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THE MINUTE MAN STATUE.

THE

HISTORY OF CONCORD
MASSACHUSETTS

VOLUME I
COLONIAL CONCORD

BY
ALFRED SERENO HUDSON
Author of "History of Sudbury, Mass." "The Annals of Sudbury,
Wayland and Maynard." " History of the First Cojigrega'.
tional Church, Ayer, Mass." " Memoirs of Luther ;...
Blanchard, Fifer of the Acton Minutemeh,
April 19, 1775."

The Erudite Press
Concord, Massachusetts
1904

Alfred Sereno Hudson

9ci«CC«V#tft0 of t1)t Original Gv.tuttttt of ConrorO,
AND OF OTHERS WHO EARLY WENT TO THE TOWN,
AND BY THEIR TOILS AND PRAYERS
CONTRIBUTED TO ITS ESTABLISHMENT AND
PERMANENT SUCCESS,
THIS BOOK IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED
BY THE

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PREFACE
The town of Concord is probably as attractive in histori
cal features as any in this country.
Its early connection with the American Revolution ; its
association with the life and works of Emerson, Haw
thorne, Thoreau and other distinguished authors ; and its
having formerly been the County Seat of old Middlesex
all contribute to make the place notable.
It is thronged annually with thousands of visitors, some
mere sightseers, some seeking inspiration from the shrines
visited, some to say they have been to Concord.
The History of Concord written by Lemuel Shattuck
and published in 1835, is not now easily obtainable. Only
a few copies, if any, of the work of Charles H. Walcott,
Esq., remain unsold ; and the historical sketches of Rev.
Grindall Reynolds, D. D., and the Hon. John S. Keyes
were written for the Histories of Middlesex County,
which are too bulky and expensive for common use.
Besides these standard works, nothing that we are aware of
has been published of the town's consecutive annals, except
occasional pamphlets and addresses. Because of these
things we believe an available History may be desirable,
and by the preparation of these pages we have sought to
supply it.
The work is designed to be in two volumes ; the first
entitled Colonial Concord: the second, Provincial Concord.
Volume 1 includes the annals of the town from its origin
in 1635, untill 1692, at which time the Massachusetts Bay
Colony became a Province, together with brief biographical
sketches of the original grantees.
Volume II. will include the annals from 1692 through the
Provincial period to the close of the Revolutionary war.
Volume I is divided into two parts. The first contains
the story of the settlement setting forth the leading facts
in the town's history, so far as known, to the year 1655.
In this portion of the work the writer has employed both
fact and fiction ; but in such a manner as to enable the
reader easily to distinguish the one from the other. This

Prefc

ace

method has been adopted because many of the early
records were lost, and it is designed to supply the deficiency,
as relates to manners and customs, by conjecture based on
analogy as these were known to exist in other towns at the
same time.
The second part is pure history. The facts are mainly
given in chronological order and to a large extent set forth
by copies of original records and ancient papers with refer
ences to the places where they are found.
A work on local history to be in the highest degree
instructive should be more than a mere compilation of
dates, statistics, and isolated facts, valuable only to anti
quaries and genealogists. It should have such a back
ground or setting of general history as will give the
reader an intelligent understanding of the causes and results
of the local events described.
For this reason, in instances where an occurrence is promi
nently connected with events in the country at large, the
latter have been sufficiently described to show the relation
ship of one to the other.
No claim is made to great original research. The field
of Concord history has been too carefully harvested in the
past, to leave much opportunity for the gleaner to gather
new sheaves, or to find much rich aftermath. We have
collected our material from every available source whether
of records, manuscript, publication or tradition. We have
avoided dogmatic assertion and have intended to state hypo-
thetically whatever is doubtful or unsettled.
Prominent among the writers of local history from
whom we have quoted are those of Lemuel Shattuck,
Charles E. Walcott, Esq. Rev. Grindall Reynolds, D. D.
Hon John S. Keyes, and Albert E. Wood. We have
also received valuable suggestions from the late Alfred
Hosmer, and are also indebted to the historian, Rev. G. M.
Bodge, to the Littleton Historical Society, and others whose
services have been kindly proffered and gratefully received.

Preface

in

That the work is free from errors it would be presump
tion to assert. ' No prudent writer of local history would
make pretence to this. Neither do any who are charitably
disposed and have had experience in the difficult work of the
local annalist presume to judge the work of another from
the standpoint of perfect accuracy. There are many sub
jects which will always be matters of doubt and controversy.
Evidence considered admissible by some might be rejected
by others ; and cases may occur when the evidence is consid
ered about equal on either side.
This work has been written from the position of one
who has great reverence for the religious faith of
the fathers, and who recognizes in this faith a strong factor
in whatever of greatness has accrued to us, as a Nation.
And if bringing out the facts, many of. which are too
little known, shall lead to a higher appreciation of the
fathers and of the faith that made them what they were, one
great object of the author will be accomplished.
A. S. H.

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THE BATTLE GROUND.
CONTENTS

Page
CHAPTER I.
A Traveler's Visit to an Early Homestead at Concord, Massachu
setts. Scene at a Settler's Fireside. Company Expected. Strange
Sounds and Sights Talked about. Town Meeting Topics Discussed.
Description of Concord in the Present. Objects of Historic Interest.
The North Bridge. Houses of the Revolutionary Period. The
Wright Tavern. First Parish Meeting House. Antiquarian House.
Meriam's Corner. i
CHAPTER II.
Places of Classic Interest. The "Old Manse." Home of Ralph Waldo
Emerson. The "Orchard House." The "Wayside." Walden
Pond. Thoreau's House. The Home of Frank B. Sanborn. Old
Burying Grounds. Sleepy Hollow. Natural Objects. o
CHAPTER III.
Origin of Settlement. Early Results. Erection of "Corn Mill."
Meeting House. Parsonage. Resumption of Traveler's Narrative.
Coming from Watertown. First Conference with the Concord
Colonists. Visit to the Home of William Hartwell. Indian Mis
sion Service at Nashawtuc. 20
CHAPTER IV.
Tahatawan's Wigwam. Supper Served by Squaws. Rev. John Eliot
Preaching by Candlewood Light. Tribal Relations of the Mus-
ketequids. Stone Relics.and Sites of Indian Villages. Spread of
Christianity among the Concord Aborigines. Nashoba. Exile of
Christian Indians to Deer Island. Humane Efforts of John Hoar in
their Behalf. 27
CHAPTER V.
Duck Hunting. River Scenery. Beaver Dam. Indian Granary.
Sweating Pit. Mysterious Sight upon the Meadows. Arrival at
the Manse. 37
ix

L intents

Page
CHAPTER VI.
Informal Talk Preparatory to Town Meeting. The Apparition. Exodus
of Concord Settlers to Connecticut. Statement of Rev. Cotton
Mather. Effect of the Exodus on the Laity. The Town Meeting. 45
CHAPTER VII.
Scene by the Wayside. Home of Timothy Wheeler. Evening Talk
by the Fireplace. Statements of John Scotchford. Cause of the
Settlement of Concord. 54
CHAPTER VIII.
Continued Account of Colonial Child Life. Synopsis of Events the
First Year at the Musketequid Settlement. Purchase of Territory
from the Indians. Plan of the Township. Names of the Original
Grantees. Description of the Journey from Watertown to Concord. 60
CHAPTER XI.
Character of the First Houses. Food, Clothing, Occupation. Prepara
tions for Cold Weather. The Setting in of Winter. Trials and
Amusements. The Coming of Spring. Scenes along the Muskete
quid. 69
CHAPTER X.
Capture of Fish. Breakfast Table of Timothy Wheeler. Morning
Walk Through the Woods. Visit at the Simon Willard Homestead.
Historic Sketch of Major Simon Willard. Description of Colonial
Farm Houses. 78
CHAPTER XI.
Domestic Products. Reminiscent Effect of Madam Willard's Dutch
cheese. Conversation upon Colonial Drinking Customs. Clerk of
the Writs. Legal Fees. Furnishings of Early Farm Houses; Light
ing Appliances. Table Ware, Fireplace Utensils, Room Decora
tions. Class Distinctions. 87
CHAPTER XII.
Talk at Nashawtuc. Fire of Candle Wood. Nantatucket. Municipal
management at Musketequid. Division of Concord into "quarters-"
Limits and Inhabitants. Committee on Rules regulating Highways
and Bridges. Location of Homesteads. Early Roads. 96
CHAPTER XIII.
Sites of Ancient Highways. Their Reminiscent Character. Vestiges
of Old Homesteads. Earth Dents. Traces of Old "Tavern Stand"
Shoemaker's Shop, Laborer's Cottage, The Dame School. 104

Contents xi
PAGi
CHAPTER XIV.
The Haunted House. Casting of the Yarn Ball. The "Witch Call".
Adventurous Search for an Apparition. Explanations Relative to
Houses said to be Haunted. 115
CHAPTER XV.
Bridges. Their Associations. Rules for the Care of Concord Bridges.
The Historic "Old North Bridge". Its Environment. Graves of
British Soldiers. The South Bridge. Its Sucessors. Other
Bridges. 123
CHAPTER XVI.
A Sunday with the Settlers. Walk to Church. Description of the
Meeting House. The Service. Colonial Church Edifices. Quaint
Accompaniments. Early Ecclesiastical Objects, Customs, Influences.
Their Value. Succession of Concord Meeting Houses. 130
CHAPTER XVII.
Visit to the Home of Goodman George Heywood. Talk with Miller
William Buss. Ramble about the Mill Pond. Flint's Pond. His
tory of the Bulkeley Grist Mill. Succession of Millers. Stroll
about Concord Center. Description of the Mill Pond. 151
CHAPTER XVIII.
Description of Village at Concord Center in Early Times. Streets.
House Lots. Robert Meriam's Store. Street Scene. Tavern.
Landlord William Buss. Rules and Regulations of Ordinaries.
Old Time Taverns at Concord. 163
CHAPTER XIX.
The New England Village. Its Origin and Equipment. The Village
Doctor. His Medicines and Charges. Early Physicians of Con
cord : Read, Prescott, Minot, Heywood. The Village Magistrate.
Condition of Colonial Jurisprudence. First Lawyer at Concord.
History of John Hoar. 175
CHAPTER XX.
Goodman Baker's Husking Party. Colonial Corn Fields. Invitations.
Culinary Preparations. Red Ears. Social- Sports. Fireside Talk
of the Old Folks. Sign seen by Betsey Billings. Origin of New
England Witchcraft. Recital of Strange Event by Simeon Slowgo.
Story of Tilly Temple. The Surprise. Early Judicial Attitude
toward Witchcraft. Efforts of the Clergy for its Abolition. 188

xii Contents Page
CHAPTER XXI.
Return to the East Quarter. Forest Ride. Game Birds. Goodwife
Hartwell's Kitchen. Cooking by the Fireplace. Evening Talk of
the Farm Folks. Laws Relative to Domestic Animals. Historic
Sketch of Hartwell Family. Visit at Home of Constable Thomas
Brooks. His Official Duties. Rules Relative to Colonial Dress.
Homestead of Goodman William Hunt. Early Military Matters.
History of the Hunt Family. 200
CHAPTER XXII.
Visit at Goodman William Buttrick's. His History. Situation of his
House. Reflections upon a Prospective Wedding. Historic Sketch
of Thomas Brooks. Curious Laws and Customs relative to Mar
riage. Bachelors, Match Making, Widowers. Wedding Gifts.
Attendance on "Lecture day" Service. Its Nature and Importance.
Religious Character of the Colonists. Care of the Poor. Visit at
the Home of Goodman Richard Rice. 212
CHAPTER XXIII.
A Wedding at the House of Goodman John Miles. Description of Bride's
and Bridegroom's Dress. The Marriage Ceremony. Throwing the
Garter. Situation of the Miles' Homestead. Historic Sketch of
John Miles. Visit at the home of Thomas Flint Esquire ; His
Official Duties. As Assistant. As Commissioner. Early Colonial
Law Books. Primitive Courts and Court Practices. Talk Relative
to Servants. 222
CHAPTER XXIV.
Funeral at the House of a Cottager. Absence ef Floral Tributes and
Artificial Adornments. Sad and Simple Services. The Burial. The
Procession to the Grave. Talk with the "Saxton" in the Burying
Ground. Early Colonial Funeral Customs. The Bearers, Mort
Cloth, Mourning Gloves, Scarfs and Rings. Grave Stones and
Epitaphs. Start for the Flint Homestead. Evening Adventure by
the Way. The Strange Surprise. A Pleasant Discovery. Enter
tained by Nantatucket and Tissansquaw.

233

CHAPTER XXV.
Arrival at theFlint Farm. Sunday Morning in a Home of Colonial Con
cord. Start for Meeting. Gathering of the Worshipers. Neigh
borly Inquiries. The Church Service. The Sermon. Singing.
The Noon Intermission. Catechistical Exercise. Afternoon Service!
Colonial Church Customs. Sacred Music. Succession of Singing
Books. "Lining off". Triple Time. "Fuging." Pitch Pipes

Contents xiii
Page
Introduction of Musical Instruments. Talk with Goodman James
Hosmer. Conversation Relating to the Installation of Rev. Peter
Bulkeley. Facts of History Concerning this Subject. 245
CHAPTER XXVI.
Visit at the home of Goodman James Hosmer. Reflections upon the
Settler's Fireplace. Invitation to Humphrey Barrett's Log Rolling.
Situation of the Hosmer Farm. Outline of Hosmer History. The
Old House Site. Scenes at the Log Rolling. Early Forestry. Care
of Concord's Poor. Process of Clearing New Lands. Facts Rela
tive to the Barrett Family. 253
CHAPTER XXVII.
invitation to visit the "Blood Farms." Homestead of a "Borderer" or
"Outdweller". Pastoral Visitation with Parson Bulkeley and Dea
con Griffin. Religious Exercise at the house of Goodman Thomas
Dakin. Use of Ardent Spirit. Possible Mistakes about Ministerial
Drinking Habits. Social Standing of the Clergy. Safeguards
against abusing Clergymen. Installation Dinners. Relation of
Pastor to his Parish. The Dakin Family. Legend of Hidden Treas
ure. 263
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Early Record Relating to the Concord Plantation. Permission to Pur
chase Territory. Land Sale. Indian Deed. Depositions Confirma
tory of Title to the Township. Original Boundary. Additional
Land Grants. Petitions to the General Court. 273
CHAPTER XXIX.
Land Allotments and Divisions. Early Records Relating to Real Estate.
Public Reservations. Undivided Territory. Location of Land
Tracts. Amount of Acreage. The grant of Thirty-one Acres to
Rev. Peter Bulkeley. 282
CHAPTER XXX
Successive Ownership of Land Grants. Historic Sketch of the Major
Simon Willard Farm at Nashawtuc. Change of Occupants of Old
Estates. 292
CHAPTER XXXI.
Old Houses. The Elisha Jones House. The Block House. Hunt
House. Abel Hosmer House. Wheeler House. Joseph Hosmer
House. Woods House. Buttrick House. Barrett House. Old
Manse. Wright Tavern. The Colonial. The Meriam, Tuttle,
Fox, Brown, Heywood, Beal, Bull, and Alcott Houses. Ancient

xiv Contents PAGB
House Sites. Site of the Rev. Peter Bulkeley Parsonage. Site of
the Major Simon Willard House. Deserted Districts and their Sug-
gestiveness. 300
CHAPTER XXXII.
Development of the Settlement. Indications of Progress. Various
Hindrances. Discouraging Report. Unsatisfactory Condition of
the River Meadows. Measures taken for a Betterment of the
Meadows. Unproductive Uplands. Emigration to Connecticut.
The Town's Recuperative Energy. Condition in 1654. 316
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Death of Mr. Thomas Flint and the Rev- Peter Bulkeley. Departure
from Concord of Major Simon Willard. Walcott's description of
the Nature and Value of Major Willard's Public Services. Biograph
ical Sketches of Thomas Flint Esquire and the Rev. Peter Bulkeley. 321
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Settlement of Rev. Edward Bulkeley. Rev. Joseph Estabrook called as
Colleague Pastor. Measures taken for their Maintenance. Bio
graphical Sketches of Rev. Edward Bulkeley. Peter Bulkeley
Esquire. Acquisition of New Territory. Stow, Littleton, Carlisle
and Acton. Iron Industry. -342-
XXXV.
King Philip's War. Activity Preparatory to its Coming. The Part
taken in the Conflict by Concord. Its Cause. The Havoc. Con
dition of the Counry at the Outbreak of Hostilities. The State of
Society. The Town's Means of Defense. Its Militia, Its Garrison
Houses. The Foot Company. The Troop of Horse. Means Pro
vided for the Relief of Refugees. Miscellaneous Military Matters. 342
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Authentic Account of the Hutchinson Expedition to Brookfield by Cap
tain Thomas Wheeler. The Ambuscade. The Attack. The
Escape. The Siege of the Garrison House. Ephraim Curtis the
Sudbury Scout. The Rescue by Major Simon Willard. 354
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Devout Nature of the "Narrative" by Captain Thomas Wheeler.
Religious Character of the Colonial Soldiers. Instances of Alleged
Divine Interpretation. Original Title of the Wheeler Document.
Pacific Object of the Hutchinson Expedition. Preparatory Work
by the Sudbury Scout. Salutary Effect of the Disaster. Biograph
ical Sketches of Captain Thomas Wheeler, Simon Davis, and
Ephraim Curtis. Names of Soldiers Credited for Services about
Brookfield. 3g.

Contents xv
Page
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Removal of the Christian Indians from Nashoba to Concord. Indian
Mission Work. The Establishment of Christian or Praying Indians
in Villages or Towns. The Character and Conduct of the Chris
tian Indians. Their Fidelity and Service to the English. Rules for
their Restraint. Humane Act of John Hoar. Circumstances Ex
planatory of Harsh Treatment of the Christian Indians by the Col
onial Communities. Historic Sketch of Indian Mission Work at
Nashoba by Herbert Joseph Harwood of Littleton. Disposition of
the Nashoba Territory. 377
CHAPTER XXXIX.
The Narragansett Campaign. Its Object and Nature. Names of Con
cord Soldiers. Company in which they Served. The Officers.
Return of Order of Concord Committee of Militia. Object of the
Expedition. The Swamp Fort. The Wintry March from Dedham
Plain. The Fight. Description by Rev. G. M. Bodge. Casualties
to the Concord Soldiers. Burial of the Dead. The Return March.
Comments on Criticism of Conduct of the Campaign. Account
of Petitions for Land Grants. Concord Names in List of Land
Claimants. The "Long" or "Hungry "March. Authentic Account
of the Swamp Fight by Capt. James Oliver. 393
CHAPTER XL.
The Advance of the English to the Nipmuck Country. Movement of
Canonchet. Indian Depredations in the Spring of 1675-6. Their
Descent upon Concord Villiage. Isaac and Jacob Shepard slain.
Mary Shepard made Captive. Place of the Tragedy. Description
of the Event. The Escape of Mary Shepard. The Removal of the
Nashoba Indians from Concord. Sketch of Capt. Samuel Mosely.
His Antecedents. Character of His Soldiers. 409
CHAPTER XLI.
Movements of the Indians after the Narragansett Campaign. Expedi
tion into the Nipmuck Country. Dismissal of Soldiers from Gar
rison Houses. The Disastrous Results. Advance of the Indians to
the Eastward. The Alarm. The Starting of Relief Companies.
Soldiers from Boston, Watertown and Concord. Capt. Samuel
Wadsworth's Command. His Arrival at Marlborough. The
Return to Sudbury. The Ambuscade. The Wadsworth Fight at
Green Hill. The Forest Fire. The Rout. Escape to the Mill at
Hop Brook. Burial of the Slain. The Woodland Grave. Siege of
the Haynes House. Attempted Rescue by the Concord Men. Am
buscade of the Concord Soldiers. The Route Taken to Sudbury. 417

xvi Contents Page
CHAPTER XL1I.
The Attack Upon Lancaster. Capture of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson.
Efforts for Her Release. Heroic Services of Thomas Doublet or
Nepanet. Humane Work of John Hoar, Esq. The Process of
Ransom. Extracts from the Book of Removes. Rowlandson Rock. 438
CHAPTER XLIII.
List of Names of Concord Soldiers in King Philip's War. Miscellaneous
Services of the Town. Incidental Hardships. The Loss of Men.
Biographical Sketches of the Killed and Wounded. 452
CHAPTER XLIV.
Historical Sketches of Major Simon Willard, Lieut. Edward Oakes,
Lieut. Simon Davis, Capt. Thomas Brattle. 463
CHAPTER XLV.
Changed Condition of the Colony at the Close of King Philip's War
Process of Recuperation. Erection of a New Meeting House.
Evangelical Character of the Concord Church. Progress in
Educational Affairs. Early Circulating Library. Donation of
Land by Capt. Timothy Wheeler. Real Estate Transactions.
Adjustment of Riparian Rights of the Bulkeley Mill Privilege.
Settlement of the Controversy Concerning the Blood Farms. His
torical Sketch of the Blood Family- Indian Deeds in Confirmation
of Old Titles. 475

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

THE MINUTE MAN Frontispiece PAGE
The Battle Monument v
The Battle Ground ix
The Virginia Road xix
Old Map xxi
Fireplace in the Meriam House Kitchen i
Graves of British Soldiers 5
The Old Manse 9
South Bridge 1 3
Residence of Frank B. Sanborn 1 3
Emerson's Grave 17
Hawthorne's Grave 17
The Public Library (9
Main Street, Opposite Public Library 19
¦ The Old Burying Ground 21
The Concord River, From Nashawtuc Hill 27
Egg Rock 37
Tablet Marking The Site of The Peter Bulkley Parsonage 45
Tablet Marking Site of Concord's First Town House 45
Meriam' s Corner 55
Ralph Waldo Emerson, portrait 61
The Home of Ralph Waldo Emerson 69
The Library of "Ralph Waldo Emerson 79
Tablet of First Parish Meeting House 87
¦• Centennial North Bridge 97
The Old Malboro Road 105
Birthplace of Henry D. Thoreau 1 15
JThe North Bridge 123
First Parish Meeting House, 1 7 1 2 131
Doolittle Picture of Concord Fight 1 5 1
Residence of Mr. Woodward Hudson 163
Henry D. Thoreau, portrait 1 75
The Thoreau House 189
xvii

Illustrations xvm

PAGE

Home of Henry D. Thoreau at Walden Pond

201

Thoreau's Cove at Walden Pond

2'3

Grave of Henry D. Thoreau

223

The Grave of John Jack

233

Nathaniel Hawthorne, portrait

245

The Wayside, Home of Nathaniel Hawthorne

*53

Frank B. Sanborn, portrait

263

First Parish Meeting House

273

Provincial Store House

283

The Antiquarian House

293

The Elisha Jones House

301

A. Bronzon Alcott, portrait

317

Louisa May Alcott, portrait

321

Hillside Chapel

3^7

Grave of Louisa Alcott

327

The Orchard House, Home of the Alcott Family

333

The Block House

343

The Old Barrett House

355

Main Street Burying Ground

365

Doolittle Picture, A View of the Town of Concord 1775

377

The Wright Tavern

393

Old Middlesex Hotel

409

Concord High School

417

Tablet, Egg Rock

439

Tablet on Battle Lawn

^39

Concord High School, 1865

453

The Old North Primary School House

453

Site of Willard House

465

Concord Square, 1903

475

Concord Square, 1840

475

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STORY

OF THE

SETTLEMENT

OF

CONCORD, MASS

1635-1654

FIREPLACE IN THE MERIAM HOUSE KITCHEN.

COLONIAL CONCORD

CHAPTER I.
A traveler s visit to an early homestead at Concord,
Massachusetts — Scene at a Settler s fireside — Com
pany expected — Strange sounds and sights talked
about — Town Meeting topics discussed — Descrip
tion of Concord in the present — Objects of Historic
Interest — The North Bridge — Houses of the
Revolutionary Period — The Wright Tavern —
First Parish Meeting House — The Antiquarian
House — Meriam 's Corner.
THE fire flickered and the sparks flew up the broad
chimney, as a traveler sat on a fall evening before
the half burnt backlog, in Goodman Hartwell's
snug farm-house in Concord town about two
centuries and a half ago.
It was evident from the appearance of things that com
pany was expected, for besides the usual oaken settle and
chairs there were standing about sundry stools and a long,
low bench. Presently a sound was heard at the door as if
some one were fumbling for the latchstring, and as it
opened several neighbors entered and also Goodmen But-
trick and Heald from the North quarter and Miles and
Dakin from the South. A little later, Parson Peter Bulke
ley arrived with the Gobble boys who had come from down
by the river bay in an oxcart, and having overtaken the
minister had brought him along.
While waiting for others to come, various subjects were
talked about, among which were some strange noises which

i Colonial
Goody Dean said she "heerd near the buryin ground."
Some said they were made by an earthquake, others sug
gested a landslide, but these explanations did not satisfy
Duty, who declared that "the sounds ware above the airth,
not under it nor inside it. Besides," said she, "the milk has
soured twice sence I heerd them so I think the cows heerd
them too fur they feed there."
The matter being referred to the minister he said, after
a moment's reflection, "Such things being unusual contain
a lesson and should lead us to be circumspect and careful in
our conduct." He was about to say more, but was inter
rupted by a faint rap at the back door which was at the end
of a low entry under the lean-to roof.
Goodman Hartwell snatched from the mantlepiece a
save-all on which a short candle stub sputtered, and going
out soon returned with Goody Rice who had come across
lots for an evening call. The newcomer created a fresh
breeze of excitement for she confirmed what Duty had said
of the queer noises, and also told about a strange creature
which had several times been seen near the "great mead
ows," sometimes looking like a man and sometimes like a
goat, but always vanishing when approached.
It was at once agreed that since the strange sight and
sounds were at about the same time they might have the
same cause, and as the matter was a serious one it was thought
wise before considering it further to wait till others came in,
"For," said Ensign Hosmer who had just entered, "there's
some up our way who've heerd things, and I consait seen
things too, and perhaps the creature is the 'specter wolf
folks have talked of."
The further time of waiting was mostly occupied in talk
ing over the condition of Dame Smeadley, who, Goodman
Farwell who had just visited her said, was "low and languish
ing and much in need of the physic and paynes of the
chirugeon." When a sufficient number had come in to begin busi
ness all other subjects were soon dropped and the business

Concord 3
of the evening was entered upon, which consisted of an
informal talk about things that were" to be considered at a
coming town meeting, among which were matters connected
with the cow commons, "the seating of the meeting house,"
and the making of some new rules relative to strangers, it
having been noised about that one or two of these might
become the town charge.
As each new comer entered he was introduced to the
traveller, and when it was understood that he had journeyed
all the way from Watertown to observe the customs, man
ners, and ways of doing things of the people at the Mus
ketequid plantation, great interest was at once taken in him
and a disposition was manifested to aid him in every way
possible. Among other marks of cordiality was the promptness
with which they invited him to their "hpusen," offering the
freedom and hospitality of their firesides and promising if
he would set a time they woul4 come for him.
The traveller appeared pleased, and afterwards in accept
ing their invitations, sat at many hearthstones listening to
the sparks and gathering much of colonial lore and pioneer
experience of the settlers of Concord.
Before narrating, however, what he heard and saw, we
will speak of Concord as it is, and briefly outline its earlier
history. Concord, Massachusetts, is in Middlesex County about
twenty miles from Boston. It has a territorial area of
about fifteen miles and a population of between five and
six thousand. It is intersected from north to south by the
New York, New Haven and Hartford railroad and from
east to west by the Fitchburg division of the Boston and
Maine. The Lexington branch of the latter road enters the
town from the east, terminating at Concord Junction near
the Massachusetts Reformatory. The trolley cars, also
have found their way here, and rumble over the old roads
and past ancient homesteads ; and where once the farm boy
drove his herd afield amid the quietness of nature, may

4 Colonial
now be seen strange vehicles, whose whizzing and whirring
show plainly that Concord is not exempt from modern
progress. The Center or central village of Concord has a popula
tion of from two to three thousand and contains approxi
mately five hundred private residences. It has no stores
or shops beyond what are locally required ; and more or
less of its inhabitants are those who in retirement have
sought here a restful retreat, or who, while doing busi
ness elsewhere, have made this their home.
About midway of the central village is a small common
or public square. In this square is a monument commemo
rative of the town's soldiers and sailors who died in the
civil war.
Near the corner of the Common to the easterly where
the road turns towards the Battle Ground is the old
County Court House where the District Court for central
Middlesex holds its sessions.
Southerly of the Court House is the Town House and
on the opposite side to the westward is the old Registry
of Deeds building used for county purposes when Con
cord was a shire town.
To the northerly of the square is "The Colonial," a
building associated with the Revolutionary war and the
family of Henry Thoreau.
The places of interest in Concord are both historic and
classic. Foremost among the former is the site of the old
North Bridge about a half mile from the public square. By
this spot several Provincial and British soldiers were killed
April 19, 1775. The slain Americans were Capt. Isaac
Davis and Abner Hosmer of the Acton Minute Men and
the Statue of the Minute Man designed by Daniel C.
French a Concord sculptor marks the spot on or near where
they fell.
The English soldiers slain were two in number. They
were under the immediate command of Lieut. Edward
Thornton Gould and were of a detachment of three com
panies under the command of Capt. Lawrie.

GRAVES OF BRITISH SOLDIERS.

Concord 5
The spot where these soldiers fell and the British stood
when they began firing upon the Provincials just over the
river is designated by a stone monument erected by the
town in 1836. Near this monument by the sidewalk pro
tected in part by a stonewall and in part by a simple chain
fence are the graves of the two fallen Britons.
The locality of these monuments is called the "Battle
Ground." The original historic bridge was long since swept
away by a river flood, and the present one was erected
for a memorial purpose.
A short distance from the lane leading to the bridge on
the road toward Concord centre is the old Jones house
built in 1654, now the residence of John S. Keyes, Justice
of the Central Middlesex District Court. In this house
there lived at the time of the Concord fight Elisha Jones,
an ardent patriot whose zeal was so demonstrative on the
retreat of the British that his house was made a target of,
and the accuracy of the Englishman's aim may still be seen
by a bullet mark in the east end.
About a mile from the North Bridge stands the old
Barrett house, the home in the Revolutionary period of
Col. James Barrett who commanded a regiment of Middle
sex militia.
To this place a detachment of Regulars were sent under
Capt. Lawrence Parsons by Lieut.-Col. Smith, who with
the main body of English soldiers were stationed at the
central village. In the door yard of this house the Britons
burned a parcel of Provincial cannon carriages and endeav
ored to discover and destroy other public property.
Various incidents are told of the doings of the Red
Coats during their short stay about the Jiouse, and of the
Provincials who sought to foil them. .<' It is said of the
aged mother of the Colonel that she would not seek for
herself a place of safety when told that the British were
coming, but prefered to remain saying, "I can't live long any

6 Colonial
way and I'd rather stay and see that they don't burn down
the house and barn."
As a soldier seized a trunk containing some pewter plates
she pluckily exclaimed, "That is private property," upon
which it was let alone. She also expostulated with a Brit
ish officer who had laid hold of Stephen, her grandson,
causing his release. When the hungry Britons asked for
\ food she gave it saying, "We are commanded in the Bible
\ to feed our enemies," and when offered money she said as
she refused it, "It is the price of blood." In a field near
; the premises the provincials had concealed some muskets,
/ and bullets were so disposed of in the house as to remain
undiscovered, so that, all in all, Captain Parsons with his
two companies of Regulars found but small compensation
for his venturesome march./ The Old Barrett house is
about two miles north of Goncord Center and is reached
by the Lowell Road and the Barrett's Mill Road.
Near the Common or Public Square, and bearing a sign
designating its historic importance is the "Wright Tavern"
"where it is asserted some of the English officers made their
headquarters during their few hours sojourn in the town on
April 19. Here, tradition says, Maj. John Pitcairn who
commanded the British marines stirred his sugar and
I brandy saying as he did so, "In this way we will stir the
blood of Yankees before night." This place was also
the headquarters, or place of rendezvous, of the Concord
Minute Men while awaiting on the morning of April 19,
, tidings of the advance of the English, and to this tavern
, Captain Smith and his company from Lincoln repaired and
; reported ; so that it was within the course of a few hours
v the head centre of two hostile forces who were to clash in
^ battle on that fateful day. IThis tavern is very old. It was
opened about 1747, by a militia captain named Ephraim
Jones. In 1751, Jones sold the premises to Thomas
Munroe formerly of Lexington, who continued the tavern
! business, and made the place, as Jones had done before him,
a resort for the town officials on their days of public

Concord J
business, furnishing them with such refreshments as were
demanded by the times and the special occasions.
About 1760, it came into the possession of Deacon
Thomas Barrett, by a mortgage and was sold by him to
Daniel Taylor. In 1775, Amos Wright became its
proprietor, and although he kept an Inn there but a short
period, it was long enough to give it a lasting name, for
it has been known as the Wright Tavern ever since, not
withstanding it was sold in 1793, to Capt. Reuben Brown
formerly of SudburyJ
Near the Wright Tavern on the south is the First Parish
or Unitarian Meeting House, which stands on the site of
one erected in 1712, where in 1774, the first Provincial
Congress met, with John Hancock as President. The
immediate predecessor of the present edifice after having
been repeatedly remodeled was destroyed by fire April 12,
1900. A few rods to the southerly, on the left going toward
Lexington is the Antiquarian House, said to be one of the
oldest buildings in Concord and formerly the home of
Reuben Brown, a saddler. Here is now kept a collection
of relics among which is the sword of Col. James Bar
rett, a gun of one of the English soldiers who fell at the
North Bridge and a tobacco box of Maj. John Buttrick.
About a mile below the Antiquarian House on the
Lexington road which was traveled by the English soldiers
both in their advance and their retreat on April 19, is Mer-
iam's Corner. Here was the first skirmish after the firing
at the North Bridge, and the beginning of disaster to the
retreating English, they having been attacked at this point
by the Provincials who had crossed from the North Bridge
over the "Great Fields" back of the Burying Ground, and
also by companies from Reading, Chelmsford and Billerica.
A tablet suitably inscribed marks the spot of this mem
orable skirmish, and hard by, set back from the highway
with its side upon the road to Bedford is the square anti
quated dwelling house early occupied by the Meriams.

8 Colonial
On one of its doors is the mark of a bullet received April
1 9th ; and the brick oven and high mantle cupboard and
corner beaufet are all indicative of the days of tallow
candles and pewter plates.
^On the east side of what is now Walden street at a place
near the Congregational Trinitarian meeting house there
stood on April 19, 1775, a store house in which some
Provincial stores had been deposited by the Committee of
Safety. These stores were saved from destruction by the
English searching squad, by a ruse of the miller who had
them in charge, who, placing his hands upon barrels of his
own flour, said, "This is my flour. In the winter I grind
my grain and in the spring I carry it to market."
The soldiers believing by this remark concerning his
own flour that all the flour deposited there belonged to the
miller departed saying, "We do not destroy private pro
perty."-

CHAPTER II.
Places of Classic Interest — The "Old Manse" —
Home of Ralph Waldo Emerson — The "Orchard
House" — The "Wayside" - Walden Pond— Tho
reau s House — The Home of Frank B. Sanborn —
Old Burying Grounds — Sleepy Hollow — Natural
Objects.
THE places of classic interest in Concord are many
and rare, for associated with its history both
ancient and modern are men and women of world
renown. Authors, poets, philosophers and jurists
have contributed to the town's literary fame. The homes
they once lived in are visited as shrines ; and the paths
once trodden by them are annually pressed by the foot
steps of many who seek new inspiration by visiting the
localities where these great men lived.
Probably the place of greatest interest is the "Old
Manse." It is on the way to the "Battle Ground" and from
its windows Rev. William Emerson witnessed the Concord
Fight. Beneath its gray gables have lived a succession of
the town's ministers ; but what above every thing else makes
it distinguished is that it was for a time the home of Ralph
Waldo Emerson and Nathaniel Hawthorne. Here the
former wrote parts of his "Nature" and the latter "Mosses
from an old Manse." It is about a half mile from Con
cord village standing back from the road amid a profu
sion of trees and shubbery and has an air of antiquity and
colonial comfort: The house was built for Rev. William
Emerson in 1765.
The field between the "Old Manse" and the "Battle
Ground" is supposed, on account of the many relics found
there, to be the site of an Indian village. 9

10 Colonial
Probably the object next in interest to the public is the
house of Ralph Waldo Emerson. This like the birth
place of the bard of Avon is a place very dear to tourists.
It is situated on the highway to Lexington and is easily
distinguished by a cluster of pine trees which environ it.
The house is of the colonial style of architecture, and of
such pleasing proportions that it would be attractive to the
passerby even were it not the home of the great essayist.
It is now occupied by Miss Ellen Emerson, a daughter,
and remains largely in its general outlook as when left by
its former illustrious occupant.
The study which was on the first floor in one of the
front rooms remains as when the great philosopher was
alive, and the walks, the garden nooks, the home trees and
such other objects as time, if let alone by man, leaves for
years unchanged, are here much as in days of yore when
Channing, Alcott, Hawthorne and Thoreau strolled among
them. Seldom, perhaps, in our land or in any land has a home
been visited by more distinguished guests. From near and
from far, from countries beyond the seas men have come to
this spot and gone away bearing with them as an ample
compensation the thought that they had visited the home
of Emerson, walked in his footsteps, sat amid his trees
and vines and heard the singing of birds and the hum
ming of bees as he had heard them.
A quarter of a mile or more to the east on the left of
the road is the "Orchard House". Here Bronson Alcott
and his famous family lived ; and here Louisa Alcott found
material for "Little Women" and "Little Men" and several
other of her notable books. In this house, Mr. Alcott
founded the Concord School of Philosophy which was
afterwards carried on in the small building at the rear.
Beyond the "Orchard House" is the "Wayside," another
home of the Alcotts. It was sold by them in 185a to
Nathaniel Hawthorne who lived in it till his death, thus
giving it double renown. The "tower room" at the rear

Concord 1 1
was Hawthorne's study, and there he wrote "Tanglewood
Tales" and "Our Old Home".
It is stated that the larches between the "Orchard
House" and the "Wayside" were brought by Mr. Haw
thorne from England. The place is now the residence of
Mrs. Daniel Lothrop, who as Margaret Sidney wrote
"Little Maid of Concord Town" and other books.
To the south of Concord center, distant a mile and a
half over the fields and meadows toward the town of Lin
coln is Walden Pond, made famous by the author, poet,
and naturalist, Henry Thoreau. The pond is about a
mile long and three miles in circumference. It is almost
entirely surrounded by woods and has no visible inlet or
outlet. Its waters are said to rise and fall but through
what cause no one knows, for it is sometimes higher in dry
than in wet seasons, j Upon the northerly side of this pond
Thoreau built a house which served him for a home for
two years and two months. He moved into it in 1845,
and it cost him, apart from the frame work, twenty-eight
dollars and twelve and one half cents. The boarding was
of material obtained from the house of a laborer. The
frame was of timber cut and hewn by himself with a bor
rowed axe.
The building which was ten feet wide and fifteen feet
long stood upon slightly rising ground about twenty rods
from a small cove. It had a garret, a closet, a large win
dow on each side, a door at the end and a brick fireplace.
The land upon which it was situated was owned by
Ralph Waldo Emerson who charged his tenant no rentj
The site of the house is marked by a simple cairn made of
stones placed there by tourists.
Not far from Thoreau's house was his bean field, where
he raised one year "nine bushels and twelve quarts of
beans" which he says he sold at a "pecuniary profit of
eight dollars seventy-one and one half cents."
As is the case with many forest lakes, Walden has its
legend and as usual it relates to the Indians, who, as the

1 1 Colonial
story runs had displeased the Great Spirit by their profan
ity at a powwow, whereupon in place of a pleasant hill came
a pond which took its name Walden from an old squaw
who was the only survivor, j
About this pond there lived several emancipated slaves
left over from that period of New England history when
the rum habit and human servitude were not considered
inconsistent with a high standard of morality. Of these
Thoreau mentioned Cato Ingraham who lived east of his
"bean field, slave of Duncan Ingraham, Esq., Gentleman
of Concord village ; " and Zilpha, a colored woman who
had a little house "where she spun linen for the towns-folk,
making the Walden woods ring with her shrill singing."
He also states, that on Brister's Hill down the road on
the right lived Brister Freeman a "handy negro" slave of
Squire Cummings and "Fenda his hospitable wife who told
fortunes." Other habitants of the pond precinct mentioned in Tho-
reau's writings are one Breed whose hut he says was about
the size of his own ; and an Irishman, Hugh Quoil, whom
rumor said had been a soldier at Waterloo, "Napoleon" as
the writer continues, "going to St. Helena and Quoil to
Walden woods."
Apart from its association with Henry Thoreau, Wal
den pond has attractions peculiarly its own. The waters
are at times remarkably transparent partaking of the
changeful sky tints, reflecting from the calm, clear depths
the rich foliage upon its banks. In some places the adjacent
ground slopes gradually forming a miniature beach where
the bathers can walk out several feet, while in others it falls
rapidly with a sharp, steep descent and the trees standing
gracefully beside it give a very pleasing effect, so that all
in all the variety of shore line affords the beholder very
much the aspect of the famous Lake George in New York.
Walden pond may be reached from the Fitchburg R. R.
station by a short walk down the track ; or by carriage road

SOUTH BRIDGE.

RESIDENCE OF FRANK B. SANBORN.

Concord 13
down Thoreau street ; or it may be reached from Monu
ment Square by way of Main and Walden streets.
Among other localities especially associated with Henry
Thoreau is the "landing place," a spot by the river near
the South bridge, where he embarked on his trip for "A
Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers," and to
which repeated reference is made by him.
The birthplace of Thoreau is on the Virginia road, a
somewhat disused way, opening from the Bedford road, and
the house where he died is the third on the left before reach
ing the corner of Thoreau street as one goes up Main
street. At the time of Thoreau s death the house was
occupied by his family and afterward by Bronson Alcott
and his daughter Louisa.
Just east of the South bridge with stone arches, on Elm
street, is the home of Frank B. Sanborn, a well known
journalist and the biographer of Alcott, Thoreau, Channing,
and John Brown. The house was for a time the home of
William Ellery Channing, and to it men of letters have oft
times repaired for literary and social converse.
Its distinguished owner and occupant became conspicuous
in ante bellum days, by an attempt to kidnap him on an
alleged order of the President of the United States Senate
for contempt in not appearing before that body to be
examined in the interest of the southern slave power. The
scheme so far succeeded as to result in the capture of Mr.
Sanborn under pretence of a lawful arrest, but was soon
foiled by the persistence and pluck of Mrs. Sanborn and
the granting of a writ of habeas corpus by Judge E. Rock-
wood Hoar, then of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial
Court. Mr. Sanborn was a friend of John Brown of Harper's
Ferry renown, and through his influence the latter made a
visit to Concord and lifted up his voice in behalf of freedom
for the slave.
Next to the places made prominent by the Revolution

1 4 Colonial
and the objects and localities made famous by its distin
guished men are its burying grounds. These places are of
more than usual interest and few tourists leave the town
without visiting them. _
The one on the hill is supposed to be the oldest. Its
exact age is not known but presumably it began as a church
yard, for on a spot in the midst of it is supposed to have
been built in 1635 or 1626 a little log meeting house; and
it is altogether probable, as we shall subsequently state, that
nearby contemporaneous with the erection of this first meet
ing house was the laying out of land, according to the old
English custom for a place of burial. But be this as it may,
the ground dates from about the beginning of the settle
ment and since then representatives of many generations
have been buried there.
This yard contains fourteen or fifteen of the oldest grave
stones in Concord, and more than two thirds of all the
monuments and other grave markers bearing names of the
original inhabitants of the town, are in this enclosure.
Upon these ancient tablets are the familiar names of
Hosmer, Hartwell, Buttrick, Fletcher, Flint, Blood ; also
of Heald, Brooks, Wheate, Stow, Heywood, Temple,
Taylor, Chandler, Clark, Minott and Melvin,1 — family
names which, it will be observed as we pursue our narra
tive, are of men who were prominent in shaping the town's
history. Besides the names, inscriptions and epitaphs in
this yard have added to its interest. Conspicuous among
them is one on the gravestone of the negro John Jack
once a slave which is supposed to have been written by
Daniel Bliss. God wills us free ; man wills us slaves.
I will as God wills ; God's will be done.
Here lies the body of
JOHN JACK
A native of Africa who died
March 1773, aged about 60 years.

Concord 1 5
Tho' born in a land of slavery,
He was born free.
Tho' he lived in a land of liberty,
He lived a slave,
Till by his honest, tho' stolen, labors,
He acquired the source of slavery,
Which gave him his freedom ;
Tho' not long before
Death, the grand tyrant,
Gave him his final emancipation,
And set him on a footing with kings.
Tho' a slave to vice,
He practised those virtues
Without which kings are but slaves.
I — Upon the summit of the hill within an altar tomb are-
the remains of Rev. Daniel Bliss, at one time Pastor of the
Concord church. Near by is a tablet to the memory of
the Rev. William Emerson. By the Catholic church,
near Main and Bedford streets is a row of tombs in one of
which repose the remains of the Rev. Ezra Ripley,
Space forbids a further notice of the names and exact
place of sepulture of the honored dead. It is enough to
say that the place is teeming with sacred associations of
both the near and remote past ; and as one looks up to it
from the busy highway beneath, he may well feel it is a
place unusual even in a town of exceptional interest.
tThe burying ground supposed to be second in age is on
Main street a short distance west of the Bank. Tradition
says that the land was given to the town for burial purposes
by two maiden ladies. When it was opened for this pur
pose is not known ; but it is designated in the records as
existing as a burying ground as early as 1673.
The earliest stone is that of Thomas Hawthorne, who
died November 17, 1697, and the next date found there is
1713. There are but few monuments and the stones are
mostly slate. Prominent names on these stones are Hay-
ward, Buss, Barrett, Miles, Potter, Stratton, Dakin, Jones,
Davis, Prescott, Hubbard and Conant:

1 6 Colonial
Just east of this yard is the site of one of the town's old
garrison houses.
"Sleepy Hollow" the latest cemetery in Concord is situ
ated on the outskirts of the central village to the eastward,
and a few minutes walk from the public square. The land
was bought of the heirs of Reuben Brown in 1855. At its
dedication the oration was delivered by Ralph Waldo
Emerson, and an ode was sung which was written by Frank
B. Sanborn.
The natural conformation is admirably suited for the
purpose of a cemetery, and the locality was called Sleepy
Hollow long before it was used as a place of burial. The
first interment was in 1855. Here by the Ridge Path is
the grave of Hawthorne marked by a simple stone bear
ing only his name. Just behind it is that of Thoreau, at
the head of which is a common red stone, and near this is
the grave of Emerson marked by a large piece of rock.
In 1869 the town obtained a strip of land which united the
New Hill burying ground with Sleepy Hollow.
The most notable natural object in Concord is the river.
' It takes its rise in Hopkinton and Westboro, and empties
into the Merrimac at Lowell. Its original name is Mus
ketequid, signifying in the Indian language grassy ground.
It is about two hundred feet wide where it enters the town
and three hundred where it leaves it. Its current is so slow
as sometimes to be scarcely perceptible.
Its meadows are broad and in places extend to woody
uplands, fertile fields and pleasant secluded nooks, where
grow the cranberry vine and the wild grape.
There are places of interest along the banks of this river
in other towns as well as Concord ; a few miles south
westerly in the town of Wayland is the Old Town Bridge
of Sudbury over which the Indians under King Philip were
driven in 1676. Near by stands the late home of Lydia
Maria Child, noted author and abolitionist. And on a
tributary of this stream in the adjoining town of Sudbury
stands the "Wayside Inn" made famous by Longfellow.^]

EMERSON'S GRAVE.

HAWTHORNE'S GRAVE.

Concord 1 7
Other of the prominent natural features of Concord are
three hills, Nashawtuc, Annusnuc and Punkatassett.
These names are all of Indian origin. Nashawtuc is just
west of the river, near the South bridge. At or near the
foot of this hill was the wigwam of Tahattawan, and the
squaw Sachem, two of the aboriginal owners of the Con
cord territory. At the southwesterly was the homestead
of Major Simon Willard, the site of which is marked by a
tablet. Annusnuc is at Concord Junction near the Massachu
setts Reformatory. About this hill in the early days of
the settlement was the "Hog-pen walk" a tract of land set
apart by the original grantees for the pasture of swine.
On the plain land stretching to the southwesterly
was held the famous State Muster by order of Gov.
Nathaniel P. Banks, where in 1858 were encamped all
the volunteer militia of Massachusetts. '
Punkatasetti is in the northeast part of Concord, about a
mile from the North Bridge. It is conspicuous in Concord
history as being the point of observation for the "embattled
farmers" as they awaited events on the morning of April
19, 1775. Upon and about these hills there is a good out
look from which a large portion of the town can be seen
and more or less of the winding river courses may be traced.
Fairhaven hill in the southwest part of the town over
looks Fairhaven pond, a tract of water or bay in Concord
river having an area of about seventy-three acres.
Brister's hill is beyond Walden pond near Lincoln.
These latte.' places are frequently referred to in the works
of Henry ^horeau.
Among the highlands which hardly attain hill propor
tions is the "Ridge" which skirts Concord center toward
the east and south. This locality is of much historic inter
est as along the base of it was the "little strate strete"
now a part of Lexington road along which the earliest
house lots were laid out.
Upon the uplands to the rear were some of the first corn

1 8 Colonial
lands of the settlers, and from the more prominent points
of this natural observatory they could look off upon their
meadow lands which in those first years were the main
means of sustenance for their live stock.
'The Public Library building is of recent date being
erected in 1873. It is situated at the junction of Sudbury
road and Main street and stands upon or near, the spot
where one of the town's old time taverns early stood.
This Library is of especial interest because of what it con
tains of Concord authorship, having, besides the books that
were written by Concord men and women, a valuable col
lection of the manuscripts from which the books were pro
duced. There are also deposited here relics, pictures and
pieces of sculpture relating to or made by Concord people.
The Library is but a short walk from the public square and
on, the way to the Fitchburg Railroad statiomj
On the right hand side of Main street going westward
and nearly opposite the Public Library is the house formerly
occupied by the late Hon. Samuel Hoar. Here were born
Hon. E. Rockwood Hoar, formerly a Judge of the Mas-
, sachusetts Supreme Judicial Court and Attorney General
in the Cabinet of President Grant, and Hon. George F.
Hoar, United States SenatorJ
The portion of Main street from a point a little to the
east of this place is of comparatively modern construction,
. the old road passing a little to the north of the present one,
leading the burying ground to the south of it.
/The short strip of Main street between the Public
Square and the beginning of Walden street was formerly in
part the Mill Dam, and was not used as a regularly laid
out highway until almost within the memory of people now
living. The site of the first "Corn Mill" in Concord was here, at
a spot just east of the Old Bank building.
The pond which furnished the mill power extended from
the dam southward./
The Trinitarian Church is upon, or near the site of

THE PUBLIC LIBRARY.

MAIN STREET, OPPOSITE THE PUBLIC LIBRARY.

Concord 1 9
Concord's first store which was kept by Robert Meriam,
who had over a score of acres of land granted him in that
locality. The three-story dwelling house on the same side of
Walden street, and next but one north of it, was long
the only three-story house in Concord. It was built and
owned by Duncan Ingraham, a wealthy merchant and
father of Captain Ingraham of the United States Navy,
who cleared the decks of his warship for action in the
harbor of Smyrna, Turkey, in behalf of the Hungarian
refugee, Martin Koszta, remarking, "Blood is thicker than
water." On the corner southwest of the Public Square, at the
beginning of Main street was the Old Middlesex Hotel,
where in the days when County Courts were held at Con
cord, many noted jurists were entertained.
Such is Concord in the present ; and the foregoing are
some of the objects and places much visited by the tourists,
who on gala occasions and throughout the milder seasons
throng into the town sight seeing, gathering souvenirs and
pensively pondering upon the past.

CHAPTER III.
Origin of Settlement — Early Results — Erection
of "Corn Mill" — Meeting House — Parsonage —
Resumption of Traveler's Narative — Coming
from Water town — First Conference with the Con
cord Colonists — Visit to the Home of William
Hartwell — Indian Mission Service at Nashawtuc
THE earliest mention of this region was probably
made by William Wood, in a book entitled "New
England Prospects", a work supposed to be based
upon his personal observation about 1633. An
early description is also given by Johnson, in his "Wonder
Working Providence of Sion's Saviour in New England,"
published in 1654, in which the writer sets forth the
Concord plantation as a place where the pioneers found
hard fare, and built their huts by leaning the rough logs
against the hillside, which served the double purpose of a
support and a chimney back.
The breaking of ground upon this plat for a permanent
settlement was about 1635, wnen there arrived from Eng
land by way of Watertown, then Newtowne, which town,
with Cambridge, then bounded Concord on the easterly, the
other sides being bounded by an unclaimed wilderness, a
company of colonists, under the direction of Rev. Peter
Bulkeley, Elder John Jones, and probably Simon Willard,
a merchant. Among the names of these colonists are some
still familiar in Concord, which designate ancient and
honored households, whose continuity with the distant past
has never been broken by time's rude touch, and like faith
ful waymarks of history still chronicle by their suggestive-
20

OZ D O&o6 z DnQ owI h

Concord i I
ness what has made the old town great. Supplemental to
such friendly services as borne by the living is that borne
by the dead, and "In that village on the hill,
Where never is sound of smithy or mill,"
the old-time tombstone, with its grime and its gray, and its
quaint, weather-made defacement, stands representative of
connecting links, as if, by a poor proxy like this, it could
make the past and present, one.
That success attended the settlement is well attested by
early results ; and though the records of these results have
been lost, so that for a half century and over not a sentence
comes to us from the written page, save as we receive it
from colonial sources, or in scraps and fragments of family
documents, yet tradition, often true in its intent to pre
serve, and trustworthy even in matters of moment, speaks
unmistakably of Concord's early town life. The earth and
brush cabins soon gave way to substantial structures ; the
forest was felled along the plain land and the meadow
margins ; and a mill was erected "to grind the town's corn." *
Tf he spot selected for the mill was near what is now
the Common, or public square, and the little stream upon
which it was situated is known as "Mill Brook," though it
is now so small as might lead one to doubt whether it ever
had any mill power at all. But we should remember that
not only do times and customs change, but nature changes
alsoJ and while the little brooklet that once ran a-roar-
ing Dy the plain can still sing in the sweet strain of Tenny
son, "And men may come and men may go, but I go on
forever," yet it runs with a lessened current and speaks
with a voice more subdued. Why it has become thus
modest is not because it stands abashed at the busy human
tide that trips over it, or because in many instances the
traveler is all unconscious of its former worth and never
stops to reflect that it once ground the fathers' corn and
furnished meal for the brown bread and pan dowdy ; but

22 Colonial
its modesty is occasioned doubtless by a changed condition
of .surroundings.
It is considered probable by local historians that by the
clearing up of the forests less water runs in some of the
streams than formerly ; and, probably, this is the case here ;
so that the Rev. Peter Bulkeley, for he it was who caused
the erection of this mill, made no mistake, doubtless, when
he gauged the capacity of this now miniature water power
and concluded that it would suffice every purpose of a vil
lage grist milL)
But, conspicuous above everything else as marks of
progress, were events of an ecclesiastical character. It was
a usual condition of the colonial court in conferring a town
grant that the grantees should maintain a gospel ministry,
and pursuant to this important requisite the Concord
inhabitants early erected a meeting house. The spot
selected was on the summit of the ridgeway, near the bury
ing ground, not far distant from the present public square.
The first structure was probably of logs ; but this was
soon , succeeded by one of framework ; for it was not in
accordance with the customs of the forefathers to live in
sealed houses while God's temples were neglected. Pre
viously, however, to the building of the meeting house,
and not far from the meadow margin a house was
built for Minister Bulkeley. The site of this parsonage
is on the present Lowell street a few steps from Monu
ment Square, and is modestly marked by a memorial tablet
bearing the following record.
' "Here, in the house of the Reverend Peter Bulkeley,
first minister and one of the founders of this town, a bar
gain was made with the Squaw Sachem, the Sagamore
Tahattawan and other Indians, who then sold their right in
the six miles square called Concord to the English planters
and gave them peaceful possession of the land, A. D.
1636/7 This tablet has more than a passing interest to a reflec
tive mind. It opens up by the suggestiveness of its simple

Concord 23
inscription thoughts relating to over two centuries. Here,
doubtless, if anywhere, centralized for a twelve month at
least much that was political and religious, relating to the
early land grant and its grantees. Here, doubtless, if in
any place, was the cradle in which the township had its
infancy, and as the little woodland municipality was nursed
and grew strong, probably conference after conference was
held here to consider matters relating to highways, bridges,
and perhaps "cow commons" and "common planting fields;"
for the minister in those days was not only the village high
priest, but he had also a certain quasi magisterial jurisdic
tion, and by a generally recognized common law principle
was "head center" of the settlement. As the parsonage was
built prior to the meeting house, it is quite probable that the
latter was here planned. Here, too, it may be, the church
council was considered, which, July 5th, 1636, convened
at Cambridge and organized the Concord church. •'
Other works of public convenience and necessity quickly
followed. Roads were opened, bridges built, laws formu
lated; and the sunlight of civilized life was soon shining
in the hitherto dark forest.
Such is an outline of some of the features of Concord,
and of her early history. And now as we are about to
leave the general for the particular, and consider character,
processes, and events in detail, we will state that our plan is
to suppose that we lived in that far away period, visited the
settlers in their homes and sat by their fire-sides, and that
the sparks were in part our oracles ; also that we are living
in the present when we are relating what we then saw and
heard, together with some facts which occurred subse
quently. Assuming then that we are the traveler who two centu
ries and a half ago sat by the hearthstone of Goodman
Hartwell on that fall evening, we will resume our narra
tive by saying, that we started from Watertown following
the trail probably made by the first settlers, finding here
and there what we suspected were sad traces of their toil-

24 Colonial
some journey, which Johnson has so dolorously described
in his "Wonder-working Providence." On the upland was
good traveling, but there were swamps and hard places
which because of their wetness or stony nature, the forest
fires of the Indians had not kept clear of underbrush, so
that we were many times forced from our direct course and
obliged to make long and painful detours. We traveled
for a time by the "Old Connecticut Path", the ancient trail
ot the Nipnet Indians to the sea-board, and the same that
was taken a few years previous by Rev. Messrs. Hooker
and Stone on their way with a hundred people from Cam
bridge to Hartford, and which was traveled a little earlier
by John Oldham of Pequod war fame. But, on arriving
at the plain lands about the Charles river, near a stony
brook, we veered northerly into a broken country, and
after some hours emerged from the woods upon a sandy
ridgeway where we found some squaws harvesting corn.
From our high point of observation we looked over a
broad intervale threaded by a winding, sluggish stream, and
we knew by this and by the houses on a little "strate
strete" below us that we were in Concord.
Being a stranger to both place and people it mat
tered little whom we approached, or where we went, and as
there were beyond the mill brook some people talking we
joined them. Approaching, we found they were settlers
and were talking English, but it was not such English
as we hear to-day. In fact we found that here weie brought
together the dialects of Surrey, Kent, York and Bedford
shire. Goodman Buttrick, William Hartwell and James
Hosmer were talking with Simon Willard the merchant,
about a suitable place for a "cow common" because it had
been represented to them that the cattle and goats roaming
unrestrainedly through the "great meadows" much "dam
nified" the marsh red-top and lute grass, and that it would
be better to have a place of common pasturage and "size it
out" and have the income go to help pay the minister,

Concord 1$
rather than to risk any farther "indamnifying" by stray
creatures. As we introduced ourselves and disclosed our errand we
were most cordially received and at once invited to their
homes. The first invitation was extended by William Hartwell,
which we accepted ; and it being near nightfall we were soon
on our way to his house in the east quarter which we reached
after a half hour's walk. Not long after our arrival we sat
down at the supper table which was spread in a large
kitchen before a great, open fire. After the meal and the
returning of thanks, for Goodman Hartwell was a man of
prayer, the men went to the barn to do the chores and the
stranger was conducted to the front room to await the
family and the arrival of the company who were to talk
over town meeting. As it was no longer early evening,
the work both indoors and out was done in a hurry and
soon all were seated about the fireside as described in the
opening chapter. And now to resume our narrative as
there commenced, suffice it to say, the neighborhood gather
ing broke up to convene again at the parsonage two nights
later. Meanwhile, particular care was to be taken in
observing noises about the "buryin ground pastur" and
as to tracks of the strange creature which Goody Rice saw.
Immediately after the company had departed we retired,
for we were weary and the hour was late. Our sleeping
apartment was large and unfinished, yet it had an air of
comfort and its very commodiousness was of itself restful.
The night was a quiet one. Silence almost perfect pervaded
everything, and our slumber was undisturbed save by the
occasional hoot of an owl amid the pines which had been
left near the house for a stormbreak and shade for the
cattle. As our visit to the Hartwells on this occasion was only
for the night, it having been arranged with Timothy
Wheeler at our interview with the settlers at Mill brook, to
meet him at the village store the following day, and as we

26 Colonial
visited the Hartwell home later, we will defer any descrip
tion of it for a subsequent chapter. About mid-afternoon
of the next day we mounted an ox cart and behind a yoke
of half broken bullocks started for the village, meeting
Timothy Wheeler at the grocery according to previous
arrangement. As we were about starting for the home of our new host
we learned that the Apostle, John Eliot, was to hold an In
dian mission meeting that evening at the wigwam of Tahat-
tawan near Nashawtuc, by candle light. Upon hearing
this announcement, it at once occurred to us that here was
an opportunity of learning something of Indian mission
work, and of forming an acquaintance with its founder,
Reverend John Eliot ; so I asked Goodman Wheeler about
the propriety of attending the proposed gathering. Our
kind host immediately called back the swarthy messengers,
who had just brought the announcement of the meeting,
and upon my desire being made known, they invited me to
go with them to Tahattawan's wigwam. It was not long
before we were away, for although the distance was short
it was approaching nightfall. Before starting, however, we
called Goodman Wheeler aside to satisfy ourselves as to the
safety of our proposed visit among the Indians, and to
arrange about the time of making the visit to his home
which had been so unexpectedly deferred. As to the first
matter he informed us that we would be as safe with our
Indian friends as with anyone ; and with regard to the visit
he said he would meet us at the coming town meeting
when we would go home together.

THE CONCORD RIVER FROM NASHAWTUCK HILL.

CHAPTER IV.
Tahatawan's Wigwam — Supper Served by Squaws
— Rev. John Eliot Preaching by Candlewood Light
— Tribal Relations of the Musketequids — Stone
Relics and Sites of Indian Villages — Spread of
Christianity among the Concord Aborigines — Nash
oba — Exile of Christian Indians to Deer Island —
Humane Efforts of John Hoar in their behalf.
STARTING out from the village store we were soon
in the forest.
Our course was single file through a winding wood-
path to the meadow margin, and from there amid cluster
ing cranberry vines, we proceeded to the river bank,
where an Indian was waiting with a light canoe. As we
passed through the woods we noticed along the way
scarcely anything but tall timber trees, and these so
scattered and so devoid of low branches that a man on
horseback could easily ride between them. So singular
was this circumstance that we afterwards inquired about it,
and were told that the woods were kept mainly clear of
underbrush by the Indians, who, to facilitate the capture
of game, annually set forest fires, and that this was done
just before the fall rains. We stepped into the canoe,
which was made of birch bark tied with thongs of deer skin,
and were soon afloat on the Musketequid and swiftly
borne by the paddle strokes of Tahattawan to Nashawtuc.
The short river ride was made silently, for our friends
were as mute as the grave, except that now and then a low
murmuring went out from one of them, which, as it
mingled faintly with the rising night wind — for it was now
evening — and the strange whistling of the wings of a be-
2?

2 8 Colonial
lated water fowl, were the only sounds save the splash of
the water that we heard.
Soon we reached the large wigwam of Tahattawan near
Nashawtuc, and were ushered into the simple arcana of
Nature's children, where all was new and surpassingly
strange to us. In broken English we were presented to the
head of the household and his daughters, of whom there
were present Noonan squaw and Tahunsquaw, the latter
of whom was the wife of Waban of Natick.
Although not invited to do so we sat down upon a low,
rude platform upon which was a dressed skin of some
wild animal, and silently observed the preparations for sup
per. Besides a "nokake" made of maize meal and baked
in the ashes, they poured from a kettle into a rude wooden
tray a stew or soup thickened with dried chestnut meal,
and which consisted, as we were afterwards told, of dried
alewives, several strings of which hung in a corner, and a
few bones cut into small pieces. There was also in a smaller
dish some substance that they called sic-qua-tash (suc
cotash), which consisted of dried green corn and beans.
Supper over, we were glad enough to have our loneliness
ended by the arrival of Messrs. Gookin and Eliot.
It was not long before there entered several families from
wigwams near, on both the upper and lower meadow
and also several individuals from about the Assabet. The
candlewood was soon lighted just outside the wigwam door,
and the scene thereby revealed to us by these flambeaux
was a weird and impressive one.
After a prayer in the Indian language Mr. Eliot
addressed his swarthy audience in the same tongue, exhort
ing them, as our interpreter informed us, to beware of the
evil influences of Hobbommoc (the devil), and to hold
steadfast to the newly found Kiton (good spirit). Espec
ially he advised them to beware of powwowing, and to
have nothing to do with medicine men, whom he de
nounced as true children of Hobbommoc. At length,
after another prayer in the Indian language, there arose the

Concord 29
low sound of singing or chanting, in gutteral, harsh, dis
cordant tones ; the effect was striking, for as the strains
floated out over the moist meadows and up the woody
slopes of Nashawtuc, not so much as the call of a night
bird, not even the wind's moaning was heard, as a wild inter
lude to the words of the hymn.
At the close of the singing Mr. Bulkeley, who had
accompanied Mr. Eliot, was asked to pray, and as the
group kneeled on the matted leaves, such a petition
went up from "Big Pray", as the lowly children of the
Musketequid had rarely listened to. Slowly, reverently
and peacefully, we were lifted heavenward by every sen
tence ; and when he ceased we almost forgot we were on
the earth.
At the conclusion of the evening services we were
invited to remain all night, and as Major Gookin was pro
posing to do so, Mr. Eliot having gone home with Mr.
Bulkeley, we accepted of our host's hospitality and were
soon seated around the wigwam amid a little group consist
ing of Tahattawan's household.
As the flames flickered upward through the small aper
ture in the roof, we did not wonder so much at the copper
colored complexion of the Indian, for every now and then
the heavy night wind forced down the smoke, and an
occasional rain drip on the coals made a close, thick atmos
phere. But the disagreeableness of an imperfect draught was
soon remedied by Tahattawan, who, stepping to the door,
dropped over it a coarse mat which was there pendent for
this purpose, and which so completely closed the aperture
that the smoke readily ascended ; and as the sparks chased
each other upward into the darkness, a strange feeling
came over us and we almost wished that Goodman Wheeler
had taken us home with him. Just then there entered the
wigwam Major Gookin and Waban, the latter of whom
could speak good English, having often acted as an inter-

30 Colonial
preter and helper of Mr. Eliot in his mission work at
Natick. For an hour we sat conversing by the firelight and
gained much interesting information concerning the aborig
inal inhabitants of the Musketequid country and of their
experience with the early settlers.
And now for a little time, exchanging fiction for fact, we
will state some things about these Concord Indians that are
matters of history. _«.
r~ Their tribal relations were with the Mystics, whose
headquarters were at Medford. Their neighbors were the
, Pawtuckets, at Wameset (Lowell) ; the Ockoocagansetts at
what is now (Marlboro), and the Natick Indians ; the last
three being probably related either to the Mystics or the
NipmucksJ fThe localities where the Indians lived are indicated by
the presence of shells, arrow and spear heads and some
times arrow chips, which are refuse material chipped from
the stone when the arrow was made ; also stone implements
used for purposes of agriculture and cookery, and chisels,
gouges, rude pestles or corn pounders. Some of the
places where stone relics have been found, are the "Great
fields" east of the center, the vicinity of "Egg Rock" not
far from the "Hemlocks," about Fairhaven bay, on the
south side of the river east of the "Old Manse," on the
right of the river below Flint's bridge, the neighborhood
of Spenser brook, and a place on the left bank of the river
a little above the Fitchburg Railroad bridge where the
river bends abruptly. At this latter point it is said, many
bushels of shells have been found, and among them the
- remains of wild animals and parts of stone implements J
Tit is impossible to determine the exact number of
Indians in the Musketequid country at the time of its
settlement by the English. Probably the population was
, greatly reduced here as in other places along the Mass
achusetts Bay shores, by the pestilence that prevailed
before the English occupation, so that very likely their

Concord 3 1
villages were comparatively few and no more than small
clusters of wigwams.]
\A portion or all of the Concord Indians, through the
efforts of the Rev. John Eliot, who translated the bible
into the language of the aborigines, early became converts
to Christianity. These were gathered by Mr. Eliot and
Major Daniel Gookin, into an Indian town or village
named Nashoba, situated in what is now Littleton. The
number of Indians thus gathered was about fifty-eight,
representing ten families, only about twelve being able
bodied men.
Nashoba was called by Major Gookin in his Historical
collection the sixth praying Indian town. He states that,
"The dimensions of this village were four miles square,"
that, "their ruler of late years was Ahatawance (Tahatta-
wan), a pious man," and "their teacher is named John
Thomas." The petition for the establishment of this place is dated
May 4, 1654 and was presented by Mr. Eliot. The
Nashoba plantation began auspiciously and continued to
prosper both in things temporal and spiritual until a war
with the Mohawks, which resulted in its abandonment for
a season, but as late as 1674, according to Gookin, it had t
become re-peopled and was in a "hopeful way to prosper.'j
There is ample opportunity for one to conjecture con
cerning the pleasant condition of things at the Nashoba
plantation during the years immediately following its
establishment. tAs it was the custom of the Apostle Eliot to keep spir-^-
itual watch and ward over the native churches and to occas
ionally visit them for exhortation and conference, so we
may suppose he did this one, and that more than once
he journeyed from Roxbury to Nonantum (Newton) his
first mission field, thence to Natick, and from there went
on through the woods to Concord, visiting scattered wig
wams by the way and the village at Cochituate pond

32 Colonial
(Wayland) and the home of Kato at Wigwam hill in Sud
bury. Upon his arrival at Concord, we may suppose that he
made parochial visits among such of the Musketequid
Indians as still lingered about their old haunts, faithful to
the memory of their former firesides and the graves of.
their fathers. These visits completed, we may conjecture
that the great Apostle passed on over the old Marlboro
road, at that time perhaps a mere wood path trod mainly
by the Occogoogansetts to Nashoba, bringing with him a
benediction from .their Bay brothers, and instructing them
from the Up-Biblum (Indian bible.)/
But when Philip's war broke out the scene changed.
The Colonial communities everywhere became distrustful
of all Indians, the praying Indians included, notwithstand
ing the evidence the latter were giving of continued loyalty,
serving the colony faithfully whenever occasion required as
spies, or as allies in the ranks of levied troops.
To such an extent did English distrust prevail that it
was decided by the Colonial authorities to remove a por
tion or all of the Christian Indians to Deer island in Bos
ton harbor, and the order was given and executed. I
The details of this untimely closing of th~e Indian
mission stations are sad to relate, and they remind one of
the cruel treatment of the Acadians at Grand Pre, whose
homes were broken in upon by the English and Colonial
soldiers, and their families separated and cast forlorn upon
a lone coast line extending from New England to Georgia.
Before the carrying out of this order, however, as
related to the Indians at Nashoba, an attempt was made
in their behalf which resulted in an order by the Colonial
Court, that an arrangement be made by the Militia Com
mittee and the selectmen of Concord that they be placed
under the inspection of John Hoar of Concord, to see
that they be kept employed for their maintenance and pre
served from harm and the country made secure from them.
In pursuance of this arrangement, Mr. Hoar built a

Concord 23
house for them near his own for their protection and com
fort at • night, and a workshop, in both of which they were
under close surveillance.
The means thus provided by Mr. Hoar for the mutual
protection of both the Indians and English were accom
plishing their full purpose and would doubtless have contin
ued to do so had it not been for an untoward interference
with his plans, the account of which may be best presented
by the following quotation from Gookin's "History of the
Christian Indians."
"But some of the inhabitants of the town, being in
fluenced with a spirit of animosity and distaste against all
Indians, disrelished this settlement ; and therefore privately
sent to a Captain of the army, (Captain Mosely) that
quartered his company not far off" at that time, of whom
they had experience, that he would not be backward to put
in execution anything that tended to distress the praying
Indians; for this was the same man that had formerly,
without order, seized upon divers of the praying Indians at
Marlborough, which brought much trouble and disquiet to
the country of the Indians, and was a great occasion of
their defection ; as hath been above declared.
"This Captain accordingly came to Concord with a party
of his men upon the Sabbath day, into the Meeting-house,
where the people were convened to the worship of God.
And after the exercise was ended, he spake openly to the
congregation to this effect : 'that he understood there were
some heathen in the town, committed to one Hoare, which
he was informed were a trouble and disquiet to them;
therefore if they desired it he would remove them to
Boston ;' to which speech, most of the people being silent,
except two or three that encouraged him, he took, as it
seems, the silence of the rest for consent ; and immediately
after the assembly was dismissed, he went with three or
four files of men, and a hundred or two of the people, men,
women and children, at his heels, and marched away to
Mr. Hoare's house and there demanded of him to see the

34 Colonial
Indians under his care. Hoare opened the door and
showed them to him, and they were all numbered and
found there ; the Captain then said to Mr. Hoare, 'that he
would leave a corporal and soldiers to secure them' ; but
Mr. Hoare answered, 'there was no need of that, for they
were already secured, and were committed to him by order
of the Council, and he would keep and secure them.' But '
yet the Captain left his corporal and soldiers there, who
were abusive enough to the poor Indians by ill language.
The next morning the Captain came again to take the
Indians and send them to Boston. But Mr. Hoare re
fused to deliver them, unless he showed him an order of
the Council ; but the Captain could show him no other but
his commission to kill and destroy the enemy ; but Mr.
Hoare said, 'these were friends and under order.' But the
Captain would not be satisfied with his answer, but com
manded his corporal forthwith to break open the door and
take the Indians all away, which was done accordingly;
and some of the soldiers plundered the poor creatures of
their shirts, shoes, dishes, and such other things as they
could lay their hands upon, though the Captain com
manded the contrary. They were all brought to Charles-
town with a guard of twenty men. And the Captain wrote
a letter to the General Court, then sitting, giving them an
account of his action.
" This thing was very offensive to the Council, that a
private Captain should (without commission or some
express order) do an act so contradictory to their former
orders ; and the Governor and several others spake of it at
a conference with the deputies at the General Court.
"The Deputies seemed generally to agree to the reason
of the Magistrates in this matter ; yet notwithstanding, the
Captain (who appeared in Court shortly after upon another
occasion), met with no rebuke for this high irregularity and
arbitrary action. To conclude this matter, those poor In
dians, about fifty-eight of them of all sorts, were sent down
to Deer Island, there to pass into the furnace of affliction

Concord 3 5
with their brethren and countrymen. But all their corn
and other provision sufficient to maintain them for six
months, was lost at Concord; and all their other neces
saries, except what the soldiers had plundered. And the
poor Indians got very little or nothing of what they lost,
but it was squandered away, lost by the removal of Mr.
Hoare and other means, so that they were necessitated to
live upon clams, as the others did, with some little corn
provided at the charge of the 'Honorable Corporation for
the Indians,' residing in London. Besides, Mr. Hoare
lost all his building and other cost, which he had provided
for the entertainment and employment of those Indians ;
which was considerable." This was in February, 1675-6. !
Only a few Indians returned to Nashoba after the exile.
Such was the melancholy ending of the mission at Nashoba,
in which more or less of the Musketequid Indians were
gathered together in Christian fellowship.
It is the old, oft repeated story of the supremacy of the
strong over the weak and the power of evil to destroy in a
few days what it took many years to construct.
There is also seen in this sad episode of Indian history
something of the transmuting power of the gospel, in that
while others of the aboriginal tribes were filled with vengeful
hate toward the white men and giving way to the powerful
persuasions of King Philip of Pokanoket to pillage the
fields, to burn dwelling places, and to murder or capture
the inhabitants in defense of their ancient hearthstones and
hunting grounds, the Christian Indians stood fast in their
new faith and proved firm friends of the English.
' William Tahattawan, brother of John the Chieftain,
although among those who were exiled to Deer Island,
served as a faithful guide of Major Savage, a Colonial
officer. Thomas Doublet or Nepanet, another of the Nashoba
Indians did good service in procuring the release of Mrs.
Rowlandson, who was captured at Lancaster ; and when
Captain Wadsworth and his command were destroyed at

^6 Colonial
Green hill, Sudbury, the Christian Indians brought from
Deer Island were the first to search the battle ground and
help bury the slain, weeping, it is said, when they saw their
^ prostrate formsj
Upon these things history has not greatly enlarged ; and
while the multitudinous records of the misdeeds and evil
practices of the pagan Indians have been preserved, the
true, the noble, the honorable acts of the Christian Indians
may have been too much overlooked, Christianity thereby
losing a merited tribute.
After a while the conversation flagged, the fire burned
low, and two or three of those who had been sitting on the
ground with their hands clasped around their ankles and
their heads dropped upon their knees withdrew, flung
themselves upon the couches and pulled up the bear skins.
As Major Gookin suggested that we also retire, we did
so, and soon all was silent save the pelting of the storm on
the bark covering and a slight splashing of the river waves
against the canoe.
As the strange surroundings were not conducive to the
soundest slumber we awoke. Once we heard the howl
ing of a wolf not far distant. Now and then there was
the jerky bark of a fox, and toward morning a bear poked
his head under the rush mat hanging at the doorway, and
we caught a glimpse of his long, slender snout, but he
quickly withdrew when he sniffed the scent of fire.

CHAPTER V.
Duck Hunting — River Scenery — Beaver Dam —
Indian Granary — Sweating Pit — Mysterous Sight
upon the Meadows — Arrival at the Manse.
AT length the morning came and the inmates of the
wigwam arose ; thoughtless of toilet or bath, they
swung the kettle over the coals as on the night pre
vious, and threw into it a little maize meal, to which
was added a couple of slices of dried pompion, and a small
handful of ground nuts. Not desiring to stop for break
fast, we thanked our kind hosts for their hospitality, and
upon invitation of Mr. Gookin stepped into a canoe and
were paddled across the stream by Waban.
• Upon stepping ashore we at once entered a path by the
meadow side, which we were told would take us to Parson
Bulkeley's house, when we met Goodmen Humphrey Bar
rett and George Hayward, each carrying a gun with a long
slender barrel and a short stock. We recognized them at
once having met them the day previous at the village store.
They informed us that they were going up the river duck
hunting and would be glad of our company.
Being desirous of learning something about the river and
its meadows and the game that frequented them, the invita
tion was accepted with hearty thanks.
Before going, however, we went to the parsonage to
inform the minister of our change of plan and get some
breakfast, also to borrow a fowling piece as Humphrey
Barrett said the minister had a good one.
A half hour and we were back and afloat,. gliding along
by willow clumps and water brush, starting now and then a
solitary bittern or musquash and pushing our way mid such
37

3 8 Colonial
a profusion of lily pads and fragrant blossoms as half con
cealed the river's channel.
As we moved slowly up the stream past Nashawtuc and
the South bridge, we were as much in the wilderness as if
midway between Concord and Watertown, for the trees
approached the meadow bank on each side, and but for
the smoke from various chimneys near the Ridgeway, and
the sight of a clearing by Major Willard's at the bridge,
we might for the moment have forgotten that there was a
settlement at Musketequid. The scenery was beautiful.
The trees were touched with a tint such as Nature in her
best mood only produces after the first fall frosts. The
sky was blue, and such a blue as is seen after an autumnal
storm and when the very cloudlessness causes it to be called
a "weather breeder." Afar over the woodland were occa
sional traces of white smoke indicating scattered Indian
encampments ; while circling high over all were here and
there large flocks of wild water fowl, some of which after
wheeling gracefully over the meadows, at length settled on
the stream. So many times they did this and so numerous
were the birds that we got many good shots.
Having passed Fairhaven bay we noticed a small stream
that suggested trout, and as we had fishing tackle which
Parson Bulkeley had also loaned us and moreover were a
little reluctant to accompany our friends further, since they
were intending to go as far as Gulf brook to hunt for other
game, we requested to be allowed to land that we might
fish and look about till their return.
After stepping ashore, we strolled inland by a small
stream, fishing as we went, and now and then capturing one
of its speckled inhabitants, until we discovered a miniature
mill dam, which much surprised us. The dam was about
five feet high and well braced, and the thin waterfall that
slid over it upon the green moss beneath made a soft, pleas
ant murmur. Not a creature was visible, and so peaceful
was the scene that we involuntarily stopped at the first
glimpse of it. And it was well we did, for had we not, we

Concord 39
should have lost an interesting spectacle. We had come
upon a beaver dam, which the settlers, even with their
laudable greed for beaver skins, had overlooked. As we
crept through the alders and tangled junipers for a safe
point to observe from, we found ourselves in a well-worn
path, which was doubtless made by wild animals as they
watched the little colony, to make it their prey. For half
an hour we observed the doings about this beaver dam
from a distance, and then in order to observe it more par
ticularly, we advanced nearer. In an instant, there was a
sound as if a hundred beaver tails had slapped concertedly
upon the pond, and almost simultaneously silence reigned,
broken only by the soft splash of the waterfall and the
whistling wing of a wood duck which sought its haunt in a
neighboring oak. The tocsin had sounded and the clan
was gone. Well knowing that further study of the beaver
there was impossible, we concluded to make a fire and cook
some trout and see if perchance the sparks would say any
thing about them.
As we saw the day previous at Goodman Hartwell's
that we could start a blaze with the flint lock of our fowl
ing piece, we quickly whipped out some tow wadding,
and placing it over the powder pan, pulled the trigger.
The sparks caught, and the tow was ablaze, and nursing
the feeble flame with some dry moss we soon had a good
fire and were listening to what the sparks said about the
beavers. We learned that at one time they were quite plen
tiful in the Musketequid region and that certain localities
were named after them, as Beaver hole, Beaver meadows,
Beaver pond, and Beaver brook ; we learned also that they
were much sought after in trade and that a company was
early formed to traffic in them, and that Simon Willard
was at the head of it ; we learned, furthermore, that the
Indians valued the fur next to wampum ; that it was a rude
standard of value ; that court fines were sometimes paid in
them ; and that they were good if taken in any month with
an R in it.

40 Colonial
At length the sparks ceased, and as our trout were about
broiled, having before listening placed two of nearly a
pound weight upon a couple of spits, the largest, which
weighed about three pounds, having been reserved for Par
son Bulkeley, we dined sitting upon the moss among the
birds. We had hoped and expected from what we had heard to
obtain a few salmon and some shad, but our expectations
proved groundless, and showed our ignorance of history ;
for although these fishes are abundant in the spawning sea
son at the falls, yet at other times they are not numerous.
However, we had no cause to complain, for there was no
dearth of other things that were desirable. The woods
were full of brown nuts, rich river grapes hung in clusters
beside the meadows, the ruffed grouse made the woods
resound with their whirring flights, and several wild turkeys
crossed our path. We now concluded to steer straight
through the woods to Fairhaven, where the boat was to
stop for us ; so, putting up our fishing tackle and carefully
extinguishing the fire, for we had heard that the colonial
court had passed a law forbidding the Indians setting fires
in the woods in the fall season, from the great danger of
their spreading, we struck off due east from the dam and
soon found ourselves in a sunny upland which indented
the forest like a small estuary in a sea of grass.
As we emerged from the low birches on the wood's
border we saw not far from us two Indians, and near them
what looked like a large earth oven or a half underground
tomb. One of the Indians was sitting at an aperture at the
bottom and the other was at the top pouring down some
thing, while from the lower aperture steam was rapidly issu
ing, nearly enveloping the man who sat near it. Curiosity
prompting our approach we soon found that here was an
Indian "sweating pit," such as we were informed might be
connected with every well-appointed wigwam of a Sagamore
(subordinate chief). Within the pit was a small stone
heap, which had been previously heated, and the man at

Concord 41
the door was a patient, who was receiving treatment, while
the zealous head of the sanitarium sat at the summit pour
ing in water for the purpose of generating steam.
In broken English everything was explained to us, both
about the process and the cure ; and then the Indian, look
ing at our game, inquired of our day's hunt, while we in
turn, by our inquiries concerning their hunting, drew forth
much interesting information. Among other things we
learned that they seldom stocked up with game until late
fall, because, having no salt, they relied mainly upon the
weather as a preservative.
As the subject of food was before us and the Sagamore
noticed that our queries were quite particular, he asked us
to visit his granary, which was another low earth mound of
about the dimensions of the sweating pit. We accepted
the invitation. The Indian pulled away some short poles,
which he said were placed there to keep off bears, and we
leaned over and peeked in. Stored snug in every cranny
were eatables of various kinds, and in such quantities as
might well explode every theory of Indian improvidence.
There were small pompions (pumpkins), some acorns, wal
nuts, a parcel of ground nuts, several strings of dried shad,
some split salmon, a stack of alewives, a pile of raccoon
skins (tanned), a huge heap of corn, and three honey
combs. The corn he said his squaw raised, and that the
whole plot upon which it was planted was broken up by
her with a stone hoe. He afterwards showed us a specimen
of the hoe, which was a sharp stone fastened to a handle
with a sapling withe. The nuts were gathered jointly,
and the fish were taken by himself, it being no part of a
woman's task to take game, she doing wigwam work or
being a field hand. After this last interesting information
our noble friend, for such he appeared to be notwithstand
ing his low estimate of a squaw's sphere, inquired after
"Big Pray," as he recognized the parson's fowling piece,
and requested us to take a salmon to him. Upon our as
surance that we would gladly do so, he thrust down into

42 Colonial
his underground storehouse a sapling pole with a spear-
point, the same, he said, which he thrust into it when it
was captured, and brought up a ten pound fish, which he
deftly rolled and wound with a willow twig for convenient
conveyance. By this time the other Indian, who evidently
was much recuperated by his late treatment, brought pipes ;
not being a smoker, we refused them, yet the act showed
such friendliness that we ventured to inquire further about
their hunting habits. We learned that the great hunt of
the year came in late autumn, and at a time when a warm,
hazy atmosphere made animate nature unusually astir. In
other words, it was intended to be the last warm spell of
fall, when the game captured would keep, and from this
fact we were not slow in inferring that here was the true
origin of Indian summer, and that whenever such a "spell"
comes, if sufficiently late, it might be so called. We did
not visit the wigwam, well knowing there was probably
nothing new there ; besides, the shadows were lengthening
by the birches and the long lines of wild duck, which are
more active toward evening, announced that nightfall was
near : so, while the steam was still issuing from the "sweat
ing pit," we bade the Indians good-bye. At the bay we
found Goodmen Hayward and Barrett, and in the boat
were several turkeys and a small deer, the latter shot not
far from "Gulf brook."
But a step and we were in ; and down the Musketequid
we glided, through the bay, pastthe hill ; and soon on the
banks of the south meadow we saw the lights of several
wigwam fires. The night was dark and it began to rain, for
the storm presaged by the morning "weather breeder" had
set in, and swift clouds from the southerly gave a threaten
ing prospect. It was not long before there loomed a light
from Tahattawan's wigwam at Nashawtuc, which was quite
welcome, as it showed we were nearing home. But we
were not to reach it quite as soon as we thought, for scarcely
had we passed the precincts of this last point, when, of a
sudden, Goodman Barrett dropped his paddle and almost

Concord 43
fell, as with a shriek he uttered something about "a sight."
Quickly starting up, for we had crouched low to avoid the
storm, we saw "the sight," which consisted of a small lumi
nous ball just over the meadow, slowly moving and only a
few rods ahead of us. Gently shoving the boat towards
the bank beside some water brush we lay low and quietly
waited. It was not long before the strange light vanished,
but so thoroughly aroused were we to the danger of en
countering a spook if we proceeded, that we concluded to
remain where we were until the apparition, if such it was,
had settled itself. While we sat with bated breath by the
water brush various conjectures were made as to the cause of
the strange "visitation," as our friends called it, and Good
man Hayward ventured the suggestion that "as near as he
could make out it was over the 'mort stone' near the Cart
bridge by the 'Carsey,' and he had heerd it was a bad sign
to set a 'cops' down anywhere after it was started, and this
was done with John Heald's 'cops' when they stopped the
bier at the 'mort stone' to keep the 'buryin' cloth on."
But Goodman Barrett did not think so, "for," he said,
"Mort stones wus made on purpose to set copses on when
the bearers got tired of carryin 'em : besides, John wus
everybody's friend, and it wus not likely that his sperit
would haunt the medder-land." As for myself, I did not
know. I had heard somewhere and sometime of strange
lights called "Will-o'-the-wisp," but I had never seen one
and was not sure, so I kept still ; and as Goodmen Barrett
and Hayward thought we had better leave the boat and go
to the manse across-lots, I acceded, and we were soon
ashore. It was but a short walk that took us from the landing
place to a point where we got a glimpse of the friendly
light gleaming out of the little manse window, and, perhaps,
the distance appeared less because of our haste, for as the
darkness deepened and the pelting storm increased, we
hardly looked backward or sideways, except to take a fur
tive glance toward the "mort stone" when we crossed the

44 Colonial
mill dam. On arriving indoors, however, all was cheerful.
Our wet doublets (thick, sleeveless jackets), were thrown
aside, and having dried our clothes by the welcome blaze
of Parson Bulkeley's bright fire, we were soon seated upon
the oaken settle regaling ourselves with a posset (porringer)
of hulled maize and goat's milk, in pleasant anticipation of
a proposed talk on the town meeting, which was to take
place on the morrow.
In preparation for the neighbors who were to convene
for the evening's conference, the parson had brought in an
extra settle from the room adjoining and placed an arm
chair at the hearth's corner

<¦*

saw saescs m au*M£ xhmtm
m anst i «cti«s
'¦ » 1838.

¦

TABLET MARKING THE SITE OF THE
PETER BULKELEY PARSONAGE

I

TABLET MARKING THE SITE OF CONCORD'S
FIRST TOWN HOUSE.

CHAPTER VI.
Informal Talk Preparatory to Town Meeting —
The Apparition — Exodus of Concord Settlers to
Connecticut — Statement of Rev. Cotton Mather
— Effect of the Exodus on the Laity — The Town
Maeting.
IN the short space of time before the first arrival not
much was said of the ordinary day's happenings, for
all the talk was on the episode closing.
That we had seen something strange no one
doubted, but, it was said, "sich things have been obsarved
before," and that this was similar to that seen by Goody
Bateman at "Cedar Croft" and by Prudence Ball up at the
"bend." That it prognosticated evil, however, was not
thought probable by the Parson, to whom all looked in
this matter, as in every other, for sound counsel and safe
solutions, because on other similar occasions nothing had
happened out of the ordinary, except that shortly after
Goody Bateman's discovery the Pequod war broke out ;
but there were other signs about that time, such as sounds
over the trees, and the pale flashings of a luminous night
mist, and a sickly look of the sun, which latter, however,
some were venturesome enough to assert was caused by a
dry spell. With these various conjectures as to the cause,
the subject was dismissed after a few practical remarks by
the pastor about the proper way of improving all strange
and inexplicable phenomena.
When the company had assembled we saw that not all
were present whom history informs us were early at the
plantation. Among those absent were Elder John Jones,
Goodman Middlebrook, two of the Wheelers, . and some
45

46 Colonial
others. Both personal interest and curiosity prompted us
to inquire the cause of this ; but as Goodman Hayward
when on the boat had intimated that some families had
gone away and that there had been discord in the new
township, we kept still, thinking that when the sparks
snapped they might tell us. But. as there was just then
burning on the back log only some small split spruce which
came from the Parson's mill meadow swamp, the sparks
could say nothing about it.
Presently some one brought in an armful of cleft chestnut,
which we were informed was cut at Simon Willard's at
Nashawtuc, and came from a clump of trees in his clearing,
beneath which the faithful pastor and his beloved parish
ioner, Mr. Willard, had often held sweet but sad converse
on town affairs. As the wood was thrown on the "cob
irons" and began to crackle and glow, while Jude Farwell
puffed at it lustily with a small pair of buff colored bellows,
we knew we should soon hear something, since it is char
acteristic of chestnut-wood to snap freely. Nor were we
wrong in our conjecture, for as the coals brightened the
sparks snapped, and we eagerly caught the following:
There had been an exodus and a sad one. Some of the
original grantees had died. Mary, the wife of James Hos
mer, was buried December 3, 1641 ; Joseph Meriam died
January, 1 640 ; and Jane, the wife of Timothy Wheeler,
died in December, 164a. But other causes besides death
had broken the ranks. Several had returned to old Eng
land ; some had gone to settlements near the sea ; and in
October, 1644, about one-eighth part of the Concord
colony followed Elder John Jones to Fairfield, Conn. Of
course, curiosity was aroused to know the cause of this last
removal ; but as before intimated, we surmised that the
subject might be a delicate one, and that some present
might be sensitive to any inquiries we might make concern
ing it.
But soon the sparks snapped out more vigorously than
ever, and the inference from them was very direct and

Concord 47
clear that it was not alone the "badness and wetness of the
meadows" or the "poverty and meanness of the soil" that
caused all the trouble, but an inharmonious mixture of
too much ruling Elder with a proper amount of teaching
Elder ; so that it was difficult to tell where the authority of
the latter began and that of the former ended. This posi
tion of the sparks was confirmed in our minds by Cotton
Mather, author of the "Magnolia," who stated that "diffi
culties arose between the minister and people at Concord,
which were settled by calling a council after the abdication
of one of them," that is, one of the ecclesiastics ; and, also,
"that upon Mr. Bulkeley's pressing a piece of charity disa
greeable to the will of the ruling Elder there was occasioned
an unhappy discord in the church of Concord," and the
same thing is also implied in a letter of Rev. Peter Bulke
ley to Rev. Thomas Shepherd of Cambridge, in which he
asks his opinion as to the relative power of the ruling
Elder and the pastor ; and also in a letter of Mr. Bulkeley
to Cotton Mather, when he hints about "The evil of the
times we live in, and what mischief one lofty spirit that has
reputation for understanding can do among the weak."
When the sparks from Mr. Willard's cleft chestnut
burned low we hardly expected to learn anything of the
effect of this ecclesiastical broil on the laity ; but just then
Robert Fletcher threw on the fire a stick of well seasoned
pine, which we were told was cut and hauled for the minis
ter from trees growing by the highway on the "strate
strete" by the "housen," where a large share of the original
settlers lived, and under which many conversations had
been held. Upon this, we expected to obtain just the in
formation we desired ; and as the fire flashed and the sparks
merrily snapped up the chimney flue, we learned that the
ecclesiastical disturbance had a depressing effect on the laity
financially; so that some refused to pay their proportion
of the public charges ; and a council called to consider mat
ters had advised the clergy to be content with what they
got, since the burden on the people was heavy. From

48 Colonial
these statements we inferred that, though the minister's
salary was only about ^70 annually and this to be paid
partly in country produce, yet, for the people to be taxed
in addition for a supernumerary, was thought too grievous.
We also inferred this from the fact that in 1 645 Lieutenant
Simon Willard was excused from attendance as deputy to
the General Court, and was supposed to go home to cheer
up the people ; and from the fact that about the same time
the Court passed an order forbidding any person leaving
the townships of Concord, Sudbury, and Dedham except by
permission of the selectmen ; and that the Concord citizens
be exempt from the payment of certain rates for three
years ; only directing that they still exercise in the train
band. As the various topics talked of were considered in the
town meeting on the day following, we will not refer to
them until that meeting is described. It is sufficient to say
that while this preliminary conference in some of its features
might correspond to the modern caucus, yet in others it
did not, for there were no objectionable politics whatever,
neither was there anything representative of two parties ;
but it was only an informal neighborhood gathering, de
signed to expedite matters at the coming meeting. What
was talked about was an admixture of social, ecclesiastical
and civil interests, showing plainly a quasi-connection of
church and state, and best designated, it may be, as a New'
England theocracy, where the old maxim, "Vox populi est
vox Dei," was reversed and made to read, "Vox Dei est
vox populi." When the conference broke up the room
was soon vacated. There was no lingering for a last word
of senseless small talk, but soon all was still except for the
clink of the tongs on the andirons as Parson Bulkeley
heaped the brands on the back log and tenderly covered
them with ashes. The storm beat on the diamond-shaped
window panes ; a fox barked near the out-buildings, while
from^afar, beyond the meadows near where the "sight"
appeared, came the deep baying of Simon Willard's two

Concord 49
house dogs. We picked up the brown "betty," and care
fully carrying it so as not to spill any of the grease, we
bade the Parson good night and went to our room. We
found it an unplastered one, opening into the lean-to garret,
upon whose roof the autumn rain was falling pleasantly.
To describe an old-time town meeting at Concord as it
occurred in the remote past is a difficult and delicate task,
since the records of each session for about the first half
century of the settlement were probably destroyed, as be
fore stated, in the destruction of Major Simon Willard's
house by fire. But if we assume that Concord had customs
in common with other colonial towns, and make conjectures
based on analogy, we may suggest what may have taken
place in a town meeting at Concord about 1655. Let it
be understood, then, that though the following narration is
in part fictitious, yet, like much of the foregoing, it is
designed with due reference to such matters of tradition
and record as have come to us, to set forth the character of
a people and the customs and usages of an age long since
vanished. The next morning we arose bright and early.
The sunlight streamed into the manse windows and
stretched across the mill meadows, giving assurance that
the storm had subsided.
As it was our purpose to note everything about the set
tlement, while breakfast was being prepared we walked out
to look over the premises. The house was not by any
means an uncomfortable one, for though it was low and
plainly built, yet it was snug and fairly commodious. The
chimney was of stone, with clay mortar ; the outside was
covered with "clayboards" (clapboards), so called because
they were fastened to the clay daubing of the walls, and the
roof was thatched with meadow "blue joint."
As we strolled abroad beyond the meeting house and
over the Ridgeway we came to one of the "common plant
ing fields," where many pumpkins still remained ungath-
ered, and now and then scattered on the ground was a long,
full ear of maize, showing the value of fish as a fertilizer,

50 Colonial
and also that though the Indians had tilled this same field
long before the English purchased it, the soil was still
strong. At the farther end of the enclosure we saw a red
deer timidly browsing among the weeds for stray corn,
while skulking along the outskirts of the adjacent woods
was a lank wolf. Upon seeing the wolf we were reminded
that it might be breakfast time and made haste to return,
crossing over the burying ground to the street, this being
nearer than the way we came and farther from the wolf.
We were shortly at the manse door and seated at the table.
The morning meal consisted of toast made of goat's milk
and journey (johnny) cake, so-called from the ease of mak
ing and its adaptation to people journeying. The toast
was served from a tureen, which had been placed in an iron
chaffing dish with coals in it, this useful article having been
brought into requisition to keep the breakfast warm till our
return. The trenchers (plates) were of pewter, and beside
each was a beaker of water. There was also some apple
mose which the fruit of a few apple trees the first in the
settlement had afforded, and this, with some cranberry tarts
made with rye crust, completed the meal. After breakfast
the Parson returned thanks, and taking the well-worn
Bible from a shelf read a portion of it, then kneeling and
with hands reverently clasped upon its dark leathern lids,
offered upon that altar in the wilderness a worship that was
far more than form. After prayer he exchanged his light
outer garment for a red "doublet," and went to the barn to
fodder his stock. We accompanied him, conversing on
various practical matters, among which was the value of
meadow grass, and our conclusions were that notwithstand
ing what some have said about its worthlessness, it
nevertheless was quite serviceable, and that without it per
haps the settlers' cattle would have starved. The weather
also was considered, and about this we concluded it was no
colder in Concord than elsewhere, especially if we could
credit the statements of good Cotton Mather, that in Salem

Concord 5 1
it was so cold that sap forced out of the wood by the fire
in the middle, froze simultaneously at both ends.
After the chores were done, which were few, for the Par
son had but two cows, we returned to the manse and soon
went to the meeting house where the town's business was to
be transacted pursuant to a warrant previously posted on the
door, and also upon a "publishing post" by the wayside.
As we entered the low, rectangular structure, almost
severely plain in its appliances, and with no chimney,
steeple, or porch, we saw at a glance that we could learn
nothing from the sparks about the political management of
the municipality as it related to the past, for there was no
fireplace. We reverentially removed our hats and seated
ourselves in one of the hard, pen-like pews before the com
munion table, behind which the moderator afterward sta
tioned himself; and while waiting for the session to open
we talked with Ensign Meriam as to the methods by which
town affairs were conducted.
Our conversation on this subject was soon interrupted
by the arrival of "Clark" Willard with the "town books ;"
whereupon by motion of Goodman Potter, Ensign Hos
mer took the chair and the session began. Parson Bulke
ley was asked to pray, the "dark's" records were read and
"silentiously" approved, and business commenced. We
soon saw that the principles of parliamentary usage differed
but little from .those of the present, though there were
some quaint variations in terminology. If a measure was
passed without opposition it was said to be passed by a
"silentious" vote. In some instances "it was resoluted,"
and so recorded, but generally, acts were passed, by a "majer
vote" or by a division of voters, and the record might read
"by a clere vote." The resolutions and measures adopted
ranged all the way from the appropriation of twenty shil
lings to pay for the "diet" of the deputy to the Colonial
Court, to the requisition of a receipt from Abimeleck Bate-
man for the ninepence paid for publicly whipping a stranger

52 Colonial
for disorderly drunkenness, and for the sixpence paid for
placing a persistent Sabbath breaker in the stocks.
Among the officers chosen were selectmen, commissioners
of rates, highway surveyors, tythingmen, fence viewers, and
a "dark." Among the appointments was that of a person
to procure a "branding iron" for marking horses, a person
to take care of the town's stock of ammunition ; a person
to beat a drum to call people to meeting on Sundays and
lecture days, and to sweep and keep clean the meeting
house ; a committee to establish rules for cutting wood on
the "commons" ; a person to look after and repair the
watch house ; and George Fowler was appointed to "breed
salt petre" in some out-house used for poultry. Mr. Simon
Willard was allowed to sell wine and "strong water," and
was to exercise the "train band."
Among things "ordered" were that "all persons who
shall cut down trees within half a mile of the meeting house
shall cut them up within three months ;" (This order was
perhaps to prevent forest fires.) that "any persons
who neglect to attend town meeting, they having been
properly warned, shall pay a fine of two shillings, and if
they leave before the close they shall be fined the same ;"
and that "the chief trees shall be left standing by the high-
way_ as shelter for the cattle from the heat."
Among the appropriations were "ten shillings to pay
Sergeant Scotchford for warning suspicious persons out of
town," they being liable to become a public charge ; "ten
shillings to purchase a new buryin' cloth to cover up
copses ;" "twenty shillings to set two mort stones between
the Blood farms (Carlisle) and the buryin' ground;"
"eight shillings to set stakes by the causeways, for the use
of travelers at high water"; "five shillings to be paid Good
man Woods for mending the pound, besides half the
receipts for impounding stray cattle the ensuing year;"
"three shillings to purchase a padlock for the stocks ;" and
"five pounds for paying the board of poor people to such

Concord 53
as would take them at the lowest bid, they to have good
and sufficient diet and suitable clothing." '
After the meeting broke up but little was said, for the
cool shadows at the close of that early October day sent
each householder hurrying home "to cover up things," as
Goodman Woods said there would be a hard frost up his
way. The meeting was adjourned without date, for Lieu
tenant Willard did not know of anything that should call
them together until Michaelmas.

