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for the founding of a CoUege in this Colony'

mok

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THE SCOTTISH REFORMATION

THE
SCOTTISH REFORMATION
Its Epochs, Episodes, Leaders, and
Distinctive Characteristics
(Being tije Batrti lecture fat 1899)
BY THE LATE
ALEXANDER F. MITCHELL, D.D., LL.D.
EMERITUS PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY
IN ST ANDREWS UNIVERSITY
EDITED BY
D. HAY FLEMING, LL.D.

WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR
BY JAMES CHRISTIE, D.D.

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS
EDINBURGH AND LONDON
M D CC CC

PREFACE.

Few men have shown more indomitable applica
tion to an arduous duty, amid physical weakness
and bodily pain, than did the author of these
Lectures in their preparation and revision. In
the MS. there are a goodly number of additions
and minute alterations in his own hand — some
of them very tremulous, some of them in ink,
some of them in pencil. He intended to revise
them still more carefully ere they were published ;
but expressed the desire that, if he were not
spared to do so, I would see them through the
press. The Master, whom he served so long
and so faithfully, having released him from the
work he loved so well, and from the suffering
he so patiently endured, the final revision has
devolved upon me.

vi Preface.
On the suggestion of Professor Robertson the
book has been arranged in chapters. The sixth
lecture having temporarily gone amissing before
its delivery, Dr Mitchell prepared a rescension
of it. The original and the rescension are now
combined in chapter x. He intended to devote
an extra lecture to Alesius, and another to Andrew
Melville, but unfortunately was unable. The
chapter on Alesius is therefore taken from
two of his class - lectures, some of the longer
extracts being thrown into appendices, and a
few passages being slightly compressed. This
is at once the fullest and the best account of
Alesius that has yet been published. The facts
concerning Melville in chapter x. are supple
mented to a small extent in the paper quoted
in Appendix A.
Comparatively few of the authorities were
entered in the MS. when it was placed in my
hands. I have filled in many, and have taken
care, in almost every instance where volume and
page are given, to check the quotations with the
originals. My notes, and my additions to Dr
Mitchell's notes, are enclosed within square
brackets ; but when I have merely supplied
authorities, they are not so distinguished. The

Preface. vii
list which he had drawn up of the works of
Alesius was partly in an obsolete form of short
hand, which to me was quite undecipherable.
Having been privileged to examine a good many
of these rare treatises in various public libraries,
I have been able, though only to an inconsider
able degree, to supplement the list ; these addi
tions being marked like those in the notes and
other appendices. In revising the Lectures them
selves, I have corrected a number of trifling slips,
but have made no alteration of which Dr Mitchell
would not have cordially approved had his atten
tion been drawn to it.
In preparing the Lectures, Dr Mitchell availed
himself of elaborate articles he had written at
various times for periodicals and other publica
tions. The present volume is valuable in several
ways, not the least of these being that it em
bodies, on many obscure and important points,
the matured views of one of the most competent
and cautious of historical students — of one who
grudged no time and spared no labour in elicit
ing and elucidating the truth.
D. H. F.
December 1899.

CONTENTS.

PAGE
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF DR MITCHELL . . xiii

CHAPTER I.
THE NATURE AND NEED OF THE REFORMATION . I
CHAPTER II.
PATRICK HAMILTON . ... 19
CHAPTER III.
THE OPPRESSED AND THE OPPRESSORS . . 34
CHAPTER IV.
GEORGE WISHART . . • • -56
CHAPTER V.
KNOX AS LEADER OF OUR REFORMATION . . 79

x Contents.
CHAPTER VI.
THE OLD SCOTTISH CONFESSION OF 1560 . . 99
CHAPTER VII.
THE BOOK OF COMMON ORDER . . 123
CHAPTER VIII.
THE FIRST BOOK OF DISCIPLINE . . -144
SECT. I. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH . 145
II. THE DISCIPLINE OF THE CHURCH . 1 62
III. THE PREROGATIVES AND DUTIES OF
CHURCH MEMBERS . . .169
IV. EDUCATION OF THE YOUNG AND UNI
VERSITY REFORM . . -174
V. CARE OF THE POOR . . 179
CHAPTER IX.
THE LAST DAYS OF JOHN KNOX . .184
CHAPTER X.
THE SECOND BOOK OF DISCIPLINE . . .214

CHAPTER XI.
ALESIUS

239

Contents.

APPENDICES.
A. THE PAEDAGOGIUM, OR ST MARY'S COLLEGE, ST
ANDREWS .... . 285
B. CITATIO PATRICII HAMILTON . . 289
C. CARDINAL BETOUN'S INCONTINENCE . . 292
P. CONDITIONS ON WHICH THE USE OF THE CHURCH
OF THE WHITE LADIES AT FRANKFORT WAS
GRANTED TO THE ENGLISH EXILES . . 294
E. THE THEOLOGICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS
OF ALESIUS . . . 295
F. THE DREAM OR VISION OF ALESIUS CONCERNING
THE DECAPITATION OF ANNE BOLEYN . . 297
G. THE DEPARTURE OF ALESIUS FROM ENGLAND . 298
H. ALESIUS' INVITATION OF MELANCHTHON TO HIS
DAUGHTER'S WEDDING ... 300
I. THE WORKS OF ALESIUS . 301
ADDENDA .... . . 307
INDEX ... ... 311

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

THE VERY REV. ALEXANDER FERRIER MITCHELL,
D.D., LL.D., Professor of Ecclesiastical History in
St Mary's College, St Andrews.

A pathetic and almost melancholy interest
attaches to this volume of the Baird Lectures.
Their scholarly and accomplished author may
be said to have entered on the last stage of
the malady to which he succumbed when they
were read for him in Blythswood Parish Church,
Glasgow, by his friend and former student, Pro
fessor Robertson, the closing one, indeed, having
been delivered but a few days before his death.
In proof of the deep interest which he took in the
subject of these Lectures, and of his desire to
present them in as perfect a form as possible, it
may also be mentioned that he employed his time
in revising them while confined to bed during the
protracted and painful illness through which he

xiv Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
passed. The editing of them he intrusted to
another friend, Dr Hay Fleming of St Andrews,
with whom he had much in common — similarity
of tastes and interest in the same literary pursuits
having led to an intercourse between them which
ripened into mutual confidence and esteem. Had
Professor Mitchell lived to see the work through
the press himself, there is hardly room to doubt
that, as in the case of most of his other publica
tions, additional explanatory and supplementary
notes on obscure points would have been ap
pended by him. As it is, the editor in executing
his task has done what he could in this respect.
When the decease of the venerable Professor
took place at St Andrews towards the end of
March of this year, it was felt that the Church of
Scotland had been bereft not only of one of her
ablest and most trusted leaders, but of one of the
wisest and warmest friends of her missions ; and
the many tributes paid to his memory, both from
the pulpit and in the press, were all expressive of
the high regard in which he was held, and of the
sense of public loss caused by his removal. But
the loss was not that of his own Church alone,
nor of the University with which his name had
been so long and so honourably associated.
There are those in other communions who had
learned to look upon him as "a master of Israel,"
and in all Presbyterian Churches especially he
was recognised as one of the ablest and most
learned exponents of the principles which they

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xv
hold in common, and as one of the most earnest
defenders of "the faith once delivered to the
saints." As many of those who are familiar with
Professor Mitchell's writings may know little or
nothing of his personal history, it has been
suggested that a short biographical sketch of
him would form an appropriate introduction to
this posthumous volume. The particulars woven
together in the following narrative have been
collected from various sources, some of them
having been furnished by members of his own
family. Alexander Ferrier Mitchell was born on ioth
September 1822 in the old ecclesiastical city of
Brechin, with which his ancestors had had an
honourable connection for several generations.
His grandfather, Alexander Mitchell, and his
father, David Mitchell, were both known as
Convener Mitchell, probably as having succeeded
each other in the convenership of the local guilds.
On the maternal side he was descended from
another Brechin family, some of the members of
which had in their day served in various capacities
abroad, one of his granduncles, Alexander Ferrier,
after whom he was named, having been a doctor
in India, and another, Captain David Ferrier, " a
brave and bold sailor," — in memory of whom
there is a tablet on the east door of the old
Cathedral, — having made a voyage round the
world in the Dolphin, in which also he ran the

xvi Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
blockade in time of war into some of the French
ports. Elizabeth, daughter of James Ferrier at
Broadmyre, the Professor's mother, was a woman
of good judgment and deep piety, and from her
he seems to have inherited some of the most
prominent features of his character. He was one
of a family of three, his brother and sister having
died, the former at Bloemfontein in South Africa,
many years ago. In childhood he had a narrow
escape, a cart having run over his body. He was
picked up and carried home by the minister of
the Episcopal church. As a boy he passed
through more than one severe illness, and when
taken for a change to Glenesk one summer he
was described by a sympathetic friend as "a
deein' laddie." To a mother's unwearied care
and attention he owed, under the divine blessing,
the recovery of his health, and to a mother's.
religious training he owed in no small degree
that knowledge of the Holy Scriptures and that
pious disposition by which he was distinguished
from his earliest years. His elementary educa
tion he received at the grammar-school of his
native town, and when fifteen years of age he
proceeded to St Andrews to prosecute his studies
with a view to the Christian ministry.
In those days the journey thither was not
made with the comfort and facility with which
it is now accomplished ; and the Professor him
self has told how, on landing from the North off
the ferry-boat at Newport, he walked all the way

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xvii
to St Andrews — a distance of eleven miles — along
with the carrier's son by the side of the cart
which conveyed his luggage to its destination.
Widely different as were the future careers of
those two youths, there were various interesting
points of contact in their lives, the one becoming
an eminent doctor in the University, and the other
filling the honourable position of a magistrate in
the ancient cit}', while both were associated as
members of the kirk-session of the Town Church.
At the very outset of his career at St Andrews
the young student from Brechin gained the high
est distinction, having won the first bursary open
to students entering the University, as the result
of a competitive examination in classical scholar
ship. Throughout his course, both in Arts and
Divinity, he maintained a highly honourable
place in all the classes, distinguishing himself
particularly by proficiency in Hebrew and other
Oriental languages ; while he won the commend
ation of his professors and the esteem of his
fellow- students not more by his attainments in
learning than by the sterling integrity of his
character and the example of his consistent
Christian life. Among his contemporaries at
College were not a few who in after-life rose to
prominent positions in the Church, one of these
being his future colleague, the late Principal
Tulloch, with whom he continued to have most
cordial relations during a lifelong friendship.
On completing the usual curriculum of study

xviii Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
at the University, Mr Mitchell was in 1844
licensed to preach the Gospel, and after acting
for some time as an assistant, first to the minister
of the parish of Meigle and then to the minister
of the parish of Dundee, he was in 1847 ordained
by the Presbytery of Meigle to the pastoral charge
of the parish of Dunnichen in his native county.
The Professor had been no passive spectator of
the exciting and momentous events which were
taking place in the Church of Scotland in the
years which immediately preceded and followed
his entrance on the work of the ministry ; and
in his address as Moderator of the General
Assembly, four decades afterwards, he gives a
graphic account of the impressions made upon
him by his visits to the Supreme Court of the
Church during that period of acrimonious con
troversy and painful separation. He says : " My
first view of the General Assembly was gained in
1840, where from the public gallery of the Tron
Church, in near proximity to Dr John Ritchie,
of the Potterrow (whose thoughts were already
running in the same direction as those of his
successors are now), I listened to the thrilling
eloquence of Chalmers, and the calm, thoughtful
utterances of Cook, and witnessed the first of
those titanic encounters between Cunningham
and Robertson, which the pen of Hugh Miller
and the histories of the period have made
classical. My next glimpse of the Assembly was
in 1843, when, from the students' gallery of St

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xix
Andrew's Church, beside my friend William
Smith, afterwards of North Leith, I witnessed
that sad sight which was never to fade from our
memories, nor cease to influence the course of
our thought and action — the scene when Welsh,
Chalmers, Gordon, and many more good and
devoted ministers, abandoning in despair the
contest of ten years, withdrew from the Church
of their fathers, to rear another in which they
hoped to enjoy greater freedom and peace. My
next view of the Assembly was in 1848, when,
along with Dr Tulloch, and two or three other
college friends, I took my place for the first time
as a member of the House, and when my old
preceptor, then Professor of Church History in
St Mary's College, filled the chair. The Church
at that time was but slowly recovering from the
staggering blow she had received in '43, and the
great Dr Robertson was shaping out the splendid
scheme which was to constitute her mission for
the immediate future, and give to her the con
sciousness and confidence of reviving life. There
were plenty of aged men there, whose lives had
been honourably worn out in her service; a
goodly band of young men, with not a little of
the ardour and enthusiasm of youth ; not a few
of riper years, who, after weary waiting, had at
last been promoted to pastoral charges. But
that class which is the mainstay of a Church —
the men who have attained to experience by
years of labour in her service, and are still able

xx Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
to bear the burden and heat of the day — was
more scantily represented."
The young minister, with so many conspicuous
gifts and graces, was not allowed to remain long
in the quiet pastoral charge at Dunnichen, where
his ministry had been very acceptable; and in
1848 — only one year after his ordination, and
when not more than twenty-six years of age — he
was appointed to the chair of Hebrew in St
Mary's College, St Andrews, through which he
had so recently passed as a student. He has
himself told of the cordial welcome which he
received from the venerable Principal Haldane
and the other members of the professorial staff,
and of the harmony with which they co-operated
in the work of the College.
It was not then a common thing that so young
a minister should be called to occupy such a
position of dignity and responsibility, nor was
Hebrew then so popular a branch of study as it
has, for various reasons, since become in our
Divinity Halls ; but the ability and success with
which the Professor discharged the duties of his
chair, and the salutary influence which he exerted
in many ways upon the students, more than justi
fied the appointment. He was one of the first in
Scotland to introduce a scientific method in the
teaching of Hebrew, and his class-room became a
place of very real work, necessitating careful pre
paration on the part of the students. Some of
these, perhaps, thought him rather exacting, and

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxi
the strict discipline which he enforced was not
altogether to their liking; but there were very
few who did not value his good opinion, or who
would not have considered it a kind of degrada
tion to incur his displeasure ; while many, im
bued with something of his own spirit, attained
under his guidance to such a degree of proficiency
in the knowledge of the sacred tongue as made
the reading of the Old Testament in the original
a source of interest and pleasure to them in sub
sequent years. Dr William Wright, one of the
greatest of Orientalists, was one of his students,
and two others of them are occupants of Hebrew
Chairs in Scottish Universities.
The appointment of the Professor to the Con-
venership of the Committee on the Mission to the
Jews in 1856 marked a new era in its history,
in respect both of the method of its operations
and the field in which these have ever since been
carried on. One of the results of the Crimean
war, which had then but recently closed, was the
opening of the Turkish empire for evangelistic
enterprise ; and it may be said that the Professor
laid the foundations of the Mission in the Levant
at the several stations occupied by the Church of
Scotland, which are now known not only as places
of great historic interest but as important centres
of missionary activity in which the Church bears
an honourable part. In the autumn of 1857 ne
undertook a journey to the East at the request of
the Committee, and in the course of his travels

xxii Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
there visited not only the principal Turkish cities
on the coast, but Jerusalem and other places in
Palestine and Syria, collecting information with a
view to find openings for the planting of the Mis
sion at suitable stations in addition to the two
which had been already occupied. The report
which he presented on his return led by degrees
to a great expansion of the Mission, and several
of his own students and others were through his
influence induced to enter the service of the Com
mittee. With many other claims on his attention,
he ungrudgingly gave up a great part of his time
to the administration of the affairs of the Mission,
over which for nineteen years he continued to
preside with great zeal and wisdom, pressing its
claims on the members of the Church, and guid
ing and encouraging the missionaries by an intel
ligent and sympathetic interest in their arduous
work. When in 1875 he retired from the Con-
venership, the General Assembly expressed its
sense of the value of the distinguished services
which he had rendered to the Church in this
department of her work in the following terms :
" The Assembly are satisfied that the present
prosperity of the Jewish Mission, and the remark
able progress which it has made, has been mainly
owing to the great labour, the learning, enthusi
asm, and warm and intelligent Christian interest
which Dr Mitchell has devoted during these years
to the cause of Jewish conversion in connection
with the Church of Scotland." After his retire-

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxiii
ment from the Convenership he but seldom at
tended the meetings of the Committee, for the
reason, as he was once heard to say, that he did
not wish to appear to hamper his successors ; but
he never ceased to take a deep interest in the
Mission, and none rejoiced more than he in its
growing prosperity.
While the Professor still occupied the Hebrew
Chair, he had shown a special aptitude for another
branch of learning, in which he was yet to make
a reputation for himself in the Churches not only
of Britain but of America. In 1866 he published
a lecture, primarily addressed to his students, on
' The Westminster Confession of Faith : A Con
tribution to the Study of its Historical Relations
and to the Defence of its Teaching,' which, as a
reply to views then current in certain quarters,
attracted no little notice at the time of its
publication, and which is not only of special
interest as illustrating his theological standpoint,
and the calm and temperate, yet earnest and
vigorous, manner in which he could defend it,
but is of permanent value as a contribution to
the literature of the subject with which it deals.
In the following year he published ' The Wedder-
burns and their Work, or the Sacred Poetry of
the Scottish Reformation in its Relation to that
of Germany ' — a subject which was treated by
him much more fully in one of his most recent
works. The Professor was known to possess a most

xxiv Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
extensive and accurate knowledge of Church
History in general, and of Scottish Church His
tory in particular; and when in 1868 he was
called to occupy the Chair of Ecclesiastical
History in St Mary's College, the appointment
was hailed with satisfaction alike by the Uni
versity and the Church. With an absorbing
interest in his subject, and with the true instinct
of the historian, he was most painstaking in
ascertaining historical facts, never reaching his
conclusions but as the result of patient and
careful investigation ; and those who knew him
intimately can tell how little he grudged the
trouble of a journey to Edinburgh or London,
or even of an occasional excursion to the Con
tinent, in order to prosecute his researches in
libraries there with the view of verifying a state
ment, or of obtaining indubitable evidence on
some controverted point. Besides those who
had the privilege of listening to his prelections
from the professorial chair, there are many in the
Churches on both sides of the Atlantic who have
profited by his great erudition ; and his published
writings, which all bear the impress of a master-
hand, will always be reckoned standard works in
Ecclesiastical History.
It is no part of the purpose of this notice to
describe his various works in detail, but the mere
enumeration of them will show what a life of
unremitting study he lived. Besides those al
ready referred to, he edited, along with the late

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxv
Dr Struthers, in 1874, ' The Minutes of the
Westminster Assembly from November 1644 to
March 1649,' to which is prefixed an elaborate
Historical Introduction written by himself; in
1882 he wrote a ' Historical Notice of Archbishop
Hamilton's Catechism ' (first printed at St
Andrews in 1551), prefixed to Paterson's black-
letter reprint of the same ; in 1883 he published
his Baird Lecture, ' The Westminster Assembly :
Its History and Standards ' ; in 1886 he published
' The Catechisms of the Second Reformation ' ;
in 1888 he edited, for the Scottish Text Society,
' The Richt Vay to the Kingdome of Heuine,' by
John Gau, the earliest known prose-treatise in
the Scottish dialect setting forth the doctrines
of the Reformers ; and in 1897, for the same
Society, ' The Gude and Godlie Ballatis,' re
printed from the edition of 1567, with a full and
most interesting Introduction. For the Scottish
History Society he also edited in 1892 and 1896,
along with the writer of this sketch, two volumes
of ' The Records of the Commissions of the
General Assembly,' covering the period 1646-1650,
from the original manuscript in the Assembly
library, with an introduction, notes, and appen
dices by himself. To these must be added the
present volume of the Baird Lecture, ' The
Scottish Reformation.'
The Baird Lecture on the Westminster As
sembly was received with great favour in America
as well as in this country, and a new edition of

xxvi Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
it was published at Philadelphia in 1897, in a
notice of which in the ' Presbyterian and Re
formed Review ' the following statement occurs :
" The book at once took its rank as the most
trustworthy and sympathetic account of the
Westminster Standards in existence, and rapidly
ran out of print. The public is to be congratu
lated that Dr Mitchell has permitted himself to
be persuaded by the [Presbyterian] Board to
revise the text and allow a new edition to be
issued to meet the present demand. The revision
does not much alter the text. A phrase is more
felicitously turned here or rendered a shade more
exact or emphatic there; a few additional refer
ences are added in the notes ; and a few additional
citations and remarks incorporated in them : that
is about all. But so good a book needed only
these little touches of betterment."
The Professor also contributed to various
journals and encyclopedias many important
articles, chiefly on historical topics relating to
Scotland, which, if collected, would form a
volume of miscellaneous papers of great interest
and value. The most important of these are
included in the subjoined list : In the * British
and Foreign Evangelical Review,' January 1872,
" Our Scottish Reformation : Its Distinctive
Characteristics and Present-Day Lessons," pp.
87-128 ; October 1875, " Dr Merle D'Aubigne on
the Reformation in Scotland," pp. 736-760 ;
October 1876, " Killen's Ecclesiastical History

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell, xxvii
of Ireland," pp. 713-741: in the 'Catholic Pres
byterian,' March 1879, " Calvin and the Psalmody
of the Reformed Churches " : in the ' Scottish
Church,' November 1886, "St Andrews in Cove
nanting Times " : in the ' Year - Book of the
Church of Scotland,' 1886, " Brief Sketch of the
History of the Reformed Church of Scotland " :
in 'St Giles' Lectures,' First Series, 1880-81,
" Pre - Reformation Scotland " ; and in Fourth
Series, 1883-84, " The Primitive or Apostolic and
Sub - Apostolic Church," being the first of the
lectures entitled, " The Churches of Christen
dom." To Dr Schaff s Encyclopaedia he contrib
uted separate articles on "St Columba," "The
Culdees," "Patrick Hamilton," "Iona," and
" The Keltic Church " ; and to the ' Presbyterian
and Reformed Review,' published at Philadelphia,
he contributed a review of Dr Hume Brown's
'John Knox.' Besides many Reports on various
matters presented to the General Assembly,
he issued for special purposes a " Statement
regarding the Eldership," and a " List of
Acts of the Scottish Parliament, and of Acts,
Overtures, and Resolutions of the General As
sembly of the Church of Scotland, adopted at
various times for the Acknowledgment of the
True Reformed Protestant Religion, the Main
tenance of Sound Doctrine, and the Subscription
of the Confessions of Faith of 1560 and 1647."
When at Geneva, on one of his visits to the
Continent, he prepared for private circulation,

xxviii Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
from the original, which is still preserved among
the historical treasures in the Hotel de Ville,
" Livre Des Anglois, or Register of the English
Church at Geneva under the pastoral care of
Knox and Goodman, 1555-1559," with a Prefatory
Notice and a Facsimile of pp. 49, 50. To this
list of his minor works may be added a sermon on
" The Unsearchable Riches of Christ," published
in 1879.
The Professor accorded a generous and helpful
sympathy to those who were workers in the field
in which he laboured himself with so great assi
duity and success ; and he was not only a mem
ber both of the Scottish History Society and of
the Scottish Text Society, but took an active
interest in their affairs. He was also one of the
representatives of the Church of Scotland in the
General Presbyterian Alliance from the date of its
formation, and took part in the business of all its
General Councils, at the first of which, held at
Edinburgh in 1877, he laid on the table a paper
which he had drawn up on " The Harmony be
tween the Bibliology of the Westminster Con
fession and that of the earlier Reformed Confes
sions, exhibited in parallel columns." He was
appointed Convener of the Committee on the
Desiderata of the History of the Presbyterian
Churches ; and at the following General Council,
held at Philadelphia in 1880, it fell to him, in
consequence of the death of Principal Lorimer,
who was Convener of the British section of the

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxix
Committee on Creeds and Formulas of Subscrip
tion, to give in the report containing " Answers
to Queries regarding Creeds and Confessions."
The Answers as regards the Church of Scotland,
which had been prepared by himself, are to be found
in the Report of the Proceedings of the Council,
pp. 969-984. When in America he also delivered
a course of lectures at Alleghany. His connection
with the Alliance brought him into close contact
with some of the leading Presbyterian divines of
Britain and America, with whom his opinions on
the history of the doctrine, worship, and govern
ment of the Church carried great weight ; and Dr
Schaff has acknowledged his obligations to him,
among others, in his well-known work entitled
' The Creeds of Christendom.'
In 1885 the Church showed her appreciation of
the Professor's character and work by electing
him to the Moderatorship of the General Assem
bly, an office which he filled with a union of
dignity and authority which reflected honour
upon the Church. If there are parties in the
Church of Scotland, he never identified himself
with any of them, and had learned to call no man
master but Christ. Her knew his own mind, and
could give forcible expression to his convictions
when occasion required. Naturally of an un
assuming disposition and unobtrusive manners, he
never courted popularity nor sought to thrust his
opinions upon others ; and it was for this reason,
perhaps, that he was deferred to even by those
d

xxx Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
whose views were in some respects widely diverg
ent from his. It was doubtless for this reason
also, as well as for others, that he wielded so great
an influence in the counsels of the Church, and
probably few men had more to do than he with the
shaping of her policy in recent years. In paying
a tribute to his memory at a meeting of the Presby
tery of Edinburgh a few days after his decease, the
Very Rev. Dr Scott of St George's said that " by
Professor Mitchell's death the Church had lost
a laborious, faithful, successful, and honoured
minister and professor, and perhaps one of the
soundest and wisest counsellors that the Church
ever had. He was a man who had friends in all
the Churches. He knew how powerfully his influ
ence had told in the Church — always for concili
ation, not only so far as those without their own
Church were concerned, but those within the
Church also. Had it not been for Dr Mitchell's
influence the relaxation of the formula regard
ing the subscription of elders would never have
been carried through."
A man of a very catholic spirit, and a lover of
peace and concord, the Professor, like many
others who longed for a comprehensive union of
the Scottish Churches, would willingly have made
all reasonable concessions for the attainment of
so desirable an object. But he was too loyal a
son of the Church of Scotland to consent to any
unworthy compromise, and in the hour of danger
no one was more ready than he to exert all the

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxxi
influence at his command in her defence. Readers
of Dr Boyd's ' Twenty-five Years of St Andrews '
may remember the account there given of the
impression made by the Professor's sermon in
the Town Church in the height of the contest
in 1885, when the question of Disestablishment
was brought so prominently before the electors
of the St Andrews Burghs. Dr Boyd says : " It
had been intimated at the services during the day
that Dr Mitchell, our Professor of Church History,
would lecture in the parish church in the evening
on ' Some aspects of the Church Question deserv
ing of consideration in the present crisis.' Dr
Mitchell was that year Moderator of the-' Kirk :
and he very seldom preaches. The church was
filled by a great congregation. I should not "in
the least degree have been surprised to hear Dr
Mitchell preach wisely and devoutly : that is his
usual way. But it did surprise me to find that
man of calm and well-balanced mind fire up into
a pathos and vehemence which I have rarely seen
equalled and never surpassed. The question of
disestablishment had been raised : and one was
made to realise how it stirs the blood of good
men here. And hot merely were there this
evening a fire, a keenness, a power of stirring a
multitude to the depth of their nature, which are
rar6 indeed, but an incisive severity of denuncia
tion which few had expected from that calm,
cautious' man. And if the preacher was at white-
heat, so was the congregation long before he was

xxxii Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
done. Several times there would have been loud
applause, had it not been hushed."
The attitude which the Professor maintained in
regard to the doctrine and worship of the Church
was a strictly conservative one, and may be best
described in his own words, taken from an article
included in the list of his minor works. In that
article, after quoting the advice tendered by an
eminent minister of the Church of England to a
minister of the Church of Scotland — " Stick by
your own Kirk: it is an honest Kirk, one of the
few that has fairly rid itself of sacerdotalism and
ritualism, and you have no cause to be ashamed
of it " — he goes on to say : " The advice is not
unneeded in the present day by others than he to
whom it was originally tendered, and I give it this
publicity for the benefit of all whom it may con
cern. The Reformed Church of Scotland from
the first rid herself of these medieval corruptions,
and the attempt to bring her again under the
yoke issued in dire disaster to those who made it.
This surely is no time for the Presbyterian
Churches to swerve from the testimony they
have so long and resolutely borne against all
such errors. When we think of the mischief
they are now causing in the Church of England,
and the grief they are occasioning to many of her
most loyal sons, rather does it become us to bear
more decided testimony to the truths, that under
the New Testament there is but one Priest, who
ever liveth to make intercession for us, and one

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell, xxxiii
sacrifice once offered, which perfects for ever
them that are sanctified; that He has not com
municated His priestly office to His ministers
either by succession or delegation, nor authorised
them to repeat or continue that sacrifice which is
the propitiation for sin ; and that He has neither
Himself imposed, nor warranted others to impose,
a load of ' fondly ' invented ceremonies in His
worship." If the Professor thus strenuously opposed sacer
dotalism on the one hand, he had as little sym
pathy with Broad Churchism on the other. The
non-natural sense in which the narratives of the
New Testament miracles are understood and in
terpreted by some of the modern critics he re
jected as subversive of Christian truth, a com
mon saying of his being, " If the Gospel is not
true historically, it is not true at all : ' If Christ
be not raised, your faith is vain ' " ; and while he
mellowed with advancing years, he never wavered
in his deep religious convictions, nor for a moment
relaxed the tenacious grasp which he had of the
doctrines of Christianity as set forth in the stand
ards of the Reformed Churches. One of his latest
sayings was, " I die in the faith which I have
always professed."
From his Alma Mater the Professor had re
ceived the degree of D.D. in 1862, and in 1892
the University of Glasgow conferred upon him
the degree of LL.D. in recognition of his eminence
as a teacher and an author. A young minister of

xxxiv Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
the Church, himself one of his most distinguished
students, has drawn a picture of him as he ap
peared about the latter of these dates, which is
so true to the life that no excuse is needed for
introducing it here. He says : " St Andrews and
Professor Mitchell are inseparable. For forty-
four years he has taught in the University : first
the Hebrew Tongue; next the History of the
Church of Christ. As a Professor, Dr Mitchell
comes into contact with a comparatively small
number of students. The classes in St Mary's
are diminutive — in some ways a source of much
gratification to the writer and others — con
sequently he is little known by most men here.
Of course, all are familiar with the Figure pacing
the town in the bright of the forenoon ; or, arm-
in-arm with a youthful Professor, walking as far
as the Swilcan ; or, at a Graduation Ceremony,
scanning the audience, if perhaps he may get a
glimpse of some old pupil among the crowd of in
terested spectators. For many of his students have
risen high: and some of them have a weight of years
to bear. But all are not aware that in the Church
History Class-Room English is spoken as she is
nowhere else in St Andrews. The beautifully
rounded and perfectly balanced sentences, and
the elegance of the language, will hardly be ex
celled. To make the study of Church History
what is called popular is one of the few im
possibilities of life, but there is no man living
who can invest the subject with more interest;

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxxv
for Professor Mitchell is thoroughly up to date with
all his facts, and loses no opportunity of visiting
the great German authorities. . . . To be re
proved in class by the Professor is not to be
desired : to be ' spoken to ' in his ante-room still
less so. Many men stand in awe of him — I have
always thought unnecessarily so."
The Professor continued to take a warm interest
in his students after they had left the Divinity
Hall, and had entered on the work of the ministry ;
and when attending the General Assembly he
could generally tell how many of its members had
passed through one or other of his classes in St
Mary's College. When he retired from the duties
of his Chair in 1894, the occasion was regarded as
affording a suitable opportunity of giving public
expression to the esteem in which he was held by
his friends, and to their grateful appreciation of
his services both to the Church and the Uni
versity; and in 1895, while the General Assembly
was in session, he was presented, in name of a
large number of his former students and other
friends, with an illuminated address, a cheque for
200 guineas, and his portrait by Sir George Reid
— acknowledged to be one of the best that have
yet come from the studio of the President of the
Royal Scottish Academy. The Right Hon. James
A. Campbell of Stracathro, M.P., with whom he
had long had intimate relations, presided at the
ceremony and made the presentation. The reply
of the Professor, as containing many interesting

xxxvi Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
reminiscences, and as showing the view which he
took himself of his life and work, is here inserted
in extenso. He said : —
" Mr Campbell, I thank you, sir, with all my
heart, for the many kind things — far more kind
than I deserve — which you have just said of me,
and for the many kind services which you have
rendered to me in the course of our lifelong
friendship ; and I thank, with all my heart, you,
my many esteemed friends and pupils, who have
united in presenting me with this address ex
pressive of your warm affection, this speaking
likeness and munificent gift. Kindness far more
than I have merited has followed me all my life
through — never more conspicuously than at the
close of my public career; and now in retiring
from the professorial work I loved, and from the
College for which almost for half a century I
lived and laboured, it is a consolation to me to
know that I carry with me into my retirement
the esteem of so many honoured friends and the
affectionate regard of so many former pupils.
Some have been speaking lately of the loneliness
of a Scottish student's college life. I can only
say for myself that the years I spent as a student
in St Mary's College were among the happiest
of my life, and that the friendships then formed
within the little band of my fellow-students were
among the most valued and lasting of those I
have enjoyed. I have but to name John Robert
son, afterwards minister of Glasgow Cathedral ;

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell, xxxvii
John Tulloch, afterwards Principal of St Mary's
College ; William Milligan, afterwards Professor
of Biblical Criticism in Aberdeen ; William Dick
son, afterwards Professor of Divinity in Glasgow ;
Drs W. H. Gray, Gloag, and Herdman, and with
these some who afterwards joined the Free
Church : Dr Thomson, long at the head of the
Free Church Jewish Mission at Constantinople ;
Dr Thomas Brown, younger brother of my late
colleague, Dr William Brown, agent for the
Turkish Missions Aid Society; and Edward
Cross, afterwards Free Church minister at Moni-
fieth, with whom I laboured in happiest inter
course in Dundee, he being assistant to the
Free Church minister in the same district of
the town when I was assistant to the Parish
minister. When in my twenty-sixth year I re
turned as a Professor in the College where so
shortly before I had been a student, I can never
forget the kindness with which I was received
by my aged instructors there, especially by Prin
cipal Haldane, whose kind counsels were then
invaluable to me, nor the kindness of Professors
Duncan and Alexander, the only two of my in
structors remaining in the Old College. St
Andrews about that time had the reputation of
being rather a hot place. The conviction that
I was a man of rather placid temper, who would
not add fuel to the flame, I believe weighed con
siderably with Lord Advocate Rutherfurd in
finally recommending me for the Chair. Within

xxxviii Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
St Mary's College we were a happy family, and
the youth of twenty-six and the two aged Pro
fessors beyond threescore and ten continued to
work in unbroken harmony — the youth deeming
it a special privilege to aid the venerable Prin
cipal in his class-work during the last year of his
life, as well as to aid him and his aged colleague
in their pulpit work. It was soon after this that
I began to take an active part in Church work,
attending the General Assembly as an elder and
as Convener of the Jewish Mission — doing what
I could to reorganise it in Turkey, first in con
junction with such venerable fathers as Drs Muir,
Hunter, Grant, and James Robertson, and with
several brethren nearer my own age, who were
bearing the burden and heat of the day — Drs
Crawford, Nicholson, Nisbet, William Robertson,
and Elder Cumming, and such laymen as Sheriff
Arkley, David Smith, Henry Cheyne, John Elder,
John Tawse, and the good Edmund Baxter, all
now gone to their rest and their reward. Prin
cipal Haldane was succeeded by my old class-
fellow, Principal Tulloch, in harmony with whom
I wrought for thirty years in the College, occa
sionally taking part of his work, as I had of his
predecessor's, when he was laid aside by ill-health,
and also taking part with him in Church work,
especially in the work of the Anti - Patronage
Committee, on whose success so many in the
Church had set their hearts. After his untimely
removal, though I had served for seven or eight

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell, xxxix
years beyond the statutory thirty, I continued at
my post, and in the most kind and cordial rela
tions both in Church and University work with
his successor, Principal Cunningham, heartily
co-operating with him in the repeal of what has
been termed the Black Act of 1711, and in the
restitution of the old formula for ministers and
elders, which are now so generally welcomed,
and have been acknowledged by one at least of
the three who protested against the change to
be a great boon. I have often spoken of the
pleasure I have had in superintending the work
of my students, and my gratification at the zest
with which they took to the study both of Heb
rew and • Church History. The circumstances
which led to my resignation are already well
known to you all, and I need only say that it was
to me a very regretful necessity. I leave in each
of the three other Divinity Faculties at least one
distinguished pupil, and in St Mary's College two
who, with their younger colleagues, I trust will
strive to make it more than ever a School of the
Prophets, a nursery for earnest, faithful, scholarly,
and devoted ministers, who shall set high above
all passing isms Christ the personal Saviour, and
those great truths as to His divine nature, incar
nation, atoning death, and glorious resurrection,
to which the historic Church of Christ through
so many centuries has clung as her life and
strength and joy. Christ before, Christ behind,
—according to St Patrick's prayer,— Christ above,

xl Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
Christ beneath, Christ in the heart, Christ in the
home. I heartily thank you all for your great
kindness, and especially Principal Stewart and
Mr Wenley, and one who once said I had been as
a father to him, and of whom I may truly say
that he has been as a son to me."
In 1852 the Professor married the eldest
daughter of the late Mr Michael Johnstone of
Archbank, near Moffat, who belonged to an influ
ential yeoman family that has been connected
with Annandale for the last two hundred years.
The late Mr Peter Johnstone, brother of Mrs
Mitchell's father, who was a proprietor as well
as a large farmer, is still remembered as having
done a great deal to promote the cause of educa
tion in the district where he resided ; and her
brother, the late Mr James Johnstone, was
tenant of Bodsbeck farm, which is the scene of
the Ettrick Shepherd's well-known Covenanting
story — " The Brownie of Bodsbeck." How much.
Mrs Mitchell did to brighten the life and to min
ister to the happiness of the Professor can be
known only to those who have had the privilege
of being admitted into the inner circle of their
friends, and there are not a few who have very
pleasant reminiscences of delightful intercourse
with them in their house at 56 South Street, where
the duty of entertaining strangers seemed never to
be forgotten. Their family of four sons and two
daughters all survive, with the exception of the
eldest son, Robert Haldane, who died several

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xii
years ago in Australia, to which he had emigrated
along with his brother Johnstone.
Probably few are aware that the Professor spent
many of his happiest days, and did much of his
literary work, at Gowanpark, his country residence
near Brechin, which, with its charm of seclusion
and restfulness, no one who has visited it can
ever forget, and which his family came to regard
as their home almost as much as St Andrews.
There he found relaxation in the interest which
he took in the work of his little farm, which was
his own property, and as long as he had health he
enjoyed a ramble among the neighbouring hills, or
a walk, varied by an occasional drive, along the
quiet country roads. His home in the country,
however, was with him no mere place of recrea
tion, still less of idleness, and there, as elsewhere,
he never failed to find his chief source of pleasure
in the prosecution of his favourite studies.
When the Professor retired from the duties of
his Chair he did not cease to take an interest in
the affairs of the College, of which he was an
ornament while he lived, and with which, as was
said in a notice of him at the time of his death,
his name will always be associated — like those of
Andrew Melville, Samuel Rutherford, and others
in, remote and troublous times, and that of Princi
pal Tulloch in our own more peaceful days. Nor
did he cease to interest himself in the work of the
Church which he loved so well and had served so
faithfully. Perhaps it was to show his love for

xiii Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
the Church as much as to gratify his own feelings
that, amid great bodily infirmity, he undertook
the journey to Edinburgh, in May 1898, to attend
the General Assembly. He was unable, indeed,
to be present there more than once or twice, and
when on one occasion he occupied the Moder
ator's chair for a few minutes, a thrill of respectful
sympathy passed through the House. In a letter
written a few days after his return home he says,
"I am very' pleased to have been able to give
even such limited attendance," adding, with a
touch of pathos, as if anticipating that the visit
would be his last, "in the fiftieth year since Mr
John Tulloch and Alex. F. Mitchell were first
returned as members."
Soon afterwards he removed to his loved retreat
at Gowanpark, but his health did not improve,
and he was but seldom able to leave the house.
Most of the letters he wrote at this time, some of
them in pencil, with his head resting on the pillow,
were evidently intended to be his parting words
to those to whom they were addressed. In one
of these, written in the middle of September, he
says, " For the first fortnight after I came here
I was able to go out of doors, and in my invalid
chair bask in the sun for an hour a-day. I am
still keeping my bed in the hope of being able
to return without risk to St Andrews in the end
of the month ; " and then, alluding to a subject
his interest in which seems to have helped to
keep him alive, he says, " I have got five of

Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xliii
my six Baird Lectures transcribed. Of course
I must get some one to read them for me."
When he returned to St Andrews, the burden
of his infirmities grew heavier, and as the spring
approached it was manifest that he was nearing
the end. He was greatly affected by the tidings
of the tragic death of Dr Boyd, who had paid
him a visit shortly before his departure for the
south. On the Monday before he died he re
peated the words of the second paraphrase in a
clear, strong voice, and quoted almost the last
recorded words of St Paul, " I have fought a good
fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the
faith." On Tuesday evening he desired some one
to sing to him, and as Miss Mitchell was unable
to control her feelings to do so, Mr Smith, his
amanuensis, who had come in, was asked by him
to sing "Jesus, Lover of my Soul." When this
was done he turned to Miss Mitchell, and said,
" What would you like ? " and they sang together
" Rock of Ages." With uncomplaining patience
he had suffered much, but welcome rest came to
him on the morning of Wednesday, 22nd March.
Having served his own generation by the will of
God, he fell asleep amid the tender regrets of his
family, leaving behind him a memory that will
always be held in honour, and an example of
laborious service, of deep piety, and of fervent
trust in Christ.
In compliance with his own wish, his remains
were conveyed to Brechin, where they were laid

xliv Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
to rest beside those of his fathers under the
shadow of the old Cathedral, the members of the
local Presbytery, in token of their respect, being
present on the occasion. " The world passeth
away, and the lust thereof : but he that doeth the
will of God abideth for ever."
Gilmerton Manse, December 1899.

THE SCOTTISH REFORMATION.

CHAPTER I.
THE NATURE AND NEED OF THE REFORMATION.
With the single exception of the period which
covers the introduction and first marvellous
triumphs of Christianity, the Reformation of the
sixteenth century must be owned as perhaps the
greatest and most glorious revolution in the his
tory of the human race. And the years of earnest
contendings and heroic sufferings which prepared
the way for its triumph in many lands and issued
in its cruel suppression in others, and the story
of the men who by God's grace were enabled to
bear the brunt of the battle and to lead their
countrymen on to victor}' or to martyrdom, will
ever have a fascination for all in whose hearts
A

2 The Nature and Need ofthe Reformation.
faith in the great truths, then more clearly
brought to light, has not yet altogether evapor
ated. The movement then initiated was no mere
effort to get quit of acknowledged scandals, which
had long been grieved over but never firmly dealt
with ; no mere desire to lop off a few later accre
tions, which had gathered round and obscured the
faith once delivered to the saints ; x no mere " re
turn to the Augustinian, or the Nicene, or the
Ante -Nicene age," but a vast progress beyond
any previous age since the death of St John — a
1 As Lord Acton has so well said, " The modern age did not
proceed from the medieval by normal succession, with outward
tokens of legitimate descent. Unheralded, it founded a new order
of things, under a law of innovation, sapping the ancient reign of
continuity. In those days Columbus subverted the notions of the
world, and reversed the conditions of production, wealth, and power.
. . . Luther broke the chain of authority and tradition at the strong
est link ; and Copernicus erected an invincible power that set for
ever the mark of progress upon the time that was to come. . . .
It was an awakening of new life ; the world revolved in a different
orbit, determined by influences unknown before. After many ages,
persuaded of the headlong decline and impending dissolution of
society, and governed by usage and the will of masters who were in
their graves, the sixteenth century went forth armed for untried ex
perience, and ready to watch with hopefulness a prospect of incal
culable change" (Lecture on the Study of History, 1895, pp. 8, 9).
" There are no true ' cycles ' in human development ; history never
repeats itself; the Greco-Roman world has only distant analogies
with the Feudal-Catholic world, just as this has only distant analogies
with the Revolutionary world. The great phases of human civilis
ation are contrasted rather than compared ; they differ as infancy,
childhood, manhood, and senility differ in the individual " (Harrison
on " Freeman's Method of History,'' in the ' Nineteenth Century '
for November 1898).

Its Animating Principle. 3
deeper plunge into the meaning of revelation than
had been made by Augustine, or Anselm, or St
Bernard, or A Kempis, or Wycliffe, or Tauler. Its
object was to get back to the divine sources of
Christianity, — to know, and understand, and ap
propriate it as it came fresh and pure from the
lips of the Son of God and His inspired apostles,
not excluding that chosen vessel to whom the
grace had been given " to preach among the
Gentiles the unsearchable riches of Christ." It
was, in fact, a return to the old Gospel so
attractively set forth by him in his Epistles,
and verified to the reformers by their own in
most spiritual experience under deep convictions
of sin and shortcoming. The cry of their
awakened consciences had been, How shall we
sinners have relief from our load and be justified
before God ? And this, as has been said, was
just the old question put to the apostle himself
by the jailer at Philippi, What must I do to be
saved ? And the answer their own experience
warranted them with one accord to proclaim was
still, Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, believe in
the riches of His pardoning mercy, in the merit
of His atoning death, in the freeness and power
of His efficacious grace. By believing, however,
they meant, and were careful to explain that they
meant, not a mere intellectual assent to the truth
of the facts, but such an assent as drew with it

4 The Nature and Need ofthe Reformation.
the trust of the heart and the personal surrender
of the soul to Christ ; or — to use language of some
what later origin — the individual appropriation of
the freely offered Saviour, with all His fulness of
blessing, pardon, and righteousness by His one
offering once offered, and renewal into His own
image by the continuous indwelling of His Holy
Spirit. Such was the animating principle which gave
power to the teaching of the reformers in all
lands, and which constitutes still the central
article of a standing or a falling church to all
their true-hearted successors — Christ crucified for
our sins, raised again for our justification, and
now exalted to the right hand of the Majesty in
the heavens as Prince and Saviour, to give re
pentance and remission of sin and all needed
grace to those who thus believe in Him, and are
brought into union with Him. And the Re
formed Church will never perish or decay while
it continues to set forth this Gospel, and is
honoured by its divine Head to bring it home to
the hearts and consciences of men, with the same
power as its first teachers were honoured with in
the brave days of old. For it must never be for
gotten, I repeat, that the Reformation movement
was not only the introduction of a more scriptural
and scientific method of exhibiting Christian
doctrine, and simple unfolding of its teaching

Infusion of a New Life. 5
as to man's fallen state and the remedy their
heavenly Father had in His love provided for
them ; not only the reassertion of the supremacy
of the written Word of God over human tradi
tions, as well as of the right of all Christian men
and women to have direct access to that blessed
Word ; not only the translation into the verna
cular — German, English, Danish, Dutch, French,
Italian, Spanish — and the circulation throughout
Western Europe of that which for ages had been
to the Christian laity as a book that is sealed ;
but it was also, above all this, the infusion of a
new and higher life into the churches. We fall
short of a full comprehension of the movement
if we fail to recognise that the God of all grace
and blessing was then pleased to " send a plenti
ful rain to confirm His inheritance when it was
weary," to grant a second Pentecost to the church,
to make the people willing in the day of His
power, and to pour out His Spirit in rich abun
dance upon men.
With all the conscious and unconscious pre
paration which had paved the way for them, the
men who were God's chosen instruments at that
crisis were made deeply to feel and humbly to
own that it was God Himself who had led them
on — at times by ways they had not thought of;
that it was He who had upheld them in their
extremity when all human power seemed to be

6 The Nature and Need of the Reformation.
arrayed against them ; that it was He who, when
their resources were exhausted, was pleased, in
the day when they cried unto Him, to hear their
prayer and revive their hopes by the plentiful
outpouring of His Spirit. How feelingly this was
acknowledged by Luther at various crises in his
life is known to all who are in any measure ac
quainted with his thrilling story. No one could
have more constantly in his heart or more fre
quently on his lips the Hebrew psalmist's song
of holy confidence, " God is our refuge and
strength, a very present help in trouble. There
fore will not we fear, though the earth be removed,
and though the mountains be carried into the
midst of the sea. . . . There is a river, the
streams whereof shall make glad the city of God."
There was also that other which, under reverses
and discouragements, was the solace of our own
reformer, "If it had not been the Lord who was
on our side, when men rose up against us : then
they had swallowed us up quick. . . . Blessed
be the Lord, who hath not given us as a prey to
their teeth." As they mused the fire burned and
found expression in such songs of holy confid
ence as — ¦
"A sure stronghold our God is He,
A trusty shield and weapon ;
Our help He'll be, and get us free
Whatever ill may happen.

Decay of the Medieval Church. 7
Through our own force we nothing can,
Straight were we lost for ever,
But for us fights the proper Man,
By God sent to deliver.
Ask ye who this may be ?
Christ Jesus named is He,
Of Sabaoth the Lord
Sole God to be adored,
'Tis He must win the battle." J
" If God were not upon our side
When foes around us rage,
Were not Himself our help and guide
When bitter war they wage,
Were He not Israel's mighty shield,
To whom their utmost crafts must yield,
We surely must have perished." 2
By the time at which reforming influences
began manifestly to show themselves in Scotland,
that grand medieval organisation, which had
supplanted the simpler arrangements of the old
Celtic church, had in its turn exhausted its life
powers, and shown unmistakable signs of deep-
seated corruption and hopeless decay. Whatever
good it may have been honoured to do in times
past, — in keeping alive the knowledge of God and
of things divine in the midst of "a darkness
which might be felt," in promoting a higher
civilisation than the Celtic, in alleviating the evils
of the feudalism which Anglo-Norman settlers
1 Miss Winkworth's Christian Singers of Germany, pp. no, in.
2 Ibid., p. 117.

8 The Nature and Need of the Reformation.
had brought in, in founding parishes and uni
versities and some other institutions which, with
a purified church and revived Christian life, were
to be a source of blessing after it was swept away,
— yet now at last it had grossly failed to keep alive
among the common people true devotion, or to
give access to the sources at which the flame
might have been rekindled; it had failed tojDro-
vide educated men for its ordinary cures, to raise
the masses from the rudeness and ignorance in
which they were still involved, and even to main
tain that hearty sympathy with them and that
kindly interest in their temporal welfare which its
best men in its earlier days had shown. It con
tinued to have its services in a language which
had for ages been unintelligible to the bulk of the
laity, and was but partially intelligible to not a
few of its ordinary priests. It had no catechisms
or hymn books bringing down to the capacities
of the unlettered the truths of religion, and freely
circulated among them.1 It did not, when the
invention of printing put it in its power, make
any effort to circulate among them the Holy
Book, that they might read therein, in their own
tongue, the message of God's love. No doubt it
had its pictures and images, its mystery plays and
1 [Hamilton's Catechism, which was not intended for indiscrim
inate circulation among the laity, was not published until 1552 ;
and The Twopenny Faith was not issued until the spring of 1559.]

Lethargy of the Medieval Church. 9
ceremonies, which it deemed fit books for chil
dren' and the unlearned. But it forgot that these
children were growing in capacity, even if allowed
to grow up untrained ; that " to credulous sim
plicity was succeeding a spirit of eager curiosity,
an impatience of mere authority, and a determina
tion to search into the foundation of things";
and that, if it was to maintain its place, it must
not only keep abreast but ahead of advancing
intelligence and morality. But the old church
began greatly to decline just as the laity began
to rise. Bishop Kennedy, I suppose, was almost
its last preaching bishop; and the character of
the preaching, so far as preaching was still con
tinued by the friars and some of the inferior
clergy, was not generally fitted to supply the lack
of Bibles and catechisms, and other vernacular
books of instruction. It never grappled, as it
ought, with the problem of lightening the burdens !
it had long exacted of the peasantry ; but refused j
almost to the last moment to ease even the most
galling of them. It never grappled, as it ought,
with the problem of the education of the masses ;
and what was done for those of the community
in more fortunate circumstances was done more
by the efforts of a few noble-minded individuals
than by any corporate action of Church or State.
There is not among all its codes of canons any
thing approaching to the clear ringing utterances

10 The Nature and Need of the Reformation.
of our First Book of Discipline concerning the
necessity and advantages of education.1
Not only had the life powers of the medieval
church been exhausted and decay set in, but
corruption, positive and gross corruption, had
reached an alarming height. There were the in
dolence and neglect of duty which wealth too
often brings in its train ; the covert secularising
of that wealth, just as in the old Celtic church,
by various devices, to get it into the hands of
unqualified men and minors ; luxury, avarice,
oppression, simony, shameless pluralities, and
crass ignorance ; and above all that celibate sys
tem, which nothing would persuade them honestly
to abandon, though it had proved to be a yoke
they could not bear, and was producing only too
generally results humiliating and disastrous to
themselves and to all who came under their in
fluence. The proof of this does not rest merely
or even mainly on the statements of Knox,
Alesius, and Spottiswood, nor on the representa
tions of Lindsay and the Wedderburns. The
fact, as both the late Dr David Laing and Dr
Joseph Robertson have shown, and the late
Bishop Forbes has sorrowfully acknowledged, is
confessed and deplored in the canons of their
councils, in the Acts of the Scottish Parliament,
1 [For these utterances see infra, chap. viii. sec. iv.]

