be
expected to take any more prominence in the movement than
he desired; it was only his name that was asked for. No
doubt, and with full sincerity, the pleasure felt at conferring
so deserved an evidence of appreciation upon him, and the
greater pleasure in thinking it would increase the comfort —
or, rather, remove the sordid, pinching worries — of his old
age, would be referred to. Knowing the General, anyone
would be fully aware that the latter consideration would
not infiuence his decision in the slightest; that, though he
would give due weight — ^f or the sake of his people's good — to
much (that is true) in the other arguments, yet his experi
ence and wisdom had taught him to "put not your trust in
princes," and that there are vows, other than those of lovers,
which are "made to be broken." But beside and beyond and
paramount to all this, we know that he was unalterably op
posed to some of the principal national policies of the
dominant party, including mountain-high protective tariff
and militarism, and that, though liberal and entirely tolerant
of the opinions of others adverse to his own, yet his were
unchangeable, because founded on the rock of conviction.
Probably, added to convictions, would be the sentiment to
ward the other party as one, though on occasions for a time
erring in mental balance, which had yet never been heartless
and criminal ; had never sought to degrade, for political gain.

224 Hampton and Reconstruction
the cherished ideals of our race under the veil of pseudo-
philanthropy. One does not wonder at all, then, after listening to all,
said judiciously and in a kindly, friendly spirit, his, answer
came unhesitatingly :
"Please tell them that I am not for sale."
And yet he was then in straightened circumstances, and
the salary attached to the office would have made him com
fortable for the rest of his life— probably would have much
prolonged it.
Late in December, 1901, General Hampton came to
Charleston to attend a meeting there — the last public meet
ing he ever attended — of the old alumni of Columbia College,
his alma mater. He was the oldest living alumnus there.
The reunion with so many old friends was a great pleasure
to them and to him, but he took a cold from which he appears
never to have entirely recovered. In the following spring he
became very ill, but bore up with so much courage and en
durance that it was not until almost the end that his life
was despaired of. On the morning of April 11, he succumbed.
To say that this event produced a profound sensation
would not properly describe its effect. In Columbia, his
home, and in Charleston, his birthplace, both of which had
been unwaveringly devoted to him, and in many other places
in the State and in families in the country, his death was felt
as a personal bereavement, and among his old soldiers there
was a still warmer hold of affection. At this time, the
hearts of those who had been estranged from him politically
went back to their love with a fervor of grief — or, more
correctly speaking, the sentiment always within their hearts,
now found vent in deep and earnest sorrow. Those for
whom the miseries of Reconstruction had still a vivid mem
ory acclaimed their sense of gratitude for inestimable ser
vices rendered, and the men intimately associated with him
in those times wrote eloquent and touching tributes to the
great statesman and pacificator. From other Southern
States, through the press and otherwise, poured expressions
of sorrow and appreciation no less sincere. The newspapers
of the North, without an important exception, showed the

Declining Years and Death 225
common heart-beat of a people comprehending, in great meas
ure, the man, his noble character, and grand achievements.
It is a coincidence, that April 11 was the anniversary of the
day in 1877, when the State House was delivered to him, thus
rendering into his hands the last vestige of alien and negro
rule. On the day after, his death memorial services were held at
two churches in Charleston and at the Exposition grounds
(now Hampton Park) . Flags were at half-mast, even on the
Federal buildings, and many places were draped in mourning.
The same was true as to Columbia. In Charleston the courts
adjourned, and Saturday was observed by proclamation of the
Governor as a day of mourning, business houses being closed.
Public societies and institutions held meetings and passed
appropriate resolutions. There were sympathetic and appre
ciative utterances of public men throughout the country.
General Longstreet said of him that he was "the greatest
natural cavalry leader of our own or any other country."
Several days before his death he had a long talk with
Bishop Capers. Among other things he then said, "From my
heart I forgive all my enemies, if there are any men in South
Carolina who are my enemies."
His mind was invariably clear up to twenty-four hours
before the end, but during the last of that period he was
unconscious frequently, or seemed so. He said in one of
these intervals, "God bless all my people, black and white."
Another time he was whispering something, and the watchers
stooped over to listen. They caught the words, "All is
black — My children on the field — Heroes forever! forever!"
They asked if he meant his sons, Preston and Wade. He
nodded his head in assent. They thought his mind wander
ing. Not so, it seemed to me. In the moment of death, his
heart had flown back thirty-eight years and was on the battle
field of Burgess Mill with his two boys, one mortally
wounded, the other he knew not how desperately, although
he afterward recovered. Both had been sent to Richmond
to the hospital ; and the night closed down dark, dismal, and
rainy, as he lay all the weary hours awake waiting for the