CHAPTER VII.
Scene by the Wayside — Home of Timothy Wheeler —
Evening Talk by the Fireplace — Statements of John
Scotchford — Cause of the Settlement of Concord.
ACCORDING to previous arrangement, no sooner
was the meeting over than we started with Timothy
Wheeler for his home. This visit we considered
quite a privilege, inasmuch as having seen the
easier side of a settler's life at the manse, we greatly
wished to see the other side in the quiet homestead
of an outlying farm : moreover, we had heard of Goody
Wheeler's "apple mose" and "sweet conserve," and knew
that we would receive there more than an average of
Concord comforts, besides a chance of listening to some
good stories from her consort, since Timothy, as he was
called by the town folks, was acquainted with everybody
from the "nine acres" to the "lower medders," and knew
many strange incidents of settlers' life by the Musketequid.
As we left the meeting house there passed us a drove of
cattle composed of cows, calves, and several oxen, which we
were informed were the property of various owners who
were pasturing them on the common feeding field. Not
caring to be too inquisitive at the outset, for we knew there
would be much to inquire about, we asked no questions on
the subject, but by the data obtained from the sparks and
elsewhere we inferred that there was a daily herding of these
animals, and that it was done by each householder in turn
collecting them in the morning and returning them to the
barnyard at evening ; and if we are right in the above infer
ence we may well wait for a moment at the next bar-way
while we reflect upon a custom that has such pleasing and
pastoral relations. The farm boy driving home the cows
has long been a favorite subject for the painter, and justly
54

Concord 55
so, but is it hardly comparable in its picturesque suggestive
ness with the bringing home of that little lone herd from
the broad meadow lands and the sunny hillsides to the
snug straw thatched barns of the Concord husbandmen ?
We can almost conceive of the scene, as at sunsetting by
the woodside pathway is heard the tinkling sound of the
bell wether and the deep clank, clonk of the cow bell, and
the familiar, breezy call of the tired herdsman, all of which
are as welcome to the waiting milkman and maid as were
the notes of the post horn in the days of stage travel to the
old-time tavern-keeper.
The natural concomitant of all this was the dropping of
the barnyard bars while Flora, Brindle and Bess, good
stock from Surrey and Kent, stepped over them, and the
rest of the drove moved to their own stalls further on.
And the children, for they are there in this true back
woods nursery, little Cerinthy, Hannah and Hope, Jona
than, Jesse and Abiather, are all on hand with their
porringers, each to be served first.
We were not long in reaching Timothy's house, which
was a plain structure with a stout frame roughly boarded
with thick planks, set upright inside, both for finish and
for defence from attacks of the Northern and Eastern
Indians. Within the building, things differed from those
at Parson Bulkeley's, for the Parson was more than well-
to-do ; he was for the times wealthy, and things at the
manse were somewhat in accord with his estate. The
chimney was a massive one placed near the middle of
the house, and up the broad flue over the fire-place was a
large "lug" of green walnut that extended from ledge to
ledge and which Timothy told us might last for several
months, but with a liability if left too long, of burning
through. This "lug" was used in place of a crane, which
came later, and upon it were suspended "hooks and tram
mels"; below were a pair of andirons, before which was a
broad, flaring hearth ; above the fireplace was a mantel
piece, and upon it a pair of candle-snuffers, a tinder box

56 Colonial
and a "saveall"; the latter article being a small candle stick
with an upright pin proceeding from the centre and used
for impaling partly spent candles when too short for the
common candle stick. Squashes, sage, and savory were
also there, while over all were a couple of firearms resting
peacefully upon wooden pegs.
As we entered the house Goody Wheeler met us with a
cheery look and we soon felt at home. The evening meal
which was awaiting our arrival was laid on a small pine
table without leaves, and though every dish was unpreten
tious, yet there was a display of neatness and taste which at
once convinced us of the good sense of Timothy's consort.
The food consisted of johnny cake, a trencher of apple
slump, and pumpkin pie with a rye crust. There was
also on a narrow side board or adjustable shelf hinged to
the wall and upheld in horizontal position by a single stake,
or leg, the remnant of a boiled dinner, but no potatoes ;
the absence of the latter being accounted for by the fact
that potatoes were as yet but little grown by the settlers,
being regarded by some at that time as unfit for food. For
drink there was home brewed beer either made from barley
malted at the village malt house or from malt bought by
the ball.
It is needless to say that town meeting had made us
hungry, and for a half hour we showed our appreciation of
this simple farm fare.
Supper over, the food that remained was removed to the
buttery in a "varder," a utensil made for the purpose, and
the dishes after being washed were placed in the "dresser,"
a triangular shaped closet in one corner of the room.
The kitchen work being completed a trundle bed was
drawn out from under the high bed for little Cerinthy and
Charity: and then Goody Wheeler joined her husband and
myself who were sitting by the fireside.
Hardly were we fairly seated and engaged in conversation
concerning Timothy's crops, and methods of husbandry,
when here was a pull at the latch string, and in walked

Concord cy
Goodman John Scotchford, whom we met at town meeting,
and who had come over with his wife Susanna for an even
ings talk. Their arrival was timely, for we had ascertained
in a conversation held with him at the meeting house that
he was of the company that arrived at Concord the first
fall, and was therefore conversant with the settlers' earliest
experience the first year, and also knew something of their
antecedents in England ; some of which things we could
hardly have expected to ascertain from Timothy Wheeler,
since he did not join the Concord colony until 1639.
It was not long before we were conversing on these sub
jects, and soon obtained facts which taken in conjunction
with what the sparks had deposed in other places led us to
infer that the Concord grantees, whether of the company
first arriving or those who soon followed, were mostly
Englishmen, and that they came to America not as worldly
minded adventurers but rather as sturdy Puritans ; so that
it is by no false nomenclature that we speak of the Puritan
pilgrims of Concord, and assert that their early homes by
the Musketequid were in every sense shrines of the truth,
where liberty loving devotees burned incense. That these
•pilgrims founded the township at a sacrifice can scarcely be
doubted ; for was it not that which John Scotchford told
us ? and did not the sparks snap vigorously and even the
cob irons suddenly redden with an additional glow as he
described his home beyond seas ?
Most surely, there could be no mistaking on this point;
for, although the wind blew bleakly outside and occasionally
crept down the chimney with a melancholy wail, giving an
unwonted brightness to the back log, yet not half so bright
was it as the picture given by him of his far, English birth
place. But the more pathetic part of his narration was that
relating to his leaving home ; and here he became agitated
and appeared to live again that part of his life which he
thought the saddest. He spoke of the prayers and the
parting at his parents' threshold, and the words of blessing
at the garden gate.

58 Colonial
At this point in the narrative the sparks stopped snap
ping and the coals were fast fading into an ashen hue, giv
ing the room a sombre appearance ; moreover, John acted
as if he did not care to talk further, but sat silently gazing
upon the changeful embers as though he saw images in
them ; while Susanna sighed heavily like one thinking of
things far distant. Presently, Timothy Wheeler arose and
threw upon the fire a few chips, whereupon John began
slowly pacing the room.
As for ourselves we did not care to say anything. It
was a time for thought. The facts stated had been impres
sive, and John's manner was so demonstrative that it
needed nothing farther from any one to convince us of the
cause of the Puritans' exodus to America ; and that the
inhabitants in the lone hamlet at Concord became pilgrims
for things not of earth. Moreover, the spell that had over
taken John was upon us also ; we saw spectres in the air
and weird pictures. Sprites danced down the great chim
ney flue and perched on the sooty lug bar ; the candle
flared ; its spent wick sputtered and the last spark ceased to
twinkle ; the back log broke and half buried itself in the
ashes ; and it was twice night in Timothy Wheeler's domi
cile, — the night of nature and the night of the past.
Meekly bowing to the inevitable, as we always mean to,
we immediately mused on the apostrophe of the poet
Lowell to the great monarch whose realm we had invaded :
"O realm of silence and of swart eclipse,
The shapes that haunt thy gloom
Make signs to us and move thy withered lips
Across the gulf of doom ;
Yet all their sound and motion
Bring no more freight to us than wraiths of ships
On the mirage's ocean."
The silence had continued till it began to be quite un
comfortable, when the chips last thrown upon the coals
became suddenly ignited, and as the flames roared up the
chimney the sprites followed them, and when the hinder-

Concord 59
most leaped over the lug stick there was a sharp whine
from the dog Towser as if making sympathetic response to
the sad narration.
The noise of Towser awoke Charity and little Cerinthy,
whose deep and peaceful breathing had been one of the
pleasant features of the evening. As Cerinthy climbed
out of the trundle bed and ran to Goody Wheeler,
saying she was lonesome, it occurred to us to inquire some
thing about child life in the earlier days of the Concord
colony. This we did, and learned among other things that
some of the settlers who arrived early brought with them
several children, and that the families were generally large,
as the Hartwells, Willards and some of the Wheelers,
although this was not the case with our friend Timothy,
for we had ascertained in the course of our conversation
that Cerinthy and Charity were not their own children, but
they had taken them into their home from a household
that was somewhat straightened in means.
As the subject of child life was being discussed we noticed
that the ears of little Charity were evidently open to all
that was being said, and thought it might be in poor taste
to continue our interrogatories farther concerning this mat
ter. We were not compelled, however, to leave the topic
here, for no sooner had our talk upon it ceased, than Tim
othy took from the wood box and threw against the chim
ney back a handful of pine cones, which he informed us
the children had gathered in the warm fall days for winter
kindling. Immediately, these inflammable objects became
ablaze, and as they crackled the sparks snapped and struck
out until all moved back from the hearth's edge lest they
be burned by them.

CHAPTER VIIL
Continued Account of Colonial Child Life — Synop
sis of Events the First Year at the Musketequid
Settlement — Purchase of Territory from the
Indians — - Plan of the Township — Names of the
Original Grantees — Description of the Journey
from Watertown to Concord.
HERE was an opportunity, for not only were we in
the way to get at the indoor experience of the
children, but also to know something of their prat
tle and play and their little duties outside ; so
while the rest were talking together about an expected visit
from Parson Bulkeley to catechise their households, we sat
quietly listening as the sparks spoke, and the following is
what we learned.
Before the birth of a child preparation was made for a
jubilee dinner or supper to be held a few weeks after the
child was born, at which the nurse and others were invited,
and what was called "grooming" beer and "grooming" cake
were prepared for this occasion weeks beforehand. On the
Sunday next after the birth the babe was taken to the
meeting house for baptism, and it mattered not about the
weather, for the "chrisom" child was to undergo the rite
even if ice had to be broken in the "christening bowl."
It was usually carried in the arms of the midwife and
was attired in a "bearing cloth" or "christening blanket"
made of linen and woven by hand, and when at the altar it
was placed in the arms of the father.
The little children in early times were usually clothed
with the best the householder could afford. An important
article of dress for church service, whether in summer or
60

RALPH WALDO EMERSON.

BY PERMISSION OF FOSTER BROS.

Concord 6 1
winter, was a low necked and short sleeved shirt, and its
head was covered with a "bigger" or cap.
The first time a babe was moved from the room it was
carried upstairs with silver or gold in its hand to bring
wealth and to cause it always to rise in the world. It also
had scarlet laid upon its head to keep it from harm.
Among the prescriptions for children's ailments was "snail-
water"; a concoction of garden snails, earth worms, rue,
agrimony, barberry bark, bear's foot, and betony. The
snails were to be washed in small beer and bruised in a
stone mortar and then mixed with the crushed earth worms.
To facilitate teething, babes sometimes wore anodyne neck
laces ; and one old writer recommends for teething, milk
pottage, "flummery," and warm beer. The children were
early sent to what were called "Dame schools," where they
were taught among other rudiments of knowledge, to sew,
knit, spin, and weave.
The "boughten" luxuries of the boys and girls were not
many nor great. We hear, of "lemon pil candy," and
"angelica candy," and "carraway comfits"; but confections
were probably only the things of an occasional holiday, and
even then not to be practically thought of by the average
child. Amusements of an intellectual nature were quite as
few, there being little perhaps of an amusing character until
the appearance of the "Mother Goose Melodies."
Some of the books of the period are the following : — the
titles of which we conclude could not have been very attrac
tive, notwithstanding Cotton Mather said in his election
sermon before the governor and council in 1685, "The
youth of this country are verrie sharp and early ripe in
their capacities." — "A Looking Glass for Children," "The
Life of Mary Paddock, Who Died at the Age of Nine,"
"A Particular Account of Some Extraordinary Pious
Motions and Devout Exercises Observed of Late in Many
Children of Siberia."
But notwithstanding the paucity of amusements and gala
days caused by the severity of the times, child nature would

62 Colonial
assert itself and mirth and meny making could not be sup
pressed. It found expression at the corn huskings, apple
bees, and quiltings, and whenever the older folks gathered
of an evening in a neighborly way the children were pre
sent, and seated on stools in the back part of the room,
listened to stories of forest adventure and village gossip,
and shared with their elders the pop-corn, apples and cider,
or cracked nuts all by themselves near the oven's mouth,
while they may have made many an innocent caricature of
some quaint individual. Even in their work they found
play. If they kept the blackbirds from the corn there was
many a skip, and jump, and gleeful halloo. If they drove
afield the herds and flocks there was the bird's nest that
they visited and the brook in which they waded or swam.
If they went on errands there were the berries by the way
side, and the squirrel, woodchuck and coons. They had
access to the purple wild grapes, and the brown nuts of the
woods. The field flowers they could see at their best, and
they had an appetite for anything eatable. With such
pleasures they were satisfied.
"Learn to Obey" and little "Hate-evil" could frolic and
romp as much as they pleased when sent to the "close" to
call the men folks, and nothing could prevent Welcome
Wheat from waiting at the bar-way before dropping the
rails until she heard the familiar co, co, co, from Mindwell
Dean, as he coaxed his herd from an adjacent pasture in
order to drive their droves home together.
In these homes the families were 'usually large, and there
was the companionship of near ages, and the crude play
things served as did the same cradle for each new comer.
It mattered not if Helpful Hunt and prattling Patience
Potter, and the twins, Thomas and Haggai Hayward,
could not go with a "ha-penny" to Robert Meriam's grocery
for a "carraway comfit" or a stick of "angelica candy," for
their happiness did not depend on these things. More
over, their mothers made marmalade, and "quidonies," and
"typocias," and sometimes when they had company there

Concord 63
was the "sack posset" made of sack, ale, cream, and eggs,
which even baby Jane sometimes sipped from the "pap
spoon." There was the sweet "pumpkin bread" and the
occasional sweet cake of "guinny wheat." Furthermore,
at the "Dame schools" there was doubtless no little of fun,
and of that merriment which school life always finds no
matter how staid or strict the environment, and we may
easily conjecture that at one of these early Concord kinder
gartens while Dame Dakin had stepped to the kitchen to
get a noggin of hot "mumm" (a fat ale made of oat meal
and malt) "to stay her stomach," Fidelity Flint and
Honorbright Hartwell have crept to the "noon mark" to
see how near it is to dinner time.
As it was getting late we concluded to retire, and upon
making known our intention, Timothy Wheeler slipped
from the candlestick the spent candle and placed it upon
a saveall, saying, "It will more than last till you git to
bed." He did not know, however, that to retire from
the hearth side was not to retire to our couch, but that
there was to be a review of what had been said by John
Scotchford and a noting of it.
And now let us pause in our story and briefly consider
some events that are matters of record, together with what
may have been some of the scenes, incidents and processes
in connection with the beginning of the settlement of
Concord. As has been stated, several families in the fall of 1635
went from Watertown to a spot by the Musketequid river
to establish a township. The territory was purchased of
the Indians and was surrounded on all sides by their land.
A part of the price was paid in "wampum-peage, hatchets,
Hows, knives, cotton cloth, and shirts." It is stated that
an agreement to sell the land, or the actual sale of it, was
made at the house of Rev. Peter Bulkeley.
The deed was early lost and never recovered, but there
is ample evidence that it was duly executed and delivered.
Tradition states that the bargain was made under an oak

64 Colonial
tree called Jethro's tree, and that the tree stood at a spot
just in front of the site of the old Middlesex hotel at the
southwesterly end of Concord square.
On Sept. 2, 1635, tne tract was granted by the act of
the Colonial Court, as was customary, and was to be,
according to Governor Winthrop, "6 myles of land
square." The name Concord may have been given it from
the harmony early existing among the grantees. 'The deed
of conveyance was probably signed by those who made the
agreement to sell, among whom were the squaw Sachem,
Tahattawan ; Muttanktuckes, Nimrod and others, accord
ing to various depositions, and we believe it not improbable
that the others referred to were Kato, a former In
dian owner of the Sudbury plantation, Jehojakim, Majus,
Musqua, some of the Speen family, Musquamog, Bohew,
Bornan, Nepanum, and Wennetoj
/"" No plan of the territory acquired by the first purchase
is known to have ever been made, but it is supposed that
the township was surveyed and laid out by Major Simon
Willard. It has been stated that the tract was to be three
miles north, south, east and west, that the house lot of
Rev. Peter Bulkeley was its geographical center, and that
it included among its natural advantages six mill privileges,
seven ponds and more than nine miles of river courseJ
Stone bounds were set at the corners of the township,
and tradition has pointed out the place of some of them.
In process of time other land acquisitions were added to
the original grant, notably among which were Concord
village (Acton), and the Blood farm (Carlisle).]
5 The names of all the settlers who had reached the place
of settlement by 1635 anu ^^ ls uncertain but a part of
\ them are Rev. Peter Bulkeley, Elder John Jones, Hay-
) ward, Heald, Fletcher; William and Thomas Bateman,
Hosmer, Potter, Ball, Rice, Hartwell, Meriam, Judson,
j Griffin, George, Joseph and Obadiah Wheeler and John
C.ScotchfordJ {Peter Bulkeley came from Wodell, Bedford-
/ shire county, England; James Hosmer from Hockhurst

Concord 6$
in Kent, John Heald from Berwick in Northumberland,
William Buttrick from Kingston on Thames in Surrey,
John Ball from Wiltshire, and the Wheelers, according to
tradition, from Wales^J
fThe names of settlers who arrived at Concord between
1635-6 and 1640 are Thomas Flint from Matlock, Wil
liam Hunt from Yorkshire, Ephraim Thomas and Timothy
Wheeler, whom tradition says came from Wales ; Thomas
Brooks from London, Jonathan Mitchell from Yorkshire,
Stow, Blood, Brown, Andrews, Atkinson, Barrett, Billings,
Miles, Smeadley, Squire, Underwood, Burr, Draper, Far-
well, Chandler, Gobble, Fox and probably Middlebrook,
Odell and Fuller.'
_ 'Some of the larger estates of these settlers are estimated
as follows : Peter Bulkeley, ^6000 ; Thomas Flint,
^4000 ; William and Thomas Bateman, ^34^ 5 George
Hayward, ^500 ; William Hunt, ^596. James Blood and
Thomas Stow were large real estate owners./
There is no evidence that these families lived together
before their arrival in America ; neither have we any evi
dence that the settlement was planned in England.
The journey to the Musketequid country was doubtless
an arduous one and attended with peril, as we may infer
from the following account given by the writer Edward
Johnson in his "Wonder working Providence of Zion's
Saviour." "Sometimes passing through the thickets, where their
hands are forced to break way for their bodies' passage, and
their feet clambering over the crossed trees, which when
they missed they sink into an uncertain bottom in water,
and wade up to their knees, tumbling sometimes higher and
sometimes lower. Wearied with this toil, they at the end
of this meet with scorching plains, yet not so plain but
that the ragged bushes scratch their legs fouly, even to
wearing their stockings to their bare skin in two or three
hours. If they are not otherwise well defended with boots
or buskins, their flesh will be torn, — some of them being

66 Colonial
forced to pass on without further provision, have had the
blood trickle down at every step. And in time of summer,
the sun cast such a reflecting heat from the sweet fern,
whose scent is so very strong, that some herewith have
been very near fainting, altho very able bodies to endure
much travel. And this not to be indured for one day, but
for many ; and verily did not the Lord encourage their
natural parts with hopes of a new and strange discovery,
expecting every hour to see some rare sight never seen
before, they were not able to hold out and break through.
* * * After some days spent in search, toiling in the day
time, as formerly said, like true Jacob they rest them on
the rocks where the night takes them. Their short repast
is some small pittance of bread, if it holds out ; but as for
drink they have plenty, the country being well watered in
all places that are yet found out. Their further hardship
is to travel, sometimes they know not whither, bewildered
indeed without sight of sun, their compass miscarrying in
crowding through the bushes. They sadly search up and
down for a known way, the Indian paths being not above
one foot broad, so that a man may travel many days and
never find one. * * * This intricate work no whit daunted
these resolved servants of Christ to go on with the work in
hand, but lying in the open air while the watery clouds
pour down all the night season, and sometimes the driving
snow desolving on their backs, they keep their wet clothes
warm with continued fire till the renewed morning gives
fresh opportunity of further travel."
This account may perhaps relate to the journeys of var
ious companies who went at different seasons to the pro
posed new plantation, rather than to any one journey made
by explorers or permanent settlers.
The language is strong and may have been designed to
convey for substance a general instead of a detailed descrip
tion. Captain Edward Johnson was one of the prominent
founders of Woburn and a good man.

Concord 67
He wrote about the settlement of other New England
towns also ; and doubtless obtained much of his informa
tion from conversations with their inhabitants.
The goods of the settlers were conveyed to Concord in
teams which were impressed by order of the Colonial
Court ; as indicated by the following record, dated Sept. 2,
• "It is ordered that there shall be a Plantation at Mus
ketequid, and that there shall be six miles square to belong
to it, and that the inhabitants thereof shall have three years
immunities from all public charges except trainings. Fur
ther, that when any that shall plant there shall have occa
sion of carrying of goods thither, they shall repair to two
of tne next magistrates where the teams are, who shall have
power for a year to press draughts at reasonable rates to be
paid by the owners of the goods to transport their goods
thither at seasonable times. And the name of the place is
changed, and henceforth to be called Concord.."
The preparation for the departure from Watertown into
the wilderness was doubtless short ; for the settlers would
have but few household articles to take with them ; but the
scene at the departure was probably an interesting one.
We may conjecture that foremost in the procession were
several outriders, who were for watch and ward lest the
train be attacked by hostile Indians, for as yet the settlers
did not know the friendly character of the natives. Be
tween the wagons and the vanguard were, naturally, the
cattle, sheep, goats and swine, upon whose safety so much
depended. Lastly, and accompanied probably by some of
the more lusty of the company as a rear guard, we may
suppose rode reverentially and anxiously, Rev. Peter
Bulkeley and Elder John Jones.
As there were no roads nor bridges, fording places were to
be sought, for crossing the streams ; swamps were to be
avoided by a circuitous path, and fodder for the animals
was either to be carried or obtained from the tufts of wild
wood grass or from occasional open spaces in the forest.
As more than one day was consumed in making the

68 Colonial
journey, at night everything was to be carefully guarded,
and, let the weather be what it might, there was no shelter
but an improvised one of tree branches or that of some
projecting rock or friendly windfall.
No welcome of any kind awaited their arrival, but in
stead, "Bleak Nature's desolation wraps them round,
Eternal forests, and unyielding earth,
And savage men, who through the thickets peer,
With vengeful arrow."
The only sounds that greeted them were of the wilder
ness. The eagle screamed over the pines by the ridgeway,
and from the vast meadow wastes came the deep booming
of the lone bittern. Down the gentle defiles, which after a
lapse of two centuries have become such pleasant places,
danced the dim shadows of an early twilight, and long be
fore the day was done the wild beast began his nightly
prowling with dismal cry and suspicious skulk.
But there are other things which may have lent their
influence to make the arrival a forbidding one. There was
in the nature of the Massachusetts Bay settlers an element
of superstition which was easily aroused, and there were
conditions in the country about Concord suited to call it
forth to an unusual degree ; ponds with lonely environ
ments, from which the loons wild and pathetic cry as it
pealed over the woodland might be mistaken for the spirit
of some unavenged victim of Indian hate ; dark recesses
by the meadow border, upon which the night bird de
scended with whistling wing, making sounds which to unac
customed ears might be mistaken for voices unearthly ;
dark, evergreen groves by the hillside ; tangled and vine
webbed archways beneath which were the imprints of
unknown animals, or of strange moccasined feet; fresh
coals on abandoned hearthstones, suggestive of some one
living, and perhaps somewhere listening and watching ; all
these things and others it may be of like nature awaited
the settlers.

CHAPTER IX.
Character of the First Houses — Food, Clothing,
Occupation — Preparations for Cold Weather —
The Setting in of Winter — Trials and Amusements
— The Coming of Spring — Scenes Along the Mus
ketequid.
THE first work that presented itself was that of
providing themselves shelter; in doing this they
seized upon every advantage.
They laid out their stinted house lots at the foot of the
ridgeway before spoken of, thinking, it may be that the
bank to the northerly would prove a friendly wind break,
and that the southerly slope would catch the slant beams
of the winter's sun. But the expected advantage had its
drawback, for old Boreas strode ruthlessly down the little
"strate strete" and knocked loudly at their cabin doors,
while the snow swept by his besom from the "great fields"
above, fell unexpectedly over the bank, and only awaited
the springtime to melt and flood their dwellings.
^The first houses were thinly scattered from what is now
Concord square to "Meriam's corner." They were con
structed by the driving or setting of upright stakes or
logs at the foot of the hill, and the placing thereon of
stringers or poles, which, resting on the sloping ground
formed a roof admitting of a room beneath, by the removal
of the earth. The roof poles were covered with sods,
or brushwood thatched with grass. The fireplaces were
against the bank; and for light, the door may have
served a partial purpose, supplemented by one or two small
apertures, closing with slides or filled with oiled paper. It
is stated that these structures were only designed for a tem
porary purpose, and made to the end that when kindly
69

70

Colonial

spring opened they could provide things more durable. It
is said, however, that even the first winter Parson Bulkeley
had provided for him a frame house. /
As to the food supply, we may make no mistake in sup
posing that jit was scant in quantity and altogether unsuit
able for either hard work or good health ; for commercial
relations with other places were few, and but little corn
could be obtained from the natives*- Besides, there was
inconvenience in the preparation of what food material they
had. Corn may have had to be ground after the Indian
fashion of pounding it with a pestle in a mortar of wood or
stone, or if a few families were fortunate enough to own a
"querne", before the erection of the "Bulkeley grist mill",
and also in seasons of drought afterward, they may have
been put to the hardship of grinding their corn by handJ
We may also believe that/the clothing was unsuitedto
the climate, for, doubtless, they wore the garments they
brought with them across the ocean, and the change from
the equable temperature of England to the inconstant cli
mate of Massachusetts Bay, and the encountering of the
malarial exhalations and damp meadow mists of the Mus
ketequid, together with the snowfalls and floods that go
with great forest growths in an unreclaimed country, would
naturally result in much suffering. If we may believe the
writer, Johnson, some of the people were at times only
partially clad in anything, for, he states, that "at the first,
many of the people in the season of frost and snow went
barefooted and barelegged." The same writer says that
"some of their cattle, for which they paid five and twenty
pounds a cow, died," and, also, that "for want of wheat,
barley and rye, the Indian meal proved a sore affliction to
some stomachs/'/
The late autumnal days following the arrival were busy
ones. There was much to be done before the setting in
of a winter which to the settlers was all untried, and whose
severity at its mildest might if unprepared to meet it sub
ject them to hardship.

Concord 7 1
Besides the building and banking up of their houses, a
supply of food and fuel was to be provided ; shelter was to
be made for the cattle, and fodder laid by for them when
they could no longer feed upon the brown meadows nor
browse upon the brushwood. To perform these tasks was
not easy ; the forest being of the "first growth," as it was
termed when no woodman's axe had been used upon it,
would not readily fall before the rude implements that were
used for wood-cutting in those days ; and the tall bluejoint,
the juiceless lute grass, the "pipes" and the "flags" had all
lost some of their summer sweetness, and were tough and
woody, and in some places standing half high in water .j
Furthermore, the time for gathering these was short.
Any week, any day, might bring the snow, and any night
the ground might freeze, so that not so much as a fence
post could be set. The summer birds had all flown, and
the late stragglers from the north flew low down, as if laden
with an apprehension that they were late. The leaves had
fallen, and the wind blew through the bare branches with a
melancholy wail, and rustled coldly through the coarse
sedge in the runways ; while in the morning, thin ice cov
ered the meadow lands, all betokening the near approach
of cold weather, and admonishing the settler to make haste
in preparing for ,-it ; perhaps, too, predisposing him to
homesickness, and causing solicitude for things ahead.
What was thus indicated soon occurred. The last honk
of the gray wild goose was heard over the bay at the river
bend, as if croaking back a note of disappointment at not
finding open water in which to rest itself. The dusky
duck, the hardiest and latest of the wild waterfowl that fre
quents the rivers and ponds about Concord, had days
before taken its departure because the water was frozen ;
and nothing remained of the bird kind but a flock of quer
ulous robins, which still lingered about the swamp near the
mill brook, as if to discover what the strangers were there
for, and to finish eating a few alder berries. >,
Soon, "announced by all the trumpets of the sky," and

72 Colonial
prognosticated by bird and beast, the snow came. It filled
up the paths and dropped heavily upon the cabin roofs,
and lodged gloomily upon the drooping tree branches.
Easy access with the outer world was closed, and the
colonists were left to themselves, with wild animals and wild
men in a wild wood, with no promise of any visitors before
spring, except the winds and the storm clouds. But,
although thus exposed to the hardships of the wilderness
we may well conjecture that they were not idle, for there
was much that could be done in the winter season by way
of preparation for the spring. Seed was to be obtained of
the natives ; spots suitable for planting it were to be
selected ; and fencing stuff was to be split out ; for the for
est had plenty of marauders ready to break into the plant
ing fields and claim the crops. Besides these things, there
were farming tools to be made, daily chores to be done,
and divers contrivances to be adopted, whereby the settlers
might adjust themselves to their new circumstances.
As to just how that first winter was passed, and what
were the painful and pleasurable details of each family's
experience, we have no certain knowledge. The records
do not inform us, tradition gives no hint of it, and we
have no faithful Bradford's Journal, as concerning the
planters of Plymouth, to lift the curtain and let in the
light. The writer Johnson informs us, in a general way,
that they suffered from exposure, from fear, and from
a lack of many necessary things ; while, as to things spe
cific and personal, he is mostly silent.
But, although left to conjecture, we may, perhaps, fairly
assume that there was both tragedy and comedy on that
strange stage of human action, and that of the former class
death came, and that a grave was opened in the town's first
burial place that winter. That such was the case is prob
able, for? although there were in the first arrival the names
of only about a dozen heads of households that have come
down to us, yet these may represent several scores of indi
viduals, as wives, children and servants, besides stragglers,

Concord

n

who are sometimes found attendant upon adventurous
undertakings, as in the case of the Plymouth plantation,
where there were several persons not signers of the original
compact, ! and of whom posterity has had small reason to
be proud.
The severity of the climate, the scant accommodation
for warmth and shelter, the stinted food supply, — all these
would naturally superinduce disease and perhaps death, to
reckon nothing upon casualties arising from special expos
ure, accident, and a variety of other causes and mishaps
incident to life in a new country. 'The first monument to
bear record to a death in Concord is that of Joseph
Meriam. It stands in the old hill burial ground where for
two hundred and twenty-six years it has faithfully borne
the following inscription :
"Joseph Meriam, aged 47 years. Died the 20 of April,
l677-" It is a simple tombstone, unpretentious and time-worn ;
but a special interest is attached to it in that it has for so
many years stood as a sentinel between the known and
unknown of Concord's dead. ¦ It is on the line of demark-
ation, beyond which, no tombstone deposeth and none
durst venture. What names of persons who may have died
the first winter would be inscribed on other tombstones,
had all of those whose bodies resting in "that thick peopled
ground" had a stone to bear record of them, none can
declare ; but, there is large opportunity to conjecture that
some would be there, and for the following reasons, if for
no other.
It is supposed that the earliest meeting house at Concord
was built on what now might be called the hill burial place,
within a year or two or perhaps three of the first arrival ;
for it is stated, that by its first recorded vote, Feb. 5, 1636,
the town decided that the meeting house "stand neare the
brook in the east side of Goodman Judson's lott;" and
tradition has always located that spot in or near the old
burying ground. As a church organization at Concord

74 Colonial
was not effected till April 6, 1637, there may have been
a little delay in erecting the meeting house ; it being
deemed, perhaps, less consequential to have a church build
ing before the family going into it was constituted.^
But, however this may be, phe query naturally arises,
why was this spot selected for a meeting house ? It was
not adjacent to the parsonage, for tradition fixes the site of
that, as we have seen, on the present Lowell street ; neither
was it most accessible to all the houses. It was not there,
as we believe, for a defensive purpose, for, with exceptional
amity existing between the white and the red men, there
was no necessity of placing the meeting house on the top
of a hill for the purpose of better watch and ward ; we
conclude, therefore, it was built there because about that
spot was their burial place, and because the settlers decided
that God's house should be upon God's acre. If this be
true, then death may have occured the first year.5
' In the few years next following 1635, some Tew records
of deaths have come down to us. These may be
found together with a list of births in what have been
termed "the Boston Records." The earliest date of a
death in this list is 1639, and the record is as follows :
"Richard Harvy had two daughters burried 1638, Marga
ret his wife dyed 1639." The day and the month of the
births and deaths in this list is given in the quaint method
of the period.!
The occurrence of any comedy amid circumstances of so
grave a character as existed the first winter, it may be hard
to conceive of, but human nature will usually assert itself,
even among adverse surroundings, so we believe it did here.
There were, doubtless, many accidents and incidents where
mirth and even hilarity found vent. There were old songs
to be sung, old stories to be told and jokes to be cracked;
strange customs were to be inaugurated, queer costumes to
be worn, and things to be done quite different from any
thing done in old England ; for instance, bullocks or kine
harnessed tandem to suit the narrow wood path ; coon skin

Concord 75
caps instead of Puritan hats, loose leggins in place of boots,
and first attempts at wearing snowshoes. As for events of
a humorous nature, it might be hard to avoid them. For
instance, a person lost in the woods at Nashoba, and led
home with a sprained ancle by a couple of squaws ; another
dropping his doublet when treed by a bear, which doublet
was instantly devoured because made of goatskin with the
hair on ; and still another starting from Beaver pond with
a string of fish, and sowing them by the way as he ran
homeward because he heard wolves following him. Many
such like things may have occurred to excite merriment,
and as they were recited about the evening fireside when
the wind blew and the snow drifted, why should they not
laugh ; they were men and women such as we are, and
although called Puritans, they were not too pure to do
what Providence designed them to do, and Providence
designed them to laugh sometimes.
Their practices were far from being what some have rep
resented. They did not carry firearms to kill harmless
savages, neither did they sell them firewater for a six pence
to buy powder and shot to shoot them with. They did
not go to meeting on Sunday to learn about Divine decrees,
which would lead them to leave duties undone during the
week, nor to act in a manner inconsistent with the fullest
exercise of a free will. But they were rational agents of
the Almighty to help colonize a new country ; and how
well they did it history tells.
As to what was done in the long evenings we can only
guess. There were few books, no papers, and as yet little
or no material for spinning or knitting ; neither was there
much corn to be shelled ; no apples to be pared, and no
pumpkins to be cut and sliced. The men might do some
coarse carpentry, perhaps, also some rough shoemaking
from green hides, and it may be, turn a hand to some small
coopering or rude basket making ; so, for the most part
there was tediousness, lightened by the thought that winter

76 Colonial
would not always last, and spring would come bringing
brighter things. •
And spring did come. The settlers soon saw signs that
winter was on the wane. The sun rose higher and shone
brighter. The days grew longer and longer ; and at length
spring burst upon them with a novelty known only to such
as have colonized a new country. Indeed it was as if they
were introduced into a veritable wonderland ; every day was
a new revelation. Some bird came from the south ; some
insect spread its wings and chirped at them ; some animal
crawled from its winter hiding place ; and these were for
the most part unlike what they had ever seen before.
In the floral world also there were surprises. Along the
meadows, by the brookside, in the springy places, were the
marsh marigolds ; in the "pine dark glen" and along the
hillside were the star flower and the ferns ; while in the
runways and by the rivulets a variety of violets lifted their
modest heads as if to welcome them. Amid this scene of
animate beauty there also awaited the settlers a melody,
which was as new to the ear as these were to the eye ; the
lark whistled from a tall tree between the river and the
ridgeway ; the song sparrow sang sweetly by the wayside ;
a score or more of gay warblers twittered and trilled in the
brushwood ; and the robins which were so complaining the
autumn before, no longer stood aloof with discordant note,
and shy presence, but acted as if desirous of being neigh
borly. But the scene of greatest change, it may be, was along the
course of the Musketequid and by the ponds ; all of which
from the setting in of the cold weather till now had been
as silent as the fishes that swarmed within them. The icy
covering that closed over them in November had remained
unbroken until March, during which time but little of
animate life had been audible or visible ; while the cone-
shaped nests of the musquash might, by their look of aban
donment, have made the landscape look even more desolate.
But now, all was changed. From Nashawtuc to Punkatas-

Concord 77
sett, life appeared. The air was alive with wild water fowl :
the wood duck and teal flew low down as if seeking nesting
places, while, high above them, the "cloud cleaving geese"
sent down their harsh, querulous honk, as if to say such
places were too tame for them. Upon the soft grass of the
meadow uplands the snipe stopped in his zigzag flight to
find a feeding ground ; the sheldrake oiled herself con
tentedly on a hassock ; while in the reedy coves by the
river bend the returning bittern sent forth his booming note
no longer lonely, admonishing the settlers to "mend
fence." But of more interest than anything else was the wealth
of meadow grass giving promise of plenty of hay. And
this promise proved true, for Johnson informs us that the
settlers along the river had not only hay sufficient for their
own cattle, but took in cattle from other towns.
There was no time, however, for idle enjoyment; oppor
tunities were passing which would not return for another
twelve month, and they should be promptly improved.

CHAPTER X.
Capture of Fish — Breakfast Table of Timothy
Wheeler — Morning Walk Through the Woods —
Visit at the Simon Willard Homestead — Historic
Sketch of Major Simon Willard — Description of
Colonial Farm Houses — Domestic Products.
t | AHE first thing to be done was to capture fish, which
were to be used for food and fertilization. In

1

the long winter evenings the settlers doubtless
obtained from the Indians a knowledge of the best
methods of maize culture ; that it should be planted in the
month of green leaves at a time when the oak leaf was the
size of a mouse's ear or a squirrel's paw, and that each hill
should contain an alewife. They also learned how and
when the alewives were to be captured. The fish were al
ready ascending the Musketequid and pushing their way
up the north and south branches for spawning purposes,
and the season would soon be over. The Indians were
gathering in their harvest, working by day with a scoop net
at the wier, and at night watching with a flaming flambeau
in one hand, and a long sapling with a stone point in the
other, ready to capture the fish as it swam in sight. We
can conjecture that the English were not far behind, and
that there was soon seen starting from every house on the
"little strate strete" a man with a basket, or two men carry
ing a basket between them, suspended from a stout pole on
their shoulders. Soon there came in sight perhaps John
Meriam, from the corner, with a clumsy cart of spokeless
wheels drawn by a bullock, in which were some scoop nets,
and several spears, and sundry other articles. As he stop
ped before the house of William Judson, near the burying
78

THE LIBRARY OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON.

Concord 79
ground, perhaps Goody Judson brought out a basket in
which was some boiled venison, a dish of samp and a large
pone cake. Truth Temple may have come soon after,
with a half cheese. We infer that the fishing season was a
lively one. The fishing places were famous resorts ; and
about them the Indians were accustomed to gather by fami
lies and by clans for feasting and for tribal greetings.
Another early work of importance was that of fencing ;
as, however, this subject properly belongs to that of land
allotments and the common planting fields we will leave it
to be considered later.
Such was the commencement of the colonization of Con
cord, and such we conceive may have been some of the
scenes incident to it.
The cause of the colonization it is unnecessary to further
consider. Every circumstance as well as record and tradi
tion assert it to have been at the dictation of duty, and a
desire to reach a place, remote though it might be, where
they could worship God as a spirit in spirit and in truth.
"What sought they thus afar
Bright jewels of the mine ?
The wealth of seas ? the spoils of war ?
They sought a faith's pure shrine."
And the shrine of truth which they sought, they kept.
Through all the vicissitudes that followed them, of the
wilderness, of church dissensions, and divers other difficulties
and dangers, they always adhered to their noble intent and
righteous endeavor. No wonder that the sons of such
sires have added greatly to the world's worth, that their
homes are Meccas which many "a pilgrim visits, and that
about their burial places are ever the fresh imprints of pil
grim footsteps.
But the bright disk of the harvest moon was now fast
descending over the distant Wachuset mountain, and, long
ago, the candle in the saveall had sputtered and gone out,
leaving us in the darkness with our thoughts, which like

80 Colonial
the gray embers on the now cold hearthstone had about
spent their vitality, for we were weary ; we had seen, and
heard, and thought so much, it was a relief that the sparks ...
had spoken no farther, so, lest the sprites reappear we
retired. A moment, and the rising wind rattled rudely the
loose window frame ; another, it dropped down the chim
ney with a low, weird sigh, the next we were asleep.
At an early hour in the morning we were astir, and,
descending the narrow stairway, we perceived a savory
smell of fried flitch (a strip of smoked pork) which was all
the more satisfactory inasmuch as the light living at the
manse, while all sufficient for parsonage purposes, had
proved inadequate for our more active pursuits. Hardly
was our simple toilet completed in the "back room", (for it
was there that everybody washed) when a horn was blown,
and, soon after, we were all seated at the breakfast table
devouring with appreciative appetites the morning meal.
This meal consisted in addition to the aforesaid flitch,
of the remnant of a pan dowdy which, though made the
day previous, had been so banked with hot ashes in the
brick oven that this delicious dish of quartered apple
cooked in a rich cream crust was still hot. As steam issued
from every crevice in the crisp covering, and as Goody
Wheeler stirred a rich sauce to spread over it, we felt that
farm fare after all had its advantages.
We would state in passing, that meeting the hired man
led us to inquire of Goodman Wheeler what he paid him,
to which he replied, "Ten and six a week and his diet."
The meal ended, and the settle hitched back, for some of
us had sat on it while eating, Goodman Wheeler took from
the stand a small Bible, thoroughly time stained and finger
worn, and having read a long chapter from the book of
Judges invoked the Divine blessing with great fervor. In
his reading there were oral interpolations of an expository
as well as hortatory character, and in his prayer nothing
was omitted that was practical, he being especially earnest
in his petition for his pastor and the king of England.

Concord 8 1
When they arose, for all knelt in Timothy Wheeler's
domicile even to little Cerinthy and Charity, all was bustle,
getting in readiness for the day's work.
Timothy had planned for the hired man and chore boy
to go to the south meadow for some sedge, while he went
with two of his neighbors to cut corn. The two neighbors
we ascertained were swapping work with him, Timothy to
work a like time for them a little later ; ia custom much
prevailing in that period, not only as related to work, but
to other commodities ; as, for example, if one householder
killed a hog, neighbors would borrow of it and the piece
would be returned when a like animal was slaughtered by
them. " In the present instance Timothy Wheeler was
harvesting corn for his annual husking, which he said was
to take place the following week.
But, beside the haste occasioned by the husking, he was
pressed for time in other ways ; one of which was that it
was his custom on a "growing moon" to kill his hogs, in
order, as he stated, to prevent a shrinkage of the pork.
He informed us that this principle likewise applied to other
things, as the planting of garden seeds ; they doing much
better if planted on the moon's increase.
Other signs he was about speaking of when the hired
man came with the "hay riggin'," and inquired whether he
should take the sedge from the stack by the meadow
border or from that on the river brink ; and upon being
instructed to take it from the latter, we inferred that even
after the September storms, the broad meadows would
admit of the hauling of hay over them, something not
always possible at the present time.
We had now, as we believed, learned all we could from
a short tarry with Timothy Wheeler, and grateful for his
hospitality proffered payment. This he refused ; and, as
if the obligation was on the other side, remarked that he
would "call it square" if we would come to his husking ;
at the same time promising that if we would do so and
stop over night he would tell us more about "signs and

8 2 Colonial
sich," for, continued he, "I've seen a good many in my
day and some's sartin to tarn true."
Nothing could have suited us better, so, with a promise
to accept his invitation we parted, steering for Major Simon
Willard's, a lad leading the way.
The walk through the woods was a wonderful one, for
everything was massive, primitive, and grand. There was
no underbrush to impede our progress, and the tall tree
trunks towering upwards with their branches expanding in
the upper air and sunlight, like things of beauty as they
were, formed a safe hiding place for the pigeons and crows,
which almost constantly cooed and cawed over us. So
impressive was the spectacle, and so reverent our feelings,
that we instantly recalled the words of Bryant in his
"Forest Hymn :"
"Father! Thy hand
Hath reared these venerable columns. Thou
Didst weave this verdant roof. Thou didst look down
Upon the naked earth ; and, forthwith rose
All these fair ranks of trees. They in Thy sun
Budded, and shook their green leaves in Thy breeze,
And shot towards heaven. The century living crow
Whose birth was in their tops, grew old and died
Among their branches, till, at last, they stood,
As now they stand, massy, and tall, and dark, —
Fit shrine for humble worshipper to hold
Communion with his Maker !"
To such an extent did the gigantic trees interrupt our
direct passage that we felt convinced that the primitive
wood paths led the traveler a much longer distance from
place to place than if he walked direct as the bee flies.
Beneath the oaks was a profusion of acorn mast, and in
the precincts of farm houses were swine busily crunching
it; the custom of the settlers being to feed them in" this
way until the time for fattening. In one place several
Indian women were picking hickory nuts, while at the foot
of the tree were a couple of papooses cunningly clad in
musquash skins.

Concord 83
We crossed the South branch of the river at the cart
bridge near the upper meadows, and, following a path
along the upland, where the purple grape and rich alder
berry mingled alike their fragrance and their beauty to
make the walk a delight, we soon saw the smoke wreaths
of Major Willard's farm house. The very surroundings
of the place were at once suggestive of the large hearted-
ness of the owner, and of an estate of a more than well-to-
do farmer of the times. There was upon the premises
besides the ordinary buildings a smoke house ; and the
sweet odor of smouldering corn cobs and green hickory
wood that came from it reminded us of the juicy flitch at
Timothy Wheeler's breakfast table!
There was also a small barn for the storage of corn,
which was set upon posts to protect the contents from
squirrels and rats, and loosely boarded to let in the air.
Not far away was a shed for beaver pelts, which the sparks
informed us at the beaver dam Mr. Willard traded in.
Approaching the premises, Mr. Willard saw and hast
ened to meet us, accompanied by two large Kentish mas
tiffs ; and as we grasped the hand of this well-known
merchant of the Musketequid region we felt as we had
heard that he was much of a man.
And„here it may be in place to relate a little of his his
tory. Simon Willard came to America from Kent county,
England, and was at Cambridge, Massachusetts, as early
as 1634. While in this country he formed an acquaintance
with Rev. Peter Bulkeley and joined with him in the pur
chase of the tract of territory now Concord, going there as a
colonist and becoming a prominent and potential factor in
its settlement. Mr. Willard was a man of affairs as well
as a person of means, being versed in matters of both a
civic and military character. About 1660, he went to Lan
caster, and in 1672, to Groton, and in these townships
there are still traditions, and records, and ancient land
marks showing the impress of his personality. In that
'art of the town of Harvard, once Lancaster, near the

f

84 Colonial
northern border, is still pointed out the site of a garrison
house which he erected ; and in the town of Ayer, formerly
a part of Groton, is a large land tract once his property.
On May 21, 1658, Simon Willard had conveyed to him
five hundred acres of land "on the south side of a river
that runneth from Nashua to Merrimack between Lan
caster and Groton, and in satisfaction of a debt of ^44 due
from-John, Sagamore of Pawtucket."
The land was laid out in 1659, by Thomas Noyes, and
is situated in the present town of Ayer, about Nonacoicus
brook. Major Willard commanded forces in King Philip's war,
and was long identified with the Massachusetts Bay Colony
militia in times of peace. He married for his first wife
Mercy Sharp, and for his second and third, two sisters of
President Dunster of Harvard college, and he had seven
teen children, descendants of whom are widely scattered
throughout the land. The old Willard house at Concord
was standing, it is stated, until the last quarter century,
when it was destroyed by fire.
It was situated at the foot of Nashawtuc and the site
is now marked by a tablet, not far from the first south
bridge.' As we walked to the house, Mr. Willard said some very
pleasant things about our late host, Goodman Wheeler,
and about the Concord families generally, who, he said had
come to a strange country for conscience sake : and as we
reached the doorstep he said if we would remain over the
coming Sunday, which' would be the next day, he would
take us to meeting, where we could see them in their wor
ship. Here was an opportunity of observing still another phase
of the settlers' life, and of hearing a sermon from the Rev.
Peter Bulkeley, so we gladly accepted the invitation;
whereupon Mr. Willard, who had waited for our answer,
pulled the latch string and we walked in, meeting Madam
Willard in the entry way.

Concord §5
It is unnecessary to give a detailed description of Major
Willard's house, for it was modest, considering the com
petency of its owner, and although more capacious, yet in
other respects not unlike many others of the period.
We will, however, describe the average farm house of the
times, though in doing so we may subject ourselves to
adverse critcism by running counter to pet theories of log
cabins, of gambrel roofed manor houses with picturesque
accompaniments, and various architectural features suggest
ive of ghosts, goblins, and witch lore.
(The early frame houses were rectangular in shape and of
a severe simplicity. In about the middle was a large chim
ney having several flues, which afforded a fireplace to each
room. There was usually a commodious cellar which sel-
don "froze" it being a part of the farmer's fall work to
"bank it up ;" and so even was its temperature that veget
ables kept in it the year round.
The larger of these houses commonly contained four
square rooms on the ground floor, and the smaller ones at
least two : and to the latter was often attached an ell or a
"lean-to" containing the kitchen. The roof was either
gambrel or gable, the latter being the more common. The
fireplaces were amply large enough to contain four foot
sticks ; and the hearths which were made sometimes of
stone and sometimes of brick extended well out into the
room. Beside the fireplace in the kitchen was a brick
oven. The floors were made of the widest boards obtainable,
and as they shrank and became worn, large seams and
knots were visible. The framework was massive, a large
beam extending across the top of the rooms, with stout,
upright timbers at each corner supporting the roof plates,
while above all, directly under the saddle boards, was a tri
angular "king piece" large enough for the sill of a modern
house. Inside the outer boarding thick upright plank were
sometimes placed, to make a bullet-proof protection in case

86 Colonial
of Indian attack. Sometimes, for greater security bricks
were used instead of plank, especially in garrison houses,
and occasionally there was a projection of the upper story
over the lower one, in which were small port holes.'
Such were the houses of the seventeenth century! Here
and there might have been a miniature manor house, where
some attempt was made at architectural display, as in the
case of some well-to-do squire, whose official position, to
gether with an income of a hundred pounds a year invested
in mortgages, gave him some personal prominence ; but
such instances were rare, and we have nowhere found in the
Concord colony anything indicative of a desire for undue
display in architecture; nor should we expect it. The
characteristics of the times were the natural outgrowth of a
reaction from the vain glory of mere externals. Character
was the test of personal worth. Scholarship and cul
ture found easy combination in Massachusetts with that
rugged manual labor which wrenched from a sterile envi
ronment some of the world's best results. If the Bulke-
leys, and Flints, and Bloods, and some others were, after
the standard of the times, men of means, we may believe
that they used their means wisely and for the common weal,
rather than for the establishment of great estates ; and so it
was that their garrison houses were their castles ; their sanc
tuaries were their manor houses ; and that the sites of these
are to the present generation more impressive by far than
would be the remains of
"High raised battlements or labored mounds,
Thick walls or moated gate."

TABLET AT FIRST PARISH MEETING HOUSE.

CHAPTER XI.
Domestic Products — Reminiscent Effect of Madam
Willard's Dutch cheese — Conversation upon Colo
nial Drinking Customs — Clerk of the Writs —
Legal Fees — Furnishings of Early Farm Houses ;
Lighting Appliances, Table Ware, Fireplace Uten
sils, Room Decorations — Class Distinctions.
ALTHOUGH we have abstained from giving a
detailed description of the Willard house let us
suppose that we examined the inside so far as to
note the use and furnishing of some of the rooms.
We first went to the cellar, and there found such pro
duce as by mid October had been placed in store for the
winter. There were carrots, parsnips, onions and cabbages,
but no potatoes, turnips taking their place. Several small
cider casks were in sight, which showed that the New Eng
land beverage of later times was not wholly unknown even
then. We were informed, however, on this subject, that
but little cider was used at that time, partly because apple
trees were not abundant, and partly because the means of
its manufacture were limited. Some people, we were told,
made it by pounding the fruit in a wooden mortar, and
pressing the juice out through a basket ; all of which indi
cate how hard the human family will work to obtain what
it ought not to have. There were several well filled meat
tubs, and a barrel of soft soap, the latter of which, Mrs.
Willard said, was made of clear beef tallow and lye of her
own leaching.
There was an absence of dairy products, which, as we
shall presently notice, were upstairs, except a number of
unusually large firkins filled with butter, which the Major
87

8 8 Colonial
said was soon to be shipped to England in exchange for a
Durham cow, which he was intending to import in order
to improve his stock.
But what attracted our attention as much as anything
were the great arches at the chimney base, which indicated
the immense brickwork in the building. We could now
understand how so many large fireplaces could be afforded ;
for the two arches that formed the foundation of the chim
ney were rooms of themselves. They were furnished with
shelves like a pantry. Upon the shelves were sundry jars
of conserve, jelly and sause, also several brown cream
pots, the contents of some of which, Madam Willard in
formed us, were pickles, "hog's head cheese," and mince
meat prepared especially for "company pies." On the
stone floor of one of the arches we noticed several jugs and
a couple of demijohns, reminding us of modern "bottled
goods," so called. We thought best to make no inquiries
concerning these, so passed them silently by and went up
stairs. We first visited the garret, this we found to be a
place of storage, in which among other things were the fol
lowing articles : A beehive, cranberry rake, and sausage
filler, some candle moulds, an old footstove, a warming pan,
a pair of steelyards, a large breadtrough (used for mixing
sausage meat), a pair of snowshoes, a bunch of birch
brooms, a flax hatchel, a lot of butternuts, a bag of
dried mullein stalks, a cow bell, and an old tin lantern full
of small holes to let the light out. There was also a pillow
bier filled with feathers, several bunches of sage, betony,
and summer savory, a pair of sheep shears, an old cheese
basket, and a box of hogs' bristles for waxed ends.
From the garret we descended to the room used for
dairy products. By this time Madam Willard had joined
us, and as we stood admiring some yellow butter which had
just been taken from a "dash churn" and made into balls,
she pointed with pride to her cheeses. As the cheeses
varied in appearance we ventured to ask the difference
whereupon she replied, "There is a name for each kind

Concord 89
there is the "new milk," the "skim milk," and the "four
meal" cheese ; those in the corner are the "sage" cheeses,
and that half one on the table is a "Dutch" cheese.
As the Dutch cheese with its snowy whiteness had
slightly crumbled, we tasted it ; instantly a strange feeling
came over us, and our mind became reminiscent. That
slight morsel had proved to us like the evening bells to
the poet Moore, which, as he expresed it, brought to mind
"His home and youth and that sweet time
When first he heard their tuneful chime."
For an instant we stood gazing at those simple frag
ments, mutely wondering how they could occasion such
mischief; for mischief surely it was to be sent so summa
rily into the great kingdom of the past, from which return
ing we could take nothing away. But in that kingdom we
evidently were, for spread before us were its rarest treas
ures. There was another old farmhouse with its "lean-to"
roof, and the cows and the pasture bars ; there were the
lilacs and the lilies by the garden wall ; the broad, low,
stone door step ; the smiling supper table, so delightful
to the eye of the hungry school boy ; the thick, golden
ginger-bread, and the Dutch cheese that mother made.
As we stood reflecting upon the curious predicament in
which we so suddenly found ourselves, it occurred to us
that here was a mental mirage, when by the simple suggest
iveness it may be of a sight, a sound, an odor or a taste,
memory casts upon the screen of our perceptive faculties
experiences and scenes long vanished. Wordsworth may
have felt the same when he said :
"To me the meanest flower that blows can give
Thoughts that do often lie too deep for tears."
So inappreciable was the time occupied by all this, that
Madam Willard hardly noticed anything unusual, and just
then, a call came from below summoning her to the turn
stile to talk with Mercy Miles of "Nine Acres" about a

90 Colonial
marriage that was to take place at her house. Surely,
thought we, this is an opportune circumstance, for we can
again taste of the cheese ; we did so, but to no purpose ;
the enchantment was gone ; and we were left to content
ourselves with recalling another verse of Wordsworth
where he said :
"The thoughts of our past years in me doth breed
Perpetual benedictions ....
Which neither restlessness nor mad endeavor,
Nor man nor boy,
Nor all that is at enmity with joy
Can utterly abolish or destroy."
Finding that we could no longer revel in our own early
history, we wished we could have followed our hostess to
the turnstile, as by so doing we might have been invited to
the wedding ; but at that moment she returned, saying
smilingly, that the couple whose intentions had been pub
lished the preceding Sunday were to be united in matri
mony the next week by Mr. Flint, whom the Court had
appointed to join persons in marriage, and that we were
invited to be present.
Greatly pleased at being the recipients of so great a priv
ilege, for this was another scene we had much desired to
witness among the settlers, we forgot the mirage and went
down stairs, where we were met by Major Willard with a
glass of cordial, saying as he offered it that it was an extra
brand. It was with no little embarrassment that we ex
cused ourselves, being a total abstainer, for we were fearful
of being misunderstood ; but out apprehensions proved
groundless, for Mr. Willard informed us that he appre
ciated our position, and considered it the correct one to
take where it was possible ; "but," said he, "The Concord
climate requires sperit."
He then took occasion to inform us about the drinking
habits of the community. Before doing this, however,
the doughty Major dashed off a beaker to our health, say
ing, as he smacked his lips and set the decanter on the

Concord 9 1
dresser, that what he had just drunk was pure liquor from
old Kent, and that he considered it superior to any other
in the colony, not excepting a cordial that he once drank
at a consociation of clergymen held in Boston at the Gov
ernor's house, at which the Mathers were present. A
regard for our health having been thus expressed, the
Major continued his dissertation on alcoholic liquors by as
suring us that in addition to the climatic requirements, there
were certain times and occasions when "sperit" was very
essential, as at raisings, huskings, log rollings, and apple
bees ; also, in haying, hoeing, harvesting, and getting up
wood. It was a sine qua non at military elections, and
training days, and ordination occasions ; at funerals, wed
dings, and house warmings ; when sheep were to be
sheared, hogs to be slaughtered, or any extra work to be
done. Travelers and teamsters he thought should have it,
and those who watched with the sick, and sat up with
"copses," but especially was it to be used in winter to keep
the cold out, and in summer to keep it in. "The only
trouble," said the Major, "is that some abuse it, and that
good sperit is so scurce." He informed us that fermented
liquors were more commonly used than the distilled, be
cause the latter were more expensive and limited in quan
tity, while the former were within reach of every one.
The beer was made from malted barley. The process of
malting was to cover the grain with a few inches of earth
for a few days, until it was well sprouted, and then remove
it to the mash tub.
At the close of our conversation on the subject of col
onial drinking customs, we came to the conclusion that
there were in those times many deplorable instances of
gross drunkenness ; that alcohol was as destructive then as
it is now, and that the same stock excuses were made for
the use of it.
Conversation now turned upon desultory subjects, when
the Major was summoned to the "beaver house" to ap-

92 Colonial
praise some pelts just brought from Nashoba by Nepanet,
which he wanted to exchange for a kettle and some beads.
Being left to ourselves we looked around, and seeing on
the table a worn book upon whose cover was written
"Town Book," we quickly opened it. Here indeed was a
source of information most desirable ; for in addition to the
minutes of public meetings, was a list of births, deaths, and
marriages, down to 1654, which Simon Willard had entered
as "Clark of the Writs." And here it may be observed,
that in addition to the duty of recording and returning to
the colonial authorities the vital statistics of the township,
Mr. Willard was empowered to "end small causes" or to
"hold court ;" his jurisdiction amounting to that of a mini
ature municipal court or trial justice ; and thus judicially
empowered he could issue writs, order "mesne process,"
and make petty decrees, having for fees as follows : re
plevin, 2d. ; attachment, 3d. ; bonds, 4d. On Mr. Wil
lard's return from the beaver house, dinner was in readiness,
and we entered the large "room of all work" or the "living
room" and sat down to a meal which did ample justice to
the large heartedness of our host.
It may be proper here to describe the dinner and its
appurtenances, in order that we may note any difference
between the way of living in the home of the average set
tler and that of the more well-to-do trader or merchant.
The table was set in what was known as the "living room."
In this room was the occasional use of the flax and spinning
wheel ; and the "picking over" of small farm produce, as
cranberries or beans on a winter evening or wet day ; and
where apples and pumpkins were sliced and strung for dry
ing ; where also the family usually sat, and the loom was
sometimes "set up," and the itinerant shoemaker "whipped
the cat," in his usual round of repairing. Above the table
which had leaves was the clumsy "candle beam," con
structed by the crossing of two slim scantlings, and an
attaching of them by a perpendicular one to the beam in

Concord 93
the ceiling, making a fixture for lighting purposes corres
ponding to the modern chandelier.
We noticed that the candles in the beam sockets were
of an olive color, and, on subsequent examination, we dis
covered by their fragrance that the material was in part
bayberry tallow. The chairs about the table had high
backs, and were similar in every way to the specimens of
old furniture seen sometimes in modern houses, and which
are said to have been brought to this country by "two
brothers" (seldom more than three) in the "Mayflower" or
"Ajax" or "Kingfisher," ships of quite too small tonnage
for bulky cargoes. These particular chairs were said to
have come over in the ship "Confidence" from Southhamp
ton, John Jobson master, of CC tons burden. As there
was an utter absence of "stools" and "forms" such as we
had seen at Timothy Wheeler's, we inferred that chairs
were indicative of "forehandedness." On the "dresser"
shelves also were many such articles as are exhibited at the
present day as souvenirs of the colonial period.
Among the articles on the lower shelf was a set of metal
lic plates or a "charger of pewter," as it was called ; a "milk
ewer," "sugar basin," "butter boat" and "pickle boat," all
brightly burnished. On the middle shelf there was a
"mint stand," a "pottle" for milk holding a couple of
quarts or thereabouts, also a "losset," "twifflers," two
dainty "wine tasters," and a coarse glass decanter. The
upper shelf contained a row of "beakers" (later called tum
blers, perhaps because of the tumbling sometimes caused
by their contents), and a few "caudle spoons."
We did not care to inquire what were the contents of
the demijohns and jugs in the closet under the dresser
shelves, so can give no certain information concernnig
them ; but we inferred, from what we had seen in the cel
lar arch, that here were the middle means for the easy
distribution of such "schnapps," "cordials," and "strong
water" as the Willards made use of.
The fireplace furnishings were, likewise, in strong con-

94 Colonial
trast with those at the Wheeler farmhouse ; those being
wholly of plain iron, while these were ornamental. The
dogirons, shovel and tongs were surrmounted by brass, and
brightly polished, showing fidelity in the hired help. . In
stead of the usual "lug bar" up the chimney there was, a.
"crane," the first, it was said, that came into Concord ;; and
above the fireplace was a long "clavel," over which was a
string of peppers and "braids" of choice seed corn. In one
corner of the room, the most remote from the smoke of
the fireplace, and upon wooden pegs in the corner post,
were the sword and leathern belt which Simon Willard
wore when he "exercised the train band ;" and hard bv
these, against the wall, in a plain, pine frame, unpainted,
was the commission from the King of England making
him major in the Bay Colony militia, a commission of
much distinction and recently obtained. This was the
only attempt at mural decoration, with the exception of a
small picture of the martyrdom of John Rogers and a pro-
fil of Parson Peter Bulkeley.
Such was the furnishing of Major Willard's "living
room." It was simple and for the most part serviceable.
But although there was nothing sumptuous for style or
substance, we could detect as we thought, on the part both
of Mr. Willard and his wife, a faint consciousness of mild
gentility, insomuch that we half, concluded that the New
England colonists, notwithstanding their avowed aversion
to all class distinctions of the Old World, had much
respect to rank, and some small desire for modest display.
But lest our conclusion be an untenable one, and based on
superficial observation, we hitched up to the hearth's edge
to hear from the sparks, dinner being not quite ready,
and Madam Willard and a servant being engaged remov
ing the food from the brick oven.
It was well that we did so, for the sparks informed us
that human nature is usually the same everywhere in spite
of all attempts to suppress it, and that the Willards on
account of their modesty only partially represented the

Concord 95
colonial families of wealth in their style of living. In fact
these oracles of the fireside informed us that the principles
of caste were slightly recognized in every New England
community, whether of the village, hamlet, or crossroads.
But money was not alone the basis of distinction ; it was
position as well. The selectmen had prominent seats
assigned them in the places of worship, as did other con
spicuous personages, while the poor people and the ser
vants took seats in the rear, or occupied benches in the
gallery/ thus making the colonial meeting house a "house
of lords" as well as a "house of commons."
Madam Willard had directed the servant to "set the
chairs up," so we left the sparks and sat down to the table,
the servants sitting at one at the same time in the
kitchen, it not being necessary for them to serve since there
was no hot drink and all the eatables were on the table.
The Major in doing the honors of the table helped us
most bountifully, believing, perhaps, as did all of his ilk,
that brawn is born of good living. The first course, or
"meat vittles," as they called it, consisted of a juicy roast
from a beeve fattened on the upland pasturage of the
Musketequid, and a plump piece of pickled salmon taken
the April previous at the "lower meadow falls," with a
mint sauce additionally seasoned with savory and thyme.
For desert, we had hot rye cakes mixed with fresh but
termilk, marmalade that smacked of wild river grapes, and
sweet conserve which consisted of successive layers of sugar
and rose leaves, but the crowning piece was the pumpkin
pie; and here there was such an exhibition of old-time
cooking as we had heard spoken of but had never before
tasted.

CHAPTER XII
Talk at Nashawtuc — Fire of Candle Wood —
Nantatucket — Municipal management at Muskete
quid — Division of Concord into "quarters" —
Limits and Inhabitants — Committee on rules regu
lating Highways and Bridges — Location of Home
steads — Early Roads.
DINNER over, and a little post prandial conversa
tion, we repaired to a sunny slope at Nashawtuc,
and there, seated on a log, talked until the slant
shadows of the hillside extended far beyond the
river confluence at "Egg Rock," and the evening meadow
mist enabled us to trace the windings of the Musketequid
far down towards Punkattassett.
During the latter part of the afternoon the wind blew
from the east, making the atmosphere damp and chilly, and
as Mr. Willard had with him a "flint, steel and tinder
box," which articles he stated he seldom went without,
being much in the woods engaged in surveying, we con
cluded to start a fire. At once suiting the action to the
thought we gathered some light kindling, and placing about
it a little dry moss, a spark was struck and the material was
ablaze. The fire was the more agreeable because we hoped
to obtain from the sparks some information additional to
what Mr. Willard might give, for we felt that perhaps the
Major would hesitate to speak freely of events and matters
in which he himself had been a chief actor.
But we were by no means positive that the sparks would
give anything supplemental to his statements, since we
were sitting under his own timber trees, from whose ancient
tops the very fuel we were then using had fallen, and we
96

CENTENNIAL NORTH BRIDGE

Concord 97
were well aware that nothing would work against Simon
Willard's wishes if he made them known.
Besides, those sparks could not if they would depose
about some things, for, although Nashawtuc overlooked
much of the broad alluvial area between the river and the
ridgeway, and about the hog pen walk at Annusnuc ; yet
its highest point did not overlook every precinct, and there
was many a settler beyond Flint's pond and. over against
Punkattassett, and across the "great fields" to the easterly,
that it could not look down upon.
Every obstacle, however, was soon unexpectedly re
moved, for, as we were about seating ourselves on a log
which we had just rolled before our fire, Nantatucket whose
wigwam was just below us, the same Indian who years
later deposed about the first Concord land deal, was seen
coming along the hill path, having upon his back a bundle
of candle wood, which in broken English he stated he had
gathered from a clearing below the ridgeway, where some
of the Hartwells, Bakers, and Healds lived.
For the sake of the sparks we begged some of the
candle wood designing if need be to cast it occasionally
on our fire, thereby, perhaps, to supplement Major Wil
lard's statements. Nor, as it happened, was this all the
advantage that accrued to us from the arrival of Nantatuc
ket ; for, as he sat with us for fully a half hour smoking
his pipe and talking, he greatly confirmed our supposition as
to the early friendship existing between the Indians and
English at Concord. He reiterated what Tahattawan had
told when we sat in his wigwam on the evening of the
Apostle Eliot's visit. With a native eloquence and true sin
cerity, he said that a mat was always spread by the settler's
hearthside for any belated wanderer of the woods who might
wish to occupy it, and the subjects of "Big Pray" (Parson
Bulkeley) always extended to those of the Squaw Sachem
and her sagamores every needed hospitality, whether of their
snug cabin homes during the week or of their meeting
house where they worshiped their "Kiton" on a Sunday.

98 Colonial
Nor was this all the good the English had done them ; the
dreaded Maquas (Mohawks) had ceased to visit them, and
no longer was their dreaded war cry heard as a death knell
along the meadows and over the midlands of the Musket
equid ; but peace prevailed, and the protection sought by
the English in building their garrison honses, of which we
had been informed there were several, was from predatory
bands that might come from the East and North. After
this statement, Nantatucket sat for a time quietly smoking
his long stemmed pipe, then suddenly arose and exclaimed
that he saw the canoe of Nepanum just coming around the
bend below the fording place, and as they had arranged to
go a spearing together on the Assabet that evening he
would leave us.
Upon the departure of Nantatucket, Mr. Willard and
myself engaged in conversation concerning the municipal
management of the Concord colony in its incipient stages ;
and the information which we have obtained from all
sources upon this subject is the following, which we give as
the substance of history on this subject.
'in 1654, the town was divided into three parts desig
nated "quarters." These were known as the "North,"
"South" and "East" quarters, and the following are approx
imately their territorial limits.
The North quarter contained the land north of the
"Great river" to the Assabet, including most of that about
Annusnuc (Concord Junction).
The term "Great river" or "Concord river" was applied
to that portion of the Musketequid below the confluence
at Egg Rock. In this quarter were the following families :
Heald, Barrett, Temple, Jones, Brown, Hunt, Buttrick,
Flint, Blood, Smedley and Bateman.
The South quarter contained the land south and south
west of Mill brook, a small stream crossing the road near
Concord square at the center to the southerly limit of the
North quarter with the exception of three families. The
fojlowing are the names of householders living in this

Concord 99
quarter : Dean, Potter, Buss, Heywood, Hayward, Gobble,
Woodhouse, Wheeler, Billings, Bulkeley, Stratten, Wigley,
Dakin, Miles, Hosmer, Scotchford, and Wood.
The East quarter comprised the area between a line
extending to the eastward from Concord Center toward
Lexington to the great river, with the exception of a small
tract between the latter limit and the old training field. In
this ward were the families of Wheeler, Fletcher, Rice,
Meriam, Brooks, Fox, Hartwell, Ball, Farwell, Taylor,
Baker, Wheat, and Flint.!
The following is supposed to be a verbatim copy of the
report of the committee appointed to execute rules and to
regulate affairs relating to highways and bridges, and the
subjoined are the committees, and the date of the report :
"The limits of each quarter (are) as followeth :
"The north quarter by their familyes are from the north
part of the training place to the great river and all to the
north sid thereof.
"The east quarter by their familyes are from Henry
Farwels all eastward with Thomas Brooke, Ensign
Wheeler, Robert Meriom, Georg Meriom, John Adams,
Richard Rice. The south quarter by their familyes are all
on the south and south west sid of the brooke except those
before acsprest with Luke Potter, George Heaward, Mikel
Wood and Thomas Dane, Signers Simon Willard, Robert
Merion, Thomas Brooks, Thomas Wheeler, James Blood,
Georg Wheeler, Georg Heaward, Thomas Bateman and
John Smedly.
"The date of report 7tn of the 1st mo 1654."
It would be a matter of interest indeed could all the
homesteads early established in their various quarters and
by their several families be identified or located.
This however would be impossible, for time, seldom
friendly to the perpetuity of even the most enduring mon
uments, easily brushes aside many of the frail landmarks
such as "A small tree by the brook," "A pine stump by a
stone heap," "A red oak sappling by a fox's burrow,"

i oo Colonial
"Two short logs one of them with the bark stripped and
abutting John Smith's brush fence." But apart from the
uncertain and transitory nature of some landmarks and
boundary lines, to trace original homesteads would be dif
ficult, because there prevailed at an early period among the
grantees a desire for change, the result of which was that a
land lot acquired one day might be exchanged the next,
so that if an original house site could be identified, to deter
mine the original ownership of the land might be impossible.
But, furthermore, some early families at Concord, as
before noticed, did not long remain there, for like gold
hunters they sought new fields in hopes of betterment.
They put their names on record and staked out lots, but
selling and leaving them the lots were thereafter identified
with new owners. Moreover, families died out leaving no
issue, their names ceased to be heard among the living, and
were read only upon the mossy surface of their tombstones ;
their homesteads went to waste, their firesides were dis
mantled, and their cold hearthstones might form material
for pasture walls.
Such are some of the processes by which change has
been busy at Concord, and whereby old paths have been
made -to designate new ownership.
What all these changes have been we are unable to state,
but many of them have been given by the historian Wal
cott, and it would doubtless be a difficult task to attempt
, gleaning anything valuable after him. But^notwithstanding
there have been many changes, it can, nevertheless, be said
with safety that some families kept their homesteads from
the first and passed them on to their posterity with little if
any break in the old paternal boundary lines. So was it
for over two centuries with the Hartwells, and to a certain
extent with the Buttricks, Barretts, Miles, Healds, Dakins,
Browns, Balls, Bakers, Hunts, Flints, Meriams, Brooks,
some of the Wheelers, and a few others, most of which
have long been associated with the original homesteads or
with certain localities. >

Concord tol
At the time of a division of the town of Concord into
quarters, measures were adopted for the making and main
tenance of highways and bridges. Commissioners for this
work were appointed and the following were the names in
the first list : "East quarter, Ensign Wheeler and William
Hartwell. North quarter, John Smedley and Thomas
Bateman. South quarter, George Wheeler, James Hos
mer, George Hayward and Sergent Buss." Each quarter
was to make its rules and assess "rates," and in order to
limit liability against the entire town, it was enacted that all
damages arising from defective highways should fall upon
the quarter where it was incurred.
As to where all the original highways were, and whither
they went we cannot state, for like the sites of old home
steads, they have in many instances become obliterated.
Some, however, are still in use, and some that are not in
use may to some extent be traced by record or tradition.
Mr. Albert E. Wood, a civil engineer of Concord, and
well acquainted with the topography of the town states that
"Until the Bay road was built, which was a good while after
the town was settled, there was no way to get to Concord
except by the Virginia road." This road, according to the
same writer, was reached by way of Middle street, Lexing
ton, which latter road he believes is the one followed by the
.early settlers as they journeyed from Watertown into the
wilderness at Musketequid. This road, the same writer
thinks, was laid out perhaps by a company of explorers
who went forward and pioneered a path preparatory to the
going forth of the Concord Colonists.
The course pursued in order to reach this road Mr.
Wood conjectures was as follows : — .'"starting from Water-
town, and going northerly through what is now Waverley,
almost to East Lexington ; then bearing off to the left, and
passing through the entire length of Lexington, by what is
now called Middle Street, to the Lincoln line ; then turn
ing a little to the right, so as to avoid Hobbs's Brook,
upon a road which tradition declares to be very old, and

102 Colonial
crossing the present Lexington Road, coming by the Vir
ginia Road to Concord."
As a matter of course the "strate strete" or the road
along the ridgeway from the public square to Meriam's
corner is one of the oldest streets, since houses were erected
upon it as before stated about 1635. Of tn*s highway an
early record says, "The highway under the hill therough
the Towne is to be foure Rodes broad." Other old roads
are the Woburn road, whose course was through the East
quarter and toward the Shawsheen district (Bedford), the
Watertown road in the South quarter of date 1638, the
Sudbury road through the South quarter of the same date,
the Billerica road from the Lexington road at Meriam's
corner, 1660, or before ; the Groton road (North quarter),
1699; and the "Old Marlboro road" and the road to Lan
caster. The_origin of some of these is only a matter of
conjecture. As a rule it is safe to conclude that they were
started for communication with some point of importance,
as a fording or fishing place, or an extensive land grant, or
to find outlet into some leading thoroughfare. The ancient
highway was usually a development from a blazed bridle
path to a rude drift or cart way, and thence to the "county,"
or, as sometimes it was termed, "great road." Their
widths range from the Indian trail, which Johnson states
was "one foot broad," to a road from four to forty rods ;
the latter being the width of a highway early laid out
through the town of Sudbury.
One object of so much apparently superfluous space was,
doubtless, to pre-empt the timber trees along the way for
public purposes. , In the formal or official laying out of the
early roads it is not improbable that drift ways and paths
that were private property were sometimes subsidized, so
that what the record designates as "the laying out of a new
way" or "a way", may have been only the formal appropri
ation or public recognition of an old one ; an instance of
which - may be the laying out of the Groton road over the

Concord 103
North bridge in 1699, wnen> as we are informed, the roads
of the North quarter were reconstructed or relocated.
It is probable, also, that in the formal laying out of the
early roads old Indian paths were utilized. Such might
naturally be the case with the road to Sudbury. Between
the latter town and Concord there doubtless was consider
able communication, before the coming of the English,
carried on by the aboriginal inhabitants of these as well as
of other towns. The Indians at Natick and Nonantum,
Kato and his family whose home was at "Wigwam hill"
(Goodman's), in Sudbury, the natives dwelling in the vicin
ity of Cochituate pond, near the head of which was a fort
and fishing place (Saxonville), all would know the most
feasible route to the Musketequid and follow it, and the
English would naturally take advantage of this in laying
out their own roads. So it might have been with the "Old
Marlboro road ;" perhaps it was the shortest course through
the domain of Tantamous (Maynard) to Occogoogansett
(Marlboro). The road to Lancaster or "the road that
goeth to Nashaway" might have been the nearest way to
Nashoba (Littleton), and many times may have been
pressed by the soft moccasin of Nepanum before it was
trodden by an Englishman. The road to Woburn may
have been the trail to the home of the Squaw-Sachem at
Mystic (Medford) and to the Shawhine fishing ground ;
the one to the northerly, at the Blood farm (Carlisle), may
have been the trail to Pawtucket Falls (Lowell) ; that to
Watertown may have found outlet at Weston, then Water-
town, in the "Old Connecticut Path," which ran into the
interior of the Nipnet country toward the Indian village
of- Maguncook (Ashland), and to places beyond these ;
to all of which villages the tribal relations of the Mus
ketequid Indians probably extended. Of the later and
lesser highways of Concord, whether in use or disuse, we
will say but little.

CHAPTER XIIL
Sites of Ancient Highways — Their Reminiscent
Character — Vestiges of Old Homesteads —
Earth Dents — Traces of Old "Tavern Stand" —
Shoemaker s Shop, Laborer's Cottages, The Dame
School.
BEFORE leaving the subject of old and disused high
ways, let us consider some suggestions that come to
us; for as we remember that they were once
well worn thoroughfares of the fathers, and the
avenues of public intercourse, they furnish food for much
thought. To begin with, the very tracing of them is interesting to
one possessed of an antiquary taste, or who is a lover of
Nature, for there may be frequent and pleasant surprises.
It may be a rare flower whose presence was detected by its
fragrance, and as the eager explorer thrusts away the black
berry vines to examine it more closely, or to pluck it as a
trophy, he may discover the crank of an old hand mill last
turned by Goody Gobble and left stranded when the tide
of travel went out. As he pursues his way, which in its
devious course at one time takes him through meadows
green and pastures pleasant or along merry brooksides, and
at another leads him a tangled and tiresome chase through
woodlands wild and up and down defiles that are shadowy
and deep, he may at length find himself seated by a fox's
den with no living object in sight except a few ferns and
blueberry bushes, while within easy reach is the rusty noz
zle of a blacksmith's bellows last used at the Village
forge. But perhaps the greatest attractiveness of the old and
disused highways is in the suggestiveness of the house
104

THE OLD MARLBOROUGH ROAD.

Concord 105
sites upon them. Indeed, it may be by the aid of the
mounds and earth dents that mark them, that the entire
course of an obsolete way can be traced ; for although in
many cases they are matters of record, yet so remotely
were they traveled that Nature has quite claimed them,
and in some instances so covered them with trees and
grasses that it may be said they have reverted to the origi
nal owners by "prescriptive right." But the house sites
may betray them, and to ferret out these sites and sit beside
them ; to muse upon their possible or probable history ; or
to search for some significant object that will break the
spell of their mystery and give hint as to who lived there
may be as interesting as to trace the roads themselves.
And in some cases it is quite as difficult, for time is never
friendly to relics of any kind, and Nature strives energet
ically and promptly to cover the scars that are made upon
her, as is clearly seen by the incoming of vegetation even
upon a sandy railroad embankment.
Notwithstanding, however, all efforts to the contrary,
man's work long defies Nature's best attempts to obliterate
it, and if no traditions or records of the Colonial age were
extant, it might perhaps be. distinguished by the things now
and then discovered in the mouldering debris, where stood
the old farm house, the barn, and the rude work shop.
Among the tell-tale objects of a durable character are cellar
walls, old door stones, bits of metal broken from miscella
neous culinary articles, and crumbling brick work ; while in
the vegetable world and quite as lasting in their perennial
upspringings are "gill run over the ground," patches of
plantain, a few clumps of catnip, the red sorrel struggling
among a few sickly lilies, a stunted lilac, a rose bush or
two, an ancient pear tree, and perhaps as indestructible as
anything, the yellow tufted cypress, and old maid's pinks.
But let us consider more closely the subject of house
sites, and as we do so let us at times leave the realm of
actuality, and as we stand by these wayside souvenirs, while
not overstepping the possible and perhaps the probable,

106 Colonial
consider some old time customs and superstitions, and
modes of living and of dress : and in this manner, it may
be, feast our fancy upon the fictitious counterparts of what
occurred in the half forgotten long ago.
That depression, about which are the fragments of old
bricks with the blackened mortar still upon them, marks
the spot where was born and died an "old inhabitant" who
was foremost in town affairs. The path to his door now
covered with "mouse's ear" was trodden much, because
everybody respected him and he kept open house for the
country side. In the intercolonial wars he and his son
fought side by side, and when the war was over both came
back. At length the old man died ; the son left the farm,
the road went into disuse, the house to decay, and this is
the last of it. If you listen at the early twilight just as
the witch hour comes in you may hear something, for that
ghostly looking poplar whose leaves tremble so may be
sheltering some sprites who will tell the history of that
house, which history may be that intemperance had to do
with its loss and decay ; the moral of which is that in
every place and among every people alcohol is destructive
rather than constructive.
Near that leek covered ledge by the barberry bush may
have been an old time tavern stand. The sign that swung
before it said : "Entertainment for man and beast," and the
landlord's license was "to sell strong water." In the accom
plishment of these objects, the keeper of this "Ordinary"
was much assisted as well by the villagers as by the occa
sional traveler, in that some of the former were always
ready for the latter to "stand treat," and it may not be too
much to suppose that more than one stone on the wall
opposite has been surreptitiously thrust upon the "steel
yards" and weighed, and afterwards returned to its place,
in order to insure a safe bet on its weight for the drinks,
which bet was made with some unsuspecting teamster.
The usual village loiterer was there also, tempted by the
odor of the tap room, and with an eager expectation that

Concord 107
he would be benefited by its scant leakage, if he now and
then groomed a teamster's horse or made the hostler's bed
in the "bunk."
Soldiers sometimes stopped there on their way to or
from "Old Ti" and Crown Point, and swapped stories, and
talked of the war ; and the neighboring farmers of a winter
evening or a wet day sat before the fireside in the bar room
and smoked their cob pipes and talked crops, taking good
care to leave with the landlord no more than their good
will when they went away, for a nine pence with them was
stronger than appetite ; as money usually came hard in those
days, and to make both ends meet was a matter of econ
omy and close management.
By the bushy lane where that large boulder is encircled
by the low savin bush as if to save it from the encroach
ments of all larger vegetation, may have stood the shop of
a shoemaker. There, bits of old leather, curled and
wrinkled by long exposure to sun and weather, show that
this son of Crispin was a careful craftsman, for those
stitches that grin and glisten are well set, and the shrunken
awl holes even yet show their shapeliness. There by that
burdock is the remnant of a "tongue boot." The leg is
stiched to the instep leather in a well rounded seam, which
indicates that the ancient shoemaker had regard to both
stoutness and symmetry.
In a barn that stood back of this building the minute
men drilled, and on winter evenings the yeomanry met
there and went through the "manual of arms" with their
mittens on, while the cows lowed in the stalls and longingly
looked to the haymow in the wish that a loose lock might
be thrown them.
Beyond the roadbend on the rising ground and half
concealed by that hazel clump, may have stood the cottage
of a laborer who worked for "four and sixpence" a day
"making it fair weather." Near that bush was his garden,
where he worked at early evening and of a stormy day.
Here and there a few turf bound herbs as sage and rue still

loS Colonial
disclose it, and if time has not been too relentless, the fra
grance of a few grass pinks or the flash of a sweet williams
blossom may reach you. In the adjacent bog by that cone
shaped musquash's nest he cut his peat, and the straggling
hop vines that vainly strive to entwine themselves about
that wild cherry tree are the poor remnants of once produc
tive vines which the laborer relied upon to "work his
beer." Just beside the runway there by the bank, was a "Dame
school," which we will suppose was kept by Goody Doro
thea Dean in the northwest chamber of her sister's hus
band's farm house, the parents of each pupil sent to her
paying six pence a week for tuition, she having her rent
free. Here, we will suppose that the good dame taught
year after year, and sang the same old song of addition,
subtraction, multiplication and division, as the winter snows
came and the spring suns melted them away, until her life
became as dry and methodical as the simple rules with
which she dealt, and every hue of her once fair face was
faded, and there was little left to tell of the former fresh
ness which once made her a favorite among the village
beaux. It was not hard work that had shrivelled the fair features
of Goody Dean, although she did everything that was
required of her, and was a painstaking little body, doing
her duty in every detail and to the last moment by the
"noon mark ;" but the humdrum of her experience was
what wore on her, for it was day after day the same thing
without special incident or episode, except now and then
the entrance of some new comer, who, although too young
to enter even the simple curriculum of a Dame school,
had been sent by an overworked mother in order to make
one less child to be under foot in the cheeseroom. This
monotony was not peculiar to the school of Dorothea
Dean, for this school taught in the northwest chamber of
her sister's husband's house was as good as any of the
Dame schools. But education was at a low ebb in that

Concord 109
period. The financial circumstances of the colonists were
straightened. An intense conservation prevailed and only
the practical was then popular. As they could do without
grammar better than they could do without corn they raised
corn. As their meeting house educated in matters relig
ious, and much secular knowledge was not considered essen
tial, they let the latter take care of itself, and were fairly
content if they could read, write, and "cast accounts" in
whole numbers, as mathematics were then styled.
So it was that Goody Dean and her Dame school were
up to date, and her pupils were abreast of the times ; and
although both were in the doldrums of the days of a juice-
less pedagogy, yet neither expected anything better nor
looked beyond what that northwest chamber afforded.
The mistress went her simple round of duties day by day
with a punctiliousness that was commendable and in exact
accord with the staid circumstances that surrounded her.
Her work was to a large extent manual, and that of her
pupils was formal and imitative. There were quills to be
sharpened, rules to be written, and learned by rote, and re
cited, courtesies to be taught and carefully practiced, in
struction in sewing to be given, and the children to be kept
quiet on the tripod or made to sit straight on the backless
bench. Nothing very progressive could under the circumstances
be expected in these schools, either on the part of the
teacher or the taught, for time, a very important factor with
the settler, had an allotted limit with each scholar. So if
perchance some exceptionally ambitious and precocious
youth got so far in arithmetic as to "enter fractions," and
in grammar as to "parse" in some old copy of "Paradise
Lost" borrowed of the Parson, his ambition might suffer
speedy curtailment, for just then might come planting, hoe
ing, haying, or harvesting, in which all the little folks could
be serviceable, and so although the term went on, away
hied one after another to their several homes, leaving the

no Colonial
Dame with a loss of their sixpence a week, to await their
return after an interval of weeks or months.'
But notwithstanding the drudgery of the Dame school
with its absence of attractive text books, and its dry meth
ods and its arbitrary rules, the children loved Dame Dean
and would do almost anything for her. They respected
her next to the minister and magistrate, and many were the
little tokens of affectionate regard sometimes seen on her
coarse desk in the corner, in the shape of sprigs of "south
ern wood", or "goose's tongue," or wild roses, or early
fruits, so it may be said that the pupils of the Dame
school, in what we will call district number two, to make
matters more natural, though the district was never num
bered that we know of, were as good and contented as any
could be who were similarly situated.
But children were human in those days as well as these,
and it is no wonder if they sometimes got tired and as they
sat of a long drawn afternoon watching the wasps buzzing
on the ceiling, or craning their necks over the high window
stools to get a look at the fresh, green earth, and as they
thought of the sweet flags by the water courses, and the
tender checker-bush by the pasture lane, and the straw
berries among the meadow rocks, it is no wonder that in
their well wishes for themselves and their school mistress,
there should come into their immature minds the innocent
hope that as the dear old Dame had long sharpened their
quills, so there might be somebody to sharpen quills for
her. And their little wishes were at length gratified. One
day — it was a bright and cloudless one — when the tana-
ger's wing flashed in the forest, and the frogs peeped loudly
in the marsh stubble, and the dimpling waters of mill brook
lapped lovingly the cowslip roots just below the Parson's
sedge meadow, and looked up to the yellow blossoms as if
impatient to become a part of them, some one rapped at
the door, and upon its being opened there stood the famil
iar form of Farmer Fletcher, who lived just beyond that

Concord in
hollow in the highway yonder where those purple grackles
are perched on the willow tops.
He was dressed in his best, having upon his head the
"castor hat" which his father Jedediah left him in his last
will and testament, and for his other attire, he had on a
steel blue duffel coat and a white fustian waistcoat sitting
low down on a pair of short and stinted pantaloons that
just reached the tops of a pair of start ups, or high boots.
The sleeves of his duffel coat were made short in order to
display a pair of loose fitting "muffeteers" or "wristers"
that extended well down to his sheepskin gloves.
Dame Dean went softly to the door and as she stood
with her diminutive yet comely form facing the tall, stal
wart frame of Farmer Fletcher, the contrast between them
was striking : but not more striking in their forms than in
their dress, for, not having expected a caller, as none except
the minister and the tithingmen were supposed to visit the
Dame school, she was attired in her every day dress,
which so far as the fashion of it went, might befit any wo
man of the middle classes who was dressed for the work or
leisure of an afternoon, except that her garments were of
a little finer fabric and finish perhaps, because she was a
school mistress. Her hair was neatly ruffed upon each
side and kept in position by a pin plucked from a thorn
bush, while dangling delicately over her left ear was a thin,
lone curl. The front hair was brushed straight back
between the ruffs and queued behind against a high comb.
She wore a sacque slightly decorated with faded "inkle," a
kind of tape braid used in embroidery, both the fabric of
the sacque and trimming showing that it had seen its best
days before being worn in the school room. Beneath the
sacque, and just disclosing itself through an unclasped hook
and eye, was the edge of a "murry" colored waist, while
thrown above these upper garments and resting tastefully
upon them with a "set" that was without wrinkle or pucker,
was a fringed "whittle" or Holland neck cloth. For lower
garments there was an overskirt of "calimanco" which was

1 1 2 Colonial
caught up at the bottom to avoid the dust of the floor, and
thus exposing an inch or two of a green linsey woolsey pet
ticoat with a sage gray binding.
It was indeed a heap of clothing of faded gay colors for
such a little body, but it showed how well kept were the
garments of the middle classes in those days, and how
things passed down by will, or inheritance, or as heirlooms
to be worn by successive generations, each in its turn hold
ing them in trust as it were, to be transferred to others if
not worn out by themselves.
Farmer Fletcher smiled at the little school teacher as she
appeared at the door, and bowed low with his whole body ;
the bend being from his broad shoulders down to his well
rounded calves, which were swathed in close fitting cloth
socks, and just apparent between his breeches and start
ups. The whole motion made by him described a half
circle, and the hat which by this time he was holding in his
hand almost touched the well sanded floor. The salute
was responded to by the little school mistress in a manner
as gentle as it was given, and the courtesy which she returned
was such that her fragile form dropped gracefully and with
out a perceptible curve in her whole body, until it was only
about half as. high as that of her gallant caller who now
had recovered his wonted uprightness ; and her clinging
linsey woolsey petticoat with its sage colored binding com
pletely covered the dainty slippers, and coyly wrinkled on
the coarse floor boards. Farmer Fletcher followed up the
response by continuing to smile the sweet smile that was
upon his countenance when he entered, and while all this
was going on, the interested school children noted this
practical observance of the "proprieties" which had often
been taught them theoretically by their fond teacher, but
which seldom had been illustrated by such a perfect object
lesson, not even when on one occasion the minister met the
tithingmen. The school closed early that afternoon, much earlier than
usual, and the scholars hardly knew why, and wondered,

Concord 113
as with hop, skip, and jump they went through the nearer
pasture bars into the lane to catch butterflies. Dorothea
and Daniel repaired to a sunny bank by the woodside in
the dingle you see in the distance, and there seating them
selves with all proper decorum engaged in conversation.
Farmer Fletcher inquired with considerable apparent
solicitude, though with an air of partial absent-mindedness,
after the Widow Fox, whose condition of late had been
feeble and languishing, and whose case was "made mention
of" in a "note put up" the last Sunday at the meeting
house. They talked of the news from the sea-board, and
the fresh arrivals in the Bay. Especially animated was
their conversation about the startling rumor of a stranger
who had recently come into town, who had rashly proposed
that the town buy a carriage "to carry copses to the grave
in." The more exciting topic, however, before the final
one, was the notable discussion that was going on from the
Blood farm to the Nine acres as to whether the minister
was not too much of a "legal preacher," that is whether he
was not dwelling unduly in his discourses, on the "cove
nant of works" to the disparagement of the "covenant of
grace." Whether or not this last subject was too dry, or whether
Daniel felt that the afternoon was passing, and was appre
hensive that further delay might defeat the main object of
his visit we cannot say, since the only sparks here available
depose nothing ; but so it was, that as soon as he had
shifted his position to get out of the sun, which in its low
descent now shone full in his face, giving to it a worried
look, Farmer Fletcher said, hesitatingly, "Dorothea, art
thou not tired of the Dame school ?" for he used a scrip
ture form of language, "and hast thou not taught long
enough ? and wouldst thou not change if thou couldst ? for
thou couldst if thou wouldst, and I have come to talk with
thee about it, Dorothea." No matter of record has been
made of Goody Dean's reply neither has tradition
informed us about it, but from whatever facts are obtainable

114 Colonial
we infer that she informed him in substance, that since life
with her had long been reduced to its lowest terms and
she was wearied with whole numbers, if it would greatly
add to his pleasures and much multiply his joys she was
willing to divide with him her heart if he would share with
her his home ; for that she believed in so doing there
would be nothing subtracted from their sum of happiness.
Just then a thrush sang in the brushwood, and an owl,
which for the last half hour had haunted Farmer Fletcher
by its dismal hooting, flew away, and the sun shone on the
clouds above, giving them a rosy red hue, while a couple
of song sparrows that had for a short time previous been
chirping and twittering in the brushwood, flew out into the
open and airily alighted on the spray of a hazel bush and
sat swaying and singing, while Daniel and Dorothea
looked and listened.
As the mists began together, and the grass was getting
damp, Farmer Fletcher and Dame Dean arose and walked
lovingly down the dewy pathway into the common highway
and then and there arranged for the wedding, which,
because of her position as a school mistress, they decided
to have in the meeting house if it were allowed them.
But we will get back to the highway and only say further
about the Dame school, that it soon closed, and as the hus
band of Goody Dean's sister did not care longer to keep
open house for the school children, since then as now, they
trod on the grass, Dorothea had no successor there. The
farm was finally sold piecemeal, and as the house was old,
it went into disuse, decayed, and fell but that is the site of
it.