Corruption of the Medieval Church. 1 1
and in the writings of their own best men.1 The
harsh measures to which men themselves so vul
nerable had recourse to maintain their position,
the relentless cruelties they perpetrated on men
of unblemished character, amiable disposition,
deep-seated conviction and thorough Christian
earnestness, could not fail in the end to turn the
tide against them, and arouse feelings of indigna
tion which on any favourable opportunity would
induce the nation to sweep them away.
The corruptions in the doctrine of the church
were hardly less notable than those in the lives
of its clergy. The sufficiency and supremacy of
1 Because of its permanent importance, I deem it best to insert
here a note from my Introduction to ' The Gude and Godlie
Ballatis,' p. lxiv : " We do not need to call in Knox, or Lind
say, or the satirists, in evidence of this humbling fact. The tes
timony of their own councils, of the Acts of Parliament, and of
some of their best men, as Principal Hay in his congratulatory ad
dress to Cardinal Betoun, and Ninian Winzet in the sad appeals and
confessions inserted in his ' Tractates,' as well as that of impartial
modern historians like Tytler and Dr Joseph Robertson, is more
than sufficient to establish it beyond contradiction. The testimony
of Conseus, who died when about to be raised to the purple, covers
almost all that Alesius and Knox have averred : ' In multorum
sacerdotum aedibus scortum publicum . . . nee a sacrilego quorun-
dam luxu tutus erat matronarum honos aut virginalis pudor. ' More
notable still is the representation given in the ' Memoire ' addressed
to the Pope by Queen Mary and the Dauphin, evidently at the in
stance of Mary of Guise, in which the spread of heresy is expressly
attributed to the ignorance and immorality of the clergy. See
Appendix B, vol. ii., of Mr Hume Brown's recent biography of
Knox."

1 2 The Nature and Need of the Reformation.
the written Word of God were denied, and co
ordinate authority was claimed for tradition. The
Virgin Mary and the saints departed were asserted
to share the office which Scripture reserves for
the one Mediator between God and man. Pen
ances and other external acts of work-righteousness
were alleged to co-operate in the pardon of sin
with the "one obedience" by which "many are
made righteous." The sacraments were asserted
to produce their effect ex opere operato,- — not by the
working of the Spirit in them that by faith receive
them. Belief in the literal transubstantiation of
the bread and wine in the Lord's Supper was
rigidly enforced and substituted for that spiritual
presence and spiritual manducation which the
earlier church had maintained. The doctrine of
a purgatory after this life was invented, and the
virtue of masses for the dead therein detained was
persistently taught and required to be believed.
The Roman church was affirmed to be the mother
and mistress of the churches, and its head to be
the successor of St Peter and the Vicar of Christ.
Yet it must never be forgotten that, even in
these degenerate days, there were those among
the ministers of the church who wept in secret
over the abominations that were done, who
longed for the dawn of a better day, and, in
their parishes or cloisters or colleges, sought to
prepare the way for it, and who succeeded in

The Reforming Priests. 1 3
doing so with many of their younger comrades,
and only made up their minds in the end to
abandon the old church when all their efforts
for its revival proved vain. Nay, the men who
initiated and carried to a successful issue the
struggle for a more thorough reformation than
the others desired, the martyrs, confessors, and
exiles, were almost all from the ranks of the
priesthood of the old church — from the regular
as well as from the secular priesthood ; from the
Dominican and Franciscan monasteries as well
as from the Augustinian abbeys ; and from none
more largely than the Augustinian Priory of St
Andrews, and the College of St Leonard founded
in connection with it, notwithstanding that its
prior for the time being was so far from what he
ought to have been. At least twenty priests
joined the reformed congregation of St Andrews
in 1559-60, and among them more than one who
had sat in judgment on the martyrs and assisted
in their condemnation.1 A much larger number
were ultimately admitted as readers in the
Reformed Church.
1 [So early as the 23rd of June 1559, Knox wrote to Mrs Anna
Lock : " Diverse channons of Sanct Andrewes have given notable
confessiouns, and have declared themselves manifest enemies to the
pope, to the masse, and to all superstitioun " (Laing's Knox, vi. 26).
In all probability some of these canons were included among the
fourteen canons of St Andrews Priory who are mentioned as Protes
tants in January 1571-72, and of whom twelve were then parish

14 The Nature and Need of the Reformation.
How was the great revolution which was to
bring the church back from these corruptions of
life and doctrine prepared for ? Ebrard supposes
that witnesses for holy living and simple faith,
but partially connected with the dominant church,
were never from Celtic times entirely wanting in
Britain ; and it may have been that, through
Richard Rolle and a few other hermits, the feeble
spark in the smoking wick continued to smoulder
on till it was blown into a flame by Wycliffe. At
any rate it was blown into a flame by him and
his poor priests ; and from their time witness
after witness arose to contend for the right of the
laity to read the Word of God, and to maintain
that men were saved by the merits of Christ and
should pray to Him alone, that there was no
purgatory in the popish sense, and that the pope
was not the Vicar of Christ. Wycliffe's poor
ministers ('Booke ofthe Universall Kirk,' Bannalyne Club, i. 222).
None of these fourteen is found signing the General Band of 13th
July 1559, which in St Andrews was adopted as " the letters of junc-
tioun to the Congregatioun " ; but eighteen priests did sign it ; and of
the other thirteen ecclesiastics who there made sweeping recantations,
at least six may be held to have joined the congregation, for they not
only confessed that "we haif ower lang abstractit ourselfis and beyne
sweir in adjuning us to Christes Congregatioun," but they promised
"in tyme cuming to assist in word and wark with unfenyiet mynde
this Congregatioun" ('Register of St Andrews Kirk-Session,' Scot.
Hist. Soe, i. 10-18). In 1573 it was stated that "the most part
of the persons who were channons monks and friars within this
realme have made profession of the true religion" ('Booke ofthe
Universall Kirk,' i. 280).]

Precursors of the Reformation. 1 5
priests, when persecuted in the south, naturally
sought shelter among the moors and mosses of
the north. The district of Kyle and Cunningham
was "a receptakle of Goddis servandis of old,"
where their doctrines were cherished till the dawn
of the Reformation. In 1406 or 1407 James
Resby, one of these priests, is found teaching as
far north as Perth, and for his teaching he was
accused and condemned to a martyr's death. A
similar fate is said to have befallen another in
Glasgow about 1422, in all probability the Scot
tish Wycliffite whose letter to his bishop has
recently been unearthed in a Hussite MS. at
Vienna ; and in 1433 Paul Craw or Crawar, a
Bohemian, for disseminating similar opinions,
was burned at the market cross in St Andrews.
These were not in all probability the only grim
triumphs of Laurence, Abbot of Lindores, one of
the first rectors in the University of St Andrews,
who during so many years "gave no rest to
heretics," but they are all of whom records have
been preserved to our time. The fact that every
Master of Arts in the University of St Andrews
had to take an oath to defend the church against
the Lollards,1 and the other fact that the Scottish
Parliament in 1425 enjoined that every bishop
should make inquiry anent heretics and Lollards,
1 [Enacted by the University on ioth June 1416 (M'Crie's Mel
ville, 1824, i. 420).]

1 6 The Nature and Need of the Reformation.
and that where any such were found, they should
be punished as the law of holy church requires,1
speak more significantly of the alarm they had
occasioned than these sporadic martyrdoms. Still
more, perhaps, does the abuse Fordun, or rather
his continuator, heaps on them, bear witness to
the alarm they had caused. Yet at the very close
of the century, and in the old haunt, we find no
fewer than thirty processed, and through the
kindness of the king more gently dealt with than
the ecclesiastical authorities wished ; three of the
most resolute — namely, Campbell of Cessnock,
his noble wife, and a priest who officiated as their
chaplain and read the New Testament to them
— being released when at the stake.
Reforming tendencies in the sixteenth century,
it has been said, first showed themselves in Scot
land in the reassertion of "those principles,
catholic but anti-papal," which had been main
tained in the preceding century in the Councils
of Constance and Basle. The decisions of the for
mer were received in Scotland in 1418, and allegi
ance to Benedict XIII. was finally renounced.2
A Scottish doctor 3 had taken a rather prominent
1 [Enacted by Parliament on 1 2th March 1424-25 (Acts of Parlia
ment, ii. 7).]
2 Robertson's Concilia Scotite, vol. i. p. Ixxviii.
s [For an account of this Scottish cleric — Thomas, Abbot of Dun-
drennan — who so greatly distinguished himself at the Council of
Basle, see ' Concilia Scotise,' vol. i. pp. xcvii-xcix. ]

John Major. 17
part in the proceedings of the latter, though the
Scottish Church, like the others, ultimately fell
away from that council and the pope elected by
it, and under Bishop Kennedy was reconciled to
the Roman See and to Pope Eugenius.1 Scotland
had had no Grosteste, no Anselm or Bradwar
dine among its prelates in the middle ages, no
Wycliffe among its priests. Duns Scotus, the one
theologian before the sixteenth century who
claimed Scottish birth and European fame,
never seems to have taught in his native land.
Chief among its doctors in the beginning of the
sixteenth century stood John Major, a native of
East Lothian, who taught with distinguished
success, first in Paris, then in Glasgow, after
that in St Andrews, then once more in Paris, and
finally in St Andrews again. Melanchthon, while
ridiculing his scholastic ways, places him at the
head of the doctors of the Sorbonne. The re
membrance of his early labours in Montaigu
College had not died out when Calvin entered
it, and probably he had returned to it before
Calvin left. Patrick Hamilton and Buchanan
may possibly have been brought into contact
with him while there, as they, Alesius, and John
1 [The bull of Eugenius the Fourth, addressed to Bishop Ken
nedy, and dated 6th July 1440, orders the excommunication of the
followers of the anti-pope, Felix the Fifth, elected by the Council
of Basle, to be published.in Scotland (Ibid., p. c.)]
B

1 8 The Nature and Need of the Reformation.
Wedderburn afterwards were in St Andrews, and
John Hamilton and Knox in Glasgow. He was
a true disciple of D'Ailly and Gerson, but like
them was warmly attached to the dominant
church and opposed to the heretics of his time.
He taught, as they had done, that the church,
assembled in general council, may judge and
even depose a pope and reform abuses in the
church ; that papal excommunications have no
force unless conformed to justice, and do not
necessarily prevent a man who dies under them
from going to heaven. He sharply censured the
vices of the Roman court, and of the bishops and
clergy of his time, particularly those of his native
land. He is especially severe in censuring their
immorality and ignorance ; and, like Wycliffe,
condemns the monks and friars for inveigling
into their order young novices who had no voca
tion for a celibate life, and ought rather to have
been encouraged to enter into honest wedlock.
But he was a stern opponent of heresy — Luth
eran as well as Wycliffite — a subtle defender of
Roman doctrine ; and in dedicating to Archbishop
Betoun his Commentary on St Matthew's Gospel,
he congratulated him on the success of his cruel
measures against Hamilton and the heretics.1
1 [Dr Mitchell, no doubt, had the Commentary itself before him.
Those who have not access to it will find the dedication in the Ap
pendix to Constable's 'Major,' Scot. Hist. Soe, pp. 447, 448.]

19

CHAPTER II.

PATRICK HAMILTON.

It has not been very clearly ascertained how or
when the opinions and writings of Luther were
first introduced into Scotland. M. de la Tour,
who in 1527 suffered in Paris for heresy, was ac
cused of having vented various Lutheran opinions
while in Edinburgh in attendance on the Duke
of Albany. This, of course, must have been
before 1523. On the gth June 1523, the same
day that John Major was received as Principal
of the Paedagogium, or St Mary's College,1 Patrick
Hamilton was incorporated into the University
of St Andrews;2 and on 3rd October 1524 he
1 See Appendix A.
2 [The entry in the Register of the University occurs at the bottom
of a page, and is preceded and followed by entries of 1521, as if it
had been inserted there to save space. The entries of 1521 are
distinct and easily read, but in this of 1523 lhe ink is very faint, and
the surface of the vellum has a rubbed appearance. It runs thus :
" Die nono mensis Junii anno Domini Im Vc xxiij incorporatus erat
venerabilis vir Magister noster Magister Johannes Major doctor

20 Patrick Hamilton.
was admitted as a member of the Faculty of
Arts. If he did not from the latter date act as
a regent in the University, he probably took
charge of some of the young noblemen or gentle
men attending the classes. At that date he was
probably more Erasmian than Lutheran, though
of that more earnest school who were ultimately
to outgrow their teacher, and find their congenial
home in a new church.
Patrick Hamilton was born in 1503 or 1504 at
Stonehouse in Lanarkshire, or at Kincavel near
Linlithgow. His father, a natural son of the
first Lord Hamilton, had been knighted for his
bravery, and rewarded by his sovereign with
the above lands and barony. His mother was
a daughter of Alexander, Duke of Albany, the
second son of James II. , so that he had in
his veins the noblest blood in the land. His
cousins, John and James Hamilton, were in due
time raised to episcopal rank in the unreformed
church of Scotland, and several others of his
relations received high ecclesiastical promotion.
Marked out for a similar destiny, Patrick was
carefully educated, and, according to the corrupt
custom of the time, was in his fourteenth year
appointed to the Abbacy of Feme in Ross-shire,
theologus in Parisiensis et thesaurarius capelle regis. Eodem die
incorporati sunt Magister Patricius Hamilton et Magister Robertus
Laudar in nostra Universite" («<").]

His Studies. , 21
to enable him to maintain himself in comfort
while continuing his studies abroad. Like many
of his aristocratic countrymen he went first to
the University of Paris, and probably to the
College of Montaigu, where Major, the great
Scottish scholastic doctor, was then teaching
with much eclat, and gathering round him there,
as afterwards at St Andrews, an ardent band of
youthful admirers, several of whom in the end
were to advance beyond their preceptor, and to
lend the influence of their learning and piety to
the side of Luther and the reformers. Before
the close of 1520 he took the degree of M.A. at
the University of Paris, and soon after left Paris
for Louvain, to avail himself of the facilities for
linguistic studies provided there, or to enjoy
personal intercourse with Erasmus, the patron of
the new learning. He is said while there to
have made great progress in the languages and
in philosophy, and to have been specially at
tracted towards the philosophy of Plato. With
the Sophists of Louvain, as Luther terms them,
he could have had no sympathy. But there were
some there, as well as at Paris, whose hearts
God had touched, to whom he could not fail
to be drawn. He may even have met with those
Augustinian monks of Antwerp whom these So
phists so soon after his departure sent to heaven
in a chariot of fire, and whose martyrdom un-

22 Patrick Hamilton.
sealed in Luther's breast the fount of sacred
song. In the autumn of 1522, or the spring of
1523, he returned to Scotland, and, after a brief
visit to his relatives in Linlithgowshire, appears
to have come on to St Andrews. Probably,
along with Alesius, Buchanan, and John Wedder
burn, he there heard those lectures on the Gos
pels which Major afterwards published in Paris
and dedicated to the Archbishop of St Andrews
and other prominent churchmen in Scotland.
But his sympathies were more with the young
canons of the Augustinian priory than with the
Old Scholastic ; and probably it was that he
might take a place among the teachers of their
daughter college of St Leonard's that he was
received as a member of the Faculty of Arts.
Skilled in the art of sacred music, which the
alumni of that college were bound specially to
cultivate, he composed what the musicians call
a mass, arranged in parts for nine voices, and
acted himself as leader of the choir when it was
sung in the cathedral. He is said to have taken
on him the priesthood about this time, that he
might be formally admitted " to preach the word
of God." But he was not then of age for priests'
orders, and Dr David Laing is doubtful if he
was in orders at all, and certainly no mention
is made of his degradation from orders before
his martyrdom, and the final summons of Betoun

Parliament and Heresy. 23
seems to imply that he had never been author
ised to preach at all.
The years 1525 and 1526 were very unquiet
years in Scotland, various factions contending
with varying success for the possession of the
person of the young king. It was on the 17th
July of the former year that his Parliament passed
its first Act against the new opinions, in which,
after asserting that the realm had ever been clean
"of all sic filth and vice," it enacted, "that na
maner of persoun strangear that hapnis to arrife
with their schippis within ony part of this realm
bring with thaim ony bukis or werkis of the said
Lutheris his discipillis or servandis, desputt or
rehers his heresyis or opunyeouns bot geif [i.e.,
unless] it be to the confusioun therof, and that
be clerkis in the sculis alanerlie, under the pane
of escheting of ther schippis and gudis and put
ting of ther persouns in presoun."1 In conse
quence of a letter from the pope, urging the
young king to keep his realm free from stain of
heresy, the scope of the Act was extended in 1527
by the chancellor and Lords of Council so that
it might apply to natives of the kingdom as well
as to strangers resorting to it for purposes of
commerce.2 1 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 295.
2 [The Act as thus extended was ratified on the 12th of June 1535
(Ibid., ii. 342).]

24 Patrick Hamilton.
In 1526 the primate, Archbishop James Betoun,
uncle of the cardinal, having taken a keen part
in the political contentions of the day with the
faction which lost, had to escape for a time from
St Andrews, and, disguised as a shepherd, to
tend a flock of sheep for three months on the
hills of Fife, on the high grounds of Kennoway,
immediately to the east of where the railway now
reaches its summit level.1 It was at this juncture
that copies of the New Testament of Tyndale's
translation were brought over from the Low
Countries by the Scottish traders to the seaports
of Aberdeen, Montrose, St Andrews, and Leith.
Most of them are said to have been taken to St
Andrews and put in circulation there in the ab
sence of the archbishop. One was present there
at that time who had long treasured the precious
saying of Erasmus, " Let us eagerly read the
Gospel, but let us not only read, but live the
Gospel " ; and who seized the golden opportun
ity to impress the saying on others, and invite
longing souls to quench their thirst at those wells
of living water which had so marvellously been
opened to them for a season. During the months
when the primate was in concealment, and in
those which followed his return, Patrick Hamilton
came out more earnestly than he had done be
fore as an evangelist and an advocate of the great
1 Pilscottie's History, 1778, p. 216; Lesley's History, p. 136.

James Betoun' s Motives. 25
truths, for which ultimately he was to be called
to lay down his life. His conduct could not long
escape the notice of the returned archbishop.
I do not suppose that he was naturally cruel,
nor after his recent misfortunes likely, without
consideration, to embroil himself with the Ham-
iltons, with whom in the tortuous politics of the
times he had often acted. But he had those
about him who were less timid and more cruel,
especially his nephew, the future cardinal. He
was himself ambitious and crafty, and about
this very time was exerting all his influence to
obtain special favours from the pope without the
sanction of the king.1 He knew that the holy
father had written the sovereign requiring him
to keep his realm free from heresy, and no doubt
he and his scheming nephew thought that by
their zeal in this matter they would discredit
the opposition of the king and his advisers to
their ambitious schemes at the papal court.
Still, he was anxious to perform the ungrateful
task in the way least offensive to the Hamiltons.
So while issuing his summons against the re
former to appear and answer the charges which
had been brought against him, he did not at-
1 Soliciting legatine powers over the whole of Scotland, instead of
over his own province of the archdiocese, so as to render nugatory
the exemption granted to the king's old tutor and favourite prelate
the Archbishop of Glasgow.

26 Patrick Hamilton.
tempt at once to restrain his personal liberty ;
he would rather, if he could, rid the kingdom
of his presence without imbruing his hands in
his blood. And that was the result actually
attained. Some of Hamilton's opponents even, touched
by his youth, his illustrious descent, his engaging
manners and noble character, joined with his
friends in urging him to avoid by flight the
danger which impended. He yielded to their
counsels, and, along with two friends and a ser
vant, made his escape to the Continent. The
story of his residence there has been graphic
ally told by Principal Lorimer and Dr Merle
D'Aubigne ; and the latter has the merit of ex
plaining why Hamilton did not carry out his
original intention of visiting Luther and Mel
anchthon at Wittenberg, as well as Frith, Tyn
dale, and Lambert at Marbourg. At the very
time he arrived on the Continent, the plague was
raging in Wittenberg. " Two persons died of
it in Melanchthon's house." Luther himself was
suddenly taken ill. " All who could do so, and
especially the students, quitted the town." 1 Thus
the absence of documents bearing on his alleged
sojourn at the Saxon university is naturally ex
plained. He went to the younger University of
Marbourg in Hesse, and prepared there, and
1 D'Aubigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 42, 43.

Final Return to Scotland. 27
publicly disputed, those theses that most fully
and systematically set forth the doctrines which
he mainly taught, and for which at last he suf
fered. He was warmly beloved by Lambert of
Avignon, who was then the most distinguished
theological professor in the infant university, as
well as by others with whom he was brought
into contact ; and he would have been gladly
retained by them, could he have been persuaded
to remain in Germany : but his heart yearned
to return to his native land, and once more pro
claim there the truths which had now become
to him more precious and engrossing than before.
His faith had been confirmed, and his spirit
quickened, by living for a time among earnest
and decided Christians ; and in the autumn of
1527 he set out once more for Scotland, pre
pared for any fate that might await him, not
counting even life dear unto him if he might
finish his course with joy, and bear faithful wit
ness to his Master's truth, where before he had
shrunk back from an ordeal so terrible. He ap
pears first to have resorted to his native district,
and made known to relatives, friends, and neigh
bours about Linlithgow that Gospel of the grace
of God which gave strength and peace to his own
spirit. In his discourses and conversations he
dwelt chiefly on the great and fundamental truths
which had been brought into prominence by the

28 Patrick Hamilton.
reformers, and avoided subjects of doubtful dis
putation. His own gentle bearing gained favour
for his opinions and success in his labours, and
it won for him the heart of a young lady of noble
birth, to whom he united himself in marriage,
following in this the example of Luther and others
of the German reformers.
Archbishop Betoun being then on the other
side of the Forth, in the neighbouring abbey of
Dunfermline, could not fail to hear of his doings
or to desire to silence him. But neither could
he fail, in the state of the political parties in
Scotland at the time, to recognise " that a heretic
with the power of the Hamiltons at his back was
more to be dreaded than Luther himself," and
must be dealt with very cautiously. It was long
supposed that, if not at the king's express desire,
as Bishop Lesley seems to suggest,1 then certainly
from his own wariness, the archbishop did not
at first venture formally to renew his old sum
mons, but invited the reformer to St Andrews
to a friendly conference with himself and other
1 [The only passage, so far as I know, in which Lesley speaks
of the king in connection with the martyr is the following : ' ' Suae
pertinaciae, ac flagitii poenas igni luebat, adhortante magno Catho-
licae Religionis protectore Rege ipso, quem et sanguinis propin-
quitate attigerat " (Lesley's ' De Origine,' 1578, p. 427 ; 1675, P-
407). This is rendered by Dalrymple : " For his obstinacie and
wickednes committed, he is burnte at command of the king selfe
gret Catholik protectour, to quhom Feme als was neir of kin and
bluid" (Dalrymple's Lesley, Scot. Text Soe, ii. 215, 216).]

In St Andrews. 29
chiefs of the church on such points as might
seem to stand in need of reform, and that Ham
ilton accepted the invitation. At first, it has
been said, he was well received : " All of them
displayed a conciliatory spirit ; all appeared to
recognise the evils in the church ; some of them
seemed even to share on some points the senti
ments of Hamilton."1 He left the conference
not without hope of some other than the sad
issue he had at first anticipated. He was per
mitted for nearly a month to move about with
freedom in the city, to dispute in the schools of
the university, and privately to confer with all
who chose to resort to him at the lodging which
had been provided for him. It was evidently
the intention of those who were deepest in the
plot against him, that he should have ample time
allowed him to express his sentiments fully and
unmistakably, and even should be tempted by
dissemblers, like Friar Campbell, to unbosom
himself in private on matters as to which he
refrained from saying much in public — the many
alterations required in doctrine and in the ad
ministration of the sacraments and accustomed
rites. It is said that the archbishop still desired that
he should again save himself by flight, and there
is nothing in the summons flatly inconsistent
1 D'Aubigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 57.

30 Patrick Hamilton.
with this ; x but he and his friends took the credit
of the terrible deed as promptly as if they had
planned and intended it from the first. They
also assembled their armed retainers, that when
the days of truce had expired they might be able
to hold their prisoner against all attempts to
rescue him. The reformer refused to flee, affirm
ing that he had come to the city for the very
purpose of confirming, if need be, by the sacrifice
of his life, the doctrines he had taught. He even
anticipated the time fixed for his appearance, and
had one more conference with the archbishop
and his doctors, who even then had come to a
formal decision that the articles charged against
him were heretical. The same evening he was
seized and imprisoned in the castle, and next
day was brought out for public trial and con
demnation in the Abbey Church or cathedral of
St Andrews.
1 In an old manuscript book of forms used in ecclesiastical pro
cesses by the archbishops of St Andrews before the Reformation, I
found and have been able to decipher the recorded copy ofthe sum
mons issued by Archbishop James Betoun against Hamilton after
his return from Germany. It is addressed specially to the Dean of
the Lothians, and refers only to the preaching of the reformer in
West Lothian, so that there can no longer be any doubt that his
compearance in St Andrews before the date appointed in the sum
mons must be regarded as a resolute avowal of his determination to
defend his teaching at all hazards. The summons is inserted at
length in Appendix B. [For an account of the manuscript Formu
lare see Robertson's 'Concilia Scoriae,' vol. i. pp. cxcv, cxcvi.]

His Martyrdom. 3 1
Among the articles with which he was charged,
and the truth of which he admitted and main
tained, the most important were : " That a man is
not justified by works, but by faith alone ; " " That
faith, hope, and charity are so linked together,
that he who hath one of them hath all, and he
that lacketh one lacketh all ; " and " That good
works make not a good man, but that a good
man doth good works." x On being challenged
by his accuser with having avowed other heretical
opinions, he affirmed it was not lawful to worship
images or to pray to the saints ; and maintained
that " it is reason and leisome to all men that
have a soul to read the Word of God, and that
they may understand the same, and in special
the latter-will and testament of Christ Jesus."2
These truths, which have been the source of life
and strength to many, were to him the cause of
condemnation and death ; and on the last day
of February 1527-28, the same day the sentence
was passed, it was remorselessly executed before
the gates of St Salvator's College. " Nobly," as
I have said elsewhere, " did the martyr confirm
the minds of the many godly youths he had
gathered round him, by his resolute bearing, his
gentleness and patience, his steadfast adherence
to the truths he had taught, and his heroic endur-
1 Spottiswoode's History, i. 124, 125.
2 Pitscottie's History, 1778, p. 206.

32 Patrick Hamilton.
ance of the fiery ordeal through which he had to
pass to his rest and reward." The harrowing
details of his six long hours of torture have been
preserved for us by his friend Alesius, himself a
sorrowing witness of the fearful tragedy. " He
was rather roasted than burned," he tells us. It
may be that his persecutors had not deliberately
planned thus horribly to protract his sufferings —
though such cruelty was not unknown in France,
either then or in much later times. They were as
yet but novices at such revolting work, and all
things seemed to conspire against them. The
execution had been hurried on before a sufficiency
of dry wood had been provided for the fire.
The fury of the storm, which had prevented the
martyr's brother from crossing the Forth with
troops to rescue him, was not yet spent. With a
fierce wind from the east sweeping up North
Street, it would be a difficult matter in such a
spot to kindle the pile and keep it burning, or to
prevent the flames, when fierce, from being so
blown aside as to be almost as dangerous to the
surrounding crowd as to the tortured victim.
They did so endanger his accuser, the traitor
Campbell, and " set fire to his cowl, and put him
in such a fray, that he never came to his right
mind." But, through all his excruciating suffer
ings, the martyr held fast his confidence in God
and in his Saviour, and the faith of many in the

Effects of his Constancy. 33
truths he taught was only the more confirmed by
witnessing their mighty power on him.1
1 The older sources for the facts of Patrick Hamilton's career and
martyrdom are the references to them by his friend Alesius in two
or three of his works, and especially in his ' Commentary on the
First Book of Psalms, ' under Psalm xxxvii. ; by Lambert in his
' Commentary on the Apocalypse' ; and by Gau in the latter part of
his treatise on ' The Richt Vay to the Kingdom of Heuine ' ; and
after those by Foxe, Knox, Calderwood, Pitscottie, and Spottis-
woode in their histories. The only satisfactory formal biography of
him is that by Principal Lorimer entitled, ' Patrick Hamilton, the
first Preacher and Martyr of the Scottish Reformation. ' His story
has also been told by Dr Merle D'Aubigne, in his own dramatic way ;
and still more recently it has been made the subject of a veritable
drama by the Rev. T. P. Johnston, minister of Carnbee.

34

CHAPTER III.
THE OPPRESSED AND THE OPPRESSORS.
Archbishop Betoun thought that by Patrick
Hamilton's death he had extinguished Luther
anism in Scotland. The University of Louvain
applauded his deed ; and so also, I regret to say,
did John Major, the old Scottish Gallican, then
resident at Paris, and preparing for the press his
Commentary on the Gospels, the first part of
which was to be dedicated to his old patron in
Scotland, and was emphatically to express his
approval of what that patron had done to root out
the tares of Lutheranism.1 But, according to the
well-known saying, " the reek of Patrick Hamilton
infected all on whom it did blow." 2 His martyr
death riveted for ever in the hearts of his friends
1 Supra, p. 18, n.
2 [The saying in slightly different forms may be found in Laing's
Knox, i. 42 ; Calderwood's History, i. 86 ; Spottiswoode's History,
i. 130.]

Henry Forrest. 35
the truths he had taught in his life. This was
especially the case with the younger alumni in the
colleges, and the less ignorant and dissolute in
mates of the priory and other monastic establish
ments in the city. As at a later period it was felt
certain that a stern Covenanter had been detected
when a suspected one refused to own that the
killing of Archbishop Sharp was to be regarded
as murder, so in these earlier days it was thought
a sufficient mark of an incipient Lutheran if he
could not be got to acknowledge that Hamilton
had deserved his fate. On the charge that he
had a copy of the English New Testament, and
had been heard to say that Hamilton was no here
tic, Henry Forrest was subjected to a rigorous
imprisonment and a violent death. Forrest was
a native of the county of Linlithgow, and had
associated with Hamilton in St Andrews, and
was the first to share his bloody baptism there.
He was burned at the north kirk-style of the
Abbey Church, that the heretics of Angus might
see the fire and take warning from his fate.1 One
for simply touching in his sermons with a firm
hand on the corruptions of the clergy had to
escape for his life.2 Another, whose history after
being long forgotten has been again brought to
1 [Various dates, ranging between 1529 and 1533, have been
assigned for Forrest's martyrdom.]
2 [William Arth.]

36 The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
light in our own day, for a similar offence was
subjected to cruel imprisonment, and at last forced
to flee from his native land.
The name of this confessor was Alexander Alane,
and it is so entered in the Registers of St Andrews
University ; but it is by the name of Alexander
Alesius, imposed on him by Melanchthon, that he
has been chiefly known to posterity. It may
admit of some doubt whether he was absolutely
the first after the death of Hamilton to abandon
his country1 and all he held dear, rather than
renounce the faith the martyr had taught him,
or crouch before the lecherous tyrant who had
destined him to a filthy dungeon and a lingering
death. But it admits of no doubt that he was
the most notable of all the band of young Scottish
exiles who had to leave their native country be
tween the martyrdom of Hamilton and that of
Wishart, and who were honoured to do faithful
service in the cause of the Reformation in Eng
land and on the Continent. The story of Alesius,
of the shameless cruelties which drove him from
his native land, of the hardships he had to bear
in the earlier years of his exile, of the high place
he gained in the affections of Melanchthon and
Beza, and the great work he was to do by his writ
ings and prelections for the Protestant churches
of Germany, is one of the most interesting in the
1 [It was probably in 1530 that he left Scotland.]

Alesius and the Scriptures. 37
great movement of the age. But to be appreci
ated it must be told in detail, and as most of his
work was done out of Scotland, I have decided
to reserve it for a supplementary lecture. I must
not, however, omit to mention here one special
service which he was honoured to do for the
cause in his native land soon after he left it, as
it casts fresh light on the origin of the Reforma
tion in Scotland. His first publication, printed
in 1533, was entitled ' Alexandri Alesii Epistola
contra decretum quoddam episcoporum in Scotia,
quod prohibet legere Novi Testamenti libros lingua
vernacula.' It brought into bold relief, and set
high above all minor issues, what had been taught
by Wycliffe in the fourteenth century, and main
tained by the Lollards of Kyle in the fifteenth,
and what had actually been urged as an additional
charge against Patrick Hamilton. Save for this
epistle of Alesius, and the controversy it occa
sioned, we might not have known that even in
ignorant Scotland the bishops had been so far
left to themselves as to issue such a decree.1 It
1 [Howard and Barlo, in writing from Edinburgh on the 13th of
May 1536, say, that to the Scots the reading of God's Word "in
theyr vulgare tonge is lately prohybitede by open proclamation "
(Lemon's State Papers, v. 48). Norfolk, writing to Crumwell
from Berwick on the 29th of March 1539, says : "Dayly commeth
unto me some gentlemen and some clerkes, wiche do flee owte of
Scotland as they saie for redyng of Scripture in Inglishe ; saying
that, if they were taken, they sholde be put to execution" (Ibid. v.
154). In the Epistle to James VI. prefixed to the Bassandyne

38 The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
is still more melancholy to think that even among
the better informed controversialists of Germany
one was found to champion their cause, and to
maintain that there was nothing at variance with
sound doctrine in the decree; that nothing but
harm could come from the practice of allow
ing laymen to read the Scriptures in their own
tongue ; and that it could not fail to make them
bad Christians and bad subjects, as Luther's
translation had done in Germany.
From the time that Alesius fled from Scotland
down to the death of James V. in the end of
1542, there was almost continual inquisition made
for those who were suspected of having in their
possession heretical books, including the New
Testament in the vernacular, or who otherwise
betrayed a leaning towards the new opinions. In
1532, we are told, "there was ane greit objura-
tioun of the favouraris of Mertene Lutar in the
Abbay of Halyrudhous ; " x and of course their
goods were forfeited to the crown. In 1534 a
second great assize against heretics was held in
Bible, it is said : "The false namit clergie of this realme, abusing
the gentle nature of your Hienes maist noble gudschir of worthie
memorie, made it an cappital crime to be punishit with the fyre
to have or rede the New Testament in the vulgare language."
One of the charges on which Sir John Borthwick was condemned,
on the 28th of May 1540, was that he possessed a copy of the New
Testament in the vernacular (' Register of St Andrews Kirk Session,'
Scot. Hist. Soe, i. 98).]
1 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 15.

Norman Gourlay and David Stratoun. 39
the same place. The king, as the great Justiciar
of the realm, was present in his scarlet robe, and
took a prominent part in the proceedings. Be
toun was also present and taking part. About
sixteen are said to have been convicted and to
have had their goods forfeited. James Hamilton,
brother of the martyr, had been ordered by the
king to flee the country, as he could not otherwise
save him. His sister was persuaded to submit to
the church. Two were reserved for a fiery death
— Norman Gourlay and David Stratoun. Gourlay
was a priest in secular orders, and " a man of
reassonable eruditioun," 1 who had been abroad,
and there imbibed the new opinions. These he
abjured,2 and was, it seems, really burned for the
greater crime of having married a wife.3 Stratoun
was the brother of the Laird of Laureston in the
1 Laing's Knox, i. 58.
2 [Foxe alleges that Gourlay and Stratoun were condemned and
burned, "because, after great solicitation made by the king, they
refused to abjure and recant " (Cattley's Foxe, iv. 579) ; but, on the
other hand, the writer ofthe Diurnal of Occurrents (p. 18) and Bishop
Lesley (History, 1830, p. 149) assert that Gourlay did abjure.]
3 Such was the punishment meted out to him for endeavouring
to do in a scriptural way what rulers of the church were doing in
disregard of the laws of Scripture as well as the laws of their church.
Pitscottie knew no other cause why he was burned save that "he was
in the East-land, and came home, and married a wife contrary to
the form of the pope's institution because he was a priest ; for they
would thole no priest to marry, but they would punish and burn him
to the dead ; but if he had used ten thousand whores he had not
been burnt" (Pitscottie's History, 1778, p. 236).

40 The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
Mearns, and had been reclaimed from his former
godless life by his neighbour, Erskine of Dun, but
by some free speeches had incurred the resent
ment of the notorious Prior Hepburn. They were
burned at the Rood of Greenside, on the northern
side of the Calton Hill. In the same year, Wil
lock, M 'Alpine, and M'Dowal had to escape into
England. In 1536, when the king and Betoun
were abroad, there was comparative peace. In
1537 several were convicted at Ayr, and had their
goods forfeited, among whom was Walter Steward,1
son of Lord Ochiltree. In 1538-39 many were ac
cused and convicted in various burghs in which
by that time reformed opinions were spreading,
and many had to seek safety in flight. Among
these last were Gavin Logie, principal regent
in St Leonard's College,2 who for a number of
years had been exercising a marked influence on
the students under him ; John Fyfe, who under
the designation of Joannes Faithus matriculated
at Wittenberg in 1539, and under that of Joannes
Fidelis was incorporated into the University of
Frankfort on the Oder, and appointed Professor
of Divinity there in 1547 ; George Buchanan, who
1 [In the letter, dated 29th December 1537, granting his escheat to
his father, he is described as "umquhill Walter Stewart" (M'Crie's
Knox, 1855, p. 316). Calderwood places his recantation and acci
dental death in 1533 (History, Wodrow Society, i. 104).]
2 [Gavin Logie is usually spoken of as Principal of St Leonard's
(Laing's Knox, i. 36, n.).]

Fugitives and Martyrs. 41
at the king's command had exposed the hypocrisy
of the friars ; and George Wishart, who had
taught the Greek New Testament in Montrose ;
also Andrew Charters, John Lyne, and Thomas
Cocklaw, John and Robert Richardson and Robert
Logie, canons of the Augustinian Abbey of Cam
buskenneth. Nearly all of these fugitives took
refuge in England. Cocklaw, Calderwood tells
us, for marrying a wife had been mewed up within
stone walls, but his brother came with crowbars
and released him. His goods, as well as those
of his wife, were forfeited to the Crown. Large
numbers of the wealthy burgesses, even after they
had consented to abjure their opinions, were
stripped of their possessions, among whom the
burgesses of Dundee were conspicuous. "Nor
was the good town of Stirling far behind Dundee
in the same race of Christian glory. She had less
wealth to resign, . . . but she brought to the
altar a larger offering of saintly blood."1 On ist
March 1538-39, no fewer than four of her citizens
were burned at one pile on the Castle Hill of
Edinburgh. On the same day with them, and in
the same place, perished one of the most sainted
and interesting of Scotland's martyrs — Thomas
Forret, canon of the Augustinian Abbey of Inch
colm, and thereafter vicar of Dollar, who was
universally admired for his attractive character.
1 Lorinjer's Scottish Reformation, i860, p. 51,

42 The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
He taught his parishioners the ten command
ments, penned a little catechism for their instruc
tion, and caused a child to commit it to memory
and to repeat it publicly, that it might be im
pressed on the hearts of his parishioners who
could not read. He succeeded in leading several
of the younger monks in the abbey to more evan
gelical views ; but the old bottles, he said, would
not take in the new wine. He preached every
Sunday to his people on the epistle or gospel for
the day, and showed them, in opposition to the
teaching of the friars, that pardon for sin could
only be obtained through the blood of Christ.
During all these anxious years the severe
measures against the reformers had really been
directed by the man who comes more prominently
into public view toward their close. This was
David Betoun, the nephew of the primate, and,
like him, a younger scion of the house of Balfour
in Fife, who by this time was not only Abbot of
Arbroath and Bishop of Mirepoix in France, but
also coadjutor to his aged uncle in the Arch
bishopric of St Andrews, and cardinal, with the
title of St Stephen on the Ccelian Mount. " Paul
IIL," says D'Aubigne^ " alarmed at seeing the
separation of England from Rome, and fearing lest
Scotland — as she had a nephew of Henry VIII. for
her king — should follow her example, was anxious
to have in that country one man who should

Cardinal Betoun. 43
be absolutely devoted to him. David Betoun
offered himself. The pope created him cardinal
in December 1538, and thenceforth the red — a
colour thoroughly congenial with him — became
his own, and, as it were, his symbol. Not that
he was by any means a religious fanatic : he was
versed neither in theology nor in moral philosophy.
He was a hierarchical fanatic. Two points, above
all, were offensive to him in evangelical Christians :
one, that they were not submissive to the pope ;
the other, that they censured immorality in the
clergy, for his own licentiousness drew on him
self similar rebukes. He aimed at being in Scot
land a kind of Wolsey, only with more violence
and bloodshed. The one thing of moment in his
eyes was that everything in church and state
should bend under a twofold despotism. En
dowed with large intelligence, consummate ability,
and indomitable energy, he had all the qualities
needed to ensure success in the aim on which
his mind was perpetually bent without ever being
diverted from it. Passionately eager for his pro
jects, he was insensible to the ills which must
result from them. One matter alone preoccupied
him, the destruction of all liberty. The papacy
divined his character and created him cardinal ! " x
1 D'Aubigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 131.— Like
his predecessor Archbishop Forman, who — thirty years before, in the
interests of France, which had richly rewarded him with the Arch-

44 The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
This is one of the few attempts made fairly to
estimate the character of the man whom one party
seemed to have thought they must make out to
be a very monster of iniquity, and of whom the
other party seemed to have felt that the less they
said the better ; and to a certain extent D'Aubigne's
estimate is correct, but it requires to be supple
mented. The cardinalate was rather eagerly
sought by him and his friends on the ground of
what he had already done, and was expected yet
to do, for pope and king, than voluntarily offered
by the pope. Two, if not three, letters, extremely
urgent, were written regarding it by the king to
the pope, to the King of France, and to Cardinal
Farnese, in the favour of all of whom he stood
high.1 The pope consented to bestow on him
the cardinalate he so much coveted ; but the
office of legate a latere, without which the other
was rather an office of dignity than of power,
was not granted till 1544,2 by which time neither
bishopric of Bourges — had so cruelly embroiled Scotland with Eng
land and almost courted the disaster of Flodden, Betoun never ceased
either during the life or after the death of James V. to sow the seeds
of discord between the two realms, and so to court reverses to the
Scottish arms, and destruction to the Scottish monasteries near the
southern border. He shunned no risk, shrank from no cruelty, to
remove out of the way those who thwarted his schemes or favoured
the better policy which in the end was to carry the day.
1 Theiner's Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum, 1864,
pp. 608-612.
2 [Betoun's Commission as Legate is dated 30th January 1543-44
(Lemon's State Papers, v. 443 ; Thorpe's Calendar, i. 46).]

Cardinal Betoun. 45
the papacy nor any others needed to divine his
character. Betoun was a man not only of large
intelligence, high ability, unremitting energy, and
unbounded ambition, but also of considerable
scholarly attainments. He did not belong, it is
true, to the school of Pole and Contarini, who
would have made concessions to the reformers
in regard to doctrine, nor to that of the disciples
of D'Ailly and Gerson, who were pressing for a
reformation within the old church in regard to
morals. His associations and sympathies were
rather with the laxer Italian and French humanist
school, both in their virtues and vices, and he
seems to be lightly referred to in their gossip as
ille latinus Juvenalis.1 He was a great stickler
for the liberties of holy church, and for years
refused to pay the tax imposed on him for the
support of the College of Justice.2 It was no
doubt by his counsel that heretical processes from
the first were carried on under the canon law,
and that that code and French consuetudinary
ecclesiastical law were more completely natural
ised in Scotland than they had been before. Most
ofhis time from 1514 to 1524 was passed abroad
— the later years in the diplomatic service of his
country ; and he had acquitted himself with much
1 [There is such a reference to him in Theiner's Vetera Monu
menta, p. 608.]
2 Robertson's Concilia Scoriae, vol. i. p. cxxxvi, n.

46 The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
credit and success. He had been subsequently
employed in the negotiations for the marriage of
the king, first with the daughter of the King of
France, and after her death with Mary of Guise,
and in both missions had given high satisfaction
to his sovereign. He had no sooner returned
home in 1524-25, than the same measures of cruel
restraint against the reformers began to be
adopted here which had already been put in
practice in France ; and he was a member of
the various Parliaments in which the rigour of
these measures had been increased. Even some
of the hardest sayings of the Scottish king against
heretics were but the echo of those of his father-
in-law, the King of France.
Like too many of the high dignitaries of the
Scottish church of his time, Cardinal Betoun was
of notoriously incontinent habits ; x but he was
never, so far as I know, guilty of such shameless
excesses as were the boast of his comrade, Prior
Hepburn, nor did he ever allow himself to sink
into the same indolence and unredeemed sensu
ality. He was above all a " hierarchical fanatic,"
devoted to the cause of absolutism, who would
shrink from no measures, however cruel, to pre
serve intact the privileges of his order, and to
stamp out more earnest and generous thought,
whether that thought was aiming at the reforma-
1 See Appendix C.

The Cardinal and James V. 47
tion of the old church or the building up of an
other on her ruins. If we may not say that he
had sold himself to France — which had pensioned
him with a rich bishopric and helped him to his
honours — we must say he had lived so long in
it, and had got so enamoured of it, that he was
at any rate three parts French, and all popish.
He had mingled not only with her scholars but
with her nobles, loved and determined to imitate
their ways even down to their scandalous laxity
of morals and merciless treatment of so-called
heretics. He made no earnest effort to reform
the old church, and so help her to weather the
gathering storm ; and it was not till towards the
close of his life that he laid out on the building
of St Mary's College part of the money which
his uncle had carefully hoarded for that purpose.
For the forcible suppression of the new opinions
the cardinal needed the unflinching support of
his sovereign, and he spared no efforts to gain
him over completely to his side, and to detach
him from his nobility, — turbulent and self-willed,
but fondly clinging to what remnants of liberty
were still left to them, — and to alienate him from
his uncle, not unfrequently well-meaning but al
ways over-impetuous, and often in his later years
selfish and untrustworthy. There was much in
the king's character to encourage such efforts.
With good natural abilities and a frank and ami-

48 The Oppressed and tJw Oppressors.
able disposition, he had for their own selfish ends
been encouraged by his early guardians in sensual
pleasures, and never to the last freed himself from
his evil habits. " Dissolute as a man, prodigal
as a king, and superstitious as a Catholic, he could
not but easily fall under the sway of superior
minds," x who undertook to free him from the
worries of business, to provide him with money,
and to regard his failings with indulgence, and
on easy terms to absolve him from those grosser
excesses which could not fail at times to trouble
his conscience. These things Betoun and his
clerical party endeavoured to do; and, lest he
should be tempted to follow the example of his
uncle, and appropriate the property of the mon
asteries and other religious institutions, or set
the church lands to feu, as he had threatened,
they once and again presented lists to him of
those who were suspected of heresy, urging that
they should be prosecuted without delay, and
their goods, on conviction, be escheated to the
Crown. They made large contributions from
their own revenues to aid him in the wars with
England, which obedience to their counsels had
brought on him. They procured dispensations
from the papal court to enable his sons, though
illegitimate and infants, to hold any ecclesiastical
benefices inferior to bishoprics, and on reaching
1 D'Aubigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 132.

James the Fifth. 49
a certain age to hold even the highest offices in
the church. In this way they largely added to
his revenues during the minority of his sons,
and buoyed him up with the hope that when
these sons came to years, and were formally in
vested with their dignities, he would have wealthy
allies on whom he could thoroughly depend in
his contests with his nobles.
But though James showed little indulgence to
the reformers, and little favour for their doctrines,
he seems to the last to have had less real liking
for the priests of the old faith. No bribery, no
flattery, no solicitations could reconcile him per
manently to those who for their own selfish ends
dragged him into courses from which his own
better impulses at times made him revolt. "He
incited Buchanan to lash the mendicant friars in
the vigorous verse of the ' Franciscanus.' He
encouraged by his presence the public performance
of a play " which, by its exposure of the vices of
the clergy, contributed greatly to weaken their in
fluence. " He enforced the object of that remark
able drama by exhorting the bishops to reform
their lives, under a threat if they neglected his
warning that he would deal with them after the
fashion of his uncle of England " or his cousin of
Denmark. " He repeated the exhortation in his
last Parliament, declaring that the negligence, the
ignorance, the scandalous and disorderly lives of
D

SO The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
the clergy, were the causes why church and
churchmen were scorned and despised."1
So, notwithstanding all measures of repression,
the desire for a reformation quietly grew and
spread throughout the nation, especially among
the smaller landed proprietors in Angus and
Mearns, in Perthshire and Fife, in Kyle and Cun
ningham, as also among the more intelligent
burgesses in the various burghs, and, above all,
among the elite of the younger inmates of the
monasteries and of the alumni of the University.
When the poor monarch, as much sinned against
as sinning, at last died of a broken heart,2 and the
Earl of Arran, who claimed the regency, looked
about for trusty supporters to defend his claims
against the machinations of the cardinal and the
queen dowager, he deemed it politic to show not
a little countenance to the friends of the Reforma
tion and of the English alliance. We are not
warranted to assert that he meant to declare him
self a Protestant ; but he chose as his chaplains
preachers who showed themselves favourably in
clined to the new faith. He encouraged the
chief men among the Protestants to frequent his
court, and he ventured to lay hands on the un
scrupulous cardinal, who had striven to exclude
him from the regency. He consented to pass
through Parliament an Act expressly permitting
1 Concilia Scotia?, vol. i. pp. cxxxix, cxl. 2 [14th Dec. 1542.]

Arran s Deceit. 51
the people to have and to read the Scriptures of
the Old and New Testaments in the vulgar tongue,
and despatched messengers to all the chief towns
to make public proclamation of the Act. The
little treatises of Alesius had thus done their
work, and he himself thought of returning and
completing what he had so well begun.
The friends of the Reformation imagined that
the hour of their triumph was at hand. They did
not know on what a treacherous prop they were
leaning, or what sore trials were yet in store for
them ere that triumph should be gained. They
knew the regent to be weak and timid ; they did
not know him to be deceitful — so deceitful that,
within six weeks after the last of the messengers
were despatched with the above-named proclama
tion, immediately on the return from France of
his brother, the Abbot of Paisley, others were
secretly sent off to inform the holy father of his
accession to the regency, to put himself and the
kingdom under his protection, and to ask permis
sion to have under his control the income of the
benefices of the king's sons till they should come
of age.1 The love of money was with him the
root of this evil ; as the fear of man was of others
which soon followed, and were fraught with dire
calamities to the nation. And so he went from
1 [His letter to the Pope is dated ioth May 1543 (Theiner's Mon
umenta Hibernorum et Scotorum, pp. 614, 615).]

52 T/te Oppressed and the Oppressors.
bad to worse, till in the dim light of the Francis
can chapel at Stirling,1 " that weak man, to whom
people had been looking for the triumph of the
Reformation in Scotland, fondly fancying that he
was performing a secret action, knelt down before
the altar, humbly confessed his errors, trampled
under foot the oaths which he had taken to his
own country and to England, renounced the evan
gelical profession of Jesus Christ, submitted to the
pope, and received absolution ofthe cardinal."2
Even in June he had entered in the books of
the Privy Council an Act against Sacramentaries
holding opinions on the effect and essence of the
Sacraments tending to the enervation of the faith
catholic, in which they were threatened with
"tinsale of lif, landis, and gudis." 3 He had not
dared to proclaim this openly, though perhaps his
ally, Henry VIII., would not have blamed him
greatly for doing so. But no sooner was he in
league with, and under the power of, the cardinal,
than he showed in open Parliament " how thair is
1 [On the 8th of September ' ' he was enjoyned to passe to the
Freres in Stirling, . . . and there received open pennance and a
solempne othe, in the presence and hereing of all men that was
there, that he shulde never doo the same againe, but supporte and
defende the professon and habit of mounkes, freres, and such other ;
and therupon, being absolved by the Cardinall and the Busshoppes,
herde masse and received the sacramente" (Hamilton Papers, ii.
38)-] 2 D'Aubigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi, 206.
3 Concilia Scotise, ii. 294.