226 Hampton and Reconstruction
morning to renew the fight, and thinking meantime unceas
ingly of those poor boys of his ; and now the father's heart
was with them again, both dead now, he knows, but "heroes
forever! forever!" Or were they then meeting again and
lovingly greeting, just across the border-line — who can say?
The General's death could not but be a sorrow to all and
bring a keen pang to his old soldiers and personal friends,
and who, that knew him at all, was not among the latter?
But in very truth
Nothing Is here for tears, nothing to wall,
and naught for
Dispraise or blame — nothing but well and fair,
And what may quiet us In a death so noble.
Yes, all this and much more can be said. He was in his
85th year, weighted down with many troubles. It could not
be expected that his magnificent vitality could much longer
remain unimpaired and few things can be more humiliating
to a proud, high-spirited man, accustomed to tower above his
fellows, than the consciousness of seriously diminished
strength of mind and body, and this he was spared. But,
above all, he died with a consciousness that would compensate
anyone, if need be, for a death of torture, for to him had been
given to perfect a record not only of almost unparalleled per
sonal glory and honor, but which would for all time redound
to the benefit of his whole country, and be a lasting and price
less heritage to all, if fully comprehended. Up to middle-life
he had well-performed the duties of a man born to wealth and
social and political importance, and had illumined with a
light that detraction can never dim the true relation of master
and slave. In short, he had fully come up to the most exalted
standard of the much-abused, but very significant "grand old
name of gentleman." In a war purely defensive, he had
reached a height in his branch of the service certainly
exceeded, if equaled, by none (attained — ^if attained — by no
man but Forrest). But even this was the least of it, for, as
leader, he had proved that, with proper discipline, the saying,
"war is hell," is not correct in the sense intended, and the
accepting it as correct tends to blunt the public conscience.
"War is hell," as far as the miseries of battle-field, picket.

Declining Years and Death 227
and hospital are concerned, and still more for the broken
hearts at home. It is for this reason that war, for aught
save defense, is only wholesale murder. But the inferno
beyond this is within the control of the commander, and
in Hampton's case this control was inexorably exercised.
Amiable and kindly he undoubtedly was, but no willful dis
obedience of important orders was tolerated, and therefore
the persons and property of non-combatants were sacred to
his men, as witness the Chambersburg raid, the Gettysburg
campaign, and others. I never knew or heard of but one
occasion on which a life of one man of his own (Butler's)
division was lost through disobedience of orders, and that
occurred when a farmer's field was pillaged of corn to feed a
favorite horse, and the boy was shot in the act by the sentry,
which was a reminder to the troopers that they were soldiers,
not schoolboys. In the campaign of 1865 in the Carolinas,
orders (now on record) were issued to shoot all men, in what
ever uniform dressed, found maltreating women, or mali
ciously setting fire to inhabited dwelling-houses, and this was
done, and "hell" ameliorated as to its most demon-like doings,
an example thus set in the nineteenth century which the twen
tieth would do well to follow. Hampton demonstrated, for
all time, that men can be soldiers and at the same time con
scientious, and that any General can make them so, if he
desires. If Hampton could look back upon his military record with
a feeling of undying glory earned that would compensate for
a thousand deaths, even more, perhaps, would his soul rejoice
at the end in, possibly, the greater glory won in the battle
for peace in 1876-7, the life and death struggle of a section
of the Anglo-Saxon race? In his career in the United States
Senate he knew that he served his people well and faithfully,
and his private life, after his political career was ended, he
could not but realize was a model of fortitude and dignity
under great stress, as well as of sweetness of disposition and
charm of character. Knowing all this, how could there be
for him a "sting" to death? It was simply an order to the
great soul to mount for the final review of the Supreme Com
mander-in-Chief, whose will no man had more thoroughly
obeyed.