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CHAPTER XIV.
The Haunted House — Casting of the Tarn Ball —
The "Witch Call" — Adventurous Search for an
Apparition — Explanations Relative to Houses said
to be Haunted.
NEAR that barberry bush stood a haunted house
which was shunned by the children and even the
rough wood choppers. There the yarn ball was
cast as a ghost test, and Ike Bateman went for a
witchcall, but he failed to obtain it because at the very
moment of success, when the spun yarn refused further to
unwind, he dropped it and fled as if forgetful of what he
was there for. He said afterwards that he heard the "call,"
and although his testimony stood alone almost everybody
believed it.
Let us, since Ike failed, suppose we make the test for
ourselves, if so be, by a little eavesdropping or espionage,
of such as hold in mortmain old estates, we may dis
cover the real sound and sentiment of the "witch call" and
the color and shape of an old time apparition.
In order to do this, let us suppose we visited the spot
for this purpose, when the house was standing, with a ball
of woolen spun yarn in our hand, a sprig of witch hazel in
our hat and a horseshoe saddled upon our forearm to keep
any inhabitant of that once human dwelling place from
coming too near. We did not go alone, we did not dare
to, lest when the spun yarn caught we should scamper away
as others had done, without waiting for the dreaded yet de
sired "witch call." So we went, myself and Simeon Buss,
for Sim said, "He'd go ef I'd go," and that "he'd gone
afore but was afraid to." "5

1 1 6 Colonial
We went at an hour which for our purpose was consid
ered a timely one, for it was the hour of twilight ; a time
when lovers get together, and the birds twitter and trill
their sweet good nights, and the sprites commence their
escapadings, and the late loiterer from the village grocery
quickens his footsteps and furtively looks behind him to
see if his own shadow is following him.
On approaching the house we involuntarily shrank back
at beholding its dark outline on the wood's edge, and half
wished we had not started. But we kept on, and espying
near the doorway a low lilac shrub crept under it, and list
ened among its stunted sprouts to see if the coast was clear
in which to operate. As no spirit was astir Sim fumbled
for the spun yarn, and by a dexterous thrust passed it
through a hole in the broken door, and began to pull the
end he held in his hand.
Befoie doing this, however, he shoved the horseshoe
higher up towards his shoulder blades. It was a good cast
he had made, for the spun yarn was clear and it was not
until the ball was half unwound that it ceased further to
"pay out." As it stopped we were startled, for Sim said
there was a jerk, and we felt as if communication had com
menced with another world. If the ball had stopped un
winding much sooner it ought not to have surprised us, for
Sim had taken pains to make it sensitive by boiling it in a
strong concoction of "witch broth," which was made of
several ingredients, conspicuous among which were wild
herbs gathered at midnight in a thunder storm, and at a
time when the moon was on the wane, and the tide had
turned ; besides these, was a small sprig of betony plucked
at a grewsome spot known as the "Devil's wallow."
Here was a crisis, the moment had come when we could
retreat as others had done, or remain and hear the "witch
call." Having resolved upon the latter course, for that was
what we had come for, we looked well to the horseshoe,
and also cast away the witch hazel sprig, for we felt as if
the spell was strong enough, and crouching lower among

Concord 117
the lilac sprouts awaited the "call," hoping that if it was to
come at all it would come soon, though rather hoping it
would not come at all, and fully resolved in our cramped
condition not to wait long.
But there was no delay, for while we listened there came
a low sound, at first scarcely audible, and hardly to be dis
tinguished from the soft sighing of a gentle breeze, for the
wind had arisen, and cold, grey clouds were scudding over
the moon's disc. Soon the noise grew louder, with various
quavers and modulations and at length broke with the
expulsory force of a pistol shot ; at the same instant two
forms from a broken window casement dashed by us and
disappeared in some currant bushes just beyond, the fruit
of which, it was commonly said, the witches claimed, and
were accustomed to pick of an evening after the moon was
up ; so that no one in the neighborhood dared touch it.
Moreover, it was stated that Sofy Smedley, and Cinthy
Billings, she that was Goody Taylor before she married,
belated in gathering "yarbs" in "medicine medder," as they
were making their way homeward just at nightfall, saw two
strangers picking the currants in their aprons.
Not knowing but that the witches would return, and in
consideration of our cramped condition, we thought it
might be wise not to stay longer among the lilac sprouts
but to get out into the open and view things from a longer
range; just then however matters adjusted themselves,
for the objects crawled out into the moonlight and as they
frisked and gambolled and were joined by two others we
discovered that they were cats, and were convinced beyond
peradventure that the sights, sounds and jerks on the spun
yarn were now fully explained. Instantly our courage re
turned and we concluded to explore the premises. Crawl
ing from our hiding place we entered the house, started a
fire, and finding a half burnt candle, we lighted it. In
order that we might make the most of the sparks we went
for fuel into the door-yard and gathered a few fragments of
broken branches, which had fallen from a ghostly looking

1 1 8 Colonial
sycamore tree, believing that it had stood there ever since
the house was built. Upon the hearth was a heap of crum
bled mortar and chimney dust and soot and a few fragments
of old bricks which half covered the dog irons. As the
flames crept up the chimney there fell upon the fire several
swallows' nests which looked as ancient as the house, and
the smoke set to twittering the inmates of new nests.
Taking the nearly spent candle we impaled it upon a
pointed stick and started for the garret. The stairs
creaked as we ascended, and when we reached the place
which in ordinary times is studiously shunned by the small
boy after nightfall, there whizzed by us through the shat
tered window a couple of owls with such a screech as
might be considered a cry of vengeance on those who had
molested "Their ancient solitary reign."
There were no rats, for their was nothing for them to eat ;
but hard up against the chimney and reclining upon it, in a
way that on an exceptionally tempestuous night when the
wind blew through the long windowless garret it might
sway and tremble on the bricks with a distinctiveness that
could be heard outside, was an old tin kitchen used for
baking before a fireplace. Here also we saw at a glance
was another of the would-be "witch calls" and the source
of inexplicable sounds. Returning, we resolved to go into
the outbuildings ; one of which was an old carriage shed
just opposite the room in which we had made a fire, and a
few yards distant. Passing over the intervening space with
some slight trepidation, we opened the door and passed in ;
but instantly, we slammed it together again and started
back more affrighted, if possible, than when we were in the
lilac sprouts, for plainly before us in the back part of the
building was a white form, motionless, yet distinct and up
right, and Sim averred, with one hand beckoning us.
In less time than it takes to tell it we fled into the pas
ture ; but, as we glanced behind us to ' see how much we

Concord 119
had the start of the ghost, we chanced to observe that
although the door was shut, there was upon it the exact
counterpart of what we had seen inside, and that it con
formed exactly to the tall, narrow window frame opposite
the fireplace. As we stood wondering and reasoning, Sim
and I, the figure grew fainter and fainter, and at last disap
peared. Not wishing to be too precipitate in our conclu
sions, since through our coolness we had succeeded so well
before, we resolved to return to the house and make bold
to investigate the cause which we strongly surmised. Cau
tiously retracing our steps, we saw that the firelight no
longer shone through the window. We opened the shed
door again — all was dark within. To make sure that our
reasoning was correct we replenished the fire that had gone
out on the hearth, and when the bright flame streamed up
the chimney we went out, and there on the shed door was
the same shaft of light, lacking the beckoning hand. Every
thing was now fully explained ; the light from the blazing
hearth shining through the window, had, on opening the
shed door, passed into a dense atmosphere that had long
been confined there, and striking the boards on the back
side of the building, had been reflected back to us with
magical effect ; and a loosened clapboard dangling on the
side of the window and gently swayed by the wind had
caused the appearance to Sim's excited imagination of a
beckoning hand.
After the satisfactory clearing up of the mystery we
heaped fresh fuel upon the hearth, and shoving up before
it a huge stick we sat down upon it. Sim took from his
pocket the stub of a cob pipe and began to smoke, saying,
"Strange I'd forgot to smoke afore," showing, to one who
knew Sim Buss, his complete absorption in the night's
adventures. It was near midnight. The moon, which for
the last hour had struggled through gathering clouds and
only at intervals shown itself, was now wholly hidden.
The wind wailed through every knot hole and every now
and then the cellar door opened in spite of all our efforts to

1 20 Colonial
keep it closed with a weaver's beam. Cheered however
by the thought that we had done a good work and accom
plished what a couple of generations had not done in the
solution of a neighborhood mystery, we were content to
wait a while, if perchance the sparks, fanned by the gusty
blasts as they dropped down the chimney or as they came
from the damp old cellar when the door blew open, might
volunteer some information that would be of interest; and
when we threw upon the fire an old dresser shelf upon
which doubtless had stood the beakers and decanters from
which the former inhabitants had drank, Sim said the sparks
fairly turned blue. However this may have been, they
snapped as if they were eager to speak, and the following,
in substance, is what they and we ourselves have to say
concerning haunted houses in general and this one in par
ticular : as a rule, houses said to be haunted were those
that nobody cared for. Having fallen into disuse, they
came under the ban of suspicion, and became a prey to
every whimsical and superstitiously inclined person who
might start a story about them, which might, or might not
have a foundation in fact. The farmer's boy returning
late from the village store from a desire for a little cheap
notoriety could say that he "saw a sight," and it might be
that he did see something. Tramps or as they were called
"old walkabouts" might rendezvous there, and their fire
light gleaming out of a dark evening would be. an unusual
sight to the passer by ; or, it might be, the rising or the
setting moon, throwing its slant beams through vacant
chambers and seen from certain positions by timid persons,
might give rise to strange stories. In neighborhoods where
there was a readiness to believe such things, it would take
but little to convince the credulous.
A lonesome environment, doubtless, had much to do
with these beginnings, for houses said to be haunted
might be in sparsedly settled districts or near the edge of
a wood, or perhaps in close proximity to a place where
tradition hints about a tragedy having sometime taken

Concord 121
place. Sometimes stories may have started because of the
questionable history of a former occupant, and, in an early
period when each knew everybody's business, anything
secretive on the part of a family was amply sufficient to
give rise to a suggestiveness of wrong doing ; and when a
house became unoccupied without a sufficiently known
cause, this might be due occasion for suspicion.
In the present case let us suppose there were various
conjectures as to the cause, none of which were fairly set
tled upon. No one knew of anything that had actually
happened there, although various events had occurred in
Concord of a grewsome character, the actors in which
might have been at this house. Years ago, it was said,
some pirates from the Spanish Main were in the vicinity
for the purpose of concealing their treasures. They were
lavish of their money, even to recklessness, and cast about
their "pieces of eight" as if they were of little value.
Dark hints were thrown out that this house was their head
quarters, and that about its hearth they held high carnival
and drank heavily of wine. Not long after they left,
strange stories were afloat. It was even said that people
had been seen at night through the windows handling coin.
And some went so far as to assert that "pieces of eight"
had been picked up about the premises, and that when an
attempt had been made to pass them in trade they would
vanish, leaving the hand empty. It was also asserted that,
on dark, snowy nights the house would rock like a ship,
and that at such times there had been heard a shrill sound,
as of a boatswain's whistle piping the pirates to meet for a
carousal. Another thing alleged of the building was that
some reckless Provincial soldiers 'odged there for a night,
and revelled in the spoils brought from a campaign at
the North, and that a portion of the spoil left , over was
placed in charge of the Devil, who doled it out, long years
afterwards, as the shades of some of the soldiers revisited
the spot to celebrate the anniversary of that night's dark
debauch.

122 Colonial-
But to return to the old disused highways. It is asked,
who at the present time are occupying them ? If you
look and listen you may discover. That partridge is one
occupant whose whirring flight through the birches so
startled you. It had a nest near that rock, and in the
spring time its mate drummed on that lichen covered log
which was a portion of the roof tree over Seth Farwell's
cottage. The fox nightly skulks over the wheel ruts once pressed
by the farmer's wagon, the doctor's sulky and the minis
ter's chaise, yes, and by the town hearse also, as it carried
the mortal remains of the former owners of these vehi
cles to their "last, long home" on the hill.
The young of the wild rabbits play at twilight by the
door stone of old Samuel Smedley's cottage, and scratch
their fur upon the remnant of that forlorn rose bush near
by, from which a bud was plucked by Matilda Mitchel to
bedeck her "bonnie brown hair" when she wedded Billy
Ball. Besides the ancient and disused roads of Concord, there
are summer lanes, and winter woodways that are beautiful
in their season ; and over these we would delight to ramble
and listen to the birds, or falling of nuts, or catch the flash
of the fall flowers if it were autumn. But as it is history
that we are after , we will leave the lanes to the cows and
the winter ways to the woodchoppers, and proceed to the
subject of bridges, which are properly a part of the high
ways.

THE NORTH BRIDGE.

CHAPTER XV.
Bridges — Their Associations — Rules for the care
of Concord Bridges — The Historic "Old North
Bridge" — Its Environment — Graves of British
Soldiers — The South Bridge — Its Successors —
Other Bridges.
THE subject of bridges is usually an interesting
one, whether considered by historian, novelist or
poet. Its associations are with the rippling, or
rushing, or still water courses, and the human
tide of travel that goes over them. We are accustomed to
picture them with rustic accompaniments, as the boy with
his fishpole, barefooted and bareheaded, or with a broad-
brimmed hat, a truant from school, perhaps, or a runaway
from farm chores. Or, perchance, the scene may be laid
within sound of the boatman's oar, or the splash of the
water fowl, and near a tree embowered cottage, where, smil
ing in the sunlight, are pleasant gardens with geraniums,
roses, and pinks. The causeway approaching the country
bridge is also attractive, with its willow clumps, the singing
of blackbirds upon them, and the buzzing of bees of a
bright May morning in the furzy blossoms. All seasons
are alike at the ancient bridge, and even in the desolation
of bleak December, when all other objects are clad in
snowy white, the bridge is usually bare and in the road-bed
over it may be seen the mother earth reminding us that she
has not quite forgotten us.
But there is a difference in bridges, and the interest that
attaches to one may be unlike that of any other. One
bridge is conspicuous because of its natural environment,
resting peacefully beneath an archway of vines, where, low
123

1 24 Colonial
drooping, are the purple grapes and wild clematis blossoms,
while beneath are the dimpling waters of a still, clear stream
moving between banks fringed with blue joint and meadow
queen. Another may be historic, and although shorn of
every other attractiveness, yet to stand beside it and think
of what has passed over it and of its eventful past, is soul-
stirring. On the Musketequid and one of its branches
two bridges at least possess this latter characteristic. One
met the advance westerly of the British empire led by
King George the Third, the other the advance easterly of
King Philip of Pokanoket about a century before, when
with one thousand of his best warriors, he strove to pass
this same river at Sudbury over the "Old Town Bridge" in
his raid toward the seaboard. As before stated, rules were
made concerning bridges, upon a division of the town into
quarters in 1654, and in order to obtain an equable adjust
ment of their maintenance it was then enacted that the fol
lowing regulations should prevail :/ The East quarter was to
•care for all the bridges in its own precinct, and contribute
three pounds toward supporting those in the North quarter.
The South quarter was to maintain its own bridges, and
also care for the Darby bridge in the North quarter; while
with the foregoing assistance, the North quarter was to look
after its own bridges. ' Among the oldest bridges here
referred to are the North and South bridges. These two
bridges and their successors have long been associated with
Concord history, and with the coming and going of nearly
a half score of generations of men. rThe floods from
many storms have beaten about them and have sometimes
swept over them, occasionally carrying them wholly away
or in part dismantling them or causing the authorities to
weight them temporarily, or to chain them to the near wil
low clumps, lest they go up stream or down stream, as the
setting of the waters might choose to carry them ; for the
Musketequid and its south branch are fickle streams, and
have the peculiar trait of moving both ways. Probably
the sluggish current of this river has done more damage to

Concord 125
its bridges by its lifting than by its propulsive energy ; for
though never in a hurry, yet when there is a freshet, it
lingers upon the broad meadows as if it liked to, and as if
loath to leave their quiet precincts. At such times the cur
rent may actually set backward, as when the floods of
waters fed by a hundred rivulets and especially by the occa
sionally fierce current of the North branch or Assabet
meet the main body at Egg rock. So it is that one or
more of the South bridges have been fairly lifted from
their abutments and carried up stream. The exact date of
the erection of these two bridges we cannot state. Before
they were built the river and its branches were forded,
or ferried by the use of canoes.
The stream farther up at Sudbury was early crossed by a
boat paddled or "poled" by Thomas Noyes, for which he
received two pence a passenger. Before the construction
of the North bridge there was a fordway just below the
mouth of Mill Brook. The fordway over the North
Bridge is said to have been situated at the "old Hosmer
place." Probably the shoal spots used by the English for
crossing had been used by the Indians time out of mind.
It may be said to be characteristic of a part of the bridges
over the Musketequid that they abutted on one side against
a bank, or were built near it, which was done doubtless to
avoid the construction of a causeway only on one side. So
it was with the old town bridge at Wayland ; so also with
the North and South bridges at Concord. But to be more
specific, let us notice first the North bridge, since this is
the most famous of them all. This bridge, situated in the
North quarter, is the historic "Old North bridge." Just
when it was erected no one knows, but it was after the erec
tion of the South bridge. Probably the first structure was
a rude one and was washed away, and it is not unlikely
that it was the same with the second one, since in 1660
three new bridges were constructed in the town of Concord,
these taking the place of those referred to in the highway
regulations in 1654. The road or trail that it aQcommo-

126 Colonial
dated was doubtless the one leading to the Blood farm, the
territory of the Groton township, and the Pawtucket fish
ing grounds. But besides accommodating these places
there were other and cogent reasons for a substantial cross
ing at this point. It would be a wav to the outlying
timber lands and to the rich pasturage and meadow crops .
on the other side of the river. To reach all these, a ford
ing place, a ferry, and hay scow would hardly suffice at all
seasons. \\ There were floods that remained for weeks, there
were times when the ice was forming and breaking, and
weeks when, if the waters were open, they were too cold for
even cattle to wade through. It is no wonder then if some
evening the neighbors gathered about the fireside of Par
son Bulkeley, and talked over the feasibility of building a
narrow foot bridge near the fording place by Mill Brook
that would suffice through the next summer and fall, after
which time they would turn out and have a "bridge bee,"
each bringing his stick of timber, or stringer, or whatever
part might have been alotted him ; and so perhaps it was
that a bridge went up near Goodman Buttrick's outlying
land. The first structure was perhaps clumsily con
structed, low set, and at times wholly submerged. It was
probably made of logs rough hewn, resting on coarse abut
ments, and if swept away could be easily replaced. The
second, we may suppose, was more elaborately constructed ;
for the settlers usually made progress in their public works,
and so improvement continued, we may believe, until the
construction of the historic "North," which the pictures
represent to be slightly arched, stoutly framed, and span
ning the stream upon several rows of strong upright
posts. The approach to the bridge over the meadow land
was by a low causeway, along which stakes or stones were
set to guide the traveler at high water. At the time of the
"Concord fight," rough stones may have taken the place
of stakes, for it is said that Captain Isaac Davis, when shot,
fell upon one of them before his body rested upon the
ground. The last historic "North bridge" floated down

Concord 127
stream in a freshet, and as the road which it had served was
discontinued, the North bridge was never rebuilt, for its
late successor, which is there in part for a souvenir purpose,
cannot properly be called its lineal descendant or take its
name, r But though the structure is demolished, its name
and its memories will remain forever ; and every pilgrim
who visits the site of it will naturally glance backward into
the past for an imaginary glimpse of those grim old timbers
which were hewn by the fathers, and pressed by the feet of
the patriots as they pursued the retreating foe on April 19,
1775. The rude cut of this bridge made by Messrs. Doo
little and Earle gives a perspective which is far from satis
factory, but as it is the only one taken at the time now
extant, it is tolerated ; but the natural surroundings have
not all changed, and some of them are the same as on that
beautiful spring morning when the grain waved on the fall-
sown fields.
On the site of the "Old North bridge" is the present
one, which might be properly called the memorial bridge.
Opposite to it on the west bank is the minute man, and a
few rods to the westerly is an apple tree which approxi
mately marks the spot where Capt. Isaac Davis of the
Acton minute men fell. The old causeway to the upland
is nearly obliterated, it being grassgrown and hardly per
ceptible above the meadow land. On the easterly side
of the bridge site is the battle monument. Beyond the
river up the. hill side is the ancient Buttrick estate, and near
by is the place where the militia and minute men were
drawn up in consultation, and stood looking down upon
the lone guard of Lieut. Thornton at the bridge. Near
the river bank to the easterly repose the remains of sev
eral slain Britons, 'the first of England's dead in that great
struggle in which she fell out of favor with America and
lost a continent. Their graves are guarded by a stone wall
and simple chain fence. The pine trees chant their elegy,
and the winding river in its gentle flow or when in flood
time its waters beat against the nearer bank utter sweeter

128 Colonial
voices about their graves than stranger tongues could
sound. So it matters not what fortune or adverse fate has
given or denied to the conquered or the conqueror, for
time has dealt alike with each ' and with the bridge that is
associated with them.
"The foe long since in silence slept ;
Alike the conqueror silent sleeps ;
And time the ruined bridge has swept
Down the dark stream which seaward creeps."
Toward the village is the old manse, and but for the
shrubbery it would be in view of the scene just described.
To the easterly is the "lane" and the ridge, and the
great fields over which the continentals ran to head off the
British. ! For years silence reigned about the notable neigh
borhood of the North bridge, and the place was practically
deserted, except as the infrequent pilgrim or the town folks
on a gala day or people from the surrounding country side
visited it. At length the scene changed, the battle monu
ment was erected, then the memorial bridge and the statue
of the minute man ; and since 1875, in pleasant seasons,
this place of monuments has become the Mecca of multi
tudes, and it may be said all roads lead to it.
Next in importance of the ancient bridges is the South
bridge. This Avas situated at the westerly of Concord
Center, and crossed the south branch of the Musketequid a
little to the easterly of Nashawtuc not far from the present-
South bridge near the Fitchburg railroad. This is sup
posed to be the first bridge erected over the river, and is
said to be situated at a point of land below Joseph Barrett's
Esq., by "Lees hill" (Shattuck). It was washed away in
1665, and its successor was built the year after on the site
of the present South bridge. At the least a half dozen
bridges have been erected at this spot, and one of them
was washed away and floated up stream by the backwaters
of the North branch as they rushed downwards in a time of
freshet and found easier egress above than below. Before

Concord 129
the erection of a bridge at this place the river was probably
forded not far away. " !The "Darby" or "Derby" bridge
was over the Assabet at the present Concord Junction,
and named doubtless from its proximity to the Derby
estate. As the fall of this stream is rapid compared with
that of the Concord river proper, less casualties would
probably occur to its bridges ; since when the current is
sluggish the pressure may be greater. As to when it
was built we have no knowledge ; but probably it was
nearly coeval with the "South," as both might to an extent
subserve the same purpose in affording an outlet into the
western wilderness. As in 1660, a new bridge was erected
here, the presumption is that the first was built much
sooner. As to the other ancient bridges erected after the date of
these, Shattuck says of them as follows : "The bridge by
Captain Hunt's was first built about 1792 ; that by Dr.
Ripley's in 1793 ; those at the turnpike in 1802 ; and that
beyond Deacon Hubbard's in 1802."
At one time the town was allowed twenty pounds towards
defraying bridge expenses, and later, thirty pounds.
There were several lesser bridges at this time, which crossed
the smaller streams, but of these it is hardly necessary to
speak, except to state that a principal one' crossed Mill
Brook by the mill dam on Haywood street, and has been
known as "Fort bridge" and "Potter's bridge," the
former name being derived, doubtless, from its proximity to
one of the garrison houses, and the latter from the owner
of the adjacent lands. ,

CHAPTER XVI.
A Sunday with the Settlers — Walk to church —
Description of the meeting House — The Service —
Colonial Church Edifices — Quaint Accompani
ments — Early Ecclesiastical Objects, Customs and
Influences — Their Value — Succession of Concord
Meeting Houses.
IT was early twilight when we closed our conversation
concerning the municipal management of affairs at
Concord : and the log upon which we were sitting was
already dampened by the dews that were gathering
about Nashawtuc, when a horn sounded from the Willard
farm-house informing us that supper was ready.
We slowly descended the hillside, talking as we went,
and when we reached the bar way just behind the first barn
for there were two of them, we saw gleaming through the
bushes the bright firelight of the kitchen hearth, and heard
the sound of children's voices as they trooped ahead of the
hired men with their pails full of milk. Soon we were
seated at the supper table, upon which were several dishes
of a savory odor steaming hot, a beef soup highly sea
soned, a samp cake, and succotash made of dried green
beans and dried green corn which Madame Willard said
were just as good as when picked. The absence of
pastry led us to infer that even among the well-to-do in
those days, instead of the luxuries of modern times, the
table was supplied by the more healthful diet direct from
the pastures and fields.
After supper we sat down for a quiet time all by our
selves, for the children had gone with their mother for a
last glance at the catechumenical exercise of the coming
130

FIRST PARISH MEETING-HOUSE, 1712.
From an old sketch made on a pine board.

Concord 131
Sunday, and the major was summoned to the "beaver
house" by a squaw, who wanted some beads and a piece of
dimity, giving as a reason for coming so late in the week to
barter that she wanted the articles for her pappoose to wear
next day at Big Pray's meeting. The Major demurred
very emphatically at "this way of doing things after sun
down Saturday night." His words were very suggestive,
and not being fully persuaded what they meant, it suddenly
occurred to us to throw upon the fire some pieces of
knotty, pine stumps, which Mr. Willard informed us his
hired men that very day had hauled from in front of the
meeting house, the trees that grew upon them having been
cut years before when the ground was cleared.
As the pitch stewed from the fat splinters the sparks
flashed, and since we were alone we heard every word ; and
long before these remnants of the grand old woods that
once crowned the hilltop, where stood the first forest sanc
tuary of old Concord, were reduced to ashes, we had
reached valuable conclusions about the ecclesiastical cus
toms and social, moral, and religious observances of the
inhabitants, some of which we will give now and others
later in their order.
It was a practice of the people in colonial times to close
the work of the week about sundown Saturday night ;
the gate was shut down at the mill ; the door was closed
at the store ; the children put away their play-things ;
and all this in preparation for holy time. When the
Sunday dawned all secular labor was snspended, works
of necessity and mercy alone excepted, and a close construc
tion was placed upon the meaning and nature of these ;
even the stranger who stopped at the tavern was supposed
to tarry till Monday ; and if he attempted to resume his
journey sooner, he might be detained by the landlord, who
perhaps was a ti thi ngman. Within the domicile was a like
strict observance of sabbath sanctity. The house was put
in order, the food prepared, the Sunday clothing carefully
inspected and laid out, and everything was done that could

132 Colonial
be done on the preceding day to prevent the necessity of
work. As the evening wore on, various topics were talked
about, and it was not until the clock in the corner struck
ten, a late hour for colonial times, that we went to bed.
The morning dawned bright and rosy ; and as we looked
out and saw the sun rising over the ridgeway, where stood
the little meeting house in which we were that day to wor
ship, a feeling of unwonted restfulness came over us. The
air was still. There was no sound of hammer or axe, and
no stroke of distant threshing flail ; but silence prevailed
everywhere ; the wayside warblers had all gone, and the
birds of passage which still lingered about the willows and
in the pasture lane gave utterance to no note of farewell
either to the passing autumn, or to the generous farm folks
among whom they loitered. Upon the river course a soft
mist rested peacefully, while beyond the upper meadows
by the bay there floated a light, fleecy cloud so soft and
still, it appeared to sleep. Upon such a scene the Sabbath
dawned ; and it was as if Nature was already in her own
sanctuary at worship, and it only remained for man to join
with her to make the worship of the world complete. As
we stood admiring the prospect and half in wonder at the
change that had been made in a few years, a call came
from below summoning us to the breakfast table. We
were reluctant to respond, for the feast of soul that was
spread before us was we felt far better than any that could
be afforded to the body, however delicious it might be.
But being a guest we went down, and shortly after found
ourselves with a great zest partaking of beans and brown
bread baked in a brick oven, both of which were of that
tint and exquisite flavor which only comes with slow cook
ing and a soft heat. Breakfast over and devotions ended,
for the Major was a good churchman in his way, we went
to the meeting house, Mrs. Willard leading the way, fol
lowed by the younger children led by the elder daughters,
Mary and Abovehope, and a couple of servants. In pass
ing the bridge over the south branch the stillness was

Concord 133
broken by the beating of a drum ; this we were told was to
call people to meeting, and that that the "saxton" had
twenty shillings a year for "beating the drum Sundays and
lecture days," and for sweeping out the meeting house,
besides being exempt from "minister rates."
TAs we entered the little "Strate strete" at the foot of
the hill, we saw several families which had come from a dis
tance, among whom were the Hartwells, Brookses, Meriams
and Rices, from the direction of the Shawshine, the Bakers
and Flints from beyond the pond southerly, and the
Bloods, Buttricks and Healds from the North quarter.
The dress was simple, but better than that worn on week
days, and we saw that great care was taken to keep it so ;
for we observed that all the children and several of the
adults stopped before ascending the hill and put on their
shoes, which they had carried in their hands ; but the most
noticeable of anything was that all the men carried firearms.
We had read in books that the settlers in those days car
ried muskets to meeting to shoot Indians with, yet we did
not expect to see it at Concord, but here they were, each
man with his weapon with the exception of the old men,
for almost every age was represented in this procession of
churchgoers. We inquired about these firearms, and were informed
that they were carried to meeting at Concord in conformity
to a law of the land which required it ; but they only car
ried them to shoot wolves with in case they met any, and
never as a protection against the Musketequid Indians.
We felt much better after hearing this, for we had heard
and read so much about English hate, and Indian hostility,
and had seen so little discrimination made between the
Indians of different localities, that we were not quite sure
we were safe on Sundays if we were on week days, notwith
standing what Nantatucket told us. As we drew near the
meeting house the minister arrived, and entering, all followed
him. The drum stopped beating and all was still save the
occasional note of a belated wood thrush, and the soft foot-

134 Colonial
steps of a slow pacing sentinel left outside to conform to
b custom and law.'!*
It was evening ; and amid the meadow mists by Nashaw
tuc we repaired to a quiet spot to review the scenes,
sermons, and events of the day.
Having made the foregoing statements concerning
church and church-going at Concord in Colonial days from
a fictitious stand point, let us now consider the matter his
torically, and present facts.
The first meeting houses of the country were without
chimneys or glass windows. They had four plain rectan
gular sides, and the crevices between the logs were filled
with clay. The roof was low and covered with thatch.
Their immediate successors were made ot sawn material,
and had a truncated pyramidal roof. Sometimes the roof
was crowned with a belfry, and sometimes a small tower
was erected near by, which contained the bell, and in some
cases the town's stock of ammunition, and the burial
appliances it may be, as the bier and pall or "burying
cloth." The third meeting house in the succession came into use
in the eighteenth century, and was more elaborate, having
a projecting porch with a steeple upon it.
It is probable that the Concord colony conformed to the
customs of the period in church building, and that its first
meeting house was like that of other towns. Let us sup
pose such to be the case, and conceive of its earliest house
of worship as standing somewhere near the summit of the
hill in the old burying ground, at a spot which overlooked
the first street. It was reached, we will conjecture, by
several narrow and winding wood paths — one from the
'direction of the manse, one from over the great fields to
give a short cut across lots to the Bakers and Flints ; one
running southwesterly around the millpond and across the
brook, to accommodate the Mileses, whose canoe was
moored snugly by the upper meadows after having brought
them over the river. The walls of the structure, if like

Concord 135
some others of the period, consisted of layers of logs, the
bark hewn roughly on the upper and under sides, the crev
ices being filled with clay. It had perhaps a low, gable
roof, and was devoid of any attempt to distinguish it from
other buildings by means of a cupola or dormer windows,
or even a weather vane. To erect a structure better than
this at the beginning of the settlement would doubtless
have been difficult ; for there were no saw mills, the nails
were hand wrought, and carpenter tools were few and
clumsy. Here it may be surmised, that since tradition says the first
meeting house was used for a score and a half of years, it
is possible, if not probable, that there has been a mistake
about the identity of it, and that there were two buildings
during that time ; the first perhaps not such as they
would call a meeting house, it being so short lived and
poorly built, and designed only to serve for two or three
years, and to be superseded by one with more churchly
characteristics. This supposition may commend itself from the following
considerations ; first, because of the early date at which it
was ordered that a meeting house should be built, which
was nearly contemporaneous with the first steps taken in
the settlement; second, because it was the custom of the
colonists of other towns to build for the time being merely ;
third, the fact that so long a time as thirty years has been
assigned for the length of service of the first meeting house
when we think it improbable that a single dwelling place in
Concord constructed during the first one or two years, stood
very long after the existence of mills made sawn material
possible ; fourth, the structure that would suffice for a con
gregation of the first few years would hardly be large
enough for that of thirty years later, notwithstanding the
shrinkage in 1644, caused by the departure of Elder Jones
and his company for Connecticut.
The timber trees used for the first meeting house were
doubtless those nearest at hand ; so that the designation

136 Colonial
by record or tradition of this or that lot as "the meeting
house lot," we believe has reference to the land from
which the timber for some subsequent meeting house was
taken. This supposition is more plausible, since it was an
object to early clear the space about the meeting house of
trees, to prevent forest fires from endangering the build
ing. Probably the first structure was an unslightly one, for im
patience to get into it would render the builders regardless
of the element of beauty ; as in the case of their little log
cabins by the bank they only sought a slim shelter from
the cold and storm for a season, so now with their church
home, if they had a place for a few benches, a communion
table, and a plain pulpit, they were content, for it would be
a meeting house and in conformity to the order of the
court. The logs may have projected at the corners
unequally like the rails of a Virginia fence or the rafters
of a Swiss cottage; the long coarse thatching may have
drooped irregularly below the eaves line, leaving a loose
and. ragged edge which almost shaded the small apertures
called windows ; while about the crevices may have been
here and. there an ugly stain as the rain washed out the
clay filling or the sun baked it until it cracked and
crumbled. ).
As Providence smiled on the plantation, and times grew
better, other houses of worship were constructed, whose
succession is as follows, according to history.
,,-. jTh'e order for the first meeting house was in 1635, and
it was ordered that it "stande on the hill near the brook
opposite Goodman Judson's lott." In 1667, it was
ordered that a new meeting house be built "to stand
between the present house and Deacon Jarvis." This
second or third meeting house, whichever it may have been
was nearly square and had a gallery. The lower floor had
a few pews and the remaining space was filled with seats..
The roof was ornamented with four projections on the
sides, resembling, it is stated, Luthern windows^ or gable

Concord 137
ends with a window in each. In the center of the roof
was a turret or cupola, in which was a bell. On the spire
was a vane, bearing date iffJ3> the probable time when the
building was finished.
In 1 710, arrangements were made after several town
meetings for the erection of a new house of worship. It
was to be 60 feet long, 50 wide and 28 high; it had no
pews until some time after it was completed, and when they
were put in, it was only by special vote of the town as a
favor to certain distinguished persons. There were two
galleries and no porch or turret. It was finished in 171 2,
and cost 608 pounds. In 1749, pews were placed around
the lower floor and a few in the lower gallery. On Jan.
31, 1790, the town voted to repair the meeting house, mak
ing it 72 feet long, 50 feet wide and 28 feet high, with an
addition of three porches, a spire 90 feet high, square pews
along the wall on the lower floor and in the gallery. It
was dedicated Jan. 24, 1792, and Rev. Dr. Ripley preached
the sermon. The first "church going bell" at Concord was
placed upon a tree. About 1696, it was broken and sent
to England for repairs. In 1700, it was placed in the
belfry. About the meeting house at an early date were various
quaint objects, prominent among which was a "horse
block," a pillory, stocks, a publishing post and whipping
post, and sometimes a cage. The horse block was of stone
or logs, and was used by church goers who went horseback
for mounting and dismounting, and was especially service
able to the women who rode behind the men on a seat
called a "pillion." A fine horse block was early procured
and paid for by the women of Concord, each contributing
one pound of butter.
The pillory and stocks were for penal purposes ; the
former intended to keep the arms and head of the culprit
in a constrained position while he remained standing ; the
latter to confine the feet and hands when sitting. The
whipping post was where the law breaker received lashes

138 Colonial
publicly administered. The cage was for the confinement
of evil doers for a short time where all could look upon
them. ,
The publishing post was used as a bulletin board ; and
there might have been seen all kinds of legitimate notices,
such as colonial orders, intentions of marriage, rules regard
ing Sabbath observance, town warrants, etc. T
A reason for using the meeting house and its near pre
cincts for giving publicity to events and orders may have
been, that everyone if able bodied was supposed to go
there in conformity to law, and custom, and individual
desire ; and perhaps from this fact has arisen the maxim of
English jurisprudence, that ignorance of law excuses no
one, in that as every one was expected to go where the law
was promulgated, therefore there could be no ignorance of
it. The precincts of the meeting house were also some
times the place to which the heads of wolves were brought
when bounties were to be paid for them ; the order being
that they should be either "nayled to the meeting house"
or to a tree near it, and hence, here and there might some
times be seen these grim objects suggestive of both the
peril and prowess of the pioneers.
From the foregoing facts, together with others to be
observed, iff may be safe to infer that the Puritan's place
of public worship was not the most dreary spot possible,
but on the contrary the most interesting in the settlement.
As it was often the town's geographical center, so about it
was centralized whatever was in a wholesome manner enliv
ening, recreating, and agreeable.
The people there obtained the latest news ; there they
exchanged neighborly salutations, made familiar inquiries,
and took a fresh start physically, morally, and spiritually.
Neither was the meeting house and its precincts lonely
and unvisited between Sundays. There were the meet
ings on "lecture days," the occasional military elections,
the town's civic gatherings, and miscellaneous or incidental
assemblages. In short, the meeting house with its grounds

Concord 139
was the people's trysting place, where a community of in
terest was recognized, and where everything that the settle
ment stood for was represented. '
From such facts we may easily conclude that all was not
constraint about the church-going customs of the early
New Englanders, and that there was much besides the
ecclesiastical associated with their houses of worship. The
average colonist went to meeting because he wanted to, and
because there was pleasure in it ; not merely through a
sense of stern duty. His meeting house was his church
home, and he could say of it with a sincerity that was soft
ened by the sweetest endearment —
"I love thy church, O God !
Her walls before thee stand,
Dear as the apple of thine eye,
And graven on thy hand.
Beyond my highest joy
I prize her heavenly ways,
Her sweet communion, solemn vows,
Her hymns of love and praise."
He looked forward to the recreation of the holy Sabbath
and its sanctuary privileges with glad and expectant long
ings, and his hard, secular life was sweetened by its services.
In short, about those homely altars where burned the
incense of a fervent faith, the worshiper of the lone, wide-
spreading, and stilly woods found his flesh and spirit
refreshed and refurnished ; and it was because he drank at
such fountains that the greatness of the generations follow
ing was made possible. Because of these things the locality
of the meeting house was attractive, and its exercises were
popular ; and if the "blue laws," so called, that are some
times so sluringly spoken of were needed, it was largely for
the laggard and thriftless, and had the same significance to
that class as did the whipping post, the pillory, and the
stocks. Having considered the meeting house, let us next notice

140 Colonial
how people got to it. The greater part went on foot, no
distance being deemed too great if withii^ the township, or
about its border. A half-dozen miles was a small matter
to a person who could travel a score of miles on foot with
a sack of corn on his back. In Concord and towns adjoin
ing, in many cases miles separated the worshiper from the
meeting house ; and often the way lay through swamps and
at times partially submerged causeways. But nothing
daunted, they pushed their way through or over these
obstacles unflinchingly. For the conveyance of the wo
men and children and aged people anything, available was
used, — clumsy ox sleds or carts, hay wagons, and the sad
dle and pillion. In the latter mode of conveyance the
"ride and tie" system prevailed. This method was for one v
or two to start on horseback and another or others to fol
low on foot, and when the former had ridden a piece they
would dismount, tie the horse to a tree, and when the lat
ter came up they in like manner, would ride a distance and
then dismount, tie the horse and walk on ; and so parties
would ride and walk alternately till they reached the meet
ing house.
In the matter of dress, care was exercised then as well as
now. The fathers were far from being slouchy in their
attire. Moreover, what might be the silly promptings of
pride in the present, might then have been the promptings
of duty, for such was the reverence for sacred things that
nothing was thought too good for the meeting house, and
it might have been considered sacrilege to go in a shabby
garb, if something better were possible ; thus what in one
age may be a virtue, in another may be a vice. The mate
rial of the women's dress was all the way from a sleazy
dimity to costly callimanco. The men, according to their
ability might wear a coat of match, or a jacket of rough
woolen frieze with dornex breeches of a coarse linen similar
to canvas. So the pendulum swung then as now ; nor will
it cease, it may be, until society settles upon the golden
mean, that they are the best dressed who are attired in

Concord 141
¦*¦ ¦ I, .
clothing that is the most comfortable and the least notice
able, and have means with which to obtain it.
Within the meeting house all was plain and simple. At
first there were no pews whatever ; but in process of time
there was now and then one put in by permission at the
expense of the occupant.
The "seating of the meeting house" was a very conse
quential affair, and was to be done with such delicacy that
the sensitive nature of no one could be injured, and each
one would have a position suited to his rank and station.
|The deacons had sittings near the pulpit, and if there was
an elder a proper place was assigned him next to the
preacher. The minister's family was to have seats at the
front, and if there were magistrates, they and their families
and also the selectmen and their families were to be pro
vided for in a way that would magnify their office. A
"seating committee" was chosen regularly, and because
there might be heart burnings incident to the faithful per
formance of their functions, the office was unpopular ; which
shows that one elective office at least has gone a begging.
The men and women sat in different seats ; also the boys
and girls. | SNear the minister's seat was the "saxton's,"
where that faithful custodian of the meeting house sat in"
readiness to respond to any call, and to turn the hour
glass ; not, perhaps, that the preacher might be reminded
when to close the sermon, but to know how long to con
tinue it.
Above the pulpit and just over the minister when he
was speaking, was a "sounding board," placed there for
projecting the voice. It was either round or square and
several feet in area, and held in position by an iron rod
extending from the ceiling above J! In some places it was"
customary for the congregation to wait at the door until
the clergyman arrived and to enter just after him. In
others it was the custom to enter just before him, and at
his coming in at the door to rise and remain standing till

142 Colonial
he was seated in the pulpit,i:a form somewhat similar to the
present court custom when the justice enters.
After service began it was the rule that no one should go
out until the close except in case of necessity ; and so
closely was this rule adhered to that one or more tithing
men were stationed at the door to enforce it.
The service was usually quite lengthy, sometimes con
tinuing from half-past nine till twelve ; this time however
was not all taken up with prayer and preaching. Besides
the usual preliminary exercises there were others that were
occasional. Before the long prayer "notes" were "put up,"
such as, "Betsey Bateman desires prayers that the death of
her husband may be sanctified to her ;" "Daniel Darby
desires to express gratitude for a great deliverance from
danger ;" "Abiathar Brown desires prayers that he may
recover from sickness." Marriage intentions were also
proclaimed at this time, and the "Chrisom" service had
place. The scripture reading was accompanied by exposi
tory comments ; and the singing of psalms was preceded by
"lining off," or the reading of a couple of lines at a time
for the congregation to sing.
From the foregoing facts we infer that statements indi
cating that the clergymen of those days prayed an hour, and
preached two or three is an exaggeration. For if the meet
ing began at half-past nine, and we see not how it could
have begun earlier on an average the year through, consid
ering the long distance which many of the worshipers
came with there slow cattle or on foot, and the necessary
farm chores that preceded the journey, how, we ask, with
all the miscellaneous matters and scripture reading and with
elaborate expositions, psalm lining, and slow singing, and a
prayer to close with, could so long a time have been de
voted to the sermon ? Moreover, the sermons themselves
which are extant may be evidence to the contrary, as may
be also the character of those who wrote them. The cler
ical profession of early New England was a learned one ;
it conformed well to the economics of the times and the

Concord 143
desires of its constituents, and the product of it as seen in
the present is indicative of its prudence, its piety and its
sound common sense.
There was an intermission of about an hour between the
services on Sunday, during which time some of the congre
gation went to the tavern, some to the neighboring houses,
and some to the noon houses ; which were small structures
erected by private parties for this express purpose. These
noon houses had fireplaces and were supplied with a barrel
or two of cider, it may be, and utensils for warming their
lunch. \
'"As there was no means of heating the meeting house,
various expedients were resorted to : among the most
common of which were the foot stoves, small receptacles
for holding coals. These were filled when taken from
home and at noon were replenished at the noon house.
They were placed at the feet of the older people, and about
them the little children could warm their fingers. They
also tended to take the chilliness from the house, which be
ing low and well filled, and with few windows, afforded
more comfort than would be thought possible.
Wolf skin bags were attached to some of the pews or
benches to put the feet in ; and dogs were also taken to
church for the purpose of keeping the feet warm. Indeed,
to such an extent did this latter custom prevail that a law
was passed prohibiting it. f Whether this was done because
the animals imparted so "much comfort as to induce drowsi
ness in the listeners, or because the dogs sometimes made
themselves heard in protest when too much pressure was
brought to bear on them, the sparks do not depose.
^As a means of maintaining order, tithing men or tenth
men were appointed, so called because one was appointed
for every ten families. These tithing men were each equip
ped with a long staff having at one end something with
which to "rap up" unruly boys ; and at the other end a
delicately adjusted fox tail with which to tickle the faces of
the staid dames and thoughtless daughters when regardless

144 Colonial
of the sermon. Besides these staves of office there were
set up in conspicuous places about the room tithing men's
sticks ready to be used if occasion required. Nor were
these all the means for the conservation of good order, for
there was sometimes placed midway of the audience a "cul
prit's seat," where might be seen sometimes a mischievous
person bearing a paper upon which was inscribed the nature
of his misdemeanor.1
Outside the meeting house peace and tranquility were
secured by means as systematic and grim.
' It was an early law of the colony that a fourth part of
the "trayne band" was to go to church armed. A regular
sentry was posted outside with an equipment regulated by
law, which in some instances was a coat "basted with cotton
wool" to ward off bullets, a "corslet" to cover the body, a
"gorget" to guard the throat, and "tasses" to cover the
thighs. Each sentinel was to carry a "bastard musket with a snap
chance," "a full musket" or a barrel with a matchlock, or
some other efficient firearm.?
Such were the surroundings ; and such were some of the
scenes witnessed within and without the meeting house of
"ye olden times," and we believe they are sufficient to con
vince any one that the colonial meeting house and what
went with it were far from being prosy; and that the times
that produced them and the people whom they served were
not doltish nor given to objectionable tranquility.
We do not affirm that all the foregoing practices were
observed at Concord, nor in any one of the colonial towns ;
customs differed with communities, and each of these had
their peculiar church cults, according as these were brought
from the old country, or created by circumstances, or by
contact with a neighboring borough ; but if even a portion
of them prevailed in a given township, it was enough to
impart to it an activity and an air of sprightliness which
would naturally prevent any social stagnation and make the
life of the Puritan far from being staid or "slowgoing."

Concord

H5

We believe the foregoing facts also indicate that the
olden times were more intense than we are wont to sup
pose ; and that the secular strenuousness of the present has
only taken the place of a spiritual strenuousness in the
past. As in the natural world the same elements take dif
ferent forms, so in society the energy of one age may be
exerted in such a manner that the people of another age
do not recognize it.
Society being largely conventional, it may be only by the
discovery of the motive or the inspection of the mainspring
of the machinery that enables us to make right estimates of
an era and its actors. So when we measure the men and
women of whom we have been speaking by what their
meeting houses meant, we find them intensely active, and
living in a period that demanded intense activity. Each
person was a storage battery of spiritual force, and the
electricity of thought, purpose and action was generated at
the great "power house" of the church, of which the meet
ing house was the symbol. <
Before we conclude our observations on the old time
meeting houses, let us notice their place in history. They
were the beginnings of our national greatness and unprece
dented progress. This we believe to be preeminently the
case with regard to matters civic and educational. IThe
colonial meeting house was the town house. The minister
was for the town, and the town elected and maintained him.
Minister's rates were assessed by the same process and paid
with the same cheerfulness as others ; and indeed they
might have been a standard for the making up of all other
rates. The first polling place was beside the pulpit. The con
tribution box might have been the first ballot box. On
the communion table the town clerk made the town re
cords. On the meeting house door were posted the town
warrants and town "orders." Attendance at church on
Sundays might relate to eligibility to town office. It was
the meeting house and what it represented that made

146 Colonial
the minute man, and with it may be associated his whole
history ; for to its pulpit he looked for his encouragement,
to its Bible he looked for his authority in resisting oppres
sion, and to its belfry or the powder house of its precincts
he repaired for his ammunition.!
The foregoing statements are amply sustained by a vari
ety and profusion of simple facts which the records and
traditions of many New England townships attest to, and
Concord bears her full share of the testimony ; and there
are circumstances which can only be construed as showing
through a long period a oneness to her ecclesiastical and
civic affairs. The records inform us that the order
for building the first meeting house was passed Feb. 5,
1636, when the affairs of colonization were largely under
the leadership of Rev. Peter Bulkeley. The substance of
the records concerning the building of the second or third
meeting house of date Jan. 27, 1668, is that Capt. Timothy
Wheeler, Joseph Wheeler and John Smedley were consti
tuted a committee to make a contract for a meeting house;
and that in 1672, the selectmen were directed "to see if the
contract was completed." The building erected about this
date stood on the town's common land at a spot on or near
the site of the present Unitarian church, or what is known
as the "First Parish Church." In this meeting house,
which it is stated had the characteristics of one erected at
Hingham, Mass., in 1681, the town meetings were held
until as late as 171 2, after which time the deliberations of
the church were held in the new building, and those of the
town were held in the old one.
In 1 71 9, the town voted to build a house for its "town
meetings" and court sessions, the latter having been held
for ten years previous in the old meeting house.
Oct. 11, 1774, an adjourned meeting of the First Pro
vincial Congress was held in this meeting house.
March 22, 1775, the Second Provincial Congress also
met there.

Concord 147
The same year the military companies met there to listen
to a sermon by Rev. William Emerson.
In 1776, the commencement exercises of Harvard Col
lege were held there^
Such is a partial epitome of events connected with the
succession of early meeting houses which have stood on or
about the site of the "First Parish Meeting House," and
they substantiate the foregoing statements and bear out our
conclusions concerning the mission of the modest colonial
meeting house.
Moreover its natural environment was as picturesque as
its history is romantic. On the one side was the bluff
or ridgeway, safe sheltering from storms that swept from the
easterly, upon whose peaceful but stinted summit sleep
what is mortal of the faithful church founders, and at whose
foot was the little street which ran just past the church
doorway, once traveled by the second Bulkeley, Estabrook,
Whiting, Bliss, the famous Whitefield, Emerson, Ripley,
and Reynolds ; and also by Hancock, Adams, Otis and
others world renowned, whose voices were once heard
within the meeting house walls soundly denouncing the
"king's orders," and imploringly appealing to the people to
resist them.
At the northwesterly was a small portion of the "town's
common land, "where once stood the "Jethro" or "bell tree,"
underneath which, as tradition declares, an agreement was
made for a sale of the township for "beads, wampum,
hoes" and other commodities, in the presence of grave
sagamores and mystical witnesses, with dark, wizard-like
looks and strange movements. In that direction was
the "town pound" and a snug garrison house, and perhaps
the "tanyard" of one of Concord's first artisans, to whom
the town early granted land to encourage his trade. To
the northwesterly also was the mill and the brook, its fresh
meadows opening downward in pleasant vistas towards the
manse. To the westerly was the wilderness and a road

148 Colonial
leading into it, with smiling homesteads alongside ; while
to the southwesterly and southerly and half skirted in that
direction by a driftway upon which stood one of Concord's
first grocery stores was the mill pond, forest fringed and
newly made, reflecting back from cool shadows the gnarled
oaks and tall pines, and the lesser shrubbery of bending
bilberry bushes and elder and willow clumps, and whose
friendly waters withal came so close to the meeting house
as almost to wash its sills ; so that in 1672, the selectmen
were instructed to adopt measures "to keep out the waters
of Mill brook, which encroached on the common and wore
it away." Such to an extent was the scene, and thus varied were
the objects of beauty and of interest that surrounded the
first in succession of these meeting houses, when Parson
Edward Bulkeley and Deacon Griffin entered the portal of
the new edifice, perhaps on a bright morning in the year
1672, to see if everything was in readiness to hold the first
service there.
But even more might be said of it ; for were it our pro
vince to speak of things modern we would pause and
make mention of the illustrious gatherings that have con
vened about this ancient church site at the occasional
funeral services of the "mighty dead" ; for as statesmen,
orators and distinguished preachers, philanthropists, philos
ophers, poets and jurists have spoken and worshipped
within the walls of the structures that stood there, so their
mortal remains have been borne from there; and more
than once has the world's great grief been manifest in
the sad and solemn requiems and notable eulogies that
have been sung and spoken there ; and so long as this an
cient church site is associated with these its renown is
secure, for their's were of the "few immortal names that
were not born to die."
That the early meeting house stood for the educational
interests of the colony needs no reiteration. It was at

Concord 1 49
these places and by means of the ministers, that many of
the people acquired even the little knowledge that they
possessed during that period of New England history that
has been called "the dark age." This period, which was
between the passing away of the original grantees and the
coming of the second generation following, was approxi
mately from 1675 to x725- That the settlers were friendly
to education during this period goes without saying, not
withstanding towns were sometimes fined for not providing
proper school privileges. They loved and demanded a
learned Gospel ministry. They welcomed the catecumen-
ical exercises ; and that they improved themselves with
books when they had them and when the pastor loaned
them from his meager library indicates what might have
been their literary status "Had fortune frowned not on
their humble birth." Moreover, the people loved their
long sermons, doubtless, and the long prayers, for by them
their spiritual and intellectual natures were fed. But the
settlers were many of them poor, schoolmasters and school
mistresses were scarce ; life was a scramble for bread, a fight
to make both ends meet ; and when the immigrant settler
who came to this country with a fair education had passed
away, then the dark age came ; many signed their names
with a mark, many could not read, and there was a lament
able lack of learning generally. But the meeting houses
by their ministers kept brightly burning a lamp of
knowledge when others had gone out. The long and
elaborate discourses were educators ; good language was
encouraged. In short, a high intellectual standard was
kept before the people, and the desire for better things was
fostered by frequent contact of the parishioner with his
pastor. Let not then too much credit be ascribed to "the
little red schoolhouse," for the little log meeting house
was before it; and but for the latter, the former might
never have been. So let us in ascribing "honor to whom
honor is due" leave a large place for the New England

1 50 Colonial
meeting house, which made "giants in those days,'-' and
which made the minute men who came later, and was the
beginning of our present greatness. And let us, like those
who founded them, say with a whole-souled sincerity, "I
was glad when they said unto me, let us go up to the
house of the Lord."

CHAPTER XVII.
Visit to the Home of Goodman George Heywood —
Talk with Miller William Buss — Ramble about
the Mill Pond — Flint's Pond — History of the
Bulkeley Grist Mill — Succession of Millers —
Stroll about Concord Center — Description of the
Mill Pond.
THE next morning we arose about sunrise, and after
breakfast and family prayers, started with one of
the hired men who was going to mill, for the house
of George Heywood.
We went in an ox cart, and as the bullocks were but
imperfectly "broken" we were bounced and jolted over
many remnants of old roots and through sloughy places,
insomuch that we concluded that the highway work of
those days consisted mainly in shoveling snowdrifts, and
keeping the wheel ruts from the constant encroachment of
the shrubbery, and the casting of brushwood into the wet
places to prevent miring.
As we entered the village, for we will call it such, al
though it was "only a collection of housen," as miller Buss
told us, Goodman Heywood met us at the bar way, for
there were gates and bars at the head of lanes which it was
the common law should be kept closed, and with a smile
and voice as bright and breezy as the day, bade us good
morning, and insisted upon our taking a second breakfast.
Hospitality in those days was the rule and not the excep
tion, and "stay to dinner," or "stay to supper," or "stop
over night" was only a natural accompaniment of one's
coming, and everywhere expected as a matter of course.
As Goodman Heywood had an important town matter

152 Colonial
to look after he excused himself for the forenoon, and we
went into the mill which was near by, where we found" the
miller standing by the meal trough in the midst of a score
or more of bags of unground maize. Entering into. con
versation, we found that the task of grinding the town's
corn was not easy; "For," said the miller, "we've "got but
one run of stone and slow at that ;" "but," he continued, "we
have ter try, for folks fetch their grists here from far
and near ; some come clean from the Nashaway, some
from farms nigh Nashoba, some from beyend Shawshine,
and there's a few towards Sudbry and up agin Malbry."
After inquiring as to how they brought their grist, we
found thatpiose who had horses threw the sacks over their
backs, that some brought them in ox carts or on sleds,
some in wheelbarrows, and a few on their backs ; even
though coming sometimes from miles away. At times, he
stated, they "stayed over" or started home late at night
and this, it might be, in cold or stormy weather, or in deep
snow, so great at times was the stress for meal J
He did not tell us about his "toll rates," neither did we
ask him, knowing as we did that there had been several
misunderstandings about this matter, both in relation to
himself and his predecessors.
Having learned what we could from the genial miller,
and growing weary of the noise of the mill machinery, we
resolved to ramble about the pond to discover anything
that might be of service in describing the central village of
Concord town as it was about the middle of the 17th cen
tury. Leaving the Mill dam we passed the "pound," and keep
ing on the side of the pond next to the "Strate strete" and
going just back of the site of the "First Parish Church,"
we found ourselves on the swamp lands to the eastward,
which but for a dry October would have been damp.
After walking a considerable distance in the brushwood,
occasionally through the openings, catching a glimpse of
the pines on the ridgeway, we reached the "Bay road,"

Concord x 53
where a bridge of loosely laid logs crossed Mill brook on
a level with the roadbed. Hard by was the house of
Goodman Meriam, beside which was a snug barn and
sheep shed and a couple of barley stacks. Near the bar
ley stacks was a threshing floor consisting of logs, square
hewn and closely set, where with slim walnut flails fastened
with eel skin, Goodman Meriam and a neighbor, Nathan
iel Ball were threshing, while the plump barley grains were
bounding briskly all about them. Thinking it uncivil not
to call, we halted ; as we did so the men, flails in hand,
came to meet us and greeted us with a right hearty cordi
ality, and the rest of the household consisting of his wife
and several children appeared in the doorway.
On leaving Goodman Meriam's dooryard we rambled
over the fields in a southwesterly direction and soon came
to a ditch. At first we thought it might be one of the
ditches that the early settlers used for fencing, but upon
following it a short distance we came upon a body of water,
perhaps as charming as ever traveler beheld. It was com
pletely surrounded by woods and tinted with a blue as
beautiful as that of the sky that bent over it. We knew
where we were, for Major Willard had spoken to us of
Flint's pond, which on the modern maps is called "Forest
lake," and said that it received its name from Esquire
Thomas Flint, who owned all the territory since occupied
by the village of Lincoln center.
The discovery of the pond explained the presence of the
ditch ; for we at once concluded that this ditch, which in the
"records" is repeatedly referred to as "the gutter," was the
means of conducting the water from Flint's pond to the
Mill brook, in order to raise the water in the Mill pond
whenever needed.
We did not long remain at Flint's pond, beautiful though
it was, but soon retraced our steps to the Mill brook and
followed its course till we came to the head of the Mill
pond where we sat down upon a log which had been lifted
at high water upon a hassock of coarse grass, and listened

1 54 Colonial
to the multitudinous voices which, strangely mingling with
the deep bass of the distant mill, made a strange medley.
The day was beautiful ; the sky cloudless ; and the
soft south wind which had set in with the sunrising was
just beginning to tone down the crisp atmosphere and make
it enjoyable. The foliage was at its best, for but few leaves
had fallen and every branch and spray was painted with
those perfect colors which art cannot imitate ; and as the
yellow birches and crimson maples flashed their tints among
the dark evergreens, it was as if the wood nymphs had
lighted the torches and were awaiting guests. And the
guests were there ; for while we sat meditating in wonder, a
couple of kingfishers sprang their rattle just over us, and
as one dashed into the water and came up with what looked
like a trout, we concluded that the small mill stream, be
fore its waters were made to work, was a "trout brook"
that once went rollicking riverward as free as the wind,
notwithstanding the level country through which it passed.
In a shallow cove among some lily pads were a doe and
two fawns, while beyond, under some hemlocks in the flags
a flock of dusky ducks was riding at anchor, and keeping
at an aristocratic distance from three diminutive teal, which
lingered later than was their wont in Concord waters be
cause of the mildness of the Fall. As the air was still cool
in spite of the south wind, and the frost sparkled on the
bilberry bushes, we decided to make a fire to warm our
fingers, and see if anything could be learned in addition to
what we already knew relative to the ponds the mill, and
the adjacent hamlet. Accordingly, we started in search of
some drift wood from the pond shore, well knowing that
the sparks from this if from anything would be prolific of
information. With this fuel, a little moss, and a flint and
steel which Major Willard had lent us, we made a blaze.
Soon the flames crackled and the sparks snapped merrily ;
nd the story stripped of all that is fictitious is as fol
lows :
The little brook which was early crossed by "Fort

Concord 155
bridge" or "Potter's bridge," and now runs through the
culvert at "Hasting's Corner," and by the Bank, has the
distinction of first serving the town of Concord for mill
purposes ; and except for its presence, there might have
been no Concord center where it is, but its location might
have been determined by some other stream. A "corn
mill," as these places were once called, was considered indis
pensable to a new township. Like an army, the settler
should keep near his base of supplies, and a mill house with
a good water power was his commissariat. The usual order
was a mill, a meeting house, and an "ordinary," or a public
place of entertainment for man and beast.
fThe miller was an important personage, next to the
tavern keeper, and both made good material for selectmen
and militia officers. The mill was a place for news or a
kind of village exchange. There the farmer learned pa
tience as his grist slowly fell into the mill trough, or as he
waited his turn, or was told to come the next day or the
day after. There he compared crops and made bargains.
Perhaps, also, it was there he learned as much about colo
nial law and provincial politics as at any place except the
meetiing house ; for people came "to mill" from far away,
bringing not only their bags of corn and barley but tidings
of accident, adventure and the rise and fall of market rates-
at the seaboard. 5
tThe first mlH in Concord was erected by Rev. Peter"
Bulkeley, or with his money ; which circumstance, were
there no other, would show that Mr. Bulkeley was a "man
of means" ; for mill machinery was costly and doubtless
much of it, together with the mill wright who put it up
came from "below." Probably the mill was never "run"
by its original owner but was leased ; for we find that as
early as 1639 it was in charge of William Fuller, who the
records state, was fined "£2 for abuse in over-tolling."
The first mill was doubtless small and stood on or near
the site of the brick building by the old Bank.
In consideration of building the mill, or as a gratuity,

156 Colonial
Mr. Bulkeley was allowed a tract of thirty acres upon
which his house and mill stood, lying between the pond
and the river. He was also granted the right to raise the
water of the brook "to a perpendicular height of four feet
and ten inches from the bottom of the mill trough," and
of digging clay on the common for making repairs on the
dam ; franchises akin in principle to those accorded to early
mill builders in other placesj^ and the small amount allot
ted may indicate that landed possessions were not lavishly
bestowed upon any one, nor as a rule, conveyed without
value received.
Timber trees, pasturage, planting places and hay on
meadow lands, whether they were public or private prop
erty, were jealously guarded, and whether the common
lands were "sized" or divided, or conveyed as a gratuity,
or perquisite, it was in a manner that established no unsafe
precedent. 1 How many years the Bulkeley mill continued to grind
the "town's corn" we were not told, but there was a long
succession of millers. Among them were some of the
town's stanchest citizens ; and if the records show that in
one or two instances there was a deviation from what was
conventional or statutory, all the circumstances not being
disclosed, we may not be able to judge fairly, since there
might have been mitigating facts / for example, William
Fuller may have properly set up in defence by way of "jus
tification and avoidance" that morally the laborer is
worthy of his hire, whether legally so or not, and that at
times the mill did not pay ; for when there was a scarcity
of water in the pond, or too much back water in the brook,
it was slow grinding, and he perhaps took it upon himself
to adjust prices, and so likewise when in 1665, William
Buss was warned by Constable Thomas Brooks "to answer
for his want of scales and weights in his mill," he may have
pleaded inability to purchase them. The year previous,
the Heywood mill was established, and perhaps competi
tion had commenced, and business may have been done on

Concord 157
too small a margin to make "up to date" appliances profit
able ; we were not there, the sparks say nothing, and we
can be charitable. Moreover, so far as Buss is concerned,
presumption is greatly in his favor; for when he kept
tavern in 1664, at about the spot where the town library
now stands, he wished to be excused from selling strong
drink, and he was considered by the selectmen a most suit
able person for a licensed innkeeper.
'That Mr. Bulkeley retained ownership of the mill for
many years is indicated by the fact that after his death,
which occured March 5, 1659, a controversy arose con
cerning the mill' bstween his widow, Grace Chetwood, and
the citizens of Concord, and the matter was investigated by
the Colonial Court, one result of which was a conclusion
that the contract between Mr. Bulkeley and the town of
Ccmcord had been loosely drawn.'
jAbout 1666, Captain Timothy Wheeler, who lived in
the house of Mr. Bulkeley, became owner of the mill, and
he left it by will to his daughter, Rebecca Minot ; and her
husband, James, operated it for many yearsi The build
ing which now stands on Main street by tne brook near
the bank is in the succession of these ancient mills. It has
been supposed by some that it may have been built by
Captain Timothy Wheeler, but no record nor reliable
tradition gives any certain information of its age. It is
very old but that it existed earlier than the first quarter of
the 1 8th century is considered improbable. I
But long ago the rumbling of the old mill ceased ; and
the water of the mill brook released from its useful bondage
once more went dancing downwards as wild and unre
strained as when the settlers first saw it. (The pond shrank
back into its original channel, and the flags and clover blos
soms upon its grassy border, looked laughingly down into
it as if glad to be brought back to their old playground.
Today, nature and art are both there; tomorrow it may be
only art._J
It was nearly high noon when we started on our return

158 Colonial
to the village, which we reached in time for dinner. The
meal was served in accordance with the hospitality of the
times. In the early afternoon and after a conversation with
Goodman Heywood, in which he spoke of his plan for the
erection of a saw mill, we proposed a stroll. over the village,
to the end that we might better describe at some future
time the mill pond, the village roads, and the homes of the
inhabitants. As good fortune would have it we were left to go alone ;
for just as we were about starting, John, the eldest son,
stepped in and said that the Gobble boys down at the
"Bay" (Fairhaven) had sent for his father to come and
weigh some tar, which article we infer was a commodity in
early times in Concord, and that sometimes there was tres
passing in order to obtain it, as the Sudbury records inform
us that in 1661, the town appointed men "to agree with
Robert Porctor of Concord about his trespass of burning
up our pines for making tar." Having obtained all neces
sary instructions we went forth, and by sunsetting had
gathered many facts and formed many theories relative to
the village, the mill and the ways of the inhabitants ;
but lest our observation may have been too limited, and
being a visitor, we had been shown only the best side of
things, we will relate only what conforms with history.
First, we will describe the mill pond. I From the height
of the dam, and various records relating to the flow-
age of water in its vicinity, together with the "lay of the
land," we may fairly conjecture what was its shape and size,
and trace its outline on at least three sides. The north
side was bounded by the dam, which probably extended
from the mill house to a point a little east of Mill brook
where it crosses the present Main street. From the dam
on the east side it followed the upland until it shoaled up
near the crossing on Heywood street, and lost itself
among the meadows, then swamp grounds, in the direction
of Meriam's corner. On the west it had a similar contour.
Beginning at the mill, it followed the general direction of

Concord 1 59
the present Walden street, and keeping well within the up
land as it variously sloped, made a curved shore nearly
corresponding to the one opposite.
That this outline is fairly correct, may be indicated by
traces of ancient water lines detected in excavations for
building purposes ; and also from the records of town
action relating to early riparian rights. A pond of this
description, and situated amid such scenery as Concord
center may then have possessed was doubtless exception-
ably beautiful. Not only would such a sheet of water pent
up in the woodland solitude of itself be charming, but we
infer there were objects accompanying it that would make
it doubly so. Among these was the abruptly rising ridge
way a few rods to the eastward, its crest crowned with
ancient oaks and dark pines, and its slope variously in
dented with gentle hollows ; at its foot the "little strate
strete" curving gracefully, its sides fenced by snipped sap
lings and along which were small wood-colored cabins with
prim door yards, where in summer might have been seen;
busy housewives" deftly twirling the flax reel or tethering
some pet animal, or sitting, it may be at noonday in the
cooling shade, or in the autumn attending the drying of
their sliced "pompion" or whisking the wasps from their
spread huckleberries, or snatching from the night damp
their half cured herbs. Moreover, there might have been
seen standing separate and far out in the water a few maples
and pines left there when the pond was filled, the perching
place of fish hawks and crows, conspicuous landmarks and
a general outlook for all birds ; further up there might
have been a fording place for cattle, used before the build
ing of a bridge at Potter's lane, where of a spring morning
might have been seen the farm boy following the cows or a
tired teamster watering his oxen, while wading at divers
points along the pond's margin and feeding among the
lilies and pickerel weed and brushing flies, may have been
seen animals both domestic and wild.
But not the least of its attractions perhaps were its dark,

1 60 Colonial
rich reflections which were to be seen on every side except
that of the dam and the shallow water on the south. These
reflections may have been of objects rarely seen in the
vicinity at the present, for in process of time there have
doubtless disappeared from the precincts of Concord center
rare plants and grasses and shrubbery that once were there.
There may have been on the banks among the lesser
shrubbery both the yellow and black birch, the "sweet
scented saxifrage" and the red osier, and the spoonwood or
mountain laurel, as it is now called, purple and white aza-
lias, and the pink rhodora of which one of Concord's poets
has so beautifully written, alder, elder, and wild holly, with
their sprinkling of bright berries to give sprightliness.
Among the trees there may have been the white and the
red spruce, and perhaps the bass, the horn beam, and false
elm. Peeping out from beneath and looking over the
pond's edge as if laughing at their own loveliness may
have been rare flowers, as the trumpet weed, the buck bean
and the fringed gentian ; the painted cup may have also
presented itself, and rare orchids, the mountain rice, and
the flowering dogwood, all of which have been found in
the vicinity in later times. That the mill pond did justice
to this gentle company we cannot doubt, and that the scene
afforded on its surface on a calm, clear day would be a gor
geous one is as little questionable.
But not the sights alone but the sounds also naturally
made this spot a restful one, and such as they only could
expect to find who are willing to penetrate a wilderness and
pioneer under old time condition, where everything is wild
and primitive. There might have been the monotonous
sound at stated intervals of the church drum ; the oft recur
ring roaring of the "rolling dam" when the rain had filled
the pond to an overflow ; the mournful call of a distrained
animal from the usually empty town pound, reminding its
owner to pay a shilling and rescue it ; the dull rumble of
the mill stones and jolt of the clumsy water wheel; the
slow, measured jog, jog, of the farm horse, and the harsh

Concord 161
rattle of the farm wagon, as they moved over the rough
roads ; now and then might have been heard the strokes of
a distant threshing flail, or the echo of a cheery halloo, or
the dropping of some pasture bars ; and now and then may
have come to the ear the sweet strains of psalm singing, or
the imploring accents of prayer ; these with the multitudi
nous voices of Nature might enter into the sounds of that
little lone hamlef
In such a place and amid such a scene was born Con
cord's first village. Perhaps in part from its peaceful aspect
the town took its name, and if so we may conjecture that
the mill pond not only located the hamlet, but also chris
tened it. Such a conclusion may by no means be unwar
ranted. Large things are often occasioned by small ones ;
and though the latter may be lost or forgotten, and only
live in their effects, so may it not be that the presence of
this pond, which was a factor so important in the success of
the settlement, and the beauty of its environment, together
with the tranquility of the town's inhabitants all suggested
the name of Concord, and hastened the approach of its
"chrisom" hour.
Before however leaving the subject of the mill pond,
additional mention should be made of its upper limit, which
we stated shoaled up and was lost in the direction of Mer
iam's corner. How far it ran in that direction may never
be known unless by actual survey, since the nature of the
country is such as to hardly disclose it. Doubtless it
spread with a shallow depth to the vicinity of Love lane
or Hawthorne street. Near here at the time of the Con
cord colonization was a beaver dam, which may indicate
that about this place the brook had more than its usual
fall ; and if so, perhaps here was the pond's upper termi
nus. But there is no visible sign by which to determine it,
neither is there anything to indicate that a portion of the
present rich tillage and productive garden lands were for
merly overflowed. The fields stretch themselves in the

1 62 Colonial
distance and vanish ; the blackbird sings and safely builds
its nest there ; the dew sparkles on the buttercups in the
morning, and in the evening the perfume of a thousand
flowers makes fragrant the atmosphere, while tired nature
rests all unconscious of the great change of two and a half
centuries.

RESIDENCE OF MR. WOODWARD HUDSON

CHAPTER XVIII.
Description of Village at Concord Center in Early
Times — Streets — House Lots — Robert Meriam's
Store — Street Scene — Tavern — Landlord Wil
liam Buss — Rules and Regulations of Ordinaries —
Old Time Taverns at Concord.
WITH a knowledge of the shape and site of the mill
pond the way is open for a description of the
first village of Concord as it may have existed
a score of years after the town's settlement.
And here, as of other matters prior to the period of pre
served public record, much is left to be learned by sitting
at old firesides and listening to the sparks. But tradition
concerning the village roads, and recorded data concern
ing house lots reaches so far back as to enable us correctly
tolocate some of them.
(The earliest street was the "Strate strete" or the "Little
Strate strete" by the ridgeway which began or ended at the
town's common land, now the public square, and may have
extended as a lane, now Lowell street, to Parson Bulke-
ley^s, and . possibly to the river meadow. i
\From the "Strate strete" at the "Common," as we will
call the public square, a narrow causeway crossed at the
mill dam, coming out on the west side of it near the old
Bank building. This causeway at the time of the Revolu
tionary war and for years afterward was only a few feet
wide and was used as a mill path and a short way connect
ing both portions of the village^
|A principal or main street ran between the mill dam
and the South abridge, the latter then near Nashawtuc. It
Was very crooked and'in its- short course partially described 163

1 64 Colonial
the letter S twice made. Beginning at the mill dam it
passed to the northwesterly around the town's second bury
ing ground, and after running a few rods bent southerly
almost to the site of the present Main street. It then
turned northwesterly and after running a few rods again
bore to the southerly, and passing the great elms on the
present Frederick Hudson place crossed at the corner of
Main and Thoreau streets, as these are now, and running
diagonally toward the southwest, curved at a point across
the Fitchburg railroad just beyond the section house, and
by the agricultural grounds, leaving a small "heater" piece,
now owned by the Boston and Maine R. R. corporation,
and thence proceeding northwesterly, ran in a direction
approximately parallel to the first few rods from the
assumed point of beginning by the mill dam. \
The third street, as we will term it^ was on or about the
site of. the present Walden street, and was made it may be,
for the two-fold purpose of accommodating the houselots
that lay along the west side of the millpond, and also to
meet Potter's lane, unless perchance the latter was made to
meet thigJlThe "Strate strete" may have early extended
or branched off beyond the present Public square in the
direction of the North bridge. |
/Along these roads were the early homes, and because
they were there the roads were there. It was here a house
and there a house and a path between them. The path,
being much traveled by the neighbors and by the cattle, at
length became a well recognized public way and in time,
by an extension of it, became a county roacL]
In endeavoring to locate the first houselots along these
roads, we can perhaps do no better than to take for our
authority the historian, Walcott, whose painstaking
researches have been so valuable in the locating of Con
cord's early estates.
On the "Strate strete" near the common was the house-
lot of Thomas Dane, which consisted of six and one-half
acres, and extended from burial hill to the mill pond ;

Concord 165
Luke Potter's lot of six and one-half acres was situated
on both sides of Potter's lane (Heywood street). Follow
ing the Bay road in an easterly direction there were
houselots as follows, occupying both sides of the road and
extending to the mill brook : John Farwell, twelve acres ;
Thomas Wheeler, Sr., thirteen acres ; Moses Wheat, six
teen acres (Staples place). East of Wheat's on the north
side of the road, was the houselot of William Baker, then
the lot of William Fletcher, fifteen acres. This lot ran to
the brook, and was afterward purchased by Nathaniel
Stow ; and near it was a lot owned by Peter Bulkeley,
Esquire. Then followed the lot of Thomas Burgess, ten
acres ; Francis Fletcher, eight acres ; Edward Wright, ten
acres ; Eliphalet Fox, eight acres : Nathaniel Ball, thirteen
acres ; William Hartwell, nine acres ; John Hartwell ten
acres ; William Taylor, eight and three-quarter acres ; and
beyond these to the eastward were lots of Caleb and
Joshua Brooke, Christopher Wooley and Richard Rice.
John Meriam had one and one-half acres at the corner of
the Bay road on the south and the Billerica road on the
west. Joseph Dane and Thomas Pellet occupied one
homestead on the Billerica road.
South of the mill pond, houselots were laid out from
what is now Main street by the mill-dam to the almshouse,
running to the pond or brook on the north and extending
toward the southwest to about Thoreau street. By the
mill-dam and nearly opposite the Bank. George Wheeler
had eleven acres, near which was Joshua Wheeler's lot of
fourteen acres. Robert Meriam had twenty-six acres
about the Trinitarian church site. The came John
Wheeler's lot of ten and one-half acres (Nathan B. Stow's)
Lieut. Joseph Wheeler, twenty acres (George Everett's) ;
George Meriam, thirty acres (the Bartlett place) ; Nathan
iel Billings, six acres (Nathan Derby's) ; Samuel Stratton,
twenty-four acres (the almshouse).
On or near Main street James Smedley had a lot of
eighteen and one-half acres north of and adjacent to the

1 66 Colonial
burying ground. Going to the westward was John Hey-
wood's lot of four acres, near the burying ground. Then
came the lot of William Buss, seven acres. Farther
westerly, and beyond the South branch of the river was
the houselot of Michael Wood, and later of William Buss,
and as has been mentioned, the homestead of Major Simon
Willard. These are the names of some of the people who lived
in this first village of Concord, and such the location of
their house-lots. That these are all is not to be supposed,
for probably about the beginning of the settlement and
while under the restraint of a colonial law, which for pru
dential reasons allowed no one to establish a homestead be
yond a certain distance from the meeting-house, all of the
colonists had homes in the "middle of the town ; and if
perchance by an actual survey of the premises about the
meeting house, the mill, and the pond basin, spaces of
territory should be found which neither record nor tradition
has assigned to early householders, we may nevertheless
suppose they were owned and occupied by some one, and
that there was but little public land in the vicinity.
|~By colonial custom so far as we have ascertained, the
town's common land, with the exception of its burial places
and its pound, its house of worship, and ministerial reser
vations, and it may be a small parcel here and there for
some general use, — as for a gravel pit, a training field, or
fence bote or bridge bote, — was largely outlying^
But the little hamlet was not only well peopled and pro
vided with homes ; it also had its store, and tavern, and
doubtless its smithy ; for it was in accordance with town
usage to give encouragement to the useful artisan to "set
up his trade among them," although we know not who it
was in Concord at this time who had "set up" a forge.
I The village store was situated at or about the spot where
the present Trinitarian church stands, and was kept by
Robert Meriam. We are not to suppose however that
he kept it in a building separate from his dwelling house

Concord 167
for as was not uncommon we believe in the case of store-
keeping in the olden time, he may have kept it in an L, or
in a room of the house where he lived.}
And now for a little space laying aside matters of fact,
let us suppose that on a mild October afternoon in the first
half of the seventeenth century, Betsey Burgess and Goody
Fox descended the ridgeway by a narrow, winding path
that led from the meeting house hill, up among the early
graves, and passing over the mill dam by a rickety crossing
made of slabs, which were laid along the splash boards for
a short cut to the mill from the "Strate strete," entered the
village store to converse with Concord's first store keeper
about the purchase of some "sweetening" for preserving
some barberries, which they had just gathered, and to see
if he would take in exchange a little spun yarn and some
cheese. They found the village store-keeper away, he
having gone to Boston for his stock of winter goods. But
Goodwife Meriam knew the price list as well as her hus
band, and informed them that she would take the yarn and
the cheese, although to take the latter was a little venture
some, since it would be so long before her husband went to
Boston again that it might not keep.
While the women were waiting, some one was seen com
ing through Potter's lane, who by his look and step was
evidently a stranger. Goodman Luke Potter undoubtedly
thought so too, for he was looking down the lane from his
dooryard, shading his eyes from the rays of the setting sun
and apparently starting to follow him. Presently the trav
eler came up, stopped at the store and inquired for the
tavern. Goody Meriam directed him to turn to the left
just past Goodman Wheeler's house, then keep on a bit,
following the road bend, and he would soon see Sergeant
William Buss's Ordinary.
After being directed, the traveler sat down on the door
step as if too weary to go even this distance before resting
himself, saying as he did so that he had come from Boston
that day and started at sun-rising. Soon there gathered

1 68 Colonial
about him a group of villagers, for the news had spread
that a stranger was there, each to inquire of events "fur
ther down," of the prices, the newly-arrived ships, and
what folks were doing in the lower towns.
As Luke Potter came up, the traveler was just relating
something about the late Anabaptist disturbance, and what
the prospect was of future peacefulness among the churches.
After further conversation concerning ecclesiastical matters,
and a little inquiry after the progress of the new township,
the traveler arose, to leave. Before he started, Goodwife
Meriam gave him a posset of warm milk, dipped fresh
from a pailful that the hired man was carrying past, and
with an expression of thankfulness and well wishes, the
stranger started for the Ordinary.
The coast clear, for the villagers scattered when the man
went away, Goodwife Meriam informed the two women
that although in the Boston price-list, molasses, as quoted
by the late visitor, to be sold in "country pay at country
prices," was a little higher than at the Concord grocery
store, and although the price of cheese had gone down
somewhat, yet she would stand by the price just named by
her, at the same time informing them that it was her hus
band's practice to sell as he bought, and that as for the
cheese, she would wait, and split any possible rise or fall
of it and thus divide between them any risk.
But to return to facts, let us next consider the village
"tavern. This fims situated near the spot where the present
Public Library stands, and was kept by Sergeant William
Buss, who was we conclude, as before stated, a most estim
able citizen, not desiring even in those times to sell "strong
water ;" for he asked the selectmen to exempt him from so
doing when they gave him an inn licensed
The sparks do not inform us just where Landlord Buss
drew the liquor line. Perhaps between the fermented and
the distilled, but however that might be, we believe this
much at least, that he had a regard for the public weal and
that the selectmen who sustained him in his extreme posi-

Concord 169
tion and who considered him, notwithstanding his radical
attitude, a most suitable person for the place were also
interested in the public well-being.
There is also suggested by the stand taken by Landlord
Buss, a query as to whether the many and perhaps too
easily made representations in modern times of a gross in
dulgence, and of the prevalence of a lax sentiment on the
part of the fathers as to the uses of alcoholic beverages is
correct ; for if so, then in case Concord was fairly repre
sented by Sergeant Buss and the selectmen, it was evidently
in advance of the average town.
To the end that we may know more about old-time
taverns, let us suppose that we followed to the Buss tavern
the traveler from Boston, who we represented as stopping
at the store and inquiring for an ordinary.
As we approached, we met at the doorway Goodwife
Anne Buss, who was watching a large flock of domestic
fowls picking the barley grains which she had just scattered.
She addressed us with the term Mr., which showed that
while in accosting strangers there was an absence of the
formality of later years, here was neverthelesss shown them
marked respect, since it was only when special recognition
of one's social standing was intended, that the term Mr.
was used, as in the case of a minister, or a magistrate, or
perhaps a schoolmaster, or one whose circumstances might
entitle him to be considered wealthy, or a "gentleman" after
the old-time signification of the term.
Passing through the bar-room we entered the large
kitchen. The supper table was set, upon which was placed
only average farm fare with the addition of "plum cake," a
commodity which was also sold at the bar and was, it may
be, a substitute for modern confections.
Supper ended, we returned to the bar-room ; and there
with a company of villagers, in chairs tipped back against
the chimney bricks, and the coarse boards of the "bunk,"
and the high bar, we sat and talked till the small hours of
the night.

1 70 Colonial
We will not repeat all that was said as it would take too
long, but we will tell it in part.
In the first place we will relate about the traveler just
referred to. He said he started that morning from the
"King's Arms" tavern at the head of Dock square, and
stopped at the "King's Head" to obtain the latest marine
news, well knowing there would be inquiries as he went
inland about the most recent ship arrivals. He crossed by
ferry to Charlestown, and called at the "Three Cranes."
The only incident that occurred on his journey to Concord
was the meeting of Robert Meriam about half-way down,
and the assisting to stay up his heavy load of country pro
duce with some willow withes, it having sagged sideways in
jolting over the rough road. The stranger's business as he
disclosed it was to obtain samples of iron ore said to be
deposited in the region of the Assabet, and this with a view
of locating a forge there.
While the conversation was going on several more vil
lagers dropped in, among whom was Goodman Heywood
who was out looking for. us ; and the conversation turned
on current events, especially on what was going on "down
below," as Boston was then called.
In the meantime we were looking around the room and
noting its contents. On one side was a bar upon which
were a couple of toddy sticks and several tumblers.
On the opposite side was the bunk for the hired man to
sleep in, that he might be in readiness for night patronage.
Upon wooden pegs along the horizontal framework of the
room, and the upright timbers, were several powderhorns,
an old saddle, a grain sickle, a measuring stick, a pair of
sheep shears, a small mash-tub and sieve, a string of spig
ots, a pair of saddlebags, two muskets, and a couple ot
cowbells. Behind the bar was a small closet in which were kept a
few cordials, such as were considered necessary for funerals,
weddings, or other notable occasions ; but we noticed there
was no fastening on it, neither was there a lock on the

Concord 171
outer door of the bar-room, though it opened directly on
the road, indicating a prevailing honesty in the neighbor
hood and in the traveling public. Above the mantle-piece
were several braids of sweet corn, and onions, between
which was a rude cut of Governor Winthrop, and of an
English warship.
For awhile, the conversation was upon occurences at
Boston ; and among other events spoken of was the then
recent great fire, and the burning by the public executioner
in the market-place of some books written by two persons
purporting to be witnesses and prophets of Jesus Christ.
The calling of Rev. John Mayo to be the pastor of Bos
ton's second church, then lately formed, was also discussed,
and the execution of Mary Parsons, accused of witchcraft,
which although a little stale as news, was a subject still
much talked of.
It was very noticeable during the evening that every
thing was well ordered, and that there was no profanity,
nor coarse, ribald remarks, nor anything else inconsistent
with good breeding. We inquired if in other ordinaries
the conduct and conversation of those frequenting them
was thus circumspect ; and were informed that they were in
general, and that the laws concerning them encouraged it.
We will now pause in our story to give the following
facts about old time taverns.
^Taverns were early considered a necessity, and hence
were established by law. They were usually under the
sanction and surveillance of the town officials, who had
power to grant, limit, or revoke an innholder's license,
either as a victualler or a seller of drinks. The keeper of
the public house usually went by the title of landlord,
which was often abbreviated to "lan'urd."
The ancient hostelry often had a suggestive or pictur
esque name, which was symbolized by some object upon a
sign which swung before it. Some of the early names of
Boston taverns were the "Three Mariners," the "Ship
Tavern," the "Red Lion" and the "Castle Tavern."

172 Colonial
In the vicinity of Concord were the "Red Horse Tav
ern" (Wayside Inn), Sudbury, and the "Inn of the Golden
Balls" (Jones's Tavern, where the spy John Howe stopped
in 1775), Weston.
(The keeper of the ordinary might be a deacon, a mili
tary officer, a civil official, or a "Deputy to the General
Court." His house was a convenient place for convoca
tions, important or unimportant ; and there might be held
in it a parish meeting, a military election, a council of
clergymen, a ten-shilling referee case, or an assessors' talk.
So important was the ordinary, that its affairs, such as
the establishment of prices, the limitation of patronage,
and the quality and quantity of goods to be sold were reg-
.ulated by colonial lawjfln order to discourage the use of
strong drink at these places, it was enacted about 1634 by
the Colonial Court that not over one pence per quart
should be charged for ale purchased out of meal times. It
was also ordered that not more than a penny a drink should
be charged for any beverage. This was done to make the
business of dram-selling unprofitable. At another time it
was enacted by law that every inn-keeper should sell good
beer, lest a traveler for want of it might purchase wine.
A law was passed at an early date, by which a person
who might be appointed for the purpose could join a drink
ing company at a tavern, and countermand any order made
by- it for a drink, in case he believed any were drinking too
much, and who could also direct how much liquor could be
drunk. At an early period the law also undertook to discourage
certain amusements at inns which were supposed to be
deleterious, and dancing was prohibited there even upon
marriage occasions.
At one time no tavern keeper was allowed to permit
guests to remain at his house drinking or tippling in a
loose or idle way. In 1664, a penalty was enacted for rude
singing at inns. The court also undertook at one time to
decide now much a man might drink without being consid-

Concord 1 73
ered drunk ; and the Plymouth Colony lawmakers decided
that a man was drunk, when because of strong drink he
lisped, or staggered, or vomited. In 1634, the taking of
tobacco at inns was forbidden.'
*The following are some of'the prices charged at ordina
ries. In 1634, the price of a meal was six pence. In 1779,
in a town adjacent to Concord it was decided that
"A mug of West India flip should cost 15 pence.
A mug of New England flip should cost 12
pence.
A good dinner should cost 20 pence.
A common dinner should cost 12 pence.
Breakfast and supper, each, should cost 1 5 pence.
Lodging should cost 4 pence."
These rates may have been higher than usual because of
war times. J
'How long Sergeant William Buss kept the village ordi
nary is not known, but he was keeping it as early at least
as 1660; and since there is no record of any prior inn-
holder at Concord, it may be that he was there much
sooner pursuing the business of a tavern-keeper in a small
way furnishing meals and lodgings, while Major Simon
Willard, who was licensed to sell "strong water," acted as
the. village tapster.'
\ln the first century of its settlement, Concord had sev
eral taverns. In 1666, John Hayward kept one on the
main street. Later, the "Black Horse Tavern" was well
known to the traveling public, although this may have
been identical with the foregoing. The "Wright Tavern"
was established in 1747, and kept open as a public house
until the War of the Revolution. Of another tavern in
this vicinity Hon. John S. Keyes states : "Previous to the
Revolution Ephraim Jones kept a tavern at the west end
of the main street burying ground in a large roomy house
that had grown by various additions, perhaps from that of
John Hayward. The site of this, now the fine lawn of

1 74 Colonial
Colonel R. F. Barrett's residence, was close to the old
wooden jail, and feeding the prisoners was part of the
-tavern-keeper's business.'.^
It doubtless not infrequently occurred in early times,
that tavern-keeping was evolved from some other occupa
tion or was carried on with it. The process might be first
farming, and an occasional entertainment of travelers and
then a full-fledged inn. Public patronage being scant, one
could hardly afford to give much time to it. There was com
paratively little communication of place with place, when
public entertainment was required. Moreover, parties
journeying or teaming often took their food with them,
and stopping wherever overtaken by noon or night, re
freshed themselves from the lunch box without regard to
form. Indeed, this was in accord with the conventional
method. Anything then was fashionable, that was matter
of honest economy, and the landlord deducted from his
bill of charges the price of bread and cheese in his patron's
victual basket, as a matter of course.
It was a late hour when the company about the bar-room
fireplace broke up, and as we left Landlord Buss and bade
him good-night, it was with regret that our acquaintance
should be so brief and our stay so short at an old-time
tavern, and there came forcibly to our minds the words of
Shenstone : "Whoe'er has travelled life's dull round,
Where'er his stages may have been,
May sigh to think that he has found
His warmest welcome at an inn."
Along the willows that spread themselves by the wayside
we walked to our host's quiet home, where, after listening
for a little time to the monotonous roaring of the rolling
dam, and thinking of the strangeness of the surroundings,
we fell asleep, and slumbered undisturbed until the soft
sunlight came streaming into the east window, and awak
ened us just in season to salute the miller as he was going
to open the mill house.

HENRY D. THOREAU

CHAPTER XIX.
The New England Village — Its Origin and Equip
ment — The Village Doctor — His Medicines and
Charges — Early Physicians of Concord : Read,
Prescott, Minot, Heywood — The Village Magis
trate — Condition of Colonial Jurisprudence — First
Lawyer at Concord — History of John Hoar.
BEFORE leaving the subject of the primitive village
of Concord, a few words relative to early New Eng
land village life may be appropriate and may sug
gest some practical lessons, since from it influences
have gone forth that have been happily formative, and since
about it cluster associations pleasant to contemplate. In
these villages was centralized the life of the communities
called townships, and from them radiated what little of
fashion or style of living was recognized, where the tend
ency was for every man to be a law unto himself. In the
village, if anywhere were supposed to be "up to date"
methods ; there if at all was an acknowledged leadership.
It was also a sort of local exchange or market place. As it
came in contact more frequently with the traveling public
it was supposed to possess the latest news, and as there
were held all the convocations, it was considered a privi
leged place to dwell in. In short, it may be true that the
early village was to the remainder of the town what the city
has since become to the country generally, in so far at least
as relates to the tendency of the latter to imitate the former
and to rely upon it for outside news, conventionalities and
artificial commodities.
The earliest inland villages of the Massachusetts Bay
Colony were created by necessity ; inasmuch as the court
175

176 Colonial
compelled the first settlers to keep within a circumscribed
area ; as soon however as restraint was removed, a portion
of them bounded away, as if their nature was more centri
fugal than centripetal. After bounding off they again cen
tralized; the result of which was the formation of new
villages which became the centers of new towns. That this
tendency affected the people of Concord in common with
those of other places is indicated by the establishment of the
Various villages which became the nucleuses of prospective
townships, as that of Concord village (Acton), the Blood
farms (Carlisle), the Flint estate (Lincoln).! There was left
however, in almost every instance, about "the first spot of
settlement, a faithful home guard of houses that never for
sook it, and which by common consent was ever his
torically considered "the middle of the town," whether the
geographical center or not. Exceptions there are, notable
among which are Londonderry, N. H., Groton, and Sud
bury of this state. It is true that a village was sometimes
deflected slightly from its original site, but it seldom went
far, and like a stream the waters of which change but the
identity of whose channel is not disputed, so the first
"middle of a town" usually keeps its prestige as the origi
nal center.
In the equipment of the early village there was a com
pleteness which assured to every inhabitant all that was
necessary for a comfortable living. There was the doctor,
the squire or justice of the peace who was sometimes a
lawyer, a blacksmith, shoemaker, carpenter, wheelwright,
and sometimes a gunsmith, tailor, tanner, brewer and cooper
these, with a store, tavern, meeting house, and school,
constituted the mechanical, mercantile and professional
make-up of the average village. The representatives of
these several crafts and callings made or kept in stock
everything essential to personal attire, and house and farm
furnishing ; in short, to life and death, to birth and burial.
The doctor acted as druggist, and obtained his herbs
from his own garden or from the neighboring fields and

Concord 177
forest. Some of these herbs were black hellebore, great
bryony root, clown's all-heal, jalap, scammony and snake
root. He obtained his leeches from the pond. His pills,
powders and other compounds he prepared with mortar and
pestle. He rode horseback with saddle bags in which he
carried his medicines ; and there was usually about him a
strong odor of the "study," as he called his office. In this
"study" and arrayed on shelves were various jars, vials,
and crude instruments for cupping, surgery, and extracting
teeth ; for he was dentist as well as doctor. Some early
practitioners, supposed to be skilled in surgery, were styled
"chirurgions," and sometimes served as barbers as well as
bone setters, in which case they were sometimes called
"barber surgeons/^
Among the earlier remedies prescribed were "A Wild
Catt's skin on ye place grieved ;" this for pain in the heart
or limbs ; and charcoal made from burnt toads as a pre
ventive of small-pox and fevers. Cotton Mather mentions
the efficacy of a dead hand for scattering wens ; he also
speaks of the healing virtue of sowbugs. Prescription :
"Half a pound putt 'em alive into a quart or two of wine ;
dose — two ounces taken twice a day." Such remedies
were in accord with the practice of physicians in England at
that day ; for it is stated that there was forced upon Charles
the Second when upon his deathbed a volatile salt extracted
from human skulls. Almost, if not quite, within the mem
ory of the present generation, in a town adjacent to Con
cord, pills made from ashes obtained from burning a human
heart have repeatedly been administered as a cure for con
sumption. The price charged for medical service may be seen from
the following bill charged to the town of Sudbury by its
physician in .1755 :
"For medicine and attendance for the French Neutrals
from Nova Scotia.
"1755, Dec. 11 — To Sundry Medicines for French
young woman — 27 — To Do for girl 6d.

178 Colonial
1756, Mar. 22 — To Sundry Medicines and Journey in
the night west side the River — o — 5 — 8.
^To Sundry Medicines Journey west side o — 4 — o."
'" > The doctor was careful about his attire ; and is described
as going forth, when not on horseback, in a sulky or calash
dressed in a long coat with full skirts above a low-setting
waist-coat; his small clothes met at the knees silken stock
ings which were secured with brightly burnished buckles.
He wore a cocked hat above a powdered wig. It was con
ducive to his success to be a man of wealth or influence.
He obtained his knowledge of medicine by riding with an
old physician ; and though he might only brush off his
horse or pound his herbs, he could obtain a license and
practice medicine. The indications are that the town of
Concord was more favored in its physicians than most
towns, in that for the most part they were educated menJ
The following are some of the physicians of Concord in
the first century :
Dr. Philip Read, who, the historian Wolcott says, wrote
himself: "Physition," ^married the daughter of Richard
Rice and settled in the east part of the town. He prac
ticed in Cambridge, Watertown and Sudbury. In 1670,
he was fined twenty pounds because he compared Rev.
Peter Bulkeley as a preacher with the Rev. Joseph Esta
brook in a manner which was thought to be unwarranted.
.^ IT**"*" ^ ™"^
.'Dr. Jonathan Prescott, who was born Apr. 5, 1677, and
died Oct. 28, 1729. His epitaph says of him : "A gentle
man of virtue and merit. An accomplished physition, but
excelling in chirurgery. Of uncommon sagacity, penetration
and success in practise, and so of very extensive service.^!
Dr. Joseph Lee, born in Concord Oct. 16, 1680; died
Oct. 5, 1736. He lived on the estate formerly occupied
by Joseph Barrett, Esqjj
Dr. Alexander Cummings, who came to Concord about
1726. Dr. John Prescott, who was a son of Dr. Jonathan Pres
cott. He was greatly esteemed for his professional skill.

Concord 179
Dr. James Minot who was at Concord about 1680, and
died Sept. 2, 1735. Shattuck says: "He practised physic."
His epitaph states among other things : "Excelling Gram
marian. Enriched with the Gift of Prayer and Preaching. ,
A Commanding Officer. A Physician of Great Value."
Shattuck also says he married Rebecca, daughter of Tim
othy Wheeler, and lived on the estate left by his father-in-
law near Capt. Stacy's. They had ten children, the eighth_
and ninth being twins and named Love and Mercy. I
Dr. Able Prescott, who was a brother of John Prescott
was born April 7th, 171 8, and died October 24, 1805.
His practice at Concord was large and extended to adjoin
ing towns. He lived, says Shattuck, in a house formerly
occupied by Capt. Moore.
/Dr. Abiel Heywood who was a son of Jonathan Hey-^
wood and began practice in Concord in 1790. He was
prominent not only as a physician, but as a citizen, being
appointed as a justice of the peace, a special judge of the
court of common pleas and an associate justice of the court^
of assistants. ;
As it is not our design to publish the more modern his
tory we pause here in our list of distinguished names, ob
serving as we do so, that in the medical as well as in the
legal profession, as we shall see, Concord in later times has
had associated with it names that are illustrous not only
locally but in history at large.
fThe early magistrate was a justice of the peace, but not
usually an "attorney at law" after the modern acceptance
of the term. He was authority in legal matters, a convey
ancer, settled estates and was sometimes "appointed to join
persons in marriage."
He wrote wills and read them on the return from the
grave after a funeral. He was a legal advisor, and was
looked up to as a man next to the minister. The very
early magistrates are to be distinguished from those who
came later; for the law was but poorly represented by
practitioners in Massachusetts as far down as into the Pro-

1 80 Colonial
_ vincial period. Even|the judges were not all learned, and
' any person though a layman could plead in the courts with
out a license ; for licenses setting forth one's competence
were not then issued. Common law pleadings were ignored
through ignorance and there were few or no specific statutes
on the subject of practice. Court sessions were many of
them farces and the jury system was not infrequently a '.
mere mockery. In short there was little to correspond to
the exact and orderly manner of conducting the courts at
the present day. It is said that Judge Lynde, who was
appointed to the Superior Court in 171 2, was the first
judge trained for the bench. History also informs us that
English barristers who had been fitted for that profession
found little favor in this country, because here any one
might plead the cause of another.'
In process of time however the light of greater learning
shone upon both the bench and bar ; and it may perhaps
be said with truthfulness that the progress of medicine from
a low art to a masterful science is no more pronounced than
the strides forward in the profession of law. In passing, it
may be proper to state, that the low condition of the bar
rister's calling was not due wholly to the absence of any
desire for litigation,, for dissention and the spirit of strife
were then it may be more rife than now, and cases were
commenced and continued in bitterness that today per
haps would be settled by easy compromise ; all of which
shows that a learned legal profession tends to discourage
rather than promote law suits.
The first lawyer whom we hear of as being a practitioner
at Concord is John Hoar. As his character was some
what unique and perhaps sometimes picturesque and as he
was connected with an important event in King Philip's In
dian war, we will give more than a passing mention of him.
John Hoar, tradition states, was the son of a wealthy
banker of London, who came to Boston where it is sup
posed he died not later than about the middle of the 17th
century, his wife, Joanna, dying at Braintree about 166 1.

Concord 1 8 1
He was the youngest of five children and we first hear of
him in Scituate, where he "bore arms" as early as 1643.
While in Sdtuate he owned land on the west side of
Musquashcut pond, which land in 1658, adjoined the farm
of Gen. Cudworth. That John Hoar practiced law before
going to Concord is indicated by the fact that while in Scit
uate he not only actively engaged in town business, but
drew legal documents for the people, as deeds, bonds, etc.
His father's family was substantial and gifted, as is shown
in the career of John, Jr., in the marriage of his daughters
and in the appointment of his son Leonard to the presi
dency of Harvard College.
While John Hoar was at Concord he owned over three
hundred acres of land situated beyond the Assabet river
and near Annursnuc in the west part of the town. The
greater part of this property he conveyed about 1671, to
Edward Wright, and received as a consideration land in the
East quarter and also "all the right, title and interest which
Edward Wright of Concord aforesaid, husbandman, has or
shall have in and to certain houses, lands and heredita
ments, etc.," in the Lordship of a Castle in the county
of Warwick in the kingdom of England. As a lawyer
he was distinguished for bold and independent action
and his outspoken opinions sometimes got him into
trouble. His conduct in defending the Christian Indians
and protesting against their unjustifiable exile to Deer
island in Boston harbor in 1675-6, furnishes strong groun.d
for the supposition that his purposes were philanthropic,
and that he would assert them even if persecuted therefor. /
The following is an abstract of Leonard Hoar's will :
"To daughter Bridget ^200 at 21 or nonage with her
mother's consent. To my brother Daniel, whose real and
perpetual kindness I can never remunerate, my stone signet
and my watch. To my dear brother John a black suit.
To my dear sisters Flint and Ouinsey each a black serge
gown. To Cousin Josiah Flint out of my Library, Roua-
nelli Bibleotheca. To my Cousin Noah Newman, Aquina's

1 82 Colonial
sermons, and to them both the use of books of mine to
return them on demand, my medical writings to my wife's
custody, till some of my kindred addicted to those studies
shall desire them, and especially John Hoar's or any other
of my brothers or sisters' sons and grandsons."
It had been arranged that upon leaving the home of
Goodman Heywood we should return to William Hart-
well's to finish our visit ; and as he had sent us word the
day previous that he would meet us at the mill we were
there early.
We found Miller Buss quite busy that morning tending
the "bolter," a rude sifting wheel that was separating the
bran from some guinea wheat ; and also looking after the
corn grist that was slowly jolting from the hopper.
Not caring to interrupt the miller, we strolled out by the
willows and reviewed the events of the previous day and
also recalled the facts which our late host had given us con
cerning his family history.
As the Heywood family is a conspicuous one in the his
tory of Concord, we will leave our story for a little time to
give some facts relating to it.
Shattuck says of the Hayward family: "The name has
been written Heaward, Heywood and Howard, and
although several now (1835) bear the last name, they all
originated from a common ancestor. Heywood is a dis
tinct name. George Hayward came here in 1635; died
March 29, 1671 ; his wife died in 1693; estate £ 506 ;
children, Mary, married Richard Griffin ; John, Joseph,
Sarah, Hannah, Simeon, George, and perhaps others."
The same writer says of the Heywood family : "John was
here before 1659 ; married Rebecca Atkinson in 1656, and
had John and Benoni. His wife died in 1665 and he mar
red again Mary Simonds. He died Jan. 11, 1707." John
Heywood was the ancestor in this country of distinguished
descendants. John, Jr., was an early deacon in the Con
cord church, and one of his sons, Samuel, who married
Elizabeth Hubbard in 1710, was a deacon and town clerk.