The Perth Martyrs. 5 3
gret murmure that heretikis mair and mair risis
and spredis within this realme, sawand dampnable
opinionis incontrar the fayth and lawis of Haly
Kirk, actis and constitutionis of this realm " ; and
exhorted all prelates and ordinaries " to inquir
upon all sic maner of personis and proceid aganis
thame according to the lawis of Haly Kirk " ;
promising to be ready himself to do therein at all
times what belonged to his office.1 This promise
he was soon obliged cruelly to fulfil.
On the 20th January 1543-44 ne set out in
company of the cardinal, the Lord Justice and
his deputy, with a band of armed men and artil
lery, to Perth, where a great assize was held.
Several were convicted of heresy, and their goods
forfeited. Several were condemned to die. The
governor himself was inclined to spare their lives,
but the cardinal and the nobles who were with
him threatened to leave him if he did this. So
on St Paul's day (25th January) 1543-44, Robert
Lamb, James Hunter, William Anderson, and
James Ranaldson were hanged ; and the wife of
this last, who had refused when in labour to pray
to the Virgin Mary, was denied the consolation of
being suspended from the same beam with her
husband, and put to death by drowning, after she
had consigned to the care of a neighbour the
1 Acts of Parliament, ii. 443. [This was on the 15th of December
1 543-]

54 The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
infant she carried in her arms. Dundee was next
visited, but it was found that the suspected citi
zens — who in the previous autumn had sacked
and destroyed the Grey Friars and the Dominican
monasteries — had taken the alarm and fled from
their homes.
The weak and inconstant man continued to be
regent in name, but from that hour he was domin
ated by the imperious cardinal almost as completely
as King James had been. He wrote to the pope
that the cardinal's devotion to the holy see and
to the interests of his native country was so great
that he deserved the praise, or at least no small
part of the praise, of preserving its liberty and
extinguishing heresy.1 That last work, however,
was by no means so nearly accomplished as the
regent in his letter to the pope had boasted.
In fact, within two months after we find the
cardinal himself confessing in a letter to the
pope that he was still in the thick of the fight,
and all but worn out — " vigiliis, laboribus, atque
sumptibus " — not only in contending with foes
without, but also with traitors within, the camp.2
The regent himself was obliged to confess, in a
subsequent letter, that they were then in a miser
able plight ; and that, unless material assistance
1 [This letter is dated 20th May 1545 (Theiner's Monumenta, p.
616).] 2 Theiner's Monumenta, p. 617. [This letter is dated 6th July
1 545-1

The Balance of Parties. 5 5
came to them from abroad, — and in particular
from his holiness, when almost all their other
friends were growing cold, — it would be hard for
them to maintain the struggle against the English
king. The balance of parties at this critical
juncture was more nearly equal than is generally
supposed. "An active minority ofthe nobles and
gentry saw in the government of Beaton not only
their own personal ruin, but the giving away of
the country to a power more dangerous to its
liberties than England itself. . . . With those
who favoured England were naturally associated
those who desired a reformation of religion, — a
body now so numerous in the opinion of a papal
legate [Grimani] who visited the country in 1543,
that, but for the interposition of God, Scotland
would soon be in as bad a case as England
itself." : These appeals for foreign help, and the
hopes raised by them, intensified the struggle,
and retarded for years the triumph^ of a really
national party resolved to set the interests of
Scotland above those of France and Rome as
well as of England.
1 Hume Brown's Knox, i. 64, 65. Grimani's opinion, as sent
from Stirling, is thus summarised by Father Stevenson : " The realm
is in such confusion, so divided, so full of heresy that, but for the
interposition of God, it will soon become as bad as England. The
queen and the cardinal have spent all their money in the common
cause ; and the clergy are unable to assist, for the fruits of their
benefices have been seized by the Lutherans" (Mary Stuart, 1886,
p. 51).

56

CHAPTER IV.

GEORGE WISHART.

It was about this time that a new evangelist
arrived in the country, singularly fitted to im
press on the hearts of men the lessons of the
Holy Book to which they had now access in
their native tongue. This was George Wishart,
a younger son or nephew of Sir James Wishart,
laird of Pittarrow in the Mearns. He appears
to have been born about 1 512-13, and to have
received his university training in King's College,
Aberdeen, then presided over by a distinguished
humanist skilled both in Latin and Greek. He
acquired a knowledge of Greek — at that time a
very rare accomplishment in Scotland — either
from the Principal of King's College, or from
a Frenchman teaching languages in Montrose.
From his early years he seems to have been in
timate with John Erskine, laird of Dun, and at
that time also provost of the neighbouring burgh

Summoned for Heresy. 57
of Montrose. The earliest notice we have of him
is as attesting a charter granted in favour of
Erskine.1 This lends confirmation to the tradi
tion which Petrie, himself a native of the town,
says he had heard from ancient men (who in
their youth had seen and known the reformer)
that then, or soon after, he was employed as as
sistant or successor of Marsillier, the Frenchman
Erskine had brought from France to teach the
languages, and that, like him, he read the Greek
New Testament with some of his pupils. John
Hepburn, then Bishop of Brechin, would not nat
urally have been quick-scented to detect heresy
in one who stood so high with his good friend
Erskine of Dun ; but David Betoun, Abbot of
Arbroath, often resided at the mansion-house of
Ethie, half-way between Arbroath and Mon
trose, and he was both more lynx - eyed and
more anxious to stamp out any approach to
heresy, and he urged the bishop on.
Wishart in consequence was summoned by
Hepburn, but instead of appearing in answer to
the summons, he, like many others in that year
of grievous persecution, sought safety in England,
and it is said that he was forthwith excommuni
cated and outlawed. He found shelter under
1 [The charter is dated at Montrose on the 20th of March I534-3S-
The Martyr's signature, as " M. Geo. Wischert," proves that he had
already taken his degree (Register of Great Seal, iii., No. 1462).]

58 George Wishart.
Bishop Latimer, whose diocese comprehended
Gloucester and Bristol, as well as Worcester;
but in the following year he fell into fresh trouble
at Bristol — not, as was at one time supposed, by
denying the merits of the Virgin Mary, but by
denying the merits of Christ Himself. For this
he was duly convented before Archbishop Cran
mer, and, after conference with him, was per
suaded to recant and bear his faggot. Soon after
the enactment of the bloody statute of the six
articles, he, like most of the Scottish refugees,
left England and sought shelter among the re
formed churches on the Continent, especially
those of Zurich, Basle, and Strassburg, and
brought home with him, and ultimately trans
lated into English, the First Helvetic Confes
sion,1 composed and agreed on by the chief
theologians of these churches.
He returned to England about the close of
1542, and soon after entered into residence in
Corpus Christi or Benet College, Cambridge,
with the view of studying and teaching there.
In one of the windows of the common-room in
that college, above the arms of archbishops and
nobles, distinguished alumni of the college, stands
the name of George Wishart, with the martyr's
crown over it ; and it is to Emery Tilney, his
1 [His translation is reprinted in the Wodrow Miscellany, pp.
7-23-1

His Appearance and Habits. 59
pupil during the year he was in residence there,
that we are indebted for our fullest description
of his appearance and habits. He was, he tells
us, "aman of tall stature, polled -headed, and
on the same a round French cap of the best ;
judged to be of melancholy complexion by his
physiognomy ; black haired, long bearded, comely
of personage, well spoken after his country of
Scotland, courteous, lowly, lovely, glad to teach,
desirous to learn, and was well travelled ; having
on him for his habit or clothing never but a
mantle or frieze gown to the shoes, a black
Millian [i.e. Milan] fustian doublet, and plain
black hosen, coarse new canvas for his shirts,
and white falling bands and cuffs at his hands,' —
all the which apparel he gave to the poor, some
weekly, some monthly, some quarterly, as he
liked, saving his French cap, which he kept the
whole year of my being with him. . . . His
charity had never end, night, noon, nor day, . . .
infinitely studying how to do good unto all, and
hurt to none."1
Such, according to his pupil, was the evangelist
who — in 1543 according to some, in 1544 accord
ing to others — returned to his native land, and
for two years testified of the gospel of the grace
of God throughout Angus and Mearns, Ayrshire
and the Lothians, but whose favourite fields of
1 Cattley's Foxe, v. 626.

60 George Wishart.
labour were to be central Angus and Mearns,
the towns of Montrose and Dundee. A portrait
of him, as well as one of his great opponent, has
been preserved in the Roman Catholic College of
Blairs, and the expression of the face harmonises
well with the description his pupil gives of him.
Another portrait, deemed by Dr Laing not un
worthy of Holbein, is in possession of a descend
ant of the Wisharts.1
It is supposed that for a short time after his
return to Scotland he lived quietly at Pittarrow,
in the parish of Fordoun, where the shrine of St
Palladius was preserved ; and being an accom
plished artist, occupied himself with adorning the
ancestral mansion with several beautiful fresco
paintings, which, after being long covered over
by the wainscot, were again brought to light in
the present century, but unfortunately were de
stroyed before their value was perceived. Dr
Leslie of Fordoun, who saw them, has thus de
scribed the most remarkable of them : " Above
the largest fireplace in the great hall was a paint
ing of the city of Rome, and a grand procession
going to St Peter's. . . . The Pope, adorned with
the tiara, and mounted on horseback, was at
tended by a large company of cardinals on foot,
richly dressed, but all uncovered. At a little dis
tance, directly in front of the procession, stood a
1 [This is now in the National Portrait Gallery, Edinburgh.]

A Protestant Pasquil. 61
beautiful white palfrey, finely caparisoned, held
by some persons who were well dressed, but un
covered. Beyond them was the Cathedral of St
Peter, the doors of which appeared to be open.
Below the picture were written the following
lines : — "In Papam.
" Laus tua, non tua fraus, virtus non gloria rerum
Scandere te fecit hoc decus eximium ;
Pauperibus dat sua gratis nee munera curat
Curia Papalis, quod more percipimus.
Haec carmina potius legenda, cancros imitando." 1

1 [Cook's History ofthe Reformation, 1811, i. 272, 273; 1819, i.
273. Dr Cook says that Dr Leslie, minister of Fordoun, " got a
short view of them," and favoured him with the account which he
wrote. In a veiy similar notice of the paintings by Dr Leslie, it is
stated that they were discovered when the old house of Pittarrow
was being pulled down in 1802 (' New Statistical Account of Kincar
dineshire,' p. 81).] As Dr Cook long ago surmised, the lines of
covert sarcasm on the pope are not original. One evening as I re
turned to Guildford Street after a long day in the British Museum,
I had occasion to pass through Red Lion Square and the alley to
the east of it, where I saw exposed in a pawnbroker's window a
little antique volume, in a very dilapidated state, opened at the
page which contained these lines almost verbatim. I at once pur
chased it, and on further examination I found it had been published
at Basle in 1537 — i.e., a few years before Wishart was there. [The
little collection which Dr Mitchell thus refers to bears the title :
" Pasqvilli de Concilio Mantuano Iudicium. Qverimonia Papistarum
ad Legatum Pontificium in comicijs Schmalcaldianis. Mantua use
miseris nimium uicina Papistis. mdxxxvii."
The colophon runs thus: "Impressum Romae in porta Ange-
lorum. M.D. XXXVII."
Wishart evidently found his lines in the following : —
" Lavs Romani Pontificis. Scripta ad placitum Romanae curiae per

62 George Wishart.
Wishart began his work as a preacher in Mon
trose, the scene of his early scholastic labours,
expounding the rudiments of the Christian faith
and practice as set forth in the Ten Command
ments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles' Creed.
At that time Montrose was frequented by many of
the landed gentry in the surrounding districts
who were favourable to the Reformation and the
English alliance, and their hearts could not fail
to be cheered and their courage raised by the
exhortations of the evangelist. Dundee, however,
was the chief and favourite scene of his ministra
tions ; and it was from the great success attend
ing them that it gained the name of the Scottish
Geneva. It was even more decidedly attached to
the new opinions and the English alliance than
uenerabilem dominum Doctorem Ioannem Cochleum, Theutonicae
Doctor Rotzloffel, et Georgium Wicelium cognomento, Meister
Lugenmaul, Romanae Ecclesiae propugnatores egregios.
" Pauperibus sua dat gratis nee munera curat
Curia Papalis quod modo percipimus
Laus tua non tua fraus, Virtus non copia rerum
Scandere te fecit, hoc Decus eximium
Conditio tua sit stabilis nee tempore paruo
Viuere te faciat hie Deus omnipotens.
" Quos uersiculos pessimus quidam haereticus, Lutheranus, iu-
uenilis fortasis Poeta Wittembergensis, ita de uerbo ad uerbum
inuertit. " Percipimus modo quod Papalis curia curat
Munera, nee gratis dat sua pauperibus
Eximium decus hoc fecit te scandere rerum
Copia, non uirtus, fraus tua, non tua laus.
Omnipotens Deus hie faciat te uiuere paruo
Tempore, nee stabilis sit tua conditio."]

Preaches at Dundee. 63
Montrose ; and a reformation, as it was called —
including the sacking of the monasteries in the
town and neighbourhood — had taken place in the
autumn of 1543. The governor confessed, when
put to penance, that this had been done with his
permission.1 The martyr cannot with any cer
tainty be connected with it, much less made to
bear the blame of it ; though another George
Wishart, a citizen and bailie of Dundee, with
whom the martyr has been recklessly confounded,
was afterwards put on his trial for having taken
a leading part in it.2 If the martyr could, his
enemies would hardly have failed to have brought
it against him at his trial.
He preached for a time in Dundee with great ac
ceptance, expounding systematically that Epistle
to the Romans, the full significance of which the
recently published Commentary of Calvin had
deeply impressed on the minds of his co-religion
ists in various lands where Wishart had been.
At length he was charged by one of the magis
trates in the queen's name and the governor's to
desist from preaching, to depart from the town,
and trouble it no more. This was intimated to
him when he was in the pulpit, surrounded by
a great congregation, and with a significant re-
1 Hamilton Papers, ii. 38.
2 Maxwell's Old Dundee prior to the Reformation, 1891, pp. 92,
395-

6/l George Wishart.
minder that he had already been put to the horn,
and that there was no intention to relax the law
in his favour. Thereupon he called God to wit
ness that he intended not their trouble but their
comfort, and felt sure that to reject the Word of
God, and drive away His messenger, was not the
way to save themselves from trouble ; adding,
" God shall send unto yow messengeris who will
not be effrayed of hornyng nor yitt for banish
ment."1 He left the town forthwith, and with
all "possible expeditioun passed to the west-
land." 2 There he pursued his labours in the
same kindly spirit, refusing to allow his follow
ers to dispute possession of the churches by force
of arms with the authorities, and choosing rather
to preach in the open air wherever he found
a convenient place and audience fit to listen to
him. Soon after he left Dundee, the plague, which
that year was raging in several of the towns of
Scotland, extended its ravages to that place.
This naturally led the citizens to bethink them
selves of the treatment they had allowed the evan
gelist, who had laboured so devotedly among
them, to suffer at the hands of his enemies, as
the news of what they were suffering led him to
1 Laing's Knox, i. 126. [Calderwood (i. 186) and Spottiswoode
(i. 1 50) have htrning for hornyng. ]
'* Laing's Knox, i. 126.

Succours the Plague-stricken. 65
think compassionately of his friends who were
now in trouble, and stood in need of comfort.
He returned to the afflicted town, and its in
habitants received him with joy. He announced
without delay that he would preach to them ; but
it was impossible he could do so in a church.
Numbers were sick of the plague ; others in at
tendance on them were regarded as infected, and
must not be brought into contact with those who
were free from infection. The sick were crowded
in and about the lazar-houses near St Roque's
Chapel, outside the East or Cowgate Port of the
town. Wishart chose as his pulpit the top of
that port, which, in memory of the martyr -
preacher, has been, it is said, carefully preserved,
though — like Temple Bar, so long tolerated in
London — it is now in the heart of the town, and
an obstruction to its traffic.1 The sick and sus
pected were assembled outside the port, and the
healthy inside. The preacher took for the text
of his first sermon the words of Psalm cvii. 20 :
" He sent His word and healed them ; " and,
1 [Knox calls it " the East Porte of the Toune" (Laing's Knox, i.
129). Maxwell says that the Port which stood in the Seagate would
alone correspond to that described by Knox ; and he adds : "The
Port yet standing in the Cowgate — which, because of its association
with the honoured name of George Wishart, only was left when some
of the others were demolished — really cannot be identified as his
preaching-place, and should not carry the inscription which has been
recently put over its archway" ('History of Old Dundee,' 1884, pp.
220-222).]

66 George Wishart.
starting on the key-note that it was neither herb
nor plaster, but God's Word which healeth all,
" He maist comfortablie did intreat [i.e. treat of]
the dignitie and utilitie of Goddis Woord; the
punishment that cumis for the contempt of the
same ; the promptitude of Goddis mercy to such
as trewlye turne to Him ; yea, the great happynes
of thame whome God tackis from this miserie
evin in His awin gentill visitatioun, which the
malice of man cane neyther eak nor paire." 1 By
this sermon, Knox tells us, he so raised up the
hearts of all who heard him, that they regarded
not death, but judged those more happy that
should depart than those that should remain be
hind, considering that they knew not whether they
should have such a comforter with them at all
times. No doubt John Wedderburn, as well as the
others who had been suspected of heresy and had
fled from the town in the persecution of 1539,
had before this time returned, and were co-oper
ating with Wishart in his work ; and then, in all
probability, was prepared that beautiful funeral
hymn which passed from the Bohemians to the
Germans, and from the Germans to the Scotch ;
and which, in addition to the original stanzas,
contains in the Scottish version certain new verses
having unmistakable reference to the circum-
1 Laing's Knox, i. 130.

His Fearless Devotedness. 67
stances in which they originated — in a plague-
stricken town which had just before been occupied
by the soldiers of the cardinal and the regent,
and might well dread a similar visitation for its
determined adherence to the new evangelist.
" Thocht pest or sword wald vs preuene,
Befoir our hour, to slay vs clene,
Thay can nocht pluk ane lytill hair
Furth of our heid, nor do vs deir.
Quhen fra this warld to Christ we wend,
Our wratchit schort lyfe man haif end
Changeit fra paine, and miserie,
To lestand gloir Eternallie.
End sail our dayis schort, and vaine,
And sin, quhilk we culd nocht refraine,
Endit salbe our pilgremage,
And brocht hame to our heritage." x
Wishart concerned himself not only about the
souls but also about the bodies of his hearers in
that sad time, fearlessly, like Luther on a similar
occasion, exposing himself to the risk of infection,
that he might minister to the diseased and the
dying, and taking care that the public funds for
the relief of the destitute should be properly ad
ministered. He forgot himself only too much,
and the terrible risks to which, as an excom
municated and outlawed man, he was exposed
1 Gude and Godlie Ballatis, 1897, p. 165.

68 George Wishart.
in so near proximity to the cardinal, who was
so eager to get him out of the way.
One day as the people were departing from the
sermon, utterly unconscious of the peril menacing
their favourite preacher, Knox tells us that a
priest, bribed by the cardinal, stood waiting —
with his whinger drawn in his hand under his
gown — at the foot of the steps by which the
preacher was descending from the top of the port.
Wishart, most sharp of eye and swift of judg
ment, at once noticed him, and, as he came near,
said, " My freind, what wald ye do ? " and at
the same moment seized the hand in which he
held the dagger, and took it from him. The
priest fell down at his feet and confessed the
whole truth. Immediately the rumour spread
that a priest had attempted to assassinate their
favourite preacher, the sick outside burst open
the gate, crying, " Deliver the tratour to us, or
ellis we will tack him by forse." But the
preacher put his arms around his would-be assas
sin, exclaiming, " Whosoevir trubles him shall
truble me, for he has hurte me in nothing, bot
. . . hes lattin us understand what we may
feare in tymes to come " ; and so, says Knox, he
saved the life of him that sought his.1
1 Laing's Knox, i. 130, 131. The name of this priest is given as
Sir John Wightone, or Weighton, by Knox, Calderwood, and
Spottiswoode. Maxwell cannot find a priest of this name among

His Innocence. 69
Like Drs Laing, Lorimer, and Weir, I cannot
persuade myself that the man who spoke and
acted thus is the same as " a Scottish man called
Wysshert," who is mentioned in a letter of the
Earl of Hertford in April 1544, as privy to a
conspiracy to apprehend or assassinate Cardinal
Betoun, and as employed to carry letters between
the conspirators and the English court.1 There
were other Wisharts in Scotland. Yea, as Dr
Laing has shown, another George Wishart in
Dundee, who was a zealous friend of the English
alliance — not only after the conspirators got pos
session of St Andrews castle, but from the earlier
date when the monasteries in Dundee were de
stroyed and sacked.2 There was probably another
about St Andrews who, while the martyr was yet
a boy, was called in to attest a charter by the
notorious friar Campbell in 1526. I will not
venture to affirm that, with all his gentleness,
those ministering in Dundee in 1550 (' Old Dundee prior to the Re
formation,' 1891, p. 87, n.) The James Wichtand who was reader
at Inchture and Kinnaird in 1574 (Wodrow Miscellany, p. 353) is
said to have held a chaplaincy in Dundee before the Reformation.
But Dr Laing holds that there was a Sir John Wighton, a chaplain
in Dundee, who obtained the vicarage pensionary in the parish
church of Ballumby in 1538, and who appears to have been incar
cerated in St Andrews Castle in the cardinal's absence in 1543
(Laing's Knox, vi. 670).
1 Lemon's State Papers, v. 377.
2 Laing's Knox, i. 536. [Maxwell gives a dela'iled account of
this other George Wishart in his ' Old Dundee prior to the Reforma
tion,' 1891, pp. 91-95.]

70 George Wishart.
Wishart might not have been tempted to main
tain that violence and murderous intent — such as
Betoun had twice shown to get rid of him privately
— might be lawfully met and restrained by force,
though even that is hardly in keeping with all we
know of his gentle ways ; but we may be sure that
had such thoughts been cherished by him, he, like
Knox, would have said this openly, and not have
engaged in any secret reprisals. As an outlawed
man he came down to Scotland under protection,
and never seems to have travelled in it save under
protection ; and so he was one of the last men
likely to be chosen for a secret mission to Eng
land. If anything more than the able essay of
the late Professor Weir in the ' North British
Review' for 1868 were needed to prove that the
" pure lustre of the martyr's fame is still un
sullied," it seems to me to be supplied by himself
in his affecting address at the stake. " I beseech
Thee, Father of heaven ! to forgive them that
have of any ignorance, or else have of any evil
mind, forged any lies upon me. I forgive them
with all my heart." x The cardinal was not ig
norant of the volcano on which he was sitting or
of the plots that had been hatched against him ;
and he may have suspected Wishart of being in
the conspiracy. That may have been the reason
why he sent two friars to him to get his last
1 Cattley's Foxe, v. 635.

His Constancy. 7!
confession, and, when they failed to do so, al
lowed Wynram to go, as the reformer had re
quested. Wynram, after hearing it, returned to
the cardinal and his abettors, and assured them
that Wishart was innocent. This can only refer to
such a suspicion of conspiracy, not to the charge
of heresy which was confessed and acknowledged ;
and Mr Andrew Lang has failed as completely as
the cardinal in his laboured attempt to produce
a tittle of evidence against him.
From the time of Wighton's attempt the re
former had a clearer view of the perils which beset
him, and a mournful conviction of the issue which
awaited him if he would not flinch or flee. By
his success in Dundee the rage of his adversaries
was lashed into a fury which appalled his friends
in various districts ; but none of these things
moved him that he might finish his course with
joy, and make full proof of his ministry. As soon
as the plague abated in the city, heedless of the
new proofs he then had of the cardinal's relentless
determination to capture or trepan him, and the
earnest warnings of his northern friends that they
could not be answerable for his safety, he took
his last farewell of his kirks in Montrose and
Dundee. At all hazards he was determined to
fulfil his engagement to meet his western friends
in Edinburgh, to prosecute his work there under
their promised protection, and to seek a public

72 George Wishart.
disputation with some of the popish clergy who
about that time were to meet in Synod in the
capital. Disappointed of the presence and pro
tection of the western men, he laboured for a brief
season in Leith, Inveresk, and East Lothian with
out much success. At last, forsaken by many of
those who should have stood by him, he was
seized at Ormiston, under cover of night and
promise of safe keeping, by the Earl of Both-
well, Sheriff Principal of the county. The Earl
pledged his honour not to give him up to his
enemies, but was soon persuaded to deliver him
to the governor, as was the governor to hand him
over to the cardinal, though he finally protested
against his being tried or condemned by the
churchmen in his own absence. A full account
of his labours during these days of despondency
has been given by Knox, who got from him, it is
said, the first rudiments of Greek, and who —
having rendered his first service to the cause of
the Reformation by bearing the two-handed sword
for his protection — was dismissed on the night
of his betrayal with the significant words, " One is
sufficient for one sacrifice," showing what fate he
now anticipated for himself.
I cannot enlarge on these things, nor on the
sad scenes which took place at St Andrews on the
last day of February and ist of March 1545-46,
when the cardinal, regardless of the remon-

His Martyrdom. 73
strances of the regent and the murmurs of the
people, but with the assent of the Council which
he had adjourned from Edinburgh to St Andrews,
condemned him to the stake. Throughout all
these trying scenes he comported himself as nobly
as Patrick Hamilton had done ; and not less plenti
fully did his blood prove the seed of the church,
verifying his words, that few would suffer after
him before the glory of God evidently appeared.
No doubt his cruel martyrdom hastened the re
moval of that tyrant who set himself above all
restraint of civil law, and breathed forth threaten
ings against the saints of God, — though that re
moval had not been plotted by him, nor would
have been approved by him. The words attrib
uted to him at the stake by Buchanan and
Lindsay of Pitscottie, foreshadowing his perse
cutor's approaching fate, are not generally regarded
as authentic. Knox says nothing of them, nor
Foxe, nor Spottiswoode ; nor does Sir David
Lindsay, in his ' Tragedy of the Cardinal,' make
any reference to them. It seems better authenti
cated that he made the following general state
ment : " I beseech you, brethren and sisters, to
exhort your prelates to the learning of the Word
of God, that they at the last may be ashamed to
do evil and learn to do good, and if they will not
convert themselves from their wicked error, there
shall hastily come upon them the wrath of God,

74 George Wishart.
which they shall not eschew." J It is easy to see
— especially after the events which so speedily
occurred — how a statement which referred to the
prelates generally should come to be applied
specifically to their imperious chief, just as the
example of Eli had, in a well-known ballad, been
similarly used for warning by the Reformation
poet to the aged James Betoun for his weak in
dulgence to his nephew and the younger Prior
Hepburn, notwithstanding their scandalous ex
cesses.2 Such was the end of the life and ministry of
George Wishart, one of the most zealous and
winning evangelists, and one of the most heroic
and steadfast confessors, that our country has ever
produced. The remembrance of him was fondly
cherished, especially in that district where he
chiefly laboured, and where he wrought a work
not less memorable than that which M 'Cheyne
and Burns were honoured to do in our own day.
His influence was but deepened by his cruel fate,
and he "lived again," as Dr Lorimer has elo
quently said, " in John Knox. . . . The zealous
disciple, who had counted it an honour to be
allowed to carry a sword before his master, stood
1 Cattley's Foxe, v. 635. [Foxe is here quoting the account in
the black-letter tract printed in or about 1547, which Knox deemed
important enough to copy from Foxe into his own pages.]
2 Gude and Godlie Ballads, 1897, p. 180.

Church Organisation. 75
forth immediately to wield the spiritual sword
which had fallen from the master's grasp, and to
wield it with a vigour and trenchant execution
superior even to his." x
It may not be inappropriate to state how far
the organisation of the Reformed Church had by
this time advanced in Scotland. Patrick Hamil
ton seems to me to have laboured to the last for
the revival of Scriptural teaching and Christian
living within the old church rather than apart
from her. Alesius, and some others of his dis
ciples, were for a time reluctant fo separate from
her, if her rulers could have been persuaded seri
ously to set about repairing acknowledged evils
and defects. But Wishart, and those who came
under his influence, seem to have abandoned this
struggle, and to have striven for the formation of
a new organisation apart from the old one. He
formed kirks or congregations — at least in Mon
trose and Dundee ; the former consisting probably
mainly of the lesser gentry in the adjacent dis
tricts of Angus and Mearns, and the latter chiefly
of the substantial burghers of the town of Dundee.
I suppose that some forms of discipline began to
be put in practice in the Dundee congregation,
and that it was on that account, as well as from
the remarkable revival which had taken place
under his ministrations, that the town came to
1 Lorimer's Scottish Reformation, i860, pp. 153, 154.

y6 George Wishart.
be spoken of as "the Scottish Geneva." The
New Testament of Tyndale's translation had been
introduced both there and in Montrose as early
as 1526 ; and by this time the subsequent editions
had been largely imported, and since 1543 might
be openly read.1 John Wedderburn was then in
his native city, and I suppose by that date had
published, in its most rudimentary form, his
' Psalms and Spiritual Songs,' largely translated
from the German. John Scott, the printer, was
also there, and under suspicion of the authorities
in Edinburgh. Of the psalms and hymns, one,
as I have already mentioned, bears unmistakable
reference to the pest then infesting the town of
Dundee ; another was sung by Wishart that even
ing on which he was apprehended in East
Lothian ; a third is certainly referred to in the
' Complaynt of Scotland,' which, being published
as early as 1549, is a guarantee for the earlier
existence of the hymn.2 This rudimentary col
lection of ' Psalms and Spiritual Songs ' was the
book of praise in family and social gatherings of
the reformed until the ' Genevan Psalter ' came
into use.3 The earliest editions of it have per-
1 Wedderburn and Wishart seem also to have been acquainted
with Coverdale's Bible of 1535.
2 See my Introduction to 'The Gude and Godlie Ballads,' 1897,
p. xxxviii, n.
3 No doubt the initial Catechism was in use also. It has been
conjectured that the Catechism may even have been printed separ-

Helvetic Confession and Communion Office, yy
ished. A nearly complete copy of the edition of
1567 has, however, been preserved, and now at
last reprinted.1
The translation of the First Helvetic Confession,
which Wishart made, was no doubt meant as the
Confession of the churches he formed, though
it may only have been extant then in manuscript,
and not published till 1548. That fragment of
the Communion Office which was used by Knox
in the administration of the Lord's Supper at
Berwick in 1550, and perhaps had been used by
him at St Andrews in 1547 — and which was re
cently brought to light again by Dr Lorimer from
among the MSS. in Dr Williams' library in
London 2 — was almost certainly derived from
Wishart, for part of it is translated from the Office
of the Church of Zurich, with which he could not
fail to have become acquainted during his resi
dence there, and part from other German Offices,
which were more likely to have fallen in his way
(who had been a traveller on the Continent) than
in Knox's. It may even have been used by Wish-
ately, and that the first part of the following entry may refer to it :
"The catechisme in two partes ; the first in Scotch poetry, having
a kalender before it. The second part in Latin and Scotis prose,
entituled Catechismus ecclesiae Geneuensis. . . . Edinburgh :
Imprinted by John Ross for Henrie Charteris, 1574" (Dickson
and Edmond's Annals of Scottish Printing, 1890, p. 334).
1 [Reprinted under the editorial care of Dr Mitchell in 1897 for
the Scottish Text Society.]
2 Lorimer's Knox and the Church of England, 1875, pp. 290-292.

78 George Wishart.
art in 1545, when he dispensed the communion
in both kinds at Dun. The same may be said of
that interesting burial-service which purports to
have been used in the kirk at Montrose, and has
been reprinted in the Miscellany of the Wodrow
Society ; x though probably this, as we now have
it, may not be the original form, but a recension
of it, made later, under the auspices of Erskine
of Dun, superintendent of Angus and Mearns.
The foundations of the superstructure that was
to be were thus laid by Wishart. It was reserved
to his successor to raise it, as the martyr had pre
dicted it would be raised, even to the copestone.
1 Wodrow Miscellany, pp. 295-300.

79

CHAPTER V.
KNOX AS LEADER OF OUR REFORMATION.
As stated towards the close of my last lecture, the
sword-bearer of Wishart stood forth at once " to
wield the spiritual sword which had fallen from
the master's grasp, and to wield it with a vigour
and trenchant execution superior even to his."
At this time Knox was full forty years of age,
having been born at Giffordgate, in Haddington,
in 1505. He probably received the rudiments of
his education there, and matriculated at the Uni
versity of Glasgow in 1522. Some suppose that
he may have followed Major to St Andrews in
1523, or may have come there later, to study
theology or to act as a private tutor to some
young men studying at that university. But
there is no reference to him in the university:
books, nor mention of his presence by any one
then resident. From 1522 up to 1545-46, when
he appears as sword-bearer to Wishart, his life
is to us almost a blank. But as Minerva was
said to have come full armed from the brain of

80 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
Jupiter, so did Knox then start up as leader of
our Reformation, fully equipped and singularly
matured. Whatever his early training may have
been, he had by that time thoroughly mastered
the subjects in controversy between the two
churches, and possibly, as Bayle supposes, had
made himself aquainted in his retirement with
the writings of that great doctor of the western
church to whom Luther, Calvin, and Alesius
were largely indebted. I believe no man in
recent times has in brief space sketched his char
acter, both on its brighter and darker sides, with
less partisan feeling than Dr Merle D'Aubigne,
when he says : " The blood of warriors ran in the
veins of the man who was to become one of the
most intrepid champions of Christ's army. . . .
He was active, bold, thoroughly upright and per
fectly honest, diligent in his duties, and full of
heartiness for his comrades. But he had in him
also a firmness which came near to obstinacy, an
independence which was very much like pride, a
melancholy which bordered on prostration, a
sternness which some took for insensibility, and
a passionate force sometimes mistakenly attributed
-.to a vindictive temper."1 According to Calder
wood, he received his first " taste of the truthe "
from the preaching of his fellow - countryman,
Thomas Guilliame or Williams, a black friar,
who in 1543 became one of the chaplains of the
1 D'Aubigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 17.

Tragedy of the Cardinal. 81
regent, and shortly after, being inhibited to
preach, retired into England.1 The good seed
sown by him was watered by Wishart, and
grew up apace, " first the blade, then the ear,
after that the full corn in the ear."
On 29th May 1546, while the applause of priests
and friars was still ringing in his ears, and he was
proudly congratulating himself on the progress of
his new fortifications, and the success of all his
measures to secure the triumph of his party and
his own complete personal ascendancy, the car
dinal was suddenly surprised by conspirators in
his stronghold, and cut off by "a fate as tragical
and ignominious " as almost " any that has ever
been recorded in the long catalogue of human
crimes."2 Only the deep feeling of relief thus
given from merciless oppression could prompt or
excuse the lines of Sir David Lindsay —
" As for the Cardinal, I grant
He was a man we weill culd want,
And we'll forget him sune ;
But yet I think the sooth to say,
Although the loon is weill away,
The deed was foully dune." 3

1 Calderwood's History, i. 155, 156, 160 ; Laing's Knox, i. 95,
96, 105. [Calderwood says that Williams was born " beside Elstone-
furde, in East Lothiane."]
2 Lorimer's Scottish Reformation, pp. 155, 156.
3 [Though these lines are continually attributed to Lindsay, I do
not remember to have ever seen them in any edition of his works,
or quoted as his by any earlier writer than Wodrow. ]
F

82 Knox as Leader of our Reformation
When it became known that the conspirators
who assassinated Betoun meant to hold the
castle of St Andrews, they were joined by a con
siderable number of their friends from among the
reforming gentry of Fife, and gradually by others
from a greater distance who were friendly to the
Reformation and the English alliance, and in
consequence were then being subjected to many
annoyances at the hands of the regent and
his new following. Among these last, about
Pasche 1547 — in charge of his pupils, the sons of
certain lairds in East Lothian — came John Knox,
whose life, ever since he had cast in his lot with
Wishart, had been made so miserable to him by
the regent's bastard brother1 — the aspirant to the
vacant archbishopric — that, but for this refuge
unexpectedly opened to him, he would have found
it necessary to leave his native land and follow
Alesius, Fyfe, and others to Germany or Switzer
land. At the time when he arrived in St Andrews
there was a truce between the regent and the
occupants of the castle, and with the latter the
inhabitants of the city had pretty free inter
course. The reforming citizens resorted at times
1 [According to Knox, though " called bastard brother to the
governour,'' many deemed him to be a son of ' ' the old Bischope
of Dunkelden, called Crychtoun " (Laing's Knox, i. 105). Buchanan
says he was "first callid Cuningham, estemit Cowane, and at last
Abbot Hamilioun " (Admonition to the trew Lordis). In a. trans-
script used by Ruddiman, Gi-vane occurs instead of Cowane. ]

His Call to the Ministry. 83
to the services in the chapel of the castle ; and
John Rough, the chaplain of the garrison, under
the powerful protection he enjoyed, occasionally
forced his way into the parish church and
preached there to the assembled citizens.
Knox was no sooner settled in St Andrews than
he resumed the system he had followed with good
effect in East Lothian, causing his pupils to give
account of their catechism in public to all who
chose to come, and opening up in a plain and
colloquial manner the Gospel of St John. His
great ability and success as a teacher, and his
wonderful gift of persuasive speech, thus became
generally known. After private but unsuccessful
efforts had been made by Balnaves and others to
induce him to become colleague to John Rough,
a formal call to the ministry was, with the counsel
of Sir David Lindsay,1 publicly addressed to him
from the pulpit by Rough, in the name of the rest,
and he was solemnly adjured not to despise the
voice of God speaking to him. Thus honourably
called to assume the office of a public preacher in
that reformed congregation, he at last entered on
the work with all his heart, and made full proof
of his ministry before the assembled citizens in
their parish church, as well as before the rude
1 [Laing's Knox, i. 186. Though the Lyon King was then in St
Andrews, he was not one of those who were sheltering in the castle
(Laing's Lindsay's Poetical Works, 1879, vol. i. pp. xxxix, xii).]

84 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
garrison in the castle chapel. He administered
the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper in the simple
form he always used, and continued the public
catechising of his pupils, which the people of
the town heard repeated till they had the sub
stance of his teaching by heart, and thus was
spread a knowledge of Gospel truth even among
those who could not read. A very graphic account
is given in his History of the sermons, catechis-
ings, and disputations he held with the popish
champions, by means of which the new doctrines
gained a hold on the minds of the citizens of St
Andrews which they never wholly lost. But
times of trial were to come ere the cause should
finally triumph in that city, or in his native land ;
and the earnest preacher, whose mouth God had
opened in that old parish church, was to be taught
by sad experience how hard it is to leave all and
simply follow Christ, ere he was to be privileged
to see the full fruit of his labours.
Those who had presumed to take into their
hands "the sword of God" as they called it, and
to mete out to the tyrant cardinal the punishment
which human justice was too weak to award, were
made to feel that they who take the sword must
expect to suffer from the sword. They had been
able to withstand the power of the regent and
the attacks of his unskilful captains ; but help
and skill at last came to the aid of these from

A Galley-slave. 85
their co-religionists abroad — chief among them
being a militant ecclesiastic entitled Prior of
Capua — and the succour promised to the garrison
by England having been again and again delayed,
they were obliged to surrender the castle to the
representative of the French king.1 The occu-
. pants of the castle — those who had come to it for
shelter, as well as those who were really guilty of
the murder — were deprived of liberty, and dealt
with as criminals of the worst class. For nineteen
months2 our reformer had to work as a chained
slave on board the French galleys, generally at|
Rouen or Dieppe, though sometimes a cruise was
taken to more distant waters. Once, at least, he
was brought within sight of the towers of the city
where he had begun his ministry; and then he
solemnly affirmed that he believed God would
once more allow him to proclaim His word there.
Even then he maintained unshaken faith in God,
and at times indulged in sallies of pleasantry
against his popish custodiers ; but he would have
been more than human if the iron had not entered
into his soul, and if traces of the sternness thence
arising had not long been visible in his character.
Early in 1549 he was, by English influence, re-
1 [Knox says that the castle was rendered "upone Setterday, the
last of Julij " (Laing's Knox, i. 205) ; Bishop Lesley says "the xxix
of Julij " (Lesley's History, 1830, p. 195). In 1547, the last of July
fell not on Saturday but on Sabbath.]
2 Laing's Knox, vi. 104.

86 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
leased from his captivity in the French galleys, and
from his exile.1 He proceeded first to London,
and thereafter to Berwick, with the approval of
the English Privy Council. There he was as
near to his persecuted fellow-countrymen as it
was safe for him to go, and there many of them
might resort to him ; and in fact so many did
so, that the president of the English Northern
Council became anxious for his transference
farther south. There also, through the ap
pointment of the Privy Council, a wide field of
usefulness was opened to him among the English.
Into this he entered with his whole soul, preach
ing the Gospel with great boldness and success
not only to the garrison and citizens of Berwick,
but also in the surrounding districts ; and proving
himself a true successor of those early Scottish
missionaries who had originally won over to the
Christian faith the heathen Saxons of Northum
bria. At Newcastle, in 1550, he discussed, before
Tonstal, Bishop of Durham, his doctors, and the
1 [The negotiations for the release of the captives seem to have
dragged their weary length along very slowly. So early as the 29th
of March 1548, Huntly wrote thus to Somerset : "The governor
has agreed to exchange the men in the castle of St Andrews with
Scots prisoners conform to your desire, and has sent me commission
therein, as I shall show you at my coming to London : or if you
send your mind to my Lord Warden, I shall appoint with him.
The governor^ has written to the king of France to send the men
taken in St Andrews to Rouen, to be ready for the exchange"
(Bain's Calendar, 1543-67, p. 104).]

His Work in England. 87
Northern Council, the idolatry of the mass ; and
in the spring of 1551 he removed his head
quarters to that more central and influential
town, extending his labours at times, no doubt,
into Yorkshire, as well as into Northumberland
and Cumberland.
His fame as an eloquent preacher, and able and
ready defender of the doctrines of the Reforma
tion, spread southwards ; and at the close of 1551,
or early in 1552, he was appointed one of the royal
chaplains of Edward VI. In the autumn of 1552
he was summoned to the south, and preached
with great power and faithfulness before the king
and his court. He persistently advocated, along
with the other royal chaplains, those thorough
going Protestant doctrines which, in the north,
he had previously held and taught and carried
out in practice. In conjunction with the other
five royal chaplains, he was called to give his opin
ion of the Articles then proposed to be adopted
as the creed of the English Church, and- of the
revised Communion Office then prepared to take
the place of that of 1549. His objections to the
act of kneeling in receiving the elements in the
Lord's Supper helped to procure the insertion of
that rubric which high-churchmen term "the black
rubric." He refused both an English bishopric
and a London rectory, and continued to labour
on, faithfully and devotedly, as a preacher unat-

88 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
tached. He had a presentiment that the time
he would have to do so would be brief, and he
improved it to the uttermost. The Reformation
in England at that date had been forced on by
its courtly patrons and their earnest preachers
beyond what was warranted by the hold it had
as yet gained on the mass of the people. When
the good King Edward1 was succeeded by the
bigoted Mary, nothing remained for the Protes
tant bishops and preachers but either to prove
the sincerity of their convictions in prison and at
the stake, or to leave the country and reserve
themselves in exile for happier times. Knox, as
a foreigner, was especially warranted to choose
the latter course ; and at the urgent request of
his friends in the north he did so, when it was
only not yet too late to escape.
The five years of the reformer's life which fol
lowed were not less eventful for himself nor for
those of whom he now became the chosen leader.
After an unsuccessful attempt to set up a sub
stantially Puritan church among the English
exiles at Frankfort, Whittingham and he ob
tained at Geneva, through the favour of Calvin,
an asylum for themselves and their like-minded
fellow-exiles, where they might be allowed peace
fully to carry out their own forms of worship and
discipline. But he had not been long there till,
1 [Edward died July 6, 1553.]

Visits Scotland. 89
at the earnest invitation of the reforming party,
he paid a visit to his native land — a visit
which was memorable for its immediate, and
still more for its ultimate, results. For several
years the cause of the Reformation had been
making quiet progress. Those who could read
the Scriptures had been drinking the waters of
life from the fountain-head. Those who could
not, drank from the streams opened by the Refor
mation poets, whose verses were carefully com
mitted to memory. Then came the voice of the
living preacher, accompanied, as it had never yet
been in Scotland, with the demonstration of the
Spirit and with power from on high. The re
former wrote that he would be content to sing his
nunc dimittis after forty such days as he had had
three of in Edinburgh. He prolonged for six
months a visit which he had intended to complete
in as many weeks ; and, when he was at last re
called to Geneva by the urgent letters of the con
gregation there, he promised to his friends in
Scotland that he would return whenever they saw
meet to summon him and to assure him of pro
tection from persecution.
The few quiet years which Knox and his fellow-
exiles passed at Geneva were to be richly blessed
to themselves and to their fatherland. He, at
least, had not gone there to have his views of
Christian doctrine or church order formed or

90 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
materially changed. He went to see the pure
reformed faith (which he and Calvin in common
believed, and independently had drawn from the
Holy Scriptures and from the writings of the
great doctor of the ancient church) exhibiting its
benign influence in quickening to higher life, and
moulding into a united community the volatile
citizens of Geneva. He came to have his wearied
spirit revived and refreshed by communion with
devoted Christian brethren ; and, by witnessing
the success of their labours, to be nerved for
further achievements in the service of their
common Lord and for the good of his native
land. It was there that Puritanism was organised as
a distinct school, if not also as a distinct party,
in the church. If it had done nothing more than
what it was honoured to do in the few peaceful
years our fathers were permitted to spend in that
much loved city by the bright blue waters of the
Leman Lake, it would have done not a little for
which the church and the world would have had
cause to be grateful to it still. There were first
clearly proclaimed in our native language those
principles of constitutional government, and the
limited authority of the " upper powers," which
are now universally accepted by the Anglo-Saxon
race. There was first deliberately adopted and
resolutely put in practice among British Christians

Genevan Benefits. 91
a form of church constitution which eliminated
sacerdotalism, and taught the members of the
church their true dignity and responsibility as
priests to God and witnesses for Christ in the
world. There was first used that Book of Com
mon Order which was long to be the directory y
for public worship in the fully reformed Church
of Scotland, and whose simple rites Bishop
Grindal was forced to own, in his controversy
with the English Puritans, he could not reprove.
There was nearly completed, after the model of
the French version, the English Metrical Psalter.
There was planned and executed a translation of
the Scriptures into our mother tongue, which for
nearly half a century continued to hold its place
alongside of others executed at greater leisure and
more favoured by authority.1 That was how our
1 [The first edition of the Genevan version was printed at Geneva
by Rouland Hall in 1560. "The changes made in the Geneva
Bible were the adoption of Roman type instead of the black letter,
in which all English Bibles had previously been printed, and the
division of the chapters into verses. These changes were the
principal cause of the wonderful popularity of this version, of which
about 200 editions are known. From 1560 to 1616 no year passed
without one or more editions issuing from the press, in folio, quarto,
or octavo. In 1 599 no less than ten distinct editions were printed,
each of which consisted of a large number of copies. The last
quarto printed in England is dated 1615, and the last folio 1616.
After this time a great many editions were printed at Amsterdam
by Joost Broerss and other Dutch printers ; the last folio bears the
imprint of Thomas Stafford, and the date 1644. . . . 150,000
copies were imported from Holland after this version had ceased
to be printed in England. . . . Owing to the vast number of copies

92 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
reformer and his tireless associates occupied them
selves when left freely to follow their own bent.
That was how he was ultimately prepared for
the great work he was to accomplish in his native
country when finally invited to return to it.
Immediately after the accession of Elizabeth
to the English throne in the autumn of 1558,1
the English exiles on the Continent began to
break up their congregations and return to their
native land. Those at Geneva were among the
first who commenced to do so ; but those of them
who had been occupying themselves in that trans
lation of the Bible into English which was to
prove such a blessing to their countrymen de
cided to remain where they were until they had
finished that work.2 Those who returned were
at first favourably received by the queen and her
advisers, and taken into service in the reconsti
tuted church ; but when it was found that they
were generally averse to comply fully with the
ceremonies which she fostered, a change took
place. Knox, who does not seem to have been one
in circulation during the three-quarters of a century that this version
was the household Bible of England, it is now the most common
of all early printed Bibles. . . . The singular rendering of the 7th
verse of the third chapter of Genesis in every edition of the Genevan
version has caused it to be commonly known as the ' Breeches '
Bible " (Dore's Old Bibles, 1888, pp. 203, 204).]
1 [Mary Tudor died on the 17th of November 1558.]
2 Troubles at Frankfort, Petheram's reprint, pp. cxci, cxcii.

Returns to Scotland. 93
of the translators, appears to have left Geneva
among the earliest. In February 1558-59 we find
that he had gone to Dieppe, whence, while assist
ing in the French Protestant services, he sent a
request to Cecil for leave to pass through Eng
land on his way to Scotland, and to converse
with him on some matters which deeply con
cerned the welfare of the Protestants in both
realms.1 But his ' First Blast of the Trumpet '
was an insult which Elizabeth could not brook,
and so, after waiting in vain for the desired per
mission for a reasonable time, he set sail from
Dieppe for Scotland, and arrived in Edinburgh
on the 2nd of May 1559, much to the con
sternation of the popish council then assembled
in the city. It dissolved forthwith ; but care was
taken to get Knox's name, as that of an already
condemned heretic, added to the list of Protestant
preachers then under summons to appear before
the queen regent and her council to answer for
their persistence in preaching.2 Knox at once
1 [After making two requests by messengers, Knox wrote to Cecil
from Dieppe on the ioth of April 1559, and on the 22nd sent from
the same town a duplicate of that letter with a postscript added
(Laing's Knox, ii. 15-22, vi. 15-21).]
2 [The Provincial Council is said to have closed on the ioth of
April (Robertson's Concilia Scotise, ii. 151, 176; Lesley's History, p.
271) ; but Knox says that it sat until he arrived in Scotland (Laing's
Knox, i. 291) ; and that the date of his arrival was the 2nd of May
(Ibid., i. 318, vi. 21); and an anonymous writer alleges that the
council broke up when assured that Knox had come (Wodrow Mis-

94 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
resolved to throw in his lot with his brethren,
and went north to Dundee where the zealous
Protestants of Fife, Angus, and Mearns were
already assembling, determined to make common
cause with their preachers, and to go forward
in peaceful form to Stirling in order that they
might do so, and leave the queen and her council
in no doubt as to the position which they were
henceforth to occupy towards her and them.
They accordingly marched forward from Dundee
to Perth, and sent on Erskine of Dun to Stirling \
to apprise the queen and council of their attitude
and intentions. It is said that she promised
Erskine that the prosecution of the preachers
would be abandoned, but they were condemned
in absence and outlawed, and the breach between
the two parties thus became irrevocable. Nothing
remained for the queen, from her point of view,
but to prosecute the matter to the bitter end, if
thereby she might succeed in silencing and re
pressing the Protestants.
After the regent's falsehood to Erskine and
persistence in her fatal policy, the reformers pro
ceeded at once to set about such reform as they
desired, and commenced rather roughly at Perth,
where they had the majority of the population in
cellany, pp. 56, 57). M'Crie suggests that, although the Acts were
concluded on the ioth of April, the council may not have then
closed (Life of Knox, 1855, p. 126, n.).]