228 Hampton and Reconstruction
The funeral was to take place at Columbia on Sunday,
April 13. By his dying request, it was not to be a military
funeral. It proved to be the largest gathering of mourners
ever witnessed in South Carolina, larger even than the
demonstration at Calhoun's death. It was estimated that
there were fully twenty thousand persons present, a consider
able percentage of whom were blacks. When it is remem
bered that Columbia was not a large city, and the distance
which strangers must travel to reach there, the number
attending will be realized to have been great. Special trains
were run from Charleston and other points to Columbia.
His residence, where the body lay in state all day imbedded
in the sweetest flowers of spring, was visited by thousands,
and many a pathetic scene was enacted at this last farewell
to the old General. Perhaps, in order to give some idea of
the gathering, I had better simply insert a letter written just
after returning from the funeral and published in the News
and Courier.
"Like thousands of others, I went to Columbia last Sunday
to be present at the funeral of the General.
"Hundreds were coming in by the railroads, and the town
was full of those, who had come there from all parts of this
State and neighboring States, and more distant places, all
for the same purpose, induced by the same feeling of respect,
admiration, gratitude to the man. There could have been no
selflsh, sordid motive for this — no trail of the dollar, or
political lust — for he died poor, to his immortal honor. Even
a man, whose name not long since was but a synonym for
political opposition to Hampton, had come — to his eternal
credit be it said — to pay the last mark of respect to the Gen
eral. "Whites and blacks thronged the streets, drawn together
by a common sentiment. Children dressed in their best, and
with grave, thoughtful little faces, added to the self-evident
sincerity of the universal mourning. When the time came
for the funeral procession to move from the house to the
church, where the services were to take place, it is believed
fully twenty thousand people were present. The hearse was
driven by a negro with snow-white hair, who had belonged to

Declining Years and Death 229
the General ever since he was born, and to whom 'freedom'
had never meant estrangement and forgetfulness of life-long
kindness received.
"In the procession everyone, men and women, the richest
and the poorest, all walked — a horse was not to be seen,
except those attached to the hearse, or drawing the carriages
in which, for obvious reasons, the immediate family were
placed. There were present old soldiers of historic renown,
matrons and young girls. All along each side of the street,
as we passed to the church, was a mass of grave, sympathetic
faces. "I did a lot of thinking during that short walk. I had seen
in my time a good many public functions, where so-called
'tributes' were paid 'the nation's dead,' but never such a scene
as this, where sincerity was shown in every face.
"As we passed by the pretty residences and charming
grounds, evidences of thrift and prosperity, and remembered
that if it were not a Sunday, the air would be throbbing with
the hum of thousands of busy spindles, I thought, if it had
not been for Han^pton in the crisis of Reconstruction, these
things would not now be.
"And I could not help thinking of a bright moonlight night
many, many years ago, when, with one comrade only, I rode
through the deserted streets of Columbia, the only sound
that of our horses' hoofs, the only sights naked chimneys
against the sky, and blackened ruins, and I Te&ected,that
was Sherman's work, 'War is Hell' ; this is Hampton's work,
the peace of God.
"We entered the church, every space of which was fllled by
those who had come for the common purpose. And flowers
everywhere, the sweet flowers of the Southern spring, taste
fully arranged and made into artistic garlands by the loving
hands of women. The impressive services soon began.
Bishop Capers, a gallant and distinguished soldier of the
Southern Cross, and an intimate friend of the General,
officiated. At times his voice trembled with feeling he could
not repress. The chancel was fllled with the choristers, girls
and boys, and their sweet young voices and the solemn wails

230 Hampton and Reconstruction
of the organ, made the heart thrill. The very cruciflx at the
altar seemed to shine with a light I had never seen before.
"I am not an emotional man — far from it — and with Anglo-
Saxon shame-f acedness of betraying any external evidences of
feeling, but I did much thinking. I thought of Hampton, my
beau ideal of a true soldier, in the days of my boyhood; of
some of his superb military movements in Virginia, which I,
with thousands of better men, had witnessed; of Hampton,
like a paladin of romance, charging almost single-handed an
entire company, killing three with his own hand, chasing the
fugitives within the lines of their own army; of Hampton,
one misty morning at gray dawn, putting into operation a
consummately conceived plan to blot out with an inferior
force Kilpatrick's entire Cavalry Corps ; of Hampton sweep
ing over Kilpatrick's camp in a charge like an avalanche
from the mountains, the most terrible cavalry charge, as
Kilpatrick said in his official report, that he had ever wit
nessed. "Then I recalled Hampton in his glorious old age, shorn
of wealth, deprived of political power or influence in his own
State, escaping from his burnt home, with all his household
gods and comforts lost, and yet with undiminished courage
and unfailing fortitude, and always ready with a charming
smile and handshake for the poorest of his old soldiers and
by example thus exerting a wide-spread influence for good.
"Thinking of all these things, I realized that others too —
thousands — were then having similar thoughts, and that the
memory of Hampton was a mutual bond between us all, a
common ground upon which all good men can meet in sym
pathy, whatever may be their politics. And it seemed to me,
without exaggeration, that the soul of Hampton was present
and spoke in the music of the organ his dying words, 'May
God bless all my people, black and white,' and that 'all his
people' should unite in raising a monument to be the outward
and visible sign of his perpetual influence for good.
"I was very much pleased to learn after leaving the church
yard, that a movement was contemplated [which has since
developed into action] to erect a bronze equestrian statue of
Hampton in Columbia. It seems especially appropriate that