Concord 183
John Heywood, Sr., died Jan. 2, 171 8, and Samuel, Oct.
28, 1750.
The only records preserved among the vital statistics of
Concord down to 1654, relating to the name as spelled
either way are the following : "John the sonne of George
Heyward was borne 20-10-1640. Joseph the sonne of
George Heyward was born the 26-1-1643. Sara the
daughter of Georg & Mary Heywood (this it is said should
be Hayward) borne 22-3-1645. Hannath the daughter of
George & Mary Hayward the 20-2-1647. Simon the
sonne of George & Mary Hayward the 22d-n-i648."
The historian Walcott states ; "The location of the first
house lots of George Hayward and Michael Wood I have
been unable to fix, but am inclined to believe that they
were on the north and west sides of the Common."
"George Hayward at an early date sold his house, barn
and land near the mill pond to Mr. Bulkeley and built a
house and corn mill at the southwest. John Heywood
bought Thomas Dakin's house and barn."
In 1676, John Heywood was a constable, and in 167-
the selectmen requested that John Heywood might be
allowed "to keep a house of entertainment for strangers for
nights' lodgings, beer and sider," and two years later "John
Haywood ordinary keeper at Concord renewed his license"
and was allowed "to retaile strong water to travellers &
sick persons upon giving bond."
As we left the village it was with regret that we could
stay no longer, for its sweet savor and its pleasant people
made us reluctant to depart, notwithstanding our desire to
visit other places. When however we saw the cheery
countenance of Goodman William Hartwell we bounded
buoyantly on the ox cart with the cleverness of an athlete,
for the farm fare was beginning to make us feel boyish.
He had been to mill the week before and the pond being
low he had left his grist : he was now taking it home to
gether with some belonging to his neighbors, and the bags
piled high behind us formed a back : but as we rode on a

1 84 Colonial
"dead ex" and the East quarter road was stumpy it was at
a slow pace and with much jolting that we got over the
ground. So uneven was the way that one of the bags fell off and
the string becoming untied the contents were spilled. As
the meal lay strewn over the road, the importance of this
staple commodity to the people of Concord in the earlier
stages of its settlement was suggested, and when Goodman
Hartwell was reseated we plied him with questions concern
ing the corn crop. Since corn culture was of consid
erable consequence to the New England colonists we will
pause in our story and state a few facts relating to it as we
have found them in record or history.
To an extent the early corn fields were cultivated
by neighborhoods and were termed "common plant
ing fields." A tract of land was set apart and the work of
tilling it apportioned to a certain number of the inhabitants
living near ; but the principle upon which the planters
proceeded in the work we have not ascertained. It might
have varied. Perhaps in some cases the fence was made in
common, and each man had space assigned him in the
enclosure proportionate to his original investment in the
town's territory ; this space he may have cultivated and
had exclusive ownership of the crop. In another case all
might have shared equally in the work and in the crop :
but as to the manner of distribution of the corn and the
fodder in the latter case and where and when it took place,
we know not. Some of the planting places were old
Indian fields, which had long been used, some were virgin
soil which had been newly cleared and burnt over. Tradi
tion or record have located some of these fields in Con
cord, Shattuck describes them as "The Great fields extend
ing from the Great meadows on the North to the Boston
road on the South and down the river considerably into the
present limit of Bedford, and up the river beyond Deacon
Hubbard's and the extensive tract between the two rivers
contained large quantities of open land, which bore some

Concord 185
resemblance to the prairies of the western country. These
plains were annually burned or dug over for the pur
pose of hunting and the rude culture of corn."
It is perhaps hardly to be supposed that more than a
comparatively small portion of the above described terri
tory was used for planting purposes either by the Indians
or whites at any one time, but that here or there small
patches such as were most available were selected for culti
vation. The following is a record concerning the "com
mon planting fields" as late as 1672, and is given as one of
seventeen articles of instruction to the selectmen of Con
cord, of whom William Hartwell was one :
"7 — To take order that all corne fields be sufficently
fenced in season — the crane field and brick'll field espe
cially." "8 — that incougement be given for the destruction of
blackbirds and jays."
A paper dated March 1st, 1690-91, which was signed
by forty-one persons who were owners of the "Great
Fields," contained an agreement that these fields should be
enclosed with one fence and cultivated upon equitable con
ditions. The soil of these fields was at first largely broken
up by hoes and of this and the use of corn by the settlers,
Johnson in his "Wonder Working Providence" wrote
as follows in 1654: "Standing stoutly to their labors and
tare up the roots and bushes which the first yeare bears
them a very thin crop till the soard of the earth be rotten
and therefore they have been forced to cut their bread very
thin for a long season * * * but the Lord is pleased to
provide for them a great store of fish in the spring time
and especially Alewives about the bignesses of a herring.
Many thousands of these they used to put under their
Indian corn which they plant in hill five foot assunder,
which assuredly when the Lord created this corn he had a
speacell eye to supply these his peoples wants with — ordi
nary five or six grains doth produce six hundred." That
Indian corn was the main staple is evident from what John-

1 86 Colonial
son still farther states : "The want of English graine,
wheate, barley and rie proved a sore affliction to some
stomaks, who could not live upon Indian bread and water,
yet were they compelled to till cattell increased and the
plows could but goe."
The corn fields had many enemies both beasts and birds ;
more prominent among the former being perhaps the bear,
raccoon, wolf and squirrel. The bear may have been
attracted by the sugar in the corn ; the wolf dug for the
alewives ; the raccoon relished the young and tender ker
nels, and in its maturer stages the squirrel sought it to lay
away for winter use. The birds that partook of the crop
were principally the crows, jays and blackbirds.
The Colonial towns passed laws for the protection of the
cornfields. An order in a town adjacent to Concord was
as follows dated 1651 : "That whoso shall take pains by
nets, guns, line or otherwise to destroy common offensive
blackbirds * * * shall be paid for every dozen of heads
that are brought to any public town meeting six pence in
the next town rate."
In 1654, in the same town it was enacted that a person
who killed a woodpecker or jay might receive one penny,
for killing a fox within the town's precincts one shilling
and six pence, and for a wolf ten shillings.
Laws were passed early by the towns with regard to the
fencing of these cornfields. Fence viewers or surveyors
were appointed who among other things, were to judge of
the sufficiency in case of damage and difference ; and the
time was sometimes specified at which the fence must be
cared for. In one instance mention is made "of good rails
well set three feet and one-half high or otherwise good
hedge well staked or such fences as would be an equiva
lent; the fences to be attended to by April 1st if the frost
give leave if not ten days' after."
It was also ordered by the same town that all the fences
that were in general fields should be shut up by the tenth
of May "or else to forfeit for every rod unfenced five shil-

Concord 187
lings." Ditches were sometimes made use of for fencing
purposes ; and there are now or were until recently in ter
ritory about Concord vestiges of old ditches upon uplands
where ditches for draining purposes were unnecessary. It
is not improbable that upon the ditch banks stakes were
set for additional protection.
But notwithstanding the difficulties attendant upon corn
culture, there remained for the farmer rich results and he
was greatly cheered as he patiently plodded through the
long, warm days of May and June, seeding, weeding and
hilling as he thought of the plenteous October harvest, of
its merry huskings and of well filled bins.

CHAPTER XX.
Goodman Baker's Husking Party — Colonial Corn
Fields — Invitations — Culinary Preparations —
Red Ears — Social Sports — Fireside Talk of the
Old Folks — Sign Seen by Betsey Billings — Origin
of New England witchcraft — Recital of Strange
Event by Simeon Slowgo — Story of Tilly Temple —
The Surprise — Early Judicial Attitude Toward
Witchcraft — Efforts of the Clergy for its Aboli
tion.
AS these huskings were great occasions let us suppose
that we attended one of them, and that the follow
ing description fairly represents one of these Fall
festivals.
It is in the East quarter, and the Great fields lie warm in
the dry October atmosphere. Partridges in full flocks
are shyly basking on their outskirts, and occasionally a red
deer ranges by the fence side as if furtively to snatch a stray
stalk. The plaintive call of the quail is here and there heard,
coaxing together its scared bood, which has become scat
tered by the swoop of a hen hawk. Over the meadows the
ducks fly. Nuts drop in the woods. Upon the nearer
tree-tops the crows caw as if prematurely lamenting the loss
of their feeding grounds, and the falling foliage of a thou
sand forest trees announces that the time has come for the
ingathering of the corn crop.
For several days the farmer has been busily at work
gathering in those concomitants of the corn fields, which in
his estimation almost as surely go with them as the husk
with the corn. There were the stooks of tall, tasseled
188

Concord 189
stalks, as fragrant when he cut them as flowers on a June
morning, and which have stood for weeks at the sides and
corners of the field like kind sentinels to guard things
within it ; the plump pumpkins with bright, golden rinds
giving promise of many pies ; and the dry bean heaps
whose pods bursting with their grinning contents bespeak
the Saturday supper and Sunday breakfast.
Besides these things that grew in and about the planting
field there were divers loads of white turnips, called also
English turnips whose green, outspreading leaves and
purple tops were still untinged by the frost, and which pro
fusely scattered throughout the whole cornfield indicated
how well the ground was utilized.
Several days before the one appointed for the husking
party, the corn had been cut and laid between the rows,
and from thence it had been thrown upon various teams
from the neighboring barns, which deposited it in Good
man Baker's yard, where we will suppose the husking was
to occur, and from which place the fodder and its rich
fruitage could be distributed.
Invitations to the party had been sent hither and yon
throughout the town, and from every direction on the night
appointed the people gathered. From the immediate vicin
ity there came the Rices, Foxes, Fletchers, Taylors and
Brookes, also the Meriams, Wheats, Farwells and Balls.
From the north quarter there came the Hunts, Temples,
Jonses and Browns ; the Barretts from the neighborhood
of Punkatassett ; the Buttricks from near the bridge ;
the Hosmers from their pleasant homestead to the west
ward and the Batemans from about the pond. From
the south quarter were the Hosmers, Deans, Potters and
Dakins, the Woodhouse family, the Bulkeleys, Strattons,
Billingses, Wigleys, and Woodses ; the Mileses . and
Wheelers were there from the Nine Acres ; the Gobbles
from the river bay ; and the Flint farms and Blood farms
and the territory about Concord village all had their repre
sentatives at this Fall festival.

1 90 Colonial
As each dismounted from saddle or pillion or jumped
from the ox cart or "hay riggin'," the animals were fastened
to a row of stakes which had been set behind the buildings
for the purpose.
For weeks, Goodman Baker knowing that his place had
been selected for the husking had been alive to all the
requirements of the coming occasion, and his home had
been a busy hive of willing and enthusiastic workers for
many evenings since the early frost began crisping and curl
ing the corn leaves. The woods had been scoured for
game, and the clink clonk of the mortar had been a familiar
sound for many evenings, while good wife Baker and the
boys pounded cloves and coriander seed, caraway, savory
and sage, that all might be in readiness when the merry
"mixing time" came, and the rich sauces and gravies were
to be prepared.
Several mornings previous to the day appointed for the
husking the large brick oven had been made ablaze, and by
mid-forenoon was well filled with loaves and puddings and
pies. The broad boards of every floor had been scoured and
sanded, and everything not to be used had been set aside
from the old garret whither the modest might flee to avoid
the forfeit upon the finding of a red ear, to the shelves in
the arch of the cellar, to which the elders. might resort to
sample Goodman Baker's choice cordials.
When the day came, everything was ready. The cider
barrel had been "hossed up" in the dooryard, beside a
bountiful pile of "eating apples." The corn heap had been
pierced here and there with pitch-forks and stout poles
upon which to fasten the tin lanterns, and sundry milking
stools and logs had been arranged at convenient intervals
as seats for the huskers.
The evening began with steady work, which was mainly
performed by the younger and more nimble of the party.
Back in the shadows sat the grave old men comparing the

Concord 191
year's crop with former ones and wondering why the pre
sent is so different from the past in many things.
As the pile perceptibly diminished the work began to
flag, and as the boys saw the end of it they grew mischiev
ous. It was not long however before the work was broken
in upon by the discovery of a red ear which was found by
Sam Smeadley. No sooner was it seen than a flurry set in
and each person braced himself for what was to follow;
some ran, but more stood their ground, and if any escaped
the person was chased till caught and the forfeit paid.
Many were the red ears found during the evening, but
whether kind nature had favored the common planting
fields of the East quarter with an unusual number, or the
boys had sureptitiously brought them from other places we
cannot say, but that husking party was long remembered,
and the old men said, over their cider mugs, that "for red
ears Farmer Baker's husking was the beater."
In two or three hours the husking was finished and the
supper was eaten ; the young people repaired to the cham
bers to engage in games, and the elders, grouped about the
sitting room fire, talked of olden times and reviewed the
leading events since the settlement started, and told who
had come and who had gone.
In consequence of a remark made by Betsey Billings
about a sign which she said she saw in the sparks, conver
sation turned upon the subject of the supernatural ; and
personal experiences of a curious nature were related, some
of which but for the good character of the narrators and
the tendency of the times might have been doubted.
It is true society had not reached that state of credulity
and fanatical frenzy which existed toward the last of the
century, and there had been but few instances of witch trials
in this country ; but the belief in witchcraft and devil deal
ing had already set in and supposed alliances with evil
agencies were not uncommon ; so that the conversation of
the plain people of this East quarter husking party was
only representative of a sentiment too generally prevailing;

192 Colonial
and when, in order to catch every syllable of old Wigley,
when he described what he saw and heard on a late even
ing while passing the three graves at Witch end, the people
leaned toward him lest they miss something, they only ex
pressed the common avidity for grewsome subjects.
It mav be well here to consider how this came about and
the responsible cause of it. This tendency of the times
was not born but brought here.
The colonists have been too often and too harshly criti
cised for things which, although they fostered, they did not
originate. There was more than old furniture and curious
bric-a-brac from far off manor houses, and heirlooms of
ancient date, and traditions of heraldry confirmed by an
tique coats of arms, that came to these shores in the "Harp
ers," the "Halcyons" and the "Hopes," ships and brigs of
good repute and wise masters ; there were superstitions,
and false conceptions of demonology, and dismal beliefs in
possible alliance with "familiars." These existed, though
in embryo, and were ready to develop on easy occasion;
and easy occasions were frequent. The soil of New Eng
land was a congenial one. The dark forests, the wild
morasses, the lone pond shores, the long and deserted
ocean beaches, the crumbling and scrawny ledges where
lurked suspicious shadows, these all with the voices of the
wilderness were like deft and dutiful nursery maids or over
indulgent foster parents quick to promote what had better
been prevented. But these conditions and agencies would
never have produced spontaneously the grewsome beliefs
and practices that so deeply and darkly stained the closing
decades of the 17th century.
What was then developed was but an imitation of what
many times over had occured in Old England, and although
British writers may still turn in their study of witchcraft
to this continent, and notwithstanding the town of Salem
may still be the synonym for, and suggestive of, all that is
classic on the subject, yet not Salem nor the combined
boroughs of the entire country can show a record of court

Concord 1 93
cruelty on account of witch conviction in any way compar
able with the English tribunals.
The colonists came to America as pupils from an ancient
school, and they practiced here what they had been taught
to believe elsewhere. It is not to be wondered at then if
Delilah Dean thought her churn was bewitched because the
eows browsed in Betsey Balcom's back yard, since Bess was
considered a witch. But it might be wondered at had not
Goody Dean's grandfather informed her that on one occa
sion in old Yorkshire the kine had come home with dry
udders because the woman who lived on the hillside by his
master's manor house had cursed the herd and said it
should go barren. Again, why should not Sol. Stratton
say he saw something, and everybody believe what he said,
when old Smithson, Sol's uncle, had frequently told him
and all the people also that when he lived on the Dorset
downs in the Old Country he was warned not to gather
fagots from the bewitched hedgerow lest the smoke tarnish
whatever it touch.
After the company had listened to the recital of several
strange things by old Simson Slowgo as to what he had
seen in his day before coming to Concord, for he was late
there, having but recently come from down country to fol
low the trade of an itinerant shoemaker, they turned their
conversation to things about home. Several spoke of un
usual appearances recently seen near the river, which, by
the description, were similar to the one seen by Goodmen
Heywood and Barrett on the evening of our excursion on
Parson Bulkeley's boat.
One incident that especially interested the company was
told by Jeduthan Jones, Squire Flint's hired man, an out-
lander who had gotten into town without anyone being
responsible for him ; but as Jed had proved good help he
was allowed to stay, although it was said "his word should
be taken with a leetle keer." The incident was about a
strange creature that he saw down at Cranberry Crossing by
the brick kiln. The company at once recognized in the

1 94 Colonial
animal what was known as the spectral wolf which it was
asserted was the "familiar" of Sarah Doubleday, an old
grandam who once lived at Bogbottom.
This beast had prowled all over Concord, carrying away
shoates and calves, and even milking cows. So exceptional
was his nature that the usual means of thwarting witches
were in his case unavailing ; and when Bray Wilmot, a
Welshman, nailed a couple of horseshoes over his henhouse
he lost not only his hens but the shoes ; the latter having
been wrenched off, as was supposed, by the spectral wolf,
which, by the "disportation" of Sarah, had been made im
mune from either enchantment by horseshoes or harm from
silver shot; moreover the mystery was increased upon
finding the horseshoes later, on Jake Flin's old mare, an
animal that some said was as much bewitched as the wolf,
since it had been seen in various lone localities under sus
picious circumstances.
It proved a surprise to hear from the spectral animal, for
he had not been seen, it was said, since Lemuel Loker over
at Sudbury tried to shoot it and by mistake hit Jake Flin.
Lem had lost several pullets and a couple of cocks and
naturally laid it to the white wolf, as he was sometimes
called, for it was supposed he could take all colors.
After this last loss, it was stated by those present, for
Lemuel was not there, as he lived out of town, that he
delivered himself of some very strong language, so strong
that his wife rebuked him ; and with great emphasis he
declared that he "would capter that wolf ef it cost him
suthin, pervided he could do it at a safe distance, for he
didn't care to deal with Sarah with bare hands." "So,"
continued Hilkiah Heald who was relating it, "Lem sliced
up an old spoon, it was a silver one, and arter breakin' it
up inter bits and rounding 'em over, he put a pooty stiff
charge of powder in his snaphance and the bits over it, and
then lay down behind the lalock bushes and waited. Well,
about midnight Lem heered suthin and fired at it and it
fell, and as he went to look at it he found he had shot Jake

Concord 195
Flin. He hadn't injured him much, for Jake's coat, which
was made of wolf skin, kept the shot out, but he was ter
ribly scared and somewhat jarred, and when asked how it
happened that he was there, Jake said he was out arter the
specter wolf which had jest stole his fowls. When Lem
saw the coat he didn't wonder much at his mistake, for he
said it looked for the whole world like the wolf which he
got a glimpse of round the corner when he lost the horse
shoes." It is unnecessary to state that after the shooting of Jake
Flin by Lem Loker the people of Concord were no longer
pestered by the spectral wolf, for Jacob Flin left the poul
try business.
After the narration of incidents, the methods of detect
ing witches was discussed, and the making discovery of such
as practiced the black arts or were allied with "familiars."
One way suggested was to ascertain if any relative had
ever been suspected of being a witch. Another was to
look for the "witch mark," which might be a mole or any
irregular growth, or perhaps some slight deformity, not
enough of itself to be a mark but only as taken with other
things. To accuse one of dealing with the devil and
receiving in response no denial was suspicious and to do
one harm by well-known witch methods was a bad symp
tom. When it came to stories of apparitions such as were sup
posed to stalk about ancient burial places it was noticeable
that those who were sitting in the back part of the room
hitched nearer to the fireside. Someone also got up and
closed the cellar door, which a few moments before had
sprung open without anyone knowing the reason, for Good-
wife Baker said she knew she buttoned it when she brought
up the last pail of cider.
As the subject of apparitions was talked about each
speaker grew somewhat subdued in his manner of narra
tion, and the hearers bunched together as if the last hand-

1 96 Colonial
ful of chips that was thrown on the back log did not suffi
ciently warm them.
Just as the group were in the midst of a story told by
Tilly Temple, in which she was relating how Peg Wil-
loughby, a new comer, concocted a mixture of dragon leaf
and swamp adder root with which she tried to charm Felix
Fox's cows in order that she might stealthily milk them,
and how, in order to prevent it Felix consulted an old
grandam down at the slough, a large lug bar which had
long been braced across the chimney ledges, but not lately
used, because the Bakers had a crane, having become
weakened by the unusual fires of the husking party, sud
denly dropped, bearing with it a couple of jib cakes, a
hook and a dislodged brick. In its fall it struck upon a
dish kettle hanging on the crane half full of water, and
upsetting it emptied its contents upon the glowing back-log
which, being struck by the falling lug bar, rolled down
upon the cider pail and upset it.
A dense cloud of hissing steam and flying ashes quickly
filled the apartment and shrieks issued from every quarter.
The two dogs, Fleck and Towser at the same time set up
a cry, the one a long howl, the other several sharp whines
and for a moment it was as if Peg Willoughby's witch
broth had been poured down the chimney, which some
thought was the case. The tumult being heard in the
chamber above, where the games were going on, brought
down the young people, who only added to the confusion.
When order was restored it was found that no serious
damage had been done, except the spotting of several cali-
manco gowns.
Goodman Bateman said he "guessed he'd go as the hour
was getting a little late and he had got to ride clean over
the river to the North part and pooty nigh the spot where
Sim Slowgo saw the wolf." Upon this suggestion Pete
Potter surprised the company by saying he was certain it
was late, for, said he, "I have tarned that hour glass nigh
agin five times sence the moon passed the quarter mark on

Concord 197
the door post." In a half hour the house was still and
nothing was to be heard but the occasional rattle of the
cows' walnut bows and the barking of a small Indian dog
down at the Dean place, where some wolves were trying to
get at the shoates.
It may be here observed that the selectmen warned Peg
Willoughby out of town the day following and broke up
the bough house where she simmered her noxious herbs.
As we have now set forth the common belief in witch
craft and in the supernatural generally in colonial times, by
the supposititious conversation and conduct of the old
folks at the East quarter husking party, we will observe
that the view on this subject as entertained by the laity was
perhaps more strongly entertained by the professional class.
Ministers and magistrates were alike deluded. The fact
of bedevilment was assumed by the pulpit, and the judges
at the bench charged jurors in the laying down of rules for
the weighing of evidence in the case of witchcraft with the
same confidence as in cases of theft or assault. It is thought
probable that the judges of the Province Court sought to
employ in the Province laws the rules and practice which
had been employed at the Colonial Court in Salem, and
the judges who presided over that court were reappointed,
William Stoughton, Esq., being chosen chief justice. In
the works of Rev. Cotton Mather on subjects relating to
the marvelous, doings as strange as those related around
Goodman Baker's fireside were set forth. Among other
supposed manifestations of witch power he mentions per
sons afflicted with "sore paynes" and "vomiting" and "fre
quent swooning." He gives an instance of a child being
"lame on one side and then on the other," and of some
times pretending to see mice. He states that on one occa
sion the child catching a mouse threw it upon the fire,
whereupon it snapped like gunpowder. He said that
several standing by saw the flash, but only the child saw
the mouse. In speaking of witch marks he intimated
they might be caused by the devil touching the person ;

198 Colonial
that these marks were insensible, and upon being pricked
would not bleed, and that they were sometimes bluish and
sometimes red. Among the ways of testing witches which
he referred to were the being heard speaking to their
"familiar" or telling what they have done, or telling of their
"transportations," or being seen with their spirits or feeding
their imps.
But it should be said to the credit of the colonial clergy
that the witchcraft delusion which ran its course before the
century closed was dissipated as much perhaps by their
efforts and influences as by all other agencies combined.
Its cessation may have had its beginning in the attitude of
the Mathers, who while they stood ready to coincide with
the judiciary in the correctness of witch conviction upon
proper evidence, yet considered it a cruely and a great trav
esty of justice to make use of some of the evidence which
was admissible in the courts of England, or to abide by
such principles and precedents as were sanctioned by them.
While they believed as did Sir William Blackstone, who
wrote his commentaries about three-quarters of a century
later, that demoniacal possession was a possibility and scrip
tural, yet they believed the devil and not his victims should
be held responsible. Rev. Increase Mather declared it to
be unlawful to use herbs to keep off the evil spirits, and
he disparaged the curing of diseases by means of charms,
saying that they who obtained health in that way had it
from the devil. He considered white witches who pre
tended to cure in that way as bad as black ones, and a good
witch as bad as a bad one. He said "Balaam was a black
witch and Simon Major a white one, but the latter did
more hurt by his cures than the former by his curses."
He took a decided issue with the English courts of the
time, which held that "If a specter practicing diabolical
molestations appeared to anyone it was conclusive and legal
evidence that the person so represented was a witch," which
theory was accepted by Sir Matthew Hale and adopted at
the Salem trials. The attitude of the Boston ministers was

Concord 199
that the devil himself and not the person accused caused
the representations.
In 1692, Rev. Increase Mather wrote a work at the
request of the ministers of Boston, which was published in
this country and also in England, the object of which was
to show the illegality and wrong of using spectral testimony
which was used at the Salem trials. The preface to this
work was written by Samuel Willard and signed by four
teen ministers, who made the following statement: "That
there are devils and witches the scriptures assert and expe
rience confirms ; they are the common enemies of mankind
set upon mischief. But certainly the more execrable the
crime is, the more critical care is to be used in the exposing
of the names, liberties and lives of men (especially of a
godly conversation) to the imputation of it." Mather said :
"I declare and testify that to take away the lives of any one
merely because a specter or devil in a bewitched or accused
person does accuse them will bring the guilt of innocent
blood on the land." He maintained that the oath and tes
timony of confessed witches and of persons possessed
should never be received, and that a trial for witchcraft
ought to be conducted by the same law and rules of evi
dence as a trial for murder, burglary or any other felony.
If the Mathers and the other ministers here referred to
were representatives of their profession at this period they
were more than abreast of the judiciary and the laity, and
far in advance of English law generally.

CHAPTER XXI.
Return to the East quarter — Forest Ride — Game
Birds — Goodwife Hartwell' s Kitchen — Cooking by
the Fireplace — Evening talk of the Farm Folks —
Laws Relative to Domestic Animals — Historic
Sketch of Hartwell Family — Visit at Home of Con
stable Thomas Brooks — His Official Duties — Rules
Relative to Colonial Dress — Homestead of Good
man William Hunt — Early Military Matters —
History of the Hunt Family.
TO return now to our original narration, after the
bag was replaced and Farmer Hartwell was re
seated there was no further interruption to our
journey ; it was jolt after jolt all the way ; but we
rather enjoyed it, for the swaying of the ox cart was some
what soothing, and our slow pace gave us an opportunity
to see the birds. In one instance a wild turkey ran before
us with a surprising fleetness ; upon expressing our surprise
we were informed that this was a means of their safety, for
on the wing they were heavy, the largest specimens weigh
ing forty or fifty pounds. In a moist hollow by the road
side we flushed several woodcocks. Upon inquiring if they
were flight birds we were told they were ; and that there
were also plenty of natives ; that they nested near every
runway and spring hole, and that the corn fields in low
places were full of their borings.
As we approached a reach in the road several wood
ducks whistled over us, and we learned that their nests
were made in the woods adjacent to the meadows and that
when their young were full fledged they carried them to
the water in their bills.
200

HOME OF HENRY D. THOREAU AT WALDEN POND

Concord 201
Emerging from the forest into a sunny opening, where
Farmer Farwell had a small patch of Guinea wheat, there
arose from it a flock of purple grackles ; and so large was
it that we could easily understand why a bounty was placed
upon them, for as they alighted on a large oak they almost
covered it and the overflow settling on a willow caused it
to bend like a reed.
When we reached Goodman Hartwell's home his wife
and children were at the door looking for us, having heard
the rattle of our cart in the distance, and soon we had en
tered and were seated at the dinner table. The afternoon
was mostly spent in one of the front rooms chatting
about matters pertaining to the East quarter, for the pre
diction of the wild ducks about the weather had proven
true and the rain was now beating against the east windows.
At early twilight Goodwife Hartwell set about preparing
the supper ; and as we .heard her clinking the tongs against
the andirons while she pulled from underneath them the
hard wood coals which during the afternoon she had taken
care to have in readiness, the desire seized us to see a meal
cooked by a fireplace. The wish was no sooner expressed
than Goodman Hartwell led us into the kitchen and seated
us close by the wood box, where we could see everything.
The sparks ascended thickly from beneath the long, stout
crane, the tea-kettle hummed, and the steam gracefully as
cended among the various objects that were pendent above
the mantlepiece upon a pole stretched over it ; and every
now and then as there fell upon the fire a few rain drops,
which had been driven by the blast down the chimney,
there was a hissing and sputtering as if the coals were con
versing with the storm sprites.
Amid all this snugness, Goodwife Hartwell was busily
"plying her evening care ;" being at the outset of her work
particularly engaged with a plump ball of rye dough which
she was stirring and patting in a wooden bread trough or
tray in an earnest endeavor to mix the ash and butter-milk
which she had poured into it to make it rise. When the

202 Colonial
dough had been thoroughly stirred she scraped it into a
compact little heap, being careful to leave nothing on the
tray ; and after cutting it in halves, deftly slipped one part
into a frying pan and the other upon an iron disc the size
of a bucket top, which she set on edge and tipped slightly
towards the coals. The frying pan after covering she
placed on the longest hook of the crane, saying as she did
so that she usually cooked shortcake in that manner, but
thought we might like to see it done both ways.
While the cakes were baking Goodwife Hartwell brought
in a jack and a spit, informing us that this was used in
cooking meat, the jack turning the spit so that it would
"do evenly."
As we were company there was "boughten" tea that
evening, instead of the usual malted beverage, and in place
of the usual wooden trenchers we had pewter plates of a
pattern that showed that Jazen cam,e of a good family, for
she said she brought them with her from England.
Grace was asked before eating, and thanks returned after
wards, forcibly reminding us of the poet Burns' beautiful
picture of "The Cotter's Saturday Night."
After supper we sat about the fireplace and talked while
the children popped corn and cracked nuts, and the rain
ran down the east window pane. The corn they popped
in the ashes, occasionally stirring it ; the nuts they cracked
on the stone hearth.
In the course of the evening Nathaniel Ball came in and
soon after Thomas Brooks, for they lived near. Nathaniel
Ball wanted some garget for a sick cow, and Thomas
Brooks brought back a couple of cart ladders which he had
borrowed. The room was savory with the roasting of a spare-rib
which Goodwife Hartwell was getting in readiness for the
men folks' dinner next day, as she was to attend a quilting
at Farmer Miles'. The smell of the pork suggested some
queries respecting the raising of swine, which we had seen
frequently running at large by the roadside and in pasture

Concord 203
places. We learned that! swine were of great importance to
the settlers. They were not only prolific, but at certain
seasons could subsist on the abundant acorn mast with
which the woods abounded. They also fed upon ground
nuts and succulent roots and wild cherries and berries. At
some seasons they were restrained from running at large ;
and at town meeting in Concord and towns adjacent, laws
were enacted to regulate them, of which the following are
specimens :
"In 1 641, it was ordered that every one that keeps any
hogs more than his own within one fortnight after this day
shall rid them out of this town, only that for every hog
that shall be taken in to be kept by any one more than his
own, for every week shall pay five shillings."
In 1643, it was ordered "That every inhabitant should
drive out his hog every morning into the wood, and when
they come home at night to see them shut up safe, or else,
if they be about the street, to ring and yoke them."
In 1648, it was voted in town meeting "That every
swine that should be found of every man out of his own
property without a sufficient yoke and ring, after the first
of March next the owner thereof shall forfeit for every
swine so taken one shilling, and if the swine be yoked and
not ringed or ringed and not yoked then six pence for any
swine so taken, beside all the damage done by any such
swine." It was also " Agreed that all yokes should be
under the throat of the swine, and so long as the swine was
high, and a rope go up on each side to be fastened above,
and that swine should not be accounted sufficiently ringed
if they could root."[
In 1643, it was ordered by the freemen of the town*
" that all the cattle within this town shall this summer not
be turned abroad without a keeper, and the keeper shall
not keep any of the herd in any of the great river meadows
from Bridle point downwards towards Concord." The in
tent of the order was to preserve the river meadows.

204 Colonial
In 1655, it was ordered that "All young new weaned
_calves shall be herded all the summer time/j
In the town of Concord there appeared to be a separate
territory assigned to the swine, when under restraint during
planting time. This territory was in the vicinity of Con
cord Junction, near Annursnuc hill, and is known in the
records as the " hog pen " and "hog pen walk." After the
crop was gathered these animals were allowed to run at
large, provided there was placed upon them an ear-mark,
so called ; so that each settler might know his own swine
and be held responsible for their mischief. The Indians
were not allowed to mark their swine, and if they sold any
pork they were to bring the hog's ear with it. In the rec
ords mention is repeatedly made of the " hog pen walk" ;
and in the land divisions this territory was held as a reser
vation.' rThe hill Annursnuc is one of the highest three
4n the" town of Concord. Its name is supposed to mean the
same as Quinnursnuck, which signifies pestle, from the fact
that rocks such as the Indians made their mortars and
pestles of were found there. (Mr. Davis, Plymouth, Mass.)
It is said that porphyry, of which arrow heads were made,
was found there alsqj
After the neighbors had departed Goodman Hartwell
related to us some of his family history ; and as this and
that of his numerous descendants has long been identified
with the annals of Concord, we will give a brief outline of
it. According to Densmore, the historian of the Hartwell
family, William and Jazen Hartwell came to America prob
ably about 1635 or 1636. It is supposed William was
about 23 years of age when he went to Concord, and in
1642 he was made a freeman ot the Massachusetts Bay
Colony. He was one of the town's original grantees and a
most estimable citizen, holding office and serving on im
portant committees. He had a large family and his
descendants are widely scattered throughout the country,
many of whom are holding responsible positions. He died

Concord 205
March 12, 1690, aged 77. His wife died August 5, 1695.
In his will he mentioned among his children, John, Samuel,
Sarah, and Mary. The following are the earliest vital
statistics relating to the family in this country, and these
have been preserved among the colonial archives :
" John, the sonne of William Hartwell, was born the
23-12-1640. " Samuel, son of William and Jasan Hartwell, borne
26-1-45. " Martha, daughter of William and Jassin Hartwell, the
29^-2-1649." It is not known where William Hartwell was buried.
As has been stated, his house* was situated on the " Old ~
Bay road " leading from Concord to Lexington, and was
about a mile more or less from the public square. His
original house lot consisted of nine acres, and was near the
eastern boundary of property lately owned by the originator
of the famous Concord grape. His subsequent land pos
sessions were large. At the time when a disturbance arose
because of titles, and a committee was chosen to adjust land
matters at their discretion, William Hartwell was allowed
247 acres, which were in three separate lots. It is thought
that all his children were born in Concord.'
Bright and early on the morning following the night
spent at William Hartwell's we started for the farm house
of Constable Thomas Brooks. Crossing over the field we
observed one of the ditches which were used for fencing.
We saw by the size of the stubble within the enclosure that
the corn stalks which grew upon it were very large ; we also
pulled up several turnips and found the quality good, which
satisfied us they were raised on comparatively new land, or
that which had lately been broken up, disabusing us of the
theory that only old Indian fields were planted by the
settlers. We heard above us the scream of an eagle and the honk
of some wild geese flying southward ; and as we suddenly
saw through the cold gray of the thick mist, for the wind

206 Colonial
had become easterly, a barley stack a little back of Constable
Brooks' barn, which through the fog looked larger than
ever before, there flew from it several brant which had
alighted there the night before in the storm and were forag
ing on the unthreshed grain.
We soon came to the house which was the second erected
on the spot, the owner, like others of the hamlet^ having
years before exchanged the little log shelter for one more
substantial of frame work.
We met Constable Brooks with a small shepherd dog
turning the sheep into the pasture lane, leaving the dog for
their sole keeper during the day, and to bring them home
by night-fall at his master's call.
Our host was right glad to meet us, as he stated, because
our conversation on several subjects the night before was
interrupted for want of time, and moreover he said his good
wife, after seeing us at the meeting house, had many things
to say about the Sunday training of children in things
religious. As Constable Brooks had several duties to attend to
that day that could not be put off, he invited us to go with
him; and he had in the barn an extra horse which he had
brought over from Joshua Wheeler's, thinking we would be
glad to accompany him about Concord town in the perform
ance of his official duties.
It was nearly mid-forenoon when we rode out of the door
yard, Farmer Brooks with his wife seated on a pillion
behind him on one horse, and we on the other. Goodwife
Brooks was going with us as far as Parson Bulkeley's, where
she was to join a party going to the quilting.
Behind us upon our horse were thrown a couple of saddle
bags in which were put, among other things, " Fox's Book
of Martyrs," which he had borrowed of the parson and was
now returning, and a string of plump, pink sausages as a
present. By this time the day had become beautiful, the
sun which had burned through the fog now shone brightly,
and the glint of the moisture from the late rain upon the

Concord 207
fallen leaves and mossy tree trunks looked gorgeous, and
everything had the clean, still, and suggestive appearance of
an October day after a storm.
Our animals were far from being fast, but jogged along
with the motion of veritable plow horses as they were, and
it was past noon when we rode over the north bridge and
entered the lane leading to Goodman Hunt's in the north
quarter, after having left Goodwife Brooks and the contents
of the saddle bags at the parsonage.
Among the duties performed by Constable Brooks that
day was the warning of Richard Rambler out of town ; he
having gotten into Concord without a sponsor in case he
or his family should become a public charge ; and what
made the case more aggravated was that the selectmen of
Watertown had warned him away on at least two occa
sions, and when he at last left there and came to Concord
he had taken another person with him who was as much
given to idleness as himself, and who withal was profane and
used lewd language and was considered a little light-
fingered and given to beer. Another service had been to
notify two parties who had presumed to dress with undue
regard to colonial law, which forbade vain display in per
sonal dress, that they should be more circumspect and
leave off some of their flummery and furbelows, and take
less pains about their Sunday head-dress.
As we rode along we made some inquiry as to the laws
regulating dress ; and for substance the following were
some of them :
In 1634, it was enacted in view of "some new and
immodest fashions, that no person, either man or woman,
shall hereafter make or buy any apparel, either woolen, silk
or linen, with any lace on it, silver, gold, silk, or thread,
under the penalty of forfeiture of such clothes ; also, that
no person, either man or woman shall make or buy any
slashed clothes other than one slash in each sleeve, and
another in the back ; also all cutworks, embroidered or
needlework caps, bands and rails are forbidden hereafter to

208 Colonial
be made and worn under the aforesaid penalty ; also all gold
or silver girdles, hat bands, belts, ruffs, beaver hat, are pro
hibited to be bought and worn hereafter under the aforesaid
penalty." A few years later a law was made against "short
sleeves whereby the nakedness of the arm might be discov
ered in the wearing thereof," "sleeves more than half a
yard wide in the widest place thereof," "immodest great
breeches, knot of ribbon, broad shoulder bands and rails,
silk rases, double ruffs and cuffs."
In 1 561, the General Court enacted that if a man was not
worth two hundred pounds, he should not wear gold or
silver lace or buttons or points at the knees, and women
holding a less property than this were forbidden to wear silk
or tiffany hood scarfs. The same year the court put upon
record as the occasion of the law, "its utter detestation and
dislike that men or women of mean condition should take
upon themselves the garb of gentlemen."
From our observation of Constable Brooks' day's work,
we learned that the office of constable was an important
one, and that it was with propriety that after being chosen
by the town he was sworn in by officers of the colonial
government. At one place he collected fifteen shillings
and six pence for the use of the town of Concord from a
person who had brought in a stranger presumed to be of a
questionable character, this being the usual amount per
week required in such cases.
He also stopped at the house of one Loren Little and
censured him in behalf of the town for "taking in and har
boring" Dothan Doolittle, who, common report said, was
of "a vicious nature and had an evil tongue." The last
official acts of the day were to stop at the meeting house
and fasten to one of the hitching trees a couple of wolf
pates, which Samuel Smedley had sent up ; and post upon
the door the notice of a marriage in place of the one which
the rain had soaked off; and to "right up" a mort stone
by Sorrel lane which had been leaning a little since the last
heavy corpse was laid upon it.

Concord 209
As we passed into the North quarter we soon arrived at
Goodman Hunt's. His house was a model one for the
times, being of convenient proportions and so situated as to
catch every sunbeam and having no isolated best room on
the north side. As we walked in we found dinner awaiting
us, for the household had been apprised of our coming by
Goodman Buttrick, who lived a little below and had come
up to bring a letter which had been brought up from
Watertown and left with him for delivery. After dinner
we repaired to a shed where some men were hatchelling flax,
about the first which had been raised in Concord for a com
mercial purpose. As there was in one corner a triangular
fireplace, we seated ourselves before it and talked and whit
tled until the sun shining through the windows showed that
it was about time we were starting home.
During the afternoon, part of our conversation was on
military matters ; and as the subject was an important one
in those days, we will relate some facts concerning the mili
tary history of Concord in its first century. 'Almost all j>
able-bodied men except ministers and magistrates were fur- ,
nished with arms and ammunition, and expected to be present
and drill on stated occasions. They were also required to
go on expeditions and scoutings if necessary, and to stand
in readiness for "watch and ward." So invariable was this
rule that it waj> necessary to apply to the General Court for .
exemptions/The officers of a company consisted of captain,
lieutenant, ensign, and four sergeants. A regiment had a
field officer called a sergeant-major, and over them all was a,
major-generaLl 'The commissioned officers carried swords,
or leading staves and pistols : they were elected by the mem
bers of the company and approved by the General Court.
The sergeants bore halberds ; the common soldiers were
armed with matchlock or firelock muskets and had horns
and pouches for powder and ball ; sometimes a forked stick
was carried to steady their aim. Officers were required to
be church members, and the military exercises were pre
ceded or followed bv prayer. Sometimes a military election \
V

J

•:

2 1 o Colonial
vwas the occasion for doing the civil business of the townj
|As early as 1636, Sergeant Willard was appointed to exer
cise the military company at Concord and was commissioned
captain in 1646, at which time Timothy Wheeler was made
ensign. Mr. Willard served as captain fifteen years. In
1 671, Ensign Wheeler was made captain, Thomas Hindi-
man lieutenant, and Henry Woodis quartermaster. Two
years afterwards Woodis was made cornet and Corporal
William Hartwell was appointed quartermaster. After the
death of the old Indian fighter, Wheeler, Thomas Hinch-
man was made captain and John Flint lieutenant. In
1677, Peter Bulkeley was appointed captain. July 2, 1689,
James Minot was elected captain, Simon Davis lieutenant,
and Humphrey Barrett ensign. About a year after the
close of Philip's War the military force of Concord con
sisted of upwards of 1 50 men, besides some enlistments in
a horse company. Nov. 6, 1689, it was ordered by the
representatives "that the foot company of Concord having
250 men be divided into two companies.'^]
The afternoon passed quickly at Goodman Hunt's, and
there were so many things to talk about that it was late be
fore he said anything about his family history ; a subject
which, if not introduced voluntarily, we were quite apt to
inquire about, especially when we called upon an original
grantee of the first quarter century ; only a few facts how
ever were elicited concerning the Concord Hunts, but from
other sources we have received the following information :
William Hunt was in Concord as early as 1640, and be
came a freeman in 1641. He died in Marlboro, Oct.,
1667, leaving an estate of ^496 and children named Nehe-
miah, Isaac, William, Elizabeth, Hannah and Samuel. He
was born in 1605, and married Elizabeth Best, who died in
1 66 1. While in Marlboro he married Mercie Heard Rice,
widow of Edmund Rice, in 1664. The Hunt family has
been a prominent one in Concord, and in the adjoining
towns of Acton and Sudbury. Those in the former
town are descendants of William ; and of these was

Concord 211
Simon Hunt, Captain of a company in the 3d Regiment of
Massachusetts militia in the Revolutionary war. Those in
the latter town are in part descendants of William, and in part
of Robert Hunt, who came from Charlestown, or of Isaac
Hunt, a blacksmith, who came from Cambridge and early
settled in the Lanham district, owning at one time about
four hundred acres on Pelham's Island. The old house,
built tradition says about 1750, is still standing about a
half mile from Heard's (Pelham's) pond.
Nehemiah Hunt, son of William, who has been called
" Lord of Punkatassett," lived on the estate bought by his
father of Rev. Peter Bulkeley ; which estate has been owned
and occupied in recent years by his descendant, William
H. Hunt.
The following is the only mention of the Hunt family
among the vital statistics of the town of Concord down to
1654: "Hannah, the daughter of Wm. Hunt, was borne 12
(12) 1640."

CHAPTER XXII.
Visit at Goodman William Buttrick's — His History
— Situation of his House — Reflections upon a pro
spective Wedding — r Historic Sketch of Thomas
Brooks — Curious Laws and Customs relative to
marriage — Bachelors, Match Making, Widowers
— Wedding Gifts — Attend "Lecture Day" Service
— Its Nature and Importance — Religious Charac
ter of the Colonists — Care of the Poor — Visit
at the home of Goodman Richard Rice.
AS we were about starting on our return to the East
quarter, Thomas Bateman drove into the yard, and
leaving his horse to feed at will, stepped to the door
and stated that there was to be a meeting of the land com
mittee at Goodman William Buttrick's that evening for the
adjustment of some matters relative to boundary lines ; and
that he called to notify Constable Brooks, who was one of
the committee, and also to request us to be present.
Here let us pause and briefly notice some facts about
this estimable family, which has long been conspicuously
connected with the history of Concord.
/ William Buttrick came from England to America in
1635, on tne sh'P Susan and Ellen, in company with Rev.
Peter Bulkeley and Thomas Brooke. He embarked from
London, May 9, 1635, and was in Concord at its begin
ning. His English home was at Kingston-on-the-Thames
in Surrey.
When he came to this country he was probably about
twenty years old, since in 1684, when he deposed concern
ing the purchase of the township from the Indians he
212

THOREAU'S COVE AT WALDEN POND.

3

Concord 213
declared himself sixty-eight. He served many years in the
town militia as Sergeant, and when sixty-five years of age
petitioned the Court to be exempt from further military
duty. He married for his first wife Sarah Bateman, who
died in 1664. He died June 30, 1696. His descendants
are of illustrious memory. Among them was Major John
Buttrick of the Middlesex yeomanry in 1775, whose grave
stone in the Hill burying ground sets forth his estimable
character and distinguished services.
The homestead of William Buttrick was situated on the
west bank of Concord river upon the upland, an eighth or
a quarter of a mile from the North bridge, where he could
look down upon the spring floods as they sometimes
spread themselves far out over the low meadows ; and
where, to the south-westward, he could see the smoke
wreaths curling upwards from the snug homes of the Will
ards, Busses, Woodses and Hosmers. 7 „¦¦''
At the northerly the Barretts had built, and far over the
marsh, as the broadening river flowed downward towards
the Blood farm and Winthrop grant was a country broken
by scant settlements.
It is easy to suppose that on account of their early
acquaintance and because they had sailed the seas together,
a peculiar neighborliness should exist between the two
townsmen, Brooks and Buttrick, and that whenever either
was in the other's quarter he should visit him ; and that
often they should meet together with Parson Bulkeley in
each other's homes and talk over what they had seen and
known of things abroad. There is also every reason to
believe that the Batemans were frequent callers at the But
trick home for kinship's sake, and that altogether there was
about this rural manor house an air of sociability and com
fortableness not surpassed in the Musketequid plantation.
The " committee of nine " all came except two, who, as
they lived a a considerable distance, were doubtless de
tained by thj storm which towards sunset had again set in
with a prospect of continuing till morning.

214 Colonial
It was a pleasant and cozy scene as around that even
ing fireside the group sat, while the sparks snapped briskly,
and with an unusual activity chased each other over the
old crane.
The east wind blew up from the meadows ; the big rain
drops pelted against the small diamond-shaped window
panes, and sometimes a tiny stream ran under the door, until
Goodwife Buttrick threw against it a husk mat.
But little cared we for the storm, housed warmly as we
were and our "cattle," and with the assurance of clean,
soft couches in case the storm continued so as to render a
return that night to the East quarter unwise ; moreover,
Constable Brooks had said there was no concern on his
part about his wife, as she was expecting to stop over night
at the Miles's in case the quilt was not finished.
In the morning we did not return to Constable Brooks',
but remained to go with the Buttrick family on the day fol
lowing to the wedding.
It was with regret that we bade Constable Brooks good
bye, and as he drove down the hill he called back to us and
said that a seat would be reserved for us beside him in the
meeting house next Sunday, and that if we would go home
with him after service, he and his wife would tell us about
the Sabbath catechumenical exercise ; a matter we were ex
ceedingly desirous of knowing about, for we thought by
what we had heard that it savored very much of a modern
Sunday school, and if so this was the first in the country.
After his departure we retired to the little chamber that
had been assigned us under the double gable whose end
window faced to the south, and there, as preliminary to the
marriage, we recalled whatever we knew of colonial customs
as they related to courtship and marriage and the condi
tions consequent upon remaining single. It was a fit time
for the consideration of such a subject, for the morning
was lovely, and we were reminded of the words of the
poet:

Concord 1 1 5
" Sweet day, so calm, so clear, so bright,
The bridal of the earth and sky,"
and these words together with the preparations which were
going on in the room below for the prospective wedding
lent a suggestiveness which was very helpful.
In fact things were in pleasant keeping one with another
on that bright autumnal morning, with its crisp white frost
and genial sunshine, and we thought if the beauty of a day
is an auspicious omen to those who are so near their bridal
hour, then the twain may be happy indeed.
We had talked about marriage customs the afternoon
previous, as we sat by the triangular-shaped fireplace in
Goodman Hunt's shop ; and as one of the tithing men
came in and conversed with the constable about an
especial espionage which they were keeping upon a
certain bachelor in the Shawshine district, who was acting
frivolously toward a giddy and flirtish maiden who occasion
ally rode over to Goodman Meriam's grocery store with a
pannier filled with eggs and dried apple, and who had
ordered the storekeeper to get her a " smartish gown "
when he went "below," we learned, upon intently listening,
about all there was of common or statute law on the sub
ject. It only remained, therefore, for us to put things
together on that bright morning.
Before doing this, however, let us notice a few facts
relative to the family record of our late host, Goodman
Thomas Brooks ; for our tarry with him and his house
hold had been a delightful one, and we had received in our
conversations with him much information that was useful.
Thomas Brooks, as we have stated, f came to America
from England in 1635, in the ship " Susan and Ellen,"
leaving London in company with Messrs. Buttrick and
Bulkeley, May 9th. He was one of the earliest settlers at
Concord, and through the long interim between then and
now, the name has passed along, with here and there some
one to make it exceptionally illustrious.
The common ancestor of the Brooks family in Concord,

216 Colonial
Shattuck says, was Capt. Thomas Brooks. But as Lin
coln, Acton, Bedford and Carlisle were once largely included
in this township, some of the inhabitants who have borne
the name in these towns may lay claim to the same honor
as those living in Concord. Thomas was made a freeman
in 1636. He was representative ten years. He died May
21, 1667; and his wife, Grace, died May 12, 1664. They
left children as follows : Joshua, Caleb, Gershom, Mary,
and probably, Thomas and John. Mary married Capt.
Timothy Wheeler of Concord. Caleb sold his estate at
Concord in 1670 and moved to Medford, and was the
ancestor of Governor John Brooks and Hon. Peter C.
Brooks. Joshua married Hannah, a daughter of Capt.
Hugh Mason of Watertown, an officer of Philip's war
fame, and was the ancestor of nearly all by the name of
Brooks in Concord and Lincoln, among whom was the late
Hon. George M. Brooks, a former Judge of Probate of
Middlesex County and representative to Congress. The
following are the only records among the town's vital
statistics as late as 1654, relative to the Brooks family :
"Joseph the sonne of Henry Brooks was borne the 12
(2) 1641."
The next following record is " Grace, daughter or
Joshua Brooks & Hannah his wife borne 10 March
i6:6i£! To" return now to our narrative. In early times wedded
life found much public favor, and was greatly encouraged,
while an unmarried life was discouraged, as is indicated by
the fact that almost from the beginning the colonists placed
upon their town records or upon their statute books re
solves and enactments designed to make the married state
easy and the unmarried state hard.
Bachelors were under a special surveillance, or " spying
and tattling" of the constables and tything men ; and so a
man might properly be said to gain his liberty instead of
losing it by entering into the marriage state. As an induce
ment for one to marry sometimes a house lot was offered.

Concord 217
In Eastham, Mass., it was ordered that " Every unmarried
man in the township shall kill six blackbirds or three crows
while he remains single ; as a penalty for not doing so he
shall not be married until he obeys this order." In 1670,
Thomas Tally, who had lived in Concord four years, was
summoned into court to answer for not living with his wife.
His defence was that she was in England, and that he
had sent for her, and if she did not come he would go
after her. This defence, however, was to no purpose, for
the Grand Jury, before which he had been brought, banished
him from its jurisdiction. Contracts relating to marriage
were sometimes written out and signed by the contracting
parties. One, which has been preserved and given in
detail by the historian Walcott, is for substance that
one was to give lands, and the other pounds, shillings and
pence, and Robert Blood was to " stand good" for the ful
fillment of this pre-nuptial agreement.
In early times people were very cautious about " match
making." Fines or the whipping post awaited the reck
less, and it was no safe thing to be imprudent in such a
matter. The traveler Joslyn, speaking of an evening's
courtship in Boston in 1663, said: " On the south there
is a small but pleaaant common where the Gallants, a little
before sunset, walk with their marmalet Madams till the
nine o'clock bell rings, then home to their respective
habitations." In 1672 Jonathan Coventry was indicted " for making a
motion of marriage to Catherine Dudley without obtaining
formal consent." In 1647, in Stratford, Will Colefoxe was
fined 5 pounds for "laboring to inveigle the affection of
Write, his daughter." The reason given for such careful
ness was " to prevent young folks from intangling them
selves by rash and inconsiderate contracts of marriage." If
an engagement to marry was made and had been permitted
by the father he could not without reason break it off. In
Plymouth in 1661, Richard Taylor sued Ruth Whieldom's
father ; and it is said that another man sued the father for

2 1 8 Colonial
loss of time in courting. A person "jilted " was said to
be " shabbed."
Marriage of old widowers was in vogue in the Massa
chusetts Bay Colony, as we infer from the correspondence
and conduct of Judge Sewall, who married Hannah Hull
of " Pine Tree Shilling " fame and received her weight in
silver for dower. Having lived with his wife forty-three
years and having had fourteen children, the Judge made the
following entry in his diary after her death : " Wondering
in my mind whether to live a married or a single life."
Before his wife had been dead two months it is said he had
" gazed admiringly at Widow Winthrope in her sley," and
that he gave her as tokens of his admiration works entitled
"Smoking Flax Inflamed" and "My Small Vial of
rp if
Tears. fFor two centuries the wedding bans were published
three Sundays in the meeting house. Ministers were for
bidden to perform the marriage ceremony, but it was done
by the magistrate or by some appointed by law for the pur
pose. The minister, however, sometimes preached a sermon
on the occasion of an engagement on such a text as the
prospective bride might select. | One minister, it is said,
preached on a text in Ephesians, showing that the married
state was a warfare. In this case probably the minister
selected his own text. The •' coming out" or as it was
sometimes called " the walking out" was considered an
affair of importance, and Cotton Mather thought it ex
pedient for the " bridal couple to appear as such publicly
with some dignity." It was quite customary for a long
period for ministers' sons to marry ministers' daughters.
For many years "sack posset" was drank at weddings,
but, it is said, " not with noisy revelry." " Bride cake"
and " bride gloves" were sent by friends. Jewelry engraved
with a skull and cross-bones has been known to be given
to a bride who was in mourning for a deceased friend.
The garter of the bride was sometimes scrambled for to
bring good luck.

Concord 219
As the family had been unusually busy we had the fore
noon all to ourselves, and when the call came for dinner
we were ready to leave our reflections and join the family
below. While we were seated at the table Goodman But
trick surprised us by the announcement that it was "lecture
day," and that the family that afternoon would attend ser
vice at the meeting house. We had heard of this mid-week
meeting and knew that it was made much of, but were
amazed at the importance which was actually attached to it,
and we only needed an invitation to go with them to their
little church home on the hill where we could observe for
ourselves. On the way thither a Sunday stillness pervaded
everything. No sound of work was heard anywhere, and
even the chimneys were smokeless, showing how empty
the houses were of inmates. As we fell in just before
reaching the North bridge with the Brownes and Billingses
they at once commenced talking about the last lecture, and
the remarks made upon it showed a most commendable
knowledge of the theology of the times, and evinced also a
high type of intelligence. The discussion was clear, the
language was concise and the logic convincing. In short,
what we heard and saw on the way was ample evidence that
there was with the average colonist an independence of reli
gious thinking which corresponded well with his robust
self-reliance in coping with the obstacles to be met with in
subduing a new country or the formidable ones which he
afterwards met with from abroad. We found that his mind
was by no means merely imitative, neither absorbent nor
vacant, waiting to be filled with whatever a stronger might
give it, but it was analytic and constructive and had an
original and individual strength ; that where an acquired
wisdom was wanting there was a supply of good common
sense ; that he had as nice a discernment between the rea
sonable and the unreasonable as he did between the right
and the wrong, and that these terms were with him practi
cally interchangeable. We found that the colonist firmly
believed that he had a good foundation for the hope that

220 Colonial
was within him. That foundation he unswervingly believed,
by the most concise rules of logic, the truest testimony
of history, the fullest endorsement of conscience, the
strength of divers providences in the shape of guidance and
special deliverance, was God's word. Armed and aided by
such Divine authority and by various spiritual quickenings
and visitations he went forth to what he considered was his
heaven directed mission. On the strength of his convic
tions he enacted such a code of rules for his civic procedure
as he believed only supplemented that word, and embodied
its pure principles and made it practicable for all secular
purposes and such as he deemed necessary for its protection
and unobstructed progress.
By the doing of these things he was able to succeed as a
colonist where others in this country had failed, and by
these things he endeavored to set up in each township a
genuine theocracy with a government that would have God
for its King, His word for its statute book and His Spirit
for its sole Interpreter and Director.
As we drew near the meeting house we saw Parson
Bulkeley and Major Simon Willard coming on foot over
the Miildam path, and we learned after service that the
former had been to administer spiritual consolation to an
afflicted family up by the Darby bridge, where a child had
died. As the family were poor, Mr. Bulkeley had taken
with him Major Willard with the design of making some
betterment in their material circumstances by bringing them
nearer the central village, where the father could be fur
nished with work and the family could be looked after:
The consideration of these two worthy magnates of the
town for one of the poorer class was to us significant and
suggested an inquiry as to the charities of the Concord
colony : whereupon we discovered that there was a kindness
of heart that suffered not the needy to be neglected and
that contributions were taken occasionally in the meeting
house for the worthy poor.
As the parish included the entire town, so the poor

Concord 221
everywhere within its borders were subject to its material
ministrations ; but it was only the deserving poor who
were looked upon with complaisance, for idleness and
wastefulness were utterly frowned upon. It is true the
colonist was exceedingly saving because circumstances re
quired it : it was nevertheless a part of his religion to rec
ognize the claims of honest poverty upon his purse as well
as upon his heart. His parsimony might lead him to deny
himself luxuries, but not to deny his neighbors the neces
saries of life.
Goodman Richard Rice with whom we had been con
versing informed us that the funeral of the child was to
take place on Saturday, and we resolved to attend. He
also invited us to go home with him and accompany his
family to the wedding next day. As it was our purpose to
visit as many households as possible during our short stay
in the settlement we accepted the invitation after having
obtained the reluctant consent of the Buttricks.
As the minister approached the meeting house door all
entered as quietly as if it were Sunday, or the Sabbath, as
the settlers called the day, because they deemed that the
word Sunday savored of Paganism in that it suggested sun
worship ; and when once within, the service was conducted
with all the seriousness and sanctity of the sacred day itself.
Prhe lecture was as the name implies an instructive dis-**N
course. The people were literally lectured with respect to /
their duty, and the subject had particular reference to their (
daily spiritual experience. At the close few lingered to talk , *
for it was a work day and they hastened home to complete "
the unfinished task.'
As Goodman Rice had but one horse we went on the
"ride and tie" system, although as a matter of fact we our
selves rode the most of the way, our host insisting upon
walking by our side.

CHAPTER XXIII.
A Wedding at the House of Goodman John Miles
— Description of Bride' s and Bridegroom' s Dress —
I he Marriage Ceremony — Throwing the . Garter
— Situation of the Miles' Homestead — Historic
Sketch of John Miles — Visit at the home of
Thomas Flint Esquire, His Official Duties — As
Assistant — As Commissioner — Early Colonial
Law Books — Primitive Courts and Court Prac
tices — Talk Relative to Servants.
DURING the ride our conversation was about
the river and its meadows, both of which
subjects were interesting to us, inasmuch as the
river meadows were found to be not only a
means of reliance for food for the - stock, but to some
extent a quasi means of value or basis upon which to
establish the " minister's rates," the division of upland,
and rights in commonage, as of planting fields, public pastur
age, and the taking of timber trees from forest reservations.
Long before we had exhausted the subject of our con
versation we found ourselves at the Rice homestead, and as
we entered the lane that led to it we saw that like others it
had passed through the pioneer stage and that the log
cabin of the first years had given place to a substantial
frame structure, with commodious outbuildings.
We received as usual a hospitable welcome, and after
supper gathered about the cheerful hearth and spent the
evening in pleasant conversation upon things pertaining to
the settlement of the town and its future prospects and the
family history of our host, which history in brief outline is
as follows :
222

GRAVE OF HENRY THOREAU.

Concord 223
Richard Rice went to Concord at an early date, and first
erected a small house at the center, near which he planted
an orchard. He lived on the present Walden street, and
his house came within the south quarter, but was considered
in the territorial apportionment as in the east quarter. He
had John Adams for a neighbor, and the two dwelt in the
vicinity of the present almshouse.
In 1684, Richard Rice testified with William Buttrick
and others as to the purchase of Concord territory from the
Indians, giving his age at that time as 72. The name has
long been familiar in Concord, and some bearing it have
been conspicuous in the town's annals. The name was also
a prominent one among the first settlers of Sudbury and
Marlboro, and as these towns are in close proximity, it may
be difficult to decide to which ancestor all of the descend
ants belong. Richard Rice died June 9, 1709, being
accounted, the record alleges, more than one hundred years
oldj After a night of refreshing rest we arose early, and spent
the forenoon in strolling about the neighborhood, seeing
new objects and gathering some additional data for future
reference. After dinner we prepared for the wedding, and as the
time for a start to the Mileses drew near, plans were made
for the conveyance of each member of the household.
Goodman Rice and his wife were to go on horseback with
the pillion ; another horse was provided for us, and it was
left with the hired man to so seat the ox cart that it would
accommodate all the rest. We drove out of the yard to
gether, but those on horseback soon outstripped the others,
so that soon the rattle of the cart and the "gee-up and hish-
haw" of John were no longer heard. A half hour more
brought us into that part of the south quarter that has long
been known as the " nine acres" and identified with the
homesteads of some of the Wheelers and Mileses, and is
situated at that corner of Concord which borders the Sud
bury town line.

224 Colonial
The house was illuminated for the occasion by the light
of several fire-places and many candles. Some of the latter
were in brightly burnished brass candlesticks, a part of
which had been borrowed of the neighbors, others
in the more common kind, while a half dozen
were set in a candle beam. Goodman Miles met us in the
yard, his man took our animals, and soon we were within,
welcomed by a score or more, among whom were several of
our new acquaintances. By early nightfall the guests had
all come, and only awaited the arrival of Mr. Thomas
Flint, whom the court had "appointed to join persons
in marriage," no clergyman being permitted to do it.
And now as we wait, it is a good time to describe the
dress. Both the bride and the groom were attired as
richly as the law of the land with its limitations to
vain display, and their moderate circumstances would allow.
The bride wore; a neatly-fitting gown of pale pink " cali-
manco" (good substantial woolen material), beneath which
was a white petticoat bordered with orris (fine lace) the edge
of which just showed above a pair of high-heeled shoes,
which were fastened at the instep with a bunch of ribbons.
A sacque of blue, with "inkle," (a delicate braid), was
characterized by a single slash in each sleeve, being all that
the law would permit, and just showed the linen gar
ment beneath, which the law required should be sufficiently
long to admit no undue exposure of the bare arms. Her
hair was bedecked with a sprig of evergreen, in which was
entwined a small cluster of bright berries of wild bitter
sweet, | making a contrast with her dark hair that was
beautTful. The bridegroom was correspondingly attired. 'His duffel
coat stood out at the skirts in true colonial style, and upon
its top rested a snow white ruff, which was starched with
an excessive stiffness and tied at the front with tiny tas
seled strings. Beneath the coat was a silk and woolen
waistcoat/and the small clothes, which were fastened at the
knees withjbright but not costly buckles to a pair ot some-

Concord 225
what gay stockings made up a costume which though not
extravagantly expensive was picturesque. !
Not long after the time set for the ceremony Mr. Flint
drove into the yard, accompanied by a servant. As he
entered the house he explained that his delay was occa
sioned by an afternoon call from one of the. " Assistants"
from Boston, who was on his way to Sudbury town to aid
in settling an ecclesiastical dissension which had arisen there
concerning a " stinting of the cow commons," which diffi
culty the colonial court had been called upon to adjust.
Soon the contracting parties "stood up," and the " Com
missioner," with a gravity of countenance commensurate
with the solemnity of his sentences, spent a few moments
in an attempt to impress all present with a true sense of the
greatness of the event and the importance of entering upon
the matrimonial state with a due regard to its sanctity and
a resolve to live up to its requirements with an unswerving
fidelity. He said, drawing closer to the bride, " Love is
the sugar to sweeten every condition in the married state,"
and exhorted each to cultivate it and not let their ardor
grow cold.
After this hortatory exercise he offered prayer ; and the
parson, Peter Bulkeley, " improved the occasion" by saying
some things corroborative of what had been said, and
cautioned all to be circumspect and to cultivate those graces
which would fit them for any condition.
After these things the main issue was attended to, and
the couple were pronounced man and wife. Imme
diately after this, servants, some of them belonging to
the neighbors, brought in the "sack posset," a beverage
that was usually drank on marriage occasions, yet, as we
were told, without " noisy revelry."
For edibles there was the usual country course for
colonial times, conspicuous among which was the bride's
cake. After the wedding meal was partaken of, merry
making was in order, which, as in modern times on similar

226 Colonial
occasions, was made up of such things as pertained to a
pleasurable bantering of the bridegroom and bride.
Soon the "garter" by some mysterious agency was
obtained and thrown out, and the scramble for- it by the
eager company indicated how much the person who
finally possessed it prized the good luck it was supposed
to bring.
During the evening while others were engaged in the fes
tivities, we sought an acquaintance with several families
whom we had not before met, among whom were the
Bloods and Healds from the extreme north quarter, and
we accepted an invitation from Goodman Blood to visit
him the following week. We were also introduced to Mr.
Flint, and were soon engaged in an animated conversation
concerning his large estate and his duties as a colonial
official. As our interview was suddenly interrupted by the
great commotion caused by casting the garter and the sub
sequent scramble for it, Mr. Flint kindly invited us home
with him, that we might continue our talk in the quiet ride
through the woods, and on the morrow look about his
estate, see his family and become acquainted with that por
tion of the south quarter in which he dwelt. We
accepted most gladly the invitation, and explanations
having been made to the Rices and to Timothy Wheeler,
we bade the Miles's good-night and departed, carrying with
us the pleasantest of recollections.
It was with regret that we left the Miles domicile in the
midst of the nuptial merry-making, for we were beginning
to feel young again in the midst of so much hilarity and
exuberance of spirit ; besides, we were feeling quite at home
there, for everything we heard about the family had been
fully corroborated by what we saw.
The house was the first one built upon the spot, and had
been 'erected by John Miles, a pioneer grantee, who was in
Concord in 1640. His first house lot which consisted of
three acres was in the center, but later he left it and
went to the " nine acres," where, with some of the Wheelers

Concord 227
for neighbors, he opened a clearing and set up a home
which has long been identified with his name.
The spot selected for his homestead was picturesque. It
was in a close of nine acres, which in process of time
came to be called the " nine acre corner," and the term is
surely no misnomer, since the plot of land thus termed is
literally cornered by two streams, the river and gulf brookj
^fohn Miles married for his first wife Sarah, who died in ,..
1678, leaving one daughter, who married Edmund Wigley,
and afterwards Joseph Lee. He married in his old age
Susannah Redit. He left John, Samuel and Mary. John
married Mary Prescott in 1702, and died October 23,1725,
leaving an estate of ^1,768 and two sons, John and Jona
than, the latter being a graduate of Harvard College.
Samuel, son of the first John, was a deacon in the Con
cord Church, and died March 13, 1756, leaving as children
Samuel, Joseph, Sarah, Ezekiel, Esther, Martha, Nathan,
Reuben and Charles, the latter of whom was a captain in
the Revolutionary war. '
It was arranged beforehand that the servant who accom
panied Esquire Flint should remain over night with Mr.
Miles' hired man that we might have the use of his horse.
The moon was low when the bars were dropped for our
egress from the short lane that led out to the country road.
The air was balmy and the night was still, save as when we
neared the river was heard the quacking of a flock of be
lated ducks, who were taking advantage of the bright moon
to move a little farther south before the Indian summer
was over. Now and then there was also heard the soft
tread of a surprised fox as he suddenly turned for a safe
retreat upon hearing us. Once a buck stalked so near that
our horses stopped ; and as we turned the bend of the
pond and were about descending the hill, at a point where
the evergreen tips almost came together over the road,
there clumsily crossed our pathway a large, lumbering form,
looking so unshapely as it loomed up in the shadows that
Mr. Flint's horse, which was a little ahead of ours, for we

228 Colonial
were too timid to ride alongside, suddenly sheered and
pranced, while ours almost unseated us.
Mr. Flint exclaimed that we had encountered a bear, but
that bruin being without cubs was perfectly harmless,
and our only fear need be for our horses, as the uncouth
appearance of bears and their shambling gait was to them
a matter of suspicion. Soon after this little episode we
approached the Flint homestead, and knew by its looks
that a warm welcome awaited us ; for, although the hour
was late, there was a light in the front windows and the
bright fire gleamed cheerily from the half-open door of the
kitchen, where a servant stood looking and listening. Once
within, we saw steaming upon the crane a large teakettle,
and standing between the andirons, whose great brazen tops
reflected the crackling flames, a skillet of broth. A beaker
of hot cordial was at once offered us with a bowl of the
broth, but we took only the latter, saying it would answer
both for food and drink.
After being thus warmed and refreshed, we were shown
to our lodging place, which of course was the guest cham
ber, and being at the house of Mr. Flint, "Commissioner"
and a "man of means," it was unusually capacious. Next
morning we were astir early, but none too early, for in
families that were "well to do" slothfulness was in no wise
encouraged, and it was the custom soon after sunrising for
the hired men to "go afield." The same punctiliousness
regarding the daily religious observances was noticeable
here as elsewhere, for Mr. Flint opened the leather cov
ered lids of the well worn Bible and read in true patriarchal
style, while the family reverently listened. Breakfast and
devotions over, our host led us into his private room,
which in modern times would be called an office. On an
antique table were a bunch of unsharpened goose quills,a
capacious ink horn, some unruled paper of coarse quality,
a stick of sealing wax and a seal stamp. For books, there
was a work of comments on the English law, "Coke on
Littleton," and an old volume of "Notes on the Penta-

Concord 229
teuch." There was also a pile of letters folded and fast
ened with red sealing wax in readiness to be delivered to
the first person going to Boston ; for mail matter was only
transmitted by such trustworthy travelers as might chance
to come along.
After making a record of the marriage just consummated,
Mr. Flint seated himself by the fireside, and in response to
our inquiries, defined his duties as an "Assistant" and a
magistrate. We found that the functions of the former
were highly honorable, and that aforetime they were of a
nature legislative, executive, and judiciary ; and there being
but a dozen Assistants in the Bay colony, only a few towns
could boast of one. 1S0 important was the office, at the"
first, that the Assistants could choose a Governor and
Deputy Governor out of their own body, and make laws
which later only the General Court could do ; also while
formerly they had to do with the making of freemen, or in
other words, empowering the Colonists to vote, this now
could only be done by the Court. But though the office
had been stripped of some of its prerogatives, it was one of
the most conspicuous in the colony, and the possessor of it
was in a position of great influence. In a certain sense the
Assistants were still the Councilors of the Commonwealth,
assumed the name of Magistrates, and were looked up to
with great reverence. They were chosen by the people,
and because of traditional associations and still existing
authority, they took a first rank in society. As to the
work of Mr. Flint as a "Commissioner to end small
causes" within the territory to which he was specifically ap
pointed his sphere was more circumscribed. His jurisdic
tion extended over Sudbury and Concord only, and the
causes were limited to such as had an issue of not over
twenty shillings. But even with these restrictions there
was considerable scope for authority, since he might act as
judge, juror, and barrister, and also furnish the law, the
authorities for the latter being extremely few and meager,
as is shown by the following enactment in 1647: "It is

230 , Colonial
agreed by the Court, to the end we may have the better
light for making and proceeding about laws, that there shall
be these books following procured for the use of the Court
from time to time : 'Two of Sir Edward Cooke upon Lit
tleton ; two of the books of entryes ; two of Sir Edward
Cooke upon Magna Charta ; two of the New Terms of the
Law ; two Dalton's Justice of Peace ; two of Sir Edward
Cooke's Reports.'" Those books furnished the first founda
tion of law not only for the General Court, but for all
others.Curious incidents are related as taking place in these early
courts. Sometimes there was interference which at present
may appear incredible and it is said that those who inter
meddled most were clergymen. An instance is recorded in
an action of alleged slander brought by a minister against a
layman. Another minister dining with the judge stated to
him that when the case was tried he would like to make a
few remarks. When the plaintiff's counsel had opened
the case, he began questioning the plaintiff, and the regular
proceedings were suspended until the reverend gentleman
was through. At the close of the argument for the de
fendant, the accommodating justice gave the clergyman
another chance, whereupon he begged the magistrate to dis
miss the action, which he forthwith did.
In another instance one juror, who was standing out
against the eleven others, was especially interviewed by the
state's advocate and directed as to what to do. When the
obstinate man refused to obey, it is said he was starved into
compliance, while his fellows received meat and drink ; it
being remarked that it was better one man should be de
stroyed than eleven.
It is said that verdicts were sometimes rendered to the
effect that there was "strong ground for suspicion though
falling short of proof" ; in such case the Court might sen
tence the defendant for such crime as it appeared probable
he had committed, though it had neither been alleged in
the complaint nor found by the jury. It is ^recorded

Concord 23 1
that " a man indicted for forgery which could not be proven
was reported by the jury to be a cheat and had to stand
upon the court-house steps for half an hour with the forged
bond and the word 'Cheat' in large letters pinned upon
his breast." — Boston Bench and Bar.
Our conversation was interrupted by a call to dinner,
which we were glad to hear, for the odor from the kitchen
suggested something delicious for us. In the afternoon we
set out to attend the funeral at the house by the Darby
bridge. As Mr. Flint was to be busy, he sent his servant
to accompany us. We rode on horseback, single file, along
the way "that goeth to Mr. Flint's," till it merged in the
county road, where there was less need of watchfulness for
roots and rocks, and where we could ride abreast of each
other. As we walked our horses through the roadway, we had a
chat about servants, a subject we had been seeking an op
portunity to converse upon before. The man was intelli
gent and also communicative, so we received some valuable
hints which led us to conclude that in colonial times there
was but little difference either in intelligence or pedigree
between some who worked for hire and some who did not ;
moreover, the term servant was sometimes used differently
from what it is now, and might designate one who trans
acted business for another as an agent. Some denominated
servants in a ship's passenger list might be coming to
America to act for parties in England in land matters, or to
substitute for them as settlers, thereby enabling the princi
pal to share in land allotments, or in any profit that might
accrue from the enterprise./
It is also supposed that jsome in the passenger lists who
were recorded as servants were only ostensibly such for the
' purpose of disguising themselves, the intent being to evade
the unjust immigration laws. As England was at that
time agitated by religious and political dissension, there was
unusual surveilance over its outgoing population, and per-

232 Colonial
mits were not easily obtained ; hence the occasional resort
N to strategy/
— An apprentice was considered a servant, and as such was
obligated to his master for from three to seven years. He
might have come from one of the best families, the old
< homestead not being sufficient to support several sons. A
child during non-age was really a servant, unless he "bought
his time" of his father, which was often done. Others
- might be servants for a term of years by agreement^
fOver all servants the master was supposed to maintain a
quasi control, and the law looked to him as a sponsor for
their good conduct, and expected such watchfulness and
wholesome tutelage as was reasonable. Among early town
records we find the appointment of certain persons "for to
take pains for to see into the general families in town, to
see whether children and servants are employed in work
and educated in the ways of God and in the ground of
religion according to the order of the General Court." In
later times the term servant was made to include African
slaves, some of whom were in Concord. 1

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THE GRAVE-STONE OF JOHN JACK.

CHAPTER XXIV.
Funeral at the House of a Cottager — Absence of
Floral Tributes and Artificial Adornments — Sad
and Simple Services — The Burial — The Procession
to the Grave — Talk with the " Saxton " in the
Burying Ground — Early Colonial Funeral Customs
— The Bearers, Mort Cloth, Mourning Gloves,
Scarfs and Rings — Grave Stones and Epitaphs —
Start for the Flint Homestead — Evening Adven
ture hy the Way — The Strange Surprise — A
Pleasant Discovery — Entertained by Nantatucket
and Tissansquaw.
BY the time we had reached the foregoing conclusions
we were on the Darby bridge and the house of the
poor cottager appeared in sight. It was unpreten
tious with a low roof, and the thatching so drooped
below the two diminutive windows as to give it an appear
ance of being even smaller than it was.
There was a porch covered with wild clematis, and on
either side of the path leading to it were several clumps of
lilies and pinks, while in the open yard were the blighted
stalks of several hollyhocks. There was a garden near by
in which were still green the leaves of parsnip, cabbages
and carrots, but all else had a sterile and withered look
quite in keeping with our errand. We knew before we
reached the place that the funeral was to be held there, for
we saw people standing about as if waiting for something ;
and just outside the door stood the grewsome bier, covered
with a pall or "buryin' cloth."
As we entered we found the room full of people, for it
appeared as if everybody from the South quarter was there,

234 Colonial
besides some from outside. The coffin lay on a table in
the narrow entry way, and was made of coarse pine boards,
stained dark, giving it a still more sombre appearance.
On the lid was a piece of paper giving the name and
age of the deceased, which each one picked up and read as
he passed by. Not a flower was in sight — no, not so much
as an evergreen spray or myrtle sprig to remind the mourn
ers of a coming resurrection, when fresh with an immortal
youth they could again see their dead. Every aspect was
of death ; and as the cold gray of that autumnal after
noon with its low circling sun brooded over the cottage, it
was all in accord with the coffin, the bier and the pall, and
the sad company standing about them. Presently it was
whispered that the clergyman was coming, and then al! set
tled into that solemn hush which had deference both for
the living and the dead, broken only by the deep breath
ing of the sorrowful and the responsive sigh of such as
were in sympathy with them.
No Scripture was read at that house of sorrow ; no
psalm was sung ; no prayers were said ; and after a few
words of consolation, and all present had viewed the re
mains, even little children being raised up to look at them,
the bearers placed the coffin upon the bier, covered it with
the cloth and lifting it upon their shoulders, started for the
burying ground. We joined the procession. The cloth
was kept in place by extra bearers, who walked along by
the side of the others, spelling them when tired.
After moving with slow and measured step a quarter of
a mile or more, they halted and set the body on a mort-
stone, while the first set of bearers gave way to the others.
In a few moments the procession resumed its mournful
march, and after several similar halts it reached the grave
yard, just as the slant beams of the fast setting sun were
trying to stretch themselves beyond the little meeting
house. The burial was performed in silence ; the cold earth rat
tled harshly upon the coffin ; and when all was over and

Concord 12 5
the "saxton" had heaped the last turf upon the newly made
mound, each turned sorrowfully away as if carrying with
him fresh evidence of his own mortality.
We lingered about the spot for a little time, thinking to
learn from the old "saxton" something more about old
burial rites ; for this faithful public servant, although it was
late, appeared in no hurry to get away, but leisurely folded
up the burying-cloth and wiped his clumsy spade on the
clean grass, as if to have it in good order when he should
want it again.
The wind had gone down, and the moon was just creep
ing over the great fields to the easterly, and as there was
no dampness on that dry knoll there was no discomfort in
remaining, while John, the servant, had a loose shoe
fastened at the smithy.
It would not take long to relate what the "saxton" told
us, but after he had gone there came up the hill- path one
of the villagers, who was accounted handy at funerals and
in laying out the dead, looking for a glove which some one
had lost, and from him we obtained some valuable informa
tion relating to burial customs. And now before leaving
this subject we will state some facts concerning these. / In )
Colonial times there were few religious services at funerals ; /
and but little was said in public, either to mitigate grief or ^
lead to resignation. The coffin was carried to the grave
and buried in silence. I
Letchford says of "it : "All the neighborhood or a gQQdly
company came togther at the tolling of the bell". /The
minister was commonly present, but only as a silent wit
ness. As was the custom in England, laudatory verses
were sometimes fastened to the bier or "herse" as the
draped platform upon which the coffin rested was called.
The funeral carriage called "hearse" was not then in use.
After the funeral printed verses were often procured, and
the slips on which they were printed were decorated with
black borders, skull and crossbones, a scythe and hour
glass. Occasionally an attempt was made to solemnly pun

23 6 Colonial
in verse, or play facetiously upon a name in a way that
might be almost painful to people of the present time.
As a rule there were two sets of "bearers," one called
under bearers, usually young men who carried the bier, and
the other old men or relatives, who held the corners of the
pall ; if the distance was long there was a double number of
under bearers. The pall or mort-cloth was usually made of
velvet and owned by the town. The bier was often kept
in the porch of the meeting house, but in some cases it
r \ was left standing over the grave awaiting another funeral. |
Sometimes there was no regularly appointed grave dig
ger, but a friend or relative of the deceased might perform
this service. fin some towns the news of a death was the
signal for the cessation of all work. Liquors were univer
sally used, and even if the deceased were a pauper, gallons
of rum and a barrel of cider might be called for, but if a
person of distinction the expense was correspondingly
greater. The custom was to look at the corpse and then
pass on to the table and take a drink.
Mourning gloves and scarfs were often given. Some
times there were printed invitations to "follow the corpse,"
and great care was taken to have all walk in the proper
order with respect to relationship and rank. The mourning
gloves were usually furnished by the bereaved family, if in
well-to-do circumstances, and a minister after a long pastor
ate usually had in store a large number.! It is said that
one Boston minister received in thirty-two years, two
thousand, nine hundred and forty ; being more than
he wanted he exchanged them for other goods.
/" "Mourning rings," engraved with skull and crossbones,
were sometimes given to bereaved friends and not infre-
V quently they were quite costly.
Funerals were forbidden to be held on Sunday. Many
of the gravestones came from England, and were of hard
black slate from North Wales. The Welsh stones usually
had on them a death's head or that of a winged cherub.
Weeping willows and urns came in vogue later, and

Concord

m

these were afterwards superseded by the hour-glass and
clock face or dial.
Capital letters were used in inscriptions till the time of
the Revolution. \
The epitaplis were sometimes curious to a remarkable
degree, as for example :
Here lies cut down like unripe fruit
The wife of Deacon Amos Shute.
There was often the manifestation of great resignation,
showing the strong and simple faith of the bereaved
friends. They looked upon death as a liberator from care and
toil, and believed it was the entrance to a blessed immor
tality ; hence a bier or burying ground savored of blissful
associations : and this accounts for such expressions as that
of Judge Samuel Sewall who, after visiting the family
tomb and seeing the coffins therein, said : "It was an awful
yet pleasing treat : " and of another, that the two days
wherein he buried his wife and son were "the best he ever
had in the world."
In the twilight we passed from the place of old graves
and descended the narrow pathway that led to the "little
strate strete", and as we emerged from the shade into the
open ground, where it broadened out toward the milldam and
town pound, we beheld over the western horizon some of
those purple and pink tints which are in striking contrast
to the approaching darkness.
Here we thought is a fit illustration of the settler's
experiences as relates to such somber scenes as we have
just witnessed. He sees light in every condition, however
gloomy it may appear to others. That light is his faith.
Through it comes his steadfastness in sorrow, his sub-
missiveness in view of death, and his apparent indifference
to consolation afforded by external objects.
He needs no flowers at his funerals, hence he has none.
He desires no burnished trimmings to his coffin, neither
does he care for any costly paraphernalia to his grave car-

23 8 Colonial
riage. If he had these he would look above and beyond
them all for his comfort.
The primary design of the absence of ceremony on
these occasions was to steer clear of everything that savored
of popery. The rude and grewsome decorations on the
tombstone were designed only to remind the careless passer
by that he too was mortal and must share the common lot.
The darkness deepened. The sluggish mist of the mill
pond was settling about us. An east wind suddenly
springing up brought from the place of old graves the
murmur of pines and the rustle of tree branches. As it
was Saturday night an unwonted stillness prevailed about
there. The mill had stopped, the cattle were housed, the roads
were vacant, and nothing was seen or heard in the vicinity
except the monotonous roaring of the water at the milldam
as it fell over the splashboards, and the occasional lone
bellowing of an impatient yearling in the town pound.
For an instant we stood motionless, as if to realize
where we were, and then it suddenly occurred to us that
John only went to get a shoe fastened, and that the time
for him to return was passed.
We looked in the directon of the south bridge, if per
chance we could see him, but in vain. We turned towards
the Meriam grocery, thinking some errand might have
called him there ; but it was in vain, for no one appeared,
and we were about sitting down on the turnstile that
guarded the path to the meeting house, when we heard the
measured tread of a horse's hoofs, and it flashed upon us
that John had gone home, and was even then jogging
along over the planks of Potter's bridge in the comfortable
assurance that we had walked along expecting him to over
take us.
It needed but little reflection to understand the serious
ness of the situation. We were left, and John would have
to return for us on finding we were not at home on his
arrival. Were it not for this our way would have been

Concord 23 9
clear, for we had only to repair to Goodman Hey-
wood's, or the Buss Tavern or call at the parsonage to be
sure of a welcome. But to have John come all the way
back was out of the question. Neither would we alarm
the family by a night's absence. So springing over a
brush fence and breaking off a dry sapling which, the last
spring, had been placed there as a part of a "sufficient
fence", which the town ordered, we started.
We had not gone far, however, before we wished our
selves back. The country was strange to us. The path
in the dim moonlight was ill defined because of the over
hanging branches, and every now and then we stumbled
over a rock or a protruding root. As we got farther
from the village the way grew more and more dreary.
The lights faded in the distance, and the last one seen
through a break in the woods was the faint glimmer of
John Adams' firelight as it shone forth through his open
doorway when he entered after the evening cattle fodder
ing. No sooner had the last light vanished than diffi
culties began to thicken. The shrubbery crowded closer
into the pathway, so we had sometimes to brush back the
drooping birches and hazel bushes laden with the night
damp, and every now and then when wood ways parted
from the main road, it was necessary to stoop in order to
discover if possible the footprints of John's horse.
As the stillness of the forest became more and more
apparent in the deepening gloom, and its dreariness became
more intense, the denizens of the woods became more
demonstrative. Several times there came to us the low call of a coon,
which was quickly answered by another in a minor key, as
if amicable relations were not being maintained by them.
The surly cry of something which by a subsequent
description we concluded was a snarling lynx was once
heard, and the sound was so new to us that we thought of
the spectral wolf, of whose midnight marauding we had heard
at the Baker husking party.

240 Colonial
Another startling, though harmless episode, was the fly
ing of a large hoot owl so near us as to fan our faces with
his furry wings.
But in spite of these impediments we kept on, intent
upon putting as much space as possible between us and
the hamlet before John should meet us.
It was not however given us to get far in carrying out
our intent, for still other obstacles were to arise, the climax
of which was reached when we arrived near the pond.
We had heard legends connected with the Concord
ponds and especially this one. How that spirits flitted
over it, and even stalked forth upon its lone shores, and
that wood nymphs danced about and sometimes allured
timid and incautious travelers into the deep woods.
The recalling of these and other stories of a like nature
was a poor preparation for passing the pond, which was
now but just ahead, and remembering that nothing but a
Bible in one's pocket or a silver bullet from a gun barrel
would avail anything in case of an assault by the Evil One,
we dropped our staff, which we had carried for a defence,
and resolved to trust to our heels in case anything should
occur out of the usual.
We had reviewed all our legendary lore concerning the
pond, and knew by the damp murky atmosphere that it
was close at hand, when with startling suddenness there
came a weird and melancholy sound as if the very woods
uttered a wail. We stopped. Our hair bristled and we
listened spellbound.
A moment and it came again, and nearer than before,
and we believed that the next it would be in the road.
We had heard forest sounds of every nature before, as
we supposed, from the low night call of the little wood
bird to the deep booming of the lank bittern, but here was
a noise entirely new and incomparable to anything else.
Our first thought was to turn back and quickly put our
selves as far as possible from the locality if not from the
source of so dismal and frightful a sound.

Concord 241
We had never practically believed in ghosts, and as for
spirits we had never seen one nor met with one who we
supposed had.
Our theories were of the age in which we lived. But we
were in another age now, and we had been sitting beside
ancient firesides and listening to gruesome tales by those in
whose houses were old garrets, and in whose cellars were
dark archways, and along whose winding woodland paths
the shadows chased each other gloomily, sometimes taking
strange shapes, and over whose low gables the clouds low
ered scowlingly. We had been sitting where the wind
whistled down old chimney stacks, and where groups in
stinctively drew the settle near to the hearth's edge and
listened timidly to the mystical wiseacre as he interpreted
strange sounds, until no one cared to go up stairs or down
stairs or step outside. In fact we had been living amid a
different environment, one in which every predilection to a
belief in the supernatural had been thoroughly aroused, and
we only needed the present evidence of our senses, together
with what we supposed had been an exhaustive observation
of all of nature's strange sights and noises, to lead us to
abandon old conclusions and accept new ones.
In fact we learned by this sudden experience that it is
the objects around which superstitions cluster which differ,
rather than the nature of the persons who are influenced
by them, and that it is by an easy transition through the
pathway of circumstances that we come to believe in the
goblin of the quaint old burying ground, the elf of the
woods or the latest product of modern spiritism.
The nomenclature of an age may disguise its real beliefs,
and the character of the homes of the living may determine
the character of the spirit tenantry.
In other words, the nature of a genuine New England
apparition is such that it would never be seen flitting about
among the flowers of a modern cemetery. Its nature is too
rugged to live there.

242 Colonial
Like the white polar bear it requires cold and barrenness,
where folks shiver and seldom go.
Given right conditions and it may come to you. It
loves the cobwebs beneath low rafters, and the smell
of mice among old cradles and empty meal barrels. It
would browse among bunches of brown herbs and squeak
forth its magical utterances, where the wind plays through
angular knot-holes and blows the light out if anyone enters.
These conditions withheld and those of an opposite
character substituted, and you have an up-to-date tenantry,
and one that is coy and cultured, and is at home in
the presence of the velvet carpet and satin paper, stuffed
couches and chairs.
But they are all of the same kith and kin, it matters not
where we find them, whether on the public platform or in
the drawing room, or by "the way that goeth to Mr.
Flint's." Let it not then be thought foolish that our hair started,
and that we were stirred to our very extremities by that
startling, inexplicable wail that came from pondward.
We were in Rome doing as the Romans did, and our
first thought and impulse was to flee from the swamp sprites
without stopping to question what they were.
Pursuant to this purpose we turned about when we saw
in the direction whither we were going a flash of light, or
rather the illumination of reflected light, as if cast up by an
unseen fire in the brush wood.
Here was a new development, only little less surprising
than the first, since we thought it might be a part and par
cel of it, for almost simultaneous with the strange sight
came a succession of the strange sounds, this time as if
they would split the very darkness which they pierced.
We were brought to a standstill ; we could neither retreat
nor go forward. It was peril before us and peril behind us
and peril on both sides.
As we stood wondering with what little there was left of
us to wonder, and waiting for another outburst of the ter-

Concord 243
rific wail, we saw under the low hemlock boughs a couple
of upright forms, which under other circumstances we
should have called human, but which looming up as they
did in the shadows and amid its lurid light we thought had
the appearance of something inhuman. They looked like
Indians, and were dressed like them, a fact which only
increased our dread of what they might be, for we were
aware that supposed manifestations from the spirit world
were made by Indians, hence naturally we thought it might
be so now.
Just as we were about settling ourselves into a clump of
evergreens, whose friendly branches almost touched the
dilapidated top of an ancient windfall, this being the only
available hiding place, one of the forms turned toward us,
and we saw at a glance, and to our great surprise and de
light that it was no other than Nantatucket whom we met
at Nashawtuck ; and that his companion was Tisansquaw,
whom we once saw at the lower fishing falls.
In an instant we were ourselves again, for in these we
knew we had friends, and that whether the sounds we had
heard were of man or devil they would be explained, and
if the situation was serious we would share it together.
As we sprang forward the Indians recognized us, and
their greeting was as warm and demonstrative as their rude
ways and stolid natures would admit of.
It took but a moment to inquire concerning the sound,
and to be informed that what we had heard was a pair of
migratory loons, or great northern divers, which in the fall
and spring occasionally drop into our New England waters,
where they remain a few days prior to their journey south
ward. They had been disturbed among the low waterbrush on
the pond shore by the fire and had sent out their wild
screams as if in protest.
No one need wonder at our recent alarm, for the notes
of this remarkable bird at any time sound strange, but

244 Colonial
stranger yet in the night's stillness, with the medium of a
dense, swampy atmosphere to intensify them.
We were soon sitting by the camp fire of our two friends,
which was just outside the bushes, by the pond's edge,
beyond which was the dark, outlying water where the loons
were. We learned that Nantatucket and Tisansquaw had been
to Natick, to attend an Indian service held there by
Apostle John Eliot, and that being late in getting home,
and growing hungry, they had encamped beside the pond
and were engaged in broiling a rabbit, which they had
thrust through with a wooden spit.

NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE.

BY PERMISSION OF FOSTER BROS.

CHAPTER XXV.
Arrival at the Flint Farm — Sunday Morning in a
Home of Colonial Concord — Start for Meeting —
Gathering of the Worshipers — Neighborly In
quiries — The Church Service — The Sermon —
Singing — The Noon Intermission — Catechistical
Exercises — Afternoon Service — Colonial Church
Customs — Sacred Music — Succession of Singing
Books — "Lining Off" — Triple Time — "Fuging '
— Pitch Pipes — Introduction of Musical Instru
ments — Talk with Goodman James Hosmer —
Conversation Relating to the Installation of Rev.
Peter Bulkeley — Facts of History Concerning this
Subject.
JUST as Nantatucket had drawn the spit from the rab
bit and placed it upon a broad flake of clean bark,
which Tisansquaw had pealed from a birch tree, we
heard the clatter of horses' feet, and knew that John
was coming. It was with regret that we closed our inter
view with our swarthy friends for we could have contented
ourselves to remain with them over night, but we knew
that the next day was the Sabbath, and that all traveling
was forbidden, and that even the short journey to the Flint
farm, though undertaken with so good an excuse, might
subject us to great prejudice, so we sprang into the empty
saddle and were soon away.
We received a warm welcome on our arrival. Supper
had been delayed awaiting our return ; after which
Mr. Flint gathered the household together, including the
servants, for no servant was omitted in this exercise, and,
245

246 Colonial
opening the Bible, read and commented upon it, being
assisted by his "Notes on the Pentateuch."
After reading, each of the family was catechised, and all
showed such a commendable acquaintance with the Holy
Scriptures as might put to blush many a youth and adult
also in a Sunday school of today, with all their so-called
"Lesson Helps" and "Side Lights." After the religious
exercises were over, and the younger members had retired,
Mr. Flint and myself conversed upon several topics of
public interest, and it was not until the low burning candle
reminded us that it was getting late that we retired to our
room there to enjoy another night of well-nigh perfect
slumber. The morning sun arose giving promise of a beauti
ful day. Not even a low lying cloud was visible to show
the possibility of unpleasant weather. But the quiet was
without, for the noise down-stairs betokened that the
Sabbath was not with them a day of indolent repose. It
was but a short time after going below before breakfast was
eaten, and the sun had hardly dried the night's moisture
from the sparkling earth when we were all on our way
churchward, passing over the same way which the night
before had brought to us such discomfort. As we
ascended the hill path to the meeting house, we found that
the parson had not yet arrived, so, intent upon hearing the
news from the whole countryside, we leaned up against an
unused hitching post to look and listen.
After the usual salutations by each new comer, conversa
tion commenced on the events of the week in their several
quarters, as these related to things of a nature sufficiently
serious to admit of Sabbath inquiry.
Goodwife Brown wanted to know if the "arbs" she sent
Susan Ann, poor child, did her good, and if her pain was
gone. Patty Underwood asked after the condition of old Aunt
Lois, and whether the crutches which she had left at the

Concord 247
mile post by the corner for Goodman Billings to carry to
her were the right length.
Dame Woods was anxious to know of the Darby boys,
and if they had sufficient clothing for winter, for, said she,
"Since their mother died they have fared hard."
With these and similar inquiries the time was occupied
till some one said, "The minister is coming," when all
stepped from the beautiful sunlight into the cool stillness
of the sanctuary and remained standing till he had passed
into the pulpit.
The service was opened by an invocation immediately
followed by the reading of the Scriptures with comments.
Then came the singing of a psalm from "Sternhold and
Hopkins' Edition," set to the tune of "St. David." The
lining of the psalm was by Deacon Griffin, and the con
gregation endeavored to make the repetition of it musical
and in accord with the tune assigned, but we observed that
before the exercise was over there was a compromise
between "St. David," "York" and "Old Winsor," and
that the tune varied as much as the time.
It was, however, evidently satisfactory to the worship
pers, and the devout demeanor of every participant assured
us that singing in those days was really worship.
It was noticeable that there were only a few copies of the
Psalter in the congregation, which showed that lining off
was a necessity.
The sermon was exegetical, expository, doctrinal, and
hortatory, with an application at the close, and occupied
an hour. Psalm singing followed, and the service ended
with the benediction.
At noon came the catechistical exercise, of which we had
heard much but had not yet seen.
We do not know whether or not on every Sunday it
came at this hour, for we did not inquire, and the inter
mission the Sabbath previous being taken up with the
sacramental service and a baptism, we have nothing to judge
from.

248 Colonial
We conjecture, however, that the noontime was its regu
lar hour, because it was the only practicable time for it, and
the one which in later days has been given to the Sunday
school. If from nine or half past to twelve, and from one
or half past to nearly four, was taken up with the regular
service, almost of necessity, the catechistical would come
between. But whatever the hour, the nature and order of it was
the same, and we will describe what we saw of it.
There was a short interval after the morning service, in
which the middle-aged men could stretch their legs and go
to the Buss tavern and eat the lunch which they carried
with them, and the younger women could repair to
the houses near by and warm their barley coffee or steep a
little "store" tea, and the old people could go to one of
the "noon houses" which were nearer at hand and replenish
their foot stoves with coals and warm some cider or sack
posset, the latter of which they brought with them, while
the former was kept in storage to be had on tap.|
This brief intermission was followed by a prompt
gathering together at the drum beat, and a seating of the
people in a way that had special reference to age, the
younger and unmarried portion, who were the catechumens,
being nearest to the minister. As in the morning, the
sexes sat separate, except in the back seatsjwhere the grave
heads of households sat and where there was allowed a
latitude of promiscuousness which would not be tolerated
among the younger elementJ
There was no prelude, and when Parson Bulkeley arose
there evidently ran through the younger portion that feel
ing of embarrassment which usually prevails on occasions
of public examination ; while upon the faces of the elders
there was plainly depicted that flush of anxious suspense
which betokened a deep desire that the children do well.
The questions were all simple and admitted of Scriptural
answers. The purpose evidently was to inculcate a know
ledge of the doctrines and duties taught in the Bible.

Concord 249
A short intermission followed this exercise, when all
assembled to listen to the second sermon, which consisted
of a gathering up and application of the points brought out
in the noon exercise, together with comments upon them.
As the order of the second service was similar to the first,
we will not stop to note any change, but proceed to state a
few facts of colonial church customs as related in history.
JA singing book in common use was Ainsworth's, "Book
of Psalms," printed in Amsterdam in 161 2, of 348 pages.
It contained annotations and the tune in which each psalm
was to be sung. The annotations explained the psalms, as
for example, "The Leviathan is the great whale fish or sea
dragon used to represent great tyrants."
The books were very few from which came the custom
of lining off, called "deaconing." Judge Sewall said with
regard to the harmony on a certain occasion, "I set York
and the congregation went to St. David." Another writer
says: "Not two persons quaver alike but each may drop
off, alter, twist or change to suit him."
Bye and bye the "Bay Psalm Book" came; then "Tate
and Brady's Version."
When note singing was introduced, there came heart
burnings, with assertions that it was popish. In process
of time lectures were given in singing, from which may
have been evolved the singing school ; and by allowing
those who had learned to sing by rule to sit in the front
seats may have been evolved the choir.
After a while "triple time" tunes came into use.
This gave offence to those who wanted to drawl out the
notes in uniform length, and the time was derisively called
"a long leg and a short one."
Then came the style of singing called "fuging", intro
duced by Billings, which system spread like wild-fire.
Pitchpipes made of apple-tree wood were used at the
first; afterwards, metallic tuning forks.
In 1 714, there came from England "a pair of organs," so
called. It was given by Thomas Brattle to Brattle Street

2 50 Colonial
Church, Boston, but it was refused, and then it was given
to King's Chapel, where, after remaining unpacked for sev
eral months, it was made use of.
[The bass viol was about the first musical instrument
used in the New England churches. Violins were opposed
because they savored too much of dancing music. A com
promise was made in some places by which the fiddle might
be played if played the wrong end up, as in this way it
could be called a small bass viol. J
" fin Concord the version of "Songs and Hymns" by
Sternhold and Hopkins was used prior to 1666.
In 1775, it was voted to sing from Tate and Brady's ver
sion three months on trial.
The June following Watt's version was introduced and
used till 1828J
•-~ 'The singers were first "seated" about 1774, when the
custom of lining ceased and the church voted that Deacon
Wheeler should lead the singing one half the time and the
singers in the gallery the other.
In 1779, the church took into consideration the "melan
choly decay of singing in public worship, and chose 20 per
sons who should sit together in the body pews below and
take the lead in singing, the women to sit separate from the
rnen^ll As to the early catechistical service, Letchford's "Plain
Dealing" mentions the church in Concord as the first one
'to adopt the custom of catechising the children.
Mather says, "This was one of the constant exercises of
the Sabbath at the Concord church."
He states further that "All the unmarried people were
required to answer questions, after which expositions and
applications were made to the whole congregation."/
As the sun was fast settling behind the trees by the mill
dam, we were descending the narrow hill path with Good
man James Hosmer, who had entertained us at his "noon
house," and had there invited us to go home with him.
On the way to his house we had an oppotunity for con-

Concord 251
versation on several subjects appertaining to the Concord
settlement, about which we desired information, prominent
among which was the installment and ordination of Rev.
Peter Bulkeley.
We had known something of these events, but not all.
Neither had we much knowledge of the history of the
church; for as its records for the period since its establish
ment were wanting, one person's conjectures about this as
well as about the civil history, were as good as those of
another provided each followed the analogy of common
procedure. It was quite opportune that a subject of this nature was
suggested, since it would hardly have been in keeping with
the strict Sabbath observance of the time to discuss certain
other matters.
We ascertained in the course of our conversation that
some embarassment attended the first installation at Con
cord ; and as the subject is interesting we will give some
facts as we have found them stated in history.
| The church was organized July 5, 1636, and preparatory
to the installation of Mr. Bulkeley a day of fasting and
prayer was observed April 5, 1637. As usual, Colonial
dignitaries from Boston, both civil and ecclesiastic, were in
vited to the council; for the state as well as the church were
interested in clerical settlements, and assumed to have a
quasi jurisdiction or influence over ministers although
theoretically it might have denied it.
Not all, however, of the invited guests of either class
were present, although delegates were there from most of
the churches.
Winthrop says, "The Governer and Mr. Cotton and
Mr. Wheelwright and the two ruling elders of Boston and
the rest of the churches which were of any note did none
of them come to this meeting.
"The reason was conceived to be, because they counted
these as legal preachers and therefore would not give their
approbation to their ordination." A reason given for the

252 Colonial
absence of some of the notables was that the call came at
too short notice, but as a matter of fact, it was sent three
days beforehand.
It may not be proper at this late day to decide as to the
force any informality about the letters missive may have
had, for there may have been botn law and fact in the case,
of which we know nothing.
This much, however, is certain, that controversy then
prevailed concerning both doctrine and church polity.
And as at that time Mr. Bulkeley was supposed to
attach much importance to good works and was therefore
considered a legal preacher, it might be natural for some to
remain absent.
Besides the question of theological fitness for the clerical
office there had arisen a question as to whether a minis
ter ordained in England after the forms of the Episcopacy
could by this act be rightly recognized as a properly con
stituted clergyman.
Both questions were probably settled in the case of Par
son Bulkeley, for the council ordained and installed him.
And concerning the matter of church polity, one of the
delegates proposed a question which led to a passing of
the following resolution : "That such ministers as have been
clergymen in England and ordained by the bishop were to
be respected as having there legally sustained the office of
minister by the call of the people, and such ordination was
considered valid here; but, for having received this ordina
tion by the bishop, they should consider it a sin and in this
country they should not consider themselves ministers till
called by the people; but when thus elected, they were to
be considered ministers even before ordination."
It may be here stated that ministers who held to a cove
nant of works or who believed in the doctrine of the law
rather than the doctrine of grace were known as "legalists",
and those believing in the latter "antinomians." \

'THE WAYSIDE," HOME OF NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE.