Preaches in St Andrews. 95
their favour. Knox, along with Moray, went to
Fife as soon after as it became apparent that
forcible measures must be taken to secure toler
ation for the Protestants. After a few brief
visits to other towns he presented himself at the
public preaching-place in St Andrews. Modern
historians will not allow us to say that it was
in that city that he had received his university
training, or had first listened to the preaching of
the reformed doctrines, or been brought to a
personal knowledge of the truth ; but they leave
untouched, as previously stated, the more im
portant facts that it was there, when in charge
of his pupils at the university, that he had first
ventured at the hazard of his life openly to make
known to others that which had been blessed of
God to the quickening of his own soul, and
publicly to exert in the cause of the Reformation
those rare gifts of telling argument and persuasive
speech which were destined so signally to con
tribute to its ultimate and permanent triumph
throughout the land. It was there, probably in
the old parish church, that he had been first
solemnly called to the ministry of the Word in the
reformed church ; and there, in the chapel of the
old and now ruined castle, that he had first cele
brated the Lord's Supper with the same purity
and simplicity with which it was afterwards
observed in the fully reformed Church of

96 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
Scotland.1 Even in exile and working as a
slave in the galleys his heart had turned with
special pleasure to the scene of his first labours,
and he had cherished the confident expectation
that God would again bring him to the place
where he had first opened his mouth, and permit
him again to preach from its pulpit the precious
truths of His Holy Word.2
This expectation he believed that God had then'
fulfilled, and neither the threats of adversaries
could make him quail from his purpose, nor the
counsels of timid friends move him to let slip
the opportunity which he believed God had then
given him of bearing full and faithful testimony
to the truth of God in that important city.3 He
therefore boldly proclaimed before the dignitaries
of the church, the doctors of the university,4 and
1 [While it is apparent from Knox's own narrative that his first
public sermon was delivered in the parish church of St Andrews
(Laing's Knox, i. 189), it is not quite so clear whether Rough
addressed the call to him in that church or in the chapel of the
castle, though it rather appears to have been in the former (Ibid.,
i. 186-188) ; and the precise building in St Andrews in which he
first celebrated the Lord's Supper seems to me to be also uncertain
(Ibid., i. 201).]
2 Laing's Knox, i. 228. ! Ibid., i. 348, 349; vi. 25.
4 [Many members of the university became Protestants. The
twenty-one men in St Andrews, whom the first General Assembly
deemed qualified "for ministreing and teaching," were with few
exceptions professors, or regents. For the number of the ecclesi
astics who joined the congregation at St Andrews in the early
months of the Reformation, see supra, p. 13. In September,

The Victory. gy
the magistrates of the burgh, as well as before
more humble citizens, that doctrine of the grace
of God which had long been his own solace
and support, and was then being more generally
recognised and embraced by his countrymen.
Having thus seized the opportunity and improved
it to the utmost, his efforts were so abundantly
blessed by God that the cause of truth and right
finally triumphed there. The reformed worship
was by general consent peaceably set up, and the
authority of the archbishop was virtually ended
in the very stronghold of his power. That which,
with the divine blessing, the reformer's preaching
then accomplished in St Andrews, was by the
same or similar means effected in the chief cities
of the kingdom, and throughout the greater part
of the lowlands, almost within the compass of a
single year. In fact, four months after his arrival,
he could write to his friends : " Notwithstand
ing the fevers have vexed me, . . . yitt have I
travelled through the most part of this realme
where (all praise be to His blessed Majestie)
men of all sorts and conditiouns embrace the
Truthe. . . . We doe nothing but goe about
Jericho, blowing with trumpets as God giveth
strenth, hoping [for the] victorie by His power
1566, St Andrews was emphatically declared to be "the most
flourishing city as to divine and human learning in all Scotland "
(Laing's Knox, vi. 546).] G

98 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
alone."1 The reformer's expectation of victory,
and of victory by the persuasive means which
Bishop Hooper affirmed were alone legitimate
and in accord with Christ's will, was neither
disappointed nor long deferred. The great body
of the nation, with unexampled rapidity and
unanimity, embraced the truth, and submitted to
the discipline of their teacher, and under its
salutary influence, as Stahelin in his 'Johannes
Calvin ' affirms, from being one of the rudest,
most ignorant, indigent, and turbulent peoples,
grew to be one of the most civilised, educated,
prosperous, and upright which our family of
nations can show.
Believing that we have no cause to be ashamed
of the great revolution which was thus effected,
or of aught which has legitimately followed from
it, but that we need to have our pure minds
stirred up by way of remembrance of the great
things the Lord has done for us, I proceed to
direct attention to the distinctive characteristics
of the Scottish Reformation in respect of doctrine,
worship, government, discipline, and church life,
and the lessons which such a review should tend
to rivet on the hearts of those who still hold fast
its principles and long to see them more fully
carried out. 1 Laing's Knox, vi. 78.

99

CHAPTER VI.
THE OLD SCOTTISH CONFESSION OF I560.
Knox, in his ' History of the Reformation,' has
stated that the preparation of this Confession
was entrusted to the same six ministers who
were commissioned to draw up the Book of Dis
cipline — viz., Wynram, Spottiswoode, Willock,
Douglas, Row, and himself.1 It has been fre
quently taken for granted that the Confession
was prepared and revised within four days after
the formal charge to frame it was issued by the
Parliament, and that the Book of Discipline
was not ordered to be prepared till after the
Parliament of 1560 was adjourned. It is evident,
however, from the dates specified in the Intro
duction, and at the conclusion of the copy of the
Book of Discipline engrossed by Knox,2 that
the original charge to frame it had been granted
on the 29th April 1560, or just two days after the
1 Laing's Knox, ii. 128. 2 Ibid., ii. 183, 257.

100 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
nobles and barons signed one of those " godly
bands " or covenants x by which they pledged
themselves to stand by each other in setting
forward the Reformation of religion according
to God's Word ; and it can hardly be supposed
that that book should have been taken in hand
some months before the Parliament met, and that
no attempt should have been made in this interval
to prepare materials for the ' Confession of Faith.'
Besides, Knox has not stated that within four
days after the charge was formally issued the
Confession was prepared, but only that it was
presented, so that we may hold with Dr M'Crie
that "the ministers were not unprepared for
this task," which was then formally devolved
on them by the Parliament. Knox has further
stated that the Confession was accepted by
the Parliament in the form in which it was laid
before them without change of a single sentence.2
Others supplement his statement by explaining
that before it was publicly presented it was sub
mitted privately to certain lords of Parliament,
and by their direction was handed for revision to
the rather time-serving Wynram and the anon

1 [For this band, see Laing's Knox, ii. 61-64.]
2 [" Quhilk thay willinglie acceptit and within foure dayis pre
sents this Confessioun as it followis, without alteratioun of any
ane sentence'' (Laing's Knox, ii. 92).]

Alleged Omission of a Chapter. 101
time-serving and vacillating Laird of Lethington,
who softened many harsh expressions in it, and
even recommended the omission of a chapter or
part of a chapter from it. This they say was a
chapter bearing the title, "Of the obedience and
disobedience due from subjects to magistrates." x
But the chapter on the " Civil Magistrate " still
found in the Confession treats so fully and ex
pressly of the obedience due to magistrates, that
it is difficult to see how place could ever have
been sought for an additional chapter on the
same subject. There may possibly at first have
stood in the chapter still retained some such
clause or sentence regarding the limits of obedi
ence as we find in the corresponding chapter of
some of the Genevan symbolical books,2 and
this may have been the matter deemed unfit to
be "entreated of" at that time, and recom
mended by the revisers to be omitted ; or it may
be that, after all, their recommendation and the
suggestions of the English ambassador on the
subject were not followed in this instance, and
1 [These statements are based on the information which Randolph
sent to Cecil on 7th September 1560 (Laing's Knox, vi. 120, 121).]
2 " At vero in praefectorum obedientia unum semper excipiendum
ne ab ejus obedientia nos deducat, cujus decretis regum omnium
jussa cedere par est. . . . Adversus ipsum si quid imperent nullo
sit nee loco nee numero, sed ilia potius sententia locum habeat,
obediendum Deo magis quam hominibus. "

102 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
that we have the chapter still as it was originally
framed by Knox and his associates.1
In endeavouring to form an estimate of the real
merits of this Confession, we must make due
allowance for the circumstances in which it was
composed. Even though we suppose that the
materials of it had been collected beforehand,
only four days seem to have been allowed to
the committee to put them into final shape.
We must not look either on the one hand for
an exhaustive and logical elaboration of the
several doctrines of the system and nicely
balanced statement of complementary truths, or
on the other for a careful avoidance of incidental
expressions which seem dogmatically to deter
mine points not fully or directly handled in
the places where we should have expected them
to be so. Yet, if we make such due allowance,
look at it from the proper point of view, and
peruse the work not only in the now obsolete
Scotch, but also in the neat Latin version which
often accompanies it, and is said to have been
the work of Archbishop Adamson,2 we shall not
1 This seems to be the opinion of Dr Laing (Knox's Works, vi.
121, n. ) Indeed one can hardly read chapter xviii. without having
a suspicion induced that Knox may have proved too strong for them
in regard to some of what they termed the more harsh expressions
in the treatise, as well as in regard to the particular chapter in
question. 2 [The Scotch and Latin versions are printed in parallel columns
n Dunlop's 'Collection of Confessions ' ii. 13-98.]

Character of the Confession. 103
hesitate to own that it holds a distinguished
place among the Confessions of that age, and is
a credit to our reformer and his associates. Coin
ciding not infrequently in expression and agree
ing generally in its definitions of doctrine with
the other Reformed or Calvinistic Confessions (an
agreement which its framers explicitly testified
by inserting among the subordinate standards
of their church, first Calvin's Catechism, and
a few years after the Later Helvetic Confession
and the Heidelberg Catechism), the Scottish
Confession of 1560 had characteristics of its
own, — a framework rather historical than dog
matic, and a liberal and manly, yet reverent and
cautious spirit. It probably contributed to mould
the early Scottish theology into a form some
what less minute and rigid than the Swiss, yet
considerably less vague and indefinite than the
earlier English.
The first topic deserving of notice, from the
place it holds both in the preface and in the
body of this treatise, is the distinct and hearty
acknowledgment of the supreme authority of the
written Word of God, or " the buiks of the Auld
and New Testamentis," which books are briefly
but sufficiently defined as those " quhilk of the
ancient have been reputed canonicall." x In these
1 " Libros, qui ab infantia usque ecclesiae semper habiti sunt
canonici" (Latin version, Dunlop, ii. 70),

104 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
they affirm "that all thingis necessary to be
beleeved for the salvation of mankinde is suffi
ciently expressed," and to these they desire in
all things to conform, protesting that, if any man
should note any article or sentence in their Con
fession contrary to the Scriptures, and should
"ofhis gentleness" admonish them of the same,
they " do promise unto him satisfactioun fra the
mouth of God, that is, fra His Haly Scriptures,
or else reformation of that quhilk he sal prove
to be amisse." x
In the opening chapter the unity and attri
butes of God, and the trinity of persons in the
Godhead, are briefly but definitely treated of.2
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 17, 18; Laing's Knox, ii. 96. A
similar protestation is made in the Preface to the First Book of
Discipline (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 518 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 184).
2 The sources from which this chapter was taken can still be
pretty clearly traced. I place in parallel columns its statements and
those of the two Confessions from which it was probably taken : —
"We confesse and acknawledge " Je confesse qu'il y a un seul
ane only God, to whom only we Dieu auquel il nous faut tenir,
must cleave, whom onelie we must pour le servir, adorer, et y avoir
serve, whom onelie we must wor- notre fiance et refuge." — Con-
ship, and in whom onelie we must fession subscribed by students
put our trust. in Academy in Geneva.
"Who is eternall, infinit, un- "I beleve and confesse my
measurable, incomprehensible, Lorde God eternal, infinite, 1111-
omnipotent, invisible : ane in measurable, incomprehensible,
substance, and zit distinct in and invisible, one in substance,
thre personnis, the Father, the and three in persone, Father,
Sone, and the Holie Gost." — Sonne, and Holy Ghoste. " — Con-
Old Scottish Confession, in Dun- fession of English Congregation
lop's Confessions, ii. 21, 22. at Geneva, in Laing's Knox, iv.
169 ; Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 3.

The Fall and the Remedy. 105
In subsequent chapters the divinity of our blessed
Lord is fully asserted, and the " heresies of Arius,
Marcion, Eutyches, Nestorius, and sik uthers as
either did denie the eternitie of His Godhead, or
the veritie of His humaine nature, or confounded
them or zit devided them," are specifically re
jected.1 The second chapter treats of the creation
and fall of our first parents, while the third treats
of the effects of the fall in language no less ex
plicit than that of the other Protestant Confes
sions, Lutheran and Reformed ; and as it not only
clearly embodies the teaching of our reformers on
this subject, but gives a brief summary of their
views regarding the application of the Gospel
remedy, it may be as well I should quote it at
length. It is as follows : " Be quhilk trans-
gressioun, commonlie called original sinne, wes
the image of God utterlie defaced in man, and he
and his posteritie of nature become enimies to
God, slaves to Sathan, and servandis unto sin.2
In samekle that deith everlasting hes had and sail
have power and dominioun over all that have
1 This also comes from a Genevan source : —
" We condemne the damnable " Idcirco detestor omnes haer-
and pestilent heresies of Arius, eses huic principio contrarias
Marcion, Eutyches, Nestorius, puta Marcionis, Manetis, Nes-
and sik uthers." — Old Scottish torii, Eutyclietis, et similium." —
Confession, as above, ii. 31. Genevan Confession.
2 Extraneum ab omni benedictione Dei, Satanae mancipium, sub
peccati jugo captivum, horribili denique exitio destinatum et jam
implicitum. — Calvin,

106 The Old Scottish Confession of I 560.
not been, ar not, or sail not be, regenerate from
above : quhilk regeneratioun is wrocht be the
power of the Holie Gost, working in the hartes
of the elect of God ane assured faith in the
promise of God reveiled to us in His Word, be
quhilk faith we apprehend Christ Jesus with the
graces and benefites promised in Him." :
After this follow several chapters on the history
of the promises of redemption, the preparation
for the coming of the promised Redeemer, the
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 24, 25 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 98. It has
been questioned if this description of faith is one which Calvin and
his stricter followers would have used. But nothing is more com
mon, even in the earliest edition of his Institutes, than to find him
describing faith as the apprehension of Christ with His gifts, or
graces, as well as with His righteousness: " Apprehendimus ac
obtinemus et . . . Christi dona amplectimur, quod ipsum est
habere veram, ut decet fidem." "Haec omnia nobis a Deo offer-
untur ac dantur in Christo Domino nostro nempe remissio pecca-
torum gratuita, . . . dona et gratiae Spiritus Sancti si certa fide ea
amplectimur." In one of these chapters [of the Scottish Confession]
relating to the incarnation of Christ Jesus, He is spoken of not only,
as in most of the Protestant Confessions, as the promised Messiah,
the just seed of David, the Immanuel, or God in our nature — God
and man in one person — but also as the Angel of the great counsel of
God [Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 31 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 99]. This ex
pression is no doubt a translation of the neya\i)s f}ov\-ns ayyeKos of
the Septuagint, and is the more remarkable, not only as showing
familiarity on the part of some of the framers of the Confession with
a somewhat unusual rendering of one of the most explicit Messianic
prophecies of Isaiah, but also as showing that they had perceived
the true significance of an expression which last century gave rise to
no little discussion and misconception. So far as I can remember,
this remarkable expression does not appear in any other of the
Protestant Confessions of that age.

The Eternal Decree. loy
dignity and constitution of His person, His in
carnation, sufferings, and death, His resurrec
tion and ascension, and the blessed effects re
sulting from them to His people. In another
of these chapters distinct reference is made to
" the eternall and immutable decree " from
which the appointment of the God - man as
our Redeemer, and " al our salvatioun springs
and depends " ; x and in another all that is
good in us is traced up to that decree of the
eternal God who of mere grace elected us in
Christ Jesus His Son before the foundation of
the world was laid. The same mysterious sub
ject is again referred to in the sixteenth chap
ter, which treats of the church, and, like the
earlier Confession used by Knox's congregation
at Geneva and our later Confession, identifies
that invisible but real church, which is " the
bodie and spouse" of Christ Jesus, with the
elect of all ages, nations, and tongues, so that
" as without Christ Jesus there is nouther life
nor salvation, so sal there nane be participant
therof bot sic as the Father hes given unto His
Sonne," and who in time come unto Him.2 Many
individual expressions occurring in these chapters
can be clearly traced to one or other of Calvin's
Confessions, or to the earliest edition of his
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 32 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 100.
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 60, 61 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 108,

108 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
Institutes ; x but the only Confession I can re
member in which a similar, though shorter, history
of the preparation for the coming Redeemer is

1 The following are a few speci
between the Scottish Confession
Institutes : —
I. "It behooved that the
Sonne of God suld descend unto
us, and tak himself a bodie of
our bodie, flesh of our flesh, and
bone of our bones, and so be
come the Mediator betwixt God
and man, giving power to so
many as beleeve in Him to be
the sonnes of God." — Dunlop,
i'- 33. 34-
2. " Quhatsaever wee have
tynt in Adam is restored unto us
agayne." — Dunlop, ii. 34.
3. " It behooved farther the
Messias and Redemer to be very
God and very man, because He
was to underlie the punischment
due for our transgressiouns, and
to present himselfe in the pre
sence of His Father's judgment
as in our persone to suffer for our
transgression and inobedience,
be death to overcome him that
was author of death. Bot be
cause the onely Godhead culd
not suffer death, neither zit culd
the onlie manhead overcome the
samin, He joyned both togither
in one persone that the imbecil-
litie of the ane suld suffer and
be subject to death quhilk we
had deserved : and the infinit
and invincible power of the

mens of close verbal coincidence
and the first edition of Calvin's
Filii Dei sumus quod naturalis
Dei Filius' sibi corpus ex corpore
nostro, carnem ex carne nostra
ossa ex ossibus nostris composuit
ut idem nobiscum esset.

Ut quod in Adamoperdidimus
Christus restitueret.
Praeterea sic nostra referebat,
verum esse Deum et hominem
qui Redemptor noster futurus
esset. . . . Prodiit ergo verus
homo, Dominus noster, Adae
personam induit . . . ut Patri
se obedientem pro eo exhiberet
ut carnem nostram in satisfac-
tionem justo Dei judicio statueret
ac sisteret, ut in eadem carne
peccati poenam persolveret.
Quum denique mortem nee solus
Deus sentire, nee solus homo
superare posset, humanitatem
cum divinitate sociavit ut alterius
imbecillitatem morti in poenam
persolveret, alterius virtute ad
versus mortem in victoriam luc-
taretur.

Alasco's Influence.

109

given, is the ' Summa Doctrinae ' of John Alasco,1
which may be regarded as the Confession of
Faith, not only of the ministers but also of the
members of the church of the foreigners in Lon
don. Knox was brought into contact with them
both in London and in Frankfort, agreed with
them generally in opinion, and largely adopted
their forms and arrangements in matters of wor
ship and discipline.
A group of chapters 2 treats of the nature and
work of the Holy Spirit, the cause of good works,
the works which are reputed good, the perfection
uther, to wit, of the God-head,
suld triumph and purchesse to us
life, libertie, and perpetuall vic
tory. "¦ — Dunlop, ii. 35, 36.
4. " That Hee being the
cleane, innocent Lambe of God,
was damned in the presence of
an earthlie judge, that we suld
be absolved befoir the tribunal
seat of our God." — Dunlop, ii.
37, 38-
5. "Suffered ... the cruell
death of the Crosse, quhilk was
accursed be the sentence of God."
— Dunlop, ii. 38.
6. " Suffered for a season the
wrath of His Father quhilk sin
ners had deserved. Bot zit we
avow that He remained the only
wel-beloved and blessed Sonne
of His Father, even in the mid-
dest of His anguish and tor-
ent." — Dunlop, ii. 38.
1 Alasco's Works, ii. 296, 29!

Judicis scilicet sententia dam-
natus pro nocente et malefico ut
apud summi judicis tribunal ejus
damnatione absolveremur.

Crucifixus in crace quae Dei
lege maledicta fuerat.

Divini judicii horrorem et
severitatem sensisse . . . luens
poenas non suae . . . sed nos-
trae iniquitati. Neque tamen
intelligendum est patrem illi
unquam iratum fuisse. Quomodo
enim dilecto filio, in quo illi com-
placitum est, irasceretur.
:. 2 Chapters xii.-xv.

1 10 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
of the Law of God, and the imperfection of man.
Those who have overlooked the explicit state
ment in the third chapter concerning the
depravity of man have generally overlooked or
failed to perceive the full significance of the
emphatic statements in the twelfth chapter
regarding our entire dependence for spiritual
renovation, and all good, on the Holy Spirit.
The words are: "Of nature we are so dead, so
blind, and so perverse, that nether can we feill
when we ar pricked, see the licht when it shines,
nor assent to the will of God when it is reveiled,
unles the Spirit of the Lord Jesus quicken that
quhilk is dead, remove the darknesse from our
myndes, and bowe our stubburne hearts to the
obedience of His blessed will ; " x and again, " As
we willingly spoyle ourselves of all honour and
gloir of our awin creation and redemption, so do
we also of our regeneration and sanctification." 2
These statements, however they may be viewed
by others, seem to me no less explicit than those
of the later Confession, which have been some
times contrasted with them. " This effectual
call is of God's free and special Grace alone, not
from anything at all foreseen in man, who is
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 46. " Sunt autem dona Spiritus
Sancti, per quem regeneramur, e diaboli potestate et vinculis
explicamur, in filios Dei gratuito adoptamur, ad omne opus bonum
sanctificamur." — Calvin.
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 47.

Justification. 1 1 1
altogether passive therein until, being quickened
and renewed by the Holy Spirit, he is thereby
enabled to answer this call, and to embrace the
Grace offered and conveyed in it." J The last of
this group of chapters contains the fullest and
most direct exposition the Confession embodies
of the views of its framers in the article of Jus
tification. It is as follows : "It behovis us to
apprehend Christ Jesus with His justice and
satisfaction, quha is the end and accomplishment
of the Law, be quhome we ar set at this liberty
that the curse and malediction of God fall not
upon us, albeit we fulfill not the same in al
pointes. For God the Father, beholding us in
the body of His Sonne Christ Jesus, acceptis our
imperfite obedience as it were perfite, and covers
our warks, quhilk ar defyled with mony spots,
with the justice of His Sonne." 2 To the same
1 Westminster Confession, chap. a.
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 58. There is hardly one of these ex
pressions that may not be found in Calvin's Institutes : —
It behoves us to apprehend Confiteor nos justificari per
Christ Jesus with His justice and fidem quatenus per earn appre-
satisfaction. hendimus Jesum Christum.
We are set at this liberty Omni execratione quae nobis
that the curse and malediction incumbebat eximeremur dum in
of the law fall not upon us. eum traduceret. Fides, in Christi
damnatione absolutionem, bene-
dictionem in maledictione, ap-
prehendit.
God the Father, beholding Ubi nos in filii sui com
us in the body of His Son Christ munionem semel recepit, opera

112 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
effect it is said in chapter xxv. that " albeit
sinne remaine and continuallie abyde in thir our
mortall bodies, zit it is not imputed unto us, bot
is remitted and covered with Christ's justice." J
It has been questioned, however, whether we
have in these statements the doctrine taught
generally in the reformed churches regarding
the articulus stantis vel cadentis ecclesice. This
can be a question only with those who forget that
the church which received this Confession, and
required her adult members to assent to the
heads of it, appointed for the instruction of her
youth the Catechism in which this doctrine of
Calvin is stated in his own words ; and that the
very men2 who in 1560 drew it up, in 1566, along
with their brethren of the General Assembly,

Jesus, accepts our imperfect nostra grata acceptaque habet,
obedience as it were perfect. non quod ita promereantur sed
quia condonata eorum imperfec-
tione, nil in illis intuetur, nisi
quod a Spiritu suo profectum,
purum ac sanctum est.
Covers our works, which are Nullae nostrae sordes aut
defiled with many spots, with immunditiae imperfectionis im-
the justice of His Son. putantur, sed ilia puritate Christi
ac perfectione velut sepultae con-
teguntur. Cujus perfectione tega-
tur nostra imperfectio. See also
Calvin's Catechism in Dunlop's
Confessions, ii. 175.
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 95 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 119.
2 [Of the six, all save Willock sign the letter to Beza on 4th
September 1566 (Laing's Knox, vi. 548-55°)-]

Justification. 113
declared of the Later Helvetic Confession — -which is
admitted to contain what has been termed "the
Lutherano-Calvinian view " of justification — that
therein was " most faithfully, holily, piously, and
indeed divinely explained " what they themselves
had for eight years been constantly teaching, and
still by the grace of God continued to teach, and
that in consequence they felt constrained not
only to express their approval, but their " exceed
ing commendation of every chapter and of every
sentence," save the one relating to holidays.1 It
may be taken for granted that they knew their
own meaning, and that of their Swiss brethren ; 2
1 Laing's Knox, vi. 546-548.
2 Considerable ingenuity has been expended in the attempt to
show that the words ' ' who is the end and accomplishment of the
law " are to be understood in some other than their most obvious
and commonly received meaning. Without questioning the com
petency of such ingenious rather than ingenuous exposition, were a
case raised before the judicial committee of a modern privy council
to have the expounder tried and condemned as a heretic, I venture
to think that when the matter to be determined is rather what, in
point of fact, did Knox and his associates hold and teach, the fol
lowing brief quotation from the "godly and perfect" treatise of
Balnaves on Justification must go pretty near to settle it : " Christ
is the end of the law (unto righteousnes) to all that beleeve — that
is, Christ is the consummation and fulfilling of the lawe, and that
justice whiche the lawe requireth ; and all they which beleeve in
Him are just by imputation through faith, and for His sake are
repute and accepted as just" (Laing's Knox, iii. 492). If more
than this has been taught in recent times, I should be greatly
inclined with Principal Lee to trace it to Jonathan Edwards, or
perhaps even to the great Independent, Dr Owen, rather than to
the Westminster divines, or the earlier Scottish.
H

1 14 The Old Scottish Confession 0/1560.
the more especially as in our day Stahelin, whose
impartiality and historical reputation will not
be challenged, has adduced the statement in
chapter xv. as one of his proofs that Calvin
himself could not have framed the Scotch Con
fession otherwise than Knox has done.1
The nature of the church, and the notes by
which the true church is to be discerned, are
explained in chapters xvi. and xviii. As in most
of the other Reformed or Calvinistic Confessions,
greater prominence is assigned to the Invisible
Church, consisting of the elect of all times and
nations, than to the general visible church sub
sisting at any particular time in the world and
embracing all who profess faith in Christ and
submit to the godly discipline He has prescribed.
The notes by which it may be discerned whether
any branch of the professing church is indeed
part of the true Kirk of Christ are stated nega
tively — not to be " antiquitie, title usurpit, lineal
descente, place appointed, nor multitude of men
approving," as Roman Catholics were wont to
allege; and positively to be "the trew preaching
of the Worde of God," "the right administra
tion of the Sacraments," and " ecclesiastical
discipline uprightlie ministred as Goddis Worde
prescribes." 2 " These articles," as Principal
1 Stahelin's Johannes Calvin, ii. 88.
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 66-68 ; Laing's Knox, ii. no.

Notes of the True Church. 115
Lee has so pithily expressed it, " have been
almost as disagreeable to some Episcopalian
writers as they were to the most servile ad
herents of the pope. It is thought a most
dangerous omission to make no mention of
uninterrupted succession and conveyance of
authority from the apostles. This omission has
been somewhat incorrectly charged against the
reformers of our church. They do certainly
mention lineal succession, but they mention it
only to disown it. They say that though the
Jewish priests in our Saviour's time ' lineally
descended from Aaron,' yet no ' man of sound
judgment will grant that they were the Church
of God.'"1 They further assert that wherever
the three notes given above are found and con
tinue for any time (be the number never so few
above two or three), there without all doubt is the
true Kirk of Christ, who according to His promise
is in the midst of them ; and in this they are
borne out not only by Calvin but by Luther,
who boldly affirmed : " Were I the only man on
earth that held by the Word, I alone would be
the church, and I would be justified in pronounc
ing of all the rest of the world that it was not
the church."
The only other parts of the Confession I deem
1 Lee's Lectures on the History of the Church of Scotland,
i. 124, 125.

1 1 6 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
it necessary to refer to in this review of it are the
chapters relating to the sacraments and the right
use of them. It was asserted some years ago
by a leader of modern thought in Scotland that
Knox did not go beyond the Zwinglian doctrine re
garding the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper ; and
that his Order for the administration of it was a
bold protest against the " mystical jargon " which
Luther employed, and from which Calvin was
not free. When he made this assertion he seems
to have forgot that the address in Knox's Order for
the administration of the Lord's Supper was little
else than a translation of that in Calvin's Liturgy,
and teaches exactly the same mystical doctrine.
This doctrine is no less explicitly taught in the
Confession ; and Stahelin, whose competence to
judge in the matter cannot be questioned, main
tains that the Zwinglian doctrine is as explicitly
rejected as the Romano- Lutheran ; and that the
language as well as the doctrine closely resembles
Calvin's. The text of the common editions of
the Confession speaks of two chief sacraments
only as being appointed under the New Testa
ment as well as under the Old. From this
expression, some, who are more familiar with
Anglican than with Calvinistic formularies, have
concluded that Knox, like several of the earlier
English reformers, attributed a .gwzsj-sacramental
character to some of the other rites regarded as

Two Sacraments only. \\y
sacraments by the Romanists. But in the copy
of the Confession reprinted in Dr Laing's edition
of Knox's History the word chief is omitted in
the second instance, and the clause runs two
sacraments only.1 Perhaps it will be accepted as
some confirmation of the correctness of this read
ing that it is identical with that found in Alasco's
' Epitome Doctrinse Ecclesiarum Frisise Orient-
alis,' from which treatise the opening sentence
of chapter xxi. of the Scottish Confession may
possibly have been taken,2 though the verbal
coincidence with the early edition of Calvin's
Institutes is in some respects more marked.
Such are the main contents and general
bearing of this ancient Scottish Confession.
Notwithstanding the confident assertions to the
contrary made of late both within and without
the Presbyterian churches, I venture to think
that no one who, with a good conscience and
1 Laing's Knox, ii. 113. [In the Confession, as printed in the
Acts of the Parliaments of 1560 and 1567 ratifying it, the word
chief is retained (Acts of Parliament, ii. 532 5 "i- 2°)- The Con
fession of 1616 bears that: "We believe that there be only two
sacraments appointed by Christ under the New Testament,
Baptisme and the Lord's Supper" ('Booke of the Universall
Kirk,' iii. 1137). Concerning the sacraments the First Book of
Discipline says : " They be two, to wit, Baptism and the Holy
Supper of the Lord Jesus" (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 520; Laing's
Knox, ii. 186).]
2 Hujus generis duo praecipua in vetere ecclesia fuerunt circum-
cisio et agnus paschalis. Nos illorum loco duo etiam habemus
baptismum et caenam domini.

1 1 8 Tlie Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
honest intent, could sign that Confession, and
answer in the affirmative the questions regarding
election put to candidates for the ministry at their
ordination, need hesitate to put his name to that
which in 1647 was received as "in nothing con
trary" tb the former, and held its place alongside
of it even after the restoration of Charles II. , and
under the episcopal regime} Most assuredly at
least no one need hesitate to do so who would
have put his name to that Confession which was
drawn up in the time of the first episcopacy,2 and
which is quite as distinctively Calvinistic as the
Westminster Confession, while it ventures in
cidentally to determine some points the West
minster divines have wisely left undetermined.3
The old Confession can advance no claim to the
terse English style, the logical accuracy, the
1 "The Confession of Faith made by Mr Knox, and ratified in
Parliament by King James VI. , together with the Westminster
Confession (both agreed on by the General Assembly of Presbyters),
are owned next to the Word of God, by both parties, as the
Standard of the doctrine of our Church " (Case of Suffering Church
of Scotland).
2 It is printed at length in Calderwood's History, vii. 233-242 ;
and also in the ' Booke ofthe Universall Kirk,' iii. 1132-1139 ; and
is supposed to have been mainly the work of Howie, Melville's
successor at St Andrews.
3 [In speaking of this Confession of 1616, Dr Grub says that it
"agrees with the old one in all important points, the chief differ
ence being in its more marked enunciation of the doctrine of
Calvin in regard to election and predestination" (Grub's History,
ii. 3°6).],

Type of Scottish Theology. 119
judicial calmness, and intimate acquaintance with
early patristic theology which characterise that
mature product of the faith and thought of the
more learned Puritans of the south. I am not
ashamed to avow that it has long appeared to
me that there is somewhat to be said in favour
of the opinion that Scottish presbyterianism
gained quite as much as, nay, more than, it lost,
by being brought into contact with the broader,
richer, and decidedly more catholic spirit of the
south, and adding to its earlier symbolical books
those which it still holds in common with almost
all the orthodox presbyterians of the Anglo-
Saxon race. No one who will take the trouble
to read the report of the discussion on Arminian
ism in the Scottish General Assembly of 1638 x
will, I am sure, be so bold as to affirm that the
type of theology then prevalent among Scottish
ministers was in any material respect different
from that which was set forth in the Confession
of 1647, and which has never since, either under
episcopal or presbyterian regime, been set aside
in the National Church. The teaching of the
latest of our symbolical books imposes nothing
in regard to the doctrines known as Calvinistic2
but what is explicitly contained or fairly deducible
1 Printed in Peterkin's Records ofthe Kirk, pp. 155-160.
2 Generally so designated, but really as old as the days of Paul
and Au,gustine.

120 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
from the earliest Confession drawn up for the

English church at Geneva, of which Knox was
pastor, and adopted (along with the larger one
on which I have been commenting) at the begin
ning of the Reformation in Scotland, and printed
in Scotch psalm-books1 as late as 1638, in which
it is asserted " which church is not seene to man's
eye but only knowne to God, who of the lost
sonnes of Adam hath ordained some as vessels
of wrath to damnation, and hath chosen others
as vessels of His mercy to bee saved, the which
also in due time He calleth to integritie of life and
godly conversation to make them a glorious
church to Himselfe." 2
Probably, however, the main argument against
recurring to the old Scottish Confession of 1560
is that derived from the unmeasured language of
vituperation in which it, as well as the contem
porary forms of recantation 3 required of priests at

1 [After 1 564-65, the Book of Common Order was usually printed
with a complete metrical version of the Psalms (Laing's Knox, vi.
279, 280, 284) ; and was comprehended under the name ' Psalm
Book ' {infra, p. 128). Mr Cowan, of 47 Braid Avenue, Edinburgh,
informs me that the Confession, drawn up for the English congrega
tion at Geneva, appears in every edition of the Book of Common
Order which he has examined, from the Geneva edition of 1556
down to the edition printed by Evan Tyler in 1644.]
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 8; Laing's Knox, iv. 171, 172.
[These forms of recantation may be seen in the Maitland Mis
cellany, iii. 215-221 ; and in the Register of St Andrews Kirk-
session, Scot. Hist. Soe, i. n-18.]

Unmeasured Language. 1 2 1
that date, indulges when referring to the teaching
of the members of the pre- Reformation church.
No doubt it might be deemed sufficient proof of
this to subjoin the examples furnished in chapter
xviii. on the "Notis" or marks by which "the
trewe Kirk is decernit fra the false," where the old
church is designated the " pestilent synagoge,"
"the filthie synagogue," and " the horrible harlot,
the kirk malignant " J — the last words no doubt
meant as a translation of the Vulgate rendering
of Psalm xxvi. 5, ecclesiam malignantium? trans
lated " the congregation of evil doers " in our
authorised English version. But I may add, in
corroboration, that in chapter xxi. on the true
uses of the sacraments, the papists are charged
with having " perniciouslie taucht and damnablie
beleeved" the transubstantiation ofthe bread into
Christ's natural body and of wine into his natural
blood,3 and that in the last chapter the language
of Rev. xiv. 11 ("the smoke of their torment
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 65, 66; Laing's Knox, ii. 109, no.
2 The designation is undoubtedly Knoxian, as it occurs in his
dispute with Friar Arbuckill in 1547. To the reformer's assertion
"that the spous of Christ had nether power nor authoritie against
the Word of God," the Friar replied, " Yf so be, ye will leave us
na kirk;" and to that the reformer rejoined, "In David I read
that thare is a church of the malignantis, for he sayis, Odi ecclesiam
malignantium. That church ye may have without the Word, . . .
of that church yf ye wilbe, I can not impead yow " (Laing's Knox,
i. 200).
* Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 80; Laing's Knox, ii. 114.

122 The Old Scottish Confession of 1 560.
ascendeth up for ever and ever : and they have no
rest day nor night, who worship the beast and his
image") is adduced in proof of the ultimate fate
of those who delight in superstition or idolatry.1
The same unrestrained spirit is shown in some
contemporary Confessions, notably in the earliest
Danish one, the framers of which seem to have
kept closer to Luther than to the more gentle
Melanchthon : but however excusable it may
have been in the fierce battle then forced on
them, there can be no doubt that the calmer
and more measured language of the later Con
fession is a decided improvement on the state
ments of the earlier one ; and I do not hesitate
to say that, with the simpler formula of 1693-94
recently restored, and the explanatory act which
accompanies it — emphasising the distinction be
tween matters of minor importance and the
great doctrines of the faith — the position of the
ministers of our church in these respects is
as nearly what it should be as is that of
the ministers in any of the allied Presbyterian
churches. 1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 96, 97.

123

CHAPTER VII.
THE BOOK OF COMMON ORDER.
This, though in point of time the first com
posed of the symbolical books of the Scottish
Reformation, was the last to be formally assigned
its honoured place. The title it commonly bore
in that age was the Book of Common Order.
In the First Book of Discipline it is called "the
Order of Geneva " and " the Book of our Com
mon Order."1 In recent times it has been more
generally designated as Knox's Liturgy. It has
usually been deemed sufficient to say that it
was drawn up and first privately and then pub
licly printed at Geneva, and was directly taken
from the liturgy then used there, as well as
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 520, 583 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 186, 239.
[In another passage it is spoken of as "the Booke of the Common
Order, called the Order of Geneva" (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 548 ;
Laing's Knox, ii. 210).] The Book of Common Order, which has
been frequently reprinted, is included in vols. iv. and vi. of Dr
Laing's edition of Knox's Works.

1 24 The Book of Common Order.
approved by Calvin. But this is only partially
true. The first English congregation on the
Continent which invited Knox to be one of its
pastors was that formed at Frankfort in 1554,
and admitted to hold its services in the same
church as the congregation of French-speaking
exiles on condition of using the same cere
monies and Confession of Faith as the French.1
The minister and other office-bearers accord
ingly signed the Confession of Faith along with
those of the French congregation, and it was
ultimately incorporated into the Book of Com
mon Order as the exposition of the Apostles'
Creed in the baptismal service. The first draft
of the Book of Common Order was drawn up
before the end of 1554, and privately printed,2
1 The extract from the minutes of the city council embodying
these conditions, which I found in Withof's ' Vertheidigung ' and
communicated to Dr Hume Brown, was printed by him in the
Appendix to his ' John Knox,' and is also reprinted here in
Appendix D.
2 "At lenght it was agreed that the Order of Geneua (whiche
then was alreadie printed in Englishe and some copies there amonge
them) shulde take place as an Order moste godly and fardeste off
from superstition. But Maister Knox beinge spoken unto, aswell
to put that Order in practise, as to minister the communion, refused
to do ether the one or the other, affirminge, that for manie con
siderations he coulde not consente that the same Order shulde be
practised, till the lerned men off Strausbrough, Zurik, Emden,
&c, were made privy " (Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at
Frankfort in the year I554> Petheram's reprint, p. xxvii). We
have the following additional entry: "After longe debatinge to
and fro, it was concluded that Maister Knox, Maister Whittingham,

At Frankfort. 125
to implement the stipulation for conformity with
the French in ceremonies as well as in Confes
sion of Faith, and it seems to have been mainly
owing to Knox that it was not adopted at
once, but that time was given for circulating
and examining it. Unfortunately the ambitious
plan was taken of inviting the English exiles
at Strassburg and Zurich to join with them in
their proposed action, which led to those un
fortunate disputes, chronicled at length in the
'Troubles at Frankfort,' and to the departure of
a large number of the English exiles to Geneva,
where through the kindness of Calvin a hos
pitable reception was promised them, and the
Church of Marie la Neuve was assigned for
their services and those of the Italian exiles,
but without any hampering clause about identity
of ceremonies or Confession of Faith. The con
gregation which shared with the English exiles
the church of "the white ladies," or Cistercian
nuns, at Frankfort, consisted chiefly of the
company of French - speaking exiles which had
been originally gathered at Strassburg by Farel,
tended for several years by Calvin, and then
Maister Gilby, Maister Fox and Maister T. Cole shulde drawe
forthe some Order meete for their state and time : whiche thinge
was by them accomplished and offred to the congregation (beinge
the same Order off Geneua whiche is nowe in print). This Order
was verie well liked off many, but suche as were bent to the Booke
of Englande coulde not abide it" (Ibid., pp. xxxvi, xxxvii).

1 26 The Book of Common Order.
by Poullain, or Pollanus, under whom, when
the Interim was imposed on the city, they had
to seek a new home. This they ultimately
found in England, to which Bucer and Martyr
from the same city had already been invited
and had gone. Glastonbury Abbey was as
signed for their residence by the king and
council, and there they lived in peace and
quiet till the close of the reign of Edward VI.
In 1551 Pollanus published the first edition
of his ' Liturgia Sacra seu Ritus ministerii in
ecclesia peregrinorum profugorum propter Evan-
gelium Christi Argentina.' No doubt he had
heard that the favour shown to Alasco and
his congregations of French and Flemings in
London was intended to help on further refor
mation in the Church of England also, and so
in a lengthy dedication to the king he bespeaks
his favour not only to his congregation but also
to their book, affirming " ut in cultu Dei ex-
terno ita etiam in disciplina morum nullam
esse puriorem aut quag propius accedat ad illam
quae fuit temporibus Apostolorum." No doubt
it was in a similar spirit and in similar terms
that he pressed the forms of his book on the
acceptance of the English exiles at Frankfort,
and to a great extent with success. Their Book
of Common Order is founded on Farel's and
Calvin's services, but is so after these services

Its Authority. 127
have passed through the alembic of Pollanus
and been modified and supplemented by him.
This will appear from several of the notes
subjoined, and will be more fully shown in
the Appendix.1
The exclusive authority of this book — previously
drafted but first used in Knox's congregation at
Geneva — was not asserted by the General As
sembly till 1564 : nevertheless, even in 1560, the
Book of Discipline indicated a very marked pref
erence for its regulations, speaking not only of it
as the book of our Common Order, already used in
some churches, but specially commended its form
for administration of the Lord's Supper ; and in
giving directions for the celebration of the sacra
ments and marriage, and for the burial of the
dead, it followed closely the regulations of this
book. In 1561 Quintine Kennedy, Abbot of
Crossraguel, in his oration against the Protestants,
alluded to it in such a way as implied that it was
already well known and in general use in Scot
land.2 In 1562 the General Assembly enjoined
the observance of a uniform Order in the adminis-
1 [It is greatly to be regretted that Dr Mitchell does not seem to
have been able to prepare the Appendix to which he here refers ;
but after this lecture had left his hands he expressed his "strong
conviction that the words and matter of Knox's Latin Prayer Book
of 1556 were derived directly from the Liturgia Sacra of Pollanus."
On this point he entertained "no doubt whatever."]
2 Laing's Knox, vi. 162.

128 The Book of Common Order.
tration of the sacraments and the celebration of
marriage according to the " Booke of Geneva " —
i.e., the Order used by Knox's congregation there ; x
and in 1564 it further ordained that " everie
minister, exhorter, and reader sail have one of
the Psalme Bookes latelie printed in Edinburgh,
and use the Order contained therein [that is,
the Order in Knox's Book] in prayers, marriage,
and ministration of the sacraments."2
There seems sufficient reason to believe that
for some years before the establishment of the Re
formed Church, the morning and evening prayers,
along with the lessons from Holy Scripture, as
contained in the Second Prayer Book of Edward
VI., were used at least in part of the assemblies
held by the reformed for worship and mutual
edification ; 3 and perhaps they may have con-
1 Booke of the Universall Kirk, i. 30. 2 Ibid., i. 54.
3 [The grounds on which this opinion is usually based are given
in Laing's Knox, vi. 277, 278. To these may be added the terms
of the summons raised by Sir James Archebald, Vicar of Lintrathin,
against his parishioners, on the 27th of May 1560, for payment of
his teinds, &c, on the plea that he "is lauchfullie providit be the
lawis and practik of oure realme, observit in tymes past, of the said
vicarage, and hes bene in possessioun of the samyn thir divers yeris
bigane, and hes causit the commone prayeris and homilies be red
owlklie to the parrochinaris of the said parrochin, and uther wyiss
is content to abyde sik reformatioun as the Lordis of our Secreit
Counsale plesis mak thairintill, and als is adjonit to Goddis con
gregatioun, and takis part with the saidis Lordis in setting fordwart
the commone caus, to the gloir of God and commone weill of our
realme " (Spalding Miscellany, iv. 120).

Early Practice in Scotland. i 29
tinued to be so used for a year or two after
wards, though no formal sanction was ever given
by the General Assembly even to those parts of
that book, still less to the other parts to which
Knox's party had always objected. But it is
now ascertained that as early as 1556, or at least
I557> Knox had recommended, and that soon
after some of the more fully organised congrega
tions adopted, a form of service more simple, and
more nearly resembling the Genevan than the
Anglican.1 It is known that when the treaty of
peace between France, England, and Scotland
was being negotiated in July 1560, the ministers
and congregation of Scotland, thinking their own
profession after the order and discipline of Geneva
to be more pure than the Anglican, as containing
no other ceremonies than are expressly mentioned
in the Scriptures, " wald not ressave or admitt any
uther." 2
Randolph, the English ambassador, in his let
ters to his Government, not only admits that they
were "lothe to remytte anie thing of that that
thei have receaved,"3 but also leads us to conclude
that the practice of their leading ministers in
public worship at this early date was not very
1 Laing's Knox, iv. 137-139. [Laing gives the 7th of July 1556
as the correct date of this letter, and says that it is by some over
sight that M'Crie in the later editions of his 'Life of Knox' has
dated it 7th July 1557 (Ibid., iv. 140).]
2 Lesley's History, p. 292. 3 Laing's Knox, vi. 119.
I

1 30 The Book of Common Order.
dissimilar to that of their successors in the next
century. " The Byshop of Athens," he says,
"preacheth earnestly, and prayethe hartely for
the Queene's Majestie our Soveraigne, and greatly
extollethe her benefyttes ; Mr Wyllocke specially
by name prayethe both for France and Englande ;
Mr Knox, universally for all Prynces lyvinge in the
feare of God, desyring Him to turne the hartes of
other, and to sende them in the rycht way." x
About the same period, in one of his letters to
Mrs Lock, Knox links together " Mr Parson's
pattering of his constrained prayers" and "the
masse-munging of Mr Vicar and of his wicked
companions," in such a way as shows that he was
no great admirer of the one or the other.2 In
tolerating for a little the use of the morning and
evening services of the Prayer Book of Edward
VI. , our reformers can be judged inconsistent
only by those who do not know that in the time
of the good King Edward considerably greater
latitude was allowed in the celebration of those
services than has ever since been suffered in
the sister church. The minister, for instance,
was expressly permitted to shorten them according
1 Laing's Knox, vi. 118. This evidently shows that they used
not the ipsissima verba of the prayer for all estates, but variant words,
"like in effect." [Randolph's letter is dated 25th August 1560.
Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, was titular Archbishop of
Athens.] 2 Laing's Knox, vi. 13. [This letter is dated 6th April 1559.]

Knox and the English Liturgy. 1 3 1
to his discretion when a sermon or other divine
ordinance was to follow. He had a sort of sanc
tion for any neglect of minuter directions as to
kneeling, crossing, &c, from a general rubric
which intimated that these things were to be left
free " as every man's devotion serveth." He had
also a pretty full indulgence practically conceded
for deviating from the strict injunctions of the
book in regard to surplices and other ecclesi
astical vestments,1 which were never adopted or
tolerated by Knox and his associates, the rigid
enforcement of which in the days of Queen Eliza
beth produced great misery and discontent at the
time, and paved the way for more and greater in
the days of James and Charles, her successors.
It is by no means so clear as some have recently
asserted it to be, that Knox used this liturgy
habitually when he was in England, acting as
one of the court chaplains and special preachers
in the time of Edward VI. The observance of
the liturgy was not enforced in the northern part
of the kingdom when Knox began his labours
there. And even at the time when he removed
to the southern province it was not necessary
that he should use the liturgy in the office he
held, as the special preachers of that day, and
even the lecturers for long after, often delivered
1 Liturgies of Edward VI., Parker Society, pp. 157, 158. [The
" certain notes " thus referred to pertain to Edward's First Liturgy.]

132 The Book of Common Order.
their discourses in the open air, and used before
them only free prayer or , a short prayer similar
to that which is still employed by the university
preachers at Oxford and Cambridge. It was not
till a considerably later period that " to gall
tender consciences " it was required of all lecturers
and special preachers that they should also per
sonally read the liturgy so many times every year.
Dr Lorimer has proved that Knox used at Ber
wick a simpler form of communion service,
moulded so far as yet traced on Swiss and Ger
man offices.1 And it can be established on the
best of all authority — Knox's own testimony
— that he neither approved of nor was willing
to conform to the communion office. Then no
sooner was he beyond the restraint of English law
than he proposed for adoption in his congrega
tion, first at Frankfort and then at Geneva, the
form ultimately adopted in Scotland after his
return thither.
As has been already mentioned, the exclusive
authority of the Book of Common Order, as a
guide and aid to ministers in conducting public
worship and administering the sacraments, was
asserted by the General Assembly in 1564. It
continued to hold the place thus given to it down
to 1637, when it was superseded, in so far as the
king and his council were concerned, first, by
1 Lorimer's Knox and the Church of England, 1875, pp. 29-32.

A Guide or Moael. 133
what is known as Archbishop Laud's Liturgy,
and then by an injunction of the disappointed
prelates, which required that, till further order
should be taken, neither the new nor the old
liturgy should be used in the public services, in
Edinburgh, but only those prayers which the
ministers had been accustomed to make before
and after their sermons.1 Thus the bishops them
selves were the unwitting instruments of first
setting aside a partially liturgic, and introducing
instead a wholly extemporary, form of worship
into Scotland. There is no reason, however, for
maintaining that the Book of Common Order,
while it continued in authority, was regarded as
more than a guide or model, at least to the
ordained ministers, or can be so regarded by any
one who studies with care its rubrics and general
1 [On the 29th of July 1637 — six days after the riot in St Giles — it
was reported to the Privy Council by Archbishop Spottiswoode, for
himself and in name of the remanent bishops, that it seemed ex
pedient to them "that there should be a surcease of the service-
booke '' till the king signified his pleasure as to the punishment of
"that disorderlie tumult"; and "that a course be sett down for
the peaceable exercise thereof." He also reported that " the saids
bishops had appointed and given order that, in the whole churches
of this citie [i.e., Edinburgh], sermon sail be made at the accus
tomed times, by regular and obedient ministers, and that » prayer
sail be made before and after sermon, and that neither the old
service nor the new established service be used in this interim." The
Council remitted to the bishops "to doe therein according to the
power incumbent unto thame in the dewtie of thair office " (Peterkin's
Records of the Kirk, p. 52). ]

1 34 The Book of Common Order.
contents, far less was observed as a rigid liturgy,
every word of which must be repeated unvaryingly
by the officiating minister. It has indeed been
maintained, even in recent times, and by ministers
of the National Church, that "the idea of extem
poraneous prayer as an appropriate vehicle of
public devotion was one quite unknown to the
Reformation." But this cannot be made good
with respect to any of the Reformed or Calvinistic
churches, and certainly least of all with respect
to the National Church of Scotland at any period
of its history.
Our reformers laid it down in their First Book
of Discipline as a fixed principle that "it is
neither the clipping of their crownes, the greasing
of their fingers,1 nor the blowing of the dumb
dogges called the bishops, neither the laying on
of their hands, that maketh true ministers of
Christ Jesus. But the Spirit of God, inwardly
first moving the heart to seeke to enter in the holy
calling for Christ's glory and the profite of His
Kirk, and thereafter the nomination of the people,,
the examination of the learned, and publick admis
sion, . . . make men lawfull ministers." 2 They
distinctly taught that no one was to be regarded
as a lawful minister of Christ into whose mouth
1 [In Knox's version—" the crossing of thair fingaris " (Laing's
Knox, ii. 255).]
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 603.

Its tolerant Rubrics. 135
Christ had not put some word of exhortation or
vouchsafed some gift of expounding and preaching
the Word of God,1 and they expressly encouraged
their ministers to look for their Master's aid and
guidance in praying as well as in preaching.
Hence throughout their Book of Common Order
they carefully abstained from imposing the
ipsissima verba of particular forms as rigidly bind
ing, or even from encouraging their ministers to
rest contented with the stated repetition of them.
"When the congregation is assembled," run its
tolerant rubrics, "the minister useth one of these
two confessions, or like in effect." 2 " This
done, the people sing a psalme altogether in a
plain tune, which ended, the minister prayeth for
the assistance of God's Holie Spirit as the same
shall move his heart, and so proceedeth to the
sermon. The minister, after the sermon, useth
this prayer following, or such like."3 "Then the
people sing a psalme, which ended, the minister
pronounceth one of these blessings, and so the
congregation departeth." 4 Such are its few and
simple directions for the ordinary form of public
worship ; and as if even these might fail to beget
in the minds of some of the old priests a sense
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 526, 530, 532, 536, 603 ; Laing's
Knox, ii. 191, 194, 196, 199, 255.
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 417 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 179 ; vi. 294.
3 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 421 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 182 ; vi. 297.
4 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 425 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 185 ; vi. 298-

136 The Book of Common Order.
of their freedom from minute restrictions and a
burdensome ritual, it is added : "It shall not be
necessarie for the minister daylie to repeat all
these things before mentioned; but, beginning
with some maner of confession, to proceede to the
sermon, which ended, he either useth the prayer
for all estates before mentioned, or else prayeth as
the Spirit of God shall move his heart, framing the
same according to the time and matter which he
hath entreated of." x To the same effect, in the
First Book of Discipline, after recommending that
in all the large towns there should every day be
either sermon or common prayers with reading
of Scriptures, it is said : " What day2 the publick
sermon is, we can neither require nor greatly approve
that the common prayers be publickly used, lest
that we should either foster the people in super
stition, who come to the prayers as they come to
the masse ; or else give them occasion, that they
think them no prayers which be made before and
after sermons."3 Even in the most solemn of its
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 426. There is a similar rubric in the
Liturgy of Pollanus: "Minister, nomine Domini invocato, ut
Spiritu Sancto adjutus, possit digna Deo atque salutaria ecclesiae
eloqui recitat textum."
2 The Liturgy of Pollanus appoints sermons to be preached on
the mornings of Tuesday and Thursday. The service is to begin
with a psalm, which being sung, the minister having invoked the
Holy Spirit recites his text and proceeds with his sermon. He
concludes with some shorter prayer "prout animus tulerit."
3 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 583 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 238.