Declining Years and Death 231
Columbia, the Capital, should thus commemorate the mili
tary immortality of Hampton, leaving to Charleston, acting
for the people of the State and of the United States, to per
petuate by a memorial his career as a statesman, who rescued
from destruction civil liberty."
In the churchyard, beneath a venerable live-oak, sur
rounded with the flowers he loved, they laid all that was
mortal of him to rest. Obeying his wish, there was no mili
tary pageant, but around his grave were some of "the old
Division" (Butler's), who performed the last offices fo their
General,
And drooping low In solemn trail.
All battle-stained, and bullet-torn.
More plaintive far than human wail.
Hung banners oft In triumph borne !
and from a bugle was sounded the last farewell.
Whose was the hand, that painted thee, O Death !
In the false aspect of a ruthless foe.
Despair and sorrow waiting on thy breath —
O ! gentle Power, who could have wronged thee bo ?

Index

Page
Acquisition of Louisiana Territory  8, 9
Baker, Major. T. G  38, 39, 40, 41
Battles :
Brandy Station  41
Burgess Mill  55,56,57,58, 59
Five Forks, 55, 57, 59 ; Letter from Lee  60
Gettysburg  42
Kilpatrick's Camp  62, 63, 64, 65
Manassas  38, 39, 40
New Orleans  6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13
Trevilian  46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52
Board of Canvassers of the State  148, 150, 152
Bond, U. S. Circuit Judge Hugh S  152, 154
Bradley, Justice of the United States Supreme Court — "Bight to Seven".. .. 154
Burgess, Professor  77
Burning of Columbia  61, 62
Butler, Major General M. C.
At Trevilian  46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52
At Burgess Mill  55,56,57,58,59, 60
At Kilpatrick's Camp  62, 63, 64, 65
Nominates Hampton for Governor  108, 134
Elected United States Senator  171
Accompanies Hampton to Washington  193, 194, 202
Breakfasts with General Lee  21,22, 23
Calnho^ Eiots  135, 137
Cameron, Secretary of War  154, 164, 184
Cattle Raid  53,54, 55
Chambersburg Raid  41, 42
Chamberlain, Daniel H. —
Opinion of the Constitutional Convention  88
Governor from 1874 to 1876  91
Antecedents  91
Description of a constituency similar to his  95, 96, 97
His account of the condition of the State In 1876  97, 103, 104
Vetoes  104
Whipper-Moses Judgeship incident  105
Delegate to the Republican National Convention  106
His "boom"  106, 107, 108
His opinion of the result, if he had been elected  113
United States troops  ¦  US
Nominated for Govemor in 1876  123
His letter to Grant, and Grant's reply promising troops  126
Calls upon Grant for troops, as per aigreement  133
Calls for more troops  155
Seizes State House with troops  156
Asks protection from Hampton  157
"Counted in" by the bogus Houses  165
Title considered  166
Cross-examined by Senate Committee  178