CHAPTER XXVI.
Visit at the home of Goodman James Hosmer —
— Reflections upon the Settler s Fireplace — Invita
tion to Humphrey Barrett's Log Rolling — Situation
of the Hosmer Farm — Outline of Hosmer History
— The Old House Site — Scenes at the Log Rolling
— Early Forestry — Care of Concord 's Poor —
Process of Clearing New Lands — Facts Relative
to the Barrett Family.
WE had just finished our subject when the home
of -our host appeared in an opening among the
trees, and as we beheld it beyond the purple
and yellow of the maples and willows, we
thought that nothing we had seen in the settlement sur
passed it in picturesqueness.
As we entered the yard we were met by his good wife,
who had hastened out to tell her husband that James who
was ill in the morning was better, after which she lost no
time in saying that supper was ready.
After partaking of the evening meal we all seated our
selves about the cheerful hearth fire and chatted about
various neighborhood matters and about some things Col
onial. It was indeed a social season and scene. There
was domestic and homelike business about everything.
The pale moonlight which streamed in from over the win
dow sill was met at its entrance by such a fervid, animat
ed light from the fire place that it was hardly perceivable
and there was nothing whatever wanting to complete the
fireside comfort.
So snug were our surroundings and so cheery was every
thing that we mentioned the fact to Goodman Hosmer and
2 S3

254 Colonial
suggested that a settler's hearth was a place of great privi
lege. "Yes", he replied "it really is for we lay our plans
there." His last utterance made us thoughtful, and we pondered
over it that night after the lights went out, as we looked
over the still meadows and saw the stars twinkle and were
impressed with the silence that pervaded everything; and
were also reminded of the half-burnt black logs which were
even then smouldering beneath the banked fires of the
slumbering house-keepers ready to sparkle the next morn
ing at break of day.
What, thought we, has the fireplace been to the settler?
What part has it played in his history, and have we given
it its due?
These queries came to us in rapid sucession and quickl)
responsive came the unqualified conclusion that the open
fire had been a potent element in the developement of col
onial character. Fire is always a source of interest if not
of inspiration when it is not really mischievous, and the
poet has done well to sing about it, the philosopher to
muse over it, and the pagan to eulogize it.
The fire of driftwood upon the ocean beach, the vivid
reminder of wrecks on the dark waters, the tidings of
which never come shoreward; the watch-fire of the lonely
garrison, beyond whose glimmer none durst venture; the
camp-fire in the forest where slow sentinels pace through
night's stillness ; and the fires in dark evergreens made by
Indians — all these have their value and suitably impress
one; but not any or all of them are comparable to the fire
on the settler's hearthstone, where the flames are reflected
up and among braids of corn and grey herbs and out upon
pewter platters on the old dresser and into the corners of
the great kitchen and over the broad floor boards.
/" (Before the open fire was the settler's council chamber.
i Beside it was his children's nursery. There they laughed
^ and played and popped corn while the fathers whistled and
\sang and cracked jokes. The settler's austerity was soften-

Concord 255
ed by the fireplace, and the hard lines of his exposed life
were toned down. There he forgot his homely toil while
the tea kettle sang and the flames crackled and the winds
swept over the dry moorlands and vacant meadows.
Without his fireplace he might have been lonely, for
stoves and furnaces could not have supplied the want of
companionship that these did. I y
The gentle motion of a "fire upon the hearthstone is
almost akin to the friendly presence of a human form.
Thoreau said of his hut in Walden woods when he gave
up his fireplace, that though there was more warmth in a
stove there was less company in it. The labor necessary
for maintaining the open fire was another advantage. ,'To~"
obtain the requisite amount of fuel the settlers were obliged
to spend a large part of the long winter in the woods,
swinging the axe and ponderous beetle, for it was only by
means of the beetle and wedges that he cleft in twain
the gnarled oak and knotted hickory. Further time was
spent in hauling it from the rugged hillsides and the frozen
swamps. After it was hauled it was to be cut in the door-
yard, then seasoned and housed, and by the time all this
was accomplished the robins came. The amount of wood
required for the open fire was enormous, for the fireplaces
were very capacious and consuming, and the rude carpentry
of the houses was such as to let in much cold.
If we can judge of the average fuel supply of the settler
by the quantity sometimes stipulated for in the settlement
of a minister we should conclude that from twenty to
thirty cords would be required and sometimes more. I
Moreover, the chimneys with their broad flues were health^
giving. Through them in the night time, when the fires
were low, pure oxygen came down, and there ascended
upward every impurity, so that it was almost as if the
inmates of the house lived in the open air.
JThe fireplaces might be from six to eight feet in width, ""
in some instances even more. In this case the black log
required the strength of two men to lift it into its place.

256 Colonial
Between this and the forelog was heaped brush wood and
chips and cleft pine, all to be. enveloped in a grand pyra
mid of flame which went a roaring up the chimney as if
mad, while into every corner and cranny of the great
unfinished apartment the light danced and cheerily crept,
and the warmth melted the frost on the small window
panes and drove back the cold from under the door.
Before such a scene the settler sat with his family, and
the neighbors came and sat with them, and in the flames
they thought they saw horsemen and in the ashes heard
men walking as in snow.
When at the hour of retiring the flames faded and the
spent fuel had become reduced to a bed of coals the house
holder covered them carefully with hot ashes to be used
the next morning to start a new fire.
If for any reason during the night the coals went out,
some were borrowed, if a neighbor was near, but if not,
they resorted to the flint, steel and tinder box, or to the
use of a gun. |
The settler's fireside has often been pictured in both
prose and poetry, but perhaps by none more fitly than by
Whittier in his poem called "Snow Bound", where in the
following words he sets forth the cheer and snugness of the
open fire in a winter's storm:
We piled with care our nightly stack
Of wood against the chimney back, —
The oaken log, green, high, and thick,
And on its top the stout back-stick
The knotted forestick laid apart,
And tilled between with curious art
The ragged brush; then, hovering near,
We watched the first red blaze appear,
Heard the sharp crackle, caught the gleam
On whitewashed wall and sagging beam,
Until the old rude furnished room
Burst, flower-like into rosy bloom.
As it was near the sun setting when supper was over,
Goodman Hosmer did not get through with his chores till

Concord 257
early evening, and since we were quite weary with our Sat
urday night's escapade among the ghosts we talked but little
and retired early. Before going to bed, however, we were
informed that there was to be a neighborhood log-rolling
over at Goodman Humphrey Barrett's the next day and as
our host was going with his hired man he would like to
have us accompany him. "Besides," said he, "Goodman
Barrett sent a special invitation to you Saturday night and
would have spoken to you about it at the meeting house
had it not been Sunday."
A log-rolling in a new country was attractive. We had
heard of such but never expected to be present. It was
therefore with bright anticipations that we retired and
awaited the morrow.
Before the "shell" sounded for breakfast, for Goodwife
Hosmer blew a conch shell in some mysterious yet appar
ently easy manner at the kitchen door, we sat down at the
raised window that overlooked the river course to consider
the relative position of the Hosmer homestead to the cen
tral village.
The outlook was a pleasing one and showed the taste
and sagacity of Goodman Hosmer in his selection of the
locality for a home.
In a northerly direction at a distance of a half mile more
or less was Annusnac, forest crowned and symmetrical,
standing like a sentinel beside the plain. To the westerly
and southerly was the winding Assabet with its occasional
clumps of yellow willows, while upon its channel as seen
through a near clearing was just passing the canoe of Nip-
anum of Nashoba.
A flock of wild ducks were flying from river to river, and
along with a couple of cows on the meadow was a small
deer, all feeding together as if belonging to one family.
It was a scene worth lingering upon, and so loth were we
to leave it that we were a few minutes late at the breakfast
table, with no better excuse than that we had been enrap
tured by what we had seen.

258 Colonial
As the annals of the Hosmer family have been con
spicuously connected with Concord and its members are
many and widely scattered, let us leave our story and notice
a few outline facts of their history as these have been pre
served by record and substantial tradition.
The first progenitors of the Hosmer family in America
were Thomas and James, who were brothers.
Thomas Hosmer was at Cambridge as early as 1632,
and went to Connecticut about 1635.
James Hosmer with his wife Ann and two children left
England in April 1635, and went to Concord in the fol
lowing September. No record of the death of his wife is
known to be extant, but it is known that his second wife
was buried March 11, 1641, and that his third wife, Alice,
died March 3, 1664-5.
He had seven children, — Marie and Ann who were
born in England ; James, Mary, Stephen, Hannah and
Mary. James, the eldest son, married Sarah White who was a
sister of the Rev. Joseph Rowlinson, minister of the
church in Lancaster, Mass., and who was captured by the
Indians in King Philip's war and ransomed at a place near
Wachusett mountain in what is now Princeton. James was
killed at the Sudbury Fight, April 21, 1675-6.
Stephen, his youngest son, married Abigail Wood in
1667. He had six children, among whom were James and
Thomas. Thomas married in 1631, Prudence, a grand
daughter of the first Abigail Wood Hosmer ; and a son by
this marriage was Hon. Joseph Hosmer, a noted patriot
who was born December 25, 1735 and died Jan. 31, 1821,
aged 85.
An early house lot of the first James Hosmer, tradition
informs us, was at the Central village on or near the resi
dence of the late Hon. Samuel Hoar on the present Main
street, near the Public Library. His next house lot was
situated between the Assabet and the south branch of the
Musketaquid rivers.

Concord 259
It is stated that faint traces of the cellar hole are still vis
ible and deeds of a portion of the original farm are still in
possession of one of James Hosmer's descendants.
South west of the paternal estate was the home of James
Hosmer, Jr., who was killed by the Indians at Sudbury.
His house was near the present bridge of the Fitchburg
Railroad a little to the eastward of the depot at Concord
Junction. Formerly, a little stream near by afforded suffi
cient water power for a small flax mill which the Hosmers
owned and operated.
James Hosmer, Sr., added to his original land grant till
his domain extended nearly to the "Nine Acres," and
included various detached and outlying parcels of land.
His grave is unknown ; but probably is among many of
his contemporaries in the Hill Burying Ground./ s
The site of the ancient homestead is now grass grown ;
only an earth dent remaining to identify it ; and the sur
roundings are silent save as sounds come to it from afar or
as Nature breaks into the stillness with song of bird or
chirp of insect. But the associations to those who are con
versant with them are eloquently suggestive, and remind
one of distant years when the elder James Hosmer drove
his cattle to pasture and perhaps plodded on from this early
morning-task to raise the gate of his little flax mill, thereby
to furnish the prepared material for the fine linen of the
town's folk.
It took but a short time after breakfast for the men to
yoke up the oxen and start for the log-rolling. We met
several other teams on the way, for everybody in the north
quarter appeared to be going there, and there were some
from as far south as Mr. Flint's. They were a lively com
pany, and the great jargon of "Gee off, Buck ! " and
"Hish-haw, Star ! " reminded us of hurried military orders
and the long line of staid oxen, of an army mule train.
At length we reached the place and entered the enclosure,
which was a large opening in the forest, where Goodman
Barrett the year before had cut his fire wood and was

260 Colonial
now clearing to sow to rye. He had left on the ground
the untrimmed branches as they had been cut from the logs
and the cord wood, and these having become thoroughly
dry during the warm season were now to be burned, thereby
affording fertility to the soil and a clean surface to sow his
rye upon. The men went to work lustily for there was
much to be done. There were knotty trunks to be piled
together ; furrows to be ploughed around the field to pre
vent the fire from spreading ; "windfalls" to be pulled apart
and a few logs to be removed.
While this work was going on Goodman Barrett came to
us with the request that we go home with him when the
rolling was over. His genial countenance was a sufficient
assurance that his home would be a hospitable one, and we
cordially assented, whereupon we sat down upon a log and
conversed about the early forests. The facts brought out
were in full accord with the records, the substance of which
is as follows : the settlers did not waste their timber trees,
but passed laws for their protection ; they even ordered,
sometimes, that the trees by the wayside should not be cut
down, but spared as shade for the cattle ; people were
restricted also from taking only a certain number of trees
from the common land. A reason for this restriction may
have been the scarcity of some kinds of trees, as the pine
and oak, upon which they much relied for building pur
poses. The settler used no scantling stuff in his house
frames ; his work was massive and designed to stand and
the great beams were hewn out of the "clear" tree trunks.
Probably the annual fires of the Indians set to clear the
woods of underbrush had done much mischief to the tim
ber lands and the common use of wood for fuel had greatly
diminished the number of timber trees.
The subject of forestry naturally led us to inquire about
the climate, and from what we learned we concluded there
had been less change in it than many suppose. True we
speak of the heavy snows when we were children, but we
forget that a child has short limbs and that a comparatively

Concord ¦ ib\
shallow depth would appear great to us then. There are
some records that give light on this subject. In one of the
towns adjacent to Concord the town ordered that the fences
should be put in proper condition early in March, and var
ious things were to be done at a date which might indicate
no great change in the temperature of the season.
While busy in conversation about the climate, Good
man Barrett was called away by one of the neighbors, say
ing as he left us that he might be gone an hour or more.
We were not however to be left for so long a time
alone, for he soon returned with the two sons of a poor
widow, who, he afterwards told us, had applied to him for
work, their mother being partially dependent upon what
they could earn as farm hands. After setting them to
work at the easy task of gathering into heaps the lighter
brushwood, Goodman Barrett again seated himself on the
log and we resumed our chat. Our conversation was on
the subject of town charities, — this being suggested by the
circumstance just alluded to.
We soon concluded that the town of Concord took care
of its poor and on this point let us leave our story to pre
sent the following records. 'In 1645, William Halsted
bequeathed "unto the poore of Concord fyve pound to be
layed out in a Cow which I would have So ordered by the
Deacons & my executors that it may be a continual help to
such as are in need. God giving a blessing thereto."
In 1654, when a second land division was made, it was
enacted "that all poore men of the Towne that have not
commones to the number of foure shall be allowed so many
as amounts to foure with what they all ready shall have till
they are able to purchase for themselves and we mean those
poore men that at the present are householders."
In the will of Robert Meriam who died in 1682, was
the following clause, "I give to the poor of the Town of
Concord four pounds in corn."
Peter Wright, weaver who died Jan. 15, 171 8, devised

262 Concord
property to the town which was the origin of a fund for
what were called the "Silent Poor."]
About noon the work ceased ariaTall gathered in a corner
of the clearing to eat their lunch, which had been supple
mented by a pail of new milk and a firkin of "sack posset"
which Goodman Barrett had provided.
It was a merry company in that clearing by the roadside,
and when the noon hour was over and the work was
resumed it was with many a cheery haloo and lively call.
By mid-afternoon the task was completed and the field
was ready to be burned over.
The log-rolling had brought together the dismantled
tree trunks, and the dry branches which had been thrown
upon them made the piles inflammable.
In rapid succession they were set on fire till all were
ablaze and a great volume of smoke and cinders and sparks
showed how efficient was the element of fire for clearing
the fields for planting.
Before sunsetting the fires burned low, and the smould
ering, grey ash heaps indicated the kind of fertilizer the
settlers used in raising their winter rye and "guinny"
wheat.

FRANK B. SANBORN.

CHAPTER XXVII.
Invitation to visit the "Blood Farms" — Homestead
of a "Borderer" or "Out dweller — Pastoral Vis
itation with Parson Bulkeley and Deacon Griffin —
Religious Exercise at the house of Goodman Thomas
Dakin — Use of Ardent Spirit — Possible Mistakes
about Ministerial Drinking Habits — Social Stand
ing of the Clergy — Safeguards against abusing
Clergymen — Installation Dinners — Relation of
Pastor to his Parish — The Dakin Family —
Legend of Hidden Treasure.
WE met James Blood from the so called "Blood
Farms", who with his men had come all the way
from his home by the town's northern border to
assist in this land clearing.
We had met him the Sunday before at the meeting
house and promised to visit him sometime. As he was
urgent that we accompany him home after the "log-rolling"
we acceded after obtaining the kind but reluctant consent
of Goodman Barrett who had, expected us to go home with
him. The sun was near setting when we started, and long
before we reached our destination the darkness had so
deepened that it was difficult to keep the narrow pathway.
But little was said during the journey for the men had
enough to do to manage the cattle, one yoke of which was
but half broken, and all impatient to get to their stalls
sprang forward by jerks so that we progressed with much
unsteadiness. At length we saw in the distance a light and
conjectured, because homesteads were scarce in that locality,
that we were nearing our destination ; which conjecture was
263

264 Colonial
confirmed by the hurrying team and by the announcement
of James Blood that we were almost there.
A hired man met us as we approached the dwelling ; the
rattle of the wheels had brought the "women folks" to the
door, and we were soon within, partaking of a settler's sub
stantial supper. Of course there were the usual excuses
about the menu, for human nature was then the same as
now, and the same pride was manifested by the house
keepers as to their culinary skill; but we made a practical
demonstration that the supper was all we could wish ; and
soon, the meal time ended and the table cleared, we were
seated by the ample hearth-side for an evening chat.
We learned very much that evening concerning the life
of "borderers", as the Blood settlers were called, because a
part of their lands at least were supposed to only border on
those of Concord township.
Among the conclusions arrived at from our conversation
was that much hardship was experienced on account of their
isolated condition and especially their distance from the
central village of the township. It was a difficult journey
to meeting ; there were no near neighbors from whom to
borrow if anything was needed ; and whatever of accident
or incident occurred there might be none to share in the
joy or the grief. In short, to be a "borderer" was almost
like colonizing a new country alone.
The main drawback to these "outdwellers," as they were
sometimes called, was the anomalous attitude that they sus
tained in not being considered citizens of the town of Con
cord, while at the same time they were expected to pay
"rates". We did not ascertain whether it was the design of James
Blood when he settled in this remote district to eventually
make it a distinct municipality or only to occupy a land
grant, but we concluded it was the latter.
After a long and interesting conversation we retired, and
early next morning arose to look over the farm. It was
indeed a new country and we thought of the possibilities

Concord 265
of peril which might menace the family should hostilities at
any time break out with the Indians or should fire burn
their dwelling in the winter season.
After an early breakfast we started for the village with
one of the hired men who was going to mill.
We went on horseback and behind the saddle was a
couple of grain sacks thrown across the animal in a way to
make them balance. One of the sacks contained corn and
the other rye, and, we were informed, their bread was made
of equal parts of each.
An hour's ride brought us to Concord town and as we
approached the minister's house he rode out of his yard
accompanied by Deacon Griffin.
After passing the morning salutation, Parson Bulkeley
informed us that he was just starting off for a day of pas
toral visitation taking the Deacon as one of the committee
which had been appointed at the last town meeting to as
certain and report concerning the moral and spiritual condi
tion of the children and youth. The announcement was
coupled with an invitation to go with them, the invitation
perhaps being suggested by some queries we had put some
time previous relative to the minister's pastoral work. As
all was fish that came to our net we were not slow in
accepting and we were soon on our way to Cornet Wood's
just beyond the south branch of the river to procure if pos
sible one of his horses, he having, as the parson informed
us, a good saddle horse which would not be in use that day
since the owner was picking his cranberries.
It was a fortunate circumstance that we were to obtain
a horse at Cornet Wood's, for the Parson and Deacon were
to begin their calls at Thomas Dakin's, which was further
on. It took but a short time to get the horse ready and we
were soon off and away through the woods.
We found that the Dakin place was in a lonely locality
as much so as any we had visited. Not a house was in
sight and woods were on every side ; for since he had set-

266 Colonial
tied there late, there had been no time to enlarge the clear
ing. It was a most cordial welcome that we received from
the Dakin family ; for not only were visitors infrequent
there but everything relating to ecclesiastic matters was
most acceptable. It was not long after we entered before
Parson Bulkeley began his prefunctory work, for Goodman
Dakin, seeing us coming up the lane, had called in the boys
and the hired man and a couple of wood choppers who
were temporarily working for him. All were soon seated
and silence reigned as if at the meeting house ; and more
over all seemed to enter into the exercise with a relish.
Questions were asked to test the children's knowledge of
scripture and the personal experience of the elders was
inquired into ; and after Deacon Griffin had ascertained
what measures were being made use of for the spiritual nur
ture of the young, all kneeled while Parson Bulkeley
implored a blessing upon all present. As we were about
to go, Goodman Dakin with an importunity which we were
reluctant to ignore entreated us to remain till night, offer
ing to return with us at evening to Cornet Wood's ; so ear
nest was the request that we felt constrained to comply ;
and especially so since Parson Bulkeley had informed us
that he usually held the same exercises at each house, mak
ing everything professional on these occasions.
Before the Parson and Deacon took their leave, and after
those who had been called in were excused, Goodwife
Dakin brought in a glass decanter and a couple of beakers,
requesting the visitors to help themselves, which they did,
although with a dignity and decorum which showed no
inordinate desire for the drink and indicated that they par
took as much out of courtesy and deference to custom, as
for any craving within themselves.
This attitude of the minister so impressed us that we
afterwards inquired concerning it and also about some other
things pertaining to the ecclesiastics of the period, and from
the answers given and from old records together with the

Concord 267
revelation of the sparks at several fireplaces, we came to the
conclusion that the colonial clergy and perhaps the clergy
of a later date likewise had not always been rightly repre
sented concerning the drink habit, but that isolated cases
have been held up as the rule. In fact from all that we
have gathered we have concluded that the profession,
neither by preaching nor practice, encouraged intemperance,
and that it never was true that pastoral visits as a rule were
characterised by excessive dram drinking. The pulpit was
perhaps as outspoken then as now against drunkenness,
if not more so.
It was a subject for discipline, and church discipline in
those days meant something. A person who was set aside
in his church membership came as near both civil and
ecclesiastical ostracism as one could and not be an outcast.
The average character of the colonial preacher forbids
the belief in such stories as picture him staggering from
house to house on his round of pastoral visits, sipping to
excess wherever he stopped and going home half intoxi
cated. That they drank is not denied, but they considered that
they drank moderately, and strove to teach others that it
was a disgrace and a sin to drink to excess. This was like
wise the position of a large part of the laity.
Moreover distilled liquors were expensive and to waste
money upon any luxury was sinful.
From necessity the early colonist was economical almost
to penuriousness. He had nothing to throw away. Gen
erally speaking he may have used spirit on the principle of
value received. He would drink only so much as he
believed would enable him to hoe more corn or cut more
wood or get in more hay ; but to pay much money for the
mere fun of getting fuddled, the more thrifty would not.
Later, when the country became more settled, luxury
through wealth began to prevail, and distilled drinks being
less expensive, the drinking customs changed. But even
then the clergy were, we believe, by their character, their

268 Colonial
example and their teaching the same stalwart guard to beat
back the encroachment of an evil appetite.
And now that we are on the subject of ministerial stand
ing, we would state, that as a class they were greatly
respected and revered. Their social position was on a
level with that of the magistrate and the wealthy. Books
being few they were referred to as to a living encyclopedia
and it might be said of the New England minister as of the
schoolmaster in Goldsmith's Deserted Village,
"And still they gazed and still the wonder grew
That one small head could carry all he knew."
So great was the respect for ministers and churchly ordi
nances that strict laws were made to enforce it.
A person who unduly criticised his minister was subject
to public censure, if not to trial and the penalty of a fine.
In one town, a man was publicly whipped for speaking
derisively of the Bible and its ordinances as the clergyman
taught them.
A woman was once ordered to stand before the public
with a cleft stick upon her tongue, because she showed
a lack of respect for the Elder. It is related that one
Philip Ratcliffe in 1 63 1 , was publicly whipped and ban
ished for speaking against the churches.
Absenting one's self from church was a fault punishable
in public.
But, notwithstanding all this, ministers were subject to
great censure from their people at large, when it was
thought the case justified it. One was bitterly rebuked for
having saved eight hundred dollars by selling produce from
his farm.
Another was reproved for wearing stockings, "footed up
with another color." He was also rebuked for jumping
over a fence, instead of going though the gate when calling
upon a parishioner. One was mildly reproved for wearing
too worldly a wig.
The installation of a minister was a great event, some-

Concord 269
times attended by a dinner at the tavern. This consisted
of all kinds of New England fare with a liberal supply of
liquors. Liquors were sometimes mixed on the meeting
house steps, and portable bars were sometimes located near
the house of worship. The installation dinner was some
times extravagant, as one given at the house of Rev. Dr.
Sewall in 1761, when it is said that so great was the pre
paration for it that the price of provisions in Boston
raised "a part for several days."
It was said of it, "There were six tables that held one
with another eighteen persons each. Upon each table a
good rich plum pudding, a dish of boiled pork and fowls
and a corned leg of pork with sauce proper for it, a leg of
bacon, a la mode beef, a leg of mutton with caper sauce, a
roast loin of veal, a roast turkey, a venison pastel, besides
cake, cheese, tarts and butter."
Various quaint adjectives were made use of in describing
the preachers. They were sometimes spoken of as "painful
preachers," meaning pains-taking, "fit to teach," "soul
ravishing," "soul piercing," "angel rivaling," "septemflous,"
"holy savored," "soul affecting."
The relation of the pastor to his parish was substantially
the same as now in churches of the congregational order,
except that his authority was considered much greater, and
although theoretically a fiction yet he was a bold parish
ioner who attempted to overthrow it.
They called themselves "a church without a bishop," but
practically the pastor sometimes took the place of a bishop
and came near being a king.
When a minister was settled after the "old standing
order" it was difficult to unsettle him. According to a
supreme court decision he could hold the meeting house,
church records, church funds, and draw his salary unless
dismissed by a council.
The contract entered into between the pastor and people
was evolved from the congregational common law, as prin
ciples are crystallized by acts of the civil courts.

270 Colonial
But notwithstanding the strong position held by the
minister, he was sometimes subjected to such sorties by the
laity as made the throne tremble ; occasionally there were
severe controversies, — it might be over creed, church
polity, or some simple town affair.
In Concord there was great dissension concerning the
preaching of Mr. Bliss about the time of Whitefield's visit.
In the Sudbury Church there was a great strife con
cerning the stinting of the cow commons, and the conten
tion was carried so far, that the Colonial Court sent dele
gates to meet with it in council, and Rev. Edmund Brown
was one of the chief actors ; all of which goes to show that
peace cannot be maintained by ecclesiastical metes or
bounds however firmly set.
After the conversation about ministers we walked around
and looked over the locality in which Goodman Dakin had
cast his lot. His first settlement was near the central vil
lage where he had a house and barn which he sold to John
Hayward, when he took up his abode beyond the river.
His neighbors were Michael Wood, Obadiah Wheeler, and
Edmund Wigley ; the two latter living near Broad Meadow.
As the history of this family is_an interesting one we will
/"give some of the outline facts. 'Thomas was the common
/ ancestor in this country and was at Concord before 1650.
/ His first wife died in 1659, his second wife, widow Susan
Stratton died in 1698. He died Oct. 21, 1708.
After a generation or two, a branch of the family moved
just over the line into Sudbury and established there an
estate which longshore the family name. For many years
there was in the family a long succession of deacons, one
of whom Deacon Samuel Dakin, grandson of Thomas, fell
in battle in the last French and Indian war, July 20, 1758,
at Half Way Brook near Fort Edward while connected
with the expedition of General Amherst.
The site of the home where Deacon Dakin dwelt was a
little over the Sudbury and Concord boundary line, and
not far from the old farm long owned by his descendants
L

Concord 271
in the former town. The spot is marked only by an earth
dent.f ]The locality of the Dakin homestead on either side
of the town boundary line has been a lonely one and there
have been traditions about it of concealed booty. The
spot is quite near the well known Concord woods which
consist of many acres concerning which, legends might nat
urally arise. The stories represent that a part of the pirate
crew of Captain Kidd repaired to a spot about there for se
creting their spoils ; and it is certain that strangers were seen
about there under suspicious circumstances, remaining for
some hours without divulging their errand.
The place where they went has been approximately
pointed out and traditions have been passed down from
generation to generation until doubtless some came to
believe them and to search for the treasure supposed to be
buried. On one occasion as one of the proprietors was plewing
by the help of a neighbor, in a pasture in close proximity to
the spot, he noticed that the plow struck a large, flat, stone.
The team passed on and the day's work was ended.
Early the next morning the Deacon repaired to the spot
to examine the aforesaid stone. But what was his surprise
on arriving to find his neighbor there before him intent on
the same errand. They looked at each other and laughed
over the humorous situation, but neither carried back any
treasure except a cheery good morning. \ ""s
Probably the stories related of this locality are similar
and have no more truth than those related concerning the
visits of the Pirates to other towns. In some instances it
has been said that the Evil One stands guard over the
booty and that in searching for it silence was to be main
tained, for a single word might break the spell and the
treasure would vanish, but in process of time better conclu
sions were entertained and it is now supposed that the
Pirates were profligate rather than provident and spent as
they went.
We have now, as we believe, sufficiently set forth by fieri-

272 Colonial
tious representation, intermingled with fact, what were some
of the customs, experiences and pioneer processes of the
first settlers of Concord ; and now we propose no longer to
give descriptions of supposed visits to their families, neither
to draw inferences from analogy nor to resort to conjecture
to supply any absence of record or lack of authentic tradi
tion. Our purpose will be hereafter to deal purely with
history ; and in a plain matter of fact manner, state in
the present book some further annals of the township dur
ing the first score of years ; reserving for a future volume
events that occurred during its continuance as a colony and
then to the close of its history as a province.

PAR T II

HISTORY

OF THE

SETTLEMENT

O F

CONCORD, MASS

1654- 1602

>pa

2
ww HI— 1
Z0XoG

CHAPTER XXVIII
Early Record Relating to the Concord Plantation —
Permission to Purchase Territory — Land Sale —
Indian Deed — Depositions Confirmatory of title to
the Township — Original Boundary — Additional
Land Grants — Petitions to the General Court.
AMONG the remaining things to be considered
that are related to the first two decades of the
town's history are further matters appertaining
to real estate.
We have already noticed that a tract of land six miles
square was purchased of the Indians in 1636, and that the
price of it was paid in wampum and merchandise. We
stated that a deed was delivered and lost, and that depo
sitions concerning this transaction were taken in after years
confirmatory of a bona fide sale.
The land then purchased was lotted out and divided up,
additions were made to it, records made of it, and such
regulations provided as would secure to all their rights.
It is our purpose in the present chapter to produce the
evidence of these things ' by giving a transcript of some of
the original documents and some statements taken from old
writers. The first recorded statement about a proposed plantation
at the place which was later to become Concord is the fol
lowing, in vol. 1 page 57 of the state Archives, bearing
date Sept. 2, 1635:
"It is ordered, that there shallbe a plantacon att Mus
ketequid, & that there shallbe 6 myles of land square to
belong to it, & that the inhabitants thereof shall have three
yeares imunities from all publ[ic] charges, except traine-
273

274 Colonial
ings ; Further, that when any that plant there shall have
occacon of carryeing of goods thither, they shall repaire to
two of the nexte magistrates where the teames are, whoe
shall have power for a yeare to presse draughts, att reason
able rates, to be payde by the owners of the goods, to
transport their goods thither att seasonable tymes ; & the
name of the place is changed, & here after to be called
Concord/j This order of the Colonial General Court was succeeded
the next March by the following :
f "It was further 'agreed, that the imunitie of Concord for
three years shall begin the first of October nexte, & that
none shall have benefitt thereof but those that lyve there,
& with respect only to the stocke they have there.' " Mass.
Records, i. 167.J
A permissionror the Concord settlers to purchase terri
tory was given by the General Court and the record of it
made May 17, 1637, is as follows:
' "Concord had leave graunted them to purchase the
ground wthin their limits of the Indeans, to wit, Atawans &
Squa Sachim." (Mass. Records 1. i96)i_[
A record relating to a land sale at Concord whether of
the original grant or of some other transaction, a matter
that has perhaps never yet been settled by any published
history, is the following dated August 1, 1637 :
( "Webb Cowet, Squa Sachem, Tahatawants, Natan
quaticke alias Oldmans, Caato, alias Goodmans did expresse
their consent to the sale of the weire at Concord over
against the towne & all the planting ground wch hath bene
formerly planted by the Indians, to the inhabitants of Con
cord of wch there was a writing, wth their marks subscribed
given into the Court expressing the price given." Mass.
Records, 1. 196. \
With regard" to the Indian deed of the original land
grant Shattuck states, History of Concord, page 7.
"I have sought in vain for the Indian deed. It was
probably lost very early, since measures were taken in

Concord 275
1684, when the colony charter was declared to be void, and
the claims of Robert Mason to large portions of the coun
try were asserted to establish the lawful title, which the
inhabitants of Concord had in their soil. The original
petition was also lost."
The measures referred to by Shattuck as having been
taken to confirm the evidence of a legal ownership, are
the following depositions which have been preserved in
the records of both Middlesex County and the town of
Concord :
f~"The Testimony of Richard Rice aged seventy-two years"
Sheweth that about the yeare one thousand six hundred
Thirty six there was an Agreement made by some under
takers for the Towne since called Concord with some In
dians that had right unto the land then purchased for the
Township. The indians names was Squaw Sachem, Tohut-
tawun Sagamore, Muttunkatucka, and some other indians
y' lived then at that place, The Tract of land being six
miles square, The center of the place being about the place
the meeting house standeth now, The bargaine was made
& confirmed between ye English undertakers & the Indi
ans then present, to their good sattisfaction on all hands.
"7. 8. 84. Sworne in Court "Tho Danforth Record'"
[Middlesex Deeds, Lib. 9, fol. 105.]
"The Testimony of William Buttrick aged sixty-eight
years or thereabouts Sheweth, That about the yeare one
thousand six hundred thirty & six, there was an Agreement
made by some undertakers for the Towne since called
Concord with some Indians that had right unto the land
then purchased of them for the Township ; the Indians
names was Squaw Sachem Tohuttawun Sagamore & Nut-
tankatucka & some- other Indians that lived and was then
present at that place & at that time. The Tract of land
being six miles square, The centre being about ye place
the meeting house now standeth on. The bargaine was
made & confirmed between the English undertakers &

276 Colonial
the Indians then present & concernd, to theyr good satis
faction on all hands
"7, 8, 84. Sworne in Court "Tho Danforth R."
[Middlesex Deeds, Lib. 9, fol. 105.]
"The Deposition Jehojakin alias Mantatucket a christian
Indian of Natick aged. 70 years or thereabouts,
"This Deponent testifyeth & sayth, that about 50 years
since he lived within the bounds of that place which is now
called Concord at the foot of an hill named Nawshawtick
now in the possession of Mr Henery Woodis & that he
was prsent at a bargaine made at the house of Mr Peter
Bulkly (now Capt Timothy Wheeler's- between Mr Simon
Willard Mr John Jones, Mr Spencer & severall others in
behalfe of the Englishmen who were setling upon the
sd Towne of Concord & Squaw Sachem, Tahuttawun &
Nimrod Indians which sd Indians (according to yr particu
lar Rights & Interests) then sold a Tract of land conteyn-
ing six mile square -the sd house being accounted about the
center) to the sd English for a place to settle a Towne in.
And he the sd Deponent saw sa Willard & Spencer pay a
parcell of wompompeag, Hatchets, Hows, Knives, Cotton
Cloath & Shirts to the sd Indians for the sd Tract of land :
And in prticular he the sd Deponent perfectly remembreth
that Wompachowet Husband to Squaw-Sachem received a
Suit of cotton cloath, an Hatt, a white linnen band, shoes,
stockins & a great coat upon account of sd bargaine And
in the conclusion the sa Indians declard themselvs sattisfyed
& told the Englishmen they were Welcome. There were
also present at the sd Bargain Waban, Merch' Thomas his
brother in law Nowtoquatuckquaw an Indian, Aantonuish
now called Jethro
"taken upon oath. 20th of October 1684
"Before Daniel Gookin Senr. Asisis'
"Tho : Danforth. Dep*. Govr." I
[Middlesex Deeds, Lib. 9, fol. 100.] _/

Concord 277
As regards the shape or form of the territory contained
in the original grant, the historian Walcott says, "The
original grant was laid out in the form of a square. Right
angles and straight lines were preferred by the early settlers
whenever they could be had. No other grants had been
made near this place ; consequently it was not deemed nec
essary to notify any adjoining owner of the running of the
line, and the simplest possible form was adopted.
"The original grant may be bounded as follows : Begin
ning at the southwest corner at a stone post which marks
the present southwest corner of the town, the line runs
north 400 east (approximate needle course) on the Acton
line to a stone at the present northwest corner of Concord,
near the Dudley place. When Acton was made a town,
the statute bounded it on the east by 'Concord old
bounds ; ' from which it appears that Acton includes no
part of the original Concord, and that the dividing line be
tween the two towns is a portion of the old Concord line
on that side. The Acton boundary extended leads to a
heap of lichen-covered boulders surmounted by a stake.
This ancient monument is near the top of a hill in the
southwesterly part of Carlisle, and undoubtedly marks the
old northwest corner of our town. It was identified and
pointed out to the writer on the ground by Major B. F.
Heald, of Carlisle, who says that he has often heard his
father and other ancient men, long since deceased, speak of
this bound as marking the old Concord corner ; and every
thing goes to corroborate this testimony. The place was
commonly known by the name of "Berry Corner" and was
the original northeast corner of Acton; but, in 1780, a
portion of that town near this point was included in what
was then constituted as the District of Carlisle, and subse
quently formed a part of the town of the same name.
Making a right angle at this corner the line runs south
easterly through the lower part of Carlisle, coinciding in
two places with our present boundary, and, crossing the
river, runs about a quarter of a mile to the southward of

278 Colonial
the main street of Bedford and parallel with it, to a point
on the upland about forty rods east of the Shawsheen
River. Ancient stone walls preserve this line in part.
The bound at the northeast corner must have been re
moved at some time after Bedford was incorporated ; and,
as it stood in cultivated land, near a house, the farmer
would not be likely to value it so highly as we should, had
he allowed it to remain. The corner can be located with
sufficient accuracy however, by the intersection of the north
line, just described, with the line on the east ; and it
appears from the Billerica records of 1700 that the corner
was then marked by a stake and stones.
Returning to the southwest corner, we run southeasterly
on the present Sudbury line to the river, and thence in the
same course, on the Wayland line, to the corner at Lin
coln ; then striking across the lower corner of Lincoln and
keeping in the same straight line, we come to a heap of
stones situated near a brook, and in a line with that part of
the boundary between Lincoln and Weston which extends
southwesterly from the great road at G. F. Harrington's
house. Turning and making a right angle at this corner,
we proceed towards the northeast, on old stone walls, just
touching the eastern edge of Beaver Pond and including a
portion of the boundary between Bedford and Lexington,
thus meeting our north line and completing the square."
Besides the territory contained in the grant of six miles
square, other lands were subsequently petitioned for, an
account of which is thus given in Shattuck's History :
"Additional grants of land were occasionally made, ad
joining Concord, after the first purchase. On the 2nd of
May, 1638, Governor Winthrop had 1,200, and Thomas
Dudley 1,000 acres granted them below Concord. When
they came up to view it, "going down the river about four
miles, they made choice of a place for one thousand acres
for each of them. They offered each other the first choice,
but because the deputy's was first granted, and himself had
store of land already, the governor yielded him the choice.

Concord 279
So, at the place where the deputy's land was to begin, there
were two great stones, which they called the Two Brothers,
in remembrance that they were brothers by their childrens'
marriage, and did so brotherly agree, and for that a little
creek near those stones was to part their lands. At the
court, in the 4th month after, two hundred acres were
added to the governor's part." The governor's lot lay
southerly, and the deputy governor's northerly of those
rocks, and they were divided by a little brook, which may
now be seen a short distance below Carlisle bridge. Gov
ernor Winthrop selected (judiciously, I think) a lot in
Concord, which "he intended to build upon," near where
Captain Humphrey Hunt now lives. The changes, which
took place in his property and family, probably prevented
him from putting his plan into execution.
In Nov. 1636, 500 acres of land were granted to
Increase Nowell, Esq." on the north side of the bounds
of Concord beyond the river against the governor's 1200 ;"
and 500 acres to the Rev. Thomas Allen of Charlestown,
on the north side of Mr. Nowell's ; and, Oct. 7, 1640, to
the Rev. Thomas Weld of Roxbury 533 acres, next to
Mr. Allen's. Another tract of 400 acres, was also granted
to Mr. Atherton Hough. All these lands were sold about
1650 to John and Robert Blood, and comprised what was
afterwards known as the Bloods' Farms, which became a
part of Concord and which will be hereafter noticed."
But notwithstanding tract after tract was bestowed upon
the people of Concord they still wanted more territory.
This is indicated by the following petition dated Sept. 7,
'fWhereas your humble petitioners came into this
country about four years agoe, and have since then lived at
Concord, where we were forced to buy what now we have,
or the most of it, the convenience of the town being
before given out : your petitioners having been brought up
in husbandry, of children, finding the lands about the town
very barren, and the meadows very wet and unuseful,

280 Colonial
especially those we now have interest in ; and knowing it
is your desire the lands might be subdued, have taken
pains to search out a place on the north west of our town,
where we do desire some reasonable quantitie of land may
be granted unto us which we hope may in time be joined
to the farms already laid out there to make a village. And
so desiring God to guide you in this and all other your
weighty occasions, we rest your humble petitioners."
Thomas Wheeler
Timothy Wheeler
Ephraim Wheeler
Thomas Wheeler, Jr.
Roger Draper
Richard Lettin.
Indorsed : "We think some quantitie of land may be
granted them provided that within two years they make
.some good improvement of it."
In addition to the foregoing statement of Shattuck
relating to land transactions of Concord he further states
as follows on page 3 8 of his History :
"It has already been intimated that additional grants of
land were made to Concord about 1652. The following
details relate to these and other grants.
' " 'To the Honored Generall Court assembled at Boston.
The returne of the nommber of acres of land granted as
an addition to the Towne of Concord according to the
order of the General Court in 1654.
" 'Whereas the Court was pleased to grannt to our Towne
a village some fouer years since upon condition they should
improve it before others, but neglecting their opportunity,
the plantation of Chelmsford have taken a good parte of
the same, also Nattatawants [Tahattawan] having a plan
tation granted him which takes up a good some also, we
whoes names are subscribed have taken a survey of the
rest remayning, and wee finde about seven thousand acres
left out, of which Major Willard hath two thousand acres,
except a little part of one end of his farme which lyes in

Concord 281
the place or parcell of vacant land being by the last court
granted to our Towne on this condition that at this Court
we should acquaint the Court of the quantitye of what wee
have. "This is a true copie compared with original on file, as
it was exhibited to the Generall Court may 1655 as attest.
EdwARD Rawson, Secretary.
Tho. Brooks
Timothy Wheeler
Joseph Wheeler
George Wheeler
George Heaward
John Jones." )
Other territorial acquisitions followed, but as these
belong to a subsequent period mention of them here is
omitted.

CHAPTER XXIX
Land Allotments and Divisions — Early Records
Relating to Real Estate — Public Reservations —
Undivided Territory — Location of Land Tracts —
Amount of Acreage — The grant of Thirty-one
Acres to Rev. Peter Bulkeley.
THE settlers did not long allow their landed posses
sions to remain undisposed of or unused, but soon
divided them. The first apportionment was of
houselots and a limited quantity of lands outlying. The
second was by what were called land divisions.
Of the first method, Walcott, in his History, page 18
states as follows :
"As soon as the most pressing needs of the situation were
met, allotments of land were made to the members of the
company, and house-lots were laid out with some regular
ity on both sides of the Mill Brook, eastward as far as the
Kettle place lately owned by Mr. Staples, and on Walden
Street to the Almshouse ; in a westerly direction as far as
the Damon place ; and to the Old Manse and the Edmund
Hosmer place on the north. Besides his house-lot, each
one received his due proportion of the planting-ground
and meadow lying in the near vicinity. This was the first
division of lands, the price paid into the common stock
being a shilling per acre, or, in some special cases, a six
pence per acre. The land thus divided constituted a small
part only of the whole grant, and the remainder was held
in common and undivided, subject to such regulations as
the inhabitants thought fit to establish, until the second
282

PROVINCIAL STORE HOUSE

Concord 283
division in 1653, by which, substantially, the whole remain
ing portion of the original grant was disposed of."
About the second division the same author writes:
"By the first division of lands, which has already been
alluded to, a small portion only of the township passed into
the hands of individual owners and became private prop-
erty. A rule relating to the second division of land is the fol
lowing, which was voted upon at a town meeting held on
January 2nd, 1653:
"A meting of the Towne of Concord the 2th of the 11 mo.
1652 about second devitiones as foloweth,
lmpr it is agreed that 20. acres of land shall be for one
Cow Comon (of all the land men hold) and two yearling
shall goe for one grown beast, and one horse for one beast,
and 4. sheep for one beast.
I' The bounds of the Towne is devided into three parts ;
as foloweth : only the hogpen walke is not to be devided ;
Impr All on the north sid of the great Rivre shall be for
them, on that sid of the same ; and all on the east sid to
Mr Bulkelyes,
P the second part of the devition is on the East sid of the
aforesid rivre, beyond Cranefild to Shawshine corner, and
to Mr fflints pond to the gutter that comes out thereof,
and to the goose pond and along the path that comes to
the Towne medow & to the Towne ; and the ^sones to
Inioye this part are all the Inhabitants from Mr farweles to
the East end of the Towne, also Thomas Brookes is to
come in amongst them for two, third $ts of his land, and
Robert Meriam ; Sargent Wheler and Georg Meriam to
Joyne with them ;
I' the third f,t of [the] devition is from the gutter that
comes from Mr fflints pond as aforesaid ; to the south
rivre & betwen the rivres ; and those appoynted for that
devition, are the Rest of the towne not beforementioned.
It is agreed that if the mair f>t of any of the Companyes
shall agree for the laying out of the devitiones as before

284 Colonial
exprest then the minor ^>t shall be Compeled to agree there
to, but in Case the maior <g,t shall not agree ; then any
^>ticular $son shall not be hendered of ther wright, but
they shall have power to call on indeferant man and the
Company to whome he belongs shall choose one other, or
if they refeuse so to doe, then the Townsmen shall choose
on man, who with the suerveyer shall indeferantly lay out
his or there lands so requiring it, this votted.
It is forther agreed that every $son shall have som,
quantity of upland adioyning to his medow, where it is in
Comon except som more then ordenary ocation may hen-
der it, and in Case any defarence be therein ; it is to be
ended by indeferent men ; and this is to be ^>t of there
second devition ;
It is agreed that second devitiones shall not hender,
heighwayes to menes propriaties that they have in ^,ticolers,
but they shall be inioyed without charge of purchies to be
layed out by indeferent men ;
It is agreed that all those that have grants of lands given
them, shall have three acres for one as others have."
Of the second division, Shattuck says,
"The town met several times to consider in what new
manner this division should be made. On the 2nd of Jan.
1654, it was voted to divide the town into three parts or
quarters, and to have the lands first divided into the quar
ters ; but this was not entirely satisfactory to the inhabi
tants. "Much uneasiness," say the Records, "took place
before the system was matured." On the 8th of March,
1654, "at a publique training", nine men were chosen,
"three out of each quarter, empowered by the town to hear
and end former debate, according to their best light, and
discretion, and conscience: only eight of the nine must
agree to what is determined, or else nothing be of force ;
and none voted to the contrarie, but Georg Wheeler,
Henry Woodis, Joshua Edmands, William Buttrick, and
Thomas Stow." The labors of this committee resulted
in the following agreement :

Concord 285
"We whoes names are under written conclude that 20
acres of meadow shall be reserved for a minister in the
Hogepen-walke about Annursnake, and 20 acres of plow-
land out of the south quarter, and 20 acres of woodland
in the east quarter. We agree also that 20 acres of
woodland shall be reserved for the public good of the
towne lying neer the old hogepen, at each side of the
townes bounds line. — That some particular persons shall
have some inlargement, who are short in lands, paying 12
d. per acre, as others have don, and 6d. per acre, if the
towne consent thereto : — the persons are as follow: Georg
Wheeler 20 acres ; Obadiah Wheeler 20 acres ; Michel
Wood 12 acres; Thomas Daken 10 acres; Thomas Bat
man 15 acres; Bapties Smedly 14 acres. These to have
second divition as others have had. That all pooremen in
the towne that have not commons to the number of four,
shall be allowed so many as amounts to foure with what
they have already, till they be able to purchase for them
selves, or untill the townsmen shall see cause to take it
from them, and bestow it on others that want : and we
mean those poore men, that at the present are household
ers. And upon these conditions and those that follow, the
Hogepen-walke is resigned up to the north quarter."
'By the several divisions and allotments a large part of
the towns territory was early disposed of. Some however
remained for years undivided, and of this latter were
several large strips which belonged to each of the Quarters,
the Great Fields ; and a tract in the vicinity of the Bate
man Pond containing about four hundred acres and
formerly known as the "Twenty Score", a name derived
from the area of the reservation. /
Years after land matters had largely been adjusted, here
and there was found remaining a lone parcel that might be
considered the property of the public, several of these
being determined by actual survey reported upon as late as
1 845, to contain about two hundred and twenty-six acres.
One of these parcels was a small island in the crotch of

286 Colonial
the River below Mr. Woodis's Rock where the Rivers
meet ; another, a plot of a little less than an acre, reaching
up stream from where the Minute Man statue is situated.
Besides the grants and allowances in which the inhabi
tants in general shared, there were allotments to individuals
concerning which Walcott states :
"James Blood, father and son, received as part of their
second division five hundred acres in one parcel, extending
southward from the town line. Henry Woodis and Thom
as Stow jointly owned a tract of six hundred and sixty-six
acres, situated south of Fairhaven and east of the river,
which was sold in 1660 to Thomas Gobble and Daniel
Dane for £71, and was afterwards occupied by them.
Large tracts were held for a long time afterwards by the
Quarters, or by joint proprietors, in common and undi
vided ; as for instance, the "Great Fields" adjoining the
Great Meadow ; and the "Twenty Score," which extended
to the southward from Bateman's Pond and contained, as
the name would imply, four hundred acres, and many other
parcels besides, in various parts of the town."
There was also, as stated in an earlier chapter, a tract of
thirty-one acres of land situated at the center of the town,
granted to Rev. Peter Bulkeley in consideration of his
erecting a mill "to grind the town's corn."
It would be interesting to know where all the lands thus
allotted and divided were situated. To determine this,
however, in every instance would be a difficult matter, for
time, in many cases has left little or no trace of their boun
dary lines : but there has been preserved in the public rec
ords sufficient to determine their general location.
At a town meeting supposed to have been held at the
suggestion of the selectmen and Rev. Edward Bulkeley,
Thomas Brooks and Joseph Wheeler, Jan. 26, 1663,
measures were taken taken for the purchase of a new town
book. The book was purchased and it was decided that "what
is in 'the old book that is useful shall be transcribed into

Concord ' 287
the new with all lands which men now hold" "that
every man that hath not his proportion of lands laid out to
him, that is due him shall gitt it laid out by artis." This
was to be done by 1655 anc^ eacn one was to g've tne town
clerk a description of his land approved at a meeting of the
inhabitants of the quarter in which he lived, and certified
by the quarter clerk.
Referring to data afforded by the foregoing measure,
Shattuck, in his History which was written in 1835, states :
"From these records I have compiled the following table
which gives the greater part though not all the names of
the proprietors of the town at that time. The places of
their residence, when known, are indicated by the names
under which they now pass."
The following is the list with a change of arrangement.
The estates with the names of their owners in each quarter,
we have grouped together and the names of the owners at
the time of Shattuck's writing are in parentheses.
North Quarter.
Widow Heald, 6 lots, 161 acres (Joshua Buttrick,)
John Heald, 4 lots, 86 acres (North of Joshua But
trick). William Buttrick, 12 lots, 215 acres (Jonas
Buttrick). John Flint, 9 lots, 534 Acres (John Flint).
James Blood Sr. and James Blood Jr., 12 lots, 660 acres
(Rev. Dr. Ripley). John Smedly, 17 lot, 668 acres
(South of J. Jones). Thomas Bateman, 7 lots, 246 acres
(Near R. French.) Baptise Smedly, 10 lots, 186 acres
(Ephraim Brown). Humphry Barrett, 11 lots, 316 acres
(Abel B. Heywood.) Richard Temple, 5 lots, 291 acres
(Barretts Mills). John Blood, 1 lot, 61 acres (Near
Thomas Blood). John Jones, 9 lots, 351 acres (James
Jones'). Samuel Hunt, 13 lots, 277 acres. Boaz Brown,
6 lots, 86 acres (The Dakin House). Thomas Brown
14 lots, 186 acres (Reuben French.)

288 Colonial

south quarter
Joseph Dean, 1 lot, 22 acres (Wm. Heyden). Luke Pot
ter, 22 lots, 249 acres. John Heywood, 13 lots, 385 acres.
George Haywood, 10 lots, 505 acres. Daniel Dean and
Thomas Gobble, 1 lot, 600 acres (Jones Tavern). Henry
Woodhouse, 1 lot, 360 acres. Joseph Barrett and Joshua
Wheeler, 11 lots, 77 acres (John Vose). Nathaniel Billings
Jr. 7 lots, 54 acres (Amos Baker.) John Billings, 6 lots
John Wheeler, 1 lot, 67 acres. George Wheeler, 24 lots,
434 acres (near James Adams). Edward Bulkeley, 11 lots,
183 acres (near Meeting House.) Samuel Stratten, 6 lots,
254 acres. (Aims-House). Edmund Wigley 4 lots, 31
acres. John Miles, 23 lots, 459 acres (Josiah Davis).
William Buss, 19 lots, 319 acres (Elijah Woods). Thomas
Dakin, 4 lots, 87 acres. James Hosmer, 4 lots, 164 acres.
Samuel Wheeler, 2 lots, 21 acres. James Smedley, 9 lots,
287 acres. John Scotchford, 10 lots, 120 acres (near Cyrus
Stow) Michael Wood, 13 lots, 230 acres. (Samuel Dennis.
East Quarter.
Thomas Wheeler, Sr. 16 lot, 373 acres. (Jonathan
Wheeler). Francis Fletcher, 17 lots, 437 acres. Richard
Rice, 3 lots, 189 acres. George Meriam, 16 lots, 239
acres (near Alms-house). Moses Wheat, 22 lots, 339 acres,
(Bedford Road). Robert Meriam, 16 lots, 595 acres, (Eb.
Hubbard). "'Ephraim Flint, 750 acres (Lincoln). Grace
Bulkeley, 1 lot, 750 acres. Thomas Pellet and Joseph
Dean, 7 lots, 244 acres. Joseph Wheeler, 29 lots, 357
acres. Joshua Brooks, 11 lots, 195 acres (Isaac Brooks).
Caleb Brooks, 12 lots, 150 acres. Eliphalet Fox, 14 lots,
106 acres (Bedford Road). John Meriam, 8 lots, 262
acres, (Virginia Road). William Hartwell, 20 lots, 241
acres, (Bedford Road). John Hartwell, 3 lots, 17 acres,
(Bedford Road). Nathaniel Ball, 11 lots, 137 acres,
(Bedford Road). William Taylor, 14 lots, 117 acres, (Bed
ford Road). James Farwell, 18 lots, 280 acres. Joseph

1 1

Concord 289
Wheeler, 29 lots, 357 acres. William Baker, 5 lots, 43
acres. Besides the foregoing list Mr. Walcott has also located
some of the allotments, a part of which we gave in the chap
ter on early streets, and the remainder are the following
together with the names of the occupants at the time of
Mr. Walcott's writing, given in parentheses.
On the west side of the highway of Monument street in
the direction of the North Bridge was the early home of
Humphrey Barrett, his lot containing twelve acres. (D. G.
Langs.J On the same street John Jones had eight acres.
(Sarah J. Prescott.) John Smedley owned ten acres to the
easterly. (John S. Keyes). And James Blood and son
had twelve acres at what was afterward the Old Manse
estate. (Dr. Ripley).
The tract of land early granted to Rev. Peter Bulkeley
which contained thirty-one acres, was situated at Concord
Center and on its southerly side extended in a straight line
from a point where now stands the publishing house of
Albert Lane, which is the site of the Bulkeley Mill, beyond
which Mill the west end of the Milldam began, and going
to the corner of the Lexington highway and Bedford street,
to nearly the spot where the Catholic Church stands.
On the south side of this line was a public reservation or
a portion of the town's common land.
In connection with the grant of this land it was agreed
that Mr. Bulkeley for the purpose of repairing his milldam
should be permitted to take sand or clay from the parcel
reserved for the town's use.
To the northerly the thirty-one acre grant extended in
the direction of what are now Lowell and Monument
streets, the latter, or a portion of it at least being then
perhaps but a mere path to the home of Mr. Bulkeley and
the river meadow beyond.
The strip extended westerly to the Millbrook, and east
erly^ to the hill.
/ Soon after the death of Rev. Peter Bulkeley which

290 Colonial
occurred March 9, 1659, his widow conveyed the entire tract
to Capt. Timothy and George Wheeler; and in 1687, the
former by bequest left to the town a large portion of the
land" for schools and a training field.
By this gift the town's common land at the center was
made to comprise, with the exception of the mill privilege,
and perhaps here and there a small strip, all the territory
intermediate between the brook and the top of the hill east
and west ; north to the present Colonial House ; and to
the south as far as the premises now owned by the First
Parish. Thus by the accession of the newly acquired territory
by the Wheeler bequest, the town obtained an unin
terrupted space for public purposes, and the place already
occupied by the meeting house, the burying ground, the
pound, the whipping post and the stocks was made a
part of a large tract which was afterwards to contain
the schoolhouse and training field and still later the pres
ent public square upon or about which have been erected
the Middlesex Hotel, the Catholic Parsonage^ the Masonic
¦JHall, and the Soldier's MonumentJ The collateral events
connected with this combination of public property are of
much interest.
The town, after the acquisition of its new territory had
ample encouragement to improve it. Soon the "Little
Strate Strete" of which mention has been made so often
-/was no longer to have the land between it and the milldam
disfigured by the gaping gravel or clay pit, but by some
adjustment or exchange of rights, the work of removing
earth from the place near the meeting house for mill repairs
ceased, and gravel was taken from the hillside at a point
between the town house and the Catholic church until the
hill was dug through, and by the continuation of the way
so opened the present Bedford street was made. Nor was
this all the alteration of the central village in the vicinity of
its prospective public square. Gradually the old foot-path
over the milldam by the south west corner became a nee-

Concord 291
cessary way to the tavern, the store, and the road westerly
beyond the mill brook. From a foot-path it became a cart
way, and from this it developed into a county road; so
that perhaps soon after the middle of the 1 8th century
the town folks from the East Quarter were no longer
obliged to drive their vehicles around by way of Potter's
bridge at the head of the millpond an eighth or a quarter of
a mile south, but could pass over a convenient causeway at
the dam, while those from the opposite Quarter could drive
direct to the meeting house without any detention at the
milldam, at which place it is said, the west side people for
merly dismounted from their wagons on Sunday that they
might walk to the house of worship while the team drove
around over Potter's bridge./

CHAPTER XXX
Successive Ownership of Land Grants — Historic
Sketch of the Major Simon Willard Farm at
Nashawtuc — Change of Occupants of Old
Estates.
NEXT in point of interest to a knowledge of the
location of the allotments is a knowledge of
their successive ownership ; but to obtain
this in every case would not be easy if indeed it were
possible. Some of them probably changed ownership in a
very few years and some were doubtless soon divided up
^between several owners.
(During the town's second decade many new settlers
arrived, and as fresh ships entered the ports of Massachu
setts Bay and the passengers found the older townships
largely occupied, they pushed back into the interior. As
Concord had meadows and was the first settlement beyond
tide water, so it would naturally receive its due share of
the new comers, and would sell them portions of their
estates.' It is true there are instances where farms descended from
sire to son with all the apparent precision of the English
law of primogeniture, and if the children bounded off it was
not to go far, but to settle about the paternal estate by the
occupation of a part of it or of lands contiguous to it ; for
this reason some of the first estates were for generations
identified with their first owners but these were doubtless
exceptions, and in many instances a Jones place may soon
have become a Smith place and the Smith place become
identified by some other name. Illustrative of this pro
cess, we have in a manuscript work entitled "Homes and
292

THE ANTIQUARIAN HOUSE

Concord

293

People of Concord," written by Mr. Edward Jarvis, and
now in Concord Public Library, the following compilation
of facts namely: There were in Concord by 1654, eight
families, who in the first quarter of the last century were
"the most numerous families of farmers in the town," who
yet by the last quarter had largely parted with their estates.
The names of these families were Buttrick, Barrett, Brown,
Hunt, Hosmer, Dakin, Flint and Wood.
Of five farms owned by the Buttricks ; four went out
of the family while there were five voters by the name in
town. Of eight farms owned by the Barretts only two were
left in their name, with ten voters in town.
Two generations ago four farms belonged to the
Browns; in 1881, they held the same number in their
possession while the voters had increased to eleven.
Of three farms owned by the Hunts only one was
known by this name in 1881, notwithstanding there were
seven voters of the name.
The Hosmers owned six farms early in the first quarter
f the nineteenth century while only three remained in the
family name in the last quarter, with eleven voters of the
name in town.
The Flints occupied and owned three farms in the
first quarter of the nineteenth century while in 1 881, all
were sold and four voters remained.
As against these instances of change, Mr. Jarvis gives
several where estates have been conspicously retained in
the family ; among these is the Derby estate. This family
have held their farm from the first, the property descending
in a single line until as late as least as 1881, at which time
eight of the name are on the voting list. The Wheelers
who have been among the most numerous families in Con
cord have also kept their estates.
Thus farms have changed owners and persons their
occupation in the last quarter century and so presumably
in the century preceeding. A farm which has had many

294 Colonial
owners but whose title may be traced through them all is
the Major Simon Willard or Lee farm at Nashawtuc.
As the successive owners have been celebrated and the
History of Concord would not be complete without a
description of this farm we will give it ; taking our data
from Dr. Grindall Reynolds.
The first English owner was Major Simon Willard
before spoken of as one of the progenitors and principal
promoters of the plantation of Concord. /His house was
situated at about the spot where now stands the Abbott
House, and the lands connected with it probably included
those upon the hill and immediately about it.
The successor of Major Willard was Thomas Marshall,
formerly a soldier in the army of Oliver Cromwell, and
living, before he went to Concord, in Lynn from which
place he was sent to the General Court.
Mr. Marshall was something of a military man having
attained to the rank of Captain in the service of Crom
well and having had command of some soldiers in America
during one of the Indian wars.
He bought the Willard farm Nov. 19, 1659, for two
hundred and ten pounds.
Shortly after the purchase he received a licence to sell
"strong water" to travelers and others.
After a sojourn of sixteen months on the farm at
Nashawtuc, Capt. Marshall sold the place to Henry
Woodis or Woodhouse for the sum of two hundred and
forty pounds.
At this time the farm was said to contain three hundred
and fifty acres.
Five years later the house was destroyed by fire and the
only son of the owner, an infant, perished in the flames.
The building which was burned at this time, it has been
supposed, was not the one erected by Major Willard, but
the one erected by Mr. Woodis.
Before his ownership of the Nashawtuc farm or prior
to 1 66 1, Mr. Woodis was a land owner and a man of
considerable prominence. He was an officer in King

Concord 295
Philip's war and for several years represented the town at
the general court.
In 1699, the farm, excepting one fifth, was sold to
Joseph Lee, son in law of Henry Woodis.
The property was kept in the Lee family for the space
of one hundred and thirteen years. During this period
the town of Concord passed through many and eventful
changes, some of which were conspicuously connected with
the Lee farm.
Joseph, the first Lee who lived on the farm was from
Ipswich and married Mary Woodis in 1678, going to
Concord from that town, the records state, in 1696.
In 1 719, the first Joseph Lee, gave his son Joseph one
hundred and fifty acres, and his other children the
remainder, except the one fifth before referred to which
was given to the fourth daughter who married Elmer
Dakin. The second Joseph Lee was a physician.
He bought of each of his brothers and sisters their
portion; and in 1730 increased the acreage of the old
farm by the purchase of two additional plots.
The next owner was Joseph Lee, the third of the name
and he also was a physician, but practised his profession, as
is supposed, quite inconstantly. He was considered
wealthy ; and it is conjectured that he dealt somewhat in
real estate. He took part in several important church
quarrels and was one of a number who left the First Par
ish church and formed what has been termed the Black
Horse Church, because its meetings were held in the hall
of the tavern that once stood near the present Public
Library. He was a tory, and that probably of the rankest kind,
for he was not only in sympathy with England, but, it is
stated, conveyed the secrets of the Patriots to the officials
at Cambridge, even after the Revolution had set in. For
this misdemeanor he was confined to his Nashawtuc farm
fourteen months.
He died at the age of eighty.

296 Colonial
While Joseph Lee was confined at his farm in the Rev
olutionary war, Harvard College found an abiding place
at Concord for a short time and about a dozen of the stu
dents made their home at his house.
The last owner of the entire farm of the name of Lee is
supposed to be Silas who obtained it from his brother John
who had previously owned it jointly with his brother
Joseph. In 1 814, the widow of Silas sold her right of dower to
William Gray for $1,000, and the place passed out of the
possession of the family of Lee.
William Gray, well known in his day as "Billy Gray,"
was a noted Boston merchant, born in Lynn in 1750.
About the time of the conveyance of the Willard or Lee
farm to William Gray, the war broke out between the
United States and Great Britain, and it is stated that it was
the gold of Mr. Gray that fitted out the Constitution
which captured the Guerriere in that noted fight which
showed the supremacy of American Seamen over the Brit
ish. It has been stated also that it was with timber from
Nashawtuc that the Constitution was built. A large
growth of wood covered the hill at that time, and one
who itis asserted worked for Mr. Gray lumbering, said that
one winter fourteen or fifteen teams were employed hauling
to the river logs of pine and oak, some of which were
from three to four feet in diameter. These logs were
floated down and taken to Boston to be used partly at
least in ship building.
In 1 82 1, the farm was sold by Mr. Gray for $3,000 less
than it cost him and passed into the possession of Samuel
Phillips Prescott Fay, a native of Concord and son of
Jonathan Fay.
Samuel Fay was Judge of the Probate Court from 1821
to 1856. But his possession of the property was said to
be only nominal, he only holding it for Joseph Barrett the
husband of his sister.
Joseph Barrett the twelfth owner of the Nashawtuc farm

Concord 297
was a man perhaps no less noted for his personal character
istics than his predecessors. He was familiarly known in
Concord as Squire Joe Barrett, and conspicuous both for
his social and physical qualities. He had a powerful phy
sique, being, it is said, over six feet tall and weighing over
two hundred and fifty pounds. He carried on the farm
himself for some years and then placed it in charge of his
son Richard only working on it when he wished. Like
other owners of this remarkable farm, Mr. Barrett was
extensively connected with public life, being for some
years and until his death in 1848, Treasurer and Receiver-
General of the Commonwealth.
From 1844 to 1852 the property belonged to Captain
Richard Barrett, son of General Richard, and was sold by
him in the latter year to Samuel G. Wheeler, Mr. Barrett
serving as Treasurer of the Middlesex Fire Insurance
Company. Mr. Wheeler was an energetic business man
of New York. He made many improvements in the farm
house, built a barn and planted a row of elms on the
road to Acton.
After an ownership of four years he sold the place to.
David Elwell, a sea captain. The new owner like his im
mediate predecessor was a person of thrift and one who had
been prominent in his calling, being the first American ship
master to sail through the straits of Magellan. He was
about sixty-eight years old when he took the farm and he
gathered at his Concord home a collection of curious arti
cles which he had collected in his voyages to various parts
of the world.
The building with its contents was burned in the winter
of 1856-7, and upon the chimney, which for a time was
left standing, it is said, was inscribed a half effaced date
which indicated that the house was erected in 1646 or '56.
From Elwell the farm passed successively into the pos
session of Joseph L., and Charles H. Hurd, gandsons of
Dr. Isaac Hurd. In 1891, the property was sold by the
heirs to Mr. William Wheeler.

298 Colonial
The lands once composing this famous farm are now
more or less made use of for residential purposes and vari
ous elegant buildings with finely kept -lawns are now situ
ated upon it, and afford a fine lookout over the river.
The Concord Reservoir is situated upon the highest
point and nothing but the eminence itself with its aborigi
nal name now remains to remind one of Tahattawan and
his wigwam as it once nestled near the rivers by Egg Rock,
or of the farm building, formerly erected by the sturdy
Simon Willard, or of the tall timber trees that long ago
stood there until "cut down by the orders of 'Billy Gray'
the merchant, and carted to the seaboard, there perhaps, as
before intimated, to become a part of Old Ironsides "whose
thunders shook the mighty deep/]
In closing this sketch of the farms at Nashawtuc perhaps
nothing could be more appropriate than the following from
a paper of Dr. Reynolds read before the Antiquarian Soci
ety and since published in a book containing his works.
The paper is entitled "The Story of a Concord Farm."
"Rightly viewed this farm has been in itself a little world.
All trades, all professions, all human interests, seem sooner
or later to have come to it. The Indian, the fur trader, the
planter of new towns, the Cromwellian soldier and inn
keeper, merchants, doctors, lawyers, mechanics, farmers, a
judge, a minister, a sailor, a railroad manager, — all these
have possessed the land, and for the most part have depart
ed and left little trace of themselves behind. I count that
nine different stocks or families have in two hundred and
fifty years owned the farm, and that only two of them are
represented in the town today, unless it be by remote side
branches. But on the soil there are nothing but surface
changes. The beautifully rounded little hill, the green
meadow, the winding rivers, — these are just what they were
two hundred years ago.
Instinctively, as I close, I recall Emerson's words, which
seem simply concentrated history:

Concord 299
"Each of these landlords walked amidst his farm,
Saying, ''Tis mine, my children's and my name's ;
How sweet the west wind sounds in my own trees 1
How grateful climb those shadows on my hill !
I fancy these pure waters and the flags
Know me, as does my dog ; we sympathize ;
And, I affirm, my actions smack of the soil."
"Where are these men ? Asleep beneath their grounds ;
And strangers, found as they, their furrows plough
"The lawyer's deed
Ran sure
Intail,
To them and to their heirs
Who shall succeed,
Without fail,
Forevermore.
"Here is the land,
Shaggy with wood,
With the old valley,
Mound and flood.
But the heritors ?
Fled like the flood's foam, —
The lawyer and the laws,
And the kingdom,
Clean swept herefrom.
"They called me theirs,
Who so controlled me ;
Yet everyone wished to stay, and is gone.
How am I theirs,
If they cannot hold me,
But I hold them ?

CHAPTER XXXI.
Old Houses — The Elisha Jones House — The
Block House — Hunt House — Abel Hosmer House
— Wheeler House — Joseph Hosmer House —
Woods House — Buttrick House — Barrett House
— Old Manse — Wright Tavern — The Colonial
— The Meriam, Tuttle, Fox, Brown, Heywood,
Beal, Bull and Alcott Houses — Ancient House Sites
— Site of the Rev. Peter Bulkeley Parsonage —
Site of the Major Simon Willard House — Deserted
Districts and their suggestiveness.
IT would be a matter of much interest to know of the
houses or even their sites where the original owners
of alloted lands first lived. It is exceedingly improb
able how ever/that any of the first houses of the persons
whose names are on the list of earliest granters is now stand
ing, and only one is known to exist which belonged to one
of the settlers who next succeeded them.(
The following is a list of some of the older houses of
which we have any knowledge and a sketch of the history
of a portion of them :
The Block house, Elisha Jones house, Hunt house, Bar
rett house, the Wright Tavern, the Old Manse, the Col
onial, Wheeler house, Abel Hosmer house, Joseph Hos
mer house, Woods house, Buttrick house, Meriam house,
Tuttle house, Fox house, Reuben Brown house, George
Heywood house, the Beal house, Alcott house and the
house once inhabited by Ephraim Bull the originator of
the Concord grape.
300

THE ELISHA JONES HOUSE.

Concord 301

The Elisha Jones House.
1 The Elisha Jones house now occupied by the Hon.
John S. Keyes is situated on Monument street a short dis
tance from the lane leading to the Battle-ground and just
beyond the Old Manse on the opposite side of the way.
Its first owner was John Smedley an original grantee, of
Huguenot descent who arrived at the Concord plantation
probably before 1640.
It is not certain that the house stood where it now
stands since there are early records which indicate that it
may have been on either the east or west side of the high
way as it then existed. The road however may have been
changed in subsequent years, so that to follow it might
mislead as to the original house spot.
As first constructed the house contained but two rooms,
one above the other and faced the four points of the com
pass. The frame was of ash, the boarding of pitch pine,
the latter having edges that overlapped to protect from the
weather. The lower portion of the chimney was made of
stone and day mortar and its dimensions were twelve feet
by eight. John, the son of John, the first proprietor who
married May 5, 1669, was the second owner of the house,
and he added two rooms on the south side and between
them an entry and stairway, and perhaps the east lean to.
From John the second, the house passed to Ebenezer
Hartwell who married Sarah Smedley, daughter of John,
Junior. In 1724, the third owner sold the place to Samuel Jones,
his next neighbor, for 210 pounds.
It was afterwards occupied by his son Thomas Jones,
who in 1727 married Mary Mills.
The last named couple were blest by a numerous family,
all born in this house the youngest of whom, Elisha,
received the old home by the last will and testament of his
father. Elisha Jones was a blacksmith, and in 1770, married

302 Concord
Elizabeth Farrar. Through his ownership of the house
j:omes its Revolutionary history and farnjej
Hon. John S. Keyes, the present occupant and owner,
in his sketch of the old homestead in a paper prepared and
published by the Concord Antiquarian Society, writing of
Elisha Jones states as follows :
"He became the prominent man of the family, was Lieu
tenant according to some authority, and Captain according
to others. In the troubles preceding the Revolution Elisha
was active on the right side ; he received of the military
stores sent to Concord in 1775, fifty-five bbls. of beef and
1700 lbs. of salt-fish, to be stored in his cellar and shed.
His family of two small children were greatly disturbed by
the events of the morning of the 19th of April. The early
alarm roused them, and the Militia and minute men who
fell back at the approach of the British troops halted on the
hill behind their house and waited there some time before
crossing the bridge. The confusion and excitement
increased as the five companies of the red coats marched up
the road, and left two companies near his house, while two
more went on to Col. Barrett's and one remained to guard
the bridge.
The soldiers of the two companies then halted near this
door yard, soon surr6unded the well in front, drinking the
cool water that was so delicious after their long march that
hot day. It seems to have satisfied them as there are no
report of any depredations. Mr. Jones had prudently taken
his wife and babies down cellar, where they cowered in fear
and trembling in the dark corners, while he stood guard
over the barrels of beef. Soon the chatter and noise of the
Britishers ceased, and all was still. Then the silence was
broken by the volleys of musketry at the bridge. He
could stand it no longer, but rushing up from the cellar fol
lowed by his wife and crying children, they saw the regu
lars retreating in confusion back to the village, bearing
their wounded, some with ghastly faces, supported by their
comrades, others with bloody limbs hastily bandaged to

Concord 303
stanch the flow. It was a shocking sight to the oldest
child, a girl of four years, which she remembered to her old
age, and often described. To her father it lent new excite
ment and patriotic rage ; he pointed his gun out of the
bedroom window on the north-west corner of the house,
determined to have one raking fire at the foe. His wife
clung to his arm begging him not to risk their burning
the house if he fired from it, and succeeded in preventing
his purpose and getting his gun away. Then he went to
the door of the shed, and stood there looking at the
retreating soldiers in scorn and triumph. One of the rear
guard who may have seen his attempt to shoot, or "mis-
liked his look," drew up as they passed the house, and
fired a "British musket ball" at Elisha. It was a well
pointed shot considering that the red coats fired from the
hip, and not from the shoulder with a sight along the gun
barrel, as the Yankees did. The ball struck at the height
of Jones' head about three feet to the right, and passing
through the boarding, glanced from an oak joist, and out
through the back side into the ground behind. The hole
in the front board still remains, to be seen of "pilgrims and
strangers," some of whom content themselves with putting
their fingers in it, while others have been known to try to
cut out and carry off the hole. Whether, after this narrow
escape, Mr. Jones joined in the pursuit to Charlestown, or
remained at home to care for his frightened family, tradi
tion does not tell."
The old house is in the midst of an interesting
locality. Not far away towards the west is the Old Manse
with its gray, gambrel roof and antique pose, extending
back riverward from the historic highway as if modestly
shrinking from the multitudes that visit it.
Towards the east and on a large unoccupied lawn in full
and open view from the Jones doorway is ground supposed
to have been inhabited by the Indians as indicated by the
stone arrow heads found there.
To the northerly through the pines is the "Battle
Ground" including the monument, the bridge, and the

304 Colonial
"Minute Man" Statue. To the east and south are
still the rough pastures over which the Provincials passed
to intercept the British in their retreat back to Boston ;
and before the doorway is the same old road along which
the Regulars ran after the firing in the first conflict.
Truly if time has dealt favorably with any spot about
Concord where a century ago men wrought mightily it is
here. The river moves onward with an unchanged course ; the
willows as of old grow beside it ; the floods rise and
occasionally sweep over the meadow lands as of yore ; and
when by the winds of gray November the trees are strip
ped of their foliage, their is disclosed over the brown
reaches of marsh land an interesting expanse of historic
country. (From Elisha Jones the property passed to Nathan Bar
rett, from whom it was purchased by a daughter of the
last owner of the Prescott place which was near by, Mrs.
John S. Keyes.
The improvements made by the present owner Judge
Keyes we will give in his own words :
"With much labor and expense it was carefully repaired
and renovated ; a new outside and inside finish put on the
building ; the old chimneys taken down and replaced by
new ; the rooms finished in native woods ; the small win
dows enlarged ; and Lutheran, long and bay windows,
porch and piazza added, and the interior so changed that
its former owners would hardly recognize it. The outside
retains the lean-to roof on the North, and the general
shape of the old house. The barn was moved across the
road from where it had long been an eyesore to the Manse,
and placed nearly on the site of the blacksmith shop, and
the view over the meadows and battleground improved.")
The Block House.
> The Block house, or what remains of it is situated on
Main Street, the first building west of the Bank. It is

Concord 305
owned now by Miss Louisa Kennedy and occupied by F.
Holland. As it stands on land adjacent to the second
burying ground its location may indicate that it was on
land of the town since it may be inferred that the burying
grovind was on such land if not given by two sisters as
tradition has it. The Block house was supposed to have
been built as a garrison in King Philip's war and to have
been made largely of solid pine logs. Judge John S.
Keyes says, in 1839, when there was an enlargement made
on the west side for a window, he witnessed the workmen
sawing through solid pine logs.
It might be difficult to trace the entire succession of
owners of this ancient structure. It is presumable that
after being used as long as needful for a public purpose, it
was sold to private parties for a dwelling place.
The first private owner of whom we have any knowledge
was Rev. Daniel Bliss, a royalist who lived there before
the Revolutionary war and is supposed to have made the
first alterations in it.
From Bliss it passed into the possession of Dr. Isaac
Hurd, who at one time owned nearly or quite all the land
between this building and the river at the south bridge.
From about 1850 to 1880, it was occupied by Dr.
Henry A. BarrettJ
Associated with this old house is much that is suggestive
of a stormy period in olden times. It is true that Con
cord, unlike some of the interior towns of Middlesex
County, in King Philip's war was spared an attack by the
Indians ; nevertheless it was subject to the liability of sud
den assault, and hence on more than one occasion the
inhabitants of the lone outlying hamlets may have been
summoned to this little central stronghold by the firing of
significant signal guns, warning them that suspicious forms
had been seen lurking .by the wood side, or that the tracks
of strange feet had been discovered along the meadow
paths, or that mysterious smoke rising from lonesome
localities where no settler was known to live, might betoken

306 Colonial
the presence of savages who very soon would be at their
doors ; and as down through the years we come in thought
we can perhaps faintly conceive of events that transpired
about this building, when about a century later in 1775 the
British Regulars marched past and may be, visited it in
their search for public stores.
In former years, an ancient jail stood near and was
reached perhaps by a path along its very garden fence if
it had one, and the poor debtor whose board in the little
grim prison house may have been paid by some obsti
nate creditor might have been reminded of home comforts
and sighed for restoration to them, by sight of this house.
In its present appearance it shows but little sign
of antiquity and as it stands smiling by the roadside near
the place of old graves, there is nothing to remind the trav
eler that in that city of the dead may be the dust of many
who have passed in and out of this old building.
The Hunt House.
fThe Hunt house is situated at Punkatassett. It bears
the mark of great age and is supposed to have been built
about 1725. The original clapboards were of an old fash
ioned length. The place is now the property of Mr. Wil
liam Hunt, a great-grandson of the original owner.?
The Abel Hosmer House.
\ The Abel Hosmer House is situated on Elm street near
Concord Junction, and is owned or occupied by George M.
Baker. It is on a part of the original James Hosmer estate
whose lone homestead by the interval of the Assabet river
to the westerly was at its beginning one of the town's out
post houses. It is supposed to have been built about
1750, by one of the Hosmer family, j
The Wheeler House,
' This house with its leanto roof to the rearward, and its
little well kept front porch pleasantly facing towards the

Concord 307
. }
wayside is very old, having been built probably from 160 (
to 200 years ago. It well deserves the name it is known
by since it has always been identified with the Wheeler
family which is one of the most numerous in Concord. It
stands on the Sudbury road on the most direct way from
the Public Library to the R. R. Station, and is now the
property of Miss Helen Blanchard, a lineal descendant
of the first owner. !
The Joseph Hosmer House.
This !is situated a little beyond the South bridge and was
probably erected in 1751. It was the home of Joseph
Hosmer at the time of the Concord Fight. The house
was searched at that time by the English soldiers for mili
tary stores while its proprietor was acting as Adjutant of
the assembling provincials by request of Col. James Barrett.
It is now owwied by Prescott Keyes, Esq. :
The Woods House.
This is now used as a school for boys and is known as the
Concord School. The present master of the school and
manager of the estate is Thomas H. Eckfeldt, A.M.
The house was built soon atter 1760 and was also searched
April 19, 1775 for military stores supposed to be secreted
there. I
r._ The Buttrick House.
This old and historic homestead is near the North bridge
and now owned by Joseph Derby. It was built, it is
asserted, by Jonathan Buttrick in 1712, and April 19, 1775
was owned and occupied by Major John Buttrick, who
took a conspicuous part in the Concord fight. Before this
old building to the eastward is the "Battle Lawn" lately so
called, where the militia and minute men were formed, pre
paratory to their march to the bridge ; and near it the
detachment of Regulars under Capt. Parsons passed on their
way to and from the home of Col. James Barrett. |

308 Colonial
The "Battle Lawn" is marked by a suitably inscribed
tablet. The Barrett House.
The Barrett House is perhaps better known to the public
than any other in Concord, because of its former owner and
occupant Col. James Barrett of Concord Fight fame. An
extended account of this house was given in a former chap-
r ter. It. is in the vicinity of Annusnuck hill and was prob
ably built about 1725-50. The L is supposed to have
been added years after the erection of the main building.
In the dooryard of this house the British made a bonfire
of the Provincial gun-carriages, while Capt. Parsons's com
mand were searching the house for other Provincial prop
erty. \ The Old Manse.
The Old Manse stands a little back from the road on
Monument street, a short distance from the public square.
JThe plot of ground upon which it stands was originally
the property of James Blood father and son who had four
teen acres allowed them in this vicinity. Various have
been the owners and various and distinguished have been
the occupants of this old mansion. Few if any homes in
our land have associated with them more features of historic
and classic interest. It was for a long time the home of
Rev. Ezra Ripley, a prominent pastor of the Concord First
Parish. As for many years it was occupied by successive
ministers many of the New England Clergy have been
entertained there, and the walk from the memorable high
way that passes it, to the little vine clad front has many
times been trod by the feet of distinguished visitors,? and
the "prophet's chamber" has doubtless witnessed the~pres-
ence of guests, whose names if we knew them all would
make a long and honored list.
To the rear is the river flowing onward as tranquil and
bright as is the memory of the lives that were lived within
those peaceful precincts.

Concord 309

The Wright Tavern.
The Wright Tavern which apart from its age is among
the historic objects in Concord jwas built about 1747. It"
stands near the spot where there was an earth pit from
which the owners of the Bulkeley Grist Mill obtained
material with which to repair the mill-dam, a right which
was stipulated for when the mill privilege was granted.
The plot of ground which was a part of the small por
tion at the central village owned by the town was sold by a
committee appointed for the purpose at a town meeting in
May 1744, to Ephraim Jones in consideration of his pay
ing the sum of thirty pounds and also an agreement that
the "broken ground" in said town between the training
field and the meeting house "be improved in such way and
manner as to prevent the Training field from wasting away
the town's land."
The record of a conveyance of this property was dated
June 22, 1785, and describes a small piece of land with
bounds "Beginning at a stake at the Northeasterly corner
and leaving the highway full fore rods wide."
Not long after the purchase of the aforesaid property
Mr. Jones began to build, and a tavern was established
there as early at least as the middle of the 18th century.
Nov. 25, 1751, Landlord Jones sold the premises to
Thomas Munroe who came to Concord from Lexington.
Munroe kept the place open to the public as an Inn until
he died in 1766.
After his death the place was sold at a mortgagee's sale
to Daniel Taylor, the deed passing from Deacon Thomas
Barrett who held the mortgage.
In 1775 Amos Wright was carrying on the business of
inn keeper at this house, either as agent or proprietor.
While thus engaged the Concord Fight occurred, and from
that time forth the old tavern stand has been ascociated
with his name.
In the colonial period when this old hostelry was open

3 to Colonial
to the public it was prominently identified with town busi
ness. Its first proprietor Jones having been a leading town
officer as well as militia captain, more or less of the offi
cials met there for the transaction of town business.
Sometime during the year 1775, the property passed
into the hands of Samuel Swan of Charlestown, who kept
tavern there till 1785. From that time till a comparatively
recent date the house ceased to be used as a place of
public entertainment.
The next owner was Reuben Brown a saddler who once
lived in the Antiquarian House.
Since the house was closed as a tavern a variety of call
ings have been represented there, among which is that of
the livery man, the baker, the book binder, the store
keeper, the tinsmith, and the shoe dealer.
At present the property belongs to the "First Parish
Society," it having been donated to it by the late Reuben
Rice and Judge E. Rockwell Hoar who were joint owners.
The house some years since again became an Inn, and at
present is kept by Mr. John J. BuschJ
As it stands on the corner of Main and Lexington
streets, west of the Burying ground hill and just northerly
of the First Parish Meeting house, it is one of the con
spicuous objects near the Public Square.
The historic features of this old hostelry are such as to
render it much sought for by sightseers ; and it is said that
as many as fifteen thousand guests registered there the last
year. For a long time the old fireplaces, of which there is one
in nearly every room, were closed up, but of late they have
been re-opened, and the present proprietor has attempted
to give the old house somewhat of its former antique
appearance. Visitors are welcomed for an inspection of the
premises, and whatever of cheer modern appliances can
afford may be expected. As reference has been made in
another part of this volume to the relation of the Wright

Concord 311
Tavern to the Concord Fight, it is unnecessary to repeat it
here. The old picture by Doolittle and Earle, painted in 1775
represents the British soldiers as halting before the door
while their commander, Lieutenant-colonel Smith and his
Major, Pitcairn, are in the burying ground on the hill, look
ing over the village where the soldiers are in search of mil
itary stores. Before the Wright Tavern and along the
way toward the public Square, the Royal troops are drawn
up with martial precision, in close ranks, apparently await
ing the return of their officers for orders.
Of all the works of man set forth in this picture, which
though crude in perspective, may nevertheless be compara
tively accurate in detail, there is probably not one that has
undergone less of change than the Wright Tavern. It
stood there then as now it stands, defiant of storms and un
touched by the embellishment of modern art, while its
main companions of that old and memorable day are the
moss-stained tomb stones nearly opposite, the ancient road
way, the meadows and the brook.
The Colonial.
1 The Colonial House, or what we call the Colonial, is
composed of three houses which were formerly distinct and
separate from each other, viz : the White house, a public
store house, and the Thoreau House. Each of these por
tions is supposed to antedate the War of the Revolution.
The White house takes its name from a former occu
pant by the name of White. The middle portion was used
as a deposit for Provincial military supplies, and the Tho
reau house was once owned by aunts of Henry Tho
reau. An interesting fact connected with the Colonial
House is that the portion of it which was once a public
store house was probably visited by John How, a British
spy^as he styled himself, whose diary was printed at Con
cord, N. H. in 1827.
How left Boston by order of Gen. Gage given April 5,

312 Colonial
1775, to examine the roads, bridges and fording places, and
ascertain which was the best route for an army to take to
Worcester to destroy military stores deposited there. He
returned by way of Concord where, he states, he was
introduced to Major Buttrick and several other gentlemen
and was invited to dine at the tavern. He states:
"I was now invited to take dinner at the tavern with a
number of gentlemen. The conversation at dinner was
respecting the Regulars at Boston which they expected
out." After relating further conversation he continued as
follows : "By this time we had got through dinner. After
dinner we walked up to the storehouse to examine some
guns. I told them I could make any they wished. Here
I found a quantity of flour, arms, and ammunition. After
examining the gates and doors attached to yard and store
house, I returned to the tavern, where, after taking some
brandy and water I took leave of them."
The Colonial House is situated at Concord center front
ing the Public Square, and the proprietor is William E.
Rand. It is resorted to by tourists at all seasons ; and in sum
mer especially, because of its abundant foliage and pleasant
southerly outlook upon the town's common land, the
soldier's monument and the old burying ground.
Of the other houses in this list we have too limited a
knowledge to make more than a passing mention.
[The Heyward, Alcott, Brown, Bull, Beal and Meriam
houses are all situated on Lexington street and probably
antedate 1750J On the Bull estate the Concord Grape was
originated. Besides the history of old houses in Concord there
are several sites that merit especial notice. One of these
is on Lowell street and marked by a tablet designating it
as the place where the house of the town's first minis
ter stood. Great care was taken by the committee on
erecting tablets in Concord, that there should be no mis
take as to the identity of the spot marked.

Concord 3 1 3
Tradition has always asserted it, and according to a
statement of one of the oldest inhabitants there was
visible at this place an ancient earth dent ; but the evidence
does not rest wholly with these things. Several years ago
when workmen were engaged in this immediate locality
making excavations for a public purpose they came upon
the remnant of an old cellar wall just where one might be
expected to be found provided the conclusions of the
committee were correct. There has also been collected
about the premises, building material of an antique pattern
in the shape of brick or tile. The brick or tile, for it is
stated that neither term will hardly describe them, were
made of lime obtained from clam shells, and were evidently
manufactured many years ago.
ffhe Major Simon Willard house site is near the Con-~~~
cord School for Boys just beyond the South Bridge and is
also marked by a tablet. The identity of this spot is
unmistakable ; and there is no question but that there the
daring and energetic major made his early home which
was probably the farthest westward of any in the Bay
colony ; and when the wigwam of his Indian neighbor that
stood near Egg rock, and the homes of his fellow townsmen
on the "Little Strate Strete" were about equidistant from
him. Probably the house when erected ended the road towards \
the wilderness and was literally "out west" and when the
floods swelled the Musketequid or thin ice covered it, he
and his household were completely isolated from the settle
ment. It may be the location of this pioneer homestead on the
west bank of the Musketequid that occasioned the erection
of the first "town bridge" near there, of which Walcott
writes :
"The first bridge over the South River is said to have
been placed a short distance below the bend in the stream
against Mr. Hurd's land, a location afterwards abandoned

314 Colonial
for the present one, in order to obtain a more direct course
for the road to Lancaster."
The first neighbor to live at the westward beyond Mr.
Willard was perhaps James Hosmer.
Of the road that may have been extended westward for
his accommodation, the writer just referred to says :
"The earliest way from the South Bridge to the Derby
place ran in a curved line, between Nashawtuck Hill and
the house of Charles H. Hurd, to the old Colburn house-
lot, and then turning more to the westward, reached the
Hosmer's, and crossed the river by a ford-way near the
railroad bridge. When, however, a bridge was thrown
over the river, where it is now crossed, at this point, the
commmonly travelled way to and from the town was by
the John Hosmer place."
Thus step by step the various ways as they radiated into
the deep woods from the little hamlet that gathered and
grew at Concord's geographical center might be traced by
the sites of old homesteads, were it not that time with its
"ever effacing finger" has almost obliterated them.
As it is difficult to ascertain where many of the early
house sites are, for the same reason it is hard to determine
what of a town's outlying portion may at different periods
have been the most populous.
There are in more or less of the New England town
ships districts now abandoned to a wild vegetable growth,
which may once have resounded with the activities of
busy life.
Illustrative of this is what Thoreau says of Walden
pond. He informs us that in that vicinity were dwellings
which in his day were nearly obliterated. Among those
who lived there as he gives them were Cato Ingraham,
Zilpha, Brister, Freeman, Stratton, Breed, Gondibert, Nut
ting, Le Grosse and Hugh Quoil. Of the homes in which
they lived he says :
"Now only a dent in the earth marks the site of these
dwellings, with buried cellar stones, and strawberries, rasp-

Concord 315
berries, thimble-berries, hazel-bushes, and sumachs growing
in the sunny sward there ; some pitch-pine or gnarled oak
occupies what was the chimney nook, and a sweet-scented
black-birch, perhaps, waves where the door-stone was.
"Still grows the vivacious lilac a generation after the door
and lintel and the sill are gone, unfolding its sweet-scented
flowers each spring, to be plucked by the musing traveller ;
planted and tended once by children's hands, in front-yard
plots, — now standing by wall-sides in retired pastures, and
giving place to new-rising forests ; — the last of that stirp,
sole survivor of that family. Little did the dusky chil
dren think that the puny slip with its two eyes only, which
they stuck in the ground in the shadow of the house and
daily watered, would root itself so, and outlive them, and
house itself in the rear that shaded it, and grown man's
garden and orchard, and tell their story faintly to the lone
wanderer a half century after they had grown up and
died, — blossoming as fair, and smelling as sweet, as in that
first spring."

CHAPTER XXXII.
Development of the Settlement — Indications of
Progress — Various Hindrances — Discouraging
Report — Unsatisfactory Condition of the River
Meadows — Measures taken for a Betterment
of the Meadows — Unproductive Uplands —
Emigration to Connecticut — The Towns Recupera
tive Energy — Condition in 1654.
ABOUT the time of an adjustment of matters relat
ing to the town's territory, rules and regulations
were made and adopted regarding its municipal
management. As the town was divided into several
districts termed quarters, the work of constructing and
maintaining highways and bridges was also provided for and
apportioned. These things together with the usual town meeting
enactments in matters pertaining to public convenience' are
indications that the town steadily kept pace with its sis
ter settlements. But any prosperity whether of township
or individuals in those strenuous times was only obtained
by dint of great and persevering effort. We judge from a
paper presented to the General Court within ten years after
the settlement began that there were grave doubts as to the
ability to survive the hindrances that beset them on every
hand. In a petition, presented May 14, 1645 the signers
stated : "Many homes in the Towne stand voyde of Inhab
itants and more are likely to be : and we are confidente that
if conscience had not restrained, fearing the disolution of
the Towne by their removal, very many had departed to
one place or otherwhere Providence should have hopefully
promised a livelihood." 316

-zzn^c^ ^23^-*^—

(In his eighty-second year, travelling in Iowa, 1882.. y

BY PERMISSION OF LITTLE, BROWN tc CO.

Concord 317
After this plain statement of fact which set forth the state
of temporal affairs in Concord and at the same time almost
in a single sentence showed the devout and worthy character
of the signers there is a pathetic explanation of their atti
tude in words as follows :
"This our condition we thought it oure duty to informe
you of, fearing least if more go from us we shall neither
remayne as a congregation nor a towne, and then such as
are most unwilling to depart, whiles there remayne any
hopes of ordinance amongst us, will be enforced to leave the
place, which if it should come to pass, wee desire this may
testify on the behalf of such, it was not a mynd unsatisfyed
with what was convenient, which occasioned them to depart,
but meerly to attaine a subsistence for themselves and such
as depend on them, and to enjoy ordinances."
One great cause of discouragement was the condition of
the river meadows in times of high water. Sept. 8, 1636 an
order was passed by the Court which is supposed to be a
response to a petition for river betterments.
"Whereas the inhabitants of Concord are purposed to
abate the falls in the ryver upon wch their towne standeth.
whearby they conceive such townes as shalbeee hereafter
planted above them vpon the said ryver shall receive bene
fit by reason of their charge & labor, it is therefore ordered,
that such townes and ffarms as shalbee planted above them
shall contribute to the inhabitants of Concord portionable
both to their charge & adventure, and according to the bene
fit that the said townes or ffarms shall receive by the drean-
ing of their medows." Mass. Records Vol. 1 page 178.
As evidence that the agitation of this subject was con
tinued at times during subsequent years we have the follow
ing record bearing date Nov. 13, 1644, which relates to
commissioners appointed at that time "to the better sur
veying, improving and draining of the meadows and sav
ing and preserving of the hay there gathered either by
draining the same or otherwise and to proportion the
charges laid about it as equally and justly (only upon them

3 1 8 Colonial
that own lands) as they in their wisdom shall see meete."
Johnson says that in 1654, "The falles causeth their
meadows to be much covered with water, the while these
people together with their neighbor towne (Sudbury) here
several times essayed to cut through but cannot ; yet it
may be turned another way with an hundred pound
charge." The way proposed was a channel across the
country to Watertown or Cambridge.
It may be difficult at this distant day to conceive of the
inconvenience and deprivation occasioned by the river floods,
for conditions are different. Then, the farmers depended
largely upon the hay produced on these marsh lands not
only for their dairy products but also for fertilizer for their
upland. This latter was a very important matter.
The settlers could raise their corn at the first by placing
in the hill a single alewife yet later when the ground had
become partially exhausted by successive crops, something
more substantial was needed as a plant stimulant so that
considering the circumstances there is little wonder that the
people complained and called for meadow betterments.
Neither may we doubt as to the results of these disad
vantages. Johnson says the people "were forced to cut
their bread very thin for a season" and Walcott, writing of
the first year, states :
"It cannot be wondered at that some sickened and died
by reason of the unaccustomed hardships and severity of
the winter weather, while others lost all faith in the success
of the enterprise, sold their estates for a little, and
departed. The cattle died, wolves preyed upon the herds ;
homesickness and fear of an Indian attack increased the
burden of their lives, so that it became well-nigh greater
than they could bear."
Besides the loss occasioned by the wetness of the mead
ows, some of the uplands were considered poor, for we
find the following records concerning them : "Finding
the lands about the town very barren." "Neither have we

Concord 319
found any special hand of God gone out against us only
the povertie and meannesse of the place."
Again we find in a petition presented about 1655, "and
our land much of it being pine land which affords very
little feeding for cattle."
It is hardly to be supposed that the soil was very unlike
much of the uncleared land of Concord at the present.
The Indians had not exhausted much of the land, for it
was not in accord with Indian nature to work much, and
we believe their corn fields were comparatively few and
small ; and perhaps the lands earliest cleared were the pine
lands because it would be an easier task to effect the clear
ing and the planting of them and these lands might have
had lighter soil than the hardwood lands.
But in addition to these adverse circumstances in the
natural world, the people of Concord early encountered
obstacles in the little social and religious world in which
they lived. As has been already stated, some friction
existed early between the minister and the elder. Whether
it was of an ecclesiastical or of a financial nature, we do not
judge. It may have been both, as is indicated by the fol
lowing statement of Winthrop in his history :
["Some of the elders went to Concord, being sent for by
the church there to advise with them about the maintenance
of the elders &c. They found them wavering about removal
not finding their plantations answerable to their expecta
tion, and the maintainence of two elders too heavy a bur
den for them. The Elders advice was that they should
continue and wait upon God, and be helpful to their elders
in labor and what they could, and all to be ordered by the
deacons, (whose office had not formerly been improved this
way amongst them,) and that the elders should be content
with what means the church was able at present to afford
them, and if either of them should be called to some other
place, then to advise with other churches about removal."
By the combination of these untoward circumstances dur
ing the first decade, was the going forth of a large company

320 Colonial
of the inhabitants to Connecticut. The movement was
doubtless led by Elder Jones; and those who went with
him were some of the staunch men of the settlement.
Among them are supposed to have been Dagget, Evarts,
Mitchell, Odell, Barron, Tomkins, Jenney, Middlebrook,
Bennet, Coslinor Costin, Ephraim and Thomas Wheeler.
John Evarts of the foregoing list is said to be the ances
tor of Secretary of State William Evarts of President
Grant's cabinetj
As to the scene when the company set forth tradition is
silent, but it doubtless was a sad one. Mutual services
associated with days of danger and deprivation in which
there was a sharing together of a common lot would natu
rally create friendship and endearment.
The route taken by the emigrants it is not unlikely was
the "Old Connecticut Path" which they could enter at a
point about four miles southerly in the part of Sudbury
now Wayland. Once on this trail of the Nipnet Indians,
the party would probably have a fairly beaten track for a
long distance towards the place they sought which was_ the_
territory of the present town of Fairfield, -fcoTTg-TOTmtf? '
As about one eighth of the entire population of the
Concord township were included in this company, it doubt
less was a great blow to the settlement. Yet so great was
the recuperative energy of the plantation that within ten
years after the exodus, the inhabitants had extended their
homesteads to the territorial limits of the town, and asked
for additional land grants. The lands already possessed
were being developed and the resources of the town
increasing generally. In 1653 a subscription of five
pounds a year for seven years was ordered for the benefit
of Harvard College, and Johnson informs us as follows
relative to the condition of the town a year later : "The
number of families at present are about 50, their head of
great cattell are 300, the church of Christ here consists of
about 50 souls."