Calderwood 's Testimony. 137
special services and in the most solemn part of
it, the prayer of thanksgiving and consecration
in the communion, the rubric is : " The minister
. . . giveth thanks either in these words following
or like in effect." x The same thing is confirmed
by many of the rubrics of the other occasional
services in the Book of Common Order,2 and by
the express testimony of Calderwood, Row, and
others who officiated as ministers of the church
while the book was in use. The first named of
these, though entertaining so strong a regard for
its venerable forms that even on the approval of
the Westminster Directory in 1645 he is said to
have opposed the adoption of any Act expressly
abrogating the Book of Common Order, had not
hesitated when contrasting it with the English
Liturgy thus to speak of the nature and extent
of the submission expected to be given to it :
" Habemus quidem nos etiam in Ecclesia nostra
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 450 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 194.
2 In the Order of the General Fast it is stated : "The exhorta
tion and prayers of everie several exercise we have remitted to be
gathered by the discrete ministers, for time preased us so that we
culd not frame them in such order as wes convenient, nether yit
thought we it so expedient to pen prayers unto men, as to teach
them with what hart and affection and for what causes we shuld
pray, in this great calamitie " (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 695 ; Laing's
Knox, vi. 421). See also Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 698 ; Laing's
Knox, vi. 470. Even the Order of Excommunication might be " en
larged or contracted as the wisedome of the discreit minister shall
thinke expedient" (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 746; Laing's Knox,
vi. 470).

138 The Book of Common Or def
Agendas, et ordinem in sacris celebrandis ser-
vandum, sed nemo alligatur precibus aut exhorta-
tionibus liturgiae nostrae, proponuntur tantum ut
peradigmata, quibus precum aut exhortationum
materia et forma quoad substantialia indicantur,
non ut eisdem verbis adstringantur ministri.
Totos ego tredecim annos, quibus functus sum
ministerio, sive in sacramentis, sive in aliis sacris
celebrandis, exhortationibus aut precibus quae
extant in Agenda nostra, nunquam usus sum. Sic
etiam alii complures ; et omnibus etiam liberum
est idem facere." x While in regard to the
Liturgy by which it was attempted in 1637 to
supplant the Book of Common Order, Row thus
expresses himself: " Though they amend all those
errours, and that in all the Service Book there
were no materiall errour at all, neither masse nor
popish ceremonie ; and though they should read
nothing but Canonicall Scripture, yea say that
all their prayers and exhortations were merelie
1 Calderwood's Altare Damascenum, 1623, p. 613. In this and
the preceding pages I have made use of materials contributed by
me to a Report anent Innovations in Public Worship, presented to
the General Assembly in 1864. [Elsewhere, Calderwood says :
" None are tyed to the prayers of that book ; but the prayers are
set down as samplers" (Calderwood's History, 1678 ed., p. 25).
Principal Baillie's evidence is to the same effect: "The Warner is
here also mistaken in his beliefe that ever the Church of Scotland
had any liturgy ; they had and have still some formes for helpe and
direction but no tie ever in any of them by law or practise"
(Review of Bramhall's Faire Warning against the Scots Discipline,
1649, p. 57).]

Row's Opinion. 139
words of Holie Scripture, yit it is not lawfull
to introduce a reading ministrie, and to stint
men (gifted of God, who has the spirit of their
calling, able ministers of the gospell who hes
the Spirit of adoption teaching them to pray,
Gal. iv. 6; Rom. viii. 26; and to whom God
hes opened a doore of utterance, to speak the
gospell with boldness, haveing touched their
lips with a coall from His awin altar) to such
a Liturgie as is to be made the onlie forme of
God's publict worship. For though I confess
good use may be made of a formed Liturgie
and publict service, to serve for a rule to other
kirks to fall on the like way, finding it warranted
by the Word, and to be as a monument to the
posteritie, who thence may learn what forms
have been, are, and ought to be used; and that
it may lead the way, and be a directorie to those
that are beginning in the ministrie ; yit certainlie
reading of prayers and exhortations is not the
way whereby the Lord in His Word has appoynted
His servants of the ministrie to worship Him, or
to convert, edifie, and comfort, or strengthen
soulls ; but seing they have receaved gifts for
praying and preaching, they ought to stirre up
the gift of God, and putt the talent to use ; and
though in their privat studies they may borrow
some help from other men's gifts and labours,
yit neither is it lawfull for a man to lye himself, or

140 The Book of Common Order.
for bishops to tye all ministers, to a prescript and
stinted forme of words in prayer and exhortation."1
Henderson says that while they had their Direc
tory and prescribed Order, they were " not tyed
to set formes and words." 2
It is plain, therefore, that the General Assembly,
by the sanction it gave to the Book of Common
Order, did not mean to restrict its ordained min
isters to the use of a certain unvarying form of
words, but to provide such a Directory or model
as would guide them in " the substance and right
ordering of all the parts of divine worship," as
well as guide the readers and others not fully
admitted to the ministry of the Word, through
whose special aid alone they were able, in a time
of so great dearth of qualified ministers, to supply
in part the spiritual destitution of their country
men. Nor in granting such an amount of liberty,
at least to their ordained ministers, did they
follow a course which was, as has been so con
fidently asserted, altogether novel, but rather,
as in several other things, carried out more
thoroughly and consistently3 what others of the
1 Row's History, Wodrow Society, pp. 403, 404.
2 Order and Government ofthe Church of Scotland, 1641 :" Address
to the reader.
3 Certainly not more consistently than Pollanus in the following
rubric: "Hae sunt precationum in liturgiis certae formulae, quae
tatnen seqailur minister suo AREITRIO ut tempus fert et res

Practice in other Reformed Churches. 141
Reformed churches had adopted at least parti
ally. In almost all the Reformed or Calvinistic
liturgies the prayers are left partly free, and in
several of them no form is furnished even as a
guide or model for the prayer immediately pre
ceding the sermon (and the same might be said of
some ofthe earlier Lutheran Agend-biicher). In the
churches of Basle, which probably in this respect
only followed the general practice of the churches
of East Switzerland, Hagenbach informs us that
there was for fifty years after the Reformation no
form of prayer, before or after sermon, imposed
by public authority, and for fifty years longer
only the prayer after sermon for all estates
and conditions of men.1 What, therefore, dis-

postulat. Neque enim ulla praescriptione formularum alligandus
est Spiritus Dei ad eum verborum numerum, cui non liceat subjicere
vel supponere si meliora suggerat. . . . Hae formulae serviunt
tantum rudioribus. Nullius libertati praescribitur, tantum ne ab
ea ratione discedatur quam nobis Jesus Christus praescripsit. . . .
Cumque is (scilicet Spiritus Sanctus) apud tribunalia subministret
quae dicepda sint, non deerit nobis [si] cum vera fide coram Deo nos
sistemus sensu orationis excitati."
1 "Von vorgeschriebenen Kirchengebeten vor und nach der
Predigt finden wir keine Spur, vielmehr das sichere Gegentheil.
. . . Ums Jahr 1589 finden wir zuerst das sogenannte Lob und
Dankopfer und die daran gehangten Fiirbitten fur die Obrigkeit,
und die ubrigen christlichen Stande. . . . Erst nach der Mitte des
siebzehnten Jahrhunderts . . . suchte man auch im Liturgischen
die Willkiir der einzelnen in engere Schranken zuruckzufiihren "
(Geschichte der ersten Basler-konfession, S. 249-251).

142 The Book of Common Order.
tinguished our reformers from their successors,
and from the English Puritans of the seventeenth
century, was not that the former disapproved of
or curtailed free prayer while the latter advocated
and encouraged it, but that the former retained
in their Book of Common Order a variety of
forms, not only as models, but also as aids to the
officiating minister, while the latter put their
Directory into such a shape that even the " help
and furniture" it provided required the exercise
of thought and care on the part of the minister to
adapt it for use. This certainly was no great
divergence, considering how thoroughly both
parties were agreed, on the one hand, as to the
liberty which should be left to ordained ministers,
and, on the other, as to the limitations within
which it should be confined.
From the notices given in his ' Order and
Government of the Church of Scotland,' and
from the specimens of Henderson's prayers which
accompany his printed discourses, it is further
evident that he, like Calderwood, habitually used
free prayer both before and after sermon. There
seems reason to suppose that in not a few cases
the readers also before 1638 took the liberty of
varying from the forms in Knox's Book and
exercising their own gifts. The charges made
against the character of their prayers, in what is
called the King's Declaration, but what was in

Prayers of the Readers. 143
reality the declaration of some of his prelates, is
only intelligible on this supposition.1 And the
Assembly, as I read their deliverance, rather
deny that the prayers of the readers were of
the particular character charged than affirm they
were the identical prayers contained in Knox's
Book.2 1 [The charges are in the alleged causes which led James VI.,
immediately after his accession to the English throne, to endeavour
to bring about uniformity in the services of the church throughout
the whole kingdom, and run thus: "That diversitie, nay defor-
mitie, which was used in Scotland, where no set or publike forme
of prayer was used, but preachers or readers and ignorant school
masters prayed in the church, sometimes so ignorantly as it was a
shame to all religion to have the Majestie of God so barbarously
spoken unto, sometimes so seditiously that their prayers were plaine
libels, girding at soveraigntie and authoritie ; or lyes, being stuffed
with all the false reports in the kingdome " (Large Declaration,
1639, p. 16).]
2 [The committee appointed by the General Assembly to examine
the Large Declaration describe it as dishonourable to God, to the
king, and to the kirk; and as "stuffed full of lies and calumnies."
Concerning this part in particular they say : "To the great dis
honour of this kirk [it] is affirmed in this Declaration that there is a
great deformitie in our service — no forme of publict prayer, but
preachers, readers, and ignorant schoollemasters, praying in the
church, sometymes so ignorantlie," &c. (Peterkin's Records of the
Kirk, pp. 265, 266).]

144

CHAPTER VIII.
THE FIRST BOOK OF DISCIPLINE; OR,
THE BOOKE OF THE POLICIE OF THE CHURCH.
I regard the First Book of Discipline as, in
several respects, the most thoughtful, judicious,
practical, and comprehensive of the documents
connected with the organisation of the Reformed
Church of Scotland. It was drawn up by the
same six men1 who were subsequently entrusted
with the preparation of the Confession of Faith ;
and it has been said that they first settled the
titles of the several chapters, and then appor
tioned the preparation of so many of them to
each. But this is matter of pure conjecture.
The portion on the universities, from the mul
titude of its practical details, we cannot but
assign mainly to Douglas, the Principal of St
Mary's College, and Wynram, the sub-prior of
1 [The six were John Wynram, John Spottiswoode, John Willock,
John Douglas, John Row, and John Knox (supra, p. 99).]

Knox's part iu its preparation. 145
the Augustinian Monastery at St Andrews. One
can hardly doubt that the rest, if not actually
drafted by Knox, was carefully remoulded by
him ; and it bears evidence of acquaintance with
books which were far more likely to have been
known to him than to any of the others — as
Herman of Cologne's Book of the Reformation,
Latin versions of some of the earlier Kirchen-
biicher or Kirchenordnungen of the German
Protestants, and probably of the famous Ordon-
nances of Calvin, as drafted at Geneva after his
return from exile.

I. The Government of the Church.
The opinions of our reformer and his asso
ciates respecting the government and discipline
of the church are gathered partly from the open
ing chapters of the Book of Common Order, but
mainly from the treatise ultimately entitled the
First Book of Discipline. I believe that a careful
study of these will lead to a pretty definite con
clusion as to what these opinions actually were,
and to a pretty decided conviction that, like their
opinions respecting matters of doctrine and ritual,
they were substantially in harmony with those to
which the Scottish nation has been so long and
firmly attached. It may be admitted that there
were some of Knox's associates who, whatever
K

146 The First Book of Discipline.
may have been their own private sentiments,
would, on grounds of expediency, have been con
tented to retain the former hierarchical govern
ment of the church ; and if on such a point any
weight is to be allowed to the assertions of Spot-
tiswoode,1 the popish Archbishop of St Andrews
might possibly in that case not have refused to
follow the course taken for a time by his relatives
in St Mary's College, and to remain at his post
at the head of the reformed church. But from
the disastrous issue of the compromise in their
case, as well as from what is known and indis
putable of his own history and character, there
is no reason to suppose that anything was lost,
but on the contrary that incalculable gain ac
crued to the reformed church from this tempta
tion not being put in his way. It was long
maintained by the leaders of the Scottish epis
copalians that Knox himself, to a certain extent,
yielded to the wishes of his less thoroughgoing
associates, and was implicated with them in
certain attempts to continue or restore the sem
blance of a hierarchy in the new church. In
fact, some of them went so far as to assert
that it was not till after his death that con
troversy arose as to whether the episcopal or
presbyterian form of government was the more
primitive and scriptural. These views, if I
1 Spottiswoode's History, Spot. Soe. ed., i. 371, 372.

Permanent Office-bearers. 147
understand rightly, are now abandoned by their
ablest men ; and it was full time that they
should be so. The works of Whitgift, which
have been republished in our own day and made
more generally accessible, clearly show that the
controversy about the presbyterian government
of the church had been formally raised even in
England at least as early as 1568 ; while the
Later Helvetic Confession, approved by the
Church of Scotland in 1566 at the request of
Knox himself,1 as clearly shows that the prin
ciples on which the controversy fell to be
decided had been generally adopted by the fol
lowers of Calvin even at an earlier date. These
principles were : First, that the names of bishop
and presbyter are in Scripture used indiscrimin
ately to denote the holder of the same office;
second, that the only office-bearers of permanent
divine appointment in the church are the pastor,
the doctor, the elder, and the deacon. In fact,
at the head of Calvin's Ordonnances Ecclesias-
tiques, drawn up, if not printed, as early as
1541, we find the following : "II y a quatre
ordres d'offices que notre Seigneur a institue
pour le gouvernment de son eglise, premierement
les pasteurs, puis les docteurs, apres les ancients,
quatrement les diacres," which passed substan
tially into the Book of Common Order in 1556.
1 Supra, pp. 112, 113.

148 The First Book of Discipline.
This being the case, we are not guilty of any
anachronism in attributing substantially presby
terian opinions to our reformer, even if we have
to grant that the particular church court first
known as the greater eldership or presbytery,
and now exclusively enjoying the title of pres
bytery, existed at that time only in a rudimentary
form. The Book of Common Order of 1556 is the
earliest authentic document casting light on the
opinions of our reformers respecting the govern
ment and discipline of the church. The intro
ductory part of the book treats at length of
the permanent office-bearers of the church, the
manner of their election, the duties of their
respective offices, and the assemblies they were
to hold in common for government and dis
cipline. The enumeration of the office-bearers
and the description of their duties is quite in
harmony with what the Books of Discipline
subsequently laid down. The office - bearers
recognised are the minister, the elder, the
deacon, and the doctor; and the duties as
signed to each are such as have generally been
allotted to these functionaries in the presbyterian
churches. The terms in which the last - named
of them is referred to are specially deserving of
notice. They effectually close a loophole, that
might otherwise have been imagined to be left,

Superintendents temporary. 149
for the introduction of either bishop or superin
tendent as an essential and ordinary office-bearer
in the church on the pretext that, even if he
were so, he could be of little use in the single
English congregation at Geneva.1 " Wee are
not ignorant," it is said, " that the Scriptures
make mention of a fourth kind of ministers left
to the church of Christ, which also are verie
profitable where time and place doth permit ;
but for lack of opportunity in this our dispersion
and exile we cannot well have the use thereof,
and would to God it were not neglected where
better occasion serveth. These ministers are
called teachers or doctors, whose office is to
instruct and teach the faithfull in sounde doc
trine, providing with all diligence that the puritie
of the Gospel be not corrupt either through
ignorance or evill opinions." 2 Now, can it be
supposed that Knox would have said all this of
the doctor and not a word of the superintendent,
if he had deemed both to be of like permanence
and necessity in the church of Christ ; or that
he would have devoted several pages to explain
the duties of the office-bearers, and their assem-
1 The appointment of such an official as chief minister of the
English congregation of Frankfort had, however, been urged by
Knox's opponents there, but was refused by his party (Discourse
of Troubles at Frankfort, pp. xiv, xlvii, cxvii, cxxxv-cxxxviii, cxlvi,
cxlvii). 2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 409, 410 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 177.

1 50 The First Book of Discipline.
blies for the interpretation of the Scriptures and
the administration of discipline, and not have
uttered one word about the bishop, had he be
lieved that that official was the chief or even
an essential minister of the church ? Can it be
supposed likely that he would have been so
silent, even if there had been no bishop, as
confessedly there was no doctor, among the
English in Geneva; or possible that he could
have been so with Miles Coverdale,1 a regularly
consecrated bishop attending on his ministra
tions and acting as an elder in his congregation,
unless he had regarded (and wished it to be
known that he regarded) the simple presbyter
as jure divino on a level with the diocesan
bishop, to say nothing of the fact that his
party at Frankfort had refused to have a bishop
or superintendent over their congregation?
This examination of the introductory chapters
of the Book of Common Order will enable us
the better to understand and explain the parts of
the Book of Discipline drawn up in 1560 re-
1 The great services Coverdale had rendered to the cause of
Protestantism by his translation of the Scriptures did not suffice
to blot out from the minds of Elizabeth and her ministers the
remembrance of his connection with Knox and Goodman. He was
welcomed at the consecration of Archbishop Parker, though he
came in his black gown, for they could not well do that without
him ; but all Grindal's efforts failed to secure for him a Welsh
bishopric, or even to get him left unmolested in the parochial
benefice he conferred on him.

Necessity of Preaching. 1 5 1
specting the ministers and office-bearers of the
church. Even the ordinary ministers of the
church must all be well qualified to preach the
gospel of salvation, as many of the common people
were unable to read,1 and could only be saturated
with its teaching by the living voice of the
preacher who, by sermons and catechising on the
Lord's day, and in the towns also by the sermon
during the week, was to his utmost to carry home
the truth to their hearts. Our reformers judged it
necessary " that His Gospell be truely and openly
preached in every church and assembly of this
realme " ; 2 that no one " unable to edifie the
church by wholesome doctrine " should be pro
moted to or retained in ecclesiastic administra
tion ; 3 and held that the sacraments cannot be
" rightlie ministred by him in whose mouth God
hath put no sermon of exhortation." 4 Instead
of entrusting parishes, as was so often done in
England, to men able only to read homilies pre
pared by others, they affirmed that it was alike
to have no minister at all and to have an idol in
place of a true minister, yea, in some cases it was
1 Even in St Andrews, with all its equipment of schools and
colleges, the common people are represented in 1547 as welcoming
Knox's offer of a public disputation, because though they could not
all read his papers they could understand what he addressed to
them vivd voce (Laing's Knox, i. 189).
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 518 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 185.
3 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 526 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 191.
4 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 530; Laing's Knox, ii. 194.

1 5 2 The First Book of Discipline.
worse.1 Men of best knowledge of God's Word
and cleanest life were to be nominated annually
for election as elders and deacons.2 The former
were to assist the minister in all affairs of the
kirk, to hold meetings with him for judging
of causes, admonishing evil livers, yea, to take
heed to the life, manners, diligence, and study of
the ministers, as well as of the flock.3 The
deacons were to assist in judgment, but chiefly
to collect and distribute what was provided for
the poor. They might also, as in the French
Church, be admitted to read the Scriptures and
common prayers in the congregation if required
and qualified to do so.4 Besides ministers,
elders, and deacons, generally recognised in the
reformed churches as holding offices of divine
institution, and being of "the ministry" or con
sistory of the church, certain other functionaries
are mentioned in this Book of Discipline, to
whom special duties are assigned, at least for a
time. These are the readers, or exhorters, and
the superintendents, and both classes appear to be
spoken of in such a way as to make it clear that
they were not to be permanently retained as
orders of office - bearers in the church distinct
from those above named.
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 530 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 194.
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 577 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 233.
3 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 578 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 234, 235.
4 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 581 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 236, 237.

Readers. 153
Readers, or exhorters, were to be provided for
those churches which could not presently be sup
plied with ministers. These readers were to be
men judged most apt distinctly to read the com
mon prayers and the Scriptures, but they were
to be encouraged and urged so to exercise their
gifts that they might grow in knowledge and
utterance, and in time might come to be entrusted
with the power of preaching the Word, adminis
tering the sacraments, and discharging all the
functions of the ordinary pastor.1 Special pro
vision was made for the spiritual improvement
of these readers or exhorters in those weekly
meetings for the interpretation of Scripture which,
originally introduced among the exiles at Frank
fort and Geneva, were after their return set up by
them in England under the name of prophesying,
and in Scotland under the name of the exercise.2
The portion of the book relating to the super
intendents opens with a statement of the reasons
which had led its framers " to make difference
betwixt preachers at this time."3 These last
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 532 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 195, 196.
[Readers who were able to exhort and explain the Scriptures were
to have their stipends augmented until they attained the honour
of a minister (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 536, 537 ; Laing's Knox,
ii. 199, 200).]
2 [The readers who had " any gift of interpretation " were to take
part in these meetings (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 590 ; Laing's
Knox, ii. 244).]
3 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 539 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 202.

154 The First Book of Discipline.
words, as has often been remarked, would have
been unmeaning had they regarded the super
intendent's office as by divine institution per
manent in the church and superior to that of
the ordinary minister. Accordingly, when they
proceed to state in detail the reasons which in
duced them to sanction such a difference, these
are found to be — not, as in the Anglican Ordinal,
that there have always been in the church of
Christ distinct orders of bishops and presbyters,1
nor even as in Alasco's book that such offices
were in some sort necessary, though, save in
matters executive, in no way superior to their
brethren the ordinary ministers of the church,
but — that the dearth of qualified preachers or
ministers at that time in Scotland was so great,
that if each were to be settled in a single town
or parish, and allowed to make continual residence
therein, the larger part of the realm would be left
altogether destitute of that efficient spiritual in
struction, oversight, and training which the people
themselves eagerly longed for, and the reformed
leaders earnestly desired to provide for them. To
meet this emergency, without being obliged to
avail themselves so generally and unrestrictedly
1 ["It is evident unto all men, diligently reading Holy Scripture
and ancient authors, that from the apostles' time there hath been
these orders of ministers in Christ's church : bishops, priests, and
deacons" (Liturgies of Edward VI., Parker Society, p. 331).]

Superintendent and Bishop compared. 1 5 5
as the English had done of the former popish
incumbents, they deemed it most expedient that
these should, for a time at least, be restricted to
the humbler duties of readers ; and that from the
whole number of godly and learned men then in
the realm ten or twelve should be selected, and
one of them assigned to each of the proposed
provinces, which he should visit annually through
its whole extent, preaching from time to time
in every parish not provided with an ordained
and preaching minister, seeing to the adminis
tration of the sacraments and of church discipline
in such parishes, and presiding at the meetings
of the provincial synod, and at the examination
and admission of ministers and readers appointed
to serve at the churches.
It used to be maintained by Scottish episco
palians, and has been reiterated even in our own
day, that there is hardly any difference to be
discerned between these superintendents and the
old bishops save the substitution of a name which
is bad Latin for one which is good Greek. This
is more smart than true. The following very
material differences will at once occur to any one
acquainted with the First Book of Discipline, and
with the constitution and practice of episcopal
churches. (1) The bishop in the latter must be
consecrated to his office by three, or at least two,
bishops who have derived their office in the like

156 The First Book of Discipline.
lineal succession from their predecessors; while
the superintendent, according to the practice of
the Church of Scotland, and the constitution of
the Church of the Foreigners in London, might
be set apart to his office by a simple presbyter or
ordinary minister of the church. (2) The dis
tinctive duties of the bishop are such as, accord
ing to the practice of the churches recognising
the necessity of his office, cannot be delegated
save to one of his own order, while there was
no duty entrusted to the superintendent in the
Church of Scotland which might not be devolved
on a mere presbyter ; and it was the custom of
the General Assembly to delegate to ordinary
ministers the whole functions of visitation and
superintendence in provinces not provided with a
permanent superintendent, and to do so at times
even in the case where the former popish bishop
of the diocese had joined himself to the Reformed
Church. (3) It is not generally recognised in
episcopal churches as a duty specially incumbent
on the bishop to preach regularly in the several
churches of his diocese (certainly it was not
expected of the English bishops who were con
temporary with the Scottish superintendents) ; !
but it was one of the main duties expected of
these superintendents, and one of the chief
1 The jest attributed to Queen Elizabeth that she had made a.
bishop but marred a good preacher shows this.

Superintendent and Bishop compared. 1 57
reasons assigned for the institution of their office,
that the Gospel might be preached from time to
time in all those parishes not provided with a
more stated ministry, and that thus men in every
corner of the land might attain some knowledge
of the truths of our holy religion, as well as some
feeling of godliness. (4) Finally, the bishop in
all episcopal churches, so far as my knowledge
extends, is allowed to claim a negative voice in
synods of his clergy, and can in no case be taken
under discipline and judged by them, but only by
a synod of his own order; while the superin
tendent in the Scottish Church was merely the
permanent Moderator of Synod, and was bound
to give effect to the decision of the majority, or
to carry it by appeal before a higher court ; and
he was not only liable to be judged and punished
for neglect of duty and for personal misconduct
by the General Assembly, but was also liable to
be charged with such offences before his own
synod, and to be judged and punished by it. On
these grounds I am so far from admitting that the
superintendent was in all respects identical with
the bishop, that I am inclined to hold that it was
just because he was so completely stripped of all
real episcopal power that, when the hierarchy was
revived, even the most moderate of the bishops
found they could not contain themselves within
the limits prescribed to the superintendents in

1 5 8 The First Book of Discipline.
the First Book of Discipline ; and that one of the
main obstacles in the way of their success in
the struggle with their refractory presbyters was
occasioned by their own hasty promise to observe
the caveats founded on the previous practice in
the case of superintendents, and especially by
their promise to be subject to the judgment and
censure of the General Assembly.
The form of church government in Scotland
was still further connected with that of the
Calvinistic churches on the Continent (par
ticularly that of France) by the establishment
and gradation of church courts — the General
Assembly having jurisdiction over the whole
church, the provincial synod over the ministers
and congregations within a particular province,
and the session or lesser eldership or consistory
over one or more neighbouring congregations.1
What afterwards came to be known as the greater
eldership, or presbytery, or classical consistory,2
does not appear at first under that distinctive
1 In the chief towns, just as in Geneva, there seems from early
times to have been a common or "general session," although there
were several congregations in each, as in Edinburgh, Glasgow,
Dundee, and Perth.
2 Even the Second Book of Discipline does not sharply dis
tinguish between the lesser and greater eldership or presbytery ;
and Gillespie admits they were not distinguished in the primitive
church, though he holds that both were needed in Scotland to do
the work which the one presbytery did in the primitive church
(infra, pp. 230-233).

Gradation of Church Courts. 1 59
name ; but even the germ of this was implanted
in that weekly meeting of ministers and elders
for the interpretation of Scripture termed the
exercise, which was authorised both by the
Book of Common Order and the First Book of
Discipline.1 It was soon established in all the
considerable towns in Scotland where there was a
fully constituted reformed church, and though at
first it may possibly have confined itself to the
object it was immediately intended to serve, and
may have intervened only by advice in matters of
discipline, yet it was not in the nature of things
that such a gathering of ministers and elders
from neighbouring churches should take place
from week to week without such cases as
occupied the attention of parochial consistories
being discussed and advised on, as well as the
doctrinal and critical questions arising out of
their exercises, which they were expressly em
powered to dispose of. The tendencies of the
institution were so manifest, and the powers it
speedily assumed so undisguised, that Queen
Elizabeth became alarmed, and insisted on the
suppression of it throughout the province of
1 [The Book of Common Order distinguishes between the weekly
meeting of the ministers and elders in their assembly or consistory,
and the weekly meeting of the congregation for the interpretation
ofthe Scriptures (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 411-413 ; Laing's Knox,
iv. 177-179). For the nature and object of the exercise see infra,
pp. 170-173.]

160 The First Book of Discipline.
Canterbury, notwithstanding the remonstrances
and entreaties of the good Archbishop Grindal,
and his repeated and urgent petitions that she
would rather endeavour to confine it to the
original purpose, in which it had been of great
service, than suppress it altogether. In the
province of York, where the institution had taken
firmer root, and where the contentions between
Papists and Protestants had gained more pro
minence than those between Puritans and anti-
Puritans, it was tolerated for a considerably
longer period. When in 1581 Scotland was
regularly divided into presbyteries, the exercises
previously existing in particular towns were
merged in, and their work devolved on, these;
and in the beginning of the seventeenth century,
when episcopacy was restored, the name of
presbytery was again frequently exchanged for
that of exercise.
Of these several church courts perhaps the most
distinctive as well as the most important was the
General Assembly, which was originally held to
represent the whole church ; and which may still,
after the lapse of ages, be held substantially to do
so — having representatives not only from each
of the presbyteries but also from each of the
universities and royal burghs in the kingdom. It
has been wont to meet not (as such national
synods have generally done elsewhere) occasion-

The General Assembly. 161
ally and chiefly for legislative purposes, that is,
authoritatively to explain the church's creed and
enact canons to regulate the administration of
discipline, but frequently and at short stated
intervals to review the proceedings of the inferior
judicatories of the church, as well as to legislate
regarding matters of doctrine and discipline.
Whether its peculiar vitality in the Scottish
Church is to be ascribed to its popular constitu
tion, or to the fact that it has in general faithfully
represented the national sentiments in those con
troversies which in successive generations have
been agitated in our country; or whether the
groundwork of it had not been laid long before in
those national councils of the church which the
popish ecclesiastics had, under the bull of Pope
Honorius III.,1 deemed themselves warranted to
hold every year, and at which the king and his
nobles appear often to have been present, and
whether, therefore, in the maintenance of this
quasi- Gallican liberty, as well as in some minor
matters enumerated by Lord Hailes, there may
not have been a closer and more real connection
between the pre- and post - Reformation church
in Scotland than has been commonly admitted,
it would now, perhaps, be very difficult to deter-
1 [The bull, which is printed in Concilia Scotia, ii. 3, is dated
"xiiij kalendas Junij pontificatus nostri anno nono," i.e., the 19th
of May 1225.] L

1 62 The First Book of Discipline.
mine. But it will be allowed on all hands that
this venerable court — which was so early estab
lished and has subsisted almost uninterruptedly
since the Reformation, and has exercised such
extensive legislative and judicial powers — is the
most distinctive characteristic of the Scottish
Church, and has had great influence in the
development of Scottish opinion and religious
life. II. The Discipline of the Church.
The opinions of our reformer and his associates
regarding the discipline and practical organisation
of the church have hardly ever been made a
subject of serious controversy, even by those who
have so long called in question the generally
received ideas regarding his opinions on the
government of the church. That which marked
out the early Reformed Church of Scotland most
distinctively among the churches of the Reforma
tion was the fact that she advocated, and re
solutely carried into practical operation, that
"godly discipline" which they all admitted had
been used in the primitive church in her best
and purest da3's, and the restoration of which,
they perhaps ventured to hint, was much to be
desired, but which yet they had not the courage
to demand from the civil power as of essen
tial concern to the wellbeing of their churches.

Nature and Ends of Discipline. 163
Even Luther, who began so well, hesitated and
quailed before the claims of the civil powers, and
left it to Calvin to carry out his own earlier
conceptions, and those of the Hessian Synod of
1528.1 Our reformers, however, boldly laid down
the absolute necessity of it in their Book of
Common Order, and named in their Confession
as one of the three distinctive marks of a true
church of Christ, " ecclesiastical discipline up-
rightlie ministred as Goddis Worde prescribes,
whereby vice is repressed and vertew nurished." 2
Not content to exercise such a discipline merely
under this clause of their State-ratified Confession,
they sought and obtained an explicit acknowledg
ment of the church's privileges in special Acts of
Parliament, which continue in force at the present
day, and have enabled the Church of Scotland to
maintain a stricter and more efficient discipline
than any other established church has ventured
to aim at.
The nature and ends of this discipline are
pretty fully explained in the introductory chapters
of the Book of Common Order, in the Book of
Discipline, and the Order of Excommunication
and Public Repentance. "As no citie, towne,
house, or family," it is affirmed in the first of
1 See Schenkel's article, "Kirche," in Herzog's Real-Encyklo-
padie. 2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 68; Laing's Knox, ii. no.

164 The First Book of Discipline.
these treatises, "can maintaine their estate and
prosper without policy and governance, even so
the Church of God, which requireth more purely
to be governed than any citie or family, cannot
without spirituall policy and ecclesiastical dis
cipline continue, increase, and flourish ; x and as
the Word of God is the life and soule of this
church, so this godly order and discipline is, as
it were, sinews in the body, which knit and joine
the members together with decent order and
comelinesse ; it is a bridle to stay the wicked from
their mischiefs, it is a spurre to pricke forward
such as be slow and negligent ; yea, and for all
men it is the father's rod, ever in a readiness
to chastise gently the faults committed, and
to cause them afterward to live in more godly
feare and reverence." - Three causes are assigned
why such discipline should be retained and
practised in the church — viz., that evil men may
not be numbered among God's children, that the
good may not be infected by association with the
ungodly, and that the individual taken under dis
cipline may be made ashamed of his fault, and so
1 See Calvin's Institutes, book iv. chap. ii. — "As no city or
village can exist without a magistrate and government, so the
Church of God stands in need of a spiritual polity of its own. This
is altogether distinct from the civil government, and is so far from
hindering or impairing it, that it rather does much to aid and
promote it."
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 413 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 203.

Order of Excommunication. 165
may be induced to repent and amend. This is
said to be the object even of excommunication —
the highest censure the church can inflict on an
offending brother — that he, being brought to a
due sense of his sin and misery, may be saved
in the day of the Lord. It is expressly provided
that, in regard to this last and highest censure,
nothing is to be attempted without the determina
tion of the whole church — i.e., of the ordinary
members of the church — and they are affection
ately reminded that it is their duty to take good
heed "that they seeme not more ready to expell
from the congregation than to receave againe
those, in whom they perceave worthy fruits of
repentance to appeare," and " that all punish
ments, corrections, censures, and admonitions
stretch no farther than God's Word with mercy
may lawfully beare." x
The Order of Excommunication and Public
Repentance, sanctioned by the General Assembly
in 1569, long continued to be used as a directory
in the administration of discipline. It was com
piled by Knox, or rather abridged by him from
Alasco's ' Modus ac Ritus Excommunicationis '
and his ' Forma ac Ratio Publicas Penitentise,'
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 414-417; Laing's Knox, iv. 204-206.
If this humanity is not observed in private as well as in public,
there is danger lest instead of discipline we fall into a kind of
Gehenna, and instead of correctors and educators become execu
tioners of the brethren (Calvin).

1 66 The First Book of Discipline.
used with the approbation of Edward VI. in
the Church of the Foreigners in London. It
breathes throughout a spirit of tender regard
for erring brethren and earnest longing for
their recovery, quite as strongly as it manifests
a spirit of holy zeal for the glory of God and
the purity of His church. In all save the
most notorious and urgent cases, the offender
was to be dealt with repeatedly both in private
and in public to confess his aggravated offence
before the extreme penalty was inflicted on him.
If these dealings and admonitions proved in
effectual, the minister was once more to explain
the nature of his offence, and the frequency of
the public and private admonitions addressed
to him, was then to appeal to the elders and
deacons to confirm the truth of what he said,
and finally was to ask of the whole church
if they thought such a contempt should be
suffered amongst them, and only in the event
of no man making further intercession for the
erring and obstinate was the minister to pro
ceed to pronounce the fearful sentence.1
In the times of declension which arose after
James VI. took the government into his own
1 The form of absolution then appointed to be used was, with
consent of Henderson, modified by the Westminster divines into
the shape in which it appears in their Directory for Church Gov
ernment and Excommunication, and as modified was afterwards
inserted in our Form of Process of 1707.

Discipline under Prelacy. i6y
hands, the strict exercise of such discipline
became specially odious to the king and his
gay courtiers, and incessant efforts were made
to relax its rigour. These, however, were in
general directed to effect this object rather by
means of than in spite of the church, by secur
ing that cases involving the sentence of ex
communication should be reserved for the
determination of the higher courts of the
church, on which the king and his friends
could bring their influence to bear with most
effect. Even during the domination of the
Second Episcopacy it is well known, from
records still extant, that kirk-sessions and pres
byteries were continued, and were allowed, with
the sanction of the bishop, to maintain a dis
cipline which in the present day would not be
generally accounted lax. The grotesque pen
ances so often resorted to in the times imme
diately succeeding the Reformation, and for the
use of which our forefathers have been subjected
to so much abuse and ridicule, were by no
means confined to them, and probably had been
suggested by similar grotesque ones in use be
fore, and were employed by the Court of High
Commission, by the Church of England, and by
other churches too, in so far as they ever
ventured to exercise discipline on notorious
offenders. Even those melancholy trials of

1 68 The First Book of Discipline.
witches, for which they have been so severely
blamed, were not originated by them, and were
countenanced quite as much by their opponents,
and by no one more than by the pope and
his entourage, as well as by James VI., the
great patron of the bishops, and for long were
clamoured for by the people.
To us, living in the light and glorying in the
toleration of the nineteenth century, some of
these disciplinary provisions may seem harsh,
several of the details frivolous, others inquisi
torial ; and the very principle of such a close
identification of the ecclesiastical and civil, as
that all offences against morality and church
discipline were to be also dealt with and pun
ished by the state, more than questionable.
But to men living in the sixteenth century and
just emerging out of the ignorance and licence
which the old church had tolerated, and long
ing to be moulded into a community really
holy and self-denying and quickened to a higher
life — enthused with a longing to reach loftier
heights in it — the iron discipline of Calvin and
Knox was welcome as requiring only what they
felt to be their duty and their true interest.
We may extend to the disciple what the his
torian of French Protestantism has said of the
master, and so far varying the words of Haag
affirm ; " The institutions of Calvin [and Knox]

The People remoulded. 169
accomplished what was proposed. In less than
three generations the Genevese [and Lowland
Scots] were entirely remoulded. To frivolity
and licentiousness succeeded that somewhat
austere strictness of morals which in earlier
days distinguished the disciples of the re
formers]. History tells of only two [three]
men who have been able permanently to im
press their stamp on an entire people — Lycurgus
and Calvin [and Knox], whose characters in fact
have much in common." x The Athenians made
merry over the black broth of the Spartans ;
but Sparta conquered Athens. How many ac
cusations and witticisms have been launched
against the Calvinistic spirit, and yet Calvinistic
countries led the way in Christian activity and
civil freedom, and to them even those who
abuse them are largely indebted for their
blessings. III. The Prerogatives and Duties of Church
Members.
The thorough agreement of our reformers' ideas
respecting the nature of the church with those of
the apostles and primitive Christians comes out
even more emphatically in the statements they
make in the First Book of Discipline and the
1 La France protestant, deuxieme edition, iii. 530.

170 The First Book of Discipline.
Book of Common Order about the ordinary
members of the congregation, and the arrange
ments there recommended for promoting their
spiritual welfare, and calling forth all their gifts.
Not only are they to be allowed a voice in the
choice of their ministers, elders, and deacons, in
the exclusion of members from the church and
their readmission into it, and through their rep
resentatives in the government of the church
generally; not only are they to have week-day
and Sabbath services, and frequent communions
for their edification and growth in grace, — but in
the principal congregations there are to be weekly
meetings for the study and interpretation of the
Scriptures. At these meetings every man was
to be allowed to speak his mind and propose
his doubts, to exercise his gifts for the edifica
tion of the brethren, or to " inquire as God shall
move his heart and the text minister occasion." J
The opening paragraph of chapter xii. of the
First Book of Discipline shows us whence this
remarkable institution was derived, and proves
clearly that Neander was not the first in post-
Reformation times who discovered the full signifi
cance of certain well-known passages in St Paul's
First Epistle to the Corinthians, but only a re
storer of the long -forgotten teaching of Calvin,
1 Book of Common Order, in Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 412 ;
Laing's Knox, iv. 179.

The Exercise. \y\
Alasco, and Knox. The paragraph is as fol
lows: "To the end that the kirk of God may
have a tryall of men's knowledge, judgements,
graces, and utterances ; as also, such that have
somewhat profited in God's Word may from time
to time grow in more full perfection to serve the
kirk as necessity shall require ; it is most expedient
that in every towne where schooles and repaire
of learned men are, there be a time in one certain
day every week appointed to that exercise which
S. Paul calls prophecying ; the order whereof is
expressed by him in thir words : ' Let the
prophets speak two or three and let the other
judge, but if anything be revealed to another that
sitteth by, let the former keep silence ; for ye
may one by one all prophesie that all may learne,
and all may receive consolation.' . . . By which
words of the apostle, it is evident that in the
Kirk of Corinth when they did assemble for that
purpose, some place of Scripture was read, upon
the which one first gave his judgement to the
instruction and consolation of the auditors ; after
whom did another either confirme what the
former had said, or added what he had omitted,
or did gently correct or explaine more properly
where the whole verity was not revealled to the
former; and in case things were hid from the
one and from the other, liberty was given for a
third to speak his judgement to the edification

172 The First Book of Discipline.
of the kirk." The exercise or practice here
authorised by the apostle, it is next affirmed, is
a thing most necessary for the kirk of God this
day in Scotland, " for thereby, as said is, shall
the kirk have judgement and knowledge of the
graces, gifts, and utterances of every man within
their bodie, the simple and such as have somewhat
profited shall be encouraged daily to studie and
to proceed in knowledge, and the whole kirk
shall be edified ; for this exercise must be patent to
such as list to hear and learne, and every man shall
have liberty to utter and declare his minde and know
ledge to the comfort and consolation of the Kirk." x
Then after appointing some prudent regulations
to prevent this liberty of prophesying from en
croaching on the province of the regular ministry
of the church, or degenerating into a school for
the encouragement of rash speculation instead of
ministering to the comfort and godly edifying of
the brethren, directions are given that the minis
ters of the landward parishes adjacent to every
important town, together with the readers within
six miles, should assist those that prophesy within
the towns, that they themselves may learn or
others may learn from them. "And moreover,"
it is again repeated, "men in whom is supposed
to be any gifts which might edifie the church if
they were well imployed must be charged ... to
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 587-589 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 242, 243.

The Exercise. 173
joyn themselves with the session and company
of interpreters. . . . For no man may be permitted
as best pleaseth him to live within the kirk of God,
but every man must be constrained by fraternall
admonition and correction to bestow his labours,
when of the kirk he is required, to the edification
of others." 1 Such was the remarkable provision
made by our reformers, that every adult member
of the church should enjoy such means of grace
as were fitted to promote his growth in Christian
knowledge as well as in spiritual life, and should
have reasonable opportunity of using for the glory
of God and the good of his brethren the gifts
with which the Spirit of God had furnished him.
It may be questioned whether some such institu
tion is not as much needed in the present day, if
the members of the church are to be preserved
from the temptations to doubt with which they
are surrounded, and if they are to be encouraged
to supplement the labours of their ministers and
elders in winning back those who have been
seduced into the paths of error or sin; and
whether its influence, if it were only set about
with earnestness, would be less powerful to pre
serve and reclaim than it was in those earlier
times. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 590, 591 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 244, 245.

174 The First Book of Discipline.

IV. Education of the Young and University Reform.
The care and anxiety of our reformers were
not confined to the adult members of the church.
They were extended in a special manner to the
young, and were manifested towards them, if pos
sible, with more intense earnestness and loving
tenderness. Though parish schools, in the later
sense, were not yet devised, detailed arrange
ments were made that the readers at the several
kirks should impart religious knowledge and the
elements of primary education to the young of
the flock, and that those who showed an aptitude
for learning and capability of being trained to be
of service to kirk or common-weal should have
access at various centres to higher training.
" Seeing," they say in their importunate plead
ing with the nobles on their behalf, "that God
hath determined that His kirke here in earth shall
be taught not by angels but by men, and seeing
that men are borne ignorant of God and of all
godlinesse, ... of necessity it is that your
honours be most careful for the vertuous educa
tion and godly upbringing of the youth of this
realm, if either ye now thirst unfainedly [for] the
advancement of Christ's glorie or yet desire the
continuance of His benefits to the generation
following; for as the youth must succeed to us,

Schools. 175
so we ought to be carefull that they have know
ledge and erudition to profit and comfort that
which ought to be most deare to us, to wit, the
kirk and spouse of our Lord Jesus." x To secure
this noble end it was deemed necessary that,
besides the readers' schools, every considerable
town should have at least one schoolmaster
appointed who was competent to teach grammar
and the Latin tongue ; and that in the more
notable towns, especially the old cathedral cities,
where the revenues of the prebendaries or of
the monks might be made available, there should
be a college in which at least logic, rhetoric,
and the languages — i.e., Latin and Greek — should
be taught by competent masters, for whom and
for the poorer scholars attending them suitable
stipends and bursaries should be provided out of
the aforesaid revenues. The fruit of such an
organisation, it is affirmed, would soon appear.
" For first, the youthhead and tender children
shall be nourished and brought up in vertue in
presence of their friends, by whose good attendance
many inconveniences may be avoyded in which
the youth commonly fall either by overmuch
libertie which they have in strange and un-
knowne places while they cannot rule them
selves, or else for lack of good attendance and
of such necessaries as their tender age requires.
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 547 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 209.

176 The First Book of Discipline.
Secondly, the exercise of children in every kirke
shall be great instruction to the aged and un
learned," who had never been taught to read,
and in whose presence in the Sunday afternoon
service they were examined. Lastly, "the great
Schooles called the Universities shall be replen
ished with these that shall be apt to learning;
for this must be carefully provided that no
father, of what estate or condition that ever
he be, use his children at his own fantasie especi
ally in their youthhead ; but all must be compelled
to bring up their children in learning and
vertue." Thus boldly did our reformers lay
down the principle of compulsory education,
which men in our own day have only hesitat
ingly adopted, but with greater consistency or
daring than our contemporaries have yet evinced,
for they proposed to apply the principle to the
children of the rich and potent, as well as to
those of the poor and vicious. Those higher
classes, they say, " may not be permitted to
suffer their children to spend their youth in
vaine idleness as heretofore they have done,
but they must be exhorted, and by the censure
of the kirk compelled, to dedicate their sonnes by
training them up in good exercises to the profite
of the kirk and commonwealth." This they
expect the rich to do at their own expense,
while they desire the children of the poor to be

Value of Learning. i yy
supported at the charge of the kirk. The sons
neither of rich nor poor are to be permitted to
reject learning if they develop any aptitude for
it, but are to be " charged to continue their
studie that the commonwealth may have some
comfort by them." To secure this object, discreet
and learned men are to visit the schools every
quarter, and examine what proficiency the pupils
have attained.1
To these suggestions regarding primary and
secondary schools succeeds a very detailed state
ment of the changes desired in the universities
to adapt them to the new order of things. And
then they conclude as follows : " All other things
touching the books to be read in ilk classe, and
all such like particular affaires, we referre to the
discretion of the masters, principals, and regents,
with their well-advised counsel ; not doubting but
if God shall grant quietnesse, and give your wise-
domes grace to set forward letters in the sort
prescribed, ye shall leave wisdome and learning
to your posterity — a treasure more to be esteemed
than any earthly treasure ye are able to amasse
for them, which without wisdome are more able
to be their ruin and confusion than their help and
comfort. And as this is most true, so we leave it
with the rest of the commodities to be weighed
by your honours' wisedome, and set forwards by
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 548-550; Laing's Knox, ii. 209-211.
M

178 The First Book of Discipline.
your authority to the most high advancement of
this commonwealth committed to your charge." 1
These touching appeals were not made alto
gether in vain. Though neither quietness nor a
large measure of grace was granted to the rough
barons so earnestly and tenderly addressed, yet
the goodly fabric of our church and common
wealth was reared up in those troublous times.
The full and liberal adoption of the plan of
national education sketched by our reformer and
his associates still remains in part to be desider
ated, and is worthy to be striven for by the
churches which claim to represent them. The
partial carrying out of their views, more than any
other influence that can be named, has conduced
to elevate our people and raise Scotland to the
rank it now holds among the nations; and we
can hardly doubt that the more complete realisa
tion of them in the careful Christian training of
the young and the adult members of the church,
and the extension of the blessings of education
and religion to the masses so long left to grow
up in ignorance and vice, would tend greatly to
bring back the disaffected to the paths of peace
and life, to raise the members of the church in
the scale of intelligence and virtue, to make the
nobles more than ever heretofore the decus et
tutamen patriot, and to bind all, both classes and
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 561 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 220, 221.

Oppression of the Poor. 179
masses, closely together in the bonds of mutual
Christian affection and true patriotism.

V. Care of the Poor.
I must still add that the same enlightened
principles which guided them to make careful
provision for these important objects, led them
also to take a kindly interest in the humbler poor
and aged, and to urge both on the state and on
the members of the church the duty they owed
to this long despised and neglected class of the
population. First, for the poor peasantry who
were not paupers, but who, they allege, had been
grievously oppressed by the exactions of the
clergy in the times immediately preceding, they
present the following earnest plea : " With the
griefe of our hearts we heare that some gentle
men are now as cruell over their tenants as ever
were the Papists, requiring of them (the tiends
and) whatsoever they afore payed to the kirk,
so that the Papistical tyrannie shall onely be
changed into the tyrannie of the lord and laird.
We dare not flatter your honours, neither yet
is it profitable for you that we so doe : (for neither
shall we,) if we permit cruelty to be used ; neither
shall ye, who by your authoritie ought to gaine-
stand such oppression, nor yet they that use the
same, escape God's heavie and fearfull judge-

180 The First Book of Discipline.
ments. The gentlemen, barones, earles, lords,
and others must be content to live upon their
just rents, and suffer the kirk to be restored to
her (right and) liberty ; that by her restitution,
the poore, who heretofore, by the cruell Papists,
have been spoiled and oppressed, may now receive
some comfort and relaxation, and their tiends and
other exactions be cleane discharged and no more
taken in time comming. The uppermost claith,
corps -present, clerk -maile, the pasche- offering,
tiend-ale, and all handlings1 upaland can neither
be required nor recieved of good conscience." 2
The history of the world, the history of the
Christian church, has few passages more noble
than this, where these poor ministers, not yet
assured of decent provision for their own main
tenance, boldly undertake the patronage of the
peasantry, and say they would rather suffer them
selves than ask that teinds should be exacted
from those who had been so long ground down,
not only by the exaction of these from their crofts
and even from their gardens, but also by a multi-
1 [Dr Mitchell seems to have thought that handlings should be
read holdings.]
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 562, 563. [The words which in this
quotation are enclosed in parentheses are not in the copy of the
Book of Discipline preserved by Knox (Laing's Knox, ii. 221, 222).
Instead of the words, "if we permit cruelty to be used," that copy
reads, " if you permit suche creualtie to be used " ; and after the
words, "comfort and relaxation," is the clause, " Concludit be the
Lordis."]