234 Index
Chamberlain, Daniel H. — (Continued) Page
Says that he was In personal danger  189
Surrenders State House  195
"Colored race"  79,80, 81
Conner, Brigadier General James —
Opinion of Hampton  30
At Manassas  39
Nominated for Attorney General  109, 193
Columbia, burning of  61, 62
Combahee Riots  130
Conservatives appeal against Carpet-bag Constitution  88
Corbin, United States District Attorney  133, 150, 178, 197
Criminal assaults on women  Conclusion of Chapter IV.
Cromwell, Oliver —
Military similarity in some points to Hampton  34-35, 114
Davis, David, Justice of the Supreme Court of the U. S  153
Davis, President Jefferson  65-67, 111
Dahlgren Raid  42, 43, 44
Dawson, F. W  182
Electoral Commission  153, 182, 186
"Eleventh Commandment"  203
Ellenton Riots  130, 131, 132
Trials  197
Executive Committee of the Democratic Party of the State  106, 164, 180
Fayetteville charge  19, 20
Ferry, President of U. S. Senate  177
Fish, Secretary of State  167
Five Forks — Letter from Lee to Hampton  60
Force Bill — Hampton's speech  29, 30
Gettysburg  42
Ghent, Treaty of  8, 9
Gordon, U. S. Senator John B  163, 164, 177, 184, 187, 188, 193
Grant, Ulysses S. —
Breaking up of Louisiana Legislature by soldiers  102
Letter to Chamberlain promising troops in 1876  126
Unanimously endorsed for a third term by Convention of the Republican
Party of South Carolina  128
His desire for a third term and Its infiuence on his conduct  128
Furnishes troops to Chamberlain, as agreed  133
Troops  155
Sends 600 more troops to Columbia  167, 183
Forbids celebration of Washington's Birthday  184, 185, 186
Green, John S  91
Hampton, Anthony  2
Hampton, Frank  42
Hampton Legion  37, ,38
Hampton, Lieutenant Preston — Mortally wounded at Burgess Mill.
Hampton, Wade, Lieutenant-General, Governor, and State Senator. Birth.. .. 1
Descent  1, 2
At Millwood  13
As horseman  13, 14, 15
As hunter  14
Sportsman  15
His reading  16

Index 235
Hampton, Wade. — (Continued) Page
Physical characteristics  16, 17, 18
Cheerful disposition  18
Joke on a naked Federal prisoner  18, 19
Charging at Fayetteville  19, 20
Joke on a member of his staff  20, 21
Breakfast with General Lee, and joke  21, 22, 33
With Lee in the lines  23, 24
Cotton planter  24
His negroes  24
Fondness for country life  24
At Cashier's Valley  24, 25
Fondness for children  25, 26
Personal kindness to a wounded trooper at Trevilian  26
Popularity and Infiuence at Washington  28, 29
Speech on the Force Bill  29, 30
Judge SImonton's tribute  30, 31
General James Conner's opinion  30
Opposes slave-trade  32
Some points of military similarity to Cromwell  37, 38
"The Legion"  37, 38
At Manassas  38, 39, 40
Equanimity on learning of loss of property amounting to millions  40
Made Brigadier-General of Cavalry  41
Chambersburg Raid  41, 42
Brandy Station  42
Gettysburg  42
Made Major-General of Cavalry  42
Dahlgren Raid  42, 43, 44
Commander of Cavalry of the Army of Northern Virginia  44
Trevilian Campaign  46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52
Cattle Raid  53, 54, 55
Burgess Mill Battle  55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60
Lee's letter to Hampton at Five Forks  60
Commands all the Cavalry of Joseph Johnston's Army  60
Number of prisoners taken in campaign of 1864  60
His average effective strength during campaign of 1864  60, 61
Made Lieutenant-General  61
The burning of Columbia  61, 62
Destruction of Kilpatrick's Camp  62, 63, 64, 65
Number of prisoners taken in the Campaign of the Carolinas  65
Offering to safeguard President Davis  65, 66, 67, 68
Nominated for Governor  108
Letter to President Andrew Johnson  Ill, 112, 113
Prevents the people from storming the Capitol  157
His title considered. .  167
Inaugurated Governor  168
Disproves asserted desertion of Tilden  179, 180, 181
Proclamation on Grant's forbidding celebration of Washington's Birth
day  185, 186
Invited to a conference by Hayes  193
Calls a session of the Legislature  200
His election to a third term in the United States Senate  212, 213
Financial wisdom  213, 214
Letter to the people after the burning of his house  219
Views about Boer War  220
Declines appointment of Postmaster at Columbia  224
His death  224