LOUISA MAY ALCOTT.

CHAPTER XXXIII.
Death of Mr. Thomas Flint and the Rev. Peter
Bulkeley — Departure from Concord of Major
Simon Willard — Walcott' s description of the Nat
ure and Value of Major Willard's Public Ser
vices — Biographical Sketches of Thomas Flint
Esquire and the Rev. Peter Bulkeley.
HARDLY had the little colony at Concord fairly
recovered itself and entered upon a period
of renewed prosperity after the dissention and
discontent of the first two decades, when it lost
three of its most prominent citizens each of whom had
more than a local reputation, Thomas Flint, Rev. Peter
Bulkeley and Major Simon Willard. Of these three Con
cord worthies the historian Walcott writes :
"On October 8, 1655, the town lost one of its foremost
men by the death of Thomas Flint. Two years later,
Major Willard received, as a reward for his distinguished
services to the cpuntry, a grant of five hundred acres of
land, which he selected and laid out in the southerly part
of Groton; Rev. Peter Bulkeley died March. 9, 1659;
and in November following, Major Willard sold his estate
in Concord to Captain Thomas Marshall, of Lynn, and
removed to Lancaster, whither he had previously been
urged to go, and where he filled a high position. Subse
quently he removed to Groton, where his son Samuel was
settled as minister ; and after the destruction of the town
by the Indians, he took up his abode at Charlestown, where
he died April 24, 1676, at the age of seventy-one years."
The departure of these men was doubtless severely felt
and greatly deplored not only on account of the loss of
321

322 Colonial
material and moral support but because of the severance
of kindred ties and associated experiences. Mr. Bul
keley had been under God, their chief spiritual guide.
Mr. Willard had surveyed their lands and represented them
in places of legislation and served them as civic counselor
at a time when the town needed strong men to lean upon ;
and Mr. Flint had doubtless long enough "ended small
causes" and joined young men and maidens in marriage to
endear himself to the whole community, and make his
name a household word. Mr. Bulkeley and Mr. Flint
were taken away by death. Major Willard moved to other
places to be as bold a pioneer there as he had been in Con
cord town.
As a biographical sketch of Mr. Willard has been given
in a former chapter we will here only quote the following
relative to him from the history of Walcott :
"Knowledge of men, skill in surveying lands, experience
gained by trading with the natives, were qualities that fitted
him in a peculiar manner to take the lead in locating the
land granted by the colonial government, and fortifying the
title by peaceful negotiations with the Indian occupants.
As deputy and assistant he was well known in the colony,
and by the aid of his influence with those in power, the
controversy with Watertown about the eastern boundary
was brought to a favorable termination.
"As captain of the train-band, Willard directed the
military spirit of his neighbors when military distinction
was second only to that of the church. He surveyed the
lands allotted to the settlers, made their deeds, was arbitra
tor in their controversies, kept their records, and, last office
of all, settled their estates after they were dead. A person
like this, — useful in any community, at any stage of its
history, — was indispensable to the plantation at Musketa-
quid." The lack of space prevents a very extended statement
as to the place that was occupied by Mr. Thomas Flint in
both the township of Concord and the Colony of Massa-

Concord 3 23
chusetts Bay, but it may be said of him as of Mr. Willard
and the Rev. Peter Bulkeley that a complete history of
either could not be written without giving him prominent
notice. (Thomas Flint, Esq., came from Matlock in Derbyshire,
England, to the township of Concord in 1638. We are
informed that his native place was beautifully situated and
had a rare attractiveness ; but, presumably, like many
another English worthy of the non-conformist class, he pre
ferred the great outer world in which to act as his conscience
dictated, to an ecclesiastical restraint in his native land.!
Walcott informs us that both Mr. Flint and Rev.Teter
Bulkeley had sufficient property to bring them within the
degree of subsidy men, and therefore it is supposed that
embarkation from England was achieved by obtaining a
special license or through the connivance of the authori
ties. Mr. Flint brought to America, as a genealogy of the
family states, ^4000, and hence would be considered
wealthy, since all the other settlers, with the exception of
Messrs. Willard and Bulkeley, were, as has been said,
"mere plain people with small means."
f In 1639, he was made "Commissioner to hear and end
small causes," having with his colleagues Simon Willard
and Richard Griffin, judicial authority corresponding in
modern times to a trial justice, or judge of a district court.
He was representative of the town four years, and was
an "Assistant" eleven years. When Assistant in 1649, ne
joined Governor Endicott in protesting against the wearing
of long hair, taking the stand doubtless as did Mr. Bul
keley, by his example "that it was a thing unmanly."
Mr. Flint assisted in drawing up a code of simple rules
and regulations for the Indians, restraining and constrain
ing them in a wholesome manner.
He possessed one of the largest land tracts of any indi
vidual in Concord, and the fact that a way was early laid

3 24 Colonial
out to his farm indicates that his estate was an important
one. His real estate was mostly in what is now the town of
Lincoln, and extended from "Flint's Pond to Beaver Pond
and the town bounds." The area contained about seven
hundred and fifty acres and included the land now com
prising Lincoln Center.
For many years the "Flint Farm" was occupied by
.descendants of the family or by their lessees./
His character, we infer was a very worthy, one. John
son calls him "a most sincere servant of Christ, who had a
fair revenue in England, but having improved it for Christ
by casting it into the common treasury, he waits on the
Lord for doubling his talent if it shall seem good unto him
so to do, and in the meantime spending his person for the
good of his people in the office of magistate." In verse,
he says of him as follows :
"At Christ's command thou leavest thy land and native
habitation,
His folks to aid in desert-straid for Gospel exultation.
Flint, hardy thou, wilt not allow the undermining fox
With Subtile skill, Christ's vines to spoil : thy sword
shall give them knocks ;
Yet thou, base dust and all thou hast is Christ's, and
by him thou
Art made to be, such as we see : hold fast forever-
more."
The will of Mr. Thomas Flint is the first one recorded
in Middlesex Probate Records. His brother Rev. Henry
Flint of Braintree, and his uncle William Woods were his
executors. His sons were John and Ephraim, who lived
in Concord and perhaps Edward and Thomas, and William
of Salem. John married Mary, daughter of Urian Oakes,
President of Harvard College in 1667. In 1680-1, he was
one of a committee to seat the meeting house. He is men-

Concord 325
tioned in the Indian deed of 1684 as one of those who paid
for the township, and who were spoken of in the deed as
"agents of the town of Concord." In 1660, he was town
clerk. His children were Abigail, John, Mary, Hannah,
and Jane. John Jr. married Mary Prescott and died Oct.
23, 1725, leaving an estate of ^£1708, and for children,
John, Jonathan, a graduate of Harvard College, Mary,
Elizabeth, James and Benjamin.
As in the case of Mr. Thomas Flint space for
bids a complete account of the character and services of
Rev. Peter Bulkeley, but enough has been stated
on the foregoing pages to convince the reader that the
beginning of Concord history is identified with him, and
that perhaps it might be said that its success and his per
sonal impress are inseparable. Although his later life was
spent in a wilderness, by his gentle birth he was fitted for
the most cultured environment and by his scholarly
attainments he might have adorned any position.
IRev. Peter Bulkeley descended in the tenth generation
from Robert Bulkeley, Esq., an English Baron, who, in
the reign of King John, was Lord of Bulkeley in the
County palatine of Chester./
As we get our starting point in that stormy period of
English history, 1 200-1300, when liberty was wrenched
from a wicked monarch and crystalized in Magna Charta
under circumstances that called forth much valor, we need
not be surprised that such illustrious stock showed itself
long afterwards in one whose life has elicited unusual praise
and reverence.
(He was born at Odell, Bedfordshire, Jan. 31, 1582, O.S
and when about eighteen years old became a member of
St. John's College, Cambridge, from which he received
the degree of Bachelor of Divinity, which title his brother
Edward also possessed.
His first pastorate was in his native town, where he suc
ceeded his father and where he preached about a score of
years as a non-conformist minister.

326 Colonial
His career in this field was terminated by Archbishop
Laud, who because of his nonconformity to the established
church deposed him, which act led Dr. Bulkeley soon
afterwards to embark for America.
In 1635, a^ter ms arrival in this country, he went to
Cambridge and was made a freeman May 6, of the same year.
He was possessed of considerable property for colonial
days, the amount being estimated at several thousand
pounds, but his intense enthusiasm and broad liberality in
the colonization of Concord, together with other outgoings
of his noble nature greatly reduced his possessions, so that
at his death, which occurred March 9, 1659, his estate, as
mentioned, amounted to only 1302 pounds, of which 123
pounds was in books.
So benevolent was Mr. Bulkeley that his gifts extended
not only to the public but to his servants, of whom it is
said he had many, and to whom he gave farms.
The scholarly traits of Mr. Bulkeley have long been
known both by tradition and by the traces of them in his
published works, prominent among which was one entitled
"The Gospel Covenant," which was issued in 1646.
He was considered a powerful preacher, and the repre
sentations of those living near to his time are that he was
evangelical and that the chief aim of his ministery was to
impress upon men their religious needs and to lead them to
the Gospel as the only source of supply.
As a pastor, we conclude he was full of zeal for the
spiritual well being of his flock, as it is said that seldom did
a person leave his presence without having heard some
word that impressed him with the importance of religion.
As a man he was large-hearted, public spirited, and
attracted people through his personal affability. He was
considered the father of his parish, explemplary in conduct,
wise in counsel, tender and appreciative to the law-abiding
and severe in his judgment of evildoers. His dress was
plain and he wore his hair short. We infer that his consti-

HILLSIDE CHAPEL.
( School of Philosophy. )

GRAVE OF XOUISA ALCOTT, SLEEPY HOLLOW.

Concord 327
tution was robust since he endured much and lived to the
age of seventy-seven.
The names of his children by his first marriage are as
follows: Edward, Mary, Thomas, Nathaniel, John, Mary,
George, Daniel, Jabez, Joseph, William and Richard.
The following are the names of children by his second
marriage : Gershom, Eleazer, Dorothy and Peter.
Edward became a minister and succeeded his father in
the pastorate at Concord.
Peter, born Aug. 12, 1643, went to Fairfield Conn.
to which place his two brothers, Thomas who married a
daughter of Elder John Jones, and Daniel went in 1 644.
In a will of Gershom made May 12, 1 7 1 2, is the following <
item ; "To my brother's children, Gershom, Peter, Grace,
Margaret and Dorothee, I give each of them ten shillings."
In a will of Peter Bulkeley of Fairfield Conn, dated
March 25, 1691, the testator speaks of himself as being in
the 49th year of his age; and mentions a son Peter and
daughters Grace and Margaret.
The name Bulkeley has been variously spelled. The first
Peter wrote it "Bulkeley ; " his son Edward wrote it "Bul-
kely" or "Bulkeley ;" and the Hon. Peter son of Edward
followed the form used by his grandfather. The common
pronunciation of the name is as if spelled Buckley. '
Rev. Peter Bulkeley in the second division of land
received a tract of seven hundred and fifty acres in what is
now Lincoln, a part of which is the present Codman place.
It is not known where the distinguished pioneer pastor of
Concord was buried. The Rev. Dr. Ripley in his "Half
Century" sermon says
"There is reason to believe that the three first ministers
viz, Peter Bulkeley, Edward Bulkeley and Joseph Esta
brook were laid in the same tomb."
His will is among the Probate records of Middlesex
County, and in this will are the following clauses, which
serve to reveal much of his character
"In case any of my children before named in this, my

328 Colonial
will, to whom I have bequeathed the legacies named shall
prove disobedient to their mother or otherwise vicious or
wicked (which God in his mercy prevent) then, I will that
the legacy shall be virtually in the power of my said widow,
their mother, to deal with them therein as she herself in
Christian wisdom shall think meet, either to give their leg
acy or to keep it herself." _^
He alludes to his "wasted estate," which he says "is now
very little in comparison of what it was when I came first
to these places, having made great sacrifices in the begin
ning of these plantations and having little to leave to the
children God hath given me and to my precious wife,
whose unfeigned piety and singular grace of God shining
in her doth deserve more than I can do for her,/lj
He gave a portion of his library to Harvard College.
In connection with the foregoing account of the town's
first minister it may be appropriate to publish copies of the
following papers. The first of these Shattuck informs us
is endorsed as the "Concord Church Covenant" and
although without signature or date it has internal evi
dence of authenticity and of being the first covenant.
We present it as it is given by Shattuck, the orthography
only being changed :
"Considering the instability and inconstancy of our hearts
in cleaving to the Lord in that which is good, we do bind
ourselves one with another this day before the Lord, that we
will endeavour by the grace of God assisting us, hencefor
ward to walk as becometh the people of God, according to
the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ. And more particularly
do we promise and covenant before the Lord, that, whereas
he hath of his great goodness brought us from under the yoke
and burdening of men's traditions to the precious liberty of
his ordinances which we now do enjoy, we will, according to
our places and callings, stand for the maintenance of this lib
erty to our utmost endeavour, and not return to any human
ordinances from which we are escaped. And we further cove
nant to subject ourselves to every ordinance of Christ, which

Concord 329
he shall please to make known to us to be his will. Also we
do take him to be our only Priest to instruct us, our only
High Priest to make peace with the Father for us : so we will
set him up as our King and Sovereign to command us, to
rule in us and reign over us by the help of his word and
Spirit. And that we may the better be kept in an holy
subjection to him and his will, we will both watch over each
other in the Lord, admonishing one another, both to pre
vent the evils into which we might fall, and to recover our
selves out of those that we have been overtaken with, not
suffering any raging pollution or spiritual uncleanness
amongst us, but labor to cast it forth by the power which
Christ hath given to his church. And further, considering
that we are members one of another, and have civil respect
and are liable to be oppressed and devoured one of another ;
and considering also the increase of this evil, daily getting
strength through the abounding of self-love so mightily
prevailing in us ; we do therefore here solemnly promise
before the Lord, that we will carefully avoid of oppression,
griping, and hard dealing, and walk in peace, love, mercy,
and equity towards each other, doing to others as we would
they should do to us. And in testimony of our willing assent :
to this covenant we have hereunto subscribed our names."
The second paper is a letter written by the Rev. PeteF
Bulkeley to Mr. Cotton of Boston.
7~"To the Reverend his honored friend Mr. Cotton,
Teacher of the Church at Boston, give these.
"Reverend in the Lord,
"Some other things I am full of, but will not write with
paper and ink ; only in a word I bless God for what I hear,
how the Lord doth fill your ministry with abundance of
grace, life, and power, to the exceeding joy of those that
are true-hearted towards the Lord. But withall I stand
amazed and wonder att God's forbearance, considering what
I hear in another kind ; which I doe also believe to be
true in some parts ; true I mean, as done and spoken by
some, though untrue, in respect of any cause given on your

33° Colonial
part. Truly, Sir, it is to me a wonder, that the earth swal
lows not up such wretches, or that fire comes not downe
from heaven to consume them. The L. hath a number of
holy and humble ones here amongst us (in the country
generally), for whose sakes he doth spare, and will spare
long ; but were it not for such a remnant, we should see
the L. would make quick work amongst us. Shall I tell
you what I think to be the ground of all this insolency
which discovers itself in the speach of men ? Truly I can
not ascribe it so much to any outward thing, as to the put
ting of too much liberty and power into the hands of the
multitude, which they are too weak to manage, many grow
ing conceited, proud, arrogant, self-sufficient, as want
ing nothing. And I am persuaded, that except there be
means used to change the course of things in this point,
our churches will grow more and more corrupt day by day ;
and tumult will arise hardly to be stilled. Remember the
former days which you had in old Boston, where though
(through the Lord's blessing upon your labours) there was
an increase daily added to your church, yet the number of
professors is far more here, than it was there. But answer
me, which place was better governed ? Where matters were
swayed there by your wisdom and counsel, matters went on
with stength and power for good. But here, where the
heady or headless multitude have gotten the power into their
hands, there is insolency and confusion. And I know not
how it can be avoided in this way, unless we should make
the doors of the church narrower. This we have warrant
for from the word ; which course, if it should be taken,
would bring its conveniency also in another kind. But of
these things no more. Only I pray the L. to heal the evils
of the places and times we live in, and remove that woful
contempt of his gospel which doth abound. O what mis
chief doth one proud, lofty spirit that is in reputation for
understanding, amongst a number of others that are weak ;
and some of both such there are in every place. But our
comfort is, God's end and work shall go forward. Some

Concord 331
shall be converted, some hardened. The God of mercy
carry on his work in our hearts and hands to the gloryfying
of his rich grace in Christ Jesus. I pray remember my
harty love to good Mrs. Cotton, thanking her for her kind
remembrance of my little ones. I pray God give us both to
see his grace increasing in those that he hath continued
towards us. Farewell, dearly beloved and honoured in the
Lord, comfort yourself in him, who is most ready to be found
in time of need. In him I rest. Yours ever,
Pet: Bulkeley.
"April 4, 1650. /
¦>/
To close this brief sketch without the expression of a
thought concerning so conspicious a character, or without
a personal tribute, might be to pass it unworthily. We
would say, therefore, that perhaps, all in all, no life has
been more consequential in the history ot any colonial
town. It is a tradition that Concord was saved in the war
with King Philip by his [exemplary conduct and benign
influence over the Indians, in that when they were assem
bled on a neighboring hilltop on April, 1675-6, and
undecided whether to attack Sudbury or Concord, they con
cluded to avoid the latter for "Big Pray" had lived therej
Upon the altar of the muncipality he placed his prayers,
his personality and his property. Going to it rich, he
passed from it comparatively poor, and if through the dark
and discouraging places in the early annals of this ancient
township there has never ceased to be seen a bright spot,
we may account for its presence by his influence, who while
living always blest and when dead lived in the lives of
others.

CHAPTER XXXIV.
Settlement of Rev. Edward Bulkeley — Rev.
Joseph Estabrook called as Colleague Pastor —
Measures taken for their Maintenance — Biograph
ical Sketches of Rev. Edward Bulkeley — Peter Bul
keley Esquire — Acquisition of New Territory —
Stow, Littleton, Carlisle and Acton — Iron Industry.
A FTER the death of Rev. Peter Bulkeley thexhurch
l-\ extended a call to his son Edward at a salary of
jL JL. eighty pounds a year.
In 1667, the Rev. Joseph Estabrook was
employed as his colleague at the same salary. It thust
occurred that the town within the space of a score and a half
of years after its settlement was the second time called upon
to support two religious teachers at the same time. But
the people did not flinch from fulfilling their obligation to
their ministers.
Feb. 3, 1680 it was voted "that every house holder that
hath a teame greate or lesser shall accordingly carry yearly
one loade of wood to the ministe and every other house
holder or rateable person to cut wood one day and for the :
ministers : and that the wood is to be equaly devided to too
ministers as the selectmen for the time being shall appoynt."
Even in old age when his usefulness as a pastor had for
the most part ceased the Rev. Edward Bulkeley was pro
vided for by his people as indicated by the following vote
passed March 5, 1694, "Whereas their Rever4 Pastor Mr.
Edward Bulkeley is under such Infermatyes of Body by
Reason of great age that he is not capeable of Attending
the worke of the ministry as in times past, being Also sen
sible of the obligation that they are under to Afford to
33*

THE ORCHARD HOUSE, HOME OF THE ALCOTT FAMILY.

Concord 333
him a comfortable maintenance dureing the Terme of his
natural life, that' thereby they may Testefy their Gratitude
for his former service in the Gospell that they the sayd
People of sayd Concord do hereby oblige ye sayd Towne
to pay to y6 s'd Mr. Bulkeley or to his certain order yearly
each year dureing his natural life the sum of thirty pounds
of mony the one halfe at or before the first of May sixteen
hundred ninety five, which sum as above shall bee yearly
and each year upon the sayd Termes, and which sum of
Thirty pounds truly payd as above, shall be in lieu of the
former sallary of eighty pounds which the sayd people were
obliged to have payd yearly to him the sayd Mr. Bulkeley
for his ministerial service.";
'The Rev. Edward Bulkeley was born at Odell, England^
June 17, 1 6 14. He was admitted as a member of the First
Church in Boston in 1634. He acquired his professional
education undef the direction of his father; and was
ordained at Marshfield in 1642 or 3. He died at Chelms
ford Jan. 2, 1696, and was buried at Concord. It is stated
by William Prescott Greenlaw, Librarian of the New
England Historic Genealogical Society, that the name of Rev.
Edward Bulkeley's wife was Lucyan; that she was living
in 1668, and that her name is repeated in the Emerson
branch of her descendants. They had four children : Peter, >
Elizabeth, John, Jane and Mary.
Peter was born Jan. 3, 1641, at Concord. He gradu
ated at Harvard College in 1660, and died in 1688.
Elizabeth married for her first husband, Rev. Joseph
Emerson Dec. 7, 1665; her second husband was John
Moody of Reading. John, the third child died young at
Marshfield and was buried Feb. 26, 1658. Jane married
Ephraim Flint. Mary was born about 1655, and married/
about the year 1678 Rev. Thomas Clark of Chelmsford.'
Peter became the Hon. Peter Bulkeley who early began a
political career in which he became quite distinguished.
He was admitted as a freeman May 11, i$6p, and on
May 7, 1673 ne was elected deputy to the Colonial Court

334 Colonial
where he served three succeeding terms, and the last year
he was chosen Speaker.
For eight years he was Assistant; and Sdpt. 6, 1676, he
with William Stoughton was sent to England to negotiate
with the King relative to certain matters of dispute in the
Bay Colony. In military and also in judicial affairs he
held high positions, being made a Major and by the appoint
ment of Governor Andros an Associate Justice with Chief
Justice Dudley. He married Rebecca, daughter of Lieut.
Joseph and Sarah Wheeler on April 16, 1667. Their
children were Edward, Joseph, John and Rebecca. The "
latter married Jonathan Prescott Jr.
Peter Bulkeley died May 24, 1688, at Concord after a
long illness at less than fifty years of age.
His life had been full of activity but was somewhat
unfortunate towards its close. Before his death his estate
was in an insolvent condition. His honors had faded; he
was separated from his early associates in public life, and
he repaired to his native town worn and broken in health.
At the time of his decease he lived "next ye Millpond,"
Walcott states, perhaps where Dr. Barrett no'w lives.
Elizabeth the third child who married for her first hus
band Rev. Joseph Emerson in 1680, and for her second,
John Moody of Reading, had children as follows : Peter,
Edward and Joseph.
Peter married a Miss Brown, Edward married Mary
Moody and Joseph married Rebecca Waldo.
A descendant of Joseph and Rebecca was Ralph Waldo
Emerson. The following is the lineal order of successors to the great
essayist. 4 Rev. Joseph Emerson — Eliz. Bulkeley. j
ia Edward Emerson — Rebecca WaldoT^ » 1 /
.28 Joseph Emerson — Mary Moody .^Jr ^ (
123- William Emerson — Phebe Bliss.
307 Rev. William Emerson Ruth Haskins.
601. Ralph Waldo Emerson >

Concord 33$
A portrait of Peter Bulkeley Esq. supposed to have been
painted by Sir Godfrey Kneller at the time when Mr. Bul
keley was in England as agent for the Massachusetts Col
ony in 1676-79 is now, or was in the possession of Mrs.
George D. Sargent of Boston. This picture has been
reproduced and furnished by William Prescott Greenlaw a
descendant of Hon. Peter Bulkeley for the Genealogical
Advertiser Vol. 1 1898.
In the early part of the third decade of the town's his
tory it again petitioned for more land and a tract was
granted which afterwards became the town of Acton and a
part of Littleton and Carlisle.
A movement was also made by several citizens of Con
cord in conjunction with some others to colonize a tract to
the west and southwest a result of which was the granting
of territory which became the town of Stow. ¦
As a concise and consecutive account of these transac
tions has been given by Shattuck in his time honored his
tory we quote it as perhaps the most suitable description
that can be given by us.
"On the 23d, May 1655 "Five thousand acres of Land
were granted to the Inhabitants of Concord for feeding,
according to their petition, provided it hinder not any for
mer grants." This was all the tract of land described in the
above return, excepting the farms belonging to Major Wil
lard. When his farms were granted I have not been able
to find out. One of them lay in the southeast part of the
tract, and the other at the northeast. This distinguished
individual had several subsequent grants. On the 6th of
May, 1657, he had "for services to the colony, 500 acres
of land in any place where he could find it according to
law; " and 21st of May, 1658, he had 500 acres more "on
the south side of a river that runneth from Nashua to
Merimack, between Lancaster and Groton, and is in satis
faction of a debt of ^44" due from John, sagamore of
Patucket. His execution was to be given up. This farm
was laid out in May, 1659, by Thomas Noyes.

336 Colonial
The Praying Indians claimed some right to the land
granted to Concord "for an enlargement to the towne ; " in
consideration of which, "the town of Concord doth give to
them the planters of Nashoba, fifteen pounds at six a penny,
which giveth them full satisfaction. In witness whereof
they doe set to their hands this 20 of the 10 mo. 1660."
This agreement was signed by "Nassquaw, marchant
Thomas (Thomas Waban), Wabatut, great James Natoto-
tos — a blind man, Ponpant, and Gomgos," by their marks;
and John Thomas and John Tahattawan, by their names;
and witnessed by Joseph Wheeler, John Shepard, and John
Jones "At a generall court held at Boston the nth of October,
1665. In answer to the peticion of Concord for an enlarge
ment of their bounds, this court doe grant them a tract of
land conteyned in a plott returned to this court under the
hand of Ensign Noyes, by estimation the whole being
about five thousand acres, whereof the town reserveth two
thousand acres to be layd out to either Indians or English,
as this court shall see meete hereafter to dispose and grant,
and the remaynder, being about three thousand acres, this
court grant to Concord so as the same doe not abridge any
former grant made by this court; and doe order Leift. Beers
and Leift. Thomas Noyes to lay out the same and to make
returne thereof to the next Court of Election. A true
copie. Attest, Edw. Rawson. Seer."
The following is a copy of the return made 25 May,
' 1667, and approved by the proper authorities. p'We, Rich
ard Beers of Watertown and Thomas Noyes of Sudbury,
being appointed to lay out and measure to the inhabitants
of Concord a tract or tracts of land next adjoining to their
first grant ; in order to which, we the above said, did lay
out and measure unto the inhabitants of Concord their
second grant, being five thousand acres of land granted in
the year 1655, as also their grant of three thousand acres
granted in the year 1665, next adjoining to their first grant,
beginning at the southwest angle of their old bounds (near

\
Concord 337
Maj. Hayward's), extending their said southerly line upon
a norwest point, four degrees northerly (according to the
Meridian compas) two miles and 280 rods : there making
a right angle on a bare hill, and from thence a line upon a
northeast point 4 degrees easterly two miles one half and
fifty rods, there meeting Nashoba plantation line, running
the line of the said plantation to their angle one mile one
quarter and 60 rods, nearest hand upon an easterly point,
there making a right angle, running a line, being the line
of the Indian plantation, two miles one quarter and 60 rods,
there being bounded by Chelmsford line and Bilrica line
as is more plainly described by a plott; in which plott is
contained nine thousand and eight hundred acres of land,
one thousand eight hundred acres being formerly granted
to Major Willard, the other eight thousand being granted
to the inhabitants of Concord, and laid out the 5th May,
1666. Given under our hands.
Richard Beers, ) „ , 1
t^ xt r surveyors.
Thomas NoyES, j J
"The town agreed 20th Jan. i668,«that these additional
grants of land 'shall lay for a free comon to the present
householders of Concord, and such as shall hereafter be
approved and allowed to be inhabitants; except such parts
of it as shall be thought mete to make farms for the use
and benefit of the towne.' A full title was then acquired
from the Indians, though it was thought proper in 1684,
for reasons already mentioned, to obtain the following con
firmatory deeds.
" 'To all people to whom these presents may come, greet
ing; Know ye that we, Mary Neepanaum, John Speen and
Sarah Speen, Dorothy Winnetow, Peter Muckquamuck,
of Natick, and James Speen, and Elizabeth Speen, his wife
of Waymeset, Indians, for and in consideration of a valu
able sum of money payd to us in hand by Capt. Timothy
Wheeler, Henry Woodis, James Blood, and John Flint,
the receipt whereof we do by these presents acknowledge,
and therewith to be fully satisfied and contented, have sold

,

338 Colonial
and by these presents do sell, alien, enfeofe, and confirm
unto the said Capt. Timothy Wheeler, &c. of Concord in
the county of Middlesex in ye Massachusetts Colony, in
New England, for the use and behoof of themselves and
the rest of the proprietors of the s'd town of Concord a cer
tain tract or parcell of land conteyning by estimation a
thousand acres, be the same more or less, and is situate,
lying, and being within the last grant of land by the Gen-
erall Court to ye s'd town of Concord, and is bounded
south-east by Sudbury and the land of Stow alias Pompa-
sititcutt, and norwest by the s'd Stow, running by them
upon that line about a mile and a quarter, near to the hill
called by the Indians Naauuhpavil; and from thence by a
streight line to the North River at the old bounds of ye s'd
town of Concord, unto them the said Timothy Wheeler,
&c. &c. to them their heirs and successors for ever. And we
the said Mary Neepanaum, &c. do hereby covenant and
promise to and with the foresaid Timothy Wheeler, &c. &c.
that we are the true proprietors of, and have good right
and full power to grant, bargain, and sell, the above granted
and bargained premises unto the said Timothy, &c. &c. and
and that the said Timothy, &c. &c. shall and may at all times
and from time to time for ever hereafter have, hold,
occupy, possess, and enjoy the above granted premises in
full, be the same more or less, without any let, denial, or
contradiction of us the said Mary Neepanaum, &c. or any
of us or any of our heirs, or any other person or persons
whatever, lawfully claiming or having any right, title or
interest therein, or to or in any parcel thereof. In ack
nowledgement of this our act and deed, we hereto put our
hands and seals this fifth day of May in the year of our
Lord one thouand six hundred eighty and four.'
"All the above named Indians signed this deed — James
Speen by writing his name, and the others by their marks,
in presence of Moses Parker, Noah Brooks, Samuel
Wheeler jr., Benjamin Bohow and Sarah Bohow (the two

Concord 339
last of whom were Indians), and acknowledged 'before Pet:
Bulkeley, Assistant.'
The foregoing deed applied to the south part of the tract.
The same individuals, in behalf of Concord, bought of
'John Thomas, and Naaunoushqua, his wife ; Tasunsquaw,
the relict of Waban, deceased, and eldest daughter to
Tahattawan, Sagamore, deceased ; Thomas Waban her son ;
Solomon Thomas ; John Nasqua ; James Casumpal, sen.,
and Sarah, his wife ; and Sarah, the relict widow of Peter
Conaway, Indians,' for .£21; by estimation, 8000 acres,
lying in "the last grants of land by the General Court to
the town of Concord, and is bounded southeast by the old
bounds of the said town of Concord, easterly partly by Bil-
rerca, partly by a farm formerly layed out by Major Wil
lard for himself, and partly by Chelmsford, till it meet with
Nashoba line, and then westerly by the said Nashoba to
the southeast corner of the said Nashoba, then northerly
by the said Nashoba till it meets with Stow, and so bounded
norwest by the said Stow, till it comes near to a hill by the
Indians called Naaccuhpavil, and then running upon a
straight line to the North River, at the old bounds of the
said town of Concord.' This deed was executed and
acknowledged in the same form as the preceeding, on the
13th of Aug. 1684; and witnessed by Ebenezer Engolds-
bey, Joseph Wooley, Joseph Shambery, and Andrew Pitte-
mey. These several grants were afterwards known as the
'Town's New Grant' — the 'Enlargement of the Town
by the General Court,' — and generally 'Concord Village' ;
till after about seventy-five years they were in great part
separated from Concord and incorporated as the town of
Acton. "jtTieutenant Joseph Wheeler, by trading with the Nash-"
oba Indians, became their creditor, and petitipned the Gen
eral Court, in 1662, for a grant of 200 acres, of land at the
southerly part of their plantations as payment for his debt ;
but it was refused. In 1669, he, with several inhabitants *.,
of Concord, petitioned for a tract of land at Pompasiticutt :

1
f

340 Colonial
and the Court appointed him, with John Haynes of Sud
bury, William Kerley of Marlborough, James Parker of
Groton, and John Moore of Lancaster, a committee to view
it and report at their next session. This report was made
May n, 1670; and it was found 'to contain 10,000 acres
of country land, whereof 500 is meadow. The greater part
of it is very mean land, but we judge there will be planting
ground enough to accomodate 20 families. Also there is
about 4000 acres more of land that is taken up in farmes,
whereof about 500 acres is meadow. There is also the
Indian plantation of Nashobah, that doth border on one
side of this tract of land, that is exceedingly well meadowed,
and they do make but little or no use of it.' George Hay
ward, Joseph Wheeler, Thomas Wheeler, John Hayward,
William Buttrick, Sydrach Hapgood, Stephen Hall,
Edmund Wigley of Concord, and Joseph Newton and
Richard Holdridge, petitioned for this tract of land; and
it was granted to them 'to make a village, provided the
place be setteled with not less than ten famyles within three
years, and that a pious, an able, and orthodox minister be
maintained there.' Daniel Gookin, Thomas Danforth, and
Joseph Cook, were appointed 'to order the settlement of
the village in all respects ; ' and the various proceedings in
relation to it resulted in the incorporation of the town of
Stow, May 16, 1683^ which has since been found able to
accomodate more than twenty families !"
Not only did the people of Concord during its first cen
tury set themselves to subduing the soil, and seek assidu
ously to extend their domains even to the extent of
obtaining territory from which might be made new town
ships but they sought to bring forth treasures from the earth
-other than those of a vegetable nature, j Soon after the
arrival of settlers it was ascertained that iron ore existed in
the south-west part of the town in such quantities as might
pay to establish iron works. Promoters of the enterprise pre
sented themselves, prominent among whom was
Oliver Purchis who had been in the iron business at Lynn.

Concord 341
March 5, 1658, a company was organized "To erect
one or more Iron Works in Concord."
May 30, 1660, the Colonial Court gave the Com
pany permission "To dig iron ore without molestation in
any land now in the Court's possession." It also granted
one thousand acres for the Company's purposes.
The industry continued with more or less success until
the close of the century, when it closed as it is supposed,
through lack of ore.
As the result of these operations a dam was built over
the Assabet river at what is now Westvale, and near its
upper portion iron works were established.
Among the names of Concord people who were stock
holders are Rev. Edward Bulkeley, Robert Meriam, Tim
othy Wheeler, Jr. William Buss, John Niles or Miles,
Joseph Hayward and Mary GriffinJ
{After various transfers the property passed to an owner
who by 171 5 had erected upon it a Grist Mill and a
Fulling Mill, and in process of time a mill was built for
the manufacturing of, woolens. The lands in this vicinity
have long been known as the Ironworks farm. The scene
of some of the operations is still known as Mine hill/
It is stated that when one Leihtenegger "did attend the
work of a mine at a place called fair haven" he "did build
a bridge to facilitate his passage to and from said work."
At the farm formerly owned by George H. Wright at
"Nine Acre Corner" indications of this industry have long
been visible.

CHAPTER XXXV.
King Philip's War — Activity Preparatory to its
Coming — The Part taken in the Conflict by Con
cord — Its Cause — The Havoc — Condition of the
Country at the Outbreak of Hostilities — The State
of Society — The Town's Means of Defense — Its
Militia — Its Garrison Houses — The Foot Com
pany — The Troop of Horse — Means Provided for
the Relief of Refugees — Miscellaneous Military
Matters.
WE have thus far considered some of the chief civic
events, incidents and episodes that_ occurred at
Concord during its first half century. We will
now notice some military events of the period.
Hitherto the progress of the town was marked by a reign
of peace. No shout of hostile Indian had been heard' in
the home of any inhabitant. No public proclamations had
been issued for the levying of war-accoutred soldiers; and
there had been no mortal combat. The struggle had been
with the rough conditions of a new country ; with rocks
and brambles of unsubdued hillsides and the gnarled and
mossy tree trunks of the timberlands. But at the begin
ning of the last quarter of the seventeenth century the scene
changed. A season of strife was at hand. Along the hori
zon a cloud was gathering which as it arose and burst over
the feeble settlement was to cause a consternation of which
we in the present can but faintly conceive.
The Colony was on the eve of King Philip's war ; a war
which for atrocity, destructiveness, and for various dismal
features was exceptional. For months before the tempest
broke out, its coming was announced by a variety of
unmistakable forerunners. Messengers from the forest
342

HImD3 r
Oo7sXo c

Concord 343
brought intelligence that the Indians in distant places were
sharpening their hatchets, and tightening their bow strings ;
that a conspiracy was being brewed, and that soon they
might expect savage invaders to prowl about the farm
houses and haunt every highway and bypath and bridge.
Because of these forerunners the settler was put on his
guard and in preparation for the issue he became corres-
spondingly active. He set himself to meet prowess with
prowess, and to pit strength against strength. He took
down from over the mantlepiece his old musket, scraped its
flint, inspected its lock, and scoured the rust from its
priming pan. Bullets were cast by him on the old
kitchen hearth, the contents of his powder horn were
replenished from the public stock, — and everything possible
was done to protect his home.
While these things were going on there was much con
sternation, and doubtless households were disturbed to an
unusual degree. The children probably wondered why
their mother looked worried and furtively glanced toward
the woods. They did not understand why the cows were
kept in the barnyard during the day and why outbuildings
were closed early at night. To them it was all a mystery
that the neighbors talked together in small companies and
that after the trundle bed had been pulled out at evening
there were whispered voices at the fireside. But the sig-
significance of all this at length showed itself and soon all
were made aware that experiences were threatened such as
were without parallel in their pioneer history and that the
peaceful relations that had hitherto existed between the
Indians and whites were to give place to a period of strife
the result of which none but Heaven could foresee.
The town of Concord was so situated and circumstanced
and a kind Providence so favored that it suffered no gen
eral attack as did some other places. It was however sub
ject to dire contingencies and was called upon to bearlm"
common with the whole colony grievous taxation and to
contribute its quota of soldiers to be in readiness to take

344 Colonial
the field at short notice. Moreover, it was ordered to fur
nish garrison houses and to provide relief measures to such
as fleeing from distant frontier farm houses or neighboring
r v. towns sought refuge thereJ
tf The town also near its western frontier in the part then
, , known as Nashoba was the scene of a dismal tragedy which
was doubtless long a subject of fireside conversation for the
inhabitants of that region. But ^although no portion of the
town became a battle ground during the period of King
Philip's war some of its citizens became conspicuous by
their services on the battle fields of other towns and in
several instances these were of a character quite distin
guished. \ Before entering in detail upon the narration
of these™ or other matters pertaining to Concord in Phil
ip's war, let us notice the cause and nature of the conflict and
some things concerning the condition of the country and
the state of society at its commencement.
The cause of the war was a feeling of jealousy or unrest
on the part of some of the aborigines engendered by a
belief that the English were trying to crowd them from the
soil. This feeling culminated in an Indian alliance of several
tribes for the purpose of exterminating the English and
appropriating or destroying their property.
The principal progenitor of this alliance and director of
its operations was Philip, a chieftain of the Wampanoags
who dwelt at a place called Pokanoket or Mount Hope or
Montaup near Bristol R. I.
Philip was called King by Governor Prince but his abo
riginal name was Metacomet.
His father was Massasoit a friend of the Plymouth pil
grims. The means King Philip employed were very sagacious,
and savage though he was his energy and exploits have eli
cited the admiration and wonder of many writers, and been
the subject of ballad and song.
He is supposed to have personally visited the tribes with

Concord 345
which he sought to form an alliance and to have fanned
into a flame whatever sparks of hatred already existed, and
by his example and enthusiasm to have stirred his followers
to deeds which with a less daring leader, would never
have been committed. By his savage torch home
steads were reduced to ashes in an hour ; whole households
were destroyed by his tomahawk and scalping knife ; and
farms once smiling in plentitude and peace were left aban
doned and desolate.
Of the results of the war Trumbull in his history of
Connecticut says, "About six hundred of the inhabitants
of New England, the greatest part of whom were the flower
and strength of the country, either fell in battle or were
murdered by the enemy. Twelve or thirteen towns in
Massachusetts, Plymouth Colony and Rhode Island were
utterly destroyed and others greatly damaged."
Another writer has stated that were all the events of the
Revolution comprised in a single twelve month, they would
not exceed the horrors of King Philip's war.
The condition of the country at the breaking out of the
war was such as to augment the terrors even of civilized
warfare. Much of the territory was still uncleared. There
were vast areas of impassable swamps and thick timberlandr.
The roads were many of them through deep forests; the
bridges were frail and infrequent and those over the smal
ler streams may have been mere log. crossings that might
be swept away by a sudden flood or easily destroyed by
the foe. More or less of the outlying farms were situated in
exposed places without means of repelling assaults, and
where the drear shadows that crept out from the woods
were suited to increase the disquietude of the defenseless
family. Moreover the settler was subjected to seasons of
suspense ; it was difficult to obtain news ; the foe might be
near or remote, he could not determine which. It might be
venturesome to go beyond his own dooryard, and all the
information he could get from the outer world may have
been brought by some scout or circumstance or sign.

346 Colonial
Another factor in the case was the nature of the enemy.
The Indian when on the warpath was implacable, cunning
and capable of any cruelty by which he could cripple his
foe. His knowledge of the country enabled him to move
about with remarkable celerity. He was acquainted with
the location of every village and hamlet and no lone farm
house had escaped his notice.
All these things King Philip took advantage of, andja
characteristic of the conflict was the suddenness with which
he struck, the rapidity with which settlements widely sep
arated from each other felt the blows. So swift were his
movements and so unexpectedly did he attack towns that
the inhabitants almost considered him possessed of super
natural powers. |
iThe state of society when the war broke out, may be
best indicated by saying that it was just prior to the witch
craft delusion and about the time which has been desig
nated as New England's dark age. The early fathers of
the colony were dying off and with them the learning which
they had brought from the old country, for there
were few schools through which to transmit it to their chil
dren. It was in this period perhaps more than in any
other when people signed their names with a mark. As
ignorance usually begets superstition, so there was a ten
dency at this time to accept the marvellous, and to believe
that Philip's war was preceded by omens. Mather informs us
that strange sights were seen. The perfect form of an Indian
bow was supposed to appear in the air at New Plymouth.
This was regarded as a "prodigious apparition."
The inhabitants of Hadley, Northampton, and other
towns in that vicinity thought they "heard the report of
a great piece of ordinance with a great shaking of the earth
and a considerable echo." Some believed that on a still
morning there was a noise of discharged musketry ; that bul
lets flew past them; that a noise of drums was heard; and
that there was a sound as of the galloping of horses.
Thus the condition of the country and the state of soci-

Concord 347
ety were such that the cemmunity and individuals were
kept constantly on the alert, and became suspicious of all
inexplicable phenomena. To them there was a significance
either natural or supernatural in every unusual sound or
sight. The report of a gun fired far off in the forest, the
bellowing of cattle in the pastures, flocks of birds flying
affrighted from the shrubbery, a wounded deer, a missing
shoat, the loud barking of a dog in a distant clearing, the
mysterious imprint on the soft earth of strange footsteps,
and fresh camp coals in the woods, either of these migh
betoken the approach of Indians and send families to the
friendly garrisons J
For the reasons now considered Philip's war has been asso
ciated with exceptional hardships, and its annals, long after its
occurrence were related to curious and half reluctant listen
ers about the home hearthside, the rude campfire, and wher
ever companies were gathered together under circumstances
that tended to recall them. The farm boy became fami
liar with its leading actors and event sthrough frequent rehear
sals ; and the few objects that came down through the years
as grim reminders of the dismal experiences were looked
upon by him as something which, if it could speak
might utter strange things. Around the rusty firearms that
stood in the old shed corner were gathered memories which
were fraught with thrilling adventure. The snow-shoes
stowed in the cold garret, the bullet moulds in the little
closet over the wood box, the cocked hat and faded waist
coat which clothed the dummy that relieved the weary night
watch, were each suggestive in their turn. The grim walls
of the old garrison, worn and weather-stained by time
and storm were long associated with things that had been
said of them ; whether of the midnight assault and repulse,
or of the timely rescue of beleaguered inmates, or of the ruse
of the savage who sought to approach it behind the slow
moving bush. The stone hatchet that was unearthed in the
plow land, though silent and unshapely, was eloquent never
theless by its suggestiveness. The low grave by the

348 Colonial
meadow side, the stone heap under the trees, the faint out
line of a cellar hole about which were coals yet uncrum-
bled, — all of these were pointed out to succeeding gen
erations as memorials of King Philip's war.
The military history of Concord in this war comprises
a description of the means employed for its own defense,
the measures for a maintenance of such soldiers as the Col
onial authorities might send into the town as a convenient
place from which to operate by marchings and scout-
ings, the payment of its share of such extra taxation -as
was superinduced by the war, and the special service that
the town by its own soldiers rendered to other places.f
We will now consider each of these in the order here
given. First its means of defense. — This consisted in the
town militia and garrison houses. At the outbreak of the
war the organized militia of Concord consisted of one foot
company and a troop of horse.
" The foot companyfwas organized in 1636, with Simon
Willard, then a sergeant, as acting Captain or drill master.
About a quarter of a century later the appointment by the
Court was as follows :
Timothy Wheeler, Captain; Jos. Wheeler, Lieut.; Wil
liam Buss, Ensign ; Richard Rice, Thomas Bateman and
Thomas Wheeler, Sen. Sergeants ; William Buttrick, Sam
uel Stratten and John Scotchford, Corporals.!
The horse company had its organizatidn|)ct. 13, 1669
and included beside members belonging to the town also
some from places adjacent. It first captain was Thomas
Wheeler; its first Lieutenant Thomas Henchman; and its
Quartermaster was Henry Woodhouse (or Woodis.}j
Shattuck says that the Horse Company was "the second
and western horse company in the county and from it the
present Concord Light Infantry descended."
It is probable that a portion of the members of the afore
said companies saw service in the Old Narraganset War in
1654,^ its former captain, Simon Willard was at that time

\

Concord 349
the commander of an expedition which set forth by order
of the United Colonies against Chief Ninigret. In this
expedition which was composed of 250 infantry men and 40
cavalrymen there were several soldiers from Concord.'
Concerning the garrison houses of Concrod Shattuck states
as follows:
"We have no other means than tradition to ascertain the
number or situation of the garrison-houses in Concord.
The house now occupied by Dr. Hurd was originally one ;
another stood near John Flint's ; another near Meriam's
corner ; two others within the- present limits of Bedford ;
another near John Hosmer's; and another near Silas
Holden's. An Indian fort was built near Nashobah Hill in
Littleton, then in Concord. These were not all. The num
ber and situation varied, at different times, for the .subse
quent twenty years."
That these were all the defensed places of the town we
are not to infer, since ordinary farm houses were sometimes
fortified and used as places of rendezvous.
In relation to the militia and other means of aggressive
warfare Shattuck says,
"In October, 1675, the government ordered that the mil
itia of Suffolk and Middlesex be put in a posture of war ;
and be ready to march at a minute's warning to prevent
danger ; ' and at the same time authority was given to Capt.
Timothy Wheeler 'to impress an able gunsmith to repair
to Concord to be resident there for the fixing up of arms
from time to time during the war for this and the towns
adjacent.' 'Committes of militia,' somewhat resembling the
committees of safety in the revolution of 1775, were
appointed in the several towns. The Hon. Peter Bulkeley
was chairman of that committee in Concord. He and
Joseph Dudley were appointed in November to 'attend the
forces that are now to go forth against the enemy, and to be
ministers unto them.' " j
The work of the militia and garrison houses of Concord
we conclude proved a benefit to the people outside the

3 50 Colonial
r~
town as well as to those living within it. <They served as a
protection for the people living on the Blood farms on the
North, and after the burning and sacking of Lancaster and
Groton the inhabitants of those places found these garrison
houses a safe shelter. ' Shattuck says,
"March 14th the Council ordered 'that the companies of
militia of Concord and Sudbury, doe forthwith impress so
many carts as may bee sufficient to bring off the goods and
provisions belonging to the people left at Lancaster, unto
Concord or any other towne, they desire to come unto ;
and for guarding the said carts it is ordered that Sargant
Lamson, commander of the garrison soldiers at Lancaster,
do send two files of soldiers, to guard the said carts up and
down.' Besides the inhabitants of Lancaster, several of
Groton and other frontier towns resided in Concord till after
the peace."
As the war progressed and the destruction of town after
town threatened a common calamity, Concord became a gen
eral rendezvous for colonial soldiers that from time to time
were sent out to meet sudden emergencies. Of these sol
diers Shattuck states,
"The detachments of soldiers for the relief of the frontier
towns were frequent and heavy in May. Early in that
month 80 from the troops of Essex, Suffolk, and Middle
sex, were ordered to repair to Concord for the country ser
vice. On the 20th, 270 garrison soldiers from the same
counties, were ordered to be stationed at the following
'frontier towns for the better security of them from the incur
sions of the enemy.' Concord 20, Sudbury 30, Chelms
ford 20, Billerica 20, Andover 20, Haverhill 20, Bradford
10, Exeter 20, Medfield 30, Dedham 20, Milton 10, Brain-
tree 1 5, Weymouth 1 5, Hingham 20. These soldiers were
to be maintained at the cost of the several towns, and to be
under the direction of the commitees of militia.
"Major Daniel Gookin succeeded Major Willard after his
death in April, in command of the military forces in Mid
dlesex ; Thomas Clark was commander in Suffolk, and

Concord 3 5 1
Daniel Dennison in Essex ; all of whom were in Concord,
May 30th."
"Capt. Joseph Sill commanded one of the companies which
were at Concord several months, and was frequently sent
out on scouts."
An early and important military service during King
Philip's war in which Concord was represented is the famous
Hutchinson Expedition to Brookfield, Massachusetts.
(The object of this Expedition was to pacify the Nipnet
Indians living in the vicinity of the Connecticut river, and
to gain their favor, and perhaps to secure their sympathy in
behalf of the colony.
The person selected by the Council at Boston for this
important mission was Captain Edward Hutchinson, who
was to take with him Capt. Thomas Wheeler of Con
cord and a part of his troop of horse, together with Eph
raim Curtis, a noted scout of Sudbury, well skilled
in Indian diplomacy, to repair at once to the rendez
vous of these Indians and assure them of the kind
intentions of the Colonial authorities toward them and that
no harm would come to them if they would submit to the
government. On July 28, Capts. Hutchinson and Wheeler with about
twenty or twenty-five of the latter's troop of horse marched
from Cambridge to Sudbury and by August 1 found them
selves at Brookfield or Quaboag as the Indians called it.
Upon their arrival they were informed that the Indians were
at a place about ten miles to the westward. Whereupon
Capt. Hutchinson despatched Capt. Wheeler and Ephraim
Curtis to inform them of their coming and the nature of
their errand. The messengers found a body of about one
hundred and fifty Indians to whom they delivered their
message and after some perilous parleying and surly treat
ment by the savages, an agreement was reached by which
Capt. Hutchinson and his company were to meet the
sachems the next day on a plain about three miles
from Brookfield. They went according to agreement, but

352 Colonial
the Indians were not there, but were, they were told, at a
place seven miles distant. The English captains thought
it unwise to proceed further, knowing as they did the treach
erous traits of the enemy with which they dealt. Several
citizens of Brookfield however who had accompanied them
advised an advance, feeling assured from their acquaintance
with several of the sachems that no harm would come of it.
The Captains acted upon their suggestion and pursued their
way till they found themselves on the border of a swamp
and in a pathway so narrow as to necessitate their marching
in single file. As the mission of the English was a peace
ful one and the Indians had been so informed and their
good behavior had been vouched for by the three citizens
of Brookfield, perhaps the usual precautions of the Indian
fighter were not observed, for after marching quite a dis
tance to a place where there was a hillside on one hand and
a swamp on the other, the Indians with a startling sudden
ness poured upon the little company a most murderous
discharge of musketry. Eight men were killed and five
were wounded, among the latter of whom was Capt.
Hutchinson. For a moment all was in confusion ; the savages,
having the advantage of concealment and a picked bat
tle ground, offered no visible force for the English to
oppose so the main body fell back. Capt. Wheeler find
ing himself unhurt and seeing that none of his men had
fallen, wheeled, as he states, upon the enemy and rushed
toward them without calling upon his men to follow, but
almost immediately he received a severe wound and his
horse was struck. Thus disabled and almost alone, the
bold captain was left in the midst of the enemy with some
of them but a few rods away. When he turned upon the
Indians, his men were some distance from him and in an
opposite direction, they having been forced back at the first
fire. As, however, a kind Providence would have it, Capt.
Wheeler's son Thomas, finding that his father was not
among the surviving company, and fearing that he was
dead or in danger, rushed back single handed, and although

Concord 3 $3
wounded himself yet upon finding his father and seeing his
sore straits, dismouted, and placing him upon his own
horse, started him to the rear following on foot as rapidly
as possible, receiving as he did so a second wound. As the
Indians did not take immediate advantage of the terrible
plight into which the English had been thrown nor follow
hard upon their precipitous flight, the survivors of Hutchin
son's force soon found themselves emerging from the forest
and making their way unmolested towards Brookfield.
They kept in the open country not daring to leave it lest
they again be beset, and tracing their way as best they
could, for they were all strangers to the place, at length
found themselves back to Quaboag.
The tidings of what had occured spread through the
town like wildfire and from every farm house the occupants
fled to the strongest building in the village which was
quickly fortified and put in preparation for a stout defense.
Soon after all had entered the house it was surrounded by
the savages who by wild ravings and terrible gesticulations
sought to intimidate the inmates, and by every art and
device known to them sought to batter in or to burn down
the building. But the first assault was to no purpose and
the Colonists showed by their vigorous defense that the
assailants were to pay dear for their victory if they obtained ;
it. , After the first onset the Indians settled down for steady
work and then and there began that memorable siege of the
Brookfield garrison that was for a generation rehearsed at
the farmhouse fireside and which has passed into history as
one of the most notable events of the period.

CHAPTER XXXVI
Authentic Account of the Hutchinson Expedition to
Brookfield by Captain Thomas Wheeler — The
Ambuscade — The Attack — The Escape — The
Siege of the Garrison House — -Ephraim Curtis the
Sudbury Scout — The Rescue by Major Simon Wil
lard
AS a detailed account of the Brookfield expedition has
been written out by Capt. Thomas Wheeler we
believe that it is better to print portions of it in full,
than to write it in our own words.
"When we came near the said swampe the way was so very
bad that we could march only in a single file, there being a
very rocky hill on the right hand and a thick swampe on
the left. In which there were many of those cruel, blood
thirsty heathen, who there waylaid us, waiting an oppor-
to cut us off: there being also much brush on the side of
the said hill, where they lay in ambush to surprise us.
"When we had marched there about sixty or seventy rods,
the said perfidious Indians sent out their shot upon us as
a showre of haile, they being (as was supposed) about two
hundred men or more. We seeing ourselves so beset, and
not having room to fight, endeavored to fly for the safety
of our lives. In which flight we were in no small danger
to be all cut off, there being a very miry swamp before us,
into which we could not enter with our horses to go for
ward, and there being no safety in retreating the way we
came, because many of our company who lay behind the
bushes and had left us pass by them quietly ; when others
354

THE OLD BARRET HOUSE.

Concord 355
had shot they came out and stopt our way back so that we
were forced as we could to get up the steep and rocky hill ;
but the greater our danger was the greater was God's mercy
in the preservation of so many of us from sudden destruc
tion. Myself being gone up part of the hill without any
hurt, and perceiving some of my men to be fallen by the
enemies' shot, I wheeled abolit upon the Indians, not cal
ling on my men who were left to accompany me, which they
in all probability would have done, had they known
of my return upon the enemy. They firing violently out
of the swamp and from behind the bushes on the hillside
wounded me sorely and shot my horse under me, so that
he faltering and falling I was forced to leave him, divers of
the Indians being then but a few rods distant from me.
My son, Thomas Wheeler, flying with the rest of the com
pany, missed me amongst them, and fearing that I was
either shot or endangered, returned toward the swampe
again, though he had then received a dangerous wound in
the reins, where he saw me in the danger aforesaid. Where
upon he endeavored to rescue me, showing himself therein
a loving and dutiful son, he adventuring himself into great
peril of his life to help me in that distress, there being
many of the enemies about me. My son set me on his own
horse and so escaped, awhile on foot himself, until he caught
an horse whose rider was slain, on which he mounted, and
so through God's great mercy we both escaped. But in this
attempt for my deliverance he received another dangerous
arm wound, by their shot, in his left. There were then slain,
to our great grief, eight men, viz : Zachariah Philips of Bos
ton, Timothy Farlow of Billerica, Edward Coleborn of
Chelmsford, Samuel Smedley of Concord, Sydrach Hop-
good of Sudbury, Sergeant Eyres, Sergeant Pritchard, Cor
poral Coy, the inhabitants of Brookfield, aforesaid. It being
the good pleasure of God that they should all these fall by
their hands, of whose good intentions they were so confi
dent and whom they so little mistrusted. There were also
then five pesons wounded , viz : Captain Hutchinson,

356 Colonial
myself, and my son Thomas, as aforesaid, Corporal French
of Billerica, who having killed an Indian was (as he was
taking up his gun) shot and part of one of his thumbs taken
off, and also dangerously wounded through the body, near
the shoulder. The fifth was John Waldo, of Chelmsford,
who was not so dangerously wounded as the rest. They
also then killed five of our horses and wounded some more
which soon died after they came to Brookfield. Upon this
sudden and unexpected blow given us (wherein we desire to
look higher than man the instrument) we returned to the
town as fast as the badness of the way and the weakness of
our wounded men would permit, we being then ten miles
from it. All the while we were going, we durst not stay
to staunch the bleeding of our wounded men for fear the
enemy should have surprised us again, which they attempted
to do, and had in all probability done, but that we per
ceiving which way they went wheeled off to the other hand
and so by God's good providence towards us they missed
us, and we all came readily upon the town, though none of
us knew the way to it, those of the place being slain as
aforesaid, and we avoiding any thick woods and riding in
open places to prevent danger by them. Being got to the
town we speedily betook ourselves to one of the largest and
strongest houses therein, where we fortified ourselves in the
best manner we could in such straits of time, and there
resolved to keep garrison, though we were but few and
meanly fitted to make resistance against such furious ene
mies. The news of the Indian's treacherous dealing with
us, and the loss of so many of our company thereby,
did so amaze the inhabitants of the town that they being
informed by us, presently left their houses, divers of them
carrying very little away with them, they being afraid of the
Indians suddenly coming upon them, and so came to the
house we were entered into, very meanly provided of cloth
ing or furnished with provisions.
"I perceiving myself to be disenabled for the discharge
the duties of my place by reason of the wound I had

Concord

357

recieved, and apprehending that the enemy would soon
come to spoyle our town and assault us in the house, I
appointed Simon Davis, of Concord, James Richardson
and John Fiske, of Chelmsford, to manage affairs for our
safety with those few men whom God hath left us, and
were fit for any service, and the inhabitants of the said town ;
who did well and commendably perform the duties of the
trust committed to them with much courage and resolu
tion, through the assistance of our gracious God who did
not leave us in our low and distressed State but did merci
fully appear for us in our greatest need, as in the sequel will
clearly be manifested.
"Within two hours after our coming to the said house or
less, the said Capt. Hutchinson and myself posted away
Ephraim Curtis, of Sudbury, and Henry Young, of Con
cord, to go to the Honoured Council at Boston, to give
them an account of the Lord's dealing with us in our pres
ent condition. When they came to the further end of the
town they saw the enemy rifling of houses which the inhab
itants had forsaken. The post fired upon them and imme
diately returned to us again, they discerning no safety in
going forward, and being desirous to inform us of the ene
my's actings that we might more prepare for a sudden
assault by them, which indeed presently followed, for as
soon as the said post was come back to us, the barbarous
heathen pressed upon us in the house with great violence,
sending in their shot amongst us like haile through the
walls and shouting as if they would have swallowed us up
alive, but our God wrought wonderfully for us so that
there was but one man wounded within the house, viz — the
said Henry Young who looking out of the garret-window
that evening was mortally wounded by a shot, of which
wound he died within two days after. There was the same
day another man slain, but not in the house, a son of Ser
jeant Pritchard's, adventuring out of the house wherein we
were to his Father's house not far from it, to fetch more
goods out of it, was caught by those cruel enemies as they

35% Colonial
were coming towards us, who cut off his head, kicking it
about like a football, and then putting it upon a pole they
set it up before the door of his Father's house in our sight.
"The night following the said blow they did roar against
us like so many wild bulls, sending in their shot amongst
us till towards the moon rising which was about three of the
clock, at which time they attempted to fire our house by
hay and other combustible matter which they brought to
one corner of the house and set it on fire. Whereupon
some of our company were necessitated to expose them
selves to very great danger to put it out. Simon Davis, one
of the three appointed by my self as Captain to supply my
place by reason of my wounds as aforesaid, he being of a
lively spirit encouraged the soldiers within to fire upon the
Indians ; and also those that adventured out to put out the
fire (which began to rage and kindle upon the house. side)
with these and the like words, that God is with us, and fights
for us and will deliver us out of the hands of these heathen,
which expressions of his the Indians hearing they shouted
and scoffed, saying, now see how your God delivers you or
will deliver you, sending in many shots whilst our men were
putting out the fire. But the Lord of Hosts wrought very
graciously for us in preserving our bodies both within and
without the house from their shots and our house from
being consumed by fire, we had but two men wounded in
that attempt of theirs, but we apprehended that we killed
divers of our enemies.
"I being desirous to hasten intelligence to the Honoured
Council, of our present great distress, we being so remote
from any succour (it being between sixty and seventy miles
from us to Boston, where the Council useth to sit), and fear
ing our ammunition would not last long to withstand them
if they continued to assault us, I spake to Ephraim Curtis
to adventure forth again on that service, and to attempt it
on foot, as the way wherein there was most hope of getting
away undiscovered ; he readily assented and accordingly
went out but there were so many Indians everywhere there-

Concord 359
abouts, that he could not pass without apparent hazard of
life, so he came back again ; but towards morning, the said
Ephraim adventured forth a third time and was fain to creep
on his hands and knees for some space of ground, that he
might not be discerned by the enemy, who waited to pre
vent our sending, if they could have hindered it. But
through God's mercy, he escaped their hands and got safely
to Marlborough, though very much spent and ready to
faint by want of sleep before he went from us, and his sore
travel night and day in that hot season till he got thither,
from whence he went to Boston; yet before the said Eph
raim got to Marlborough, there was intelligei: ce brought
thither of the burning of some houses and killing some cat-
tel at Quaboag by some who were going to Connecticut,
but they, seeing what was done at the end of the town, and
hearing several guns shot off further within the town, they
durst proceed no further, but immediately returned to
Marlborough, though they knew not what had befallen Capt.
Hutchinson and myself and company, nor of our being
there, but that timely intelligence they gave before Eph
raim Curtis his coming to Marlborough occasioned the Hon
oured Major Willard's turning his march towards Quaboag
for their relief, who were in no small danger every hour of
being destroyed, the said Major being, when he had that
intelligence, upon his march another way as he was ordered
by the Honoured Council as is afterwards more fully
expressed. "The next day being August 3d, they continued shoot
ing and shouting and proceeded in their former wickedness
blaspheming the name of the Lord and reproaching us his
afflicted servants, scoffing at our prayers as they were send
ing in their shot from all quarters of the house, and many
of them going to the town's meeting-house (which was
within twenty rods of the house in which we were), who
mocked, saying, come and pray and sing psalms, and in
Contempt made an hideous noise somewhat resembling sing
ing. But we to our power did endeavour our own defence,

360 Colonial
sending our shot amongst them, the Lord giving us cour
age to resist them and preserving us from the destruction
they sought to bring upon us. On the evening following
we saw our enemies carrying several of their dead or
wounded men on their backs, who proceeded that night to
send in their shot as they had done the night before, and
also shouted as if the day had been certainly theirs, and
they should without fail have prevailed against us which
they might have the more hopes of in regard that we dis
cerned the coming of new companies to them to assist and
strengthen them, and the unliklihood of any coming to our
help. "They also used several stratagems to fire us, namely, by
wild fire in cotton and linen rags with brimstone in them,
which rags they tied to the piles of their arrows sharp for
the purpose and shot them to the roof of our house after
they had set them on fire, which would have much endan
gered the burning thereof, had we not used means by cutting
holes through the roof and otherwise to beat the said arrows
down, and God being pleased to prosper our endeavours
therein. They carried more combustible matter as flax and
hay to the sides of the house and set it on fire and then
flocked apace towards the door of the house either to pre
vent our going forth to quench the fire as we had done
before or to kill our men on their attempt to go forth or
else to break into the house by the door, whereupon we
were forced to break down the wall of the house against the
fire to put it out. They also shot a ball of wild-fire into
the garret of the house which fell amongst a great heap of
flax or tow therein, which one of our soldiers, through
God's good Providence soon espyed, and having water
ready presently quenched it, and so we were preserved by
the keeper of Israel both our bodies from their shot which
they sent thick against us and the house from being con
sumed to ashes, although we were but weak to defend our
selves, we being not above twenty and six men with those
of that small town who were able for any service, and our

Concord 361
enemies as I judged them about (if not above) three
hundred. I speak of the least, for many there present did
guess them to be four or five hundred. It is the more to
be observed that so little hurt should be done by the ene
mies shot it commonly piercing the walls of the house and
flying amongst the people, and there being in the house
fifty women and children besides the men before mentioned.
But abroad in the yard one Thomas Wilson, of that town,
being sent to fetch water for our help in further need (that
which we had being spent in putting out the fire) was shot
by the enemy in the upper jaw and in the neck, the anguish
of which wound was at the first that he cried out with a
great noise by reason whereof the Indians hearing him
rejoyced and triumphed at it, but his wound was healed in
a short time praised be God.
"On Wednesday, August 4th, the Indians fortifyed them
selves and the barns belonging to our house, which they
fortified, both at the great doors and at both ends, with
posts,- boards, rails and hay, to save themselves from our
shot. They also devised other stratagems to fire our house
on the night following, namely, they took a cart and filled
it with flax, hay and candlewood and other combustible
matter, and set up planks fastened to the cart to save them
selves from the danger of our shot. Another invention
they had to make the more sure work in burning the house :
they got many poles of a considerable length and bigness,
and spliced them together at the ends one of another, and
made a carriage of them about fourteen rods long, setting
the poles in two rows with peils laid cross them over at the
front end, and dividing said poles about three feet asunder,
and in the said front end of this, their carriage, they set a
barrel, having made a hole through both heads, and put
an axle-tree through them, to which they fastened the
said poles, and under evey joynt of the poles where they
were spliced, they set up a pair of truckle wheels to bear up
the carriages, and they loaded the front or fore end thereof
with matter fit for firing, as hay and flax and chips, clc.

362 Colonial
"Two of these instruements they prepared that they
might convey fire to the house with the more safety to
themselves, they standing at a distance from our shot whilst
they wheeled them to the house. Great store of arrows
they had also prepared to shoot fire upon the house that
night, which we found after they were gone, they having
left them there. But the Lord, who is a present help in
times of trouble, and is pleased to make his people's extrem
ity his opportunity, did graciously prevent them of effect
ing what they hoped they would have done by the aforesaid
devices, partly by sending a shower of rain in season,
whereby the matter prepared, being wett, would not so eas
ily take fire as it otherwise would have done, and partly by
aide coming to our help. For our danger would have been
very great that night had not the only wise God (blessed
for ever !) been pleased to send to us about an hour within
night the worshipful Major Willard, with Captain Parker,
of Groaton, and forty-six men more, with five Indians, to
relieve us in the low estate into which we were brought.
"We continued there both well and wounded towards a
fortnight, and August the thirteenth Capt. Hutchinson and
my self, with the most of those that had escaped without
hurt, and also some of the wounded came from thence,
my son Thomas and some other wounded men came not
from thence, being not then able to endure travel so farr as
we were from the next town till about a fortnight after.
We came to Marlborough on August the fourteenth,
where Capt. Hutchinson, being not recovered of his wound
before his coming from Brookfield, and overtyred with his
long journey by reason of his weakness, quickly after grew
worse and more dangerously ill, and on the nineteenth day
of the said month dyed, and was there the day after buried,
the Lord being pleased to deny him a return to his own
habitation and his near relation at Boston, though he
was come the greatest part of his journey thitherward.
The inhabitants of the town also not long after men, women
and children removed safely with what they had left to sev-

Concord 363
eral places, either where they had lived before their plant
ing or settling down there, or where they had relations to
receive and entertain them.
"I tarried at Marlborough with Capt. Hutchinson until
his death, and came home to Concord August the 21
(though not thoroughly recovered of my wound), and so
did others who went with me. But since I am reasonably
well, though I have not the use of my hand and arm as
before. My son Thomas, though in great hazard of life
for some time after his return to Concord, yet is now very
well cured and his strength well restored. Oh, that we
could praise the Lord for his great goodness towards us.
Praised be his name, that though he took away some of us,
yet was pleased to spare so many of us and adde to our
days ; he help us whose souls he hath delivered from death,
and eyes from tears, and feet from falling to walk before
him in the land of the living till our great change come, and
to sanctifie his name in all his ways about us, that both our
afflictions and our mercies may quicken us to live more to
his glory all our dayes."

CHAPTER XXXVII
Devout Nature of the "Narrative" by Captain
Thomas Wheeler — Religious Character of the
Colonial Soldiers — Instances of Alleged Divine
Interpretation — Original Title of the Wheeler
Document — Pacific Object of the Hutchinson Expe
dition — Preparatory Work by the Sudbury Scout
— Salutary Effect of the Disaster — Biographical
Sketches of Captain Thomas Wheeler, Simon Davis,
and Ephraim Curtis — Names of Soldiers Credited
for Services about Brookfield
In this wonderful narrative which has been repeatedly
referred to as the epic of Colonial times, Capt. Wheeler has
not only given to . posterity a noble example of heroic con
duct and unflinching fidelity to duty when the well being of
his fellow men was at issue, but he has also exhibited a
wonderful reliance upon a protecting Providence to render
help in time of need, and the passages in this paper which
set forth his trust are no less remarkable than those that
indicate a courage and composure that was undaunted by any
circumstance of battle. And what he says of himself will
apply equally to Simon Davis, and presumably to those
who were with them.
Everything in this document savors of sincerity which
was begotten of an experience that was most serious ; and
written as it was after the noise and smoke of battle had
subsided, it shows that its pious author was not forgetful of
the Power that preserved him and his command in their
dire straits, but who the rather made haste to render Him
a reverential recognition when a place of safety had been
reached. 364

Concord 365
In short the history of this event as written out by
one of its principal actors shows that Capts. Wheeler and
Davis and their men believed in a prayer answering Provi
dence and that it is the province of Christianity to sustain
the human soul in the dark hour of earthly abandonment.
With much propriety the Hon. John S. Keyes in referring
to Capt. Wheeler's wonderful paper has stated in his sketch
of Concord History concerning the matter as follows,
"The combination of bravery and piety, of trust in the
Lord and keeping their powder dry, that characterizes this
expedition is a marked example of the spirit of the times.
The men who could do and suffer and believe as this troop
did, were true founders of
CA Church without a Bishop,
A State without a King.' "
In the character of Capt. Thomas Wheeler as we conceive
of it by the facts he has giyen, there is set forth that com
bination of soldierly qualities and religious fervor which we
believe characterized many of the Colonial military com
manders. Capts. Wadsworth and Brocklebank who fell at the Sud
bury fight a few months later were men who took an interest
in matters both polictical and religious; the latter being
a deacon of the church.
Capt. Samuel Dakin a descendant of Thomas of Concord,
who commanded a company in one of the Canadiaj^ cam
paigns and was slain at Half Way Brook near Fort Ewdard,
writes just before his departure from home in a paper which
is still extant dated Septembr 29, 1756. "And now going
on an Expedition against the enemy at Crown point, I
have given myself up wholly to God, to be at his disposal
in life or death, and O that God would accept of me again
for Jesus Christ's sake."
In a letter to his wife he says, "I have never yet heard
one thwarting word in my company, but they seem all to
have a brotherly love one for another, and have never heard

366 Colonial
one profane word among them, and their forwardness in
attending services is delightful to me, so that I have many
mercies." In a letter of June 10, 1758, he states concerning the men
of his command "they are very ready to attend prayers and
the singing of Psalms which we have practised on our
journey." Such was the religious faith of the soldiers who fought
in the Colonial and Intercolonial wars, and so great was
their confidence in the God of battles to befriend them.
And who shall say that their confidence was misplaced or
their faith misapplied? Who can deny that Ephraim Cur
tis was divinely directed as he crawled over the greensward
in his third attempt to evade the watchful savages, and go
for relief; or who will dare to assert that the timely arrival
of Major Willard and his companions at Marlboro just in
time for the rescue of his former Concord neighbors at
the Brookfield garrison was not ordered of Heaven?
And who furthermore can say that the sudden shower that
quenched the burning combustibles which were rolled up
against the house was not sent in answer to their sup
plications ? These instances are only in exact accord with
many others, notable among which is the unexpected aid
from Goff, the regicide judge at Hadley, when the town's
immediate destruction was threatened by the Indians and
the efforts of the inhabitants had been exhausted; and of
the upsetting of the cart loaded with burning material at
Sudbury which, tradition says, the savages were rolling down
the hill back of the Haynes garrison house in order to
destroy it.
Surely, if it is foolishly venturesome to deny these facts
or to disclaim a belief in the deductions which the fathers
drew from them, then it is wisdom for their descendants to
profit by them and to make Him who has been
"Our help in ages past,
Our hope in years to come."

Concord 367
I After the return of Capt. Thomas Wheeler and the Con
cord survivors of his companny, the town observed October
21, 1675 as "A day °f praise and thanksgiving to God for
their remarkable deliverance and their safe return", and a
sermon was preached by Rev. Edward Bulkeley. The wel
come to the survivors of the Brookfield battle and siege was
doubtless a most ardent one. For weeks the town had been
kept in a state of sorrow and suspense not knowing what
the fate of their fellow townsmen might be'; for in those
early times surgical skill was in a comparatively undevel
oped state, and the lacerations made by the large musket
balls then in use would be difficult to heal.
The sermon of Mr. Bulkeley and the narrative of Capt.
Wheeler were published not long after they were written.
The complete title of the original Wheeler document is
the following.
"A True Narrative Of the Lord's Providence in various
dispensations towards Edward Hutchinson of Boston and
my self, and those that went into the Nipmuck Country,
and also to Quaboag, alias Brookfield. The said Captain
Hutchinson having a Commission, from the Honoured
Council of the Colony to Treat with several Sachems in
those parts, in order to the pulick peace and my self being
also ordered by the said Council to accompany him with
part of my Troop for Security from any danger that might
be from the Indians : and to Assist them in the Transaction
of matters committed to him."
Probabably the "Narrative" was written soon after the
author's return to Concord, and not unlikely while waiting
for a recovery from his wounds and other hardships.
This paper written by one so trustworthy when the facts
described were fresh in memory, and with an impression of
the stirring events set forth in it still vivid, renders the doc
ument a most valuable one. It has been much quoted and
was referred to by contemporary writers. The historian
Hubbard used it freely, and Major Daniel Gookin in his
"History of the Praying Indians" also referred to it.

368 Colonial
The mission which Capt. Wheeler was sent on was of
great importance and much depended upon its successful
accomplishment. It was preeminently a peaceable one.
Before he started out, the council had twice sent Ephraim
Curtis, the Sudbury scout into the Nipmuck Country to
see if he could placate the Sachems by assuring them of
the pacific attitude of the Colonists towards them. This
measure was considered necessary on account of the
warning received through Waban, the ruler of the
Christian Indians at Natick, Curtis did his full duty.
Taking with him several friendly Indians he proceeded
on his way to Brookfield, and from thence westward accord
ing to his account to the Colonial Council, till he discovered
an Indian trail which he followed many miles to "the low
river by Springfield old road," where he discovered some
of the Nipmuck Sachems. Several villages were visited and
satisfactory assurances were received from the inhabitants
of fidelity to the English. As a result of a visit to the Qua
boag tribe whose sachem was Mattaump, a document was
delivered of which the following is a copy,- the original being
among the State Archives.
"The Ruler of Quabage being examined by us where his
his men were : he said they were at home. Then we asked
him whether there were none of them gone to help King
Philip to fight against the English of Plymouth : he said
No ; and neither would he help him : for he has been false
to him already, and, therefore I will not help him : but I
will still continue our subjection unto the English of the
Massachusetts Colony : neither will I suffer any of my men
to go and help him ; and in Confirmation of the same I do
set my hand, 25: 4: 75 ;
Conkcascogan, alias Conkganasca."
But notwithstanding their fair promises, the Nipmuck and
Quaboag Indians shortly after the visit of Curtis, showed a
disposition to join Philip, for the cunning chieftain
of Pokanoket, whom the English believed would
remain peaceable at Pocasset, whither he had fled upon their

Concord 369
pursuit of him after the disastrous work at Swanzey on July
4, had been among the tribes, and probably by his per
suasive eloquence and promise of prospective spoils had
stirred them to the verge of strife. By the middle of July
and in less than a month after Curtis left them at their ancient
town of Neminimisset, a place in the northwesterly part of
the present New Braintree, several of their sachems had
again assembled and this time with a warlike purpose
neglectful of their declaration to Ephraim Curtis. But the
Colonial Council in spite of indications to the contrary, not
despairing of peaceful relations with these tribes of the inte
rior or at least of securing from them neutrality, again sent
for the Sudbury scout.
On July 16 an order was issued to the constables of
Sudbury directing them "to impress two or three valuable
horses as Ephraim Curtis shall require." These were to be
delivered to Curtis who was to take with him two or three
"able and confiding Indians which Capt. Gookin would
provide to go with him on the country's service."
To this second summons to go to the Nipmuck country
as a friendly messenger of the English, Curtis promptly
responded. Taking with him two or three Christian Indians
of Natick he started. Upon arriving at Marlboro he
learned that a house built by him at Quinsigamond now
Worcester, where he had done some frontier work had been
pillaged by the savages, and that Matoonas the Nipmuck
chieftain whose tribe he had so recently visited in the inter
ests of peace, with a considerable company of his own war
riors and a portion of King Philip's men were on the war
path to the southward doing much mischief. The bold scout
was nothing daunted by this disheartening intelligence but
went forward and met the Indians near Brookfield. The
savages were ugly; their demonstrations showed evil
designs; and it was evident that Curtis had a dangerous task
before him.
After considerable parley and adroit manoeuvering, dur
ing which both Curtis and his allies were subjected to great

37° Colonial
danger, a description of which Curtis set forth in his report
to the Council which report is among the State
Archives Vol. 67 p 21 5, he found opportunity to deliver his
message. But it was of little avail. The second mission
of Curtis to secure the friendliness of the tribes of the inte
rior was utterly fruitless ; for notwithstanding his shrewd
diplomacy and formal assumption while in the presence of
the savages of their having no disposition to actually harm
him, he was too accustomed to their wily ways not to
know that he and his company were in a position of
extreme peril, and that all the friendly overtures of the
Colonial Council had been flippantly and defiantly refused
so with his little party he retreated as best he could and
making his way back to Boston promptly rendered
a report that was unmistakable in its meaning. The Col
onial Council saw that a crisis was coming and that it was
of no use to send messages by an embassy which was
so small that the Indians would treat it with contempt, but
that an expedition should be sent consisting of such a force
and leadership as would command respect. The
Hutchinson expedition was accordingly fitted out.
|Capt. Hutchinson had lived in the Nipmuck Country
and had a farm there upon which he had employed sev
eral of the Nipmuck sagamores. He was popular with the
natives, and had been sent on several occasions to negotiate
with them concerning matters of importance. He was the
oldest son of William and Ann and came to America with
his uncle in 1633, his parents arriving a year laterJ Capt.
Wheeler was equally well fitted for the position he was tJ
occupy for he also was well acquainted with the Indians,
having had an opportunity to learn their wiles and weak
nesses while trading with them some years before along
the Merrimac river.
The exact place of the Brookfield ambuscade has been
the subject of much conjecture and controversy. Some
years ago an ancient map was discovered by Dr. Green of

Concord 371
the Mass. Historical Society entitled "A new plan of sev
eral towns in the County of Worcester." It bears the date
March 30, 1785, and was the work of Gen. Rufus Putnam,
at that time of Rutland, but formerly of New Braintree.
Upon this map is located in the northwesterly part of New
Braintree the Indian town Meminimisset or Wenimisset
and in the swamp to the east is found the inscription
"Hutchinson & Troop Ambushed between Swamp & Hill."
Dr. L. R. Paige of Cambridge in the "New England and
Genealogical Register" dated October, 1884, before the
discovery of this map, brought forward strong and convinc
ing arguments to prove that the scene of the battle was near
this spot. Rev. J. H. Temple author of the "History of
Brookfield" adduces arguments also strong and convincing
that the scene of the battle was the ravine near the New
Braintree and Brookfield line some two and a half miles
from Wickabaug pond. Both gentlemen are considered
authorities in matters of historical research ; and both probally
argued from the same general facts.
Rev. G. M. Bodge author of "Soldiers in King Philip's
War" states that after reading the arguments on both sides
he is unable to state which spot is the correct one.
One thing, however, is certain, that in 1785, the date of
the map referred to, the former place was known as the
scene of the conflict.
jit is not supposed that Philip was personally present in"
the attack on Brookfield, as he left the swamp at Pocasset /
to which he had been driven by the English July 31, and .
arrived at "Quaboag, Old Fort" on Thursday Aug. 5. \
The work is supposed to have been done entirely by the f
Nipmucks, the chief among whom were the Quaboags,/
Wabbaquasets and Nashaways.
It is said that when the victorious Nipmucks told Philip1,.
of their work at Brookfield he gave three of their Sagamores \
viz : Apequinask, Quannasit and Mattaump, about a peck_J
of unstrung wampum apiece.;
. Capt. Wheeler and his command left Brookfield Aug. 10

372 Colonial
and arrived at Marlboro Aug. 14 Capt. Hutchinson went
with the return party but died the day after the arrival and
was buried at Marlboro.
A few weeks after the return of Capt. Thomas Wheeler
we hear of him again as doing military duty; and the indi
cations are that this time it was in the scouting service which
was kept up between towns in companies or squads. Before
closing our narrative of events about Brookfield it is due
that at least a short sketch should be given of some of the
leading characters. 1 Capt. Thomas Wheeler it is supposed
was of the family of Wheelers who were at Concord as early
as 1640 — 1 and which Shattuck says according to tradition,
came from Wales. That the tradition is incorrect is strongly
probable since the name of Wheeler was a common one
among English families who early emigrated to America.
It is believed that the families of Wheeler who went to Con
cord dwelt, before coming to this country, at a place a few
miles from Odell, Bedfordshire, England, at which latter
place Rev. Peter Bulkeley formerly lived In this locality,
it is stated, that in the 17th century more people bore the
name of Wheeler than any other* This fact renders it
quite presumable that the Concord families of Wheeler
emigrated from that vicinity.
Another significant circumstance is that a few miles from
the old home of Peter Bulkeley was a small parish known
as Cranfield and in that parish was formerly a locality or
precinct that went by the name of Virginia. As both
these terms are familiar in Concord history designating places
the earliest in which some of the Wheelers have lived, it
may not be too much to suppose that the terms were brought
to this country by the Wheelers or Bulkeleys. The Vir
ginia road according to Mr. Albert E. Wood was the earliest
or one of the earliest in the plantation.
Capt. Thomas Wheeler it is supposed, was a brother of
Capt. Timothy and Lieut. Joseph Wheeler of Concord.
He married Ruth, a daughter of William Wood and died
Dec. 10, 1676. He had five sons. 1

Concord 373
r~ .
Thomas Wheeler Jr. who was with his father in the
Brookfield fight died unmarried Feb. 16, 1676 — 7. In the
record of his death he is refered to as "Thomas ye son of
Widow Ruth Wheeler" That his estate was administered
upon is evidence that he was past nonage and not a mere
lad of thirteen as has been asserted.; Nothing of a doc
umentary nature that we know of indicates that the Capt.
Thomas Wheeler the old Indian fighter was a citizen of
Concord previous to 1662. In 1669 the town leased to
him a tract_of lalidfthat has been referred to in a previous
chapter. [Before his residence in Concord he was engaged ~) /
in trading with the Indians along the Merrimac river.
Timothy Wheeler mentions in his will which was pro
bated Sept. 7, 1687, "Joseph, Ephraim and Deliverance,
my brother Thomas his sons."
Children of Capt. Thomas and his wife Ruth were Alice,
died March 17, 1641 ; Nathaniel, Jan. 9, 1676 — 7;
Thomas died Jan. 17 1676 — 7 ; Ephraim died Feb. 9, 1689.
Joseph and Deliverance, mentioned in Timothy's will,
were, it is supposed, the sole survivors of their parents.
Joseph in 1677, administered upon the estate of his brothers
Thomas and Nathaniel. The estate of Thomas consisted
of "a horse, pistols, cutlash, and gun ; " and was prized at
£6— 12s.
fCapt. Thomas Wheeler was admitted a freeman in 1642.
He became Sergeant of a foot company of Concord in 1662 ;
and was appointed Captain of a horse company at its organ
ization in 1669. The horse company was made up of „
troopers from several towns.j
Jan. 12, 1669, a lease of land for twenty one years con
taining two hundred acres of upland and sixty acres of
meadow lying west of Nashoba brook was made to Capt.
Thomas Wheeler. The terms were that he should pay a
yearly rent of five pounds after the expiration of seven
years and build a house and farm. The house was to be
forty feet long, eighteen feet wide, and twelve feet stud,
''covrd with shingles, with a payer of Chimnes." The barn

\

/

3 74 Colonial
was to be forty feet long, twenty four feet wide, and twelve
feet stud. At the expiration of the lease the buildings were
to be left for the use of the town, with thirty acres of fenced
tillage land.
It was further stipulated in the lease that he was to
receive and pasture the dry cattle of the town's people, the
cattle not to be more than one hundred in number, nor less
than eighty. The cattle were to be marked by their own
ers, and delivered at Capt. Wheeler's barn. The price fixed
was two shillings a head, payable one third in wheat, one
third in rye or peas and one third in Indian corn. The
owners were to "keep the said herd twelve Sabboth dayes
yearely at the appointment & according to the proportion
by the said Thomas or his heires allotted.'^)
pimon Davis was a son of Dolor Davis who was a peti
tioner for the town of Groton in 1656 and had lands granted
him in Concord in 1659. He was a carpenter and died at
Dunstable 1673. He married Margery, a sister of Major
Simon Willard ; and their children were Ruth, who married
Steven Hall and Simon and Samuel, both of which sons
were settled in Concord. Simon Davis married Mary, a
daughter of James Blood in 1660; and died June 14, 1713
aged 77. Simon Davis and Mary had a numerous family ;
: and their descendants are widely scattered, some of whom
have been distinguished. |
To close our account of the Brookfield affair without
some further notice of Ephraim Curtis would leave it incom-
" plete although he was not a Concord citizen. J Ephraim Cur
tis was the son of Henry Curtis an original grantee of the
town of Sudbury which was settled in 1638. He was
doubtless well acquainted with his fellow soldiers of Con
cord, his father's house having been situated, it is supposed
near the border of the two towns. Although only about
thirty years old at the breaking out of the war, yet his
knowledge of woodcraft and Indian ways were exceptional.
It is said that he understood their language. The fact
that the Colonial Council twice sought his services

Concord 375
to bear a message to the Nipmucks, unaccompanied but by
two or three friendly Indians showed remarkable confidence
in him.
Before his appearance as an emissary for the govern
ment to negotiate with the Indians, he penetrated the west
ern wilderness as a pioneer and built a house at a place near
Quinsigamond pond now in Worcester.
Mr. Falls in his "Reminiscences of Worcester" says
"For a time he claimed the whole town of Worcester but
had to be content with two hundred acres near the upper
part of Plantation Street and another plantation near Graf
ton Gore."]
AlthougrI noted for his venturesome nature we infer he
had a heart gentle as a child, for it is said that in his later
life he was accustomed to tell how after working all day, he
would sit down and look towards Sudbury and shed tears
in spite of himself.
It would be vain to attempt adequately to set forth the
boldness of Curtis in his thrice repeated endeavor to pass
the enemies' lines before Brookfield. It may be doubtful
if in the chronicles of the early wars of America acts more
heroic have been recorded. It was a desperate strait that
led Capt. Wheeler to send him forth ; and it was a forlorn
hope of a fearful character that Curtis entered upon and no
one better than he knew its possible consequences.
The garrison door opened and he went out, it closed,
and he was left alone with his enemies. His main protec
tion, apart from Providence, was the damp, dust laden
atmosphere made heavy by the smoke of gunpowder, the
friendly darkness, and the drowsy condition of the savages
wearied by the work of the day previous. A slight incau
tious movement might betray him, the breaking of a stick,
the rustle of the woodgrass or the unlucky displacement of
a small stone. But none of these things deterred him.
Dropping on his hands and knees and creeping silently on
the greensward he eluded the viligance of the watching guard
and when through the cordon of savages and fairly within

376 Colonial
the outskirts of the welcome woodland he arose and ran,
and hours later "much spent and ready to faint" he reached
Marlboro to find to his joy that Major Willard was already
on his way to Brookfield to rescue his beleaguered com
rades. Ephraim Curtis died at Sudbury at the age of 92 ;
and was probably buried in the town's old burying ground.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Removal of the Christian Indians from Nashoha to
Concord — Indian Mission Work — The Estab
lishment of Christian or Praying Indians in Villages
or Towns — The Character and Conduct of the
Christian Indians — Their Fidelity and Service to
the English — Rules for their Restraint — Humane
Act of John Hoar — Circumstances Explanatory of
Harsh Treatment of the Christian Indians by the
Colonial Communities — Historic Sketch of Indian
Mission Work at Nashoba by Herbert Joseph Har-
wood of Littleton — Disposition of the Nashoha
Territory.
THE next event of importance to the town in the
course of the war was the removal of the Praying
Indians from their plantation at Nashoba now a
part of Littleton and placing them at Concord
under the care of John Hoar Esq.
As before stated, years previous to the breaking out of
King Philip's war a portion of the Indians dwelling in this
part of the country were gathered together in the following
towns and villages, viz : Wamesit (Lowell), Nashoba, (Lit
tleton), Okkokomimesit (Marlboro), Hassamnanesit (Graf
ton), Makunkokoag (Hopkinton), Natick, and Punkapog
(Canton). Besides these places of ingathering, which were called the
"Old Praying Villages,' there were several others among
the Nipmucks called the "New Praying Towns ; " and the
Indians thus congregated and those affiliated with them
were known as "Christian" or "Praying Indians"
They were under the surveilance of Daniel Gookin as
their civic sponsor and Rev. John Eliot was their teacher
in spiritual things. 377

378 Colonial
While thus sequestered they attained a goodly degree
of thrift, laid aside their Pagan practices and lived peace
ably with their white neighbors.
When Philip's war broke out these Indians proved them
selves not only friendly to the English, but very servicable
as scouts and guides.
So great was the confidence the English placed in them
that they formed them into military companies, and it was
suggested at one time that the Friendly Indian stations be
used as frontier forts, forming not only a line of defense
against hostile tribes in the interior, but places of rendez
vous for Colonial soldiers who might cooperate with them.
In several instances, by the personal solictiude of the
" Praying Indians " and by special service rendered by
them, signal advantages accrued to the settlers and severe
catastrophes were averted. Before the breaking out of the
war, Waban informed the English of the hostile intent of
King Philip, and told them that as soon as the trees were
leaved out the Indians would begin their attack.
In the expedition of Hutchinson and Wheeler the
Christian Indians acted as guides and interpreters; they
also warned the Colonial soldiers of the wiles and strategies
of the enemy. The two sons of Petuhanit, Joseph and
Sampson, strongly advised against an advance when the
hostile Nepmucks were urging them on towards the
swamp ; and had their advice been followed, the sad sur
prise might have been averted. When the retreat came
they carefully avoided an ambush by keeping the broken
expedition in the open field, directing them along a course
unknown to the English but which brought them in
safety to the garrison. I
?When, after the fight, at Narraganset it became import
ant to know the movements of the Indians toward the
Connecticut river, Major Gookin sent as spies, the two
Christian Indians Kattenanit and Quanapohit. These
went among the Indians at Brookfield and after ascertain
ing their plan reported it to the Council, which plan was to

Concord 37 9
assault all the frontier towns begining at Lancaster. The
Council acting on their report sent messengers to Concord,
Lancaster and Marlboro. Captain Wadsworth at once
with forty men from Marlboro, marched to Lancaster and
the town was saved from entire destruction ; and had the
advise of Quanapohit been heeded it is believed that the,
Rowlinson garrison would have been saved. ?
It is asserted by Mr. Bodge, " There can be little doubt
that if in the pursuit of Philip in the Nipmuck country
the counsel of the native Indians had been heeded by
Captain Henchman, Philip and most of his company would
have been destroyed."
But, [notwithstanding these evidences of fidelity to the-
English, as threatening events thickened and the very
existence of the colony was menaced, there crept over the
community a feeling of distrust towards these Indians and
there was a growing suspicion that some of them were in
sympathy with King Philip and had even assisted him.
This feeling which was not shared in so much by the
ministers and magistrates, was so strong among the laity
that at length an order was issued to disband the Christian
Indian military companies, that all Christian Indians should
repair to one or another of five Indian villages designated,
that they should never go more than a mile from their
centers unaccompanied by an Englishman, and if anyone
was discovered breaking these rules he might be arrested
or shot.
Notwithstanding, however, the stringency of the regula
tions the masses were not satisfied, but went so far in their
impatience to be rid of the presence of any Indian, that at
length the Court, wearied perhaps by the people's com
plaints, ordered the removal of all the Indians to Deer
Island in Boston harbor. ?
IThe work began by* the attempted removal of the
Wamesits ; the direct occasion of which was the alleged
setting fire to a haystack, which act a hostile Indian who
was afterwards executed at Boston confessed to have done.