Exactions of the Medieval Church. 1 8 1
tude of other imposts, which, although their very
names are now almost forgotten in Scotland, had
been long felt to be a grievous oppression. Was
it any wonder that those crushed and down
trodden classes should rally round their pro
tectors, and under their kindly and godly training
should grow up to be a strength to the church
and a power in the state ? Charming fancy
pictures are still sometimes drawn of the stately
monastery — with its handsome church and kindly
and cultured monks — as a centre of civilising and
Christianising influences to the district in which
it was erected. These influences no doubt had
a certain reality in the early ages of the church,
and even in the days of the good Queen Mar
garet ; but in Scotland, at least, these days had
long passed away before the sixteenth century;
and the monasteries, as a whole, had become a
source of weakness and scandal, rather than of
strength and honour to the dominant church.
In fact, their wealth, being to a large extent
derived from the teinds of parishes, should have
been devoted to the spiritual interests of these
parishes, whereas the vicars appointed by them
being generally put off with a miserable pittance
and left largely dependent on these hated and
oppressive exactions — corpse presents, uppermost
cloth, Pasche-offerings — could not fail to alien
ate the peasantry from the monasteries and their

1 82 The First Book of Discipline.
rural representatives. Such charges of oppres
sion could never have been so publicly made
against them had they not been notoriously true.
And if further evidence were needed, it may be
found in abundance in the poems of Sir David
Lindsay and the Wedder burns. The picture the
former has drawn of the poor peasant driven out
of house and holding x by these oppressive exac-
1 The pauper comes on the stage with the words —
" Of your almisj gude folks, for God's Iuife of heavin,
For I have motherles bairns either sax or seavin ; "
and proceeds in piteous strain —
" Gude man, will ye gif me of your charitie,
And I sail declair yow the black veritie.
My father was ane auld man, and a hoir,
And was of age four scoir of yeirs and moir.
And Maid, my mother, was four scoir and fyfteine,
And with my labour I did thame baith susteine.
Wee had ane meir, that caryit salt and coill,
And everie ilk yeir scho brocht us hame ane foill.
Wee had thrie ky, that was baith fat and fair,
Nane tydier into the toun of Air.
My father was sa waik of blude, and bane.
That he deit, quhairfoir my mother maid gret maine :
Then scho deit, within ane day or two ;
And thair began my povertie and wo.
Our gude gray meir was baittand on the feild,
And our Land's laird tuik hir for his hyreild,
The vickar tuik the best cow be the heid,
Incontinent, quhen my father was deid.
And quhen the vickar hard tel how that my mother
Was deid, fra hand he tuke to him ane uther :
Then Meg, my wife, did murne baith evin and morow,
Till at the last scho deit for verie sorow :
And quhen the vickar hard tell my wyfe was dead,
The thrid cow he cleikit be the heid.
Thair umest clayis, that was of rapploch gray,
The vickar gart his dark bear them away.
Quhen all was gane, I micht mak na debeat,
Bot with my bairns past for till beg my meat.
Now, haif I tald yow the blak veritie,
How I am brocht into this miserie."
— Laing's Lindsay's Poetical Works, 1879, ii. 99, 102, 103.

The Oppressors relentless. 183
tions is known to be true to the life ; and con
tributed greatly to the overthrow of the merciless
oppressors who, until the very eve of the triumph
of the Reformation, could not be persuaded either
to abolish or abate their dues.1
1 [In the Articles addressed by some of the temporal lords and
barons to the queen regent, and sent by her to the Provincial
Council convened in Edinburgh a few weeks before the Reforma
tion burst like a tempest upon the country, it was requested that
"the corps presentes, kow, and [um]est claith, and the silvir com-
monlie callit the kirk richts, and Pasch offrands quhilk is takin at
Pasch fra men and women for distribution of the sacrament of the
blessit body and blood of Jesus Christ," should no longer be ex
torted under pain of excommunication or debarring from the sacra
ments, but left to the free will of the givers (Concilia Scotise, ii. 148,
149). The Council met this demand for reformation by enacting
that in future the poor should be freed from mortuary dues, while
those not quite so poor were only to pay them in a modified form ;
and the small tithes and oblations were to be taken up before Lent
so as to avoid the appearance of selling the sacrament (Ibid., ii. 167,
168, 174). When, on the 27th of May 1560, the reforming vicar of
Lintrathin raised a. summons against his parishioners for payment of
his teinds, "the cors present and umest clayth of all yeris andtermes
bigane restand unpayit" were specially excepted from his claim
(Spalding Miscellany, iv. 121).]

1 84

CHAPTER IX.
THE LAST DAYS OF JOHN KNOX.
The eighth decade of the sixteenth century was
memorable in the history of Protestantism in its
Presbyterian or Calvinistic form, and the year
1572 has been termed its annus mirabilis. It
marked a crisis in the long and bloody struggle
of the Protestants in the Netherlands with their
Spanish oppressors, — a struggle which issued in
securing the independence of the Dutch people,
and settling on a Calvinistic basis the Reformed
Church of Holland. It formed the turning-point
in the tragic fortunes of the Reformed Church of
France, at which, from being able to claim as
adherents a majority of the landed gentry and
a large minority of the more intelligent and
wealthy bourgeois in the provincial towns, and
being only weak among the citizens of the capital
and the peasantry of northern and central France,
she was, by an act of base treachery and fiendish

Assassination ofthe Good Regent. 185
cruelty, hurled from her promising position, sadly
crippled in numbers and influence, permanently
weakened and cast down, though not crushed or
driven to despair.1 This decade was especially
memorable in the history of the Reformed Church
of Scotland as having witnessed the removal of
the ablest and best of the lay defenders of the
Reformation, the death of our great reformer him
self, and the return to Scotland of the intrepid
and devoted man who was to take up and com
plete the work, from which failing health and
a grieved spirit had obliged Knox to withdraw.
The assassination of the Good Regent (as the
Earl of Moray was deservedly surnamed) was
unquestionably the most disgraceful of all the
murders perpetrated in Scotland in the interests
of faction during those years of confusion and
strife.2 It brought no permanent advantage to
the party of reaction. It wrought much woe
to the country, which under his firm yet kindly
rule had begun to settle into order and to recover
its prosperity.
This great national calamity preyed on the
spirit and broke the already waning strength of
Knox. In the month of October in that year3
1 Dr Lorimer in British and Foreign Evangelical Review for
1872, p. 758.
2 [The Good Regent was assassinated on the 23rd of January
1569-70.] 3 [1570.]

1 86 The Last Days of John Knox.
he had a stroke of paralysis or of apoplexy, which
for a time laid him aside altogether from work,
and permanently enfeebled his constitution. As
in the case of Wycliffe in the fourteenth century,
his opponents exulted over his misfortune, and
circulated maliciously exaggerated accounts of
his condition, on which probably their more
malicious and notoriously fictitious accounts of
his last illness were founded. But this first
seizure was not so severe as to put a final arrest
on his activities. Before many weeks were over
he had so far recovered as to be able, in part
at least, to resume his labours. He was able in
a measure to continue them through the anxious
and unquiet months of the succeeding winter
and spring — bearing faithful testimony to the
principles, religious and political, which he had
long professed ; standing up resolutely in defence
of the authority of the young prince, when many,
who had formerly sworn allegiance to him, led
by the intriguing laird of Lethington and the
" fause " house of Hamilton, went over to the
party of his popish mother. He exposed their
sophistries, and fearlessly rebuked their defection,
even after they had gained for the time the
supremacy in Edinburgh. Others might truckle
to them or quail before them, but that palsied
old man, with all his former plainness and much
of his former fire, persevered in denouncing

He leaves Edinburgh. 187
their treachery and discrediting their proposals.
Threatenings were uttered against his life if he
persisted in his course ; protection seems to have
been refused him by the party against the violence
of their lawless followers ; and one evening (as
had often happened to Calvin in his years of
conflict) a musket-ball was fired in at the window
of his house, and lodged in the roof of the apart
ment in which he was sitting. Again and again
faithful citizens, an attached kirk -session, and
John Craig, then his colleague in the ministry,
entreated him to remove for a time to some place
where his life would be safe from violence, and
whence he could return to his loving and beloved
flock as soon as the prevailing faction should be
put down, or should vacate the city. But he
heard them all unmoved, until at last they were
constrained to tell him plainly that if he was
attacked they had made up their minds to peril
their lives in his defence, and if they were com
pelled to shed blood in the contest it must lie
on his head. Thus "sore against his will,"1 as
one of the earliest historians of his declining years
tells us, and " almost thrust out by the authority
of the church court," 2 as another of them has it,
he, on the 5th May 1571, took farewell of Edin
burgh for a time, and crossing the Firth of Forth
1 Bannatyne's Memoriales, Ban. Club, p. 118.
2 See Laing's Knox, vi. 651.

1 88 The Last Days of John Knox.
at Leith moved on by short and easy stages
through Fife to the city in which " God had first
opened his mouth" to proclaim His truth, and
for which to the last he, as well as the Good
Regent, cherished a special affection. As Mr
John Davidson, then a teacher in one of the
colleges, has expressed it in homely Scotch : —
" Thou knawis he lude the by the lave,
Yor first in the he gave the rout
Till Antechrist that Romische slave,
Preicheing that Christ did only save.
Bot last of Edinburgh exprest,
Quhen he was not far fra his grave
He came to the by all the rest." x
In St Andrews the reformer was sure to be
free from personal danger, and on the whole to
have the sympathy of the citizens; though it
was not to be supposed that — in the city and
university where the late Archbishop Hamilton
had been long supreme, and had recently been
claiming to exercise the authority of Chancellor
of the University, and new founder of St Mary's
College,2 and where he had left behind several
relations and dependents more compliant with
the new order of things than himself — there
were not to be found in this crisis several in-
1 M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 459; Rogers' Three Scottish Re
formers, p. 97.
2 [Archbishop Hamilton was hanged at the market cross of Stir
ling on the 7th of April 1571.]

His preaching iii St Andrews. 189
fluential persons who had more sympathy with
their late chief and with the selfish and crooked
policy of the Hamiltons than with the straight
forward course and steadfast fidelity of the
dauntless reformer, and who would have little
relish for his earnest warnings and stern re
proofs. The notices preserved to us regarding
this last and, so far as is yet known, longest
visit of Knox to St Andrews are both detailed
and interesting. From the simple and loving
Memorials of his attendant, Richard Bannatyne,
we learn that all the time he was there — i.e.,
from the beginning of July 1571 to the 17th
of August 1572 — he preached every Sunday, and
expounded the prophecies of Daniel to the
middle of the ninth chapter, applying the words
of the prophet to the circumstances of Scotland
at the time, and inveighing in the strongest
terms against "the bloody house of Hamilton"
and its abettors for their deceit, treachery,
and turbulence, their base murder of the Good
Regent, and cunning plot to restore a popish
queen.1 These themes, to which in the appli
cations of his sermons he ever and anon re
turned, woke up all the fire and fervour of the
old man eloquent ; and if it might not be said,
as in earlier days, that every sermon was of
more value to the cause he defended than five
' Bannatyne's Memoriales, Ban. Club, p. 255.

190 The Last Days of John Knox.
hundred armed men, yet the report of his un
tiring zeal and unswerving fidelity would still
contribute greatly to animate and cheer the
adherents of the young prince and of the new
regent in all parts of the land.
As I have hinted, there were some in the
city to whom such discourses could not fail to
be distasteful — some who refused to attend on
his ministry, and were perhaps so stung by
what was reported of his sharp but not unde
served reproofs that they were compelled to
throw off the mask they had hitherto worn,
and soon after openly to apostatise from the
faith which for several years they had professed
and taught. But the effect on many of the
young men in attendance on the university, or
acting as regents in its colleges, was salutary
and enduring ; and perhaps it was not with
out special intention that, when the door was
shut against him in Edinburgh and the ears of
the men in power there were closed against his
counsels, he betook himself to what was still
the principal university in the realm, and made
his last appeals to the rising hopes of the
church and country there. Such discourses as
he then delivered, coming from one they had
already learned to venerate, could not fail to
form or foster in their ingenuous minds that
fidelity to the reformed faith, that jealousy of

Melville's sketch of Knox. 191
popery, and that hatred of its cruelty and
tyranny, which distinguished them to the last.
James Melville, whose plastic nature and
gentle spirit retained through life the impres
sions then made, supplements in his Diary the
notices in Bannatyne's Memorials, and, in a
passage which has been often quoted, gives a
very fresh and vivid sketch of the old reformer.
"Bot of all the benefites I haid that yeir"—
the first year he was a student in St Andrews,
and had "drunk of St Leonard's well" — "the
greatest," he tells us, "was the coming of that
maist notable profet and apostle of our nation,
Mr Jhone Knox, to St Androis ; wha be the
faction of the Quein occupeing the castell and
town of Edinbruche was compellit to remove
thairfra with a number of the best, and chusit
to com to St Androis. I hard him teatche ther
the prophecie of Daniel that simmer and the
wintar following. I haid my pen and my litle
book, and tuk away sic things as I could com
prehend. In the opening upe of his text he
was moderat the space of an halff houre ; bot
when he enterit to application he maid me sa
to grew and tremble that I could nocht haid a
pen to wryt. I hard him oftymes utter these
thretenings [against the faction then] in the
hicht of their pryde, quhilk the eis [i.e., eyes]
of monie saw cleirlie brought to pass within

192 The Last Days of John Knox.
few yeirs upon the captean of that castle, the
Hamiltones, and the Quein hirselff. He ludgit
down in the Abbay besyde our Collage."1 So
far was it from being true, as is commonly as
serted, that he had caused the destruction of
the abbey and of the abbey church or cathedral
in 1559, that in 1571 he found a habitable build
ing there, in which he, a frail old man, with
his wife and children, could pass the winter
in comfort. It, we know from a letter of his
antagonist, Archibald Hamilton, was " the new
ludgene of the abbey," 2 or novum hospitium, built
for the reception of Mary of Guise, the queen
of James V.3 It was in the immediate vicinity
of St Leonard's College, and our diarist further
tells us : " Our regents, Mr Nicol Dalgleise, Mr
Wilyeam Colace, and Mr Jhone Davidsone,
went in ordinarilie to his grace [or devotional
1 Melville's Diary, Wodrow Society, p. 26.
2 [Archibald Hamilton's letter or protestation is in Bannatyne's
Memoriales, pp. 262, 263.]
3 [According to Martine, it was built, not for the reception of
Mary of Guise, but when James V. was married to Magdalene, the
fair daughter of Francis I., in 1537, the tradition being that the
physicians chose this place as peculiarly suitable for such a delicate
creature ; and that ' ' so many artificers were conveened and em
ployed, and the materials so quicklie prepared, that the house was
begun and finished in a month " (Reliquiae Divi Andreae, p. 190).
There is better evidence to show that Mary of Guise spent her
honeymoon within its substantial walls in the summer of 1538
(Lesley's History, pp. 155, 156; Pitscottie's History, 1778, pp.
250, 251).]

Opposition in St Andrews. 193
exercises] efter denner and soupper. . . . Mr
Knox wald sum tymes com in and repose him
in our Collage yeard [that is the gardens im
mediately to the west of the novum hospitium,
adjoining St Leonard's College], and call us
schollars unto him and bless us, and exhort
us to knaw God and His wark in our contrey,
and stand be the guid cause, to use our tyme
weill, and lern the guid instructiones, and fol
low the guid exemple of our maisters."1 No
wonder, in these circumstances, that he is able
to add, " Our haill collage, maisters and schol
lars, war sound and zelus for the guid cause,"
or that we can now still further add that
thence proceeded several of the men who were
to uphold it most resolutely in the evil days
which followed.
In the New College we are told, "whowbeit
Mr Jhone Dowglass, then Rector [and Principal]
was guid aneuche," yet the " uther maisters and
sum of the regentes war evill - myndit," and
" hated Mr Knox and the guid cause " ; 2 and two
of them, Archibald and John Hamilton, soon
after apostatised, betook themselves to the Con
tinent, and rose to high office in the Universities
of Louvain and Paris, where the one in not
inelegant Latin, and the other in courtly Scotch,
sought to vindicate their conduct, and to traduce
1 Melville's Diary, p. 26. 2 Ibid.
N

194 The Last Days of John Knox.
and refute their former co-religionists. Some of
the masters of the Old College also, as Bannatyne
has recorded, hated the plain-speaking reformer,
though "be outward gesture and befoir his face
thei wald seime and apeir to favore and love
him above the rest." x The Hamiltons especially
seem to have given him considerable occasion to
complain of their bitter and unguarded criticisms,
and one of them, stung by his denunciations,
challenged him to defend his doctrine in the
schools of the university. This he at first
refused, maintaining that the pulpit was not to
be controlled by the university schools, nor the
church put into subjection to the academy.
St Andrews at that time was the rendezvous of
others of the adherents of the young prince, who
did not feel themselves safe under the faction
then in possession of the castle and city of
Edinburgh. One of these, Mr John Durie of
Leith, was "for stoutness and zeall in the guid
cause mikle renouned and talked of." He was an
enthusiastic leader of the volunteers of his day.
" The gown was na sooner af and the Byble out
of hand fra the kirk, when on ged the corslet,
and fangit was the hagbot, and to the fields."2
Another was Robert Leckprevick, the famous
printer, who brought his types and printing-press
with him, and so did notable service to the cause.
1 Bannatyne's Memoriales, p. 256. 2 Melville's Diary, p. 32.

Patrick Adamson. 195
" He haid then in hand," Melville tells us, " Mr
Patrik Constant's [or Adamson's1] Catechisme
of Calvin, converted in Latin heroic vers, quhilk
with the author was mikle estimed of";2 and
deservedly so, for Adamson was an accomplished
scholar, was using his scholarship for the church's
good, was eulogised by Lawson, Knox's colleague
and successor, and had not yet developed that
spirit of subserviency to the powers that be which
afterwards proved his ruin.
The printer had also the honour of publishing
in St Andrews the last work which engaged the
thoughts of the reformer. This was his ' Answer
to a letter of a Jesuit named Tyrie.' It had been
drawn up some years before, but was now care
fully revised and enlarged, and exhibited his
matured views respecting several of the most
notable subjects of controversy between the
reformed and unreformed churches. Possibly it
1 [In the rather scurrilous Legend of the Bischop of St Androis,
it is said : — " Ane baxters sone, ane beggar borne,
That twyse his surnaime hes mensworne ;
To be called Constene he thocht shame,
He tuke up Constantine to name.
Thinking that poore professione vaine,
He changed his surname ower agane ;
Now Doctor Adamsone at last,
Whairthrow he ower to Paris past."
— Dalyell's Scotish Poems, 1801, ii. 309, 310.
He inherited both names from his ancestors, who were called
Constantine or Adamson (M'Crie's Melville, 1856, p. 461).]
2 Melville's Diary, p. 32.

196 The Last Days of John Knox.
may have been because he had detected through
all their disguises the secret leaning of the two
Hamiltons to Romanist or semi-Romanist views
regarding the apostolical succession, the nature
of the sacraments, and the unfailing visibility and
perpetuity of the church, that he now so fully
entered into a controversy which previously he
had been inclined to shun. Perhaps this is what
is hinted at in the preface, in which he says :
" Wonder not, gentill reidar, that sic ane argu
ment suld proceid fra me in thir dolorous days
after that I have taken gude-night at the warld
and at all the fasherie of the same. . . . There
ar sevin yeares past sen a scrole send from a
Jesuite to his brother was presented unto me be
a faithfull brother requyring sum answer to be
maid to the same. . . . Amongs my other caires
I scriblit that which followis, and that in few
dayis; which being finished I repented of my
laubour, and purposed fullie to have suppressed
it. Which, na dout I had done, if that the devil
had not steirit up the Jesuites of purpois to
trouble godlie harts, with the same argumentis
which Tyrie usis, amplifyed and set furth with all
the dog eloquence that Sathan can devyse for
suppressing of the free progres of the Evangell
of Jesus Christ." Then, after a touching refer
ence to the hard lot of his dispersed flock " suffer
ing lytill les calamitie than did the faithfull efter

The St Andrews Assembly. igy
the persecutioun of Steaphen," and an earnest
petition that God would grant them one day to
meet in glory, he entreats the brethren to pray for
him, that God " in His mercy will pleis to put end
to my long and panefull battell," as he was unable
to fight as erewhile he had done, and longed for
release, though still resigned to bear patiently
whatsoever God saw meet to lay upon this, his
" wicked carkase." 1
In March 1572 the General Assembly was held
at St Andrews in the schools of St Leonard's
College.2 This place was no doubt chosen in
part at least for the convenience of the aged
reformer, whose counsel in that time of trouble
was specially needed. It was the last Assembly
at which he was able to be present, and probably
the first witnessed by Davidson and Melville.
" Thair," the latter narrates, " was motioned
the making of bischopes, to the quhilk Mr
Knox opponit himselff directlie and zealuslie";3
and thus probably were implanted in the
youthful student's mind the germs of those
presbyterian principles which were nurtured
by intercourse with his uncle Andrew Melville,
and were retained by him to the last with
heroic tenacity.
1 Laing's Knox, vi. 481, 482.
2 [This Assembly met on the 6th of March 1571-72.]
3 Melville's Diary, p. 31.

198 The Last Days of John Knox.
Two months before this a convention at Leith
had given its sanction to a sort of mongrel
episcopacy, nominally to secure the tithes more
completely to the church, but really to secure
the bulk of them by a more regular title to
certain covetous noblemen who sought in this
way to reimburse themselves for their services
in the cause of the Reformation.1 Chief among
these noblemen was the Earl of Morton, then
one of the chief supporters of the young prince,
and soon after regent of the kingdom. Having
secured a presentation to the Archbishopric of
St Andrews for Mr John Douglas before men
tioned, he came over to the city, had him elected
by the chapter in terms of the convention, and
on the ioth of February inaugurated into his
office. This function was performed by Wynram,
Superintendent of Fife, according to the Order
followed in the admission of Superintendents,
save that the Bishop of Caithness, the Super
intendent of Lothian, and Mr David Lindsay,
who sat beside Douglas, laid their hands on his
head. Knox had preached that day as usual;
but, as Bannatyne is careful to tell us, had
" refuised to inaugurat the said bischope " ; 2
and as others add had " denounced anathema
1 [This convention was held in January 1571-72. See Booke of
the Universall Kirk, i. 203-236 ; Calderwood's History, iii. 168-196.]
2 Bannatyne's Memorials, p. 223.

Three Kinds of Bishops. 199
to the giver, anathema to the receaver,"1 who
as rector and principal had already far more to
do than such an aged man could hope to over
take.2 It was in reference to the same appoint
ment that Adamson, as yet uncorrupted by Court
influences, had a few days before in a sermon
from the same pulpit given utterance to his
famous distinction of three kinds of bishops, my
lord bishop, my lord's bishop, and the Lord's
bishop, the first of whom had been in time of
popery, the second was now brought in merely
to enable my lord to draw the kirk rents, and the
third was the evangelical pastor as he should be
in times of thorough reformation.3
1 Calderwood's History, iii. 206.
2 [Dr Laing has not only indicated that there has long been much
uncertainty and speculation as to the parentage and social status of
John Douglas, but has stated that he "was descended from the
Douglasses of Pettendreich " (Laing's Knox, i. 286 n.) Principal
Lee has said : ' ' All the accounts of Douglas which I have ever seen
in modern books abound with errors. He is represented as having
been an obscure Carmelite friar whom the Earl of Argyle chose
to employ as his chaplain, and for whom the Archbishop of St
Andrews expressed the strongest aversion. He was quite a different
man — a man of family undoubtedly, and most probably related to
James Douglas the Earl of Morton, son of Sir George Douglas of
Pinky, and, like him, a branch of the great family of Angus " (Lee's
Lectures, ii. 3). When working in the Register House, I found
unimpeachable evidence concerning his parentage. On the 2nd of
January 1563-64, letters of legitimation were granted in favour of
Mr John Douglas, Rector of the University of St Andrews, bastard
son natural of quondam Robert Douglas in Langnewtoune (Register
of Privy Seal, xxxii. 23).]
3 Melville's Diary, p. 32 ; Calderwood's History, iii. 206.

200 The Last Days of John Knox.
One more brief sketch from the Diary of the
quaint but graphic chronicler on whom I have
repeatedly drawn may conclude our notice of
these last labours of the reformer, and bring us
to his last illness and death. " The town of
Edinbruche recovered againe [out of the hands
of the queen's faction] and the guid and honest
men therof retourned to thair housses,1 Mr Knox
with his familie past hame to Edinbruche."
During the time of his residence in St Andrews
he was very weak. " I saw him everie day of
his doctrine," says Melville, "go hulie and fear
with a furring of martriks about his neck, a
staff in the an hand, and guid godlie Richart Bal-
landen, his servand, halding upe the uther oxtar,
from the abbey to the paroche kirk ; and be the
said Richart and another servant lifted upe to
the pulpit, whar he behovit to lean at his first
entrie ; bot or he haid done with his sermont he
was sa active and vigorus that he was lyk to ding
that pulpit in blads, and fly out of it." 2
Soon after his return to Edinburgh he found
himself quite unable to preach in the large
church which he had formerly occupied, and a
smaller one was fitted up for him in the western
1 These honest men earnestly implored their pastor to return also
to Edinburgh, if he could do so without serious injury to his
health. 2 Melville's Diary, p. 33.

His Message to Charles IX. 20 1
part of the nave of St Giles.1 But not even so
were his services to be long available. On one
occasion only after his return may it be said that
the old fire burst out with all its former fierceness
and brilliancy. This was in September, when
tidings reached him of the bloody massacre of
St Bartholomew's day in France. " Being con
veyed to the pulpit," Dr M'Crie tells us, "and
summoning up his remaining strength, he
thundered the vengeance of God against ' that
cruel murderer and false traitor, the King of
France,' and [borrowing the language of the Old
Testament prophets] desired Le Croc, the French
ambassador, to tell his master that sentence was
pronounced against him in Scotland, that the
divine vengeance would never depart from him
nor from his house, if repentance did not ensue ;
but his name would remain an execration to
posterity, and none proceeding from his loins
should enjoy his kingdom in peace."2 The only
further notice of his work is by Melville, who
simply informs us that after "instituting in his
roum, be the ordinar calling of the kirk and con
gregation, Mr James Lawsone, a man of singular
1 [Dr Cameron Lees says that the Tolbooth, in which Knox
preached for some little time and where he delivered his last
sermon, was "the portion of St Giles which had been cut off the
western part of the nave, and was used for meetings of the Council "
(St Giles', 1889, p. 157).]
2 M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 269.

202 The Last Days of John Knox.
learning, zeal, and eloquence, ... he tuk him
to his chamber and most happelie and comfort-
ablie departed this lyff." 1
With this kindly notice by his youthful admirer
this lecture would have ended, had I not promised
to the late Dean Stanley several years ago that,
when a suitable opportunity occurred, I would
not fail publicly to advert to a shameless mis
representation of the closing scene to which he
had directed my attention. This originated with
Archibald Hamilton, already referred to as one
of the two masters of the New College, who
apostatised from the Protestant faith, and after
his flight to the Continent published the most
barefaced lies of his old antagonist and the noble
men who were associated with him in his hard
battle and well-earned triumph. These lies were
exposed and refuted at the time by Principal
Smeton of Glasgow, himself a convert from that
Society of Jesus which Hamilton ultimately joined.
But as they have been revived in our own day,
and distributed in the form of a tract by Popish
emissaries at the doors of Protestant churches in
London, and as one of a series bearing the sensa
tional title of " Death-bed Scenes," I shall, in
fulfilment of my promise, subjoin a brief account
of the reformer's last illness and death, taken
almost exclusively from the contemporary narra-
1 Melville's Diary, p. 33.

Popish Calumny. 203
tives of Bannatyne and Smeton, the former of
whom was an eye-witness, and the latter of whom
had full information from Lawson,1 who also was
an eye-witness of all. This, I feel assured, is all
that is required to set matters in their true
light. The vague charges of immorality brought
against the reformer by those calumniators,
ancient and modern, may be dismissed at once
as nothing more than the stock-in-trade of hard-
pressed controversialists in the sixteenth century.
Had there been the slightest foundation for them,
some of Knox's many opponents in Scotland —
Ninian Winzet, or the Abbot of Crossraguel, or
Tyrie the Jesuit, or Hamilton himself before he
left the country — would not have scrupled openly
to upbraid him with them. Neither would the
culprits among the Protestant clergy and laity,
whom at various times he subjected to so rigorous
a discipline, have borne this patiently at his hands
had he himself been a known offender. It was
his character which gave him his influence both
at home and abroad, both with friends and with
foes, and could it have been successfully assailed,
it would not have been left to two Jesuits in a
1 [In the opinion of Dr David Laing, Lawson was the author of
the Vera Historia extremae vitae et obitus eximii viri Joannis Knoxii,
appended to Smeton's Responsio ad Hamiltonii Dialogum, in 1579
(Laing's Knox, vi. 646).]

204 The Last Days of John Knox.
foreign land to lead the assault after he was
silenced in death.
Such, however, I hardly need to assure you was
not the end of the restorer of a really holy church
in Scotland, if aught of credit is to be given to
the unanimous testimony of those who attended
him during his last illness and witnessed its clos
ing scene, though it may have been the end which
Popish controversialists in the sixteenth century
deemed meet for him — as well as for Luther and
Calvin and many more of whom the world was
not worthy — as it is in one of the foulest legends
with which their successors in the nineteenth
century think it fair to supplement the legends
of their predecessors in the sixteenth. According
to them Luther was the child of a demon, not
figuratively but literally ; Calvin was eaten up of
worms, like Herod who slew the children of
Bethlehem and was smitten by the judgment of
God, because (though apparently in this they con
found him with a later Herod) he affected divine
honours. To mention such slanders, as the
sceptical Bayle has said with special reference
to the case of Knox, is all that is needed to refute
them. They are the product of malignity so
evident that it defeats itself. I know but one
parallel to them in our literature, and it has the
excuse that it has come down to us from the

His last Illness. 205
dark ages.1 Some would persuade us that the
time has come when we might afford to forget
old controversies and to shake hands with our
former antagonists, but such occurrences as these
tend to show that such forgetfulness and affecta
tion of cordiality is likely to be all on one side.
And now let me simply set over against these
fables, in as abridged form as I can, the unvar
nished statements of Bannatyne and Smeton, the
latter of which was published in reply to Hamil
ton who first gave shape to these charges, and
which hitherto has been deemed a conclusive
refutation of them.2
On the ioth of November, the day after he
inducted Lawson as his colleague, he was seized
with a violent cough and began to breathe with
difficulty. Many, who desired ardently, if it were
possible, to detain him a little longer here, advised
1 Walsingham's abuse of Wycliffe. [Thomae Walsingham, His
toria Anglicana, ii. 119, 120; and Ypodigma Neustriae a Thoma
Walsingham, p. 340 ; Rolls series. Translations will be found in
Vaughan's John de Wycliffe, 1853, pp. 468, 469 ; and in Lechler's
Wycliffe, Relig. Tract Soe, p. 423.]
2 [For the substance of Archibald Hamilton's account, see
M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 405. Bannatyne's account is in both
editions of his work (Journal of Transactions, 1806, and Memoriales
of Transactions, 1836). It is likewise in Laing's Knox, vi. 634-645 ;
and there (pp. 649-660) is also given a translation of Smeton's (or
Lawson's) account. The accounts of Bannatyne and Smeton do
not always agree as to the exact day on which certain events
happened.]

206 The Last Days of John Knox.
him to call in the assistance of skilful physicians.
He readily complied with their advice, though
he felt that the end of his warfare was now nigh
at hand. Next day he caused the wages of all
his servants to be paid, and earnestly exhorted
them all to be careful to lead holy and Christian
lives. On the 13th, being obliged by the increase
of his malady to leave off his ordinary course of
reading in the Scriptures (for every day he had
been wont to read some chapters of the Old and
New Testaments, especially some of the Psalms
and Gospels), he directed his wife and servant to
read to him each day the 17th chapter of St John's
Gospel, one or other of the chapters of St Paul's
Epistle to the Ephesians, and the 53rd chapter
of Isaiah. On the 14th he rose early, apparently
supposing it had been the Lord's day, and being
asked why he did so when he was so ill, he re
plied that he had been meditating all night on
the resurrection of the Lord (the subject which
would have fallen to be treated next in order by
him in his ministry), and that he was now pre
pared to ascend the pulpit to communicate to
his brethren the consolation he had enjoyed in
his own soul. Next day, though very sick, he
prevailed on Durie, already mentioned, and an
other friend, Steward by name, to remain to
dinner with him, ordered a hogshead of wine in
his cellar to be pierced for them, and desired

His Dying Exhortations. 207
Steward to send for some of it as long as it lasted,
for he should not tarry till it was done. Little
is recorded of him for several days after this, but
it was probably in this interval that he was visited
by many of the chief of the nobility, including
the Earl of Morton, so soon to be created regent,1
and by many members of his congregation. All
of these he " solidly exhorted " and comforted.
On the 20th or 21st he gave orders that his coffin
should be prepared. On the 22nd he sent for
the ministers, elders, and deacons of the church,
that he might give them his last counsels and
take final farewell of them. In the brief but
solemn address which he delivered to them he
called God to witness, whom he served in the
Gospel of His Son, that he had taught nothing
but the pure and solid doctrine of the Gospel
of the Son of God, and had never indulged his
own private passions, or spoken from any hatred
of the persons of those against whom he had
denounced the heavy judgments of God. He
exhorted them to persevere in the truth of the
Gospel and in their allegiance to their young
sovereign, and dismissed them with his solemn
blessing. To Lawson and Lindsay, whom he
1 [Morton was elected regent on the 24th of November i572> 'ne
day on which Knox died (Acts of Parliament, iii. 78 ; Bannatyne's
Memoriales, p. 280). Bannatyne places Morton's visit on the 19th ;
Smeton leaves the day uncertain.]

208 The Last Days of John Knox.
asked to remain behind, he gave a last earnest
message for his old friend Kirkaldy of Grange, the
commandant of the castle, who had gone over
to the party of the queen,1 and whose soul, not
withstanding, he said, was dear to him — as being
one of his congregation in the castle of St
Andrews, and a sharer in his hard lot in France
— so that he would not have it perish if by any
means he could save it. " Go and tell him,"
he said, "that neither the craggy rock in which
he miserably trusts, nor the carnal prudence of
that man whom he regards as a demigod, nor
the assistance of foreigners, as he falsely flatters
himself, shall deliver them, but he shall be dis
gracefully dragged from his nest to punishment
and hung on a gallows in the face of the sun,
unless he speedily amend his life and betake him
self to the mercy of God."
On the 23rd the difficulty of his breathing had
greatly increased, and he seems to have thought
that his end was near at hand. To one of his
most intimate friends who asked him if he felt
great pain, he replied that that was not reckoned
as pain by him which would be the end of many
miseries and the beginning of perpetual joy. And
soon after, apparently supposing his end was
come, he repeated the Lord's Prayer and the
1 For a defence of Kirkaldy see Barbe's Kirkaldy of Grange,
Famous Scots Series, pp. 108-124.

His Consolation. 209
Apostles' Creed, adding certain paraphrases of
his own on each petition of the prayer and article
of the creed to the great comfort of those who
stood by ; and then lifting up his hands to heaven
he once more said, " Lord, into Thy hands I
commend my spirit." During the succeeding
night he caused the 15th chapter of ist Cor
inthians to be read and re-read to him, and re
peatedly said to himself, " O ! how sweet and
salutary consolation does the Lord provide for
me in this chapter." The following day, about
noon, he once more sat up in bed, but owing to
his extreme weakness was not able to remain
long in that posture. About three in the after
noon one of his eyes failed, and his tongue per
formed its office less readily than before. About
six in the evening he again said to his wife, " Go,
read where I cast my first anchor," referring to
the instructions he had given on the 13th.1
When this had been done, he continued for
some hours in troubled slumber. It is in this
occurrence alone that there can be got the
slightest foundation for the slanders which his
traducers have circulated. And it is only neces
sary to quote the account given of it by those
who witnessed it to show that it was as honour
able to the dying confessor as the gross mis-
1 For a different interpretation see Taylor Innes's John Knox,
Famous Scots Series, pp. 30, 31. O

210 The Last Days of John Knox.
representation of it was dishonourable to his
opponents. During these hours he uttered fre
quent sighs and groans, so that those who stood
by could not doubt that he was contending with
some grievous temptation. When he awoke they
asked him what was the cause of his distress.
He answered that in the course of his life he had
had many contests with his spiritual adversary.
Often he had been tempted to despair of God's
mercy because of the greatness of his sins, often
also tempted by the allurements of the world to
forget his calling to endure hardness as a good
soldier of Christ Jesus. But now the cunning
adversary had assailed him in another form, and
endeavoured to persuade him that he had merited
heaven itself and a blessed immortality by the
faithful discharge of the duties of his high office.
" But blessed be God," exclaimed the dying re
former, "who hath brought seasonably to my
mind those passages of Scripture by which I was
enabled to quench the fiery dart, 'What hast
thou, that thou hast not received ? ' ' By the grace
of God I am what I am,' and 'Not I, but the
grace of God in me ' . . . wherefore I give thanks
to my God by Jesus Christ who has been pleased
to grant me the victory. And I am firmly per
suaded that ... in a short time, without any
great bodily pain, and without any distress of
mind, I shall exchange this mortal and miserable

His Peaceful Death. 211
life for an immortal and blessed life through Jesus
Christ." This persuasion of his speedy and happy
departure was soon to be justified by the event.
After evening prayers Dr Preston, his physician,
asked him whether he had heard them, when he
replied, " I would to God that ye and all men
heard them as I have heard them, and I praise
God for that heavenly sound." Shortly after
the signs of immediate dissolution appeared, his
friends gathered round his bed, and his faithful
servant addressed him : " Now, sir, the time that
you have long called to God for, to wit an end
of your battle, is come. And seeing all natural
power now fails, remember those comfortable
promises, which often times ye have shown to
us, of our Saviour Jesus Christ. And that we
may understand and know that ye hear us, make
us some sign." And so he lifted up one of his
hands, and incontinent thereafter rendered up
his spirit apparently without pain or movement,
so that he seemed rather to fall asleep than
to die.
Such was the account of his last illness and
death transmitted by those who attended on him
and witnessed it, a death worthy of his noble life,
and fully justifying the brief comment of Smeton,
" Surely, whatever opprobrious things profane
men may utter, God hath in him given us an

212 The Last Days of John Knox.
example of the right way as well of dying as of
living." It is true, as his heartless traducer takes
care to remind us, no dirge was chanted over his
remains, no mass of requiem was celebrated for
his soul. He and his countrymen had long ceased
to believe in the worth of such priestly cere
monies, or to imagine that their eternal state
could be affected by them, or by aught save
Christ's finished work and their own faith and
repentance while God's day of grace was pro
longed to them here. The brief eulogy pro
nounced over his grave by the stern and reserved
regent1 was a truer and more impressive testimony
to his worth than the most gorgeous celebration
of Romish rites which he could but have shared
with a Borgia or a Betoun. The stern simplicity
of his grave, which, like his master Calvin's, was
till lately preserved in the memory of men with
out stone or bronze to mark it out, tells a tale
very different from that his traducer hints at;
and if his bitter taunts shall lead the reformer's
countrymen now to erect a material monument
to him in some measure corresponding to the
1 [Morton's testimony to Knox, as recorded by Melville, was :
"That he nather f.earit nor fiatterit anie fleche" (Diary, p. 60).
As recorded by Calderwood : "Here lyeth a man who in his life
never fteared the face of man ; who hath beene often threatned with
dag and dager, but yitt hath ended his dayes in peace and honour.
For he had God's providence watching over him in a speciali maner,
when his verie life was sought" (History, iii. 242).]

The Scottish Nation his Monument. 2 1 3
benefits he has been honoured to confer on them,
this attack on his fair fame will have been over
ruled for good.
But his real monument will never be one
graven by art or man's device. It is one more
noble, more lasting far. It is to be found in
the life God enabled him to live, and the work
God honoured him to do. It is to be seen in
the plans he devised, in the institutions he
founded, in the people he moulded anew, when
the old church had confessedly failed in its
mission. And while the Scottish nation con
tinues to retain these institutions, and to bear
this impress, it will continue the grandest, as it
is the most telling, monument to the memory of
its noble-hearted and single-minded reformer.

214

CHAPTER X.
THE SECOND BOOK OF DISCIPLINE.
In a previous lecture I have endeavoured to
give a pretty full account of the First Book
of Discipline. It remains yet to say a few
words about the Second Book of Discipline.
Principal John Cunningham has said : " The
First Book exhibited a system of polity saga
ciously suited to the circumstances of the
country and the church : it seemed to grow out
of the times."1 I will add that it was not
only suited to the times, but to many of the
practical needs of the church of all times. I
therefore hold that even yet it is worthy of
a higher place than to be deemed merely a
" collection of parchments and coins deposited
beneath it [i.e., the Second Book] by which
future generations may read the story of the
times in which the building was begun."2 The
1 Cunningham's Church History of Scotland, 1859, i. 444.
2 Ibid., i. 445.

The Two Books Compared. 215
Second Book is more a book of constitutional
law; and aims, as the Principal says, at elabo
rating a system from the New Testament with
out reference to circumstances, and bears far
more resemblance to the Ordonnances of Calvin
than to the less ambitious and more compre
hensive Church Order Books of Germany. But
the Second Book of Discipline has even fewer
practical details than the ordinances of Geneva.
Of course, so far as it actually abolished or
modified the regulations of the First Book,
these fell to be disused ; but in so far as it did
not actually do so, they still had a certain
validity: and even in the Covenanting times it
is generally the Books, not the Book of Dis
cipline, to which reference is made in Acts of
Assembly. No one in our times, perhaps, has shown a
more thorough appreciation of the real merits
of the First Book than the Duke of Argyll in
his well-known essay on "Presbytery." Mr
Hill Burton, who depreciates it in comparison
with the Second, makes far more than is war
ranted of the strong language in which it occa
sionally indulges against the old church, with
which he contrasts the more restrained and
balanced utterances of the Second Book.1 I
do not yield to many in my admiration of the
1 Hill Burton's History of Scotland, 1876, v. 203.

216 The Second Book of Discipline.
courage and calmness of Melville; but I could
no more think of placing him, scholarly and
bold, yet calm, as he generally was, nor the
Book attributed to him, more logical and un-
impassionately didactic though it be, before the
eager, impetuous, yet sagacious Knox, with his
wealth of rude eloquence and thrilling tender
ness, and his Book in which these qualities of
head and heart are so clearly mirrored, than I
would think of placing Calvin, highly as I
honour him, before Luther, or his Catechism
before the Wittenberg hymn-books.
I do not believe that the principles of the
two Books are so widely different as they have
sometimes been represented to be, or that the
grand ideas of Knox concerning the place of
the laity in the church, the education of the
young, and the support and kindly treatment
of the aged poor, were meant to be rejected
or ignored by his great successor ; but I do
think these matters fall considerably into the
background. Some of the noblest conceptions
of the earlier Book are narrowed, and the whole
system stiffened; and in the contests in which
the church had then to engage with the young
monarch, in vindication of her independence in
her own province, positions were laid down which
were soon pressed to consequences from which
Knox and his associates would have shrunk.

The Supreme Power. 217
They, who had been obliged long to contend
with a corrupt and obstinate clergy which would
grant no real reform in doctrine, no substantial
concessions for the alleviation of practical griev
ances, boldly laid down the principle that
"to kings, princes, rulers, and magistrates . . .
chieflie and most principallie the conservation
and purgation of the religioun apperteinis; so
that not onlie they are appointed for civill
policie, but also for maintenance of the trew
religioun, and for suppressing of idolatrie and
superstitioun whatsoever. . . . And therefore wee
confesse and avow that sik as resist the supreme
power doing that thing quhilk appertains to his
charge, do resist Goddis ordinance, and there
fore cannot be guiltles."1 Melville, who was
called to contend with a king bent on securing
autocratic power in the church as well as in the
state, laid down, with the utmost precision, the
principle in chapter x., "Although kings and
princes that be godlie, sumtymes be their awin
authority whan the kirk is corruptit and all
things out of ordor, place ministers and restore
the trew service of the Lord efter the examples
of sum godly kings of Juda and divers godly
emperours and kings also in the light of the
'Confession of 1560, in. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 92, 93. [In
Laing's Knox, ii. 118, it is reformatioun and purgatioun instead of
conservation and purgation. ]

218 The Second Book of Discipline.
New Testament ; yit quhair the ministrie of the
kirk is anes lawfullie constitute and they that
are placeit do thair office faithfullie, all godlie
princes and magistratis aucht to heir and obey
thair voice, and reverence the majestie of the
Son of God speiking be them " ; x or, as in
chapter i., where it is laid down, " As ministeris
are subject to the judgement and punishment
of the magistrat in externall things if they offend,
so aucht the magistratis to submit themselfis to
the discipline of the kirk gif they transgresse in
matteris of conscience and religioun."2
Hill Burton sarcastically remarks that "if we
grant that those who prepared it were what they
called themselves— the Church of God, presided
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 788, 789. [The Second Book of
Discipline has been frequently printed. It is in Calderwood's
History, Wodrow Society ed., iii. 529-555 ; Spottiswoode's History,
1655, pp. 289-302; Spottiswoode Society ed., ii. 233-256; Booke
of the Universall Kirk, Bannatyne Club ed., ii. 488-512 ; Peterkin's
ed., pp. 537-563 ; Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 757-805. The quota
tions in the text are from Dunlop.]
2 Ibid., ii. 764. Melville afterwards more pithily expressed the
same principle in his sovereign's presence : " Thair is twa kings
and twa kingdomes in Scotland. Thair is Chryst Jesus the King,
and His kingdome the kirk, whase subject King James the Saxt is,
and of whase kingdome nocht a. king, nor a lord, nor a heid, bot
a member ! And they whome Chryst hes callit and commandit to
watch over His kirk, and goveme His spirituall kingdome, hes
sufficient powar of Him and authoritie sa to do, bathe togidder and
severalie ; the quhilk na Christian king nor prince sould controll
and discharge, but fortifie and assist, utherwayes nocht fathfull
subjects nor members of Chryst " (Melville's Diary, p. 370).

Limits of Ecclesiastical Power. 219
over by the Lord Jesus Christ as the representative
of the Godhead on earth— it would be difficult
to refuse assent to what follows. Nothing can
be more perfect than the analysis by which the
two ruling powers are separated from each other,
and the ecclesiastical set above the secular." 1 If
this is not quite borne out, one can hardly help
feeling that more care should have been taken
to mark out the limits of ecclesiastical authority,
and to show that the power of ministers and
elders was as distinctly limited by the laws of
Christ as that of kings and magistrates ought to
be by the laws of the land ; or, in other words,
that ministers and elders may err in interpreting
the laws of Christ, just as civil rulers may err
in interpreting the laws of the land. No doubt
the limitation contended for is in words admitted,
" the magistrat neither aucht to preich, minister
the sacraments, nor execute the censuris of the
kirk, nor yit prescrive any rewll how it sould be
done; bot command the ministeris to observe
the rewll commandit in the Word, and punish
the transgressours be civill means. The min
isteris exerce not the civill jurisdictioun, bot
teich the magistrat how it sould be exercit
according to the Word."2 "It is proper to
kings, princes, and magistrates to be callit lordis
1 Hill Burton's History of Scotland, v. 203.
2 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 763.

220 The Second Book of Discipline.
and dominators over their subjectis, whom they
govern civilly ; bot it is proper to Christ onlie to
be callit Lord and Master in the spirituall govern
ment of the kirk, and all utheris that beiris office
therein aucht not to usurp dominion therein, nor
be callit lordis, bot onlie ministeris, disciples, and
servantis. For it is Christis proper office to
command and rewll His kirk universall, and
every particular kirk, throw His Spirit and
Word, be the ministrie of men."1 But it is
not made sufficiently prominent anywhere in the
Book that these men are only entitled to un
reserved obedience when they truly speak Christ's
mind and truly follow His Word. Those who
have made most of the Book have neither clearly
perceived this nor have they realised the full
meaning of the lucid and explicit statement made
by Rutherfurd when he was contending against
the Erastians and Independents of England.
Had they done so, I cannot but think that the
bitter divisions among Scottish Presbyterians
would have been fewer, and that there would
have been far less occasion for the reproach often
cast on them, that new presbyter is but old priest
writ large.
" That the magistrate is not obliged," Ruther
furd affirms, "to execute the decrees ofthe church
without further examination, whether they be
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 762.

Rutherfurd's Opinion. 221
right or wrong, as Papists teach that the magis
trate is to execute the decrees of their Popish
councels with blind obedience, and submit his
faith to them, because he is a layman and may
not dare to examine whether the church doth
erre or not, is clear. 1. Because, if in hearing
the Word all should follow the example of the
men of Berea, not relying on the testimony of
Paul or any preacher, [and] try whether that
which concerneth their conscience and faith be
agreeable to the Scriptures or no, and accordingly
receive or reject ; so in all things of discipline
the magistrate is to try by the Word whether
he ought to adde his sanction to these decrees
which the church gives out for edification, and
whether he should draw the sword against such
a one as a heretick and a perverter of souls. But
the former is true ; the magistrate's practise in
adding his civill sanction and in punishing here-
ticks concerneth his conscience, knowing that he
must do it in faith as he doth all his moral
actions ; ergo, the magistrate must examine what
he practiseth in his office according to the Word,
and must not take it upon the meer authority
of the church, else his faith in these moral acts
of his office should be resolved ultimate on the
authority of the church, not on the Word of God,
which, no doubt, is Popery, for so the warrant
of the magistrate's conscience should not be ' thus

222 The Second Book of Discipline.
saith the Lord,' but ' thus saith the church in their
decrees.' 2. The magistrate and all men have a
command to try all things, ergo, to try the decrees
of the church, and to retain what is good (1 Thes.
v. 21) ; to try the spirits even of the church in
their decrees (1 John iii. 1). 3. We behooved
[in that case] to lay down this Popish ground that
. . . the church cannot erre in their decrees. . . .
Its against Scripture and reason that magistrates,
and by the like reason all others, should obey the
decrees of the church with a blinde faith, without
inquiring in the warrants and grounds of their
decrees, which is as good Popery as, Magistrates
and all men are to beleeve as the church be-
leeveth, with an implicite faith, so ignorance shall
be the mother of devotion. Whoever impute
tlnVto us — who have suffered for nonconformity,
and upon this ground, that synods can erre, re
fused the ceremonies — are to consult with their
own conscience whether this be not to make us
appear disloyall and odious to magistracy in that
which we never thought, far lesse [presumed] to
teache and professe it to the world."1
Even more notable are the utterances of George
Gillespie, when vindicating against the Erastians
of the south that more free government of the
church by its own courts from which they feared
1 Rutherfurd's Divine Right of Church Government, 1646, pp.
59^, 597- [1 John iii. 1 is a misprint in the original for 1 John iv. 1.]

Gillespie's Opinion. 223
so many evils. " I dare confidently say," he
affirms, "that, if comparisons be rightly made,
presbyterial government is the most limited and
the least arbitrary government of any other in
the world."1 And, after entering into details to
make good this affirmation in regard to the papal
and prelatical forms of government, he proceeds
to maintain that Independents " must needs be
supposed to exercise a much more unlimited or
arbitrary power than the presbyterial churches
do," because they exempt individual congrega
tions from all control and correction by superior
courts, and because it is " one of their three
grand principles which disclaimeth the binding
of themselves for the future unto their present
judgement and practice, and avoucheth the keep
ing of this reserve to alter and retract." 2 Some
who think that, after all recent changes, they
more truly hold the opinions of Gillespie than
we do, have laid it down very dogmatically that
even although the constitution of a national
church were in all other respects scriptural, yet
if it did not reserve this power to alter and
retract without let or hindrance, it would still
be at variance with the tenets of the Covenanting
times; but you see here that Gillespie affirms
that that was a principle of the Independents, not
1 Aaron's Rod Blossoming, 1646, p. 177.
2 Ibid., pp. 180, 181.

224 The Second Book of Discipline.
of the Presbyterians, and claims1 it as a special
merit of the latter that they were willing to ex
plain their doctrine and discipline to the civil
authorities, and, getting these sanctioned, to abide
by them till they were again altered by consent
of church and state. He denies that in claiming
a distinct government for the church the Presby
terians meant to deprive the Christian magistrate
of that power and authority in matters of religion
which the Word of God and the earlier Con
fessions of the Reformed churches recognised as
belonging to his office. On the contrary, he
maintains that not only in extraordinary cases
when church government doth degenerate into
tyranny, or those who manage it make defection
from the truth, "the Christian magistrate may
and ought to do diverse things in and for religion,
and interpose his authority diverse wayes so as
doth not properly belong to his cognisance, de
cision and administration ordinarily, and in a
reformed and well constituted church " ; 2 but
1 [Dr Mitchell may have found such a claim elsewhere in Gil
lespie's works ; but it is not distinctly made in that chapter of
'Aaron's Rod Blossoming' from which the quotations in this para
graph are taken, although perhaps it may be held to be implied
in the words: "By which it appeareth that their [i.e. , the Inde
pendents'] way will not suffer them to be so far moulded into an
uniformity, or bounded within certain particular rules (I say not
with others, but even among themselves) as the Presbyterian way
will admit of" (Aaron's Rod Blossoming, p. 181).]
2 Aaron's Rod Blossoming, p. 182.