236 Index
Hampton, Wade. — (Continued) Page
General Longstreet's estimate of him as a Cavalry leader  225
Funeral  228, 229
Hampton, Wade (Grandfather of the Lieutenant-General) —
In command of a Regiment of Cavalry  5
Commands Sumter's Brigade  5
At the battle of Eutaw Springs  5
Member of the Legislature of 1783  5
In Congress  5
Major-General  6
Cotton planter  6
Hampton, Col. Wade (Father of the Lieutenant-General) 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13
Planter  12, 13
At Millwood  12, 13
Millwood burned in 1865  12
Hamburg Riots  126, 127
Hayes, President —
How made  152, 153
Declared elected  ¦.  182
Policy  188
Inauguration  188
Invites Hampton, and also Chamberlain, to a conference  193
Agrees to withdraw troops  193
Jackson, Major-General Andrew —
At New Orleans  6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13
Won empire for the United States  8, 9
Among the world's greatest commanders  11
His strategy and tactics  11
Johnson, President Andrew  74
Eeconstruction Acts  76, 77
Supreme Court decides it has no jurisdiction  77
Appropriate quotation from Morley's Cromwell  77
Views of Professor Burgess  77
Nevertheless, representation an inalienable right  78
Enforcement of Reconstruction Acts in South Carolina  87
Hampton's letter to Johnson  Ill
Johnston, General Albert Sydney —
His beneficiary at Trevilian  27, 28
His old soldiers  27, 28
Johnston, General Joseph E  60
Kilpatrick, General —
Dahlgren Raid  42,43, 44
Camp destroyed  62, 63, 64, 65
Kilpatrick's Camp, Battle of  '.  62, 63, 64, 65
Kimpton, "Financial Agent"  174, 175
Lee, Major-General Fitzhugh  46, 52
Lee, General Eobert E. —
Gettysburg  12
Breakfasts with Hampton  21, 22 ; 33
Solicitude, mother's  23, 24
Letter to Hampton about Five Forks  60
Opinion about Reconstruction  70
Legislature —
Excluded from Hall by troops  150
Organized  159
Spurious Mackey House  159

Index 237
Page
Lincoln, President Abraham —
Character  74 • 83 84
Reconstruction programme  ' ' 84
Louisiana Territory  8 9
Lynching  Conclusion of Chapter IX
Machlavelli — shunting as a topographical tutor for war  31
Mackey, E. W. M  159,160.161, 171
McClure, Colonel A. K. — Letters about Hampton  28, 29 ; 41 42
Manassas, Battle of  38 39 40
Morley, John — Invitation from  .'. .' 77
Morton, Levi P. (Vice-President) —
Hampton's speech on the Force Bill  29 30
Morton, Oliver P  ..74,106,185! 196
Moses, "Eobber Governor" F. J  91 105
Moses, Judge  ' ' '[^q] 182
Naked Federal Prisoner  18 19
New Orleans, Battle of  6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12! 13
New Tork Tribune calls Hampton "Christian and patriot"  32
"Ogden Movement"  204 205
Packenham, Sir Edward  7, 8, 9, 10
Patterson, U. S. Senator J. J. ("Honest John")  124, 137, 194, 196^ 197
Pike, James S. —
Description of the Legislature, etc  93, 94
Depravity of Federal oflJcehoIders  95
Prisoners —
Taken by Hampton In Campaign of 1864  60
In Campaign of the Carolinas  65
Rape  Conclusion of Chapter IV.
Representation an Inalienable right  78
Returning Board  148, 150, 152
Rifie Clubs  122, 123
Proclaimed  133
Forbidden by Grant to celebrate Washington's Birthday  185, 186
Roosevelt, Theodore  114, 218, 220, 221, 222
Rosser, Major-General Thomas L  49
Ruger, Brigadier-General T. H  154, 155, 156, 157, 160, 161, 163, 164, 176
Rutledge, John  119, 207
Scott, Governor R. K  90, 91
Sherman, General Tecumseh —
Burning of Columbia  61, 62
St. Gauden's Statue  84, 8S
Simonton, Judge Charles H. — Tribute to Hampton  30, 31
Simpson, Lieutenant-Governor W. D  109, 168, 177
"South American Methods"  155, 157
Spy, incident of  19, 20
Staff-ofllcer's muddy ride  20, 21
Stevens, Thaddeus  74, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84
Strength of Hampton's Corps in Campaign of 1864  60
Supreme Court of United States —
Decides itself without jurisdiction In cases arising under the Reconstruc
tion Acts, and therefore unable to safeguard the liberty of the citizen. . 77
Appropriate quotation from Morley's Cromwell  77

238 Index Page
"Telepathic violence"  123, 126, 127, 128, 139
Thompson, Ex-Governor Hugh S. —
Tribute to Hampton  29, 30
Tilden, Samuel J  153, 179, 180, 181
Trevilian, Battle of  46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52
Tuskegee, reports about  206
Wallace, U. S. Marshal  130,137, 138
Wheeler, Major-General Joseph  61, 63, 64
Whipper, negro Judge  105
Willard, Justice of Supreme Court of South Carolina  149, 1S3
Whittemore, "Cadet-broker"  171, 172, 202
Wright, negro Judge  150, 183

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