380 Colonial
The Punkapogs were next to be disturbed ; and soon after,
a clamor was raised against the Naticks, who were unjustly
accused of burning an old and disused building in Dedham.
The Naticks were conducted from their homes by
Captain Prentice who was their friend. They were met by
the Apostle John Eliot and Major Gookin and other
friends at the " Falls of the Charles river " and carried to
Deer Island in boats.
The Hassanamesit Praying station was attacked by the
hostile Indians and having been disarmed by the English,
about two hundred of them were captured. \
The same monthf the remnant of the "Nashoba Indians,
which consisted of not more than a dozen ablebodied men
and their families, were ordered to Concord, and General
Gookin, Rev. John Eliot and Major Simon Willard were
a committee of the Court to carry out the order and see
that they were properly cared for.
At Concord they were placed in charge of John Hoar,
their unfailing friend, the only man in town it is said who
was willing to receive them. Standing up stoutly against a
strong public sentiment, for the tragic affair at Brookfield
and other Indian atrocities which it was suspected some of
the Praying Indians had sympathy with were still recent, Mr.
Hoar acted as a protector, erecting for them a building
where they could be secure from all indignities whether from
within or without the town, and providing employment by
which they could earn a livelihood.
This act of John Hoar stands out in strong contrast
with the treatment they received at other handsj fLfttx the
Natick Indians were driven away, the English entered and
plundered their deserted homes while the banished inmates
were landed upon a bleak island with insufficient clothing,
and compelled to subsist almost entirely on fish and clams.
When the Marlborough Indians were removed, the
soldiers stripped them of everything, even taking from
them the pewter communion cup that was given their
minister by Mr. Eliot. These and other startling

Concord 381
incidents of cruelty all unavenged and apparently acquiesced
in by the community in general, were the overt expression
of a feeling of hostility to some of the Indian converts of
the saintly Eliot.f *'
It is true tharHsomething maybe said explanatory of such
severe conduct, if not in mild paliation of it. Society
was terribly stirred by recent and startling events. Pub
lic calamities were accumulating. Each day might bring
the report of a new disaster. Every wood path of
the long and circuitous frontier was unsafe to the unarmed
traveler. The dark war cloud was casting its shadow from
the Connecticut river to the sea board. A quota of citizen
soldiers from every town where they could be spared, were
by Colonial impress assisting by guarding garrison houses
or ranging the forests it.* scouting squads to beat up the
enemy and upon their discovery to fall back and warn the
endangered inhabitants. Under such circumstances it is
not altogether remarkable that it became unpopular to
befriend the Praying Indians ; and even that such good
and true men as Gookin and Eliot who had the best means
of knowing the nature of the Christian Indians and the
actual facts concerning their conduct became the targets of
public scorn because of thrir advocacy of the cause of these
helpless creatures.
The spot where the workhouse provided by Mr. Hoar
probably stood was not far from the town's central
garrison house.
Gookin says of its situation that it was " about the midst
of the town and very nigh the town's watchhouse."
As showing the interest of Mr. Hoar by this friendly
act, we quote the following from Gookin's " History of the
Praying Indians."
" About this time there befell another great trouble and
exercise to the Christian Indians of Nashobah, who
sojourned in Concord by order. The matter was this ; the
Council had, by several orders, empowered a committee,
who, with the consent of the selectmen of Concord, settled

382 Colonial
those Indians at that town, under the government and
tuition of Mr. John H oare ; the number of those Indians
were about fifty-eight of all sorts, whereof there were not
above twelve able men, the rest women and children. These
Indians lived very soberly, and quietly, and industriously,
and were all unarmed ; neither could any of them be
charged with any unfaithfulness to the English interests.
" In pursuance of this settlement, Mr. Hoare had begun
to build a large and convenient work-house for the Indians
near his own dwelling, which stood about the midst of the
town, and very nigh the town watch-house.
" This house was made, not only to secure those Indians
under lock and key by night, but to employ them and to
set them to work by day, whereby they earned their own
bread, and in an ordinary way ( with God's blessing ) would
h^ve lived well in a short time."
'That any suspicion of treachery on the part of the
Nashobah Indians was ill founded is evident from the fact
that they who knew the most about them had an unstinted
belief in their sincerity. Their conduct from the beginning
had inspired confidence. Tahattawan, the Sachem of
Nashoba who once dwelt at Nashawtuc, as tradition has it,
became one of the first converts to Christianity by the
preaching of Eliot at Nonantum. The tribe or clan which
he represented went to Nashoba from the region of the
Musketequid, by the advice of Mr. Eliot that they adopt
the government that Jethro proposed to Moses in the
wilderness, whereby they were to choose rulers of hundreds
and of fifties and of tens. In this way they came to live
in towns separate from the English, and upon this principle,
Natick and Nashoba and the other Indian villages or
"Praying towns " were originated^
As the sequel to the removal of the Nashobah Indians
to the place provided for them by Mr. Hoar is of a later
date, the subject will be left here to be resumed in its
chronological order.
Before dismissing the subject however it may be appro-

Concord 383
priate, since these Indians are properly associated with the
history of Concord in other relations than those which are
religious, to print the following sketch of them which by
permission is quoted from a paper prepared by Herbert
Joseph Harwood, Historian of the town of Littleton and
published in a pamphlet of the Littleton Historical Society
entitled Proceedings No. 1.
"John Eliot in his 'Brief Narrative' written in 1670 says,
'Nashope is our next Praying Town, a place of much Afflic
tion ; it is the chief place of Residence, where Tahattawans
lived, a Sachem of the Blood, a faithful and zealous Chris
tian, a strict yet gentle Ruler ; he was a Ruler of 50 in our
Civil Order ; and when God took him, a chief man in our
Israel was taken away from us. His only son was a while
vain, but proved good, expert in the Scripture, was Elected
to Rule in his Father's place, but soon died, insomuch that
this place is now destitute of a Ruler.'
"This was the earliest Nashoba sachem of whom we have
any knowledge, he is spoken of in different publications and
records by the various names, Tahattawarre, Tahattawan,
Tahatawants, Attawan, Attawance, Ahattawance and Natta-
hattawants, under which last name he is recorded in Suffolk
deeds, Vol. 1 No. 34 as the grantor in a sale made in 1642,
of a large tract of land on both sides of Concord River to
Symon Willard in behalf of Governor Winthrop, Mr. Dud
ley, Mr. Nowell, and Mr. Allen.
"The tract was in extent 3760 acres and the consideration
'six fadom of waompampege, one waistcoat and one
breeches.' In the deed Nattahatawants is referred to as
'sachem of that land' and is referred to by some writers as
sachem of Musketaquid (Concord), in view of which it is
important to note that Eliot states that 'Nashope'
[Nashobah] was his, 'chief place of Residence.'
"Barber gives Tahattawan jointly with Squaw Sachem as
the vendors of Concord to the white settlers in 1635.
"Tahattawan's only son who succeeded him as sachem of
Nashobah was John Tahattawan, also referred to as Taha-

384 Colonial
tooner by Samuel G. Drake.
"Old Tahattawan had two daughters (at least), the elder
of whom, Tassansquaw, married the celebrated Waban, and
another Naanasquaw or Rebeckah married Naanishcow or
John Thomas.
"Tahattawan's son referred to by Eliot, John Tahattawan,
was one of the signers to 'an agrement mad betwene the
Ingene of mashoba and the Town of concord' dated '20 of
10 mo. 1660' and if the record on Concord books is an
exact copy, both he and John Thomas signed their own
names, while seven other Indians made marks, but the fact
that John Thomas in 171 4 signed a deed by mark, and
also that the word 'and' occurs between these two signa
tures on the record would tend to show that perhaps there
is an inaccuracy in the record and all may have made
marks. "This 'agreement' of 1660 conveyed land which was after
wards known as Concord's second grant.
John Tahattawan died before 1670, and left a widow
Sarah, daughter of Sagamore John of the Wamesits, and
children, a daughter Sarah, otherwise called Kehonosquaw,
and a young son who was killed at the age of 12 years,
Nov. 15, 1675 at Wamesit, near Lowell, when a party of
armed men of Chelmsford went to the Indian camp and
wantonly fired upon them in retaliation for the burning of
a barn of which the Indians were suspected. Five women
and children were wounded, among whom was the boy's
mother Sarah, who was then a widow for the second time,
having had as her second husband Oonamog, ruler of the
praying Indians of Marlborough. In my 'Historical Sketch'
I made the error of confusing Sarah the widow of John
Tahattawan with his daughter Sarah or Kehonosquaw.
"After the death of John Tahattawan, Pennakennit or
Pennahannit was the chief of the Nashobah Indians, and
was also 'marshal general ' of all the praying Indians and
attended court at Natick. He was also called Capt.
Josiah, and was no doubt the last who could be called

Concord 385
Sachem of the Nashobahs, as he is spoken of by Gookin as
chief in 1674, and in the year following the settlement was
broken up by King Philip's war.
"Waban, as before stated, married Tassansquaw, the
eldest daughter of old Tahattawan, and is supposed to have
originally been of this vicinity, though it is not by any
means certain ; his name is also spelled Waaubon or
Waubon, and according to Samuel Gardner Drake,
signified ' wind.' He is said to have been about the same
age as Rev. John Eliot and consequently was born about
1604. "Winthrop says that Eliot in beginning his labors among
the Indians in 1646, preached ' one week at the wigwam of
one Wabon, a new sachem near Watertown mill, and the
other or next week in the wigwam of Cutshamekin near
Dorchester mill.'
"Being Eliot's first convert to Christianity and a man of
much strength of character, Waban was of great assistance
in gaining the good will and attention of other Indians and
was recognized as a powerful man both by the white people
and by the Indians, both Christians and those hostile in
King Philip's war.
"An instance of this is shown in the letters from Sam
Sachem and other Indians begging for peace, printed by
Samuel Gardner Drake. The first one dated July 6, 1676
is superscribed To all Englishmen and Indians, all
of you hear Mr. Waban, Mr. Eliott,' and the addresses of
three of these letters include Waban's name.
"Waban was of Natick in 1674 and the chief man there
when Gookin wrote in that year, adding ' He is a person
of great prudence and piety: I do not know any Indian
that excels him.'
"He was alive as late as March 19, 1684, at which date
he signed by mark the first of sixteen Natick Indians
who sent a letter to Mr. Gookin inviting him to lecture,
and is said to have died at Natick the summer following.
"Waban's son, Thomas Waban of Natick, signed in 17 14,

386 Colonial
a deed to the heirs of Col. Peter Bulkeley and Maj.
Thomas Henchman of half of Nashobah plantation. I
own the original document, showing Thomas Waban's
signature in a good hand. Two other Indians who signed
by mark were John Thomas and John Thomas, jr., also of
Natick. "The town records of Natick were written at one time by
Thomas Waban in the Indian language, ani it is said he
was also a justice of the peace and once issued a warrant as
follows :
'You you big constable ; quick you catchum Jeremiah
Offscow ; strong you holdum ; safe you bringum afore
me, Thomas Waban, Justice peace.'
"A story is told by Samuel Gardner Drake of Waban,
which may perhaps more properly be told of his son, as
follows: A young justice asked Waban what he would do
when Indians got drunk and quarrelled ; he replied ' Tie
um all up, and whip um plaintiff, and whip um fendant,
and whip um witness.'
"Thomas Waban's Indian name was Weegramomenit, as
we learn from the deed to Hon. Peter Bulkeley of Con
cord and Maj. Thomas Henchman of Chelmsford dated
June 15, 1686 conveying half of Nashobah plantation.
At that time the Indians could not legally sell, but were
afterward given permission by the General Court to do so,
which accounts for the second deed of the same land in
1 714, previously referred to.
"John Thomas or Naanishcow who married one of old
Tahattawan's daughters is referred to by Gookin as
follows :
" Their teacher [i. e. at Nashobah] is named John
Thomas, a sober and pious man. His farther was
murthered by the Maquas in a secret manner, as he was
fishing for eels at his wear, some years since, during the
war. He was a pious and useful person, and that place
sustained a great loss in him." By ' teacher ' he meant

Concord 387
minister. John Thomas had sons, Solomon or Naahke-
nomenit and John Thomas, jr.
"Several of these relationships I established by the signa
tures to the deed of June 15, 1686, to Bulkeley and
Henchman, and there also signed that deed, ' Nuckomme-
wosk, relict of Crooked Robin,' ' Natahoonet ' and
'Wunnuhhew alias Sarah, wife to Neepanum alias Tom
Dublet' from which I infer they may have been also
descendants of old Tahattawan.
"Other Nashobah Indians were Nasquan, Merchant
Thomas or Marchant Thpms, Wabatut, Great James
Natocotus a blind man, Pompant, Gomps and 'Mr. John
Sagamore ' who was the father of Sarah the wife of Tom
Dublet. "The petition of Rev. John Eliot for the incorporation of
the several Indian towns is of date May 3, 1654 and the
portion of his petition that relates to the Nashoba planta
tion is the following :
"First, therefore the inhabitants of Nashoba living 7 or 8
miles west of Concord, desire to have liberty to make a
town in y' place, with due accomadations thereunto. And
though Concord have some conditional grants of lands y'
way, yet I understand that we shall have a loving and Chris
tian agreement betwixt them and the Indians."
The response to the petition is as follows, and of date
May, 14, 1654
"In ansr to the peticon of Mr. Jno. Elliott, on behalf of
severall Indians, the Court graunts his request, viz. : liberty
for the inhabitants of Nashop [Nashobah] and to the
inhabitants of Ogkoontiquonkames [Marlborough] and
also to the inhabitants of Hasnemesuchoth [Grafton] to
erect severall Injan tounes, in the places propounded with
convejent acomodacon to each, provided they p'judice not
any former graunts ; nor shall they dispose of it with out
leave first had and obtajned from this Court."
In his history of Concord Mr. Shattuck has the follow
ing reference to the Nashoba territory,

388 Colonial
"Nashobah, lying near Nagog Pond, partly in Littleton
and partly in Acton as now bounded, accordingly became an
Indian town ; and here a part of the Praying Indians in
Concord, with others in the vicinity, gathered and adopted
civil and religious order, and had a Ruler and other muni
cipal officers, though no church was formed. Such as were
entitled to Christian ordinances probably went to Natick
to celebrate the communion after a church was organized
there in 1660."
Mr. Harwood states that he has found no authority for
supposing that the town of Concord ever had any title to the
territory of Nashoba, but he locates the original grant outside
of any English town boundary lines.
He states in his History :
"If the reader will look at a map of Littleton and note
the following points, he will have the four corners of the
ancient Indian plantation Nashobah : the northwest corner
of Littleton on the side of Brown Hill, near the road to
Ayer, was one corner ; a point near the centre of Boxboro',
found by prolonging the present west and south lines of
Littleton, till they meet, was another corner ; the westerly
end of Nagog pond was a third corner, and a point on the
Westford line, between the Dodge place and Forge Pond,
was the fourth corner. It was uniformly spoken of as four
miles square, but was not exactly that, being, as we have
seen, only three miles on one side, and having corners
which varied slightly from right angles."
Repeatedly in ancient documents relating to lands lying
in the vicinity of the Nashoba grant are references to this
tract of territory in a way that leads one to infer, as we
believe, that it was a distinctive area of wilderness land,
entirely independent of any that had hitherto been granted.
Petitioners from other places in being allowed their
requests are cautioned not to intrude upon this Indian
reservation nor in anyway to interfere with it in the
establishing of boundary lines ; and this precaution was
observed in response to petitions from the people of Con-

Concord 389
cord and made even after the granting of land for the
" feeding grounds " from which " Concord Village ", after
wards Acton, was formed.
(The lands of the Nashoba Indians in process of a few
years after Philip's war were transferred piecemeal, or in
parcels to the English owners or occupants. Lieutenant
Joseph Wheeler of Concord by trading with the Nashoba
Indians, while they were living on their plantation, became
their creditor and besought of the Colonial Court in 1662,
a tract of two hundred acres in the south portion of
Nashoba by way of satisfaction of his claim, but was refused.
Among the first purchasers of land of the Nashoba
Indians, if not the very first, were Peleg Lawrence and
Robert Robbins of Groton. The tract purchased by these
persons w«*e, according to a plan on file at the State House
bearing date Jan. 2, 1686-7, was located in the north east
corner of the Nashoba reservation, with an area of a half
mile in width by two in length. The next purchaser of
a portion of the plantation from the aboriginal owners and
the first for which a deed was passed was made JjfUie 15,
1869, by Hon. Peter Bulkeley of Concord and Major
Thomas Henchman of Chelmsford. These vendees
bought the eastern half of the territory, for the sum of
seventy pounds.' The deed of this tract was placed upon
record and theTollowing is a description :
"And it contains one moyety or half e part of said Nash
oba plantations, & the easterly side of h ; It is bounded by
Chelmsford plantation (about three miles & three quarters)
on the easterly side; by Concord village Land Southward,
about two miles & three-quarters ; Northward it is
bounded by Land sold by the aforesaid Indians to Robert
Robbins and Peleg Lawrence, both of Groton Town,
which land is part of the aforesaid Nashobah plantation, &
this is exactly two miles in Length & runs East three
degrees Northerly, or West three degrees southerly, & the
South end runs parrallell with this Line; On the Westerly
side it is bounded by the remainder of said Nashoba plan-

39° Colonial
tation : & that West Line runs (from two little maples
marked with H for the Northwest corner) it runs South
seven degrees & thirty minutes east, four miles & one-
quarter ; the most Southerly corner is bounded by a little
red oak marked H, the north east corner is a stake stand
ing about four or five pole southward of a very great Rock
that Lyeth in the line between said Nashobah & Chelms
ford plantation."
After the foregoing conveyances there was left in posses
sion of the Indians, says the historian of Littleton, " only
rhat portion of the plantation which Danforth in his plan
designated as 'Nashobah the Indians part' being the west
erly portion, four miles long on the west line, two miles
theoretically on the north line, but actually only one, and
412 poles on the south line." Deeds from the Indians
relating to the transfers are on record at the Cam
bridge Registry of Deeds, one with date May 9, 1694,
from Thomas Waban of Natick to Walter Powers of Con
cord and the others with date May 10, 1701 from Solomon
and John Thomas, Jr., both of Natick, to Josiah Whit-
comb of Lancaster. A deed confirmatory of the title to
the tract bought by Bulkeley and Henchman was
given in 17 14 by Thomas Waban, John Thomas and John
Thomas Jr., to Major Henchman and the heirs of Hon.
Peter Bulkeley. The original deed which is ancient in
appearance and bears the signature of Waban and the
marks of the other grantees is in the possession of Herbert
Harwood.
/~ |For years it was a grave question with the General
/ Court as to what should be done with the territory once
, occupied by these Indians. Some of the inhabitants of
1 Concord wished to settle upon it and make it an English
'. town. Some of the neighboring towns, as Groton and Stow,
desired to annex the whole or a part of the territory and
~l thus absorb it in their own township. Their desires
* found expression in the form of petition and of an actual
i attempted annexation of the land. Meanwhile as the
1

Concord 391
matter was left open, straggling settlers came upon the land,
and some by right of purchase and some without right
made their home there. But the colonization element at
length prevailed; and in response to a petition of date 171 1
when twenty-three who represented themselves "Inhabit
ants of Concord, Chelmsford, Lancaster and Stow," etc.,
asked the General Court for permission to settle a town- ,
ship at Nashoba, a committee was appointed to view the
land and make a report of it. The result was that in 1713, \
it was decided that Nashoba should be a town of English )
people, and on November 1 714, an act incorporating it was
passed by the Court, and from this and adjacent territory
the town of Littleton was created.^ ' /
fOnly a few of the Nashoba" Indians ever returned to'
their ancient corn fields and hunting grounds at Nashoba
after their exile to Deer Island. The last occupant of her
race was Sarah Dublet the wife of " Tom Dublet " whose
Indian name as she signed it in the deed to Bulkeley and
Henchman was Wunuhhew, sometimes called "Sarah
Indian." Traces of the Nashoba Indians have occasionally
been discovered about their ancient haunts. Especially
have they been found in the vicinity of Nagog Pond
where there are indications of ovens and sites of huts, and „.
where it is said there was once an Indian fort.'
At the breaking out of Philip's war, several families of ")
white people were living in that part of Littleton known as
Nashoba but which was really in Concord Village.
Prominent among these families was Walter Powers whose
estate had been called the " Powers Farm " and " Nashoba
Farm." Upon this farm there once stood a garrison house
which was long called the " Reed House." The ruins of
this building are now, or were recently, visible at the foot of
Nashoba hilJL] There was also visible until within a feww
years vestiges of an ancient burying place which probably
contain the dust of the Shepards, the Powers, and
others of the earliest pioneers, who soon after the abandon
ment of the Nashoba plantation, and the fires of Philips

392 Colonial
war had fairly faded out found their way thitherward.
The old graveyard was years ago ploughed over but some
of the grave stones which found their way into a wall give
unmistakable evidence that thereabouts they were once
used as grave markers. It may be proper to observe be
fore leaving this subject that as a portion of Littleton,
which was not of the Indian plantation, may have been
associated and known by the name of Nashoba, care may
be necessary in making a distinction between the two tracts
of territory. That which has been designated as Nashoba
but which was not within the Indian plantation, is a part
of what has been called Concord Village, and has been
known as " Power's Farm " and " Nashoba Farm."

H XM2a x
HH><wZ

CHAPTER XXXIX.
The Narragansett Campaign — Its Object and
Nature — Names of Concord Soldiers — Company in
which they Served — The Officers — Return of
Order of Concord Committee of Militia — Object of
the Expedition — The Swamp Fort — The Wintry
March from Dedham Plain — The Fight —
Description by Rev. G. M. Bodge — Casualities to the
Concord Soldiers — Burial of the Dead — The
Return March — Comments on Criticism of Conduct
of the Campaign — Account of Petitions for Land
Grants — Concord Names in List of Land Claim
ants — The "Long" or "Hungry" March — Authen
tic Account of the Swamp Fight by Capt. James
Oliver
THE next prominent movement in which Concord
soldiers were engaged was the famous Narragan
sett Campaign.
Fin December 1675, after the retirement of King Philip
and his followers from the Nipmuck country and his defeat
about Springfield, the United Colonies of Massachusetts,
Plymouth and Connecticut, perhaps for the double purpose
of preventing the Narragansett Indians from rendering him
aid and also to punish them for alleged acts of perfidy,
fitted out an Expedition.
The project was hastily planned and placed under the
command of General Josiah Winslow of Plymouth. The
army consisted of one thousand men ; five hundred and
twenty coming from Massachusetts. The Massachusetts
men consisted of six companies of foot and one of horse
under command of Samuel Appleton of Ipswich. The
commanders of these companies were as follows : 1st
393

394 Colonial
Jeremiah Swain, Lieut. ; 2nd Samuel Mosely, Capt. ; 3d
James Hosmer Oliver, Capt. ; 4th Isaac Johnson, Capt. ;
5th Nathaniel Davenport, Capt. ; 6th Joseph Gardner,
Capt. ; Cavalry Company., Thomas Prentice, Capt. The
Concord men were in Capt. Davenport's company, and the
following are from a list of men impressed for it from the
several towns. Mass. Archives, Vol. 68, page 100 and
pages 67-100. The date is from November 25 to
December 3, 1675.
The list is made up of men from Cambridge, Woburn,
Sudbury, Cambridge Village, Reading, Medford and
Concord. The names of Concord men are as follows : Joseph Busse,
Abraham Temple, Samuel Howe, John Wood, Joseph
Wheeler, Thomas Brown, John Wheeler, Timothy Rice,
George Hayward, Steven Farre, John Taylor.
The line officers of Company 5 were Nathaniel
Davenport, Capt. ; Edward Tyng, Lieut. ; John Drury,
Ensign. Captain Davenport was born in Salem. He was a man
of enterprise and ability and had gained some distinction
by governmental appointment. His experience with men
and his daring nature fitted him for a military leader. He
was said to be popular with his men ; and that upon taking
command he made a speech to them and also gave them
liberty to choose their own sergeants " which pleased them
very well." Lieut. Ting or Tyng, who commanded the
company after Davenport fell, was son of Capt. Edward
Tyng and was born March 25, 1649. He was subse
quently made Lieutenant Colonel by Gov. Andros, and
after the reduction of Nova Scotia, Andros appointed him
Governor of Annapolis, but on his way there, the vessel
that conveyed him was captured by the French and he was
taken to France where he died. (
The following is the returivcrf the order of the Concord
Committee of Militia which directed them to impress men
for the country's service, a part of which service was in the

Colonial 395
Narragansett campaign. State Archives, Vol. 68, page 65.
"To the honora Court sitting in Boston 3d 101'1 75.
By virtue of a warrant from Majr. Simon Willard
directed to the Comittee of the Militia in Concord requir
ing them to impresse eleven able souldiers well fitted &c:
for the service of the Country in the present expedition :
The said Comittee have impressed ( & accord : to order of
honord Council doe returne the names of) these persons ;
viz : Joseph Brusse, Abraham Temple, Samuel How,
John Wood, Joseph Wheeler, Thomas Browne, John
Wheeler, Timothy Rice, George Hayward, Stephen Farre
& John Taylour, who were at present ( most of them &
the rest seasonably will bee ) fitted for arms : But several
of them doe want & desire to be supplyed with some
cloathing ( coates especially ) & where they may bee accom
modated with them they would understand. 3d io,h 75.
Yor worships humble servant. Tim : Wheeler Capt.
of Concord.
Postscript. Wee having severall Troopers also impressed in
this Towne, & there being a Company of Indians ordered
amongst us, wch wee are to take care of: Tis humbly
desired, that favor may bee shown us, in the release of
some ( if it may bee ) of the persons above mentioned.
Tim : Wheeler."
The more immediate object of the expedition and that
which has rendered it famous was the reduction of the
Indian stronghold in what is now Kingston, R. I. This
fort, for such it has been called, though of Indian construc
tion, was very strong, having' been built, it is
supposed, under the direction of an Englishman by the
name of Teffe or Tift.
It was situated upon an upland or island in the midst of
a large cedar swamp of five or six acres in area. About
the place was a circle of palisades or timbers set upright,

396 Colonial
outside of which, Hubbard states, was a hedge of almost a
rod in thickness. The " Old Indian Chronicle " asserts
that it was in the middle was a clay wall and that felled trees
were about it. At the corners and exposed portions were
block houses or flankers for cross firing upon any who
might seek entrance between them. Within the enclosure
were several hundred wigwams, and there the Narragansetts
had ensconced themselves and accumulated their winter
stores. At one corner of the fort where the defenses were
incomplete, there being neither hedge nor palisades, the
entrance was guarded by a fallen tree about five feet from
the ground.
It is probable the Indians relied very much upon the
nature of the ground for defense; this being such that
except when it was frozen an approach to the fort would
be very difficult and dangerous, and perhaps this was one
reason why the attack was made in the winter.
|The Massachusetts forces mustered on Dedham plain
Thursday, December 9, 1675. On the same day they
marched twenty-seven miles to Woodcock's garrison in the
present town of Attleboro. On December 10 they arrived
at Seekonk, and on the 12th crossed over Patuxet river,
and going by way of Providence reached Smith's garrison
at Wickford, R. I. at night. Several days were then spent
in scouting and skirmishing and on December 18, a march
was made to Pettisqnamscott where the Connecticut force
consisting of 320 men under the command of Major
Treat joined them, j
This army it Ts alleged was the finest that had
ever been organized in America. The starting was a sad
one. lAt Pettisqnamscott they found that Bull's garrison
house which was a stone building and at the time con
sidered a very strong one had been destroyed by the
Indians, and the entire expedition was compelled to
bivouac in the open air with a driving snow storm raging
about them.
When the morning broke it was still snowing; but

Concord 397
chilled though the men were by the night's exposure they
moved forward to the Indian Fort which was but a few
miles ahead.
The Massachusetts men were in the advance ; the
Plymouth men next, and the Connecticut contingent at the
rear. The snow grew deeper as the march progressed and it
was with difficulty that the men plodded forward with their
heavy packs and military accouterments. By about noon
the army had reached the border of the large swamp in
which the stronghold was situated. As they came in
sight of it a body of Indians were discerned which the
companies of Capts. Davenport and Mosely, which were
in the advance, pursued and fired upon.
The Indians after returning the fire fled into the swamp,
the English following without waiting for orders or for the
other companies to come up.
Upon arriving, however, near the only possible entrance
to the Fort, which was by a long fallen tree " over a place
of water" and across which the pursued Indians had just
passed, Davenport and Morsely halted their companies,
hesitating, doubtless to follow over a path so perilous and
not knowing but that the Indians who had just passed over it
had been sent to decoy them to a place deadly of entrance.
But the halt was a short one ; for they quickly discovered the
incompleted portion before spoken of and the two compan
ies dashing forward, then and there was commenced that
terrific conflict which for three hours was waged with a most
appalling fierceness.!
We quote the following description of the battle by Mr.
Bodge. "The companies of Capts. Davenport and Johnson came
first to this place, and those officers at once charged through
the gap and over the log at the head of their companies;
but Johnson fell dead at the log, and Davenport a little
within the fort; and their men were met with so fierce a fire
that they were forced to retire again and fall upon their faces

398 Colonial
to avoid the fury of the musketry till it should somewhat
abate. Mosely and Gardiner, pressing to their assistance,
met a similar reception, losing heavily, till they too fell back
with the others, until Major Appleton coming up with his
own and Capt. Oliver's men, massed his entire force as a
storming column, and it is said that the shout of the com
manders that the Indians were running, so inspired the sol
diers that they made an impetuous assault, carried the
entrance amain, and beat the enemy from one of his flankers
at the left, which afforded them a temporary shelter from the
Indians still holding the blockhouse opposite the entrance.
In the mean time, the General, holding the Plymouth forces
in reserve, pushed forward the Connecticut troops, who not
being aware of the extent of the danger from the block
house, suffered fearfully at the first entrance, but charged
forward gallantly, though some of their brave officers and
many of their comrades lay dead behind them, and unknown
numbers and dangers before. The forces now joining, beat
the enemy step by step, and with the fierce fighting, out of
their block-houses and various fortifications. Many of the
Indians, driven from their works, fled outside, some doubt
less to the wigwams inside, of which there were said to be
upward of five hundred, many of them large and rendered
bullet-proof by large quantities of grain in tubs and bags,
placed along the sides. In these many of their old people
and their women and children had gathered for safety, and
behind and within these as defences the Indians still kept
up a skulking fight, picking off our men. After three hours
hard fighting, with many of the officers and men wounded
and dead, a treacherous enemy of unknown numbers and
resources lurking in the surrounding forests, and the night
coming on, word comes to fire the wigwams, and the battle
becomes a fearful holocaust, great numbers of those who
had taken refuge therein being burned.
When now the fortress and all its contents were burning,
and destruction assured, our soldiers hastily gathered their
wounded and as many as possible of their dead, and formed

Colonial 399
their column for the long and weary march back to Wick-
ford." As the result of the battle about 80 were slain on the
side of the English and 150 wounded. The Indians lost
about 300 killed, although prisoners reported their dead to
be as many as 700, and if their wounded were in the usual
proportion to the number of the slain then the casualities
of those dreadful hours might run into the thousands.
The casualties to the Concord men were : George Hay
ward killed, and Abraham Temple and Thomas Browne
wounded. That the position of the company in which the Concord
soldiers served was one of extreme peril is indicated by the
terrible manner in which Capt. Davenport, their com
mander was riddled by bullets, the circumstances of whose
death is thus narrated in the "Old Indians Chronicle":
"Before our men came up to take posession of the Fort the
Indians had shot three bullets through Capt. Davenport
whereupon he bled extremely, and immediately called for
his Lieut. Mr. Edward Ting, and committed the charge of
the Company to him, and desired him to take care of his
Gun, and deliver it according to Order and immediately
died in his place."
Ninigret, chief of the Niantick Indians informed Gen.
Winslow that his men buried twenty four bodies of the
English at the Fort and asked for a charge of powder for
each. Forty of the English soldiers were buried at Wickford,
and the spot was long marked by a tree called the " Grave
apple tree." But comparatively little is recorded of the
march back to Wickford.
The night was bleak, the wild storm of snow which was
raging at the start continued.
The dread of ambuscade, the scant knowledge of the
country, by which some lost their way, not to meet the
main body till the next morning, the sad loss of comrades
who might have been townsmen or neighbors, all contributed

400 Colonial
to make the night dreary and the journey a terrible one.
It was, however, considered unwise to bivouac, so the
column moved on bearing with them 210 of their wounded
and dead, and this after marching from morning till mid
day and from that time engaging in fearful combat until the
sun sank behind the dark storm cloud, leaving them to
find their way in darkness over a strange country.
The fort of the Narragansetts was utterly destroyed. The
wigwams being of frail inflammable material and fanned by
the rough wind of that tempestuous December night, an
resting upon no foundation but the bare earth, all vestige
of this defenced city of the aborigines and even the identity
of the spot might have been lost except for tradition
and a few scattered relics ; but these have been faithful to
their trust, and the spot where the Swamp Fight occurred
is pointed out to a certainty. Many bullets have been found
in the vicinity and charred corn and cooking utensils and
arrow heads. As criticism of the English has sometimes
occurred on the ground that the closing scene of an event
already sufficiently calamitous was unnecessary we quote
from the last mentioned author.
"I wish here to record my protest against the unjust,
often weak, and always inconsiderate, criticism bestowed
upon our leaders, in this campaign, and especially in this
battle, for their lack of foresight in abandoning the shelter
and provisions of the fort, their sacrifice of the lives of our
wounded men through their removal and the dangers and
fatigues of the long march, and their inhumanity in burning
the helpless and innocent in their huts and wigwams.
It is well to remember at the start that many of the
wisest, ablest and bravest men of the three colonies were
the leaders in this affair. A noble commander, wise and
brave : reverend ministers, by no means backward with
their opinions ; the most prominent and skillful surgeons
the country afforded ; veteran majors and captains of
Massachusetts and > Connecticut, with their veteran soldiers
fresh from severe experiences in the western campaign,

Concord 401
inured to danger and experienced in Indian wiles and
deceits : against all these we have recorded only the
remonstrance of Mr. Church, who up to that time, at least,
had experience in Indian warfare only as a scout, and the
only record we have of any protest by him was made many
years after the affair. And again, from the standpoint of
their conditions as nearly as we can now judge, it seems
that their hasty retreat was wise. They were some sixteen
miles from their base of supplies ( it is doubtful if they had
noted the Indian supplies until the burning began). There
was no way of reaching their provisions and ammunition at
Wickford except by detaching a portion of their force now
reduced greatly by death, wounds and exposure. The
number of Indians who had escaped and were still in the
woods close at hand were unknown, but supposed to be
several thousand, with report of a thousand in reserve
about a mile distant. These were row scattered and de
moralized, but in a few hours might rally and fall upon the
fort, put our troops, in their weakened condition, upon the
defensive, and make their retreat from the swamp extremely
difficult if not utterly impossible, encumbered as they
would be by the wounded, whose swollen and stiffened
wounds in a few hours would render removal doubly pain
ful and dangerous. Added to this was the chance of an
attack upon the garrison at Wickford, and the dread of
a midnight ambuscade, which every hour's delay made
more likely and would render more dangerous."
fWhen the men of the Massachusetts force were ready
to march for the reduction of the Narragansett Fort, a
proclamation was made in the name of the Governor to the
soldiers that, " If they played the man, took the Fort, and
drove the enemy out of the Narragansett country, which is
their great seat, they should have a gratuity of land besides
their wages."
Years after, a petition was presented to the General
Court by the people living in several towns of Essex

402 Colonial
County dated June 4, 1685, asking for a tract of land
pursuant to the foregoing promise.
The Court responded to the petition favorably, and
allowed the grant of a tract of land eight miles square in
the Nipmuck country " provided it be laid out so as not
to interfere with any former grants, and that an Orthodox
minister on their settlement of thirty families be settlec*
within four years next coming." Mass. Col. Records
Vol. 5 page 487.
For forty years nothing more was done in the matter.
The place specified for the grant was remote, and the
conditions imposed hard to be complied with.
In process of time, however, when the Massachusetts
and Plymouth colonies had become one, and went by the
name of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, a petition
was again presented by Samuel Chandler and Jacob Wright
of Concord in behalf of themselves and a number of other
persons, recalling the act of the General Court in 1685,
and asking that a grant of land might be made to the
petitioners. The result was that a committee was appointed consist
ing of Mr. Samuel Chandler of Concord and two others
who were fully empowered to lay out an area ot land eight
miles square, in some unappropriated land of the Colony
for the purpose set forth in the petition.
A list also was to be prepared by the committee, of those
who by reason of service in the Narragansett war or their
legal representatives were entitled to a share in the lands
thus laid out.
As it turned out that the number of claimants as
reported by the committee was so great that the land grant
would be insufficient for them all, the committee was
instructed to lay out " two tracts of land for Townships of
the contents of six miles square," the same conditions
being imposed as in the first order.
After some delay and some controversy as to the
sufficiency of the lands granted there being disagreement

Concord 403
between the Council and House of Representatives with
regard to it, the latter body January 19, 1 731, sent up to the
Council a pleading message in advocacy of the claims of the
Narragansett soldiers and their representatives. The
following is a copy of a part of this paper :
"And one great Reason is that there was a Proclamation
made to the Army in the name of the Government ( as
living Evidences very fully testify ) when they were
mustered on Dedham Plain where they began their March,
that if they played the man, took the Fort & Drove the
Enemy out of the Narraganset Country, which was their
great Seat, that they should have a gratuity in Land besides
their Wages ; and it is well known, & our Sitting to hear
this petition is an Evidence that this was done ; and as the
Conditions have been performed, certainly the promise in
all Equity & Justice ought to be fulfilled ; and if we Con
sider the Difficulties these brave men went through in
Storming the Fort in the Depth of Winter, & the pinching
wants they afterwards underwent in pursuing the Indians
that escaped through a hideous Wilderness famously known
throughout New England to this day by the Name of the
hungry March ; and if we further Consider that until this
brave though small army thus played the Man, the whole
Country was filled with Distress & fear & We trembled in
this Capital Boston itself & that to the Goodness of God to
this army We owe our Fathers & our own Safety &
Estates, We cannot but think that those Instruments of
Our Deliverance & Safety ought to be not only justly but
also gratefully & generously rewarded & even with much
more than they prayed for, If we measure what they
receive from us, by what we enjoy and have received from
them. We need not mention to the Honorable Board the
Wisdom Justice and Generosity of Our Mother Country
& of the ancient Romans, on such Occasions, Triumph,
Orations, Hereditary Honors & privileges all the Riches,
Lands & Spoils of War and conquered Countrys have not

464 Colonial
been thought too great for those to whom they have not
owed more if so much as We do those our Deliverers : &
We ought further to observe what greatly adds to their
merit that they were not Vagabonds & Beggars & Out
casts, of which Armies are sometimes considerably made
up, who run the Hasards of War to Avoid the Danger of
Starving : so far from this that these were some of the best
of Our men, the Fathers & Sons of some of the greatest &
best of Our families and could have no other View but to
Serve the Country & whom God was pleased accordingly
in every remarkable manner to Honour & Succeed."
T~K result of this message and a renewal of the soldiers'
petition was the appointment of a committee for an adjust
ment of claims ; and pursuant to the work of the committee
townships were confirmed, among which was Narragansett
township No. 6, now Templeton, Mass.
This township was confirmed to one hundred and twenty
claimants or their representatives then living in the towns
of Concord, Groton, Marlborough, Chelmsford, Billerica,
Lancaster, Lexington, Stow, Framingham, Littleton,
Sherborn, Stoneham, Southborough and Woburn.
Samuel Chandler of Concord was one of the Committee
to have the matter in charge.
The following are the familiar Concord names found in
a list given in the old "Proprietors' Record" Book in
Templeton, headed
"June 24, 1735. Those that drawed their lots in the
Narragansett Township No. 6."
No. of lot Claimant Grantees and references.
49 Samuel Chandler for  Joseph Buss
52 Samuel Chandler for . . . Assignee to John Taley
1 9 Benjamin Temple . in the right of his father Abraham
9 96 Simon Davis
3 9 Johnathan Buttrick . . for heirs of Samuel Buttrick
8 Ephraim Brown ... for his father Thomas Brown
14 Samuel Miles
26 John Wood

Concord 405
80 Joseph Buckley . . .for his father Peter Buckley
18 George Farrar 1  heir to Samuel How
1 1 8 Daniel Adams . . for his father-in-law Daniel Dean
111 Daniel Billings for his father . . Nathaniel Billings
643 Joseph Wheat for  Moses Wheat
117 " Abraham Taylor
7 Samuel Hartwell for his father  Samuel
120 David Wheeler . . . assignee to Samuel Greeland
79 Thomas Ball
69 Ebenezer Wheeler  for his father John
23 Nathan Brooks  for "Snow"
42 Eleazer Bateman
25 John Wheeler  for his brother Joseph
32 Joseph Wood
43 John Adams
21 Ephraim Temple
102 John Barrett
The following is an additional list which purports to
be the names of Concord Claimants.
Claimants Grantees
Samuel Chandler  assignee to John Griggs
Samuel Chandler Jr  assignee to John Kent
Jonathan Whiting alive
Jane Cane  for her father John Cane
William Clark  heir to John Taylor
Tames Russel  for his father Benjamin f
fThe Concord soldiers were probably absent from home —
about two months, during which time they were subjected to
great hardship occasioned by long marches, hunger and
cold. After the withdrawal of the expedition to Wickford it
rested till after the last of January. The snow storm that
was raging at the time of the battle lasted several days and was
followed by a sudden thaw which swelled the streams and
softened the ways making marching difficult.
After the first of February however, the forces broke
camp and then and there began the forward movement

Concord 406
which for generations was designated as the "Long March"
or "Hungry March." The objective point was the Nip
muck Country. The course to it was long and circuitous.
The provisions gave out and the little army was forced to
kill some of its horses to sustain life. The foe harrassed
their flank and rear, and after a long and fruitless attempt
to bring him to an open engagement they arrived worn and
weary at the region of the Connecticut river, and General
Appleton seeing that the Expedition could accomplish no
further purpose, came from Marlborough to Boston, reaching
there about the first of February.1
As Concord was creditably represented both as to the
town's soldiers who took part in the Swamp fight and the
position which they occupied, it may be appropriate to pub
lish the following account of the engagement as it is given
in a letter from Capt. James Oliver who commanded the
, third company. fThe letter is taken from Hutchinson's
History of Massachusetts, Vol. 1 page 272 third edition.
In this work the authorship of the letter which is without
a signature is attributed to Major Bradford, but it has been
asserted by Mr. Drake author of "Book of the
Indians" who had seen the original, to have been signed by
Capt. Oliver.
" Narraganset 26th 11th month 1675.
After a tedious march in a bitter cold night that followed
Dec. 1 2th We hoped our pilot would have led us to Pom-
ham by break of day, but so it came to pass we were mis
led and so missed a good oportunity. Dec. 13th, we came
to Mr. Smith's, and that day took 3^ prisoners. Dec. 14th,
our General went out with horse and foot, I with my com
pany was left to keep garrison. I sent out 30 of my men
to scout abroad, who killed two Indians and brought in 4
prisoners, one of which was beheaded. Our Army came
home at night, killed 7 and brought in 9 more, young and
old. Dec. 15th, came in John, a rogue, with pretence of
peace, and was dismissed with this errand, that we might
speak with Sachems. That evening, he not being gone a

407 Colonial
quarter of an hour, his company that lay behind a hill killed
two Salem men within a mile of our quarters, and wounded
a third that he is dead. And at a house tnree miles off
where I had 10 men, they killed 2 of them. Instantly,
Capt. Mosely, myself and Capt. Gardner were sent to fetch
in Major Appleton's company that was kept 3 miles and an
half off, and coming they lay behind a stone wall and fired
upon us in sight of the garrison. We killed the captain that
killed one of the Salem men, and had his cap on. That
night they burned Jerry Bull's house, and killed 1 7. Dec.
16th came that news. Dec. 17th came news that the Con
necticut forces were at Petasquamscot, and had killed 4
Indians and took 6 prisoners. That day we sold Capt. Dav
enport 47 Indians, young and old for 80/. in money. Dec.
1 7 th we marched to Petasquamscot with all our forces, only
a garrison left ; that night was very stormy ; we lay, one
thousand strong, in the open field that long night. In the
morning, Dec. 19th, Lord's day, at five o'clock we marched.
Between 12 and 1 we came up with the enemy, and had a
sore fight three hours. We lost, that are now dead, about
68, and had 150 wounded, many of which are recovered.
That long snowy cold night we had about 1 8 miles to our
quarters, with about 210 dead and wounded. We left 8
dead in the fort. We had but 12 dead when we came from
the swamp, besides the three we left. Many died by the
way, and soon as they were brought in, so that Dec. 20th
we buried in a grave 34, next day 4, next day 2, and none
since here. Eight died at Rhode Island, one at Petasquam
scot, 2 lost in the woods and killed Dec. 20, as we heard
since; some say two more died. By the best intelligence
we killed 300 fighting men; prisoners we took, say 350,
and above 300 women and children. We burnt above 500
houses, left but 9, burnt all their corn, that was in baskets,
great store. One signal mercy that night, not to be forgot
ten, viz : that when we drew off, with so many dead and
wounded, they did not pursue us, which the young men
would have done, but the sachems would not consent ; they

408 Concprd
had but 10 pounds of powder left. Our General, with about
40, lost our way and wandered till 7 o'clock in the morn
ing before we came to our quarters. We thought we were
within 2 miles of the enemy again, but God kept us ; to
him be the glory. We have killed now and then 1 since,
and burnt 200 wigwams more ; we killed 9 last Tuesday.
We fetch in their corn daily and that undoes them. This
is, as nearly as I can, a true relation. I read the narrative
to my officers in my tent, who all assent to the truth of it.
Monhegins and Pequods proved very false, fired into the
air, and sent word before they came they would so, but got
much plunder, guns and kettles. A great part of what is
already written was attested by Joshua Teffe, who married
an Indian woman a Wampanoag. He shot 20 times at us
in the swamp, was taken at Providence Jan'y 14, brought
to us the 16th, and executed the 18 th. A sad wretch, he,
never heard a sermon but once these 14 years. His father
going to recall him lost his head and lies' unburied."?

OLD MIDDLESEX HOTEL.

CHAPTER XL.
The Advance of the English to the Nipmuck Country
— Movements of Canonchet — Indian Depredations
in the Spring of 1675—6 — Their Descent upon Con
cord Village — Isaac and Jacob Shepard Slain —
Mary Shepard made Captive — Place of the Trag
edy — Description of the Event — The Escape of
Mary Shepard — The Removal of the Nashoba
Indians from Concord — Sketch of Capt. Samuel
Mosely — His Antecedents — Character of His Sol
diers.
ON Feb. 12, 1675, occurred the "Nashoba incident"
or the massacre at "Concord Village" as the Con
cord "new grant" was sometimes called.
After the desertion of their fort and perhaps
while the wigwams with their charred corn heaps were still
smouldering, Canonchet and the remnant of his warriors
who with some of the families had escaped while the burn
ing was yet going on returned to their ruined homes to
gather it may be what little remained of their rude imple
ments for cooking, or any unburnt provision which for the
time being they might subsist upon. They buried their
dead, cared for the wounded, and after sending their women
and children who survived the fight and flames to a place
of safety, sullenly and with a savage determination started
on the track of their destroyers as they marched forth from
Wickford. FAt every step they harried them till they
reached the Connecticut valley where Canonchet formed an
alliance with the Nipmucks at their old headquarters at
Meminisset near Brookfield.
At this time it is supposed that Canonchet rather than
409

4*o Colonial
King Philip was the real leader of the great horde of con
federated but unorganized Indians, which it is believed at
this stage of the war had planned to drive the English from
the Nipmuck country. But Canonchet soon went on an
errand to the southward where things went adversely to him
and he was captured and shot. A little later, Philip went west
ward, perhaps seeking new alliances in New York, even
visiting, it may be, the Maquas or Mohawks. /
In the meantime, during the closing months of the year
1675, f°r t^e year at that time by the reckoning called "Old
Style" ended in March, the Indians were more or less broken
up into small marauding parties or squads, which scattered
over the country disturbed the inhabitants and every now and
then pounced upon the defenseless homesteads. JOn Febru
ary 1st, one of these squads made a descent upon the
home of Thomas Eames situated upon the southerly side
of Mt. Waite near the present South Framingham, and
burned the buildings after killing or taking captive his fam
ily of ten persons while Mr. Eames was absent at Boston
to obtain a stock of ammuunition with which to defend
them. Feb. 10, Lancaster was burned, the Rowlinson garrison
captured, and the wife of Rev. Joseph Rowlinson the min
ister was carried away captive. On the 12th, the Indians
made a raid on Concord village, now a part of Littleton,
and killed two men and captured a girl.
The place of the tragedy was on the south side of Qua-
gana Hill, and the persons slain and captured were children
of Ralfe and Thanklord Shepard who went from Maiden
near a place since called Bell Rock to Conord village,
where he bought of Lieuf Joseph Wheeler of Concord 610
acres lying in the form of a triangle between the Indian
plantation of Nashoba and that part of Chelmsford which
is now Westford; Nagog pond forming the base of the tri
angle, the apex being two miles one-quarter and sixty rods
north from the southwest end of Nagog pond,

Concord 411
The names of the persons slain and captured were Isaac,
Jacob, and Mary.
Isaac was born June 20, 1639, and married Mary Smed
ley, 1667. Jacob was born in 1653, and Mary the young
est of the family was born in 1660 or 1662.
When the Indians swooped down upon the Shepard
homestead the ground was covered with snow to such a
depth that snow shoes were used. The event happened
on Saturday, and Isaac and Jacob were threshing in the barn.
Being aware of the perilous times, they had set their sister
on the summit of a hill to watch for Indians ; but the sav
ages eluded her vigilance and before she was aware of their
presence she was captured and her brothers were slain.
Tradition does not 'inform us just where the girl was
taken to ; some think it was in the neighborhood of Lan
caster, others that it was as far off as Brookfield, but wher
ever it was she soon escaped and returned home.
Hubbard in his narrative of the Indian wars says of Mary
Shepard that "she strangely escaped away upon a horse that
the Indians had taken from Lancaster a little while before."
Tradition asserts that she escaped during the night follow
ing the day of her capture and arrived home the next
morning. Rev. Edmund Foster a former minister of Littleton in a
"Century Sermon" preached in the year 1815, stated
concerning the event that tradition says the girl was
carried by the savages to Nashawa, now called Lancaster,
or to some place in the neighborhood of it.
Samuel Gardner Drake in his notes on the "Old Indian
Chronicle" says that the leader of the band who slew the
Shepard brothers is supposed to have been Netus, the same
who attacked the Eames family, and who was sometimes
called the Nipmuck Captain. Netus was slain the 22nd of
March following, by a company of men from Sudbury, who
with some soldiers from Marlboro found him asleep with
a company of Indians around their campfire. Foster says
that in the dead of night as related by tradition, Mary

412 Colonial
Shepard took a saddle from under the head of her Indian
keeper when sunk in sleep increased by the fumes of ardent
spirit, put the saddle on a horse, mounted him, swam
him across Nashawa river, and so escaped the hands of her
captors and arrived safe to her relatives and friends.
Mrs. Rowlinson says that the only time she ever saw any
Indian intoxicated during her captivity was just before her
release when John Hoar had given her master some liquor
as part of her ransom and he got drunk on itJ
The Removal of the Nashoba Indians from Concord
*-_ to Deer Island.
' Soon after the massacre at Quagana hill a movement was
made to remove the Nashobas from the care of their friend
John Hoar to Deer Island, Boston Harbor.
As we have in an early chapter of this" work referred
briefly to this event giving some account of it, we will here
only supplement it with such additional statements as were
not there brought out, and properly belong to the period
upon which we are writing.
j- JDuring the stay of these Indians at Concord under the
'charge of John Hoar they were given employment, and are
i represented as being contented ; but there were intermed-
dlers in their affairs; and a part of the Concord people
/ allowed their dislike of all Indians to take such acute form
as to send for the savage adventurer, Capt. Samuel Mosely
, to take them away. '
And here it is important to pause in our narration suffi
ciently long to set forth some facts connected with the life
and character of Samuel Mosely, whose name and fame in
King Philip's war were both savory and unsavory.
Samuel Mosely was the son of Henry Maudsley who
came from England to Massachusetts in 1685 in the ship
Hopewell. The family was of Lancashire, England, and
the name was there spelled Maudesley. Henry lived at
Braintree where Samuel was born June 14, 1641. Samuel
spelled his name Mosley ; he married Ann Addington. In
1688 he was one of a commission sent to treat with the

Concord 413
Narragansett Indians, and in connection with this service is
called "Captain."
In a work entitled "The Present State of New England,"
it is said of him "This Captain Mosley has been a Priva
teer at Jamaica, an excellent soldier and an undaunted
spirit ; one whose memory will be honored in New England,
for his many eminent services he hath done the Public."
That Samuel Mosely had been somewhat of an adven
turer upon the high seas is probably true. One writer says
of him that "he had visited Jamaica in the way of trade, and
the adventurous spirit had been excited and schooled per
haps by Sir Henry Morgan and his associate buccaneers ;
the result of which was the bringing home to Boston the
prizes from some unmentioned enemy."
A part of the experience of Capt. Mosely as a quasi
mariner was obtained by acting on a permit from the Court
to take reprisals from the Dutch, who in several instances
had captured vessels belonging to the English.
In 1674 and 5, he was given the command of an expedi
tion for this purpose which was fitted out by some mer
chants in Boston whose commerce had been molested, and
succeeded in taking three vessels — the "Edward and
Thomas" whose captain was Peter Roderigo, the "Penob
scot Shallopp" Cornelius Anderson, Captain, and the "Shal-
lopp called Philipp."
The crews who manned these vessels were brought into
Boston April 2' 1675 and imprisoned to wait their trial for
piracy the following May.
Much excitement existed during the trial of these men
and some sympathy was expressed for the Dutch prisoners
who set up a defense by pretending to produce a commis
sion given by William, Prince of Orange, and the allega
tion of an infringement of the law of nations on the part of
the American ships by trading with the French while the
Dutch were at war with them. The result of the trial was
that five out of nine who were indicted for piracy were con
victed and sentenced to be put to death. It occurred, how

414 Colonial
ever, that on account of the existence of the Indian war an
execution of the sentence was deferred, and Roderigo upon
his own petition was pardoned ; and Anderson, having been
acquitted, both entered the Colonial service as soldiers.
When the war broke out by the slaying of Sassamon or
Sausamon and the attack upon Swansea which
quickly followed, three companies were raised to meet
the emergency, one of infantry from Essex county ; one
from Suffolk ; and a company of horse from the various
towns of Middlesex. The Suffolk company was commanded
by Samuel Mosely, and is supposed to have been made up in
part of some of these adventurers.
That Mosely and some of this element gravitated together
as comrades in arms, "doing duty" near Brookfield shortly
after the Wheeler disaster is indicated by the following
statement preserved among the state archives Vol. 68 page 7.
"Boston, October ye 13, 1675.
To the honored Governor & Councell of the Massathusets
Colony in New England.
These are to signyfie that Cornellius  [sic] Con
sort the Dutchman was uppon the Contryes Servis Att qua-
bage and by the Councle of Warre there was sent out
Capt. of the for lorne And Afterward marched to Grot-
ton & Chemsfort According to my best Advice continued
in the Countryes Servis six weekes Cornellius being Reddy
to depart the Country & myself being here att boston the
Major Willard being Absent I granted this ticket.
Thomas Wheeler, Capt.
Cornelius Anderson was sometimes called Cornelius Consort.
So popular was Capt. Mosely that although he was out
side the line of official succession by the stiff rule of colon
ial promotion, so that he could not hold a commission in
the regular way, he raised an independent company of no
volunteers in three hours.
As late as May 5, 1676, Samuel Mosely received a com
mission while connected with the command of Major Sav-

Concord 415
age and the wages of his Soldiers were raised by popular
subscription. Mosely and his men in addition to their wages were to
have all the profits accruing from the plunder or sale of
Indian captives; and in case these did not prove sufficient
the Court was to make up the balance.
"On August 34, 1676 at a great sale of Indian captives
he is charged with 1 boy and girle 6 y ; & 13 squawes &
pappooses io£."
Savage says that Mosely died Jan. 1680. He died
intestate. His administratrix was his widow Ann Mosely
and among his assets as inventoried mention is made of an
old musket and sword in the "Garret."
That all the men that served under Capt. Mosely were
adventurers or were recklessly inconsiderate of the claims
of humanity is not to be presumed. For even if at the out
set his men were' unlike the average of those who served in
other companies, yet regiments and companies were subject
to change. As the ranks were thinned by the enemy and
the hardships of marches and exposure to extreme weather,
they were doubtless replenished with whatever material came
to hand. Hence we may perhaps account for the presence
of occasional names associated with some of the old towns
of Middlesex county. The discovery of the name of Rich
ard Adams of Sudbury who was wounded in the Swamp
Fight while serving in Capt. Mosely's company may have
led the writer to make the statement in his History of Sud
bury that the quota sent from that town for the Narra
gansett Expedition served in Mosely's company ; whereas
the fact is that the men from Sudbury were in the company
of Capt. Davenport and served with the soldiers from Con
cord. The name of Richard Adams is found in a list of
Mosely's men who mustered at Dedham Dec. 9, 1675 f°r
the Narragansett campaign. Mass. Archives Vol. 167 page
293. In that list are names that are unfamiliar, some of
them perhaps being French or Dutch anglicised in spelling.
In estimating the character of Capt. Mosely we are not to

41 ^ Colonial
infer simply from the fact that he is accredited with certain
Indian captives which were sold to him that he was excep
tionally severe in his dealing with the savages, it being
asserted in Capt. Oliver's letter that on a certain day "we
sold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians, young and old for Zo£
in money." It was the common practice to dispose of
Indian prisoners in this way. Even the wife and child of
King Philip were sold into West Indian slavery. Mosely's
character is to be judged by his own isolated conduct, not
by practises that he engaged in in common with others.
Neither are we to suppose that he was altogether uncouth
in manner, nor wholly lacking in that culture which charac
terized some of the earlv colonists. He was, we infer from
his influence upon and association with the leaders of the
times, their peer in matters of petty diplomacy, and even,
it may be, partook of the customary reverence for and
recognition of things sacred.

CONCORD HIGH SCHOOL.

CHAPTER XLI.
Movements of the Indians after the Narragansett
Campaign — Expedition into the Nipmuck Country
— Dismissal of Soldiers from the Garrison Houses
— The Disastrous Results — Advance of the
Indians to the Eastward — The Alarm — The
Starting of Relief Companies — Soldiers from Boston
Watertown and Concord — Capt. Samuel Wads-
worth's Command — His Arrival at Marlborough —
The Return to Sudbury — The Ambuscade — The
Wadsworth Fight at Green Hill — The Forest
Fire — The Rout — Escape to the Mill at Hop
Brook — Burial of the Slain — The Woodland
Grave — Siege of the Haynes House — Attempted
Rescue by the Concord Men — Ambuscade of the
Concord Soldiers — The Route Taken to Sudbury.
AS before observed, after the Narragansett Swamp
Fight and the ending of the "Hungry March,"
repeated depredations were committed npon the
frontier towns from the Connecticut river easterly
as far as Concord Village. But these predatory bands were
easily concentrated at the call of King Philip who by the
departure of Canonchet to Connecticut about this time had
become the sole director of the Nipmuck Indians and what
few fugitive Narragansett confederates remained with
them. Shortly after the middle of February it was reported
that there were two large fortified Indian encampments in
the central part of Massachusetts, one near the Wachuset
hill, the other at Meminesset. To meet the existing con
ditions, the Colonies of Massachusetts and Connecticut pro-
417

41 8 Colonial
posed organizing another army consisting of six hundred
men. The Massachusetts contingent was placed under com
mand of Major Thomas Savage, and marched to Meminis-
set about March ist. They found that the foe had disap
peared. For some cause the Indians who were gathered
about Wachuset, were not attacked and the Council prob
ably considering it inexpedient for the force to remain longer
in search of the enemy ordered Major Savage to withdraw
his troops and return to Boston. For a time the principal
opposing forces were the troops stationed at the central
garrison houses and those engaged in the ranging service
between them. At some of these central posts the forces
were quite efficient and commanded by able captains, as for
example, the one at Marlboro, which from about February
5th till into the following April was in charge of Capt. Samuel
Brocklebank, who was stationed there after his return from
the Narragansett expedition, whither he went with a reen-
forcing column after the troops left Wickford. _
But the forces at these posts were soon afterf weakened
by an order of the authorities dismissing some of the men ;
the council thinking perhaps that the foe was subdued.
But the opinion was sadly erroneous, and to some of the
soldiers and settlers it was a fatal one. Shortly after the
order had been complied with the Indians again became
active, and along the frontier there were signs of a renewal
of hostilities. The forest rang with their shouts of triumph.
The old garrison doors closed ; and everywhere the towns
were put in a posture of defense. Nor was the preparation
premature. Soon reports came of burnings and plunder-
ings ; and messengers went speeding through the forest to the
Council for relief. On Feb. 21st a part of Medfield was
burned. On March 13th Groton was destroyed. On the
26th the Indians fell upon Marlboro burning a part of its
dwellings, and on the 28th, Rehoboth was assailed. That
Philip was present with this large body that was moving
eastward, while it may not be absolutely proven, is alto
gether probable, f According to Mrs. Rowlandson, who was

Concord 419
a captive among them, he was in the vicinity of Wachuset
about that time with a large force of Indians. It is hardly
probable that the wily chieftain, so near a large body of
his warriors, would not be present directing their movements
on their way easterly.
fWhen the tidings reached the Council at Boston great con-"
sternation was created. Never before had King Philip with
so large a force been as near the metropolis of the Bay Col
ony. Messengers were sent out with the news in every
direction, the militia was put in motion and everything pos-
ible was done to check the enemy's advance. But there was
little need of any extra messengers, the towns of Middlesex
were already astir. The signal given from hamlet to hamlet
had aroused the watchful inhabitants and whatever forces
could be spared were sent at once to the line of dan
ger. A force was despatched from Boston consisting
of from fifty to one hundred soldiers. Another was started
from Watertown led by Capt. Hugh Mason. Others who
hurried to the front were a "ply of horse" from the troop
of Capt. Prentice under Corp. Phipps, and Capt. Hunting
with forty friendly Indians, also a body of twelve men from
Concord.- The company from Concord was made up in part at
least and perhaps wholly of the town's citizens, some of
whom may have been eligible to impress but not
in the service, kept at home it may be for garrison work.
History does not inform us of this matter, neither does trad
ition. The record says, "Twelve resolute young men ; "
and there is every reason to infer that upon the first indica
tion of the near approach of the foe to their sister town of
Sudbury they presented themselves voluntarily, and without
being bidden hastened to the rescue.
It would be interesting to follow in detail so far as there
is data for it, the fate or fortune of each of these detach
ments as they hurried to the scene of action and became a
part of it. But as only a portion of them are nearly related

420 Colonial
to the history of Concord we are called upon to confine our
narrative chiefly to those.
The detachment sent from Boston was commanded by
Capt. Samuel Wadsworth, an experienced officer who had
served in the Nipmuck country under Major Savage, going
to the relief of beleagured Lancaster, a short time previous.
Hastening with all speed up through Sudbury to Marl
boro, where it was reported at his starting that the enemy
had concentrated, he arrived about midnight of April 20,
and reported to Capt. Brocklebank, who had been left in
charge of the garrison house there, all other houses having
been burned.
It took but a short time for Wadsworth to learn that
after sacking and destroying the town the Indians had gone
in the direction of Sudbury. Without stopping for needed
rest, having exchanged some of his tired soldiers and younger
men for a part of the garrison guard and accompanied by
Capt. Samuel Brocklebank who desired to go to Boston to
speak to the Council, Wadsworth at once retraced his steps
back to Sudbury, where he arrived probably by early after
noon the day following.
Upon his entering the town there appeared about one
hundred Indians, which Wadsworth may have supposed was
Philip's main force, or at least a detachment from it,
and one which he could pursue with safety and easily
capture ; but it was a mistake, and the mistake was fatal.
The Indians had resorted to their old ruse of using decoys;
and the same tragic experience that befell Capt. Wheeler
at Brookfield and Capt. Lathrop at Bloody Brook, and
Capt. Beers near Northfield and notably in one of the later
wars Gen. Braddock, was in store for Capts. Wadsworth
and Brocklebank, old Indian fighters notwithstanding both
officers were.
Upon seeing the savages the English pursued, but sud
denly and without warning were surprised by a number esti
mated at from one thousand to fifteen hundred who fired
upon them from a place of concealment at or near the foot

Concord 42 1
of Green hill about a quarter of a mile from the present
South Sudbury village. The trap had been cunningly set
and as cunningly sprung. The Indians had allowed the
English to pass up through the town during the night, and
during their march to and from Marlboro had placed in wait
ing so many of their men as were needed for the ambuscade
When Wadsworth returned, as they believed he would upon
receiving intelligence of their absence from Marlboro, they
were in readiness to meet him with their murderous volleys.
After the first firing by the Indians, which was not so deadly
as might be supposed from their vantage ground, Wads
worth closed up his little company for a valiant defence, and
from that time, which was probably not far from mid after
noon, the fight continued till after nightfall. On the one
hand it was a combat for life, on the other for a mastery
over the main force of the English which stood between
themselves and the spoliation of the town of Sudbury.
No sooner had Wadsworth recovered from the surprise
than he attempted to gain the hill top, and so successfully
that by night he had reached it, and with a chance that the
foe would be held in abeyance till reenforcements reached
him. From tree to tree, from rock to rock, from over fallen
logs the fire of Wadsworth' s men was doubtless well directed;
while the enemy although strong and active were
kept well in the distance not daring to fight at close quar
ters. The indications as set forth in Philip's war are that the
savage was too cowardly for open combat. He depended
upon surprises and trickery or upon overwhelming numbers.
A mistake of the Council and Colonial committees may
have been in believing that they could capture the Indians
by large expeditions by which they were chased from
point to point in a vain attempt to draw them into open
battle. The Indian's mode of living and familiarity with the
country enabled him to elude all such efforts, and except for
the destruction of an Indian fort and village large bodies of

422 Colonial
troops in carefully planned campaigns were a partial failure,
and only furnished opportunity for Indian ambushment.
Wadsworth had gained the hilltop and was within night's
friendly shelter both of which he had probably longed for,
but the wily enemy impatient of the stubborn de
fense and aware that just over the hill to the easterly was
the Watertown company endeavoring to break through to
his relief and that with the morning other reenforcements
would arrive, as a last resort set fire to the forest. The cri
sis had come. The flames fanned by the April breeze set
out upon their disastrous errand without mercy. Soon they
reached the top of the hill where the brave little company
stood fearless to face anything human but powerless to do
battle with this new agent. The last moment of their
remaining together had arrived. They broke, they ran,
down through the brushwood and the thickening smoke and
through the gauntlet of savages. The Indian's opportunity
had come. Before the conflagration was started they had
doubtless so stationed themselves as to form a complete circle
around the fire enclosed space ; so that when there was a
struggle to escape from the flames not an Englishman would
have a fair chance of escape. Only too successfully was the
programme carried out ; for of the forty or fifty men more
or less, who had fought through the long hours of that
April afternoon from the foot to the summit of Green hill
less than a score escaped and found shelter in the neighboring
mill by the brook. All the others had fallen or been taken
captive, and when the morning sun arose and the terrible
night shadows had lifted, the charred and mangled corpses
of that band of brave men lay scattered over that piece of
burnt woodland to be gathered in kind embrace by a com
pany of whites and friendly Indians and laid in one large
lone grave in the wilderness.
The burial scene as described in Gookin's History of the
Praying Indians is as follows :
"Upon the 22nd of April early in the morning over forty
Indians having stripped themselves and painted their faces

Concord 423
like to the enemy, they passed over the bridge to the west
side of the river without any Englishmen in the company,
to make discovery of the enemy (which was generally con
ceded quarter thereabout), but this did not at all discourage
our Christian Indians from marching and discovering, and
if they had met with them to beat up their quarters. But
God had so ordered that the enemy were all withdrawn and
were retreated in the night. Our Indian soldiers having
made a thorough discovery and to their great relief (for
some of them wept when they saw so many English lie dead
on the place among the slain), some they knew, viz, those
two worthy and pious Captains, Capt. Brocklebank of Row
ley and Capt. Wadsworth of Milton, who with about thirty
two private soldiers were slain the day before. ... As soon
as they had made a full discovery, [they] returned to their
Captains and the rest of the English, and gave them an
account of their motions. Then it was concluded to march
over to the place and bury the dead, and they did so.
Shortly after, our Indians marching in two files upon the
wings to secure those that went to bury the dead, God so
ordered it that they met with no interruption in that work."
A rude stone heap was placed over the grave, it may be
for the double purpose of protecting and of marking it.
In 1730, President Wadsworth of Harvard, College, son of
the Captain, caused a slate stone to be erected beside the
spot. From this time there was another long season
of neglect. The spring time came with its decoration
of violets and wood grass, the autumn with its falling
leaves, and the winter with its kindly mantling snows,
each in its turn tenderly placing its appropriate token upon
the lonely grave. At length after the lapse of nearly two
centuries the appearance of the place was changed by the
establishment of a more imposing memorial.
Having narrated the leading events of the battle of
Green hill we are in a position to consider the movements
of the men from Concord.
On the night that Capt. Wadsworth left Marlboro and

424 Colonial
while yet on the march back to Sudbury 'the Indians were
busy in preparation for assaulting the garrison houses of
the town. These houses contained at that time in all prob
ability all the inhabitants on the west side of the river;
the people on the east side, or what is now Wayland hav
ing fled for protection to the fortified meeting house, and
fortified parsonage of Rev. Edmund Brown, the former
situated at a spot still pointed out in the town's first bury
ing ground, and the latter at the junction of Mill brook
and Sudbury river.
The principle garrison attacked was that known as the
Walter Haynes house. This house stood upon the west
side of the Sudbury river, the same stream which in Con
cord is called the Concord river, near the meadows about
midway between the present Sudbury centre and Wayland
centre. The attack upon this house began, according to the "Old
Petition" about six o'clock in the morning and was kept up
till after mid day, at times the fight occuring in the very
door yard. To this garrison house the Concord men
directed their course. They probably arrived in the vicin
ity in the early forenoon. The fight at Green hill had not
then begun, and part of the Indians had passed over the
main causeway and "town bridge," which are a part of the
"old road" from Wayland to Sudbury center and were
doing mischievous work on the east side. A sufficient force
was probably left at the Haynes house to keep up a hard
fight with the inmates and to prevent it from being reenforced.
As the Concord men drew near the garrison house, they
saw a small company of Indians near it, and doubtless suppos
ing that these were all and that they could easily overcome
them and gain entrance to the building, they rushed forward
forgetful in their impetuosity of the risk of an ambuscade.
No sooner were they within the power of the designing sav
ages than the latter arose in great force and placing them
selves between the English and the garrison house fell upon
them with great ferocity and so disastrous was the onslaught

Concord 425
that but one escaped. The "Old Indian Chronicle" says :
"They were waylaid and eleven of them cut off." Hub
bard says: "These men at the first hearing of the alarm,
who unawares were surprised near a garrison house, in hope
of getting some advantage upon a small party of the enemy
that presented themselves in a meadow. A great number
of the Indians, who laid unseen in the bushes, suddenly
arose up and intercepting the passage to the garrison house
killed and took them all."
That resistance was made we may infer both from tradi
tion and from a fragment of record relating to the estate of
James Hosmer who was among the slain. The former says
"There was a bold resistance ;" the latter, which is a Probate
matter, speaks of Hosmer as "being slayne in an engagement
with the Indians at Sudbury on the 21st of the 2nd month
in the year 1676." The names of the fallen that have been
preserved are James Hosmer, David Corny, William Hey
wood, Samuel Potter, Joseph Buttrick, John Barnes, Josiah
Wheeler and Jacob Farrar. Tradition is for the most part
silent as to the circumstances or any incident connected
with the start, the march, or the exact details of the disaster^.
We may presume that the start was an exciting one.
Perhaps the quick ear of James Hosmer was the first to
catch the faint sound of distant firing as at nightfall on the
day previous he went out to fodder the stock on his father's
farm near the Assabet : or it may be that the tidings were
brought by a scout from over the Sudbury boundary line,
who scouring the forest had seen the impress of many moc
casins, the sure sign of the presence of a war party. Certain
it is that there were warnings of an Indian invasion in the
neighborhood of Concord, for only a few days before, the
people of Sudbury had informed the Council at Boston by
a letter of Rev. Edmund Brown their minister that the
woods were "pestered with Indians" and that several of the
town's citizens had been shot at ; and asking that men who
had been impressed to serve abroad might be sent home.
It was only the day before the little company from Con-

426 Colonial
cord started that Thomas Plympton was slain at Boone's
plain in the town of Stow, as he was trying to aid Mr.
Boone and son to reach a place of safety.
Neither is there any tradition as to the direction that
these Concord men took. The main road to the Sudbury
east precinct is through what is now the town of Lincoln.
If the soldiers took this road, it would lead them to cross
the river at the "old town bridge" and to approach the gar
rison house from the southerly passing along the causeway
from the bridge until they reached the west side of the mead
ows at a point near the beginning of the old Lancaster road
opened about 1663. From this point we have only con
jecture to go by in determining the further movements and
the exact whereabouts of these men ; but assuming that
we are correct in the the supposition that they went on the
east side of the river which would take them over the "town
bridge" and the causeway, a route which we believe was the
only practicable one in time of high water, we think it fairly
safe from the known facts and thelay of the land to make
'the following supposition; that -the majority of the Indians
who were assailing the Haynes house on becoming aware
of the approach of men to reenforce it concealed themselves
in the neighboring shrubbery near the meadow, leaving
only a sufficient number in sight to lead the reenforcing
party to believe they could easily overcome them or gain
entrance to the house in spite of them. The'eager English
in their usual forgetfulness of Indian trickery and in their
impatience to render relief might naturally rush across the
arm of meadow which extended from the causeway just
mentioned to the upland adjacent to the Haynes house.
When fairly upon the arm of meadow which was covered
with water at that time doubtless, the concealed Indians had
only to rise up and intercept them. By closing in upon
their rear all retreat would be cut off, and the main recourse
to be had was to fight where they were, as the broad
expanse of flooded meadow to the easterly would make
escape in that direction quite difficult, while at the west-

Concord 427
erly end of the arm of meadow as it terminates in the upland
all escape could easily be prevented by a small force.
The foregoing theory not only accords with Hubbard's
description of the event but it explains why the men fell
on the meadow land.
That this conjecture is correct may be indicated by
the following facts relating to the locality. From the point
where the causeway proper ended near the Lancaster road
as before described, there has been a rude path and
a strip of low causeway that extended over the arm of the
meadow which in front of the Haynes house reached to
the upland at the westerly. This path has served the
double purpose of hauling hay and of a way to the house ;
and it probably extended beyond the house northerly,
and was perhaps a part of the way which the town voted
should extend the whole length of the river meadow to the
town bounds. The strip of causeway over the meadow arm
is today known as the Water Row road and in time of high
water has frequently been flooded in modern times.
jThe bodies of five of the slain soldiers remained where
they fell till the next morning and then were recovered by
a searching party who went for them in boats and brought
them over the flood to the town bridge, as stated in the
petition of Warren and Pierce who helped bury them. The
occasion of delay in securing the bodies was the perilous
condition of things on the west side of the river. It pre
sumably was not till early afternoon, or the time that Wads
worth reached Green hill, that the savages withdrew from
about the garrison houses to concentrate for an attack upon
his command. By way of the old "Lancaster road" which
passed very near or directly over a part of the Green hill
battle ground, it was only about a mile distant. The sound
of firing while the action was going on at Green hill could
doubtless have been heard during the hours of the late after
noon and into the night quite distinctly; so that the inhabi
tants to the eastward had cause for believing that the entire
territory of the west precinct was dangerous to venture upon.

428 Colonial
Moreover every soldier was on duty for defense of the gar
risons or was endeavoring to reenforce Wadsworth. On the
east side the inhabitants doubtless durst not venture forth
on the sad mission of gathering up the slain ; for although
they had in the morning driven about two hundred Indians
over the town bridge and causeway by a running fight, yet
they knew not how soon a defeat of Capt. Wadsworth
might come and the disengaged savages flushed with vic
tory rush back with overwhelming numbers to over
come them. Those were hours in which to care for the liv
ing not for "the dead. It was a day of distress and calamity ;
dark with -its disasters, and dreadful in its uncertainties,
and it may be a wonder how human hearts could endure
the strain.
What became of all the dead we know not : we may con
jecture, however, that after the strife had subsided they were
sought after and found ; and if so were tenderly borne back
to Concord, or carried to the same lone spot upon the river
bank and laid beside the bodies of their late comrades.
The exact locality of the spot where these men were
buried may be easily conjectured ; as it was high water there
would be but one practicable place near the bridge and that
would be on the eastern bank of the river just north of the
bridge and the road. The place is still a quiet one. No
intrusion of farm building or summer cottage has as yet
broken the quietude in the immediate vicinity. The place
has remained to this day unmarked by any memorial
of man's erection but there are land marks which have
been there through the centuries. The bridge, which it
is said was the first framed one in Middlesex county, has
had several successors. The river, although a new channel
was long years ago cut by man as a shorter course for its
waters, still bends its friendly arm to the banks near which
they were laid, as if reluctant to leave it.
As to the story of the sole survivor history and tradi
tion are alike silent. We know not his name nor how he
escaped. We may, however suppose that at the first firing
the five whose bodies were earliest recovered fell at about

Concord 429
the same place being perhaps foremost and where the water
was shallow. The seven whose bodies were not at first found
may have retreated further back where the water was deeper,
and scattered about ; while the one who survived may have
straggled forward to the upland unobserved by the savages
and escaped into the woods or crossed over the flood.
Perhaps in no other instance in King Philip's war did a
town suffer the loss of so many men on any one occasion
in their endeavor to succor others. There were slain in the
town of Sudbury on that fateful day not far from fifty armed
Englishmen that there is a record of; and of these about
one fourth part were from Concord.
As to the substantial value of the sacrifice of the Con
cord soldiers we may not be able at this distant day to
determine. Doubtless anything that drew off the force of
savages in their onslaught on the Haynes house was an
advantage, as it gave the inmates a respite. It is also pre
sumable that by a detention of a portion of Philip's warriors,
he incurred greater loss at the hands of Wadsworth. But
whatever the service rendered by the sacrifice it was a most
worthy one. The loss was severe in Concord homes and
there was mourning in families from which some member,
perhaps, the head of the household, had gone out never to
return. Although no general Indian invasion occurred
there during the war yet her loss on that sad spring day was
greater than that of some towns that were attacked.
As some of the leading facts and features both of the
Wadsworth fight and the burial of the bodies of the slain
Concord soldiers are set forth in a petition of Daniel War
ren and Joseph Pierce to the Colonial Court, we quote it,
Mass. Arch. vol. 68 p. 224 :
"To Inform the Honoured Counsel of the Service don
at Sudbury by severall of the Inhabatance of Watertown as
our honoured Captain Mason hath Allready informed a
part of thereof in the petion : but we who wear thear can
moer largely inform this honoured Councel : that as it is
said in the petion that we drove two hundred Indians over

430 Colonial
the River: wee followed the enimie over the river and
joyned with som others and.went to see if wee could relieve
Captain Wadsworth upon the hill and thear we had a fight
with the Indians but they beinge soe many of them and we
stayed soe long thar we wear allmost incompassed by them
which cased us to retreat to Captain Goodanous Garrison ;
and their we stayed it being ner night till it was dark and
then we went to Mr. Noices Mill to see if we could find
any that were escaped to that place all though they wear noe
persons dwelling there ; but thear we found : 13 : or: 14:
of Captain Wadsworths men who wear escaped some of
them wounded and brought them to Sudbury towne ;
On the next day in the morning soe soon as it was light
we went to looke for — Concord, men who wear slain in the
River middow and thear we went in the colld water up to
the knees where we found five and we brought them in
Conus to the Bridge fut and buried them thear; and then we
joined ourselves to Captain Hunton with as many others as
we could procuer and went over the River to look for Captain
Wadsworth and Captain Brattlebank and the soldiers that
wear slain ; and we gathered them up and Buried them ;
and then it was agreed that we should goe up to Nobscot to
bring the Carts from thence into Sudbury-Towne and soe
returned Horn againe ; to what is above written we <whos
nams are subscribed can testifi :
dated the :6: of march 178; Daniel Warrin
= 79: Josep Peirce
There was for several years a controversy relating to the
date of Philip's attack upon Sudbury ; some considering it
April 1 8th, others April 21st. The probate record referring
to James Hosmer gives it the 21st as do some others. The
date on the old grave stone gives it April 18 ; this date
having been taken it is supposed from Hubbard's history.
The true date, however, was definitely settled by the
discovery a few years ago of an old petition which was
signed by a large number of the inhabitants of Sudbury

Concord 43 1
and presented shortly after tne war to the Colonial Court.
This document which is among the State Archives Vol. 30
page 205 is interesting and valuable. We quote the fol
lowing passage from it as it sets forth the condition of
things in Sudbury when the Concord men went to its res
cue. The date assigned for the fight is ye 21st April 1676.
To ye Honble Governour Dept Govern' Magistrates and
Deputies of ye Gen" Court assembled at Boston ye
IIth October 1676.
The humble Petition of ye poore distressed Inhabitants
of Sudbury Humbly Sheweth. That whereas yo' impover
ished Petition" of Sudbury have received intelligence of a
large contribution sent out of Ireland by some pious & well
affected p'sons for ye releife of their brethern in New
England distressed by ye hostile intrusion of ye Indian
Enemy, and that upon this divers distressed townes have
presenied a list of theire losses sustained by fireing and
plundering of their Estates. Let it not seeme presumption
in yor poore petitioners to present a list of what damages
we sustained by ye Enemyes attempts hopeing that or lott
will be to be considered among our brethren of the tribe
of Joseph being encouraged by an act of our Honble Gen"
Court that those who have sustained considerable damage
should make address to this present Session. And is there
not a reason for our releife ? Not only by reason of Our
great losses but alsoe for Our Service prformed in repelling
ye Enemy ! Let y" Most High have ye high praise due
unto him ; but let not ye unworthy Instruments be forgot
ten. Was there with us any towne so beset since ye warre
began, with twelve or fourteen hundred fighting men vari
ous Sagamores from all Parts with their men of Armes &
they resolved by our ruin to revenge ye releife which Our
Sudbury volunteers afforded to distressed Marlborough in
slaying many of ye Enemy and repelling yc rest. The
strength of our towne upon ye Enemy's Approaching it con
sisted of Eighty fighting men. True many houses were
fortified & Garrison'd & tymously after ye Enemy's invasion,

43 2 Colonial
and fireing some Volunteers from Watertowne, & Concord
& deserving Capt : Wadsworth with his force came to Our
releife, which speedy & noble service is not to be forgotten.
The Enemy well knowing our Grounds, passes, avenues, and
Scituations had neare surrounded Our towne in ye Morning
early (wee not knowing of it) till discovered by fireing sev
erall disserted houses : the Enemy with greate force & fury
assaulted Deacon Haines House well fortified yet badly
scituated, as advantageous to ye Enemys approach & dan
gerous to ye Repellant, yet (by ye help of God) ye garrison
not onely defended yc place from betwene five or six of yc
clock in ye Morning till about One in ye Afternoon but
forced ye Enemy with Considerable slaughter to draw-off.
Many Observables worthy of Record hapned in this
assault, Vizt That noe man or woman seemed to be pos
sessed with feare; Our Garrison men kept not within their
garrisons, but issued forth to fight ye Enemy in theire sculk-
ing approaches : Wee had but two of our townesmen slaine,
& y' by indiscretion, none wounded ; the Enemy was by
few beaten out of houses which they had entered and were
plundering ; And by a few hands were forced to a running
flight which way they would ; The spoyle taken by them
on ye East side of ye river was in greate pte recovered."
Almost immediately after the fight at Sudbury, the In
dians betook themselves to the westward. Their work had
been done but there are reasons for believing that they did
not consider it successfully done. Mrs. Rowlandson who
was with them writes in her book of "Removes" that "They
came home without that rejoicing or triumphing over their
victory which they were wont to show at other times, but
rather like dogs [as they say] which have lost their ears,
when they went, they acted as if the devil had told them
that they should gain the victory, and now they acted as if
the Devil had told them they should have a fall. Whether
it were so or no, I cannot tell, but so it quickly proved,
for they quickly began to fall, and so held on that Summer
till theytcame to utter ruin, Hubbard says:

Concord 433
"It was observed by some (at that time their prisoners,
since released), that they seemed very pensive after they
had come to ther quarters, showing no such signs of rejoic
ing as they were usually wont to do in like cases. Whether
from the loss of some of their own company in that day's
enterprise (said to be an hundred and twenty,) or whether
it were the devil in whom they trusted, that deceived them,
and to whom they paid their addresses the day before by
sundry conjurations of their powwows, or whether it were
by any dread that the Almighty sent upon their execrable
Blasphemies which 'tis said they used in the torturing of
some of their poor captives (bidding Jesus come and deliver
them out of their hands from death if he could) we leave
as uncertain, though some have so reported. Yet sure it is,
that after this day they never prospered in any attempt they
made against the English, but were continually scattered
and broken till they were in a manner all consumed."
The Old Petition states,
"Secondly, ye service pformed at Sudbury by y° help
of ye Almighty whereby ye Enemy lost some say 100,
some 105, some 120, and by that service much damage
prevented from hapning to other places whereby ye Country
in Generall was advantaged, reason requires some favorable
considerations to ye servants of Sudbury. For if it be con
sidered what it hath cost our Country in sending out some
forces some of which p ties have not returned with ye cer-
taine newes of such a number slaine as with us."
A variety of facts, circumstances and statements in
dicate that the 21st day of April 1676 was a day of
destiny to King Philip, and that the long hours of stub
born resistence by the combined forces that confronted him
were disastrous in the extreme.
His losses can never be known. Probably somewhere
in the wilderness many graves were made or else many car
cases remained unburied a prey to the beasts and birdsyj
It is true that had the battle at Sudbury never occurred
victory to the English would have finally come, since it is

434 Colonial
I I - -I. rii-fT-l. I I M '.I ll.tin»Ml'MMl.-|-| II I .III —I I.I
the rule in history that a superior race supplants the
weaker. But at this juncture, time was of much account.
Every day and hour that the strife continued lives
were being consumed by an almost intolerable bitterness ;
homesteads were growing fewer and fewer ; households
were becoming thinjied and . hearts sickening with
hopes deferred. But (whether Philip received the decisive
blow at Sudbury or not, certain it is that about that time
his fortune began to change. A new army was raised to
operate against him ; dissensions crept into the ranks of his
followers ; and after some desultory fighting, the great chief
tain turned his footsteps towards his old home at Mount
Hope, and in the following summer he was shot by a rene
gade from his own race. Capt. Hull in his contemporary
diary wrote "Aug. 12, Sagamore Philip that began the war
was slain."
With the death of Philip the war closed except at the
eastward, whither some of the vanquished savages had
betaken themselves. |
'-" IWith the closing of the war there soon followed an utter
downfall of the red race, that once dominated New England.
The overthrow was final ; and so complete was the destruc
tion of Indian supremacy that it was stated in a proclama
tion of Thanksgiving in December of that year "Of
those several tribes and parties that have hitherto risen up
against us, which were not a few, there now scarce remains
a name or family of them in their former habitations, but
are either slain, captivated, or fled into remote parts of this
wilderness, or lie hid, despairing of their first intentions
against us." 1
- fThe instances where any of the Indians kept their wig
wams as permanent homes, or became squatters or wild
freeholders of the waste woodlands were exceptional. They
made up a mere vagrant element, beseeching but little more
of their conquerors than a night's shelter, a bit of bread, or
some coarse work.
For a while they lingered in the settlements in isolated

Concord 435

or fragmentary families as if loth to lose all their iden
tity. But it was to little purpose, and only as a fire which
flickers before it goes out; for although men of great heart
have sought to fan the fading embers of the race into
a flame there yet remains for it of earth but dust and
darkness^/ The race will doubtless have no resurrection"
except such as will come to all mortals, but the process
of total extinction has been slow and painful. Even as late
as into the 18th century the latch string of the farm house
was occasionally pulled at nightfall by some wayfaring abo
rigine who came seeking temporary shelter or a place of
resting upon the fireside mat. Now and then also there
straggled into the village or hamlet, an object of interest to
the children, a company of two or three forlorn and neg
lected creatures who more fortunate than their fellows had
survived the hate of one generation and not starved upon
the hospitality of another, begging for the small price of a
willow basket or a birch broom. But the end of this
came, and the years have passed into decades, and decades
into scores since the last pure bred Massachusetts aborigine,
a rude lone tenant at suffrance, was seen in the land which
he once owned. ;
As a race the Indians have passed away, without a his
tory except as the white man has written it, or made it a
part of his own, and without one work of coarse art where
with by strange hieroglyphics to inform the world what he
once was.
It may never be definitely known just how many men
were engaged in the struggle at Sudbury. tThe following
summary perhaps fairly sets forth the English force. In the
command of Capt. Wadsworth 50 men. In that of Capt.
Cowell 18, soldiers from Concord 12, Sudbury soldiers 80.
Beside these there was a company of Christian Indians in
charge of Capt. Hunting and a "ply of horse" from Capt.
.Prentice's troop under the command of Corporal Phipps.
(The following is a summary of the soldiers known to have ~~
been killed before the Indians left Sudbury. Of Wads-

v

43 6 Colonial
worth command two Captains, one Lieutenant and twenty-
six private soldiers, 29
Concord soldiers, 11
Captain Cowell's command, 4
Sudbury men, 1
45
That these are all the fatalities is hardly probable since
the records of the events are so scant, the time of fighting
was so long and the number of combatants were so many.
It would be almost remarkable if none of the Watertown
men were slain and only one of the soldiers of Sudbury. /
The Sudbury records give but very little information rel
ative to the Indian invasion. There is an order giving
direction as to logs that were used in the fortifications about
the meeting house, but this is about all. The inhabitants
of the various towns that were the hardest beset by the sav
ages were too much engaged in the struggle for sheer exist
ence to keep a written account of current events, momentous
although they were, and the town clerks were only
expected to make a record of things that strictly appertained
to the public. Stationary was expensive ; all were not
able to write ; and the importance of saving data for
historic purposes was a matter perhaps little thought
of. Family traditions would for a time naturally keep
fresh the memory of husbands, fathers, brothers and sons,
and it is not improbable that more than one grave in the
woods had its lonely pathway which was occasionally trod
den by the inhabitants of neighboring farm houses ; but
after a time new families gave place to the old and these
paths were no longer trodden. It may be supposed that
after the havoc of battle bodies of scattered combatants
were here and there found and buried where they fell. A few
years ago a person while digging on the estate of Mr.
Francis F. Walker, not far from the Green hill battle
ground, found what might have been such a grave. There
was a slight discoloration of the earth about the rusty bar-

Concord 437
rel of a firearm and that was all. According to the author
ity of the Indians, if any reliance is to be placed on their
rude reports, more Englishmen were slain at Sudbury
than there is any record of. The following letter of Capt.
Jacobs of the Marlborough garrison to the Council gives
the estimate of the English loss as set forth by the Indians
on the morning after their invasion of Sudbury :
"This morning about sun two hours high ye enemy
alarmed us by firing and shouting towards ye government
garrison house at Sudbury." He goes on to state that
"soon after they gave a shout and came in great numbers
on Indian Hill, and one, as their accustomed manner is
after a fight, began to signify to us how many were slain ;
they whooped seventy-four times, which we hope was only
to affright us, seeing as we have had no intelligence of any
such thing, yet we have reason to fear the worst, consider
ing the numbers, which we apprehend to be five hundred
at the most, others think a thousand."

CHAPTER XLII
The Attack Upon Lancaster — Capture of Mrs.
Mary Rowlandson — Efforts for Her Release —
Heroic Services of Thomas Doublet or Nepanet —
Humane Work of John Hoar, Esq. — The Process
of Ransom — Extracts from the Book of Removes
— Rowlandson Rock.
AS stated in a previous chapter the Indians attacked
the town of Lancaster on the ioth of February.
This however was not the only time, the first being
'on [Sunday Aug. 30, 1675. The attack was led by a chief
named Monoco, or one-eyed John, and the point of attack
was the house of a Scotch settler named Mordecai Macloud.
,,At that time seven persons were killedJ Other mischievous
work was done in the place and its vicinity, and taken all
together perhaps no other settlement suffered more during
Philip's war by the burning of its buildings, the slaughter
of its inhabitants and the captivity of the living.
'•'" [The town is situated in Worcester county along the
Nashua river; and the first settlement by the English was
begun there in 1643. Lancaster like Groton which also
was successively assailed is historically associated with Con
cord, inasmuch as the three towns had Major Simon Wil
lard as a chief promoter of their early interests.
The Indians who dwelt in the vicinity of Lancaster were
the Nashaways, whose tribal relations were with the Nip
mucks. After the sad happenings on August 30, the
people of Lancaster gathered together in several garrisons
and measures were taken to defend them by details of sol
diers. But notwithstanding the presence of the soldiers,
towards the last of January 1675-6, word was brought
by several Christian Indians that the place was in jeopardy.
438

TABLET at egg rock.

ON THIS FIELD
THE MfNUTE MEN ANO MIUTFA
FORMED- BEFOKE MARCHING
DOWN TO THE
FIGHT AT THE BRIDCE

TABLET ON BATTLE LAWN.

Concord 43 9
One of the Indians, Quanapohit, whom the Council had
employed to act as a spy in the woods about Wachuset
and on towards Brookfield predicted the very day of the
proposed attack. Another of them named Kattenanit
brought a similar report.
After escaping from the hostile Indians at Meminisset
whither he had gone to obtain important facts, he trav
elled upon snow-shoes about eighty miles to Boston to
report to Major Gookin that about four hundred Indians
were on their way to attack Lancaster, arriving with his
message in a wearied and half famished condition. The
authorities at once despatched messengers to Marlboro,
Concord and Lancaster to fortify in great haste ; but the
order came too late. The blow had fallen. Before Capt.
Wadsworth could reach the town, the savages had encom
passed it and burned the bridge on the regular road, and it
was only by the fidelity of the friendly Indian guides that
Wadsworth and his company being led along another route
escaped an ambush. By Wadsworth's safe detour a part of
the town was saved, but it was only a part. The garrison
house of Rev. Joseph Rowlandson was burned and of
thirty-seven or forty persons within it only one escaped
death or captivity ; among the captives was Mr. Rowland-
son's wife, j ^
The capture of Mrs. Rowlandson was one of the sad
dest events of Philip's war and called out unusual sympathy.
It was terrible enough to be slain by the tomahawk and to
have the body subsequently subjected to the scalping knife,
but it was doubly terrible for womankind in helpless cap
tivity to be subjected to a wilderness exposure in
time of war with whatever of want or long marches or
rough weather might betide her captors and also to be kept
in suspense as to what the end might be ; but such was
captivity among the Indians. They held their pris
oners for a ransom. The English sold their Indian
prisoners into slavery ; the Indians sold their English
captives to the white men. To lighten the burdens of the

44O Colonial
captives and make their lives more tolerable would not
hasten the day of their redemption.
Mrs. Rowlandson was held in captivity from Feb. 10 to
May 2. During this time she was compelled to travel from
place to place with her Indian captors and so be an unwill
ing witness to many daring and revolting exploits. She
was a close observer and after her release wrote and pub
lished a detailed account of her captivity, noting the daily
movements of her captors and giving a graphic description
of their ways of living, their customs, and their treatment
of prisoners. The book is known as "Mrs. Rowlandson's
Removes ; " a title suggestive of the frequent changes to
which she was subjected. The author describes the grand
pow-wow held by the Indians just previous to their assault
on Sudbury, and some of the incidents connected with the
event in general so that the book is a great acquisition to
the literature relating to King Philip's war.
Soon after the capture of Mrs. Rowlandson great efforts
were made to ascertain the amount demanded for her safe
delivery to the English, to raise the sum and to secure the
services of some one who would be able wisely and suc
cessfully to negotiate with the savages. The following
description of the release of Mary Rowlandson is by Rev.
George M. Bodge in his work on "Soldiers in Philip's War" :
¦ \"Rev. Mr. Rowlandson sought the. aid of the Council
in his efforts to redeem the captives, many of whom were
his own kindred. At first it was impossible to find any one
of the friendly Indians willing to venture as messengers
among the hostiles, mainly because they had been so cruelly
and shamefully abused by tne English and were now con
fined at Deer Island, where they could not be accused or
placed under suspicion. At last, however, one Tom Dub
let, or Nepanet, consented to go, and was fitted and
instructed by Major Gookin, and upon April 3d started
from Cambridge, and returned with the answer of the
Sachems on April 12th. The correspondence between the
Council and the Sachems is still preserved, in part, though

Concord 441
the original letters are lost. The messenger brought back
word from Sam Sachem, Kutquen and Quanohit, Samuel
Uskatuhgun and other owners of the captives taken at
Lancaster that all were well except the youngest child
of Mr. Rowlandson, who was dead. At last, after many
negotiations by the faithful Nepanet, Mr. John Hoar, of
Concord, who, more than any man in the colony, had the
confidence of the Indians, accompanied by Nepanet, and
another friendly Indian, "Peter Conway, " and bearing the
ransom, twenty pounds in money and goods, raised by sev
eral gentlemen for the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson,
met the Sachems near Wachusett Hill, and on May 2d
received and conducted that lady to Lancaster, and the next
day to Boston. The other captives were redeemed at vari
ous times and places afterwards.
The place where Mr. Hoar met the Sachems is well iden
tified, being marked by a large rock called "Redemption
Rock, " a noble landmark near the ancient Indian trail, be
tween Lancaster and Mount Wachusett, and in the present
town of Princton, on the easterly side of a beautiful valley, (
across which, in the distance, towers Mount Wachusett.
The locality is known as "Evcrcttville," from the name of
an ancient family who have lived here for generations. In
1880, Hon. Geo. F. Hoar, of Worcester, a lineal descend
ant of the chief actor in this transaction, for the English,
purchased the land containing this site and set it apart for
memorial purposes, and caused the following inscription to
be placed upon the face of the rock :
" Upon this rock may 2d 1676
was made the agreement for the ransom
of mrs. Mary Rowlandson of Lancaster
Between the Indians and John Hoar of Concord
King Philip was with the Indians but
refused his consent. "
As several of the principal actors in the release of Mrs.
Rowlandson were connected with the town of Concord, and

442 Colonial
the graphic description which she gives sets forth some of
the methods and some thing of the character of the com
batants with whom the colonists had to deal, we have con
sidered it expedient to publish some portions of the book
already referred to, entitled "The Narrative of the Captivity
and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson ":
"On the tenth of February, 1675, came the Indians
with great number upon Lancaster. The first coming
was about Sun-rising ; hearing the noise of some guns, we
looked out ; Several Houses were burning, and the Smoke
ascending to Heaven. There were five persons taken in one
house, the Father and the Mother and a sucking Child ; they
were knocked on the head ; the other two they took and
carried away alive. Their were two others who, being out
of their garrison upon some occasion, were set upon ; one
was knocked on the head, the other escaped: Another there
was who running along was shot and wounded, and fell
down ; he begged of them his life, promising them money
(as they told me), but they would not hearkan to him but
knockt him in head, and stript him naked, and split
open his bowels. Another, seeing many of the Indians
about his Barn, ventured and went out, but was quickly
shot down. There were three others belonging to the
same garrison who were killed, the Indians, getting
upon the roof of the Barn, had advantage to shoot down
upon them and their Fortifications. Thus these murtherous
wretches went on burning and destroying before them.
"At length they came and beset our own house, and
quickly it was the dolefullest day that ever mine eyes saw.
The House stood upon the edge of a hill ; some of the
Indians got behind the hill, others into the Barn, and
others behind anything that could shelter them ; from
all which places they shot against the House, that so
the Bullets seemed to fly like hail; and quickly wounded
one man among us, then another, then a third. About two
hours (according to my observations in that amazing time)
they had been about the House., before they prevailed to fire

Concord 443
it (which they did with Flax and Hemp, which they brought
out of the Barn, and there being no defense about the
House, only two Flankers at two opposite corners and one
of them not finished, they fired it once and ventured out and
quenched it, but they quickly fired it again, and that took.
Now as this dreadful hour came that I have often heard of (in
time of War, was as it was the case of others), but now mine
eyes see it. Some in our house were fighting for their
lives, others wallowing in theirs, the House on fire over
our heads, and the bloody Heathen ready to knock us on
the head if we stirred out: Now might we hear Mothers
and children crying out for themselves, and one another,
' Lord, what shall we do ? ' Then I took my Children
(and one of my sister's), hers to go forth and leave the house:
but as soon as we came to the dore and appeared the In
dians shot so thick that the Bulletts rattled against the
house, as if one had taken an handfull of stones and threw
them, so that we were fain to give back. We had six stout
dogs belonging to our Garrison, but none of them would
stir, though another time, if any Indian had come to the
door, they were ready to fly upon him and tear him down.
The Lord hereby would make us the more to acknowledge
his hand, and to see that our help is alwayes in him. But
out we must go, the fire increasing and coming along be
hind us, roaring, and the Indians gaping before us with
their Guns, Spears and Hatchets, to devour us. No sooner
were we out of the House but my Brother-in-Law (being
wounded before in defending the home), in or near the
throat fell down dead, whereat the indian scampered
shouted and hallowed, and were presently upon him, strip
ping off his cloaths, the bullets flying thick; one went
through my side, and the same, (as would seem,) through
my bowels and hand of my dear child in my arms. One
of my elder Sister's Children, named William, had then his
Leg broken, which the Indians preceiving, they knocked
him on head. Thus were we butchered by those mer
ciless Heathen, standing amaized, with the blood running

444 Colonial
down to our heels. My eldest Sister being yet in the House
and seeing those wofull sights, the Infidels haling Mothers
one way, and Children another, and some wallowing in their
blood : and her elder son telling her that her Son Will
iam was dead, and myself was wounded, she said, And,
'Lord let me dy with them' which was no sooner said,
but she was struck with a Bullet, and fell down dead over
the threshold. I hope she is reaping the fruit of her good
labors, being faithfull to the service of God in her place.
In her younger days she lay under much trouble upon
spiritual accounts, till it pleased God to make that precious
Scripture take hold of her heart, 2 Cor. 12. 9. 'And he
said unto me my Grace is sufficient for thee.' More than
twenty years after I have heard her tell how sweet and com
fortable that place was to her, But to return : The Indians
laid hold of us, pulling me one way, and the Children
another, and said, 'Come along with us : ' I told them they
would kill me : they answered, 'If I were willing to go
with them, they would not hurt me.'
" O the dolefull sight that now was to behold at this
House ! 'Come, behold the works of the Lord, what deso
lation he has made in the earth.' Of thirty seven persons
who were in this one House, none escaped either present
death, or a bitter captivity, save only one, who might say
as he; Job 1. 15 'And I only am escaped alone to tell the
news.' There were twelve killed, some shot, some stab'd
with their Spears, some knocked down with their Hatchets.
¦t- •(• ¦§* *•• *•* V
" That I may the better declare what happened to me
during that grievious Captivity, I shall particularly speak
of the severall Removes we had up and down the Wilder
ness."
The First Remove.
" Now away we must go with thos eBarbarous Creatures,
with our bodies wounded and bleeding, and our hearts no

Concord 445
less than our bodies. About a mile we went that night, up
upon a hill within sight of the Town where we intended to
lodge, there was hard by a vacant house, (deserted by the
English before, for fear of the Indians.) I asked them
whether I might not lodge in the house that night to which
they answered, what will you love English men still?
this was the dolefullest night that ever my eyes saw. O
the roaring and dancing and singing, and yelling of those
black creatures in the night, which made the place a lively
resemblance of hell. And as miserable was the wast that
was made of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Swine, Calves, Lambs,
Roasting Pigs, and Fowl [which they had plundered in the
town] some roasting, some lying, some burning, and some
boyling to feed our merciless Enemies ; who were joyful
enough though we were disconsolate. To add to the dole-
fulness of the former day and the dismalness of the present
night, my thoughts ran up on my losses and sad bereaved
condition. All was gone, my Husband gone (at least sep
arated from me he being in the Bay ; and to add to my
grief, the Indians told me they would kill him as he came
homeward) my Children gone, my Relations and Friends
gone, our House and home and all our comforts within
door, and without, all was gone, (except my life) and I
knew not but the next moment that might go too. * *
The Second Remove.
" But now, the next morning, I must turn my back upon
the Town, and travel with them into the vast and desolate
Wilderness, I knew not whither.' It is not my tongue, or
pen can express the sorrows of my heart, and bitterness of
my spirit, that I had at this departure : but God was with
me, in a wonderfull manner, carrying me along, and bear
ing up my spirit, that it did not quite fail. One of the
indians carried my poor wounded Babe upon a horse, it
went moaning all along I shall dy, I shall dy. I went on
fast after it, with sorrow that cannot be expresst. At length
I took it off the horse, and carried it in my arms till my

44°* Colonial
strength failed, and I fell down with it ; then they set me
upon a horse with my wounded Child in my lap, and there
being no furniture upon the horse back; as we were going
down a steep hill, we both fell over the horses head, at
which they like inhumane creatures laught, and rejoyced to
see it, though I thought we should have ended our days,
so overcome with so many difficulties. But the Lord
renewed my strength still, and carried me along, that I
might see more of his Power ; yea, so much that I could
never have thought of, had I not experienced it.
"After this it quickly began to snow, and when night
came on they stopt ; and now down I must sit in the snow,
by a little fire, and a few boughs behind me, and my sick
Child in my lap ; and calling much for water being now
(through the wound) fallen into a violent Fever. My
own wound also growing so stiff that I could scarce sit down
or rise up ; yet so it must be that I must sit all this cold
winter night upon the cold snowy ground, with my sick
Child in my arms, looking that every hour would be the
last of my life ; and having no Christian friend near me
either to help or to comfort me. Oh, I may see the won-
" derfull power of God, that my spirit did not utterly sink
under my affliction : still the Lord upheld me with his
gracious and mercifull Spirit, and we were both alive to see
the light of the next morning. * * * "
Twentieth Remove.
"On a Sabbath day, the sun being about an hour high in
the afternoon ; came Mr. John Hoar (the Council permit
ting him and his own foreward spirit inclining him) together
with the two forementioned Indians, Tom and Peter with
their third Letter from the Council. When they came
near I was abroad : though I saw them not, they presently
called me in, and bade me sit down and not stir. Then
they catched up their Guns, and away they ran, as if an
Enemy had been at hand ; and the Guns went off apace.
I manifested some great trouble, and they asked me what

Concord 447
was the matter ? I told them, I thought they had killed
the Englishman (for they had in the meantime informed
me that an English-man was come) they said, No ; They
shot over his Horse and under, and before his Horse; and
they pushed him this way, and that way, at their pleasure :
showing what they could do : Then they let them come to
their Wigwams I begged them to let me see the English
man, but they would not. But there was I fain to sit their
pleasure. When they had talked their fill with him they
suffered me to go to him. We asked each other of our wel
fare, and how my Husband did, and all my friends? He
told me they were all well, and would be glad to see me.
I now asked them whether I should go home with Mr.
Hoar? They answered, No, one and another of them;
and it being night, we lay down with that answer; in the
morning, Mr. Hoar invited the Saggamores to Dinner ;
but when we went to get it ready, we found that they had
stolen the greatest part of the Provision Mr. Hoar had
brought, out of his Bags, in the night. And we may see
the wonderful power of God, in that on® passage, in that
when there was such a great number of the Indians together
and so greedy of a little good food : and no English there
but Mr. Hoar and myself: that there they did not Knock
us in the head, and take what we had : there being not only
some provision, but also a Trading-cloth, a part of the
twenty pounds agreed upon. But instead of doing us any
mischief, they seemed to be ashamed of the fact, and said,
it was some 'Matchit Indian that did it.' Oh, that we
could believe that there is no thing too hard for God ! God
shewed his Power over the Heathen in this, as he did over
the hungry Lyons when Daniel was cast into the den.
Mr. Hoar called them betime to Dinner, but they ate very
little, they being so busie in dressing themselves and get
ting ready for their Dance. * * * On Tuesday
morning they called their General Court (as they called it)
to consult and determine whether I should go home or
no; and they all as one man did seemingly consent to it,

44 8 Colonial
that I should go home, except Philip, who would not come
among them. * * *
" But to return again to my going home, where we may
see a remarkable change of Providence. At first they
were all against it, except my Husband would come for
me; but afterwards they assented to it, and seemed much
to rejoice in it; some asked me to send them some Bread,
others some Tobacco ; others shaking me by the hand,
offering me a Hood and Scarf to ride in ; not one moving
hand or tongue against it. Thus hath the Lord answered
my poor desire, and the many earnest requests of others
put up unto God for me. In my travels an Indian came
to me, and told me, if I were willing, he and his squaw
would run away, and go home along with me : I told him
No : I was not willing to run away, but desired to wait
God's time, that I might go home quietly, and without
fear. And now God hath granted me my desire. O the
wonderfull power of God that I have seen, and the experi
ence that I have had : I have been in the midst of those
roaring Lyons and Savage Bears, that feared neither God,
nor Man, nor the Devil, by night and day, alone and in com
pany : sleeping all sorts together, and yet not one of them
ever offered me the least abuse of unchastity to me, in word
or action. Though some are ready to say, I speak it for
my own credit : But I speak it in the presence of God, and
to his Glory. Gods Power is as great now, and as sufficient
to save as when he preserved Daniel in the Lions Den ; or
the three Children in the firey Furnace. I may well say as
his Psal. 107, 12 'O give thanks unto the Lord for he is
good, his mercy endureth forever. Let the Redeemed of
the Lord say so whom he hath redeemed from the hand
of the Enemy,' especialy that I should come away in the
midst of so many hundreds of Enemies, quietly and peaca-
bly, and not a dog moving his tongue. So I took my leave
of them, and in coming along my heart melted into tears,
more than all the while I was with them, and I was almost
swallowed up with the thoughts that ever I should go home

Concord 449
again. About the Sun going down, Mr. Hoar and, myself
and the two Indians came to Lancaster and a solemn sight
it was to me. There I had lived many comfortable years
amongst my Relations and Neighbors, and now not one
Christian to be seen, nor one house left standing. We went
on to a Farm house that was yet standing, where we lay all
night ; and a comfortable lodging we had though nothing
but straw to ly on. The Lord preserved us in safety that
night, raised us up again in the morning, and carried us
along, that before noon we came to Concord. Now was I
full of joy, and yet not without sorrow : joy to see such a
lovely sight, so many Christians together, and some of them
my Neighbors. There I met with my Brother, and my
Brother in Law, who asked me if I knew where his Wife
was ? Poor heart ! he had helped to bury her and knew it
not; she being shot down by the house was partly burnt : so
that those who were at Boston at the desolation of the town,
and came back afterward, and buried the dead, did not know
her. Yet I was not without Sorrow, to think how many
were looking and longing, and my own Children amongst
the rest, to enjoy that deliverance that I had now received
and I did not know whether ever I should see them again.
Being recruited with food and raiment we went to Boston
that day, where I met with my dear Husband but the
thoughts of our dear Children, one Being dead, and the
other we could not tell where, abated our comfort each to
the other. I was not before so much hem'd in with the
merciless and cruel Heathen, but now as much with pit
iful, tender-hearted, and compassionate Christians. In that
poor, and distressed, and beggarly condition I was received
in, I was kindly entertained in severall Houses ; so much I
received from several, (some of whom I knew, and others
I knew not) that I am not capable to declare it. But the
Lord knows them all by name : The Lord reward them
sevenfold into their bosoms of his spirituals, fcr their tem
porals. The twenty pounds the price of my redemption
was raised by some Boston Gentlemen and Mr. Usher

45° Colonial
whose bounty and religious charity, I would not forget to
make mention of. Then Thomas Shepard of Charlestown
received us into his House, where we continued eleven
weeks ; and a Father and Mother they were to us. And
many more tender hearted friends we met with in that place.
We were now in the midst of love, yet not without much and
frequent heaviness of heart for our poor Children, and other
relations, who were still in affliction. The week following,
after my coming in, the Governor and Council sent forth
to the Indians again ; and that not without success, for they
brought in my Sister, and Goodwife Kristle ; Their not
knowing where our Children were, was a sore tryal to us
still, and yet we were not without secret hopes that we
should see them again. That which was dead lay heavier
upon my spirit, than those which were alive and amongst
the Heathen ; thinking how it suffered from its wounds,
and I was in no way able to relieve it ; and how it was
buried by the Heathen in the Wilderness from among all
Christians. We were hurried up and down in our thoughts,
sometimes we should hear a report that they were gone this
way, and sometimes that ; and that they were come in, in this
place or that : We kept inquiring and listening to hear con
cerning them but no certain news as yet. About this time
the Council had ordered a day of public Thanks-giving :
though I thought I had still cause of mourning, and being
unsettled in our minds, we thought we would ride toward
the Eastward to see if we could hear anything' concerning
our Children. And as we were riding along [God is the
wise disposer of all things] between Ipswich and Rowly we
met Mr. William Hubbard, who told us that our Son
Joseph was come in to Major Waldrens, and another with
him, which was my Sisters Son. I asked him how he knew
it? He said, the Major himself told him so. So along
we went till we came to Newbury ; and their Minister being
absent, they desired my Husband to Preach the Thanks
giving for them ; but he was not willing to stay there that
night, but would go over to Salisbury, to hear further, and

Concord 45 1
come again in the morning ; which he did, and Preached
there that day. At night when he had done, one came and
told him that his Daughter was come in at Providence ;
Here was mercy on both hands : Now hath God fulfiled
that precious Scripture, which was such a comfort to me in
my distressed condition. When my heart was ready to sink
into the Earth [my Children being gone I could not tell
whither] and my knees trembled under me, And I was
walking through the valley of the Shadow of Death : Then
the Lord brought, and has now fulfiled that reviving word
unto me : Thus saith the Lord, Refrain thy voice, from
weeping, and thine eyes from tears for thy work shall be
rewarded saith the Lord, and they shall come again from
the Land of the enemy."