Its Influence not unmixed. 11%
also that, in ordinary cases, he is free to act as
his own conscience directs in giving or refusing
his sanction to the government and discipline of
the church ; and that if he is offended with any
sentence of its courts, " they ought to be ready,
in all humility and respect, to give him an account
and reason of such their proceedings, and by all
means to endeavour the satisfaction of the magis
trate his conscience, or otherwise to be warned
and rectified if themselves have erred."1
Had the principles thus laid down been more
clearly kept in view by the framers of the Second
Book of Discipline, its influence for good on
Scottish Christianity would have been more un
mixed than it has been. Had they been more
consistently acted on by Rutherfurd and his
associates, who consented to their formal inser
tion in our later standards, many sad troubles
which then and afterwards befel the church, for
which they lived and laboured, would have been
altogether avoided, or more easily provided
against; but as it is, great misunderstandings
have certainly arisen. The two Books of Dis
cipline have been too much read apart, instead
of being regarded as complementary each of the
other ; and while all that is liberal and pro
gressive tends, I think, more and more to rally
round the one, I believe that much that is nar-
1 Aaron's Rod Blossoming, p. 183.
P

226 The Second Book of Discipline.
rower, but still earnest and resolutely Christian,
will continue to draw its inspiration from the
other. The Second Book of Discipline, as well as
the First, failed to commend itself to the ruling
powers, and to obtain a place in its full form on
the statute book. Those of its clauses relating
to the functions of the several church courts were
inserted almost word for word in the Act of the
Scottish Parliament of 1592, reckoned the charter
of the presbyterian church. It was, however,
several times ratified by the General Assembly,
and was partially carried out by its authority from
the time of its ratification ; and to this extent
it, as well as the First Book of Discipline, appears
to have been fully recognised. The question of
its authority was very fully argued in the famous
Auchterarder case. The counsel for the presby
tery and the minority of the judges did not
venture to argue, however, that as a whole the
Second Book of Discipline had received the sanc
tion of the state save in irregular times ; but they
contended that the notes, contained in Spottis-
woode's History, of the clauses respecting which
the king and the commissioners of Parliament
had come to agreement with the ministers,
should be accepted as determining the extent to
which it was law. It was affirmed, however, by
the majority of the judges that only the clauses

Its Theory of the Church. 227
actually inserted in the Act of Parliament could
be so regarded, and it has since been maintained
by Mr Peterkin that the alleged notes of agreement
between the king and the church's commissioners
are not actually found in the manuscript copy of
the History which is preserved in the Advocate's
Library.1 The general theory of the church, how
ever, which may be said to underlie the most
important statement of the Second Book of Dis
cipline, is not materially different from that which
finds expression in the First. " The kirk of God,"
it is said, " is sumtymes largelie takin for all
them that professe the Evangill of Jesus Christ,
and so it is a company and fellowship, not onely
of the godly, but also of hypocrites professing
alwayis outwardly ane true religion. Uther tymes
it is takin for the godlie and elect onlie, and sum
tymes for them that exercise spiritual function
1 Peterkin's Booke of the Universall Kirk, 1839, p. 549 n. [The
late Bishop Russell, after examining the four MS. copies of Spot-
tiswoode's History, came to the conclusion that the one in the
Advocates' Library is only the first and incompleted draft of the
work, and that the one in Trinity College, Dublin, is the one
which Spottiswoode himself prepared for the press. Bishop Russell
accordingly followed the Dublin MS. in his edition of the History
printed for the Spottiswoode Society, and that edition (as well as
the old folio edition) contains the notes of agreement and disagree
ment. Peterkin has printed the Second Book of Discipline, from
an attested copy publicly read on the 29th of September 1591 "in
the elderschip of Haddingtoun," and "subscryvit be the brethren
thairof." Of the ten subscribers, nine write minister after their
names; the other simply signs, "Mr L. Hay, Bass."]

228 The Second Book of Discipline.
amongis the congregation of them that professe
the truth." 1 These last, ministers, doctors,
elders, and deacons, are taken to represent the
church in its wider sense, and must have a lawful
calling from it. This lawful calling is said to
consist of two parts — viz., election and ordination.
Election is defined to be the choosing out of a
person or persons most able for the office that is
vacant, by the judgment of the eldership and
consent of the congregation to which the person
or persons are appointed. Ordination is defined
as the separation and sanctifying of the person
appointed of God and His kirk after he be well
tried and found qualified. The ceremonies of
ordination are declared to be fasting, earnest
prayer, and imposition of the hands of the elder
ship. Then follow two of the most important
paragraphs in the Book, which come nearest to
supplying that which I deem defective in it, a
clear and distinct admission that human rulers
in the church as well as in the state have but
limited powers. " All thir [i.e., those various
kinds of office-bearers], as they must be raisit up
be God and be Him made able for the wark
quhairto they ar callit, so aught they [to] knaw
their message to be limitit within God's Word,
without the quhilk bounds they aught not to
passe. All thir sould tak these titils and names
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 759, 760.

Institution of the Presbytery. 229
onlie . . . quhilk the Scriptures gevis unto them,
as these quhilks import labour, travell and wark ;
and ar names of offices and service, and not of
idlenes, dignitie, warldlie honour or preheminence,
quhilk be Christ our Maister is expresslie reprovit
and forbidden. . . . And generallie thir twa
things aught they all to respect, the glorie of
God, and edifieing of His kirk, in discharging
their dewties in their callings." 1
It is generally supposed that it is in this Second
Book of Discipline that we have the first clear
institution of that church court which we now
call the presbytery, and it admits of no dispute
that it was in the year 1581, after the final adop
tion of the Book by the Assembly, that an attempt
was made, with consent of the crown, regularly
to divide the country into presbyteries. These,
however, though marked out on paper in that
year, were in point of fact only gradually set up,
and in general they arose out of, and absorbed
into themselves, the previously existing exercise,
which the First Book of Discipline had sanc
tioned and recommended to meet weekly for the
study and interpretation of the Scriptures.2 The
introduction of what are called, but erroneously,
lay elders 3 to the place they have so long worthily
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 769. 2 Supra, pp. 170-173-
3 [" Some reproachfully and others ignorantly call them lay
elders. But the distinction of the clergie and laity is popish and

230 The Second Book of Discipline.
filled in the presbyteries was a still more gradual
process. The presbytery of St Andrews, even
down to the close of the sixteenth century,
appears to have contained no elders save the
doctors, under which name were comprehended
the masters of the university, both professors of
divinity and professors of philosophy, and even
the doctor or master of the grammar-school.
The question, however, has been raised whether
it is really the presbytery or the kirk -session
which is meant by the word eldership, which is
generally applied in the Second Book of Dis
cipline to that court to which it asserts that it
belongs to see that the Word of God is purely
preached within its bounds, the sacraments
rightly administered, the discipline maintained,
and the ecclesiastical goods rightly distributed ;
to take care that the ordinances made by pro
vincial, national, and general assemblies are
duly executed; and also to make constitutions
which concern to ttpkivov in the kirk,1 — all which
duties by the Act of Parliament are expressly
anti-christian ; and they who have narrowly considered the records
of ancient times have noted this distinction as one of the grounds
whence the mystery of iniquity had the beginning of it. The name
of clergie appropriate to ministers is full of pride and vaine-glory,
and hath made the holy people of God to be despised, as if they
were prophane and uncleane in comparison of their ministers"
(Gillespie's Assertion of the Government, 1641, p. 3).]
1 Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 779, 780.

Eldership or Presbytery. 231
assigned to the presbytery.1 This question has
been keenly debated down to our own day. The
weight of authority is certainly very decidedly in
favour of the opinion which identifies this elder
ship with the presbytery. Among recent author
ities we have Dr David Laing and Dr Cook of
Haddington on this side, in opposition to the
late Principal Cunningham of St Andrews ; and
among those of a somewhat earlier time we have
Principal Lee, Dr M'Crie, and the late Dr George
Cook of St Andrews pronouncing in favour of the
same view. If we go to older authorities again,
we have Spottiswoode, the episcopal historian,
and Calderwood, the presbyterian, at one in sup
porting it. I know of no considerable authority
in the seventeenth century which has been
adduced on the other side, save that of Hen
derson, whose statement, however, is rather
inferential than direct. In fact, the eldership is
used in the Second Book of Discipline itself as a
convertible term with presbytery, and is often so
used in the acts of contemporary assemblies.
When presbyteries came to be set up, they are
sometimes designated by the name of eldership,
and sometimes by that of presbytery ; and where
our present authorised version of Scripture reads
" with the laying on of the hands of the presby
tery," the Genevan version reads, " with the
1 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, iii. 542.

232 The Second Book of Discipline.
laying on of the hands of the companie of the
eldership."1 The only other alternative is that suggested
by the late Procurator Cook, that in the Second
Book of Discipline the functions of the two courts
were as yet undistributed; and that when they
came to be legally distributed by the Act of
Parliament of 1592, those which the framers of
the Second Book assigned to the eldership were
in nearly its very words appropriated to the
presbytery, and a much more limited province
assigned to the kirk-session — the court called by
the Puritans of the south by the name of the
Lesser Presbytery. Perhaps it may be regarded
as a rather curious confirmation of this theory of
Procurator Cook's, that what he supposes to have
been first intended by the framers of the Book as
a common court is asserted by Gillespie, the
ablest of their successors in the following century,
to have been really characteristic of the presby
tery of the primitive church. Whatever may be
thought of his argument in vindication of what
he calls the two presbyteries, the fact remains
that he explicitly admits there was but one in the
primitive church ; 2 and this will be all the more
1 [In some editions of the Genevan version the word "elder
ship" is thus explained in the margin : "Under this name he con-
taineth the whole ministerie ofthe church which was at Ephesus."]
2 Assertion of the Government of the Church of Scotland, 1641,
pp. 128-130, 136-147.

The Kirk-Session. 233
remarkable if, with Mr Cook, we hold that what
the framers of the Second Book of Discipline
really designed was one presbytery or eldership
governing a larger or smaller number of churches
in common ; and that we owe the distribution of
the power between the two courts rather to the
Act of Parliament than to the Second Book of
Discipline. I agree with Gillespie, however,
that in the circumstances of the church in a
thoroughly Christianised country it would have
been a matter to be regretted if every congrega
tion had not had its session or lesser presbytery,
with such definitely limited powers as by the Act
of Parliament, and by the later acts of the church,
are entrusted to it ; and I am not sure that we
do not owe this arrangement to the episcopal
rather than to the presbyterian party, and that
it was a concession made by them as the only
presbytery they could well acknowledge, if they
were to leave any function for the bishop at all
in this court. At least the rough draft of the
clause of the subsequent Act of Parliament in
regard to the kirk-session appears first in the
conference held between the two parties, and is
then noted as having had the express approval of
the king and commissioners of Parliament,1 which
1 [It is not quite clear which conference Dr Mitchell is here
referring to. In the conference held at Stirling in December 1578,
the Second Book of Discipline was discussed section by section.
The results are preserved not only by Spottiswoode, as mentioned

234 The Second Book of Discipline.
was not at that time, nor till considerably later,
secured to the clauses in the Act affirming the
powers of the larger presbytery.
I have said elsewhere that in chapters xxv.
and xxvi. of the Westminster Confession of
Faith we have a doctrine affirmed as to the
church and the communion of saints which
seems to me to be more thoroughly catholic
than that which is set forth in the Articles of
the Irish Episcopal Church, of the teaching of
which the compilers of our Confession have so
largely availed themselves. In addition to one
invisible church to which all the true elect
of God are affirmed to belong, and particular
visible churches composed of professing Christ
ians in particular nations (both of which are
expressly owned in both formularies), the West
minster Confession recognises one visible church
to which all throughout the world who profess
above (p. 227 n.), but also by Calderwood (iii. 433-442), neither of
whom, however, says that these results were then noted as having
been expressly approved by the king. The heads agreed upon at
the Holyrood conference on 17th February 1585-86 do not include
anything which can be regarded as the draft of the clause of the
Act of 1 592 concerning the power and jurisdiction of "particulare
kirkis" (Calderwood's History, iv. 491-494). The articles defining
the jurisdiction of provincial assemblies, presbyteries, and particular
kirks, agreed on by the king in conference with some of the brethren
sent to him by the General Assembly in May 1 586, are transferred
almost verbatim to the Act of Parliament of 1592 (Booke of the
Universall Kirk, Bannatyne Club edit., ii. 665, 666 ; Calderwood's
History, iv. 567, 568 ; Acts of Parliament, iii. 541, 542).]

Westminster Theory of the Church. 235
faith in Christ are to feel that they belong, and
with the members of which they are bound, as
God gives them opportunity, to cultivate union
and communion. " The catholic or universal
church, which is invisible, consists of the whole
number of the elect that have been, are, or shall
be gathered into one, under Christ the head
thereof; and is the spouse, the body, the ful
ness of Him that filleth all in all. The visible
church, which is also catholic or universal under
the Gospel (not confined to one nation as before
under the law), consists of all those throughout
the world that profess the true religion, and of
their children, and is the kingdom of the Lord
Jesus Christ, the house and family of God, out
of which there is no ordinary possibility of
salvation. Unto this catholic visible church
Christ hath given the ministry, oracles, and
ordinances of God for the gathering and per
fecting of the saints in this life to the end of
the world; and doth by His own presence and
Spirit, according to His promise, make them
effectual thereunto. This catholic church hath
been sometimes more, sometimes less, visible ;
and particular churches which are members
thereof are more or less pure, according as the
doctrine of the Gospel is taught and embraced,
ordinances administered, and public worship
performed more or less purely in them. ... All

236 The Second Book of Discipline.
saints that are united to Jesus Christ their
head, by His Spirit and by faith, have fellow
ship with Him in His graces, sufferings, death,
resurrection, and glory. And, being united to
one another in love, they have communion in
each other's gifts and graces, and are obliged
to the performance of such duties, public and
private, as do conduce to their mutual good."
In other words, every true member of the
church, be he hearer or office-bearer, holds his
place in the body for the good of all, and is
bound to use his gifts and opportunities to
promote, as far as he can, the spiritual and
temporal good of all. A single sentence from
the Westminster Directory for Church Govern
ment is all I need to give, in supplement of this
statement of the Confession, to put you in full
possession of their authors' views and aspirations.
" When their number [i.e., the membership of a
congregation] is so great that they cannot con
veniently meet in one place, it is expedient that
they be divided according to the respective bounds
of their dwellings into distinct and fixed congre
gations for the better administration of such
ordinances as belong unto them, and the dis
charge of mutual duties ; wherein all, according
to their several places and callings, are to labour
to promote whatever appertains to the power of
godliness and credit of religion, that the whole

Ideal Presbytery. 237
land, in the full extent of it, may become the
kingdom of our Lord and of His Christ."
The sum of all this may be given in the
words of Henderson, in the conclusion of his
treatise on 'The Government and Order of the
Church of Scotland,' the only other treatise
which has any right to be set alongside of
the Books of Discipline. " In the authoritie of
these assemblies, parochial, presbyteriall, pro-
vinciall, and nationall, and in the subordination
of the lesser unto the greater, or of more par
ticular elderships to the larger and generall
eldership, doth consist the externall order,
strength, and steadfastnesse of the Church of
Scotland. . . . Here there is a superiority with
out tyrannie, for no minister hath a papall or
monarchicall jurisdiction over his own flock, far
lesse over other pastors and over all the con
gregations of a large dioces. Here there is
paritie without confusion and disorder, for the
pastors are in order before the elders, and the
elders before the deacons; the church [i.e., each
congregation] is subordinate to the presbyterie,
the presbyterie to the synod, and the synod to
the nationall assembly. One pastor also hath
priority [of esteem] before another, for age, for
zeale, for gifts, for his good deservings of the
church, each one honouring him whom God
hath honoured, and as he beareth the image of

238 The Second Book of Discipline.
God which was to bee seen among the apostles
themselves. But none hath power or jurisdic
tion above others : even as in nature one eye
hath not power over another, only the head
hath power over all, even as Christ over His
church. . . . And lastly, here there is a
subjection without slaverie, for the people are
subject to the pastors and assemblies, yet there
is no assemblie wherein everie particular church
hath not interest and power ; nor is there any
thing done but they are, if not actually, yet
virtually called to consent unto it."1 This is
presbytery in theory, and there is no reason
why we should not approximate to the ideal in
practice more closely than some recent repre
sentations imply, save that we come short of
what we ought to be as men and as Christians,
and that would suffice to mar any form of
government that could be devised by the wit
of men.
1 The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland, 1641,
pp. 60, 64, 65.

239

CHAPTER XI.

ALESIUS.

We owe it to the Rev. Christopher Anderson, the
author of the 'Annals of the English Bible,' that
attention has been once more turned to the
deeply interesting story of Alexander Alane, or
Alesius. Principal Lorimer, in his ' Scottish
Reformation,' has thrown further light on him.
And Dr Merle D'Aubigne, who appears to have
minutely examined most of his tracts and com
mentaries, has wrought into his graphic but
imaginative narrative much of the information
which they have been the chief means of handing
down to us. It was after his expatriation that he
received from Melanchthon the name of Alesius,
or the wanderer.
This highly distinguished but long forgotten
alumnus of St Andrews University was born in
Edinburgh on the 23rd of April 1500, of honest
parents, and received the first rudiments of his

240 Alesius.
education in his native city. It was probably
while he was still there that he had vouchsafed
on his behalf those wonderful interpositions of
Providence, which remained through life engraven
on his heart, and which he thus relates in his
preface to his Commentary on the Second Epistle
of Paul to Timothy, published at Leipzig in 1551.
" Certe ab infantia [Diabolus] me saepe incautum
opprimere voluit, et perdere non tam insidiis et
crudelitate hostium, quam praecipitio in ignem
et aquam. Verum ille, qui servavit me inter
omnia pericula et infantem de gradibus patris
mei cadentem in acervum lapidum advectorum
ad extruendum supremum tabulatum in oedibus,
et reptantem manibus in cacumine altissimi
montis, ex cujus declivi vel praerupto, divinitus
in alterum latus in quo facilis erat descensus,
subito perveni." 1 With even more than his usual
licence, Dr D'Aubigne thus recounts this adven
ture : He " was fond of going with other boys of
his own age to the heights which environ Edin
burgh. The great rock on the summit of which
the castle stands, the beautiful Calton Hill, and
the picturesque hill called Arthur's Seat, in turn
1 [Alesius thus proceeds : "Et in mari inter tempestat^ et 18
diebus subtus terram in teterrimo specu inter bufones et serpentes
custodivit (oportet enim me haec alicubi commemorare pro grati-
tudine erga Deum). Hie igitur Salvator omnium, maxime fidelium,
perficiet id quod per me facere instituit" (In Alteram ad Timotheum
expositio. Autore Alexandra Alesio. D. Lipsiae, 1551, sign. A 2).]

His miraculous Escape. 241
attracted them. One day, it was in 1512, Alex
ander and his friends, having betaken themselves
to the last - named hill, amused themselves by
rolling over and over down a slope which ter
minated in a precipice. Suddenly the lad found
himself on the brink ; terror deprived him of his
senses; some hand grasped him and placed him
in safety, but he never knew by whom or by
what means he had been rescued. The priests
gave the credit of this escape to the paper with
which they had provided him, but Alexander him
self attributed it to God and his father's prayers." 1
1 D'Aubigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 13, 14.
[D'Aubigne is here following, or rather embellishing, the account
which Alesius thus gives in another of his works: "Pueri, me
adhuc puero, quasdam sententias excerptas ex Joanne, scriptas in
membrana, ut illam, in principio erat verbum, Ecce agnus Dei, &c. ,
Sic Deus dilexit mundum, Ego sum resurrectio et vita, &c, ac
similes, vel auro et argento inclusas circa collum gestabant, non tam
ornamenti causa, quam quod magnam vim et virtutem in his collo-
carent contra incantationes et pericula, in quae diabolus saepe pueros
incautos solet conjicere. Memini frequenter, et quoties reminiscor,
toto corpore cohorresco, me in praerupto altissimi montis manibus
et pedibus reptantem, ac proximum praecipitio, subito translatum
nescio a. quo aut quomodo, in alium locum : et alia vice ex emin-
entiori deambulacro aedium patris cadentem inter acervum lapidum
poliendorum ad aedificium, servatum esse divinitus.
" Non tribuo hanc salutem sententiis ex Joanne, quas forsan
aliorum puerorum more circumferebam : sed fidei parentum, qui
harum sententiam mente circumferebant, et pro me orabant. Sed
tamen, ut mihi videtur, magis deceret nobilitatem Christianam, has
et similes sententias in auro et lapidibus preciosis insculptas a collo
dependentes circumferre, quam ethnicorum Regum ac Caesarum
imagines " (Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis. Basileae, 1553.
Epistola Dedicatoria, pp. 14-16).]

242 Alesius.
Alesius, or Alane as he was still called, being
of good abilities, was early sent to the university,
and seems to have been one of the first set of
students who entered St Leonard's College (the
college founded by Prior John Hepburn, with the
consent of Archbishop Alexander Stuart) after its
opening in 1512. His studies appear to have
been prosecuted there in the usual way, and in
1515 he became a determinant, or took the de
gree of B.A. ; l and, probably after acting for a
few years as a regent in the college, he was
drafted as a novice into the priory, and ultimately
became one of its canons. When John Major
came to St Andrews in 1523 as principal of the
Pasdagogium, he, like Hamilton and some others
who ultimately shared the same opinions, studied
theology under him, and made great progress,
especially in the study of the schoolmen and the
fathers of the Christian church. He was, like
most of the young scholastics of his time, fond
of disputation ; and if he listened to those lectures
on the gospels which Major gave to the press
some years after, he probably imbibed from his
teacher that combative attitude towards the new
1 [In a. list of names without a heading, he appears as " Alexr.
Allane na. Lau.," which shows that of the nations into which the
members of the university were then classified, he belonged to
Lothian. In the list of determinants he appears as " Allexr. Alan."
Opposite his name and the names of his class-fellows is the word
"pauperes," which shows that they paid no fees.]

Discussions with Patrick Hamilton. 243
opinions which at this period of his life he showed.
D'Aubigne' says : " His keenest desire was to
break a lance with Luther. ... As he could not
measure himself personally with the man whom
he named arch -heretic, Alesius had refuted his
doctrine in a public discussion held at the uni
versity. The theologians of St Andrews had
covered him with applause.1 . . . Alesius, alive
to these praises and a sincere catholic, thought
that it would be an easy task for him to convince
young Hamilton of his errors. . . . Armed
cap - a - pie, crammed with scholastic learning,
and with all the formulae ' quo modo sit, quo
modo nonsit,' " he had various discussions with
him. " Hamilton had before him nothing but
the Gospel, and he replied to all the reasonings
of his antagonist with the clear, living, and
profound word of the Scriptures. . . . Alesius,
struck and embarrassed, was silenced, and felt
as if ' the morning star were rising in his heart.
It was not merely his understanding that was
convinced, the breath of a new life penetrated
his soul." 2 He continued from time to time to
visit the reformer while he lived, and to cherish
1 He himself at a later period ingenuously acknowledges that his
arguments in great part were borrowed from the treatise of an
English bishop, namely Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, who at the
request of Henry VIII. had replied to Luther's attack on that
monarch. 2 D'Aubigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 59, 60.

244 Alesius.
his memory after he had been so cruelly put to
death. When the opinions and martyrdom of Hamil
ton were the subject of conversation among the
canons, several of the younger of whom were
attached to him, Alesius refused to condemn him.
He was not yet by any means, as Dr Lorimer
would have it, a Lutheran ; he was not yet pre
pared to separate himself from the old church;
but he saw and mourned over her corruptions,
and longed, and in a quiet way laboured, for the
removal of them, and also yearned for the
revival of a more earnest Christian spirit, and
more correct moral conduct among those over
whom his influence extended. From that day
no one could induce him to express approval of
the proceedings which had been taken against
Hamilton, or to pronounce an unfavourable judg
ment on the articles for which he had been con
demned to death.
This silence brought him under the suspicion
of his more bigoted associates, and gave special
offence to his superior, Prior Patrick Hepburn
(the nephew of Prior John, who had founded
St Leonard's College), a violent, coarse, immoral
young noble, emulous of the debaucheries and
vices, as well as of the cultured hauteur, of the
young French ecclesiastics of rank among whom
his youth had been passed. Knox has given a

Patrick Hepburn. 245
graphic if rather coarse account of the revelries
of this young man and his gay associates, more
in keeping with what we should have expected
from the sons of Tarquin in heathen Rome than
from the elite of the young ecclesiastics of a
primatial Christian city, and under the eye of
an aged archbishop.1 The representation of
Alesius is only the more credible because it is
the more restrained, and the one representation
corroborates the other, and proves to what a low
ebb morality had sunk among the ministers of
the old church in Scotland before it was swept
away. Not only did this bold bad man set at
nought the laws of God and the canons of his
church, and make a boast of doing so among his
boon companions, but even when the archbishop
sought to separate him from his unlawful con
nection, the prior collected his armed retainers,
and would have fought with him had not the
Earl of Rothes and the Abbot of Arbroath, the
primate's hopeful nephew, come between the two
bands and patched up a sort of truce between
their leaders.
The Christian lives and healthful influence of
the younger canons could not but be felt to be a
standing rebuke by their superior, and doubtless
were one main cause why he bore them so deep
a grudge and gave way to such savage outbursts
1 Laing's Knox, i. 40, 41.

246 Alesius.
of temper in his intercourse with them. He is
said to have denounced them, and especially
Alesius, to the aged primate, and probably with
the view of entrapping him into some unguarded
expression of approval of the new opinions, he
got. him appointed to preach the sermon at the
opening of a synod of bishops and priests which
was held at St Andrews probably in the Lent of
the year 1529. Alesius, while carefully avoiding
everything which might give needless offence to
his hearers, thought, to use his own words, that
in such presence, and speaking in the Latin lan
guage, he would not discharge his duty unless he
earnestly exhorted those set in authority over the
churches to the practice of piety, the observance
of good morals, the study of Christian doctrine,
and the pious teaching and governing of their
churches. He confesses that he earnestly in
veighed against immoral priests, but he adds
that as he had said nothing in a disloyal spirit,
or more harshly than the facts warranted, and
had attacked no one by name, the sermon gave
no offence to good men. But his irate and
domineering prior imagined that the sermon was
specially aimed at him, and was intended to hold
him up to the ridicule of the assembled prelates
and clergy. Having already defied the arch
bishop, Hepburn could not brook such a liberty
on the part of one of his own subordinates. An

Assaulted and Imprisoned. 247
opportunity soon occurred to him of paying back
with interest the insult which he imagined had
been done to him.
It so happened that the whole college of
canons resolved, for many and grave reasons, to
lodge a complaint with the king respecting the
harshness and cruelty of their superior. When
this came to Hepburn's ears, he rushed with a
band of armed attendants into the sacred chapter
house where the canons were assembled, and
when admonished by Alesius, who probably pre
sided in the meeting, not in the heat of passion
to be guilty of any foolish prank, he ordered the
speaker to be seized by his armed attendants,
and drawing his sword would have run it through
him had not two of the canons forcibly dragged
him back and turned aside his weapon. The
affrighted and timid canon cast himself at his
superior's feet and entreated him to spare his
life, but in return only received a kick in the
breast which nearly proved fatal to him. When
he had partially recovered from this, and was
being hurried off to prison, another dastardly
attack was made on him, but that was parried
by the prior's own retainers, who saw that he
was beside himself with rage and fury. After
this all the other canons were seized and im
prisoned, but on the remonstrance of certain
noble friends they were ordered to be released

248 Alesius.
by the king, who was then in St Andrews and
was informed of what had taken place.
The king's order was speedily carried out in
regard to all save Alesius ; but he, notwith
standing all remonstrances of friends, was not
only detained in custody, but was even thrust
into a more filthy dungeon, called by the suf
ferer, in one of his treatises, teterrimo specu subtus
terram inter bufones et serpentes,1 and in another
a latrind? or sink, to which I know nothing
at all corresponding in St Andrews save the
underground chamber near the college hall,3 and
the roughly- hewn cavern still subsisting in the
rock to the north of the house at the end of
Castle Street, going down by the southern en
trance by thirty or more somewhat irregular steps
through the rock, and terminating in a small
chamber of rounded or oval form, having an
opening in its roof originally little more than a
foot in diameter, but now considerably enlarged,
and to which on the other side a covered pas
sage from the castle leads down. They might
well abandon hope who entered there, and pos
sibly one at least of its uses was for literally
immuring those who were never again to have
1 [See it so described in the passage quoted, supra, p. 240 n. ]
2 [He calls it a latrind in his ' Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias,'
sign. A v.
3 [Now known as Bishop's Hall.]

His Prison changed. 249
further intercourse with their fellow -men. In
this or some other equally horrible place the
poor canon was confined for eighteen or twenty
days ; and when, after repeated remonstrances
on the part of the king and the magistrates of
the city, the prior was obliged to produce his
victim, he enjoined him strictly on no account
to utter one word about the shameful maltreat
ment to which he had been subjected. Alesius,
however, had suffered too horribly in this place
to let slip the opportunity so unexpectedly pre
sented to him of telling the worst to the friendly
magistrates, and entreating them to save him
from all further risk of a repetition of this bar
barous cruelty. But the magistrates, though
friendly, were easily persuaded that all was now
to go right. As soon, however, as they were
got out of the way under this persuasion, the
prior upbraided the poor canon for having
divulged the whole disgusting truth which he
had enjoined him to conceal, and ordered him
to be again placed in confinement, in which he
was left to languish for nearly a year. But
this confinement was in a less objectionable
place, and apparently within the precincts of
the priory; and when the prior was absent the
canons occasionally had the prisoner brought
out from his ward, and even permitted him, as
in former times, to take a leading part in the

250 Alesius.
services at the altar. On one occasion the
prior, coming back unexpectedly, and seeing
what occurred in his absence, ordered Alesius
at once into confinement, threatening on the
morrow to have him off to the old filthy place
where his life had been so nearly sacrificed
before, and where he was to be entrusted to
the care of a more remorseless jailer.
As soon as their superior left them for the
night the canons, satisfied that all hope of pre
serving the life of their comrade in St Andrews
was at an end, and that if he did not seek
safety by instant flight horrible torments and
certain death awaited him, gathered round him
and urged him to escape. On his expressing
a wish to consult with other friends before taking
a step so serious, they pressed him only the more
urgently to flee and leave the country at once,
as he would certainly be pursued, and, if over
taken, brought back for condign punishment.
The sequel I give in his own unvarnished state
ment, which is to me more touching from its
very simplicity than the highly embellished
rechauffees of D'Aubigne : " Etsi maximo dolore
afliciebar cum cogitarem mihi e patria, qua
nihil dulcius est bene institutis naturis, disce-
dendum esse, tamen, et necessitati, et tot bon-
orum virorum consiliis parendum duxi."1 And
1 Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, sign. A vj.

He escapes by Night. 251
then follows a parting scene only less affecting
than that of St Paul from the disciples on the
seashore at Tyre, and proving that even yet
all good was not extinguished from the hearts
of those under the rule of this vicious prior,
and encouraging the hope, which was after
wards fully realised, that the best of them
would ultimately find a more congenial home
in a new and purified church. Only the
apostle, though in a heathen land, could kneel
down in open day on the seashore to pray with
his friends, and they without challenge could
accompany him to the ship which waited to re
ceive him ; while these men, though living in a
professedly Christian land, had secretly to bring
out their friend from the place of confinement
and comfort him, and then send him away alone
into the thick darkness to pursue his weary
journey under cover of night to that broad firth
which bounds Fifeshire on the north, if haply
he might find on its shores some boat to ferry
him across, or on its bosom some friendly craft
to convey him without loss of time beyond
the reach of his implacable persecutor. " Clam
igitur educunt me domo, instruunt et viatico.
Ita cum lachrymantes inter nos vale dixissemus,
et illi suavissima commemoratione illustrium
virorum et sanctorum qui similiter e patria
tyrannidi cesserunt, maesticiam meam non nihil

252 Alesius.
levassent, media jam nocte in densissimis tene-
bris solus iter ingredior." 1 Sadly he plodded
on his way through the darkness, oppressed
with forebodings, for he knew of no hospitable
retreat in other lands ; he had neither friend
nor acquaintance among foreigners; he could
speak no language but his native tongue and
Latin ; and he had some reason to fear that he
might be classed with those vagabonds who had
been driven out from various Continental states
because of their fanatical opinions, and were
justly suspected even by Protestants in Ger
many. But in the multitude of distracting
thoughts within him he encouraged himself in
the Lord his God and in Christ his Saviour.
Ere morning had well dawned his journey was
completed, and he got safely on shipboard,
where, according to his own account, quidam
homo germanus* — that is, according to some, a
certain man a German ; according to others, a
certain man a kinsman — received him very affec
tionately, and afterwards nursed him with great
kindness during the sea-sickness from which he
suffered throughout the stormy vogage.
On the day following his escape, when the
vessel which sheltered him had already sailed,
there came horsemen to the shore, sent by the
prior from St Andrews, to make search for the
1 Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, sign, a vj. 2 Ibid.

His Dundee Friends. 253
fugitive. When they returned without success to
their master, he is reported to have summoned
before him a certain citizen of Dundee, whom he
suspected to have aided in providing a ship for
the canon. This merchant citizen x took with
him another true-hearted favourer of the Refor
mation, James Scrymgeour, provost of the town ;
and on the former denying that he had given
the assistance which he was accused of doing to
Alesius, and which probably he could deny with
a good conscience, his sons in St Andrews and
Dundee having been too prudent to involve him
in their little plot, the provost spoke out boldly
to the haughty prior, and said : Why make a
work about this ? I, myself, if I had known that
Alexander was preparing to go away, would with
the greatest pleasure have furnished him both
with a ship and with provisions for his voyage,
that he might be put in safety beyond the reach
of your cruelty. Assuredly, had he been my
brother I would long ago have rescued him from
1 No doubt James Wedderburn, merchant at the West Kirk Style
of Dundee, who carried on a large trade with the Continent, and
was known to be friendly to those holding the reformed opinions.
One of his sons was then studying at St Andrews, and probably had
been the means of communication between the canons and Dundee
to secure beforehand a speedy departure for their fugitive friend.
[For many interesting details concerning the sons of this Dundee
merchant, see Dr Mitchell's Wedderburns and their Work, 1867 ;
and also his edition of The Gude and Godlie Ballatis, 1897, pp.
xvii-xxxii, lxxxiii-civ. ]

254 Alesius.
those perils and miseries in which you have
involved him.
Thus Alexander Alesius was driven from his
much-loved native land, destined never to return
to it more, or again to see the friends and rela
tions to whom he was so warmly attached. " Could
any one then have whispered in the ear of the
disconsolate exile that he was on the road to far
more extensive usefulness" and freedom; that he
would gain many friends in foreign lands, and
would not only be spared to labour there for more
than thirty years, but would also be honoured to
be the first to plead by his writings for the free
circulation of the Scriptures in his native Scot
land, and one of the first to help on Cranmer in
England, and Hermann von Wied, the reforming
Archbishop of Cologne, in Germany ; that he
would be privileged to attend, as one of the Pro
testant representatives, many of the most import
ant colloquies of the leaders of the old and the
new church on the Continent, to be the intimate
friend of Luther and Melanchthon, to labour as a
professor of theology in two German universities,
and to live and die in the greatest honour and re
spect among those with whom he laboured, — "how
incredible would it all have seemed to him ! " Yet
it was thus God meant it, and thus He brought it
to pass ; and if there was one among the Scottish
exiles of those times who was less embittered

Driven by the Tempest to Malmo. 255
towards his persecutors than another, or more
ready to yield to them in things indifferent or of
minor importance, if only he could gain their
hearts for Christ and His cause in matters of
highest moment, it was he.
The ship in which Alesius sailed was bound
for France, probably for Dieppe or Rouen, with
which towns the trade of Scotland was carried
on, and where many Scottish merchants resided
or had factors ; but she had not gone far on her
way from port when a violent westerly gale carried
her across the German Ocean, drove her into the
Sound, and made it necessary to get her into the
harbour at Malmo in Scania, in order to refit
her. There, as well as at the French ports
named, there was a community of Scottish mer
chants, probably by this time enjoying the minis
trations of John Gaw or Gall, another St Andrews
alumnus, early won over to the cause of the Refor
mation. The community of Malmo, a year or
two before, had given its adhesion to the same
cause, and its leading ministers, as well as the
Scottish chaplain, were, therefore, prepared to
welcome and treat with all kindness their exiled
co-religionist, as he himself, twenty -five years
after, feelingly narrates.1 After being refitted
1 [In his Introduction (pp. xviii-xx) to Gau's ' Richt Vay to the
Kingdom of Heuine,' Dr Mitchell says : " The treatise ' De
Apostolicis Traditionibus,' in which he [i.e., Alesius] has given an

256 Alesius.
at Malmo, the vessel proceeded on her voyage
to France, where Alesius left, and plodding his
way along the northern coast, visited Belgium,
where he would meet with friendly Scots at
Bruges, and probably also at Antwerp.
He then passed up the Rhine to Cologne,
where, as already suggested, he was favourably
received by the Archbishop, Hermann von Wied,
who afterwards became a friend of the Refor
mation, though at this time, like Alesius him
self, not yet decided altogether to break with
the old church. It is no doubt to this visit he
refers in the following passage of the treatise
from which I have repeatedly quoted: "When
lately at Cologne I conversed familiarly with a
account of his visit, and of the manner in which he was received by
his countrymen and the reforming preachers of Malmo, is one of
the rarest of his minor treatises, and is not to be found in any of
our Scottish libraries, nor in the British Museum, nor even in the
library of the University of Leipsic, in which he was so long an
honoured professor. . . . Neither the name of Gau nor that of
any other of his countrymen then in the city is given by Alesius.
. . . Principal Lorimer has ingeniously conjectured that Gau
may have come out to act as chaplain to his countrymen at Malmo.
And I am inclined to accept the conjecture to a modified extent.
. . . At any rate, we find that before the close of 1533 he was in
Denmark, and had got such an accurate knowledge of the Danish
language that he had translated and published a treatise of consider
able length from Danish into his native Scotch." In the Appendix
to the same Introduction (p. xiv) Dr Mitchell explains that " modem
Danish scholars express doubts whether, in the early part of the 16th
century, any nation, save the German as represented by the Hans-
eatic League, was organised as a distinct community at Malmo."]

Hermann von Wied's Apologue. 257
certain man of the highest learning and authority,
and perceived how deeply he was grieved by the
disturbed state of the church in Germany. I
began to exhort him to interpose his judgment in
certain matters of dispute, because I hoped that
milder views might gain the ascendancy if princes
and people only had such monitors excelling in
learning and authority. When I had argued long
in support of my opinion, heaving a sigh, but mak
ing no formal reply to my arguments, he bade me
listen to an apologue : When the lion, worn out
with old age, could no longer obtain his prey by
hunting, he fell on the device of inviting the
beasts to visit him in his den. There came to him
a bear, a wolf, and a fox. The bear entered first,
and being affably received by the lion, and con
ducted round the den, he was asked how he was
pleased with the' amenity of the place. Being no
courtier, the bear answered bluntly that he could
never stay in such a filthy hole, among heaps of
decaying carcasses. The lion, enraged, chid the
bear for finding fault with the amenity of the
royal den, and tearing him up, cast away his
carcass among the others. The wolf, who had
been standing by, seeing in what danger he was,
thought by artifice to soothe the haughty mind
of the lion. He accordingly approached, was led
round the den, and was asked whether the smell
of the heap of carcasses was unpleasant to him.
R

258 Alesius.
The wolf replied, in a carefully considered speech,
that he had never seen anything more pleasant.
This artifice, however, was of no avail to the wolf.
The lion meted out the same treatment to him as
to the bear, tearing him up for his impudent
flattery. The fox, who had witnessed all this,
and how both the simplicity of the bear and the
flattery of the wolf had given equal offence to the
lion, was in great perplexity what to answer when
it came to his turn. He went forward, however,
and being interrogated as the others had been
whether the smell of the den was disagreeable, he
replied modestly that he could not express any
opinion on the point, as he was labouring under
a cold in the head." Alesius waited to hear from
his host the moral or application of the apologue,
but this was not given by him. He preferred to
leave it to his own good sense, merely counselling
him to be cautious of engaging in such discus
sions for the present. Ultimately, however, both
came to see that there is a time to speak as well
as a time to keep silence ; and it is interesting to
note that to the last both observed similar
moderation in their statements of doctrine, both
evinced the same desire, by conciliation to gain
opponents, rather than to provoke them, notwith
standing all the hard usage they both met with
from their secular and ecclesiastical superiors.
Soon after this Alesius appears to have passed

Befriended by Melanchthon. 259
on from Cologne to Wittenberg, and there for a
time to have resumed the study of theology, as
well as of Greek and Hebrew, under Melanchthon
and the other gifted teachers in that university.
Luther he does not seem to have met for a time,
or to have been acquainted with his writings when
he published his first1 treatises. Melanchthon
cherished a special affection for Alesius and the
Scottish exiles who soon after followed him to
Wittenberg, believing that they were the descend
ants of those Scoti who had sent the early Chris
tian missionaries to Germany, and that it became
him to repay to them the great kindness the
heathen Germans had received from their fore
fathers in the distant past.2
It was while he was thus occupied that Alesius
heard of the cruel edict of the Scottish bishops,
and it hardly admits of doubt that he submitted
to Melanchthon, and got corrected by him, his
little treatise against their decree, forbidding the
New Testament Scriptures to be used by the laity
1 [This sentence is interlined, and the word which seems to be
first is rather indistinct.]
2 In the preceding narrative I have availed myself of the details
which Alesius has given us of his labours and sufferings in his com
mentaries and lesser treatises, and especially in two of the smallest
of them, both published in 1533, the one bearing the title — "Alex-
andri Alesii Epistola contra decretum quoddam Episcoporu in
Scotia, quod prohibet legere Noui Testamenti libros lingua ver-
nacula" ; the other " Alexandri Alesii Scotti Responsio ad Cochlei
Calvmnias. ''

260 Alesius.
in the vernacular. It is a very pithy and forcible
bit of pleading for the right of the Christian laity
to possess and study the Scriptures in their own
tongue. This remarkable treatise struck the true
key-note in the contest it ushered in, and helped
it on to victory — a victory which was substantially
to be gained ere Knox had taken his place among
the combatants on the side of the Reformation
at all.1
To this epistle Cochlaeus replied without loss
of time,2 and ere the year was out Alesius re
joined in that Responsio ad Cochlei calumnias,3
in which he has given so touching an account of
his own maltreatment, so interesting a statement
of his own opinions in matters of faith and church
polity, and so trenchant a reply to the sophistries
and slanders of his opponent.*
1 [The nature of the arguments used by Alesius in this epistle may
be learned from the lengthy extracts quoted in Christopher Ander
son's Annals ofthe English Bible, 1845, "• 43°"437-]
2 [This reply by Cochlaeus, which is dated 6th June 1533, is
entitled: "An Expediat Laicis, legere Noui Testamenti libros
lingua Vernacula? Ad Serenissimvm Scotise Regem Iacobum V.
Disputatio inter Alexandrum Alesium Scotum, & Iohannem Coch-
lseum Germanum. Anno dni M.D. XXXIII." A beautiful copy of
this very rare work was secured at the Laing sale for the library
of the Church of Scotland. There is also a copy in the Signet
Library. A few extracts may be found in Anderson's Annals, ii.
439-441.] 3 [A beautiful copy of this excessively rare tract was also secured
for the Church library at the Laing sale.]
4 [For a translation by Dr Mitchell of that part of the Responsio
which relates to the opinions of Alesius, see Appendix E. ]

Cochlaeus. 26 1
This able and, for the age, singularly temperate
reply made a deep impression in England as well
as in Scotland, and doubtless prepared the way
for that offer of employment there which two
years subsequently was made him by Cranmer,
whom, in his moderation and earnest desire to
avoid a total rupture between the old church and
the new life, he then so much resembled. But
whatever its merits, the disputatious Cochlaeus
— "der gewaffhete mann," as Luther sneeringly
terms him — was determined that his opponent
should not have the last word in the dispute, and
accordingly in August 1534 he published at Leip
sic his Apologia pro Scotiae Regno adversus per-
sonatum Alexandrum Alesium Scotum.1 In this
treatise he repeats the assertion in his previous
one that Melanchthon, not Alesius, was the author
of these epistles. He charges Alesius with put
ting lies into the mouth of a foreigner to the
discredit of his native country, and tells him that
if he had the power he would gladly send him
away to Scotland with his hands tied behind his
back to be ignominiously punished as a traitor
and a public slanderer. His opponent's minute
and temperate narrative of facts appears to have
1 [Dr Mitchell possessed copies of several of the other tracts of
Cochlaeus, as well as of this : " Pro Scotiae Regno Apologia
lohannis Cochlei, adversvs personatum Alexandrum Alesium
Scotum. Ad Sereniss. Scotorii rege. m.d.xxxiiii." It ends :
" Excusum Lipsiae apud Michaelem Blum."]

262 Alesius.
made no impression on him. He is content
magisterially to pronounce it absurd and incred
ible, and inconsistent with itself as well as with
probability. He appears in his ire to forget that
the king of Scots and his subjects were better able
to judge of its truthfulness than he, a foreigner,
could be ; and that after saying all he could for
the bishops and superior clergy in his former
reply, he had been obliged to conclude with the
damaging admission that possibly there were
" bishops and prelates who, neither in sanctity
of life nor in acquaintance with sacred learning,
responded to or satisfied their dignity and office."
The epistles of Cochlaeus, if abusive and less
cogent in reasoning, as well as less relieved by
any sparkle of wit or racy anecdote than those
of Alesius, are certainly written in a more easy
and flowing Latin style, and, in that respect at
least, the Scottish prelates had no reason to be
ashamed of the champion who had volunteered
his services in their cause. Nor were they want
ing in those more substantial expressions of their
satisfaction which Cochlaeus, like most of the
controversialists of his time, evidently coveted.
The Archbishops of St Andrews and Glasgow
testified their gratitude for his services by send
ing him liberal presents. The king wrote him
a letter, a contemporary transcript of which is
still extant, and also, as is stated by Cochlaeus

Effect of his Treatises. 263
himself in a letter to a Polish archbishop, sent
him some more material tokens of his regard.1
And even the messenger who had brought over
the copies of his first epistle received, as it now
appears, a present of fifty pounds Scots.2 Alesius,
though in quite another way, did not lack his
reward, and it came in the way which he valued
most — the treatises he had written, to a certain
extent at least, got into circulation both in Scot
land and in England. They cheered the hearts
of the faithful under all the terrible trials to
which they were subjected in the later years of
James's reign, when he seems to have abandoned
his former kindliness, and surrendered himself in
a great measure to the priests and to vicious
indulgences. They carried conviction to the
minds of many, and gradually ripened opinion
1 [Alesius says : "I was at Antwerp whan a contryman of myne,
whose name was John Foster, did send a somme of mony unto
Cochleus by a marchant from the Bisshop of S. Andrews, which
geveth him yerely so long as he liveth a certen stipend. And it
chanced by the goodnes of God, wherby He discloseth the
wickednes of these hipocytes (sic), that a pistle of Cochleus which
he sent unto a certen bisshop of Pole came unto my handes, wherin
he complayneth that he hath gret losse and evel fortune in setting
forth of bokes, for as moch as no man wil wetesaue to rede his
bokes. And he beggeth a yerely stipend of the bisshops of Pole,
saing that he hath bene nobly rewarded of the King of Scottys and
of the Archbisshop of S. Andrews and of the Bisshop of Glasguo "
(' Of the Auctorite of the Word of God ').]
2 [From the Treasurer's Accounts, as quoted by M'Crie, it ap
pears that the servant who brought over his book received £10
(M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 321 n.).]

264 Alesius.
to demand the right to do publicly what many
had learned to do secretly — to study the Word
of God, and especially the New Testament, in
their native tongue. This right was authorised
by an Act of the Scottish Parliament passed in
I543>1 when Cardinal Betoun was in disgrace,
and the Archbishop of Glasgow was left alone
to protest against it. This Act was the first real
victory of the reformed party in Scotland, and
it was mainly due to the able and temperate
pleading of Alesius that this great boon, or indeed
I may say this indefeasible right of Christian lay
men, was granted. The same subject had been
reverted to by him in his more elaborate treatise,
De authoritate Verbi Dei, which was published in
1542 in Latin, and some time after was translated
into English.2
One other episode in this controversy remains
still to be adverted to. This is the intervention
of the great humanist, Erasmus, — an incident
in his history on which his biographers with
one consent have observed a judicious silence.
Nevertheless, the fact is as undoubted as melan-
1 [15th March 1542-43 (Acts of Parliament, ii. 415).]
2 [The title is : " De Avthoritate Verbi Dei Liber Alexandri
Alesij, contra Episcopum Lundensem. An. m.d.xlii." The preface
is dated: " Francfordiae ad Oderam. Calend. Maijs. an. Domini
M.D. xl." The colophon is : " Argentorati apvd Cratonem Mylivm
an. m.d.xlii. mense Septembri." The translation, which is in
black-letter, bears no date, place, or printer's name. For a copy
of its title, see infra, p. 268 n.]

Erasmus intervenes. 265
choly that he — who had done so much to promote
the freer circulation and profounder study of the
Greek original of the New Testament, and had
even ventured, under the patronage of Pope
Leo X., to bring out a Latin version of the
New Testament more true to the original than
the Vulgate version, that those who knew only
Latin might understand more fully the meaning
of the original — in his old age, when irritated by
the course of events, and by his controversies
with Luther, consented to recommend this scur
rilous pamphleteer to his friends in Scotland.
His own letter is not now extant, or, if extant,
is not at present accessible ; but the answer sent
to him by the Scottish king has been preserved,
like his letter to Cochlaeus, among the MSS. in
the British Museum. It is sufficient to prove
the fact that Erasmus did intervene, and com
mend to his Scottish friends a writer who repre
sents Luther's translation of the New Testament,
which more than any other book has made Ger
many what it is, as the " pabulum mortis, fomes
peccati, velamen malitiae, praetextus falsae liber-
tatis, inobedientiae praesidium, disciplinae cor-
ruptio, morum depravatio, concordiae dissipatio
. . . vitiorum scaturigo . . . rebellionis in-
cendium . . . charitatis peremptio . . . veri-
tatis perduellio."
In 1535 Alesius, having received encourage-

266 Alesius.
ment from the agents of the English king then
negotiating an alliance with the Protestant
princes of Germany, came over to England with
a letter of recommendation from Melanchthon.1
He was favourably received by Archbishop
Cranmer, by Crumwell the Vicar- General, and
by the king himself, who appointed him king's
scholar, and instructed Crumwell, as Chancellor
of the University of Cambridge, to give him a
place as a reader in divinity there. He accord
ingly went into residence in Queen's College,
the same college which shortly before had been
the home of Erasmus while lecturing in the
university on Greek, and towards the end of
the year he began a course of lectures on the
Hebrew Psalter. He is supposed to have been
the first who delivered lectures in Cambridge on
the Hebrew Scriptures, but he was not suffered
to do it long in peace. It could not be concealed
that he was a favourer of the new opinions and a
friend of Melanchthon, and that he had, in fact,
been recommended by him to the king and the
chancellor of the university. By the time he had
entered on the exposition of Psalm viii. he was
challenged by one of the champions of the old
learning to a public disputation, and courage-
1 [Alesius says that he was the bearer of the Loci Theologici,
which he had persuaded Melanchthon to dedicate to Henry VIII.
(Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 525).]

A t Cambridge and London. z6y
ously accepted the challenge ; but when the day
appointed for the discussion arrived, his opponent
did not venture to meet him in open fight. He
preferred to plot against him in secret, and to
foment tumult among the scholars, till Alesius,
finding that his life was in danger, and that he
could not count on the protection of the uni
versity authorities, deemed it his duty to leave
Cambridge and return to London.1
For the next three years he remained there,
supporting himself chiefly by the practice of
medicine, which he studied under a London
physician of note. He occasionally, however,
gave assistance to his reforming friends in the
varying fortunes of these unquiet times. He
did so notably in a convocation or a meeting of
the superior clergy in 1536 or 1537, 2 being put
1 [He was in London during the time of the trial and execution
of Anne Boleyn. He sent Elizabeth an account of a dream or
vision which he then had. See Appendix F.]
2 [There is " great uncertainty " as to whether this meeting
took place in 1536 or 1537 (Hardwick's Reformation, 1883,
p. 182 n.). The year 1537 is given by Alesius in his 'De Avthor-
itate Verbi Dei ' (p. 18), and is repeated in the translation. In the
latter it is said : "Contrary to all my expectacion I chanced to fall
agayn into such a disputacyon as I was in before, and in maner with
like adversarys. . . . Unto this disputacion I came sodenly unpre
pared, for as I did mete bi chance in the streate the right excellent
Lord Crumwel going unto the Parlament Howse in the yeare 1537,
he whan he sawe me called me unto him, and toke me with him to
the Parlament House to Westmyster (sic), where we fownd all the
bisshops gathered together."]