CHAPTER XLIII
List of Names of Concord Soldiers in King Philip's
War — Miscellaneous Services of the Town —
Incidental Hardships — The Loss of Men — Bio
graphical Sketches of the Killed and Wounded.
THE following are lists containing the names of
some of the soldiers who served in King Philip's
War. A list of the names of soldiers accred
ited for services performed under Capt. Joseph
Sill in 1675-76 :
" [William Barrett Lt. John Melvin
James Wheeler Thomas Adams
Richard Taylor Joseph Bateman
Moses Wheate Hopewell Davis
Richard Woods John Bateman
William Ball
In 1675 Capt. Sill was engaged in service from Sudbury
westward toward Wachusett Hill ; and subsequently by
order of Major Simon Willard he was employed in guard
ing supplies and in guard duty about the various garrison
housesjj Among the names of persons who served as soldiers in
defense of the garrisons are the following Concord names :
jFeb. 29. 1675-6.
"Under Capt. Wheeler at Groton garrison" :
Samuel Fletcher Senr. Samuel Fletcher Junr.
Eleazer Brown Stephen Gobble
Moses Wheate Richard Pasmore
(perhaps Hosmer)
Nov. 9, — 1675.
John Wood Josiah Wheeler
Hugh Taylor
452

CONCORD HIGH SCHOOL, 1865.

THE OLD NORTH PRIMARY SCHOOL-HOUSE.

Concord 453
Another list under Capt. Wheeler at Groton in garrison
service :
Samuel Fletcher Jr. Stephen Gobble
Eleazer Ball Daniel Adams
Moses Wheate Richard Pasmore
John Potter Simon Willard
Benjamin Graves|
The following are "later credits for Military Service"
of Concord men from the Ledger of John Hull :
Nov. 24, 1676
William Jones
Jan. 24, 1676
Humphrey Barrett William Hartwell.
fThe following names are of men accredited as being
under Major Simon Willard from Aug. 7th to Jan. 25, 1675,
whose sur-names were familiar in Concord :
Paul Fletcher, John Barrett, John Heale, James Smedly,
Josiah Wheeler, Daniel Adams, John Bateman.
In the list from which these are taken is the name of
Simon Willard, a son of Major Simon Willard, and Philip
Read "Doctor," Dr. Philip Read, we conclude, is the same
person who styled himself "Physition" and who having
married a daughter of Richard Rice made a home in Con
cord and practised medicine there and also in Sudbury,
Watertown and Cambridge. We have no means of know
ing whether he went to the war acting in any other cap
acity than as a private soldier although he is designated
"Doctor." Neither do we assert that Dr. Read went to the
war from Concord,' since about the year 1670 he was com
plained of for making a comparison of Rev. Edward Bui-''
keley as a preacher with Parson Estabrook saying, that the
former was not worthy to carry the latter's books after him.
Dr. Read paid ^20 for the offense and for a time left the
town Assignment of Wages.
Concord — Town Cr. By Sundry accts :
John Wheeler, Joseph Wheeler, Abraham Temple,

454 Colonial
Thomas Wheeler, Junr., David Gobely, Benjamin Graves,
James Sawyer, Nathaniel Billings, William Kean, John
Haslock, Joseph Chamberlain, Stephen Gobble, Benjamin
Chamberlain, John Lakin, Richard Blood.
We do not claim that in every instance in the following
lists where a name has been a familiar- one in Concord that
therefore the person having it is to be accredited as a sol
dier serving from that town. But we claim that more or
less of them belonged to Concord citizens and that in some
of the lists nearly all if not everyone did so.
'We have no means of knowing whether the names of all
the soldiers of Concord who served in King Philip's war
were placed on record, neither may we know how many
were impressed and how many were volunteers. Further
more, we may not know how many served as substitutes for
soldiers in other towns ; nor how many men in other places
may have been accredited to Concord./
- ffhe method of obtaining a "quota" of troops was for
the Colonial Council or commanding officer in charge to
issue a warrant directed to a constable, or a committee of
militia in each municipality which was returnable to the said
, Council or General officer.!
/~ ^Besides the service performed in response to calls of the
colony to aid other towns and engage in expeditions, much
militia work was done at home. The town was near the
danger line and repeatedly threatened with invasion, and it
was essential to be at all times prepared for an attack.
There were also in the town at various times refugees
from other places whose persons and property called for pro
tection. Sometimes carts were required with armed convoys
to carry people and their belongings to a place of safety.
To fill all these requisitions and at the same time man their
garrison houses and keep up such patroling of the township
as would prevent surprises was an arduous task. To accom
plish this not only took every able bodied soldier but even
the youth were sometimes summoned into the serviceJ as

Concord 455
is shown by the following paper, Mass. Archives, Vol. 69,
page 134:
" To the Hono :ble Gov1 : and Councell now sitting in Bos
ton June 28 : 1677
The Request of the Millitia of the towne of Concord
"Humbly sheweth that the millitia of the said towne
receiveing a warrant from the worp" Majr Gookin to im
press foure men for the service of the Country : and
being informed that those that were to be prest were in
tended onely to scout about Chelmsford ; and the said
Militia not being able to obtaine those persons that were
intended and desired they sent foure youths promiseing to
releive them within one week after they went but as soone
as they came to Chelmsford they were conducted to black
point where they now remaine.
"Our humble request to yor Hon" therefore is; that you
will please to consider how unfitt these youths are for the
Countryes service : namely Samuell Stratton, John Wheat,
John Ball : Thomas Wolley : : and that they may be dis
missed from the said service : and be returned home with
the first that doe returne, so shall we ever pray for yr
Hon'5 &c. Timothy Wheeler Capt
in the name of y" Millitia."
As a result of the necessity of their keeping sol
diers at home excuses were made, as shown by the
postscript to the report of the Committee of Militia
concerning the men called from Concord to the Narragan
sett expedition ; the request being that some already in ser
vice be released.
But the military service was not the only strain upon the
community. The soldiers were to be furnished with food
and clothing. Their stock of ammunition was to be kept
up, and such other commodities as were convenient for car
rying on war were to be contributed as occasion called for.
For months the town of Concord was a general military
head-quarters, having a gunsmith, and a magazine.

456 Colonial
A no small element of hardship to the town of Con
cord during Philip's war was its liability to a sudden attack
of the Indians. The place would naturally be a coveted
one, for the reason that it had a magazine, and a gunsmith and
was a resort of war refugees and was a rendezvous for
troops from abroad. As indicating the general solicitude
is the following copy of a record relating to the escape of
several squaws who were under guard.
"Concord this 13th: June 1676.
Honor(1 Gouernor Leuer*
"Inasmuch as heare has been a sad accident befallen us
through the ocation of nedglegent persons ; which had
trust Imposed to them: to keep sentery over three old
squas & one papoose, these watchmen fell all asleep, and
in the meanetime ye squas made theire escape ; from them ;
which may produce a great deale of damage to us y' are
resident in Concord ; because we are aftraid they are
acquainted with ye Condition of or towne, & what quan-
tyty of men we have gon out ; & which way they are
gone ; which may prove very obstructive to or army in their
design; we had a Capt ; appoynted over the magaseine ;
which I thought to be sufficient to give a Charge to 12
men ; to keep senternalls over three old squas ; I hope yor
honor will be pleased to take it into Consideration & send
us some more strength to suport us from or enemies ; for
we are in dayly fear ; y' they will make an asault on or
towne ; So hopeing yor hono1 cannot Impute any Blame
to him ; who wish to yo1 honor ye best y* may be; by yor
hono" most Humble Servant John Haywood ;
Consta'i."
Mass. Archives, v. 133, p. 193.
By this report we infer that the condition of affairs was
so precarious that it was considered essential to place a strong
guard over a few Indian women lest escaping they report
the weak condition of the town s defences. When it was
reported to the Council that the squaws had made their

Concord 457
escape the situation was considered sufficiently serious to
warrant the Council in forwarding immediately a re-enforce
ment of twenty men.
The actual loss of inhabitants to Concord by the war
may never be known. It is considered certain that sixteen
were slain outright, but as in all wars more or less deaths
were doubtless occasioned indirectly by exposure, sickness
and wounds. Neither may it ever be ascertained what were
the names of all the slain or where all of them lived.
The following are brief biographical data relating to per
sons from Concord who were killed or suffered from
wounds while engaged in Philip's war.
| Samuel Smedley who was slain while with Capt. Wheeler
at Brookfield was a son of Baptist Smedley and a brother
of Mary whose husband Isaac Shepard was killed at Con
cord village. He was one of the eight who fell at the first
firing in the ambuscade at the swamp. Doubtless his body
was buried with his comrades in an obscure grave.
Of the Concord Smedleys or Smeadleys, John and Bap
tist or Baptiste came to the town prior to 1636. They
were of Huguenot descent, and it has been suggested may
have come from Matlock, in Derbyshire, England where
some of the Smedleys have since lived. Baptiste had his
houselot, according to Walcott, near Franklin Dakin's.
John lived at or near the present residence of Hon. John
S. Keyes in the vicinity of the Battle Ground. Baptiste
Smedley died Aug. 16, 1675. John died the same year.
Samuel Smedley son of Baptiste married Hannah
Wheeler in 1667; Hannah a daughter was born July 28
1669; Mary was born 1671 ; and Samuel Feb. 28, 1673.
The following is the record of his birth. "Samuell Sonne"
of Babtistand Kathrine Smedley, the 7, 4 mo, 1648." The
inventory is on file at the Probate Records by the admin
istrator of Samuel Smedley ; and one of the articles speci
fied is the following — "2 horses lost in the Country's sar-
vice. 06,0,0"
"2 horses was kild with him at the flight at quapoge."

Colonial 458
As to Henry Young who was shot at the Brookfield gar
rison house while looking from the window, we have found
nothing but what Capt. Wheeler says of him in his narra
tive. That he was a brave man is evident from the fact
that he was selected to be a companion to Ephraim Curtis
in his attempt to elude the viligant savages and bear beyond
their lines a summons for relief. The whereabouts of his
grave is doubtless as unknown as that of Smedley. The
old burying ground at Brookfield may have received his
remains but of the earliest burial place of that town its
historians have given but little definite information.
I Isaac and Jacob Shepard who were slain at Quagana hill
in Concord village were the third and sixth sons of Ralph
and Thanklord Shepard. Isaac was born June 20th 1639,
and Jacob was born June 1657. The oldest son of the
family of Ralph and Thanklord was Abraham who married
Jan. 2d 1673; and a younger son was perhaps Daniel;
Mary who was made captive was the youngest child and
was born about 1660 — 1662.
Isaac Shepard married Mary Smedly a daughter of Bap
tiste Smedly of Concord. A Probate Record informs us
that "adminstration on the estate of Isaac Shepard late of
Concord" was allowed to Mary Shepard his "relict widow"
jointly with Abram Shepard her brother. The inventory
of the estate sets forth the following property "A farme at
Nashobe, one house one barn 12 ac of broken up land 10
of meadow witn the rest of the ffarme." The entire estate
was valued at £i$o. From this farm at Nashoba through a
long wilderness path Isaac went to visit Mary Smedley the
maiden of Huguenot ancestry and thither he took her to
dwell among his own kindred.
We know of no record relating to Jacob Shepard except
of his birth. Both Isaac and Jacob it is supposed lived on
a portion of land formerly owned by Lieut. Joseph Wheeler.
Their father Ralph came to America in the ship Abigail
from Stepney Parish London in 1635. After residing in
several towns he went to Maiden where he became deacon.

Concord 459
From Maiden he made his way through the woods to the
territory near Nashoba called Concord village.^
IThe barn in which the men were threshing was situated
it is believed on the south side of a lane to what is now or
was lately the Cyrus Pickard place near the road. Mary
the sister was on the hill near by, and tradition has pointed
out the exact spot, a boulder on the south side of the hill
near the top. , In the Concord Records is this entry
"Thomas Streight and Mary Shepard married by Justice
Peter Bulkeley May 28, 1683."
Jin the case of the Concord soldiers killed at Sudbury
there is a great discrepancy between the date of their deaths
on the town records and elsewhere.
The record there made is that James Hosmer, Samuel
Potter, David Corny and John Barnes died on March 31,
1676. The error is thought to have been occasioned by
some imperfect entry or transcription. ' The following are -
brief biographical sketches of five of the seven whose iden
tity and connection with the fight at Sudbury has been
established as matter of record :
James Hosmer as has been stated in a former chapter
f lived near his father by the Assabet river, at the present
Concord Junction. He married Sarah, a daughter of John
White, an early and well-to-do proprietor of lands at Lan
caster. The following is a Probate record relative to the
estate of James Hosmer, Jr. :
"An Inventory of the estate ot James Hosmer junior,
of Concord, in Middlesex, deceased, being slaine in the
ingagement with the Indeans at Sudsburie, on the 21 of the
second month in the yeare 1676.
Prizers James Hosmer Senr.
Henry Woodis
John Scotchford
Thomas Wheeler
Rev. George W. Hosmer D. D. who was a lineal
descendant of James Hosmer and formerly President of
Antioch College, and lately pastor of Channing Church

460 Colonial
Newton, stated in a letter concerning his ancestor who was
several generations from him as follows:
"My grandfather when resistance was in vain, plunged
into the river to swim across and a bullet passed through
his head."
James Hosmer Jr. was a brother-in-law of Rev. Joseph
Rowlandson of Lancaster The following is from the old
records "James Hosmer and Sara White married Oct. 14,
1658."
- i Samuel Potter was a son of Luke Potter who early set
tled at Concord and who was a deacon in the church, there
as late as 1697. Samuel Potter Senior married for his
second wife Mary Edmonds in 1644.
The following are from the Concord early records, —
"Samuell the sonne of luke and Mary Potter the 1, of
the 2 mo. 1648."
"Samuel Potter and Sarah Right married 8 Jan . 1673"
"Samuell Potter husband to Sarah his wife : died 3 1
march 1676."
The house lot of Luke Potter the father was on Potter's
Lane since Heyward streetJ
f Joseph Buttrick was a son of William Buttrick who came
to Concord in 1635. Joseph married for his first wife Sarah
Bateman who died in 1664, and for his second, Jane Good-
now of Sudbury. Joseph Buttrick was a child of the first
wife. The following arefrom Concord old records :
"Mary, daughter of Will Buttricke & Sara his wife borne,
17, June = 64"
"Sara, wife of Will Buttricke died 1 7, July : 64." '
"William Buttrick & Jeane goodnow married 21 feb.
1667." J
* fOf Daniel Corny, Shattuck says that he was at Concord
in 1664. We conjecture that the first name of Corny is
David rather than Daniel. There are the following refer-
| ences to David Corny among the early records :

Concord 46 1
"John son of David & Elizabeth Corny born 18, Oct.
1665." "David son of David Corny & Elizabeth his wife borne
14, Nom' 1666.
"Ester daughter of David Corny born 14, 12, 75.
"Elizabeth wife of david Corny died 4 March 70, 71." '¦•¦
John Barnes, Shattuck states was at Concord in 1661,
and_ married Elizabeth Hunt in 1664.-
Josiah Wheeler was a son of Obadiah Wheeler one of"
the town's early settlers and one of the first three Wheelers
who arrived at Concord, the other three of the six who set
tled there arriving in 1639. Obadiah Wheeler Sr. died Oct.
27, 1 67 1. aged 63, and his wife Susannah died 1650. Oba
diah Wheeler the 4th son married Elizabeth White in
1672, and was father to Obadiah, Josiah, Samuel, Joseph,
and others.
Obadiah Wheeler lived in the vicinity of Brook meadow.
The following is part of a Probate record relating to the
estate of Josiah Wheeler :
"An Inventory of the estate of Josiah Wheeler, of Con
cord in the County of Middlesex, deceased being slain by
the engagement with the Indians at Sudsburie on the
twenty-first of the second month in ye yeare 1676."
We have discovered nothing concerning David Curry
beyond a statement that the Middlesex Probate Records
afford evidence that he was a victim to the Indian ambush-
mentat Sudbury on April 21st. Neither have we been able
to gather much information relative to Jacob Farrar. A
John and Jacob Farrar were proprietors in the town of Lan
caster as early as 1653. According to Shattuck John died
Nov. 3, 1669 and Jacob either a son of John or Jacob mar
ried Hannah, daughter of John Hougnton Esq. 1668 and
was killed by the Indians August 22, 1675. ^s sons
Jacob, George, Joseph and John, the same author informs
us sold their property in 1697 to an uncle of the name of
Houghton and removed to Concord.
Among the names of the men who went from Concord

462 Colonial
to join the Narragansett Expedition in 1675, 's tnc name
of Stephen Farre, which name we conjecture may have
been pronounced Farrar.
The following is the biographical data of the Concord sol
diers who met with casualities in the Narragansett Expedi
tion. 'George Hayward who was killed at the Swamp Fight may
have been a son of George Hayward who early built a corn
mill at the southwest part of the town and died March
1 67 1. We have no record of his birth but conclude from
the fact that we have seen the name of the mill proprietor
written in history George Hayward senior, that George the
soldier was his son./
<- jAbraham Temple who was one of the wounded at the
Swamp Fight was a son of Richard Temple who had a mill
on Spencer Brook. An old record states of him, —
"Abraham Temple and Deborah ^aadlocke married 4
desem 1673."
"Richard son of Abraham Temple & Debra his wife
borne 6, Oct. 1674.'"
Thomas Brown the other wounded soldier at the Swamp
Fight, lived in the North quarter beyond the Concord river
on what has since been the Edwin S. Barrett place and in
the neighborhood of Boaz Brown whose home was on the
place since occupied by Eli Dakin.

CHAPTER XLIV
Historical Sketches of Major Simon Willard, Lieut.
Edward Oakes, Lieut. Simon Davis, Capt. Thomas
Brattle.
BEFORE closing the subject of Conqord in King Phil
ip's war it is proper to give some further account of
Maj. Simon Willard who, as before stated, was one of
her most conspicuous citizens, and of several other officers
who served at that time, and are associated with the town.
TThe more prominent military service of Simon Willard as
related to the public at large began when, in 1653, he was
appointed Sergeant- Maj or of the forces of Middlesex
county. In October, 1654, he was made commander-in-chief of '
a levy of a little more than three hundred footmen and - ^
horsemen who were sent out by the United Colonies in an
expedition against Ninigret, the Sachem of the Niantics, '
returning to Boston with his troops by October 24.
The result of the expedition was the obtaining of a satis- /
factory agreement with Ninigret and also with the Pequod
Indians^' ^.mong the earlier services of Mr. Willard in Philip's
war was the organizing of the Colonial troops, and one of
his first acts in the field was his part in the relief of the
Brookfield Garrison. At that time he was, with Capt.
Parker, about starting with his company of forty-six men
to look after some Indians to the westward of Lancaster
and Groton, having five friendly Indians with him as
scouts. Soon after this he was in command of a consider
able force, consisting, among others, of the companies of
Captain's Lathrop, Beers and Mosely, sent to range the
country about Brookfield. f 463

464 Colonial
According to a paper presented to the Court after the
decease of Major Willard, asking payment for his services,
there is evidence that from Sept. 20, 1675, to April 18,
1676, "the major was employed about the country busi
ness Settling of Garrisons in towns and settling of Indians
at. Concord and Chelmsford, and other business."
rFOr several months Major Willard was occupied in the
various towns assisting in their defence, and soon after the
return of the Narragansett expedition at the arrival of
Canonchet in the Nipmunck country the Council ordered
him to raise a large force of mounted men to do duty in
the vicinity of Groton, Lancaster and Marlboro. J
The miscellaneous nature of the military services of
Major Willard may be set forth by the following copy of a
report sent by him to the Colonial Court, giving an account
of his movements from March 21 to 29, 1675-6, Mass.
Archives, Vol. 68, p. 186 :
"A short narrative of what I have attended unto by the
Councill of late, since I went to relieve Groatton. The
21 : 1 : 75-76, I went to Concord, and divided the troope
committed unto me from Essex & Norfolke into three pts
one to garde the carte, pressed from Sudbury, one pt for ye
carte pressed from concord, both to Lancaster, one pt for
ye carte that went from Charlestowne & Wattertowne that
went volintiers or wear hiered when I had sent them to
their severall places I came downe being the 22:1: 75-6 :
& went to concord the 25 : 1 : 75, when I come there &
inquired how it was with Lancaster the answer was they
weare in distresse, I pesently sent 40 horse thither to fetch
away corne, and I went that night to Chellmsfoord to se
how it was with them, they complayned, Billerikye Bridge,
stood in great need of being fortified, I ordered that to be
don, allso they told me, that the Indians made two great
rafte of board & rayles, that they had gott, that laye at the
other syd of the river. I ordered 20 souldiers to go over
& take them, & towe them downe the River, or p'serve
them as they se cause, the 27 of this instant I went from

SITE OF MAJOR SIMON WILLARD'S HOUSE

Concord 465
Chellmsord to concord agayne when I came there, the
troopers that I sent to Lancaster last had brought away all
the people there, but had left about 80 bushells of wheat &
Indian come, yesterday I sent ; 40 : horses or more to fetch
it away, & came down from concord, this day I expect they
will be at concord, Some of the troope I relesed when this
last worke was don, the other I left order to scout abroad
until they heare from me agayne, I thought it not meet to
relese men, when we stand in need of men, my desire is to
know what I shall do herein concord & chelmsford look
every day to be fired, and wold have more men but know
not how to keepe them, nor paye them, your humble
servant. Simon Willard 29 : 1 : 76."
As a surveyor Mr. Willard was also celebrated. |About
1652 he was sent as a commissioner to establish the north
ern boundary of Massachusetts at the head of the Merrimac
river; and it is said that the letters S. W., which some
years since were found upon the Bound Rock near Lake
Winnepesaukee, were probably the initials of his name, f
jFor prominent service in the settlement of Lancaster'
Mr. Willard was presented with a large land tract, and it
is supposed that he removed to that town in 1659. Sub
sequent to his removal he acquired a strip of territory in
Groton, now situated in the town of Ayer. This land has
been known as the Nonacoicus grant, it being adjacent to
a brook of this name. \
Upon this tract of territory Mr. Willard erected a house
which, according to a map made by Thomas Danforth,
surveyor, was situated not far from the present county road
leading from Ayer to Shirley Village. The exact spot
where this house stood has not been positively ascertained;
it is believed, however, that it was upon a knoll about
twenty-five rods, more or less, from the county road on
the southerly side. This conjecture is favored by the
nature of the locality. The spot is near the junction of
Nonacoicus brook and the Nashua river, where the inter
vale or meadow extends quite a distance southerly before

466 Colonial
reaching the upland, thereby affording good land for culti-
tion. Nearby is a considerable rivulet, making convenient
the watering of stock and the supplying of the house.
The proximity of the Nonacoicus brook and Nashua river
afforded opportunity for fishing and the bottom lands
about them for game ; moreover, the Nashua river, running,
as it did, through Groton and Lancaster, formed a con
venient water way between the two towns ; and for this
reason Mr. Willard would naturally place his homestead
near it. In early times streams passing through a wilder
ness country were made use of both for transportation and
personal passage. The Indians in the upper country were
accustomed to make use of them for one or both of these
purposes and in the time of the intercolonial wars these water
ways were sometimes watched by companies of provincial
rangers who lay in wait to intercept any enemy who might
use the water courses for reaching the settlements.
The spot just indicated was well situated for defense,
it being so elevated as to command a near view of the sur
rounding country. About this locality formerly there was
quite a hamlet ; the marks of cellar holes being still visible.
Upon the knoll until within about a half century ago a
house was standing which when demolished was very old.
This may have been the immediate successor of the Wil
lard house, or at least the second. As Mr. Willard went
to Groton from Lancaster in 1671, the house was probably
erected the same year. We may suppose that it stood
quite alone, the estate being a large one and the house
according to the plan of Danforth being in the central
portion. Another circumstance making presumable its
isolated condition, is that it was not called a garrison house
which we believe it would have been if there had been
homesteads about it.
But although removed from near neighbors and about
five miles from any cluster of dwellings at central Groton,
the Willard house in Philips war was much frequented by
military men for military purposes. As it was on the main

Concord 467
line of frontier territory along the region of the Nashua
river and the general course of scouting parties as these
made their way through the wood from Dunstable to
Groton and Lancaster on past Washacum and Wachusett
to Quinsigamond, it became a place of rendezvous ; and
its comfort and geniality were often shared in by the worn
soldiers and their tired horses. Bunches of stacked mus
kets in the door yard may not have been unusual objects,
while in the nearer forest to the northerly by the river side
and upon the stony ridge at the eastward and along the
wilderness road toward Shabbokin, where the road which is
now a common highway was then a trail toward Lancaster,
may have been many times seen the vigilant sentry. The
house was attacked by the Indians and burned March 13,
1676. The family were absent at the time, warning having
been given of the approach of the Indians.
fMarch 2nd the town of Groton was put on its
guard by the presence of a band of savages who pillaged
several houses and stole some cattle. This act of hostility
had sent the inhabitants of the scattered homesteads to the
several garrison houses of the town and saved many people
who would otherwise have perished. When on March 13
the final attack came Major Willard who with his men was
scouting among the exposed towns and arranging for their
defense went immediately with a squadron of cavalry to
the town's relief; but he arrived too late. The town was
destroyed. Forty dwelling houses had been laid in ashes,
and also the meeting house.
The first house destroyed was that of Major Willard
at Nonacoicus and it is not altogether unlikely that he
passed the smoking ruins of his own homestead on his way
to the rescue of the central village/
There are two scenes in the history of Simon Willard
that are especially interesting — one, when the noble old
officer over seventy years of age rode hurriedly over the
rough wood roads followed hotly by his troop in eager
impatience to arrive at Brookefield in season to rescue his

46 8 Colonial
former townsmen of Concord or their sons and Capt.
Wheeler an associate officer ; and the other, his ride to
Groton where his own home was situated and his own son
was the minister.
After the destruction of Groton, the inhabitants and the
portion of goods that had been saved, as soon as it could be
done with safety, were conveyed through the woods to the
lower towns ; a considerable portion of them being left at
Concord.] It is pleasant to contemplate that in selecting temporary
abiding places for his Groton townsmen he showed a pre
ference for his old Concord home, and it may be that the
welcome accorded to the Groton exiles was the more hearty
because they had been associated in their homes with Simon
Willard. The house of Major Willard at Groton was never
rebuilt. Soon after, he went to Charlestown where he died
April 24, 1676.
When the "piping times of peace" returned and the
sunlit forest with its kindly sheltering shades again afforded
safety and the birds sang there sweetly undisturbed by the
harsh war sounds, some one perhaps repaired to the
deserted and desolated spot still lovely in its forest
environment, and scraping away the cold grey ashes and
finding a foundation which the fires of war had not crum
bled, built upon it. For years, the structure then erected
endured. The storms swept over it and scoured its shingles
or tore its thatching. It finally fell ; the place again was
left vacant, and today the traveler as he passes along
the country road may see in the near distance in a
pleasant pasture a few bunches of low shrubbery which
alone remain to remind one of the former residence of
Simon Willard.
But to the interested reader of the town's early his
tory there is about these silent objects and surroundings a
special significance. The rough rocks and loosely lying
stones may have been resting places for the exulting savage,

Concord 46 9
as he sat on that dismal March morning after applying the
torch and watched the flames as they consumed the dwell
ing place of one whom he intensely hated and feared.
The little rivulet that still creeps down through the grassy
runlet and crosses the highway in its passage, affording now
the simple service of a wayside watering place, was once it
may be rippled by the bucket of Madam Willard or her
servants. Where the interval broadens out from the river
and brook until by its gentle winding it reaches almost
within view from the door, the younger children of the
family in the season when the "sound of falling nuts is h«ard"
may have repaired with their coarse baskets to gather wal
nuts and chestnuts, or to pick cranberries.
Another man who did good service in Philip's war arid
who spent a portion of his life in Concord was Lieut."
Edward Oakes.
He came from England in 1640, and lived for many ~
years in Cambridge where he was a selectman twenty-six
years. His wife's name was Jane ; and the names of four
of his children were Urian, Edward, Mary and Thomas,
the two former having been born in England. He was a
Deputy to the Gen. Court from Concord in 1683, 4, and 6.
Lient. Oakes did service during King Philip's war in the
troop of Capt. Prentice, who commanded one of the five
troop of horse in the colony, f To belong to a cavalry
company was a. privileged position. The members had
extra pay and were generally from the more thrifty^ and
well to do families, each one owning his own horse. |Lieut.
Oakes was in the summer campaign at Mount Hope.
The fact that he was Lieutenant in Capt. Prentice's Com
mand is evidence of a creditable record. He died, at Con
cord Oct. 13, 1689, aged about 85J
fSimon Davis was a son of Dolor Davis who was a peti
tioner for Groton in 1656. His father married Margery a
sister of Major Simon Willard.
Simon and his brother Samuel made their homes in
Concord and had families the descendants of which are

47° Colonial
widely scattered and greatly respected.
Simon Davis subsequently became a Lieutenant and then
a captain, and in King Williams war with forty troopers
and thirty foot soldiers was appointed to defend the frontier
from Dunstable to Marlborough. Beside serving faithfully
as a soldier, captain Davis successively occupied several
civic offices, being a representative about 1689. He mar
ried Mary a daughter of James Blood in 1660 and Died
June 14, 1 713 aged 77. It is said that three Governors
John Davis, George Robinson and John D. Long have
descended from this family, f
Another Officer who was connected with the town of
Concord was |Capt. Thomas Brattle at one time a merchant
in Boston and a member of the Artillery Company in
1674. He purchased of the Indians large tracts of terri
tory along the Kennebec and Merrimac rivers and owned
the iron works at Concord. From 1678 to 1681 he was a
deputy from Lancaster. He was one of the founders of
the Old South Church in Boston and married Elizabeth, a
daughter of Capt. William Tyng. Thomas Brattle was
appointed Cornet of the Suffolk troop on May 30 1670,
became Lieutenant Oct. 13, 1675, and captain May 9,
1676. Thomas Brattle while Cornet on Sept. 8, 1675 conducted
a detatchment of soldiers for distribution in the towns of
Dunstable, Groton and Lancaster, and arranged with the
people for their doing garrison duty among them. He
was engaged in the organization and supply of several
expeditions and was with the Narragansett army after the
Swamp fight.
He died April 5, 1683 leaving it is stated the largest
estate in New England at that time. His sons Thomas and
William graduated at Harvard College and both were cel
ebrated and popular, f
Before closing thcSubject ot the connection of Concord
with Philip's war we would observe that some of the mili
tary methods employed during the period correspond quite

Concord 471
nearly to some of the practices of the period just preceding
the war of the Revolution. For instance the function of
the "committee of militia" was similar to the later com
mittee of safety and the latter may have had its origin in,
or been a continuation of the former. In the time of
Philip's war in a town adjacent to Concord, according to its
historian, the inhabitants who were capable of bearing arms
were divided into two military organizations, one, which was
made up of two thirds of the inhabitants, acting as the reg
ular militia, and the remaining third standing in readiness
to act at a moment's warning, suggesting both by the num
ber of men in each organization and by the service expected
of those in the latter that here may have been the origin of
the "Minute men." The company that stood in readiness to
act at a moment's notice was known as "The Alarm." If
this was the practice in neighboring places, without evidence
to the contrary we may suppose it was so in Concord, and
perhaps the twelve men who went to the rescue of Sud
bury, were Minute memj
The signal service consisting in the firing of several mus
kets succesively may have given rise to the same signal
service of a subsequent century.
The making use of the town of Concord as a rendezvous
of soldiers, a place for war refugees, for a gunsmith, a
"Magazine," and a deposit of military stores may have
caused it to be used for a military purpose in both the
intercolonial wars and in the conflict of 1775.
Thus closed the tragic and grimly picturesque period of
King Philip's war; a period in which the valor of the
United Colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth and Con
necticut had been many times demonstrated, and in which
the endurance and resources of the respective towns had
been severely taxed. Both races left that in their records
which they had great reason to regret, and which judged by
the standards of later years is far from being commendable.
The English in their fighting qualities even when they were
displayed under circumstances which were wildd and ill

47a Colonial
adapted to the usual conditions of waging war, had shown
themselves the masters, although by an inconsiderate rash
ness or overconfidence they had suffered their greatet
losses. Their work had been open and their methods if
not unmixed with cruelty had been tactful and orderly.
The Indians had shown themselves coarse adepts in trickery
and without successful comprehensiveness of plan. Their
chief resource was the ambuscade, and they seldom attacked
where the forces were equal. We know of but one notable
instance of open siege by them, or of carrying a fortified
place by storming it. The incidental references to
their traits as brought out in the various war records, and
in the literature of the times set forth we believe
far less of a native nobility to the life and character
of the savage than the poet has associated with him. He
was gross in his general habits. The forest cleanliness that
belongs to bird or beast was not observed by him, and the
precariousness of his manner of living points to him as
being lazily improvident. Some of his faultiness in these
respects is brought out by Mrs. Rowlandson in a manner
so marked as to make the very reading of the descriptions
almost repulsive. In short the general testimony of the
entire contest is that Indian observation of Euro
peans for a portion of two generations had not
removed him from his ancient barbarity nor led him
to abstain from vile practices which he observed before
he had ever seen a white man. It is the old story oft
repeated in ethnological history that nature alone is ill
suited to reform a sin stained soul.
But on the other hand Philip's war remarkably affirmed
the province of grace and the gospel to do a work in the
human heart that even war with all of hell that there ma
be in it cannot erase or eradicate.
The Praying Indian although persecuted by his own
and his adopted race stood firm between the two fires and
amid all the tribulations by which he was tested he could be

Concord 473
depended upon in the hour of a "forlorn hope" as none
other of his race could be.
Job Kattenanit of Natick dragging himself to the door
of Major Daniel Gookin's house in Cambridge a short
time before midnight on Feb. 9th after a journey of eighty
miles from the Indian village at Meminimisset bringing
intelligence in confirmation of a report made by Quanapaug
a Christian convert of the Nashaway Indians whom Gov.
Leverett had employed as a scout, that the Indians would
in twenty days fall upon the English settlements and first
attack Lancaster, and Tom Doublet speeding through the
long, lonely forest with a message from the Governor in
behalf of distressed Mrs. Rowlandson are emphatic tributes
to God's saving power among the heathen and to the
untiring efforts of His servant the Apostle Eliot who
declared it.
These faithful Christians famished and almost over
come by their long fatigue bore witness to their loyalty to
the newly found faith by all the eloquence of noble endur
ance. True there may have been among the Christian
Indians religious renegades and cases of mistaken conver
sion, instances of which Mrs. Rowlandson has cited in her
"Removes ; " but so it has been with some of the alleged
conversions among civilized Christians, and the spurious
only proves the value of the genuine.
As to some of the war measures of either side there is
but small opportunity to be apologetic. Each dealt with
its captives with a cruel commercialism that can under no
circumstances be condoned much less commended.
That both contestants believed themselves right we may
not question but how this could be is not so easily
explained. The same inexplicable way of thinking and ot
viewing things may have had its influence here as
in years later when the pious colonist with a composure of
conscience that is remarkable convicted witch suspects.
That the fathers were great in their heroic faith is beyond

474 Colonial
controversy for this only could have kept them through
their hours of trial. That they meant well in what they
did few can doubt who know them ; but how they could
justify some of their means to their righteous aims and ends
is beyond our knowledge. All we can do is to be generously
charitable.

CONCORD SQUARE, 1903.

CONCORD SQUARE, 1840.

CHAPTER XLV
Changed Condition of the Colony at the Close ot
King Philip's War — Process of Recuperation —
Erection of a New Meeting House — Evangelical
Character of the Concord Church — Progress in
Educational Affairs — Early Circulating Library —
Donation of Land by Capt. Timothy Wheeler —
Real Estate Transactions — Adjustment of Riparian
Rights of the Bulkeley Mill Privilege — Settlement
of the Controversy Concerning the Blood Farms —
Historical Sketch of the Blood Family — Indian
Deeds in Confirmation of Old Titles.
AFTER the close of King Philip's war the colonial
towns were not slow in engaging in the work of
reconstruction and soon there was once more seen
upon the hillsides and along the glades safe and pleasant
homesteads and plenteous harvest fields* After the wag
ing of the terrible conflict a sense of security came over
society and there was fresh inducement to effort. The local
Indian question it was believed had been settled. There
was no longer the possibility of a sudden uprising by which
all progress might be impeded and any enterprise that had
been undertaken destroyed. It had become safe now to
invest in new lands to further clear away the forest, and to
erect bridges and make passable roads.
It was now considered comparatively safe to live in any
portion of central or southern New England. The traveler
could make his journey through the wood without danger
of an interruption or signs of an enemy. The settler's wife
could build a fire for the evening meal and her husband in
the distant field could smile at the sight of the cheerful
475

47^ Colonial
chimney smoke and the thought of supper that would
await him as he left his hard day's work without having
his happiness interfered with by a consciousness that
the rising smoke might attract savages. The children
could gather fresh flowers in the meadows ; women could
venture alone by the countryside and cattle could be allowed
to browse at will in the brushwood with only the merry
tinkle of the cow bell to disclose their whereabouts, so great
had become the security almost immediately after the war
had fully ended.
The town of Concord in common with others of the
colony early felt the welcome impetus and was not back
ward in taking advantage of the brightening prospect and
in accepting of the invitation of new circumstances to
develop her resources. Centrally situated as she was
among the townships of the county her territory was both
convenient and attractive and from time to time new
names were added to her list of inhabitants.
With the changed conditions came new sights and sounds
which formed a contrast with what had just preceded them
which was very marked.
Instead of the hurrying footsteps of forest messengers
coming with tidings of the 'near approach of war parties
and the sight of new levies of soldiers sent by the Council
to rendezvous at Concord and perhaps be billeted upon the
inhabitants, and of clumsy carts loaded with the goods
of fleeing refugees whose homes were menaced and guarded
by a convoy of grim troops, there was heard the rattle of
the hay-rigging coming from the meadow loaded with sedge
or from the field with corn, or the load of wood from the
forest or there might have been seen jogging to the grist mill,
the farmer from some remote district or from the border of
some adjacent town ; or the teamster from "up country"
going to market with his produce and that of his neighbor
to be exchanged in barter for such commodities as they
could not produce or make for themselves.
To a small extent the townships that had suffered the

Concord 477
most severely in the war were assisted by the colony in a
temporary abatement of taxes. "In 1676 valuable assistance
was rendered from a fund sent to America from Ireland
called the "Irish Charity Donation or Fund." The gift
was designed for the people of Massachusetts, Plymouth,
and Connecticut colonies and was made "by divers Chris
tians in Ireland for the relieffe of such as are Impoverished
Distressed and in Nessesitie by the late Indian Wars." It
came to this country by the "Good ship called the Kath
rine of Dublin." The fund is supposed to have been pro
cured by Rev. Nathaniel Mather a brother of Increase.1'
The tax abatement for the town in 1676 was £$o. f The
amount allowed Concord people from the charity fund was
£$o. Eighteen families consisting of seventy-two persons
received benefits from the fund.
The goods contributed consisted of oat meal, wheat,
malt, butter, and cheese. The appraised value of these
was as follows : malt "18s per ball, butter 6d, cheese 4d.
During the entire colonial period we conclude that the
regular routine of town business went on without much
essential variation. There were about the same officials to
be chosen from year to year the same objects for which to
appropriate money and the same ways and means to be
employed for meeting these things.
There was a careful surveilance by the town of all its
officials and of its affairs in general, and but little if any
thing was left at loose ends which appertained to the public
interest. The following copy of instructions given to the Concord
selectmen in the year 1672 shows the nature of subjects to be
looked after.
'"Instructions given to the Selectmen of Concord for
the year, 1672.
1 To see that the ministers Rates be discharged according
to time
1 To ascamen whether the meting house, be finised accord
ing to agreement, & if not, that it may be ; but if the

47 8 Colonial
agreement be fulfiled, then to take cear that somthing
be done to keep the water out, and that the pulpet be
altred.
4 That spedy kere be taken to mend or demales, the foote
bridg over the Riv' at the Iron Works :
5 To treat with Capt. Thomas Wheler about his leese of
the Townes farme & if it may be upon Resonable
termes to alter that perticuler wherein the Towne is
Jn Jnoiyned to send such a nomber cattle yearly to be
herded by him ;
6 To let out the land & housing where now John Law
dweles ; for the benefet of the towne,
7 To take order that all Corn filds be sufficently fenced
in seson, the Crane fild & bricke keld field espe
cially ;
8 And that incorigment be given for the destroing of
blackburds & Jaies;
9 That speciall cear be taken to preuent damiag by swine
in corne fieldes & medows
io That shepe & lames be keept from doing damiag in
cornefields ;
n To make a Record of all the habitationes, that are priv-
iledged with liberty at Comones ;
12 To take account of the laste yeares selectmen for what
is don, [due?] to the Towne by Reent by John Law,
or by givft by Joseph Meriam ; or otherwise of wright
dew to the Towne, not to Restraine the selectmen from
lenity towards John Law ;
13 To see that menes lands both Improved & unimproved
be truly broth, [brought in]
14 To take care that vndesiarable persones be not enter
tained ; so as to become inhabitants
1 5 To take cere that psones doe not ouer Charg ther Com
ones with Cattle,
16 That all psones that have taken the oath of fidellity be
Recorded,

Concord 479
17 That cere be taken that Cattle be herded, as much as
may be, with convenence
These perticolers were agreed vpon by vs whose names
are vnderwriten nehamia. hunt ; John fflint ; John
miles; Will dated 4: i.mo.;^ heartwell ; Tho; Wheler
Joshuah brooke Joseph ; heaward ; Gershom. Brooke,
Humpry barit John Billings"
But while public proceedings usually moved on uninter
ruptedly and with only here and there a ripple of change or
excitement in 1689 the rule was broken in upon by an event
which disturbed the whole town. This was an order by
the colonial authorities to compel all who would participate
in home government to become freemen or in other words
to qualify themselves by taking the following "freeman's
oath^ '"I, A. B., being by God's providence an inhabitant and
freeman within the jurisdiction of this commonwealth, do
freely acknowledge myself to be subject to the government
thereof, and therefore do swear, by the great and dreadful
name of the everlasting God, that I will be true and faithful
to the same, and will accordingly yield assistance and sup
port thereunto with my person and estate, as in equity I am
bound, and also truly endeavor to maintain and preserve all
the liberties and privileges thereof, submitting myself to the
wholesome laws and orders made and established by the
same ; and, further, that I will not plot nor practice any
evil against it, nor consent to any that shall do so, but will
timely discover and reveal .the same to lawful authority now
here established, for the speedy prevention thereof; more
over, I do solemnly bind myself, in the sight of God, that
when I shall be called to give my voice touching any such
matter of this state wherein freemen are to deal, I will give
my vote and suffrage, as I shall judge in my conscience, may
best conduce and tend to the public weal of the body, with
out respect of persons, or favor of any man. So help me
God, in the Lord Jesus Christ]'"
At an early stage of Colonial history only a freeman

480 Colonial
could vote or hold office or serve on a jury ; and only
church members could become freemen.
This rule which was formally in force till the close of the
administration of Sir Edmund Andros worked to the
exclusion of many substantial citizens. In process of
time however the rule became so changed that by taking
the oath of fealty to the Colony a person could vote in
municipal and military matters and hold town office. By
this change, whereby it was made possible for persons to be
elected to office without being subjected to the process
of becoming freemen, an active participation in town affairs
became more general. After a while however the. reform
had a setback; and in 1689, a few years before the Colony
passed into a Province, the old method was for a short
period revived ; and again no one could vote unless he had
been made a freeman. The immediate result of this move
ment was to lead many citizens who were church members
to apply to be made freemen. (
The following is a list ""preserved among the State
Archives Vol. 5 page 352, containing names of Concord
citizens who having complied with the conditions were con
stituted freemen at the time of the revival of the old method
of eligibility. That they were church members is evident
from the fact that only church members could be made
freemen. "In Concord ye 3 of Ist munth i6*>.
An acount taken of the nonfrreemen which are free hold
ers, whos housing and Lands do amount to the uallew of
six rante by the year.
Mr. James Minerd Nathanell Stow
Danell Dane Nathaell Harwood
Thomas gobile S(enior) Eliphelet fox
Robord Blood, S John Ball
John wheler, g Samuel fletcher
Nemiah hunt, S Timithy Ries
Samuell Davis, S Samuel Stratten
John Shaperd, S Johnethen habord

Concord 48 1
Abraham Tempel Joshua Wheler
Recherd Tempel James Smadly
Isaac Tempel Nathanell Buse
Simon Davis John wood
Roberd Blood Abraham wood
Simon Blood Obadiah wheler
Josiah Blood John Haward
Judath poter Thomas Wheler
John Jones Steuen Hosmer
John Hartwill
Thomas : Wheeler :
Homphary Baret
Nathaniel Billing Select men
Steuen Hosmor
Eliphelet ffox
21 March 1689. Voted by the Court to be firemen
Ebenezer Prout, Clerk
Consent*
Js* Addington Secry"
Besides the foregoing who are supposed to have given
the Court satisfactory credentials of Church membership
upon their application to be made freemen, we have the
following names of citizens who also applied to be made
freemen about the same time together with the requisite
certificate for church membership. "Concord March i2!h £
All whom ye knowledge of what is here exposed doth
concerne may please hereby to understand, that ye psons
here named are members in the full comunion of the
church ; Leiften* Simon Davis, Leiften* Jonathan Prescot,
Joseph ffrench, Thomas Pellot, Samuel Hunt ; Eliezer
fflag, Samuel Hartwell, Samuel Myriam, John Wheeler,
Samuel How, Abraham Taylor, John Hayward, Nathaniel
Ball, Samuel Wheate, Timothy Wheeler, John Myriam,
Daniel Pellet ; Wittnesses my hand ;
Edward Bulkely."
"22" March, 1689.

482 Colonial
All above written (Except Daniel Pellet) voted to be
ffreemen. his age being questioned. Jsa Addington Secry.
Ebenezer Prout Clerk.
certificate of church membership.
These documents are interesting not only as illustrative
of the working of the political system of the times, but
they are also valuable as indicating how large a proportion
of the town's population belonged to the church.
Among the more important events which occurred at
Concord during the latter part of the Colonial period was
the building of a new meeting house.
As stated in an early chapter of Part 1 the first meeting
house was built soon after the settlement began, and stood
upon the little hill by the "strate strete" at the beginning of
Lexington street. This which was undoubtedly built of
logs had no successor upon its perched position on the
hill top but was followed by a more imposing structure
erected upon the plain by the brook. (Agitation upon the
subject of a new house of public worship began soon after
the death of the first minister, and in 1667 a vote was taken
in town meeting to erect one. The building was to stand
"between the old edifice and Deacon Jarvis'," Jan. 27, 1668,
a committee consisting of Capt. Timothy Wheeler, Joseph
Wheeler, and John Smedly was chosen to plan and take
charge of the business of construction, and in 1672, the
selectmen were to see if the contract for completing
the work had been fulfilled. The new house of worship in
style closely resembled the old meeting house at Hingham,
Mass., which was built in 1681. It had a peeked roof
with four sides or slopes in which were dormer windows,
and was surmounted by a belfry. The main structure was
nearly square and had a gallery. Along the walls were
ranged a few pews, but the center was mostly filled with
plain seats. A vane was on the spire inscribed with the
date, 1673. |
As no'Turther reference will be made to ecclesiastical

Concord 483
matters of the Colonial period we will observe in passing
that the indications relative to the early church at Concord
are that its creed and its ministers were evangelical, and
that the religious traditions of the town are in substantial
accord with those of the typical Pilgrim and Puritan. The
light that shone in the wilderness was a gospel light and
among the twinkling stars that glittered through their
night of solicitude and sorrow none were as bright to the
settler as that which arose and stood over the place where
lay the Babe of Bethlehem. The Christ of that first
Christmas was the Christ of the Concord colonist. It
was to His word that he looked for guidance, by His sac
rifice he believed he would be saved, and upon this rock
he built his church.
One sign of progress after the close of Philip's war
was an increased interest in education. |Th the early years
of the township learning took a low place. The times
were hard. To obtain a livelihood required the greatest
effort, but straightened as its circumstances were, the
town was early supplied in its several districts with those
who were competent to teach the children and youth to
read and write. In 1665 complaint was made against the
town for its lack of a "Lattin Schoole Mr." It was also
about this time repeatedly reminded of its laxity in provid
ing educational privileges in general. /
In the Mass. Archives Vol. 129, page 130 is a paper of
indenture executed by the overseers of the poor of the town
of Boston and Ebenezer Prout of Concord by which a
child nine years of age was to be brought up. She was
to "Be taught perfectly to read English, Sew, Spin, and
Knit as she shall be capable ; " she was to be supplied with
"wholesome sufficient meat, drink, Apparel, washing, &
Lodging ; " and at the end of the term, she was to be dis
missed with "two new Suits of Apparel throughout, one for
Lord's days, the other for working days."
The date is 1688 and the term of indenture was until
the subject became 21 years old or was married. This

V

484 Colonial
transaction between Ebenezer Prout and the Boston
guardians of the poor corresponds in its substance to a
report of the town constables to the Council of the state of
education in Concord about 1680. In the report it is
stated that they found "no children or youth not taught to
read and know the Capital laws."
In addition to school privileges and the educational
agency and influence of the pulpit, the town was early
favored as has been stated in another part of this volume
with a catechistical exercise on the Lord's day, a practice
probably the first of its kind in this country, and if it may
be considered a Sunday school then the pioneer Sunday
school in America. The town early had a circulat
ing library and this too perhaps was the first one in
the country. In 1672, the town instructed the selectmen
"That ceare be taken of the bookes of marters & other
bookes, that belong to the Towne, that they be kept from
abeuce uesage, & not to be lent to any person more then
one month at one time."
At this distant day it is not easy to conceive of the exact
methods of pronunciation in the every day conversa
tion. From the manner of spelling it is possible to sup
pose what may have been the style of pronouncing certain
syllables. An occasional use of the letter a instead of e in
such words as certain and clerk easily leads to the conjec
ture that they were pronounced as to the first syllable like a
in far. In the use of the letter e for i in such words as dis
trict and little, the inference is that they were pronounced
as they were spelled.
The writing of various words with a terminal e, which
are written in modern times without it as in the words "poore"
and "yeare" may suggest the possible prolongation or trill
ing of the letter r. So also where double consonants begin a
word as "ffirst" for first, a natural conclusion may be that
the sound of the syllable containing it was somewhat
lengthened.

Concord 485
The absence of any elision of the letter h in words that
begin with an aspirate lead to the inference that none of
the English settlers at Concord'elided the aspirate in their
talk. The cause of common schools received an impetus in 1 687
by a gift of land as set forth in the following clause
in the will of Capt. Timothy Wheeler who died in July of
that year.
"I Give to the Towne of Concord my house that stands
near Eliaz. Fleggs house with the Land that itt stands upon
and is joyned to itt ; wch is about Three acres ; be itt more
or Lesse bounded by the Highway on the North East by
my Land (viz') the Gutter and Eliazer Fleggs Land on the
North West & South This I say I Give to the said Towne
to be improved as followeth [viz'] ; That about halfe an
acre of the said Lott be laid out to the training place the
fence to Run from the Corner of the House to the brow of
the Hill upon a straight Lyne ; the Dwelling house with
the rest of the Land w*h all that is upon itt I give to be
Improved for the furtherance of Learning and the Support
of a Schoole in the said Towne" /
The more notable real estate transactions during the
later years of the Colonial period consisted mainly in the
adjustment of relations already existing or in minor transfers
of original grants.
In 1667, an agreement was reached relative to a matter ot
controversy which had long been going on concerning the
Bulkeley mill privilege. As has been stated in the story
of the town's settlement a corn or grist mill was caused to
be erected by Parson Peter Bulkeley on the mill brook the
dam of which was near the present public square. When
he died the property was conveyed to his widow Grace Chet-
wood Bulkeley and shortly after there arose the vexed
question as to what were the exact rights of flowage,
which were accorded to the mill proprietor when the town
granted the mill privilege. The land about the mill pond was
valuable on account of its near proximity to the public

486 Colonial
places and it might take but a slight elevation of the "splash
boards" of the dam to cause the water of the pond to
encroach upon it and occasion "wetness" about the new
meeting house grounds, and the town pound and perhaps
damage the tan pits. In several instances the town offi
cials had been instructed to guard the immediate vicinity
of the backyard of the meeting house against inundation
from the water of the mill brook.
But the temptation to augment the mill power by increas
ing the fall at the flume was perhaps only a natural one, and
hence in spite of expostulation on the part of the public the
maximum height was adhered to until matters Were settled
by arbitrament of the court whose verdict was as follows :
"1. That the ounors of the sajd mill shall have liberty
from tjme to time, & at all tjmes, to rajse the water fowre
ffootetenn inches perpendiccular ffrom thebottome of the mill
troffe, as now it lieth at the head of the milne pond, but
the wast or low shott not to be made narrower then now it is,
or to be raysed higher then to rajse the water (at the head
of the pond) to fower ffoote seuen inches ffrom the bottom
of the milne troffe before the water runns ouer the wast.
2. What land lyeth vnder water, by reason of the milne
pond, at such a head of water as aforesajd, shall be the pro
priety & propper right of the ounors of the sajd mill for
euer, excepting alwayes that land which the toune of Con
cord haue formerly granted to any of their inhabitants, all
wch land each proprietor shall enjoy according to his toune
grant after the mill is wholly disannulled.
3. The ounors of the sajd mill for euer shall not be
'iable to sattisfy any damage donn tp any person or persons
whatsoeuer, by such a head of water kept and majntejned
as before sajd.
4. The ounors of the sajd mill foreuer shall enjoy the
benefit of all that water wch may be obteyned by any
menes formerly attempted i. e. to the higth of such a head
of water as aforesajd, wch water shall not be diverted by any

Concord 487
person or persons whatsoeuer.
5. Lastly. The ounors of the sajd mill foreuer shall
enjoy priuiledge on the comons for clay & sand convenient
for the repaire of the mill damage from tjme to tjme as
formerly they haue enjoyed. Symon Willard
Jno Founell, &
johnathan danforth.
The Court approoves of this return."
In 1686 there was an adjustment of the controversy
relating to the Blood farms. JThese farms consisted of cer
tain territory in and about the present town of Carlisle. A
part of them was owned by Robert Blood as early as 1642.
Because situated outside the boundary line of any town the
dwellers on them were styled borderers. These farms
being in no incorporated town were without civil or ecclesi
astical status. The occupants paid their rates in Billerica
but when the Indian war came they paid their rates in Con
cord, and had the protection of Concord's garrison houses.
Subsequently these rates by order of the Court were refunded
to Billerica. The question of jurisdiction in this and sim
ilar instances was settled by the General Court Oct. 11,
1682. After citing facts in cases of a like nature that had
occurred in different places it ordered that Borderers should
pay the county treasurer two shillings for every two hun
dred acres of land ; and towns were to "assess all country
grants of lands & all belonging to peculiar persons that lye
neerest to each toune or tounes."
Upon this authority the Concord constables went to the
Blood farms with a tax warrant. They were roughly
received by Robert and his son. The consequence was
that Robert Blood Sr. was fined ten pounds for ill treat
ment of the officers and "vilifying his Majesty's authority."
The exact merits of the case at this distant day may not be
known. The occupants of the Farms were obliged to pay
rates whether they received benefits or not. Their
roads were poor, they were remote from church priv-

488 Colonial
leges and were doubtless having a hard time enough
in the distant wilderness. The matter was however settled
March 17, 1686, Robert Blood with the assent in writing
of his sons Robert and Simeon negotiated a treaty with
Peter Bulkeley Esq, Henry Woodis and John Smedly
Senior, acting for Concord, by which Robert Blood should
thereafter pay to Concord all civil and ecclesiastical dues
incumbent upon him, and a due proportion ot whatever
expense there might be in building and repairing the meet
ing house.
On the other hand Robert and his heirs were to be
exempted from all town offices and their waste land was
not to be reckoned in their minister's rates.
It was also agreed that convenient roads should be laid
out for them at the town's expense, and no town rates
were to be assessed to them except as above specified.
The adjustment of the civil relations of the "Blood
farms" to the town of Concord ended a long controversy
and one in which all the parties to it doubtless believed
that they were in the right.
By the terms of adjustment however the territory did not
necessarily become a part of the township neither was it
always considered a part of it.
For years after the discussion was ended the Concord
selectmen before their triennial perambulation of the town
boundary lines were accustomed to notify the proprietors
of the Blood farms in accordance with the rule usually
observed in such cases where the officials of one town not
ify those of another of their proposed examination of bound
aries. *
— These farms became a part of Carlisle.! The following
is an outline sketch of the Blood family: (The American
ancestor was James, who went to Concord in 1639. James
Blood is said to have been a brother of Col. James Blood
known in English history in connection with the reign of
Charles 11. He died Nov. 17, 1683 leaving a large estate.
His wife Ellen died in 1674. James and Ellen Blood had

Concora 489
five children Mary, Richard, John, James and Robert.
Mary married Lieut. Simon Davis. Richard was one of
the first settlers of the town of Groton and was one of its
prominent land proprietors. He left a large family of chil- <
dren whose descendants have been quite numerous. John l
died in 1692. He and his brother Robert owned over two
thousand acres of land in Concord including the Blood farms
which were inherited by the children of Robert.
James married Hannah, a daughter of Oliver Purchis of
Lynn, and lived at what has since been known as the "Old
Manse" owning a tract of territory thereabouts. He was
a deacon in the church and died Nov. 26, 1692. His wife
died in 1677. They left only one child.
Robert married Elizabeth, a daughter of Major Simon
Willard in 1653. They had twelve children. Robert
Blood died Oct. 27, 1701. His wife Elizabeth died Aug.
29, 1690. ' /
In 1684", many years after the purchase and transfer a
confirmatory deed was obtained from the heirs or their
representatives of the land in the new grant. The
reason for obtaining these deeds was the preservation of
evidence, and the importance of it was perhaps occasioned
by the threats of Sir Edmund Andros to vitiate landed titles.
The following are copies.
~"To all People to whom these presents may come, Greet
ing Know ye that We, Mary Neepanaum John Speen and
Sarah Speen Dorothy Winnetow Peter Muckquamack of
Natick and James Speen & Elizabeth Speen his wife of
Waymasset Indians For and in Consideration of a valuable
sum of money to us in hand paid by Capt. Timothy
Wheeler Henry Woodis James Blood and John Flint The
Receipt whereof we do hereby acknowledge and therewith
to be fully satisfied and contented have sold and by these
presents do sell aliene enfeoffe and confirm unto the said
Capt. Timothy Wheeler Henry Woodis James Blood &
John Flint of Concord in the County of Middlesex in the
Massachusetts Colony in New England for the use and

49° Colonial
behoof of themselves and the rest of the Proprietors of the
said Town of Concord a certain tract or parcel of Land
containing by Estimation a Thousand acres be the same
more or less and is situate lying and being within the last
Grant of Land by the General Court to the said Town of
Concord and is bounded Southeast by Sudbury & the Land
of Stow alias [Pompasitticut] and Northwest by the said
Stow running by them upon that Line about a Mile and a
Quarter, near to a Hill by the Iudians called Naaruhpanit
and from thence by a strait Line to the North River at the
old bounds of the said Town of Concord unto them the said
Timothy Wheeler Henry Woodis James Blood & John
Flint for themselves and for the use & behoof of the Rest
of the Proprietors of the said Town of Concord to them
their heirs assigns and successors forever and we the said
Mary Neepanaum John Speen and Sarah Speen his wife
Dorothy Winnetow Peter Muckquamuck and James Speen
and Elizabeth his wife, do hereby covenant and Promise to
and with the foresaid Timothy Wheeler 'Henry Woodis
James Blood & John Flint and the rest of the Proprietors
of the said Town of Concord that we are the true proprietors
of and have good Right & full power to grant bargain & sell
the above granted & bargained premises unto the said Timo
thy Wheeler Henry Woodis James Blood and John Flint
and the Rest of the Proprietors of the said Town of Con
cord to them their heirs successors and assigns forever and
that the said Timothy Wheeler Henry Woodis James Blood
John Flint and the Rest of the Proprietors of the said Town
of Concord them their heirs assigns and successors forever
shall and may at all Times and from time to time forever
hereafter peaceable have hold occupy possess and enjoy the
above granted Premises in fee simple, be the same more or
less without the Let denial or contradiction of us the said
Mary Neepanaum John Speen, & Sarah Speen his wife
Dorothy Winnetow Peter Muckquamuck and James Speen
and Elizabeth his wife, or any of us or any of our heirs or
any other person or persons whatsoever lawfully claiming &

Concord 49 1
naveing any Right Title or Interest therein or to in any
part or parcel thereof —
In acknowledgment of this our act & Deed we have here
to put our hands and seals this fifth Day of May in the
year of our Lord one thousand six hundred eighty &
four Signed Sealed & Deld in John Speen his mark and seal
the presence of Sarah Speen her mark and seal
Moses Parker James Speen and seal
Noah Brooks Elizabeth Speen her mark and
Samuel Wheeler Junr seal
Benjamin Bohow his mark Dorothy Winnetow her mark
Sarah Bohow her mark and seal
John Speen & Sarah his wife James Speen and Eliza
beth his wife and Dorothy alias Winnetow acknowledged
the within written instruement to be their Act & Deed.
May 5. 1684. before Peter Bulkeley assist.
The following deed purports to convey eight thousand
acres : ....
"To People to whom These presents may come
Greeting Know ye that We John Thomas and Naanons-
quaw his wife Tasunsquaw The Relict of Wawbon decd
and eldest Daughter to Tasattawan Sagamore deca Thomas
Wawbon her son Solomon Thomas John Nasquaw James
Casumpal Senr and Sarah his wife & Sarah the Relict widow
of Peter Conoway Indians for and in Consideration of the
sum of one and twenty pounds, fifteen of it long since paid
to us [blank in record] and the Remainder which is six
pounds is now paid to us by Capt. Timothy Wheeler
Henry Woodis James Blood and John Flint of Concord
the Receipt whereof we do hereby acknowledge and there
with to be fully satisfied and contented have sold and by
these presents do sell aliene enfeoffe and confirm unto the
said Timothy Wheeler Henry Woodis James Blood and
John Flint of Concord in the County of Middlesex in the
Massachusetts Colony in New England for the use &
behoof of themselves and the Rest of the Proprietors of

49 2 Colonial
the said Town of Concord a certain Tract or parcel of Land
containing by Estimation Eight Thousand acres be he
same more or less and is situate lying and being within the
last Grants of Land by the General Court to the Towntof
Concord and is bounded Southeast by. the old bounds of the
said town of Concord and is bounded Easterly partly by
Billerica partly by a Farm formerly laid out by Major Wil
lard for himself and partly by Chelmsford till it meets with
Nashoby Line and then Westerly by the said Nashoby
to the Southeast Corner of the said Nashoby and [then
northerly] by the said N [ashoby] till it meets with St [ow]
and so bounded northwest by the said Stow till it comes
Near to a Hill by the Indians called Naaruhpanit and then
running upon a strait Line to the North River at the old
bounds of the said Town of Concord unto them the said
Timothy Wheeler Henry Woodis James Blood John Flint
agents for the Town of Concord and to the rest of the Pro
prietors of the Town of Concord to them their Heirs and
Successors and assigns forever and we the said John
Thomas and Nasquaw James Casumpat and Sarah his wife
and Sarah the Relict widow of Peter Conoway do hereby
covenant and promise to and with the foresaid Timothy
Wheeler Henry Woodis James Blood John Flint and the
rest of the Proprietors of the Town of Concord that we are
the true Proprietors of and have good Right & full power
to grant bargain and sell the above granted and barganed
premisesunto the said Timothy Wheeler Henry Woodis
James Blood & John Flint and the rest of the Proprietors
of the Town of Concord to them their heirs Successors and
assigns forever and that the said Timothy Wheeler Henry
Woodis James Blood and John Flint &the rest of the pro
prietors of the said Town of Concord to them their Heirs
Successors & assigns shall and may at all times &from time
to time forever hereafter peaceably have hold occupy possess
and enjoy the above granted premises in fee simple be the
same more or less without the Let denial or contradiction
of us the said John Thomas and Naaonsquaw his wife Tas-

Concord 493
unsquaw widow and eldest Daughter of Tasattawan Late
Sagamore decd Thomas Wawbon Solomon Thomas John
Nasquaw James Casumpat Senr & Sarah his wife and Sarah
the Relict widoPeter Conoway or any of us or any of our
heirs or any other person or persons whatsoever lawfully
claiming & having any Right Title or Interest therein or
two or in any part or parcel thereof.
In acknowledgement of this our act & Deed we have
hereto put our hands and seals this fourteenth Day of
Augustin the year of our Lord one Thousand Six hundred
Eighty and four.
Signed Sealed & Del'd, John Thomas his mark and seal
in tne presence of Naanunsquaw her mark and seal
Ebenezer Ingolds Tasunsquaw her mark and seal
Joseph Shambery his mark Thomas Wabon and seal
Andrew Pittamey his mark Solomon Thomas his mark
and seal James Casumpat Senr his mark
and seal
John Nasquaw his mark and seal
Sarah the widow of Peter
Conoway her mark and seal
Sarah the wife of James
Casumpat her mark and seal
Midd. ss. Concord August the 29 1730 before his Majesty's
Court of General Sessions of the Peace appeared Mr.
Joseph Woolley and made oath that he was present and
saw John Thomas Naanonsquaw Tasunsquaw Thomas
Wabun Solomon Thomas James Casumpat John Nasqua
Sarah the widow of Peter Conaway and Sarah the wife of
James Casumpat execute the within Instrument as their act
& Deed and that he together with Ebenezer Ingolds Joseph
Shamberry & Andrew Pittamey at the same time set to their
hands as Witnesses to the Execution thereof
Att Saml Phipps Cler. Pads"
In 1 67 1 Peter Bulkeley of London a son of Rev. Peter

494 Colonial
Bulkeley sold to Timothy Prout for the sum of £4$, a
tract of land of which it is said "the said Farm Lyeth upon
and in the southerly part of the town of Concord.
In 1683 and 84 it is asserted in a deposition that three
separate families lived upon this land viz : Thomas Skinner,
Thomas Pratt, Ephraim Ropes.
The following town record with date March 7, 1692,
relates to the transfer of a small piece of land about the
present public square.
"Eliazer Flagge of sd town did Request of the towne a
peese of Grownd near to the meting house ye bredth of y*
pownd all between the pownd & ye mill Brook ajoining to
ye land y* was formerly Thomas Danes, and the Inhabi
tants did then freely Give the sayd litle plott of Ground
unto the sayd Eliazer Flagge to set his tan pits upon it as
his own land."
On May 14, 1692 the Massachusetts Bay Colony passed
into a Province, and the old charter signed March 14, 1629,
gave place to a new one signed by King William, which
remained in force till the Revolution in 1775.
Before the going out of the old Charter and the coming
in of the new, there was an interval of six years or more
which has been styled the inter charter period. During
this interval the affairs of state were administered by a com
mission which came to this country in the frigate Rose, and
consisted of a council of which Joseph Dudley was the Pres
ident. The remainder of the period governmental matters
were managed by Sir Edmund Andros who arrived in this
country Dec. 9, 1686, on the Kingfisher bearing with him
authority to act as Governor of all New England.
The administration of Andros was an obnoxious one.
There was oppressive taxation, increased expenditures by
the rulers, and a threatened invalidating of all real estate titles.
It is not improbable that because of this, Indian deeds were
obtained about this time of lands bought many years before,
the people doubtless thinking that a deed thus obtained of
the aboriginal proprietors would stand the test of anything ;

Concord 495
but Andros arrogantly informed the people that such papers
were worth no more than the "scratch of a bear's paw."
After a short period of misrule during which the endur
ance of the people was terribly strained, and toleration of
his tyranny was almost exhausted, a revolt came. The
people arose in defense of their jeopardized rights, and
with great unanimity began to take measures to defend
their traditional liberties.
The administration of Andros was overthrown, and there
was a reinstatement of the government which existed in
1686. During the transition from a colony to a province, soci
ety was greatly disturbed and the people of the various
townships met, and discussed the existing condition
of things. As a rule they were quite unanimous
in their decisions and actions concerning their charter
privileges. During this process of political change Concord was with
the majority in an adherence to vested rights.
On April 19, 1689, Lieut. John Heald mustered the
town's military company and started for Boston to assist in
the expected revolt.
When the town met in convention on May 22, to con
sider the situation, their vote was cast for a reinstatement of
the government which was in accordance with the charter
of 1685, and to await orders from the new sovereign of
Great Britain.
Before, however, the meeting of the Concord people in
convention by their delegates, the inhabitants had defined
their attitude as is expressed by the following copy of the
selectmen's certificate.
"Att a meeting of the ffree- Holders of the Towne of
Concord, wee do mutually desire that according as wee have
declared ourselves by a writeing sent by the Hands of our
representatives, that our authority chosen & sworn in the
year 1686 w'h thedeputyes then chosen & sent to the court
may reasume their places and if that cannot be attained, our

496 Colonial
desires is that that a councell of war may be chosen & set
tled by our representitives when met together att boston
w"1 the rest of the representitives of the country."
It is a notable fact that three times upon the 19th of
April with about a century between each, the town's
militia have marched forth in the interest of American
democracy. The first in 1689, to assert it, the second in
1775 to create it, and the third in 1861 to protect it.
At this period the "Clerk of Representatives" was
Ebenezer Prout, a citizen ot Concord, and when the order
was issued for the removal of Andros for safe keeping till
he could be returned to England, there to be tried for mal-
easance of office, the order was signed by Mr. Prout.

Index

Aantonuish, 276
Acadians, 32
Acton, Mass., 64 176 210 216 277 335
38S
Acton Minute Company, 4 127
Adams, Daniel, 453
Addington, Ann, 412
Joshua, 482
Ahatawance, 31
Ahattawance, 383
Alcott, Bronson, 10 13
Louisa M., 10 13
Allen, Rev. Thomas, 279
Amherst, General, 270,
Anderson, Cornelius, 413
Andover, Mass., 350
Andros, Gov., 334394 480 494
Annusnuc, 17 97 181 204 257 308
Antiquarian House, 7 310
Apequinask, 371
Appleton, Major, 407
Samuel, 393 398
Ashland, Mass., 103
Assabet, 28 98 125 129 170 181 250
289 459
Atawans, 274
Atkinson, Rebecca, 182
Attawan, 383
Attawance, 383
Attleboro, Mass., 396
Ayer, Mass., 84 388 465
B
Baker, Amos, 288
George M., 306
William, 165 289
Ball, Eleazer, 453
John, 65 480
Nathaniel, 165 288
Thomas, 405

Banks, Gov. Nathaniel P., 17
Barnes, John, 425
Barrett, Capt. Richard, 297
Col. James, 5 7 302 307 308
Col. Richard, 174
Deacon Thomas, 7 309
Edwin S., 462
Henry A., 305
Humphrey 210 287 289 453
481 John, 453 405
Joseph, 178 288 296 297
Nathan, 304
William, 452 f
Bateman, Eleazer, 405
John, 452 453
Joseph, 452
Pond 285
Sarah, 213
Thomas, 64 65 99 101
285 348
William, 64 65
Battle Ground, 5 9
Battle Lawn, 308
Bay Road, 205
Beaver Pond, 39 278 285 286
Bedford, Mass., 7 102 126 184 216 278
Bedfordshire, Eng., 24 64
Beers, Lieut. Richard, 336 337
Bell Rock, 410
Berwick, Eng., 65
Berry Corner, 277
Best, Elizabeth, 210
Billerica, Mass., 102 165 278 350355
356 404 492
Billerica Road 165
Billings Daniel, 405
John, 288 479
Nathaniel, 288 405
Black Horse Church, 295
Black Horse Tavern, 173
Blackstone, Sir William, 198

11

Index

Bliss, Rev. Daniel, IB 305
Phebe, 334
Block House, 300 304 305
Blood, Col. James, 488
Ellen, 488
James, 65 99 286 287 489
289 308 470 337 488 492
James Jr., 2 287 374
John, 279 287 489
Josiah, 481
Mary, 374 489
Richard, 454489
Robert, 217 279 480 481 487
488 489
Simon, 481
Thomas, 287
Bloody Brook, 420
Bodge, Rev. G. M., 371 378 379 440
Bohow, Benjamin, 338 491
Sarah, 338 491
Bound Rock, 465
Boxboro, Mass., 388
Braintree, Mass., 180 324 350 371
Brattlebank, Capt., 430
Brattle, Thomas, 249 470
Bridge, Darby, 124 129 219 231 233
Derby, 129
North, 4 5 7 17 124 125 127
128 164
Old Town, 16 124
Potter's, 129 155 291
South, 13 17 38 125 129
Fort, 129
Brister's Hill, 12
Bristol R. I., 344
Brocklebank, Capt. Samuel, 418
420 423
Brooks, Caleb 216 288
Capt. Thomas, 216
Freeman, 12
Gershom, 216 476
Goodwife, 206 216
Gov. John, 216
Grace, 216

Brooks, Hannah, 215
Henry, 216
Hon. George, M 216
Hon. Peter C, 216
Isaac, 288
Joseph 216
Joshua, 216 288
Mary, 216
Nathan, 405
Thomas, 65 156 216 281
283 286
Brown, Boaz, 287 462
Eleazer, 452
Ephraim, 287 404
John, 13
Rev. Edmund, 270 424 425
Reuben, 7 16 310
Thomas, 287 394 395 399
404 462
Broad Meadow, 270
Brooke, Thomas, 212
Brusse, Joseph, 395
Bryant, 82
Bull, Ephraim, 300
Garrison House, 396
Bulkeley, Col. Peter, 386
Daniel 327
Dorothy 327
Edward 327
Eleazer 327
Elizabeth, 333 334
George 327
Gershom 327
Grace, 288 485
Grist Mill, 289 309
Hon. Peter, 333 349
Jabez 327
Jane, 333
Jerry, 407
John, 327 333
Joseph, 327 405
Mary, 327 333
Nathaniel 327
Peter 327

Index

m

Bulkeley, Peter Esq. 165 Charlestown, Mass., 170 211 279 303
Rev.Peter, 22 63 64 155 178 27 321 450 464 468

286 321 289 332 333 494 405
Rev. Edward, 286 288
332 333 341 453
Richard 327
Robert, 325
Thomas 327
William 327
Burgess, Thomas, 165
Busch, J. J., 310
Buss, Anne, 169
Joseph, 394 404
Buss, Sergeant William, 101 167
William, 166 341 348
Buttrick, Maj. John, 7 213 307
Jonas, 287
Jonathan, 307 404
Joshua, 287
Joseph, 425 460
Mary, 460
Samuel, 404
Sarah, 460
William, 65 212 223 275
284 287 340348 460
c
Cambridge, Mass. 20 23 24 83 817
295 831 375 394 453 469 473
Cane Jane, 405
John, 405
Canonchet, 409 410 417 464
Canton, Mass., 377
Carlisle, Mass., 52 64 176 216 277 287 Curry, David, 461

Chelmsford, Mass., 7 337355-357 384
389 391 404410455 464 465 492
Child, Lydia Maria, 16
Church, Trinitarian, 8 165 166
Clark, Rev. Thomas, 333 350
William, 405
Cochituate, Mass., 31 103
Colefoxe, William, 217
Colonial, The, 4 290 300 311 312
Corny, David 425 459 460 461
Elizabeth, 461
Ester, 461
John, 461
Conaway, Peter, 339 491 493
Concord Junction, 98 129 459
Conway, Peter, 441 491-493
Conkcascogan, 368
Conkganasca, 368
Cook, Joseph, 340
Costin, Coslinor, 320
Coventry, Jonathan, 217
Cowell, Capt., 435 436
Coy, Corporal, 355
Crown Point, 107 365
Cromwell, Oliver, 294
Cudworth, Gen., 181
Cummings, Dr. Alexander, 178
Squire, 12
Curtis, Ephraim, 357-359 368 369 374
Henry, 374

488 Bridge, 279
Casumpal, James, 339 491
Sarah, 339 491 492
Casumpat, Peter, 492 493
Sarah' 492 493
Chamberlain, Benj.
Joseph, 454
Chandler, Samuel, 402 404 405
Charles River, 24

Cutshamekin, 385 D
Dakin, Deacon Samuel, 270 365
Eli, 462
Franklin, 457
Samuel, 374 480
Thomas, 183 265 285 288
Dane, Daniel, 286 480
Joseph, 165

IV

Index

Dane, Thomas, 164
Danes, Thomas, 494
Danforth, Johnathan 487,
Thomas, 275 276 340
Davis, Hopewell, 452
Captain Isaac, 4 126 127 366
Dolor, 374 469
John, 470
Joseph, 288
Ruth, 374
Simon, 210 357 358 364 374
404 469 470 481 489
Dean, Daniel, 288 405
Joseph, 288
Dedham, Mass., 48
Densmore, 204
Dennison, Daniel, 351
Dock Square, 170
Dorchester, Mill, 385
Doublet, Thomas, 35 473 387 391
440 473
Sarah, 441
Davenport, Captain, 394 397 399
407 415 416
Drake, Samuel G-, 384-386 411 385
Draper, Roger, 280
Dudley, Catherine, 217
Joseph, 349 494
Thomas, 278
Dunstable, Mass., 467 470
Dunster, President, 84
E
Eames, Thomas, 410
Eastham, Mass., 217
East Lexington, Mass., 101
Eckfeldt, Thomas, 307
Edmonds, Mary, 460
Edmands, Joshua, 284
Egg Rock, 30 96 98 125 298
Elwell, David, 297
Emerson, Edward, 334
Ellen, 10
Peter 334

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 9 10 11 16 298
334 Rev. Joseph, 333 334
Rev. William, 9 15 147 33
William, 334
Endicott, Gov., 323
Engoldsbey, Ebenezer, 339
Essex, Mass., 401 464
Estabrook, 147 453
Rev. Joseph, 178 327 332
Evarts, John, 320
William, 320
Everettville, Mass., 441
Everetts, George, 165
Exeter, N. H. 450
Eyres, Sergeant, 355

Fairfield, Conn., 46 320 327
Fairhaven Bay, 158 286
Pond, 17
Farrar, Elizabeth, 302
George, 461
Jacob, 425 461
John, 461
Farre, Stephen, 394 395 462
Farwell, James, 288
John, 165
Fay, Jonathan, 296
First Parish Meeting House, 71 47
Flagg, Eliazer, 494
Fletcher, Francis, 165 288
Paul, 453
Samuel, 452 453 480
Samuel Jr., 452
William, 165
Flint, Abigail, 325
Benjamin, 325
Edward, 324
Ephraim, 288 324 333
Farm, 324
Hannah, 325
James, 325

Index

Flint, Jane, 325
John, 210 287 324 337 349
489-492Josiah. 181
Mary, 325
Rev. Henry, 324
Thomas, 65 90 153 224
321-325William, 324
Flint's Bridge, 30
Pond, 97 135
Forest Lake, 153
Forge Pond, 388
Fort Edward, 270
Foster, Rev. Edmund, 411
Fowler, George, 52
Fox, Eliphalet, 165 288 480
Framingham, Mass., 404
French Neutrals, 177
French, Daniel W. 4
Corporal, 356
Reuben, 287
Freeman, Brister, 12
Fenda, 12
Fuller, William, 155 156

Gardiner, Joseph, 394 407
Gobble, Stephen, 452-454 '
Thomas, 286 288 480
Gobely, David, 454
Golden Balls Tavern, 172
Goldsmith, 268
Gomps, 387
Gomgos, 336
Gondisbert. 314
Goodnow, Jane, 460
Goodmans, Capt., 430
Gookin,, Capt, 369
General, 38
Major, 29 31 36 37 276 340
350 367 377 380 385 439
440473

Grafton, Mass., 387
479 Grand Pre, N. S. 32
Grant, U. S. 18
Graves, Benjamin, 453 454
Gray, William, 296 298
Green Hill, 36 436 424 427
Greenlaw, W. P. 333 335
Griffin, Richard, 323
Griggs John 405
Groton, Mass., 83 84 176 321 335
350 362 374389 390 404 438
463-468 470
Gulf Brook 38 42 H
Habord Johnethen 480
Hadlocke Deborah 462
Half-way Brook 270
Hale Sir Matthew 198
Hall Stephen 340 374
Halsted William 261
Hancock John 7
Hancock Capt. John 7
Hapgood Sydrach 340 355
Harper's Ferry 13
Hartwell Ebenezer 301
John 165 288
Jason 202 205
Jazen 204
Samuel 405
William 24 25 101 182
185 204 205 210 453 28S
Harvard, Mass., 83
Harvard College 84 147 320 325 328
423
Hartford, Conn., 24
Harwood Herbert J. 383 390
Nathaniel 480
Harvy Richard 74
Margaret 74
Hasnemesuchoth 387
Haslock John 454
Haskins Ruth 334

VI

Index

Hassamnanesit, 377
Hastings, Corner 155
Haverhill, Mass., 350
Hawthorne. Nathaniel 9-11
Thomas, 15
Haynes, James House 366 424 429
John, 340
Walter, 424 432
Hayward, George, 65183340395399
462
Hannah, 182
John, 173 182183 270 340
Joseph, 182 341 479
Major, 337
Mary, 183
Mary, 182 183
Sarah, 182
Simon, 183
Heald John, 43 65 287 453 495
Major, B F 277
Heaward, George, 99 281
Heywood Thomas 348 386 389 390
Abel, 13 179 287
George, 151183 182
John, 158 166 182 183 288
Jonathan, 179
Samuel, 182 183
William, 425
Sarah, 183
Joseph, 183
Benorii, 182
Heyden William, 288
Hingham, Mass. 146 350
Hlnchman, Thomas 210
Hoar, Bridget 181
Daniel, 181
Hon. George, F. 18 441
Hon. Samuel, 18 258
Joanna, 180
John 32 33 180-182 377380412
441 446-449
John, Jr. 181
Judge E Rockwood, 13 18 301

Hoar, Leonard 181
Hoare, 33 34 35
Hobbs, Brook 101
Hobbommoc, 28
Hockhurst, England, 64
Hogpenwalk, 17 285
Holland, F 305
Holdridge Richard, 340
Hooker, Rev. 24
Hopkinton, 16 377
Hopkins, 250
Hosmer, 14 64
Abigail, 258
Abner, 4
Alice, 258
Anne 258,
Edmund, 282
Ensign, 2 51 64
George, 45$
Hannah, 258
James, 24 46 64 101 250 258
259 306 314 425 430 459
John, 46 314
Joseph, 258
Mary, 258
Stephen, 258
Thomas, 258
Hough Atherton, 279
How Samuel, 394 405
Howe John, 172
Hubbard, 15
Deacon, 184
Hunt Capt. 129
Elizabeth, 152 210
Isaac, 210 211
Hannah, 210 211
Nehemiah, 210 211
Robert, 211
Samuel, 210
Simon, 211
William, 65 210 211
William, H 211

Index

vn

Hunton Capt. 430
Hurd's Pond 211

Ingraham Cato, 12 314
Captain, 19
Duncan, 12 19
Ipswich, Mass., 450 Lane
Irish Charity Fund, 477 Lang
Island, Deer, 32 35 36 181 380 412 440Lanham District, 211
T Lathrop Capt., 463

Lakin, John, 464
Law John, 478
Lancaster, Mass., 35 83 84 103 258 314
321 335 340 350 379 390 391
404 410 411 420 438 439 441
460 461 464-467 470 473
Albert, 289
D. G., 289

Jacobs, Capt., 437
Jarvis, Edward, 293
Jehojakim, 64
Jobson, 93
John One Eyed, 438
Johnson Edward, 65 66 70 72
Jones Captain, 397
Elisha, 5 300-301
Ephraim, 6 173 309
James, 287
John, 20 46 64 67 135 287 320
Samuel, 301
Tavern, 172 288
Thomas, 301
William, 453
Josiah Capt., 384 K
Kato, 32 64 103
Kattenanit,473Kehonosquaw, 384
Kelley William, 340
Kennebec River, 470
Kennedy Louisa, 305
Kent John, 405
Keyes John S-, 5 173 289 301 302 305 Makunkokoag, 377
Mrs. John S„ 304 Maiden, Mass., 410
Prescott, 307 Marlboro, Mass., 210 340 359 362
Kingston, R. I., 65 395 363 367 369 372 377 379
Kneller Sir. Godfrey, 335 384 404 415 418 420 421
Kutquen, 441 437 439 470

Lawrence Peleg, 387
Lee John, 296
Dr. Joseph, 178 227 295 296
Silas, 296
Lee's Farm, 294
Hill, 128
Legrosse, 314
Leihtenegger, 314
Lettin Richard, 280
Leverett Gov., 473
Lexington Mass., 6 10 17 99 101 205
309 404
Library Public, 17 168 258 293 295 307
Lincoln Mass., 6 11 17 101 153 176 216
278 288 324 jgg
Littleton Mass., 30 103 335 349 377
388 390-392 404
Londonderry. N. H. 176
Long John D., 470
Longfellow Henry W-, 16
Lothrop Daniel (Mrs.), 11
Lowell Mass., 103 377 384
Lynde Judge 180
Lynn Mass., 294 321340
M
Macloud Mordacai, 438

Vlll

Index

Marshall, Thomas, 294 321
Marshfield, Mass., 333
Mason, Captain, 429
Hugh, 216 419
Robert, 275
Massachusetts Bay 70 292
Bay Colony 30 98 84 175
204 218 335
Massasoit, 344
Mather, Cotton, 47 50 61 177 197
218Increase, 198 199 477
Nathaniel, 477
Matlock, Eng., 65 457
Maudsley, Henry, 412
Maynard, Mass., 103
Mayo, Rev. John,171
Medfield, Mass., 350 418
Medford, Mass., 103 216
Melvin, John, 452
Memininisset, 371 409 417 473
Meriam's Corner, 7 69 102 349
Meriam George, 99 165 28 388
House, 300 312
John, 165 288
Joseph, 7 3 478
Robert, 19 99 165 166 261 283
noo
Merrimack, Mass., 16 84 335 370 373
465 470
Metacomet, 344
Middlesex Hotel, 19 290
Miles, Charles,'227 Ester, 227
Ezekiel, 227
John, 226 227 288 479
Jonathan 227
Joseph, 227
Lemuel, 404
Martha, 227
Nathan, 227
Reuben, 227
Samuel, 227

Miles, Sarah, 227
Mills, Mary, 301
Medfield, Mass., 350
Milton, Mass., 350
Minerd, James, 480
Minot, James, 157 179 210
Rebecca, 157
Montaup, 304
Moody, John, 333 334
Mary, 334
Moore, Capt., 179
John, 340
Morgan, Sir Henry, 413
Mosley, Capt., 33
Samuel, 394397 398 463
Mount Hope, 304 344 434
Muckquamuck, Peter, 337
Munroe, Thomas, 6
Musketequid Indians, 32 35 103 133
River, 16 27 124 125 128 258
313
Village, 3 38 67 95 96 98 101
103 213 273 322
Musqua, 64
Musquanog, 64
Musquashcut, 181
Muttanktuckes, 64 275
N
Naacuhpavil, 339
Naahkenomenit, 387
Naamonushqua, 339 384
Naanischoow, 384
Nagog Pond, 388 391
Nantatucket, 97 98 133 243 244 245 275
Nantanquatick, 274
Napoleon, 12
Narragansett Indians, 396
Fort, 401
War, 348 402
Nashawtuc Hill, 17 27 28 42 76 84 97
130 163 267 294 296 314
River, 38 128 137 243 380

IX

Index

Nashoba, 31 32 35 75 92 152 257 336
337 339 341 344 348 373 377
381 382 385 386 388 389 390
391 392 410 459
Nashoba Indians, 384 385 387 388 389
391 412
Hill, 391
Nashop, 387
Nasquan, 387
Nashua, 84 335
Nassquaw, 336 339
Natahoonet, 387
Natick, 28 31 103 244 267 337 368 369
377 384 385 386 288 390 473
Natocotus, 387
Nattototos, 336
Nattahattawants, 383
Neepanaum, Mary, 338
Nenimimsset, 369
Nepanum, 64 103 257 337 387
Nepanet, 35 92 98 103 320 440 441
Newbury, Mass. 450
Newman, Noah, 181
Newtowne, 29
Nimrod, 46 276
Nine Acres, 89 113 189 341
Ninigret, 399 463
Niantick Indians, 399
Nipmuck Country, 367 368 369 370
393 402 406 420 464
Indians, 371 374 377 378 417
438
Nonacoicus, 84 465 467
Nonanturn, 31
Northumberland, 65
Northfield, 420
Nipnet Indians, 24 o
Oakes, Lieut. Edward 469
Jane 469
Ockoocagansetts 30 32
Okkokomimesit 377

Okkektommesit 387
Odell, Eng. 325 333 372
Oliver, James 394 406 416
Oonamog, 384
Oldham, John 24
Old Manse, 9 282 289 300 301 303 308
Orchard House, 10 11
P
Paige Dr. J. R. 371
Parker Capt. 362 463
James, 340
Moses, 338
Parsons Capt. Lawrence, 5 6 307 308
Mary, 171
Pasmore Richard, 452
Patuxet, 396
Pawtucket Falls, 30 103 126 335
Pellet Thomas, 165 288
Pelham's Island, 211
Pennahanuit, 384
Pettisquamscott, 396 407
Philip King, 16 35 124 451 368 371
433 434
Philips Zachariah, 355
Philosophy School, of 10
Phipps Corp. 419 435
Pierce Joseph, 430
Pickard Cyrus, 459
Pitcairn Major John, 6 311
Pitney Andrew, 339
Plympton Samuel, 425
Plymouth (Mass.) 72 73 173 204 237
344 345 368 393 471 477
Pocasset, 368 371
Pokanoket, 341 368
Punkapog, 377
Potter John, 453
Luke, 99 165 167 168 288 460
Mary, 460
Patience, 62
Peter, 195
Samuel, 425 459 461
Powers Walter, 390 391

Indez

Prentice Capt. 380 394 419 435 469
Prescott Dr. Abel, 179
Dr. John, 178
Mary, 227
Prescott Sarah J 289
Pritchard Serg. 357
Proctor Robert, 158
Punkatasset, 17 76 96 97 189
Purchis Oliver, 340
Putnam Gen. Rufus, 371

Robbins Robert, 388
Robinson George, 470
Roderigo Peter, 413
Rowlandson Mrs. 35 412 418 432 439
440 441 442.472 473
Rev. Joseph, 258 410 439 441
460
Roxbury, 31
Russell James, 405
Rutland, Mass. 371

* Q
Quanohit, 339 441
Quannasit. 371
Quaboag 353 359 367 371 451
Indians, 371
Quanapoag, 473
Quagana Hill, 410 458
Quinsigamond, 369 469
Quoil Hugh, 12 314
- R
Rand William, E 312
Ratcliffe Philip, 268
Rawson Edward, 281 336
Read, Dr. Philip 178 453
Reading, 7 333
Red Lion, 171
Red Horse Tavern, 172
Redemption Rock, 441
Redit Susannah, 227
•Reynolds Dr. Grindall, 294 298
Rice Timothy, 480
Mercie Heard, 210
Reuben, 310
Richard, 96 165 168 221 225
275 288 348 453
Timothy, 394 395
Richardson James, 357
Right Sarah, 460
Ripley Dr. 15 129 137 147 286 289 308
327
Robbins John, 94

Sachem, 64
Sam, 441
Sagamore John 84 335
Salem 50 198 324,
Salisbury, Mass. 458
Sanborn, Frank B 13 16
Mrs. Frank, B 13
Sargent Mrs. George," 335
Savage Major, 35 418 420
Sawyer James, 459
Seekonk, 396
Shawshine, 103 133 252 278
Saxonville, 35
Scituate, 181
Scotchford John, 438 459
Sergeant, 52 57 64 288
Sewall Judge Samuel, 237 249
Rev. Dr. 269
Shabbokin, 467
Sudbury, 7 16 48 102 103 124 125 552
172 176-178 210 223 258 270
278 320 336 251 357 368 374
376 415 420 424 428 433-440
452 459 461
Sharp Mercy, 84
Shattuck, 179 184 274 275 278
284 287 335 460 461
Shepard Abraham 458,
Isaac, 457 458
Jacob, 458
John, 336 480
Mary, 411 459
Ralfe, 410 458

Index

XI

Shepard Thanklord, 410 458
Thomas, 47 450
Sheperd Mary, 411 459
Sherborn, Mass. 404
Shirley Village, 465
Sill Capt. Joseph, 351 452
Simonds Mary, 182
Smedley Baptist, 285 287 457 458
James, 288 453
John, 99 101 146 287 289 301
Katherine, 457
Mary, 458
Samuel, 122 165 191 208 457
Sarah, 301
Sofy, 117
Smith John, 99
Lieut. Col. 5
Speen James, 338
John, 337
Sarah, 337
Springfield, Mass. 368 393
St. Johns College, 325
Stoughton William, 197 334
Stow, Mass. 65 338 390 391 404
Cyrus, 288
Nathan B 165
Nathaniel, 165 480
Thomas, 284 286
Stratten Samuel, 288 348 350 480
Soloman, 193
Susan, 270
Streight Thomas, 459
Swain Jeremiah, 394
Swamp Fight, 462
Swan Samuel, 310
John, 394 395 405
Richard, 217 452
William, 165 288
T

Taylor Abraham, 405
Daniel, 7 309
Hugh, 452
Temple Abraham, 395 399 404 453 462
Benjamin, 404
Ephraim, 405
Rev. J. H. 371
Richard, 287 462
Thomas John 336 239 384 386 387 390
Solomon. 339 390
Thoreau Henry, 10-13 17 311
Tisansquaw, 243 244 339
Tyng Lieut. 394
Tyng Capt. Wm. 430
u
Underwood Patty, 65
Uskatuhgun Samuel, 441
V
Vose John, 288 w
Waban, 37 28 29 276 336 339 368 378
389 384 385 390
Thomas, 384 386
Wabatut, 336
Wabbaquasets 371
Wachusett, 79 258 417 419 439 441 452
Wadsworth, Capt 365 379 420 423 428
430 432
Walcott, 100 164 178 183 216 277 282
286 289 318 321 334 357
Walden Pond, 11
Woods, 12
Waldo Rebecca 435 439
Walker Francis, F. 436
John, 356
Waltham, Mass. 450
Wamesit 30 377 384
Warren Daniel, 429 430

Tahattawan, 383 Washacum, 466
William, 17 22 25-29 35 42 64 Watertown, 38 63 67 101 102 103 178
97 274 280 298 336 339 382.386 207 216 318 320 323 336 385
Tassansquaw, 384 385 432 436 453 464

XI 1

Index

Waverley, Mass. 101
Wayland, Mass. 16 209 320 424
Waymeset, 337
Wayside, 10-11
Wayside Inn, 172
Webb Cowet, 274
Weegramomenit, 386
Weld Rev Thomas, 279
Wenimisett, 371
Wennetto, 64 337
Weston, Mass. 103 172 278
Westford, Mass. 388 410
Westvale, Mass. 341
Weymouth, Mass. 350
Wheat Joseph, 405
Sergeant, 210
Wheate Moses, 165 288 405 452 45

Wheeler Capt. Thomas, 372 373 455
457 458 478
Capt. Timothy, 337 338 364
365 367 368 370 468 479
David, 405
Ebenezer, 405
Ensign, M- 99 101 210
Ephraim, 65 280 320 373
George, 64 99 101 165 284 281
240 285 288
Hannah, 55 457
James, 452
Jesse, 55
John, 165 288 394 395 405
453 480
Jonathan, 55 288
Joseph, 46 146 165 281 286
288 289 336 339 340 348 373
393 395 405 410 453
Joshua, 165 206 288
Josiah, 425 452 453 461
Liut. Joseph, 334 389
Nathaniel, 373
Obadiah, 55 270 285 461
Rebecca, 179
Ruth, 373

Wheeler Samuel, 288 297
Sarah, 334
Susannah, 461
Thomas, 65 99 165 280 288 320
338 340 348 354 373
Thomas E. Jr. 355 356-363 369
454 Timothy, 65
93 146 157 210 216 276 280 281
290 341 348 349 351 352 371
373 395
William, 297
Whieldon Ruth, 217
Whitefield, 147 270
White Elizabeth, 461
John, 459
31 Samuel, 460

Sarah, 258
Whiting Jonathan, 405
Willard Abovehope, 132
Wicabuy Pond, 371
Willard House, 84 87 94 130 294 296
Willard Major, 17 20 24 38 39 46-49
52 53 82-85 87 90-99 131 153
159 166 173 220 276 280 294
298 313 321-323 335 337 339
348 350 359 362 366 374 376
380 383 395 438 452 453
463 468
Wickford, R. I. 396 399 411-409-418
WightGeorge, 341
Wigley Edmund, 227 270 288 340
Wight Peter, 261
Willard Margery, 469
Mary, 132
Samuel, 199 469
Winnishen, 391
Winslow Josiah, 313 399
Winthrop, Gov- 64 171 278 279 383
Woburn, Mass. 101 372 404
Wowtoquatuckquaw 276,
Wood Abigail, 258
John, 394 395 404 452

Index xiii

Wood Joseph, 405 Wright Amos, 7 309
Michael, 166 183 270 285 Edward, 165 181
288 Wright's Tavern, 6 7 173 300 309 311
Richard, 45
William,. 20 324 372 *
Woodcock's Garrison, 396 Yorkshire, 65
Woodis Henry, 210 275 284 286 459 Young Henry, 357 438
Wooley Christopher, 165
Joseph, 339 ^
Worcester, Mass. 369 66 302 103 375 Zjipha, 12 314
Wordsworth, 89 90

Page. Line.

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23

£ R R A T A
Read Little Maid for iFWr Maid.
Omit of?*«.
Read candlewood light for £«»*#* /zg-A/.
" one of his first mission fields for his firlt mis
sion field.
" Shepard for Shepherd.
" there for A*r*.
" who for whom.
" part for */<zr/.
" ^ fordway in the North District instead
of the fordway over the North Bridge.
" Thornton Gould for Thornton.
" catechistical for catechumenical.
" 1673 for 1973.
" were for was.
" between for between.
" Walcott for Wolcott.
" cows for cow.
" 1651 for 1 561.
" catechistical for catechumenical.
" Susanah for Susannah.
" filled for tilled.
" plowing for plewing.
" at for <«.
" grandsons for gandsons.
" there for M«V.
" westward for eastward.
" ministry for ministery.
" Concord for Concrod.
" they for «V.
" probably for probally.
" flW for «».
" William for Joseph.

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