268 Alesius.
forward by Cranmer and Crumwell as the chief
spokesman on the reforming side, the opinions of
which he defended with considerable force and
ability, so far as the notes of the debates pre
served by Foxe in his ' Acts and Monuments '
enable us to judge.1 His appearance on this
occasion brought him into sharp collision with
Stokesley, Bishop of London. On the other
hand, it secured for him the warm friendship of
Cranmer and Latimer, towards both of whom he
continued to the last to cherish a deep affection,
and of whose martyrdom he spoke with so much
grief when he published his Commentary on the
First Book of Psalms. While in England, as
Thomasius tells us, he married an English
lady, by name Catherine de Mayn ; and when
Henry VIII. once more veered round to his
1 Cattley's Foxe, v. 381-384. [The whole of this account, as
Cattley points out, is taken by Foxe almost verbatim from a state
ment made by Alesius himself in his rare tract entitled, Of
the Auctorite of the Word of God agaynst the Bisshop of London,
wherein are conteyned certen disputacyons had in the Parlajnent
Howse betwene the Bisshops, abowt the nomber of the Sacraments,
and other things very necessary to be hnown : made by Alexander
Alane Scot and sent to the Duke of Saxon. Christopher Anderson
says that this translation of the tract De Authoritate Verbi Dei Liber
was made by Edmund Allen. So completely had the original
name of Alesius dropped out of knowledge that Anderson actually
charges the printer with committing " a strange blunder in the title."
Believing that Ales was the real name of Alesius, he thought
that the printer had divided the name of the author between the
author and the translator ('Annals of the English Bible,' ii.
479 n.).]

Returns to the Continent. 269
former moorings, and passed the bloody statute
of the six articles, insisting inter alia on the
doctrine of Transubstantiation and the celibacy
of the clergy, Alesius, like several other married
priests, had to consult his safety and that of his
family by a hurried retreat to the Continent.1
Among those who had to leave England about
the same time were John M'Alpine 2 and John Fyffe
— or, as they were henceforth to be surnamed by
Melanchthon, Joannes Macchabaeus and Joannes
Fidelis — both, like Alesius himself, Scotsmen, the
former having been prior of the Dominican mon
astery at Perth, and the latter an alumnus and
teacher in St Leonard's College. They had,
along with several other known favourers of the
Reformation, been obliged to leave Scotland at
an earlier period, and after finding a tempo
rary shelter in England, apparently at Salisbury,
under the protection of Bishop Shaxton, who was
then a favourer of the reformed opinions, were,
like Alesius himself, to find their ultimate home
and special work on the Continent — the one in
the University of Copenhagen, the other in the
University of Frankfort on the Oder. They seem
to have gone first to Wittenberg, and while the
others for a time resumed their studies there,
Alesius almost immediately on his return was
1 [For the circumstances ofhis departure, see Appendix G.]
2 [For M'Alpine, see Gau's Richt Vay, Introd., p. xii.]

270 Alesius.
selected by Melanchthon to accompany him to
the colloquy at Worms, and then to that at
Regensburg, which were attended not only by
the Lutheran and the Catholic theologians, but
also by Bucer, Calvin, and other reforming divines
of Strassburg. So it came about that Alesius,
who had suffered exile in the cause of the Refor
mation in Scotland, and still had striven to pro
mote it, was probably the first of our countrymen
to be brought into contact with Calvin, who was
ultimately to exercise so marked an influence on
the form and mode of that Reformation, and who
too was then an exile both from his native land
and from the scene of his earlier labours. To
the last Alesius seems to have been the one of
his pupils to whom the gentle and timid Melanch
thon most closely clung, and it was by his recom
mendation that in the very year of his return to
the Continent he was promoted to be Professor
of Divinity in the University of Frankfort on the
Oder. And it is something of which a Scotchman
and a St Andrean may be proud, that the uni
versity of that little principality of Brandenburg,
which has since expanded into the great kingdom
of Prussia, was indebted for two of its first Pro
testant professors of divinity to Scotland and to
St Andrews.
His stay at Frankfort, however, was but short,
a controversy having arisen between him and one

Leaves Frankfort for Leipsic. 271
of his colleagues about the propriety of attaching
civil punishments to adultery and other offences
against the seventh commandment. In 1542, or
early in 1543, he resigned his professorship, and
transferred his family to Leipsic. Melanchthon,
who, though concurring in his opinions, blamed
his hasty resignation, yet exerted himself to
procure an appointment for him in the great
Saxon university ; so also did Ludovicus Fachsius,
at once the Burgomaster and the head of the
Faculty of Law, of whose kindness he makes
special mention in the dedication to his sons of
his edition of Melanchthon's Catechism, which
he had used when superintending their religious
instruction.1 The remaining twenty-one years of his life were
spent busily and usefully in this famous university,
1 "I owe much," he says, "to your father, who received me
most hospitably at my first coming hither, and, in name of Duke
Maurice (now Elector of Saxony), invited me to give my services to
this famous university, and retained me here some years after, when
I was called elsewhere'' (i.e., probably Konigsberg), "promising me
the favour and grace of the most illustrious prince elector. Finally,
after the war, he encouraged me, then hesitating, to write to the
elector to beg the restitution of my books and other effects, which
I had lost at the time of the siege of this city, kindly offering his
best services in rendering my supplicatory letter to the prince, by
which, however, he only succeeded in securing that the elector,
when departing from his own dominions to attend the imperial
diet, should give instructions on the matter to his counsellors
whom he had left at home, and should deliver to be sent on to me
a letter full of kindness through Damianus Sybothendorff, secretary
to his highness."

272 Alesius.
though he suffered somewhat severely during the
Schmalkaldic war and the seige of Leipsic. It
was there that most of his theological treatises
were elaborated and published. He was twice
at least chosen Rector of the university — viz., in
1555 and in 1561.1 In 1542, as already stated,
he published in Latin the arguments he had
used in his disputation with Stokesley, Bishop
of London, on the authority of the Word of God,
and against the doctrine of the seven sacraments,
both confirming his former arguments as to the
rights of the Christian laity, and maintaining the
supremacy of Scripture over tradition. He had
previously published his inaugural dissertation in
the University of Frankfort, ' De restituendis
scholis,' in which he advocated at length the
great need for university training for the ministers
of the protestant churches, and gave a detailed
account of his own opinions, which he affirmed
were then in full accord with those of the
Lutheran churches. In 1543, probably before he
was fully settled at Leipsic, it is said that on
1 On the former of which occasions he inscribed the following
paragraph in the matriculation book of the university : " Anno
mdlv, die 23 Aprilis, qui Divo Georgio sacer est, et quo existimo
me natum esse, supputatis retro lv annis, ego Alexander Alesius,
gente Scotus, Patrik Edinburgensis, atavis consulibus, qui duobus
regibus, Jacobo Quinto, et Henrico Octavo, et quatuor electoribus,
Johanni Friderico, Mauricio et Augusto, Ducibus Saxoniae, et
Joachimo Electori Brandeburgensi inservivi, invitus suscepi offi-
cium rectoris universitatis scholae in inclyta urbe LipsiS."

The Perth Martyrs. 273
hearing the news of the favourable change which
had taken place in Scotland on the death of
James V. and the accession of Arran to the
regency, he, like many other Scottish exiles, had
serious thoughts of returning home, and availing
himself to the uttermost of this unexpected oppor
tunity which seemed to be opening for carrying
forward the work of the Reformation in the land
which was still dear to him. But before he had
fully made up his mind to follow this course,
he fortunately heard that the fickle regent had
already begun to change his policy, and that
though the privilege of freely reading the Scrip
tures in the vernacular, for which he had so
earnestly contended, was legally secured, the
triumph of the Reformation was by no means
so near at hand as at first he had been led to
suppose. Shortly after this, roused by the tid
ings of fresh persecutions which had reached him
from Scotland, and especially by the account
of the cruel executions of the humble martyrs
of Perth by the cardinal and his party on St
Paul's day, 1543-44, Alesius on 23rd April wrote
to Melanchthon in the following terms : —
" Three days ago there were here several
countrymen of mine, who declare that the
cardinal rules all things at his pleasure in
Scotland, and governs the governor himself.
In the town of St Johnston he hung up four
s

274 Alesius.
respectable citizens, for no other cause than
because they had requested a monk, in the
middle of his sermon, not to depart in his
doctrine from the sacred text, and not to mix
up notions of his own with the words of Christ.
Along with these a most respectable matron,
carrying a sucking child in her arms, was haled
before the tribunal and condemned to death by
drowning. They report that the constancy of
the woman was such that, when her husband
was led to the scaffold and mounted the ladder,
she followed and mounted along with him, and
entreated to be allowed to hang from the same
beam. She encouraged him to be of good
cheer, for in a few hours, said she, I shall
be with Christ along with you. They declare
also that the governor was inclined to liberate
them, but that the cardinal suborned the nobles
to threaten that they would leave him if the
condemned were not put to death. When the
cardinal arrived with his army at Dundee,
from which the monks had been expelled, all
the citizens took to flight; and when he saw
the town quite deserted he laughed, and re
marked that he had expected to find it full of
Lutherans." 1
1 Lorimer's Scottish Reformation, i860, pp. 112, 113. [The
Perth martyrs are noticed above, pp. 53, 54. See also Laing's
Knox, i. 117, 118, 523-526.]

He pleads for National Union. 275
Before the expiry of that year Alesius addressed
to the chief nobles, prelates, barons, and to
the whole people of Scotland, his Cohortatio
ad concordiam pietatis ac doctrinae Christianae
defensionem. This piece, Dr Lorimer tells us,
"is instinct throughout with the spirit of true
Christian patriotism, as well as with genuine
evangelical earnestness and fervour. Lamenting
the distractions of the kingdom by opposing
political factions — the French faction and the
English — he [like the author of the Complaynt
of Scotland a few years later] implores his
countrymen to lay aside these divisions, and
demonstrates by many examples from classical
history the dangers of national disunion, and
the duty of patriotic concord in defence of the
safety and honour of their common country.
His expostulations against the oppression and
cruelty of the bishops, and his allusions to the
martyrs who had suffered in the cause of truth,
are full of interest ; and his digression, in par
ticular, upon the character and martyrdom of
Patrick Hamilton, is a noble burst of eloquence
and pathos. When he exhorts to national
union he means union in the truth — union in
the one great work of purifying religion and
reforming the corruptions of the church of God.
What urgent need there was of such a work
he demonstrates at much length, and with

276 Alesius.
great freedom and faithfulness. Unless the
church of Christ be reformed it must perish
from the earth, and those are its worst
enemies, not its real friends, who oppose
such indispensable reform." 1 " Everywhere,"
he says, " we see the church driven forward
to such reform. Ask even those who are most
solicitous for its welfare, and they will tell you
that the church can no longer be safe or free
from troubles unless it be strengthened by the
removal of abuses. If this, then, is a measure
of absolute necessity unless we would see the
whole church go to ruin; if all men confess
that this should be done, if facts themselves
call with a loud voice that some care should
be taken to relieve the labouring [bark of the]
church, to purify her depraved doctrine, and
to reform her whole administration, — why, I
demand, are those maligned and vilified who
discover and point out the church's faults and
failings ? The proper remedies could not pos
sibly have been applied till the disease was
known ; and yet the men who point it out,
warn of its virulence and danger, and wish to
alleviate or entirely remove it, are hated and
1 Lorimer's Scottish Reformation, i860, pp. 115, 116. [The
quotations from the Cohortatio which follow agree substantially
with those given by Dr Lorimer, but many of the variations in
the phraseology show that Dr Mitchell had the original as well
as Lorimer's translation before him when he wrote.]

He repels the Cry of Innovation. 277
persecuted as much as if they had been them
selves the cause of all." With equal vigour he
repels the cry of innovation raised against the
reformers and their teaching. Their work was
rather an honest attempt at restoration. What
they sought, he said, "was just such a change
as would take place in the manners of an age
if the gravity, modesty, and frugality of ancient
times were to take the place of levity, lewdness,
luxury, and other vices. Such a change might
be termed the introduction of what was novel,
but in fact it was only the reintroduction of
what was old and primitive. Let us," he ex
claims, " have innovation everywhere if only we
can get the true for the false, seriousness for
levity, and solid realities for empty dreams."
" It is no new doctrine we bring, but the most
ancient, nay rather the eternal truth, for it
proclaims that Jesus Christ, the Son of God,
came into the world to save sinners, and that
we are saved by faith in Him. Of Him even
Moses wrote, and to Him give all the prophets
witness, that whosoever believeth in Him shall
receive remission of sins. This is the old doc
trine which runs through all the ages. Those
which are really new are the doctrines which
have obscured or contaminated it, brought in
by those entrusted with the care of the vine
yard of the Lord, and who, like the keepers

278 Alesius.
of the vineyard in the Gospel parable, have
maltreated and slain many of the Lord's
messengers." This was the last service, so far as we know,
which Alesius was able to render to the cause
of the Reformation in his native land, and it did
not fail in due time to produce abundant and
lasting fruit. As Major before him, so Knox after
him, strenuously contended for union of Scots
men among themselves ; and after that, but only
after that, for a league with England rather
than with France. They laboured, and others
entered into their labours, and, proceeding on the
same lines on which they had worked, at last
brought the conflict to a triumphant issue. Tid
ings of their success filled Alesius with joy in the
land of his exile. Even these, however, failed in
his old age to tempt him back to the home of his
youth, or the scene of those early struggles which
were so deeply engraven on his memory and
heart. And, so far as we know, he received no
call to return from those who were then at the
head of affairs in Scotland, though unquestionably
he was more deeply read in theology than any
one of them, and though, as unquestionably, the
faculty of divinity was for several years but
poorly supplied in the universities of Scotland,
and preachers of ability, culture, and learning
were very rare in the land.

Appreciation of his Services. 279
His life, especially after the close of the Schmal-
kaldic war, seems to have passed tranquilly and
happily at the great Lutheran University of Leip
sic. He was loved and honoured by his col
leagues and by his prince, and, as I have already
hinted, he was the bosom friend and unremitting
correspondent of Melanchthon. As his services
had been called into requisition by the Preceptor
Germanise at the colloquies of Worms and Re-
gensburg, so were they sought and got at the
colloquy of Saxon theologians for the preparation
of the Leipsic Interim in 1548, at that of Naum-
burg in 1554, at that of Nuremberg in 1555, and
that of Dresden in 1561. " In all these " — the
Leipsic professor, who on the occasion of the first
centenary of his second rectorship pronounced
an oration on him, affirms that — " he so conducted
himself that no one could charge him with want
of perseverance in building up the truth, or of
judiciousness in examining the errors of others,
or of faithfulness and dexterity in the counsels he
gave." M'Kenzie, who has inserted a sketch of
his career in his ' Lives of Eminent Scotsmen,'
assures us that in the conference of Naumburg
he acquitted himself to the admiration of the
whole assembly, for which he is highly com
mended by Camerarius in his ' Life of Melanch
thon ' ; and further, that in the year 1555 the
disciples of Andrew Osiander having raised great

280 Alesius.
dissensions in the city of Nuremberg respecting
the doctrine of justification, Melanchthon made
choice of Alesius as the fittest person to appease
them by his wisdom and learning, and that his
management answered Melanchthon's expecta
tions, though Alesius himself had previously taken
a side in the controversy. In the Majoristic con
troversy, Alesius, like Melanchthon, so far sided
with Major as to maintain against the extreme
Lutherans the necessity of good works, not to
justification, but to final salvation ; and in 1560
he seems to have discussed this question in one
of his so-called disputationes.
With respect to his private life, we are told by
Thomasius that he had by his English wife one
son, whose name was Caspar, and who died while
still a youth, and had a monument erected by his
father to his memory, bearing the simple inscrip
tion, "Caspari. Filiolo. Alexander. Alesius. Doc
tor. Lugens. Posuit." He had at least two
daughters. One named Christina, Thomasius tells
us, was married to a German bearing the classical
name Marcus Scipio : she outlived her husband,
and died in 1604, in the fifty-ninth, year of her
age. The name of the other daughter does not
seem to have been known to Thomasius, but
as he states that she was given in marriage in
1557, we can have no doubt that she is the
same Anna whose wedding is referred to in a

His Death. 281
letter of Alesius to Melanchthon, recently un
earthed, and inviting him and other friends in
Wittenberg to the wedding.1
Alesius himself died on the 17th March 1565,
and was buried at Leipsic ; but no stone was
raised, or, if raised, now remains, to tell where
his ashes repose. In all probability it was in
his son's grave, in the church of St Paul,
in the city of Leipsic, that his ashes were laid
to rest. The only monuments to his memory
reared at the time and still existing are those
furnished by our own John Johnston — second
master of St Mary's College, and colleague of
Andrew Melville — in his Latin poems on the
Scottish martyrs and confessors, and entitled
Hepi ^re^avcop, and by Beza in his ' Icones.'
Johnston, joining together Macchabaeus and Al
esius, says : —
" Sors eadem exilii nobis, vitaeque laborumque,
Ex quo nos Christi conciliavit amor.
Una salus amborum, unum et commune periclum ;
Pertulimus pariter praestite cuncta Deo.
Dania te coluit Me Lipsia culta docentem.
Audiit, et sacros hausit ab ore sonus." 2
Beza says, " He was a man dear to all the learned,
who would have been a distinguished ornament
of Scotland if that country had recovered the
light of the Gospel at an earlier period ; and who,
1 See Appendix H.
2 M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 462.

282 Alesius.
when rejected by both Scotland and England,
was most eagerly embraced by the evangelical
church of Saxony, and continued to be warmly
cherished and esteemed by her to the day of his
death." The man who was held in such high
esteem by the reforming Archbishops of Cologne
and Canterbury; who was the bosom friend of
Melanchthon ; who was highly thought of by
Luther, and warmly eulogised by Beza and
Johnston, was certainly not one whose memory
his countrymen should willingly let die. He was
unquestionably the most cultured, probably also
the most liberal and conciliatory, of the Scottish
theologians of the sixteenth century. He wels
the first to plead publicly before the authorities
of the nation for the right of every household
and every individual to have access to the Word
of God in the vernacular tongue, and to impress
on parents the sacred duty of sedulously inculcat
ing its teaching on their children, and therefore,
as Christopher Anderson has said, "the man who
struck the first note in giving a tone to that
character," for which his native country has since
been known, and often since commended, as Bible-
loving Scotland. Had his countrymen not so
long lost sight of him, perhaps some stone of
remembrance might have been found to his
memory in Germany; but surely, though he was
so long an exile, the chief memorial of his birth

Deserves a Memorial. 283
and death ought to be in Edinburgh or St
Andrews. " There, in reference to the cause he
advocated, no inappropriate emblem " would be
" a father and his child reading the same
sacred volume ; and, for a motto, in remembrance
of his position at the moment, perhaps his own
memorable quotation of the Athenian, ' Strike,
but hear me.' " 1
1 Anderson's Annals of the EngUsh Bible, 1845, ii. 485. For a
list of the published writings of Alesius see Appendix I.

APPENDIX A (p. 19).
THE PAEDAGOGIUM, OR ST MARY'S COLLEGE,
ST ANDREWS.1
St Mary's College, if in one sense the youngest, is in
another sense the oldest, college within the University. It
occupies the earliest site of the University, and gathers up
into itself not only the old Padagogium, but also a still older
college. In January 1418 . . . a certain Robertus de Monte
Rosarum mortified a site on the south side of South Street,
with the buildings thereon, as a college for the study of
theology and arts. This was the strip of ground on which
the eastern portion of the Library, as well as the new south
wing, now stands, but on which, in the oldest bird's-eye view
of the city, a sort of collegiate building is represented as
standing. That was undoubtedly the College, or Hall, or
" Inns '' of St John, to which repeated reference is made in
the oldest manuscript records of the University. It had
probably a lecture-room, rooms for the students to lodge in,
and a chapel also, dedicated to St John the Evangelist, in
which daily service was maintained, but, so far as we now
know, it was very poorly endowed.
In 1430 Bishop Wardlaw, the illustrious founder of the
University, mortified as a site for a Pcedagogium or common
1 [This is taken from a paper on "St Mary's College," contributed by
Dr Mitchell to the " Student's Handbook to the University of St
Andrews," 1895, pp. 12-15.]

286 Appendix A.
school for the faculty of arts the strip of land and buildings
thereon immediately to the west of St John's College— the
frontage now covered by the western portion of the Library,
the porch of St Mary's College, and the Principal's house.
After the erection and endowment of St Salvator's College
by Bishop Kennedy, and of St Leonard's College by Prior
Hepburn, the attendance on the Padagogium, which was but
slenderly endowed, seems to have fallen off, and the number
of its regents to have been curtailed. Archbishop Alexander
Stewart, the favourite pupil of Erasmus, and one of the most
accomplished of our long line of chancellors, was the first
who formed the purpose of enlarging and endowing Bishop
Wardlaw's foundation, but his life was prematurely brought
to a close on the fatal field of Flodden. His successor,
Andrew Forman, appears to have taken no interest in the
work on which Stewart had set his heart. But James
Betoun, who came next in succession, acted a nobler part.
He brought with him from Glasgow John Major — the one
great schoolman of whom Scotland in the sixteenth century
could boast, who had upheld the reputation of his country in
the University of Paris as an able and successful teacher of
the philosophy and theology of the day. Major and Patrick
Hamilton — the one the representative of the old, the other of
the new learning — were incorporated into the University of
St Andrews on the same day (9th June 1523); and, for at
least two years, the former presided over the Pcedagogium,
and probably lectured both on philosophy and theology. In
1525-26 he returned to Paris, partly that he might publish
there his commentaries on the Gospels, and partly that he
might act again as a teacher in that wider sphere ; but a few
years later, on a vacancy occurring in the principality of St
Salvator's College, he returned to St Andrews, and continued
in that more lucrative charge till his death.
It was mainly in his last years, however, that James Betoun
set himself in right earnest to complete the work which
Archbishop Stewart had begun. At his solicitation Pope
Paul III., on 1 2th February 1537, issued a bull annexing the

The Pcedagogium. 287
teinds of the church of Tannadice, in Forfarshire, and of the
wealthier church of Tyninghame, in East Lothian, to the old
foundation, and erecting it into a privileged college under the
title of the Blessed Mary of the Assumption. In this college,
medicine, law, and theology, as well as arts, were henceforth
to be taught, and the privilege was granted to it of conferring
degrees in all lawful faculties, and of conferring them on
those who had gained their knowledge elsewhere as well as
on those who had studied within the college — in fact, making
it almost a university within the University, and conceding
to it more extensive powers than were conceded to many
universities. His first work was to replace the decaying
buildings of the Pcedagogiwn by others more massive and
commodious. That work was far from finished at the time
of his death, and having been intermitted by his successor
[the cardinal], was only completed by Archbishop Hamilton,
who, with papal sanction, reconstituted the college and added
to its endowments.
Early, however, in 1538, the first staff of teachers entered
on their work as a college organised and equipped "«/
militans Dei ecclesia indies abundet viris litterarum scientid
prceditis," and few institutions through a long and eventful
history have more illustriously fulfilled this object, though in
another sense than its founders meant, and handed on the
torch of sacred learning from generation to generation.
Bannerman, who succeeded Major, had the honour of
reorganising the old institution and starting it on its new
career. Archibald Hay, who came next, was the child of
the Renaissance, and more in earnest about religion than
many of that school ; and, had his life been spared, and the
cardinal given heed to his counsels, the old Church might
have been able to make a better fight for privilege or for life
in the struggle which ensued. John Douglas, his successor,
bridged the passage from the old to the new without any
violent break, probably taking part with Wynram in the
composition of Archbishop Hamilton's Catechism, as he did
afterwards in the preparation of the Reformed Confession of

288 Appendix A.
Faith and the First Book of Discipline. He was a man of
the ancient academic type, content to live in single blessed
ness, to treat his pupils, who also lived in college, with the
familiarity and affection of a father. He had the honour of
training the youthful Andrew Melville, and perhaps it was
with some presentiment of his future eminence that, as he
held the precocious youth between his knees at the college
fire, he fondly said, " My sillie fatherless and motherless
chyld, it is ill to wit what God may mak of thee yit"
God watched over that weakly youth, and prospered his
studies at Paris, Poictiers, and Geneva, so that with a mind
stored with all the learning of his time, he returned to his
native land to complete the reformation of its universiti.es, and
to delight successive generations of students by his stores of
learning and wit, and by his accessibility and generosity. It
was to meet his ideas of what a theological school should
be that the college was set apart "allenarly" for the study
of theology, and furnished with professors of the Old and the
New Testament, who were to "expone" the various books of
Scripture as well as to read them in the original, comparing
the Hebrew of the Old Testament with the Septuagint and
the Chaldee paraphrases, and the Greek of the New Testa
ment with the old Syriac translation, while the principal was
to teach the loci communes or the systematic theology of the
age. The first assistants in the " wark of theology " were
Mr John Robertson, who acted as professor Novi Testamenti,
and his own nephew, James Melville, who taught Hebrew
and the Old Testament, and to whom we owe that graphic
diary which gives us several interesting glimpses of college
life in those early days. To John Robertson succeeded Mr
John Johnston, author of Latin poems in praise of our
reformers and martyrs, and of Latin verses descriptive of
the line of our Scottish kings.
Melville was by no means an illiberal theologian, and
he and Johnston wrote to the Protestant churches of France
urging moderation on them in controversies which were then
being discussed with great bitterness. Both lived with and

Citatio Patricii Hamilton. 289
for their pupils, and secured in an unusual degree their
reverence and affection. Both ultimately lost the favour of
the king ; and Melville, after being cruelly used in London,
had to spend his declining years in the French Protestant
University of Sedan.

APPENDIX B (p. 30).
CITATIO PATRICII HAMILTON
E FORMULARI VETERE ANDREANO.
Citatio super suspecto de heresi ad faciendum purgationem
alias ad videndum \ipsum\ hereticwn declarari.
Jacobus etc., Decano Christianitatis nostre de L[audonia]
Universisque et singulis aliis Dominis rectoribus, vicariis
perpetuis, capellanis curatis et non curatis per provinciam
nostram S[ti Andree] ubilibet constitutis, Illique vel illis ad
quern vel ad quos presentes litere pervenerint, Salutem cum
benedictione divina : Quia per fidelem inquisitionem aliter
de mandato nostro legitime receptam compertum extitit
quendam Magistrum P[atricium] H[amilton] de heresi mul-
tiplici suspectum, quem citandum et desuper accusandum
antea decrevimus, sed medio tempore relicta patria ad alia
et extera se transtulit loca, nuper autem vagante fama ad
aures nostras clamorosa insinuatione pervenit Ipsum nuper-
rime in patriam reversum et quod primo statim adventu
non debite missus nee prerogativis aut privilegiis debitis
munitus, sed propria auctoritate et temeraria presumptione,
predicationis officium de heresi ei designata acceptare ausus
est, et suas hereticas pravitates et perversas Martini Lutheri
heretici alias ab ecclesia damnati et suorum fautorum ac
sequacium opiniones promulgare, docens seminansve et
pertinaciter afifirmans, ac populum Christianum de eisdem
T

290 Appendix B.
instruere non erubescit, indeque simplices et illiteratos
hujus regni Christi fideles qui in se et progenitoribus per
tanta temporis curricula, spatio viz. mille et trecentorum
annorum et ultra in ecclesia Dei constantissime militaverunt,
a vera nostri orthodoxi fide et catholica ecclesia seducere,
et quantum in eo est pervertere nititur et proponit, dicendo
predicando et temerario ausu inter alia palam et publice
affirmando : —
Legibus, canonibus, patrum sanctionibus et decretis,
humanis quoque constitutionibus non esse obtemperandum ;
Claves et censuras ecclesie contempnendas, nee sacramentis
ejusdem fidendum, Templa non esse frequentanda, nee
ymagines adorandas, pro defunctorum animabus non esse
exorandum ; nee decimas Deo et ecclesie solvendas ; pro
bonis operibus nullum fore salutis premium nee pro malis
cruciatum ; Nostros progenitores in ecclesia Dei et ejusdem
sacramentis fidentes in mala et iniqua fide esse mortuos et
in inferno sepultos : —
Aliaque dictu et recitatu saltern inter Christianos et
fideles horrenda et nephanda predicat docet et affirmat in
Dei viventis claviumque ecclesie ac nostre fidei orthodoxe
contemptum, regni et reipublice ejusdem damnum scan-
dalum et, digna Dei ultione, si premissis favere incipiat,
sperandam ruinam, animabusque perpetrantium gravissi-
mum periculum nisi remedio succurratur oportuno : In
quibus omnibus et singulis idem Magister P. communi
voce et fami ex publici et notoria ejusdem predicatione
orta de heresi suspectus reputatur, habetur et divulgatur.
Consilio igitur desuper recepto ipsum citandum et de pre
missis experiendum decrevimus : Quare vobis et vestrum
cuilibet nos precipimus et mandamus, quatenus citetis
legitime dictum Magistrum P. H. primo, secundo, tertio et
peremptorie etc. quod compareat personaliter coram [nobis]
nostrisque consulibus Dfiis Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus,
sacrarum literarum Professoribus, et Religiosis, aliisque
nobis pro tempore assistentibus, in ecclesia nostri Metro-
politani S[ti Andree] regni Scotie primatiali, die N mensis

Citatio Patricii Hamilton. 291
N proxime futuris, hori decima antemeridiana vel eo circa,
ad respondendum nobis ex officio de et super suis per-
tinaciter dictis, affirmatis, predicatis, divulgatis, tends et
disputatis contra nostram orthodoxam fidem et sanctam
ecclesiam catholicam ; et propterea ad videndum et
audiendum ipsum hereticum declarari, et pena condigna
a canonibus propterea lati et imperati puniendum fore et
puniri debere ; superque adherentii et favoribus prestitis
peregrinis opinionibus et pravitatibus dicti Martini Lutheri,
heretici ab ecclesia damnati, et suorum sequacium ; ac aliis
interrogandis similiter reddendis, et tanquam heretice pra-
vitatis fautorem et male de fide sentientem accusandum fore
et accusari ac condempnari debere. Testimonia quoque et
probationes, si necesse fuerit, desuper recipi, jurari, et
admitti ; ac in premissis omnibus et singulis summarie et
de piano sine strepitu et figura judicii prout juris fuerit
procedendum fore et procedi debere ; Vel ad allegandum
causam rationabilem quare premissa fieri non deberent ;
Cum intimatione debita, ut moris est, intimamus eidem
quod sive dictis die et loco comparere curaverit sive non
comparuerit Nos nihilominus in premissis omnibus et
singulis procedere volumus et intendimus justitii mediante ;
Imprimis absentii seu contumacia in aliquo non obstante ;
et ne periculum sit in mora, et ut interim hujus hereses in
hoc regno hucusque ab omni tali labe et heretici peste per
tanta temporis spatia sano, et post Christi Salvatoris sus-
ceptam fidem inviolabiliter preservato, non oriantur nee per
Christi fideles audiantur, vobis omnibus et singulis supra-
dictis, modo et forma premissis precipimus et mandamus,
quatenus auctoritate nostra inhibentes omnibus et singulis
Christi fidelibus cujuscunque dignitatis, status, gradus,
ordinis aut conditionis existant, ne dicto Magistro P. sic
ut premittitur, de heresi suspecto, favorem, assistentiam,
societatem, colloquium seu gratam audientiam praebeant ;
nee in suis temerariis et insolentibus predicationibus dis-
putationibus seu conventiclis publice vel occulte quovis
quesito colore vel ingenio conveniant seu presentiam exhi-

292 Appendix C.
beant ; sed sibi et suis saltern de premissis fautoribus resis-
tere studeant, resistentiamque faciant et procurent ; ab illo
quoque edendo, bibendo aut communicando in premissis
abstineant, donee de heresi et infamia desuper orti
purgetur, et eundem vitent sub peni excommunicationis
majoris ; Quam contrarium facientes incurrere volumus et
decernimus ipso facto. Et quos vos, etc. Datum, etc.

APPENDIX C (p. 46).
CARDINAL BETOUN'S INCONTINENCE.
"While ... he was possessed," Mr M'Bain tells us, "of
eminent qualities, he led, in many respects, anything but a
moral life. His favourite mistress was Marion Ogilvie,
daughter of Sir James, afterwards Lord, Ogilvie of Airlie,
to whom [as Abbot of Arbroath] he granted a liferent lease
of the lands of Burnton of Ethie, and other lands near the
place, for a small sum of money and other causes. This was
on the 22nd of May 1528. On the 20th of July 1530, he
granted her a liferent lease of the Kirkton of St Vigeans,
with the muir-fauld and the toft of St Vigeans, and a piece
of common land lying to the south of the church. On 17th
February 1533-34, she obtained a nineteen years' lease of
the eighth part of the lands of Auchmithie [lying to the
north-east of Ethie], with the brew-house there, and the
lands belonging to it, and on ioth March i534[-35] there
is the record of a feu to her of a piece of land in the
' Sandpots,' for the construction of a toral or ustrina lying
' beyond and near the red wall of the monastery commonly
so called'" (Eminent Arbroathians, 1897, pp. 37, 38). For
these facts Mr M'Bain has the authority of the ' Registrum
de Aberbrothoc,' Bannatyne Club, ii. 482, 500, 519, 521.

Cardinal Betoun 's Incontinence. 293
On p. 482 are the words : " Pro certa summa pecunie et
aliis causis assedat pro toto tempore vite Mariote Ogylwy
subtenentibus coadjutoribus et assignatis," &c. Mr M'Bain
adds : " It is not known by whom Ethie House was built,
but it was [one of the mansions belonging to the abbey and]
a favourite residence of David Beaton and Marion Ogilvie,
his mistress. . . . After Beaton's death a natural daughter
ofhis by Marion Ogilvie laid claim to the furniture in Ethie
House, if not to the house itself. . . . But Ethie was not the
only place in the neighbourhood occupied by David Beaton
and Marion Ogilvie. In 1542 he acquired the barony of
Melgund, and erected the castle in which he and his mistress
and their children resided. The Beaton and the Ogilvie
arms are still to be seen in one of the rooms. The initials
'D.B.' are over one window, and ' M.O.' over the other;
while on the corbal of the stair leading to this room are the
Ogilvie arms, and the initials 'M.O.' . . . David Beaton
settled the property of Melgund on his mistress in liferent,
and on his eldest son David in fee " (Eminent Arbroathians,
PP- 38, 39)-
[According to Dr Joseph Robertson, " Cardinal Beaton
had five bastards " (' Concilia Scotise,' ii. 302). There is
record evidence, however, to show that he had at least
seven. On the 4th of November 1539, three of his sons
were legitimated in the following terms : " Rex dedit literas
Iegitimationis Jacobo Betoun, Alexandro Betoun et Johanni
Betoun, bastardis, filiis naturalibus Davidis archiepiscopis
S. Andree, &c." (Register of Great Seal, iii. No. 2037).
He had also a son David (Ibid., No. 1931), and three
daughters, Elizabeth (Ibid., Nos. 1274, 2330), Margaret, and
Agnes (Ibid., iv. Nos. 1353, 2740; 'Liber Officialis Sancti
Andree,' Abbotsford Club, p. 158).]

294 Appendix D.

APPENDIX D (p. 124).
CONDITIONS on which the use of the Church of the
White Ladies at Frankfort was granted to the
English Exiles.
" Nun war bey Ankunft der Engellander eine Kirche in
Frankfurt, die einigen franzosischen Protestanten zum
Gebrauch eingeraumt war, welche nun auch zum Behuf
der Engellander in Vorschlag gebracht, und am 14 Julii
ihnen wirklich angewiesen wurde. Doch machte der Rath
gewisse Ordnungen, und suchte die Sache also einzurichten,
das allerlei Disputen, die etwa entstehen mogten, der Weg
verlaget wurde. Die vornehmsten waren diese : (a) dass
die Engellander und Franzosen einerley Lehre und Cere-
monien fuhren sollten ; Daher sollten jene (b) der Franzosen
Glaubensbekantniss, das diese N.B. dem Rath iiberreichet
hatten, unterschreiben. (c) Liessen sich die Engellander
gefallen, dass das Volk bey dem gemeinen Gebet das
Amen nicht mehr laut sagen sollte, wie sonst in der Kirche
von Engelland iiblich ist. (d) Dass die Prediger das weisse
Chorhemde, nebst vielen andern in Engelland eingefiihrten
Ceremonien abschaffen sollten, als welche den Einwohnern,
die solcher Dinge ungewohnt waren, einstossig seyn konnten.
Und was der gleichen Umstande mehr waren, welche die
Engellander, um desto eher zum Stande zu kommen, frei-
willig eingiengen." — J. Hildebrand Withof, ' Vertheidigung
der. . . . Nachricht wie es mit V. Pollane erstem Reform-
irten Prediger zu Frankfurt-am-Mayn . . . zugegangen,'
1753, folio.

Theological Opinions of Alesius. 295

APPENDIX E (p. 260).
THE THEOLOGICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS
OF ALESIUS.
{From the ' Responsio ad Cochlei Calvmnias!)
" With all his scribbling, he [i.e., Cochlaeus] has never yet,
so far as I know, disclosed what are his own opinions about
Christian doctrine ; and therefore his empty and scurrilous
treatises miss their mark, and are justly held in derision by
learned men. . . . But I, renowned monarch, that you may
know that my alliance is with the Church of Christ and not
with any other factions, do not refuse before you and other
good men to give a simple and clear account of my faith as
I formerly wrote to you, for I believe the prophetical and
apostolical Scriptures, and embrace the consensus of the
holy fathers whom the Church approves. I also reverence
the ecclesiastical authority, being, one who, especially in
doubtful matters, will obey and follow its decisions. Does
Cochlaeus ask anything further? I myself will add, I
approve of nothing seditious. With my whole heart and
soul I abhor the ravings of the Anabaptists. No new
doctrine, unsupported by the testimony of the ancient
Church, is acceptable to me. Further still, as I do not
undertake the defence of Luther, so, on the other hand,
I do not approve of all the dreams of the monks which
have been received, not only contrary to the decision of the
Scripture, but also to the authority of the ancient church.
Moreover, I cannot approve of the cruelty which is every
where being practised against those who, following the
judgment of Scripture and of the fathers, reject or censure
any manifest abuse or error that in the course of time may
have crept into the Church. Such is my faith, O Cochlaeus,
use it if you are pleased with it ; if not, show me a better.

296 Appendix E.
If the unjust punishments inflicted on the truly pious afford
you pleasure, you are not only a miserable, but a con
temptible wretch. I neither can nor will ever knowingly
burden or pollute my conscience by approving of these
parricides. I saw in my own country the punishment of
one, born in a most honourable station, and innocent of
any serious crime, Patrick [Hamilton]. I saw burned at
Cologne two men of pious and orthodox sentiments, and
most averse to the fanatical opinions of the Anabaptists.
Nor can I express in words how deeply I was grieved by
these mournful spectacles. And I did not grieve only over
the fate of those who were punished, in whom because, as
the poet says, 'grace shone through their very anguish,'
their singular bravery and constancy brought some allevia
tion to my grief ; but much more did I grieve over the fate
of the Church, which is disordered in many ways, and
likely yet to be more so, by the practice of such cruelty.
Finally, there is no doubt that the State will, in God's
appointed time, have to suffer heaviest punishment for
its guilt in permitting such parricides ; yet I do not im
pugn the laws as to the punishment of heretics, if only-
there is due cognition of each case, and care is taken
that those who are really innocent of perverting the true
Christian faith may not be punished."
Then follows a paragraph of great importance in itself,
and of almost as much from the light it casts on its author's
state of mind, and, perhaps, also on Melanchthon's, at that
particular time : —
" I myself also desire moderation in certain things on the
part of the Lutherans, and reasonableness. To this they
may be recalled if the matters in dispute are duly examined
into. It is the duty of the bishops to do their utmost that
learned men of either side should lovingly confer together
on Christian doctrine, that some one certain form of doctrine,
founded only upon the Word of God and the teaching of
the primitive fathers, should be framed ; and if this were
done, the Church might easily be brought to coalesce again

Dream of Alesius concerning Anne Boleyn. 297
into one body. Nor do I doubt that good men on both
sides are so disposed that they would not only willingly
proffer their opinions, but also yield their individual con
victions if they should hear more weighty reasons from the
other side. For it is tyrannical, and specially unbecoming
in a theologian, to do that which the son reproves in the
tyrant, his father, in the tragedy. He wishes, the son says,
to speak but to hear nothing in reply. At present the good
men who are most desirous to provide some remedy for
public evils keep silence, and secretly bewail the fate of the
Church, not only alarmed by fear of those in power, but
crushed by a sort of despair in this so great madness of
slanderers, who have become so domineering that they
would suffer no one but themselves to gain a hearing."

[APPENDIX F (p. 267).
THE DREAM OR VISION OF ALESIUS CONCERNING
THE DECAPITATION OF ANNE BOLEYN.
I TAKE to witness Christ, who shall judge the quick and the
dead, that 1 am about to speak the truth. On the day upon
which the Queen was beheaded, at sunrise between two and
three o'clock, there was revealed to me (whether I was
asleep or awake I know not) the Queen's neck after her
head had been cut off, and this so plainly that I could count
the nerves, the veins, and the arteries.
Terrified by this dream, or vision, I immediately arose,
and, crossing the river Thames, I came to Lambeth (this is
the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury's palace), and I
entered the garden in which he was walking.
When the archbishop saw me, he inquired why I had
come so early, for the clock had not yet struck four. I

298 Appendix G.
answered that I had been horrified in my sleep, and I told
him the whole occurrence. He continued in silent wonder
for a while, and at length broke out into these words, "Do
not you know what is to happen to-day?" and when I
answered that I had remained at home since the date of
the Queen's imprisonment, and knew nothing of what was
going on, the archbishop then raised his eyes to heaven
and said, " She who has been the Queen of England upon
earth will to-day become a queen in heaven.'' So great was
his grief that he could say nothing more, and then he burst
into tears.
Terrified at this announcement, I return[ed] to London
sorrowing. Although my lodging was not far distant from
the place of execution, yet I could not become an eye
witness to the butchery of such an illustrious lady, and of
the exalted personages who were beheaded along with her.
—(Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 528).]

[APPENDIX G (p. 269).
THE DEPARTURE OF ALESIUS FROM ENGLAND.
As soon as the king [i.e., Henry VIII.] began to hate her
[i.e., Anne Boleyn], laws hostile to the purer doctrine of the
Gospel appeared. When I could not bear these with a
good conscience, nor could my profession allow me to dis
semble them (for I was filling the office of the ordinary
reader in the celebrated University of Cambridge by the
king's orders), I came to the Court, and asked, for my dis
missal by means of Crumwell. But he retained me for
about three years with empty hopes, until it was decreed
and confirmed by law that married priests should be separ
ated from their wives and punished at the king's pleasure.
But before this law was published, the Bishop of Canterbury

The Departure of Alesius from England. 299
sent Lord Pachet [i.e. Paget] from Lambeth to me at London.
. . . He directed me to call upon the archbishop early in
the morning. When I called upon him, " Happy man that
you are," said he, " you can escape ! I wish that I might
do the same ; truly my see would be no hindrance to me.
You must make haste to escape before the island is blocked
up, unless you are willing to sign the decree, as I have,
compelled by fear. I repent of what I have done. And if
I had known that my only punishment would have been
deposition from the archbishopric (as I hear that my Lord
Latimer is deposed), of a truth I would not have subscribed.
I am grieved, however, that you have been deprived of your
salary for three years by Crumwell ; ' that you have no funds
for your travelling expenses, and that I have no ready
money. Nor dare I mention this to my friends, lest the
king should become aware that warning had been given
by me for you to escape, and that I have provided you with
the means of travelling. I give you, however, this ring as
a token of my friendship. It once belonged to Thomas
Wolsey, and it was presented to me by the king when he
gave me the archbishopric."
When I heard what the bishop had to say, I immediately
caused my property to be sold, and I concealed myself in
the house of a German sailor until the ship was ready, in
which I embarked, dressed as a soldier, along with other
German troops, that I might not be detected. When I
had escaped a company of searchers, I wrote to Crumwell
(although he had not behaved well towards me) and warned
him of the danger in which he stood at that time, and about
certain other matters. For this I can vouch the testimony
of John Ales, Gregory, and the Secretary, and Pachet him-
1 [In Crumwell's accounts there are payments of £s to Alesius on
each of the following dates : 4th January 1536-37, 28th March, 28th
May, and 24th October 1537 ; of 10 merks, on 19th February 1537-38 ;
and of £5, on 13th October 1538, to Ric. Morison, which he gave "by
my lord's command" to Alesius (Letters and State Papers, Henry
VIII., vol. xiv. part ii. 328-338).]

300 Appendix H.
self. But Christopher Mount said that Crumwell did not
dare to speak to me when I was going away and soliciting
my dismissal, nor could he venture to give me anything,
lest he should be accused to the king, but that he would
send the sum that he owed me into Germany.1
The next intelligence, however, which I heard of him was
that he had undergone capital punishment by order of the
king ; to whom he had written, when in prison, saying that
he was punished by the just judgment of God, because he
had loved the king more than God ; and that out of deference
to his sovereign he had caused many innocent persons to
be put to death, not sparing your [i.e., Elizabeth's] most
holy mother, nor had he obeyed her directions in promoting
the doctrine of the Gospel. — (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth,
i- 532-534)-]

APPENDIX H (p. 281).
ALESIUS' INVITATION OF MELANCHTHON TO HIS
DAUGHTER'S WEDDING.
NOCKAU, II August 1557.
Alexander Alesius au Melanchthon.
S.D. Quod fcelix faustumque sit. Dilectissima filia mea
Anna, cui nomen in baptismo indidit bonse memorise primo-
genita vestra, desponsata est honesto iuveni Martino Luxso-
lario (nam solem etiam pro insigni habet), doctoris Martini
filio, petente id sua matre per cognatos et affines, et suaden-
tibus communibus amicis nostris. Dictus est autem dies
1 [Alesius arrived at Wittenberg on the 9th of July 1539, and from
thence informed Crumwell that he was encouraged to hope that he
would receive a post in the University there (Letters and State Papers,
Henry VIII., vol. xiv. psurt i. s83. 584>- Melanchthon wrote to the
Elector's chancellor, on the ist of December 1539, recommending him
for the University of Frankfort (Corpus Reformatorum, iii. 842-844).]

The Works of Alesius. 301
nuptiarum ultimus Augusti, circa quod tempus vos ad collo
quium profecturum (sic) spero. Peto igitur reverenter et
amanter, ut una cum honestissima coniuge vestra, genero,
filia ac nepte nuptias vestra praesentia ornare velitis. Ex-
istimo autem magistrum Paulum, amanuensem vestrum, una
ventnrum, sed tamen ut eum cum uxore invitetis meis verbis
ad nuptias oro. Scitis autem summum sacerdotem et ponti-
ficem nostrum filium Dei, qui primos parentes in paradyso
copulavit, et non minore magnificentia quam sapientia et
potencia suam ordinationem contra sophistica et tyrannidem
diaboli et multiplicem ingratitudinem nostram defendit, ut
totam actionem, ita etiam invitacionem hospitum et com
munia ofificia sua presentia et primo miraculo compro-
basse[t] ac monstrasse[t], quantum dilectetur {sic) istis con-
gressibus. Nos autem parentes et amici, sponsi et sponsae,
una cum eis, pro hoc officio et molestia profectionis grati-
tudinem pollicemur per omnem occasionem.
Ex pago Nockau postridie Laurentii 1557.
Alexander Alesius.
Adresse : Clarissimo et ornatissimo viro d. Philippo Mel-
anchthoni, suo prseceptori carissimo.

APPENDIX I (p. 283).
THE WORKS OF ALESIUS.
The following is a list of the published writings of Alesius,
so far as I have been able to trace them :—
1. Epistola contra decretum quoddam Episcoporum in
Scotia, 1533. [For a full copy of the title see p. 259 n.
No place, date, or printer's name is given on the title-page.
This small 8vo consists of only 14 leaves. It begins :
' Inclyto Regis Scotorum D. Iacobo Quinto Duci Albania;,

302 Appendix I.
Principi Hiberniae & Orchadum Domino suo clementissimo
Allexander Alesius S. D." At the end there is the date,
"Anno. M.D.XXXIII." In Cooper's 'Athenae Cantabrigi-
enses' (i. 239), 1542 and 1543 are given as the dates of other
two editions.]
2. Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, 1533. [The full title
is : " Alexandri Alesii Scotti Responsio ad Cochlei Calvm-
nias." No place, date, or printer's name is given.]
3. Oratio de Gratitudine et Restituendis Scholis. Lipsias (?),
1 541. [In the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,' the 'Oratio de
Gratitudine ' and the ' De Restituendis Scholis ' are entered
as separate works published in Leipsic in 1 541. They may,
however, have been also issued as one. In the 'Corpus
Reformatorum,' xi. 251-257, is printed the "Oratio de Grati
tudine M. Alexandri Alesii Scoti, Decani, in promotione
Magistrorum anno M.D.XXXIV." The full title of the other
is : " De Restitvendis Scholis Oratio habita ab Alexdro
(sic) Alesio, in celebri Academia Fracofordiana ad Oderam.
An. M.D.XL. Mense Iunio. Francofordiae apud Ioannem
Hanaw." The dedication ends : " Francofordiae ad Oderam
caledis Iunij. An. M.D.XL." There are only 19 leaves in
this small tract.]
4. De Auctore et Utilitate Psalmorum. 1542.
5. De Auctoritate Verbi Dei contra Episcopum Lunden-
sem. 1542. [Seep. 264 n.]
6. Of the Auctorite of the Word of God agaynst the
Bisshop of London. [For a full copy of the tide, see p. 268
n. This small 8vo black-letter tract of 46 leaves bears no
place, date, or printer's name. In the British Museum
Catal., Leipsic is given as the probable place of printing,
and 1537 as the supposed date. Perhaps the date has been
inferred from the opening sentence of the tract : " Abowt
V yere agone I wrote to the noble king of Scottys the father
of my contry complanning of a certen proclamacyon wherin
the bisshops had forbidden the Holy Scripture to be redd in
the mother tong." It is rather curious that in the Latin
version this sentence runs thus : " Ante biennium scripsi

The Works of Alesius. 303
inclyto regi Scotorum patri meas patriae, et questus sum de
edicto quodam, quo episcopi prohibebant lectionem sacrorum
librorum lingua patria."]
7. Cohortatio ad concordiam pietatis ac doctrina; Chris
tianae defensionem. Lipsiae, 1544.
8. [De Argvmento Epistolae ad Romanos Dispvtatio
prima, pvblice proposita in celebri Academia Lipsensi, et in
ordinaria dispvtatione defensa, praesidente Alexandra Alesio,
sacrae theologiae doctore. Lipsiae in officina Valenttini
Papae. anno m.d.XLVII. This small 8vo tract of 8 leaves
is printed in italics.]
9. Ordo Distributionis Sacramenti Altaris in Regno
Anglia?. 1548. [This is a translation of 'The Order of
the Communion,' which has been re-printed for the Parker
Society in 'The Two Liturgies of Edward VI. ' In the
British Museum Catal., it is mentioned that the transla
tor's address to the reader is signed : ' A. A. S. D. Th.' — i.e.,
"Alexander Alesius, Scotus, Doctor Theologiae." See also
Coverdale's Remains, Parker Society, p. 525 n.]
10. Epitome Catechismi D. P. Melanchthonis cui addita
est expositio symboli et Orationis Dominicae. 1550.
11. Commentarius in Epistolam Primam Si Pauli ad
Timotheum. Lipsiae, 1550.
12. Commentarius in Epistolam Secundam Si Pauli ad
Timotheum. Lipsias, 1551. [The exact title of this is:
" In Alteram ad Timotheum Expositio. Avtore Alexandre
Alesio. D. Lipsiae, excvdebat Georgivs Hantzsch anno
M.D.LI."] 13. Ordinatio Ecclesiae in Regno Angliae. 1551. [This
is a translation of the ' First Liturgy of Edward VL' As a
translation it is somewhat adversely criticised in the ' Litur
gical Services of Queen Elizabeth,' Parker Society, pp. xxiv-
xxvii. The full title is : " Ordinatio Ecclesiae, sev Ministerii
Ecclesiastici, in Florentissimo Regno Anglia;, conscripta
sermone patrio, & in Latinam linguam bona fide conuersa,
& ad consolationem ecclesiarum Christi, ubicunque locorum
ac gentium, his tristissimis temporibus, edita, ab Alexandre

304 Appendix I.
Alesio Scoto sacrae theologiae doctore. Lipsiae in officina
VVolfgangi Gvnteri. Anno M.D.LI." The copy of this 4to
in the Edinburgh University Library belonged to Drum
mond of Hawthornden. In the ' Athenae Cantabrigienses,'
1619 and 1690 are given as the dates of two 8vo editions.]
14. Commentarius in Epistolam S. Pauli ad Titum.
Lipsiffi, 1552. [The full title of this is: "Epistolae ad
Titvm Expositio, in qva pleraque tractantur per quaestiones,
ut a pueris facilius percipi, & retineri possint Nulla est
autem sententia in tota Epistola praetermissa, quae non sit
explicata : Et de Syntaxi, & Figura sermonis, ac genuina
significatione dictionu passim disputatur. Praelecta Lipsiae,
ab Alexandre Alesio. D. Lipsiae, in officina typographica
Georgii Hantzsch. m.d.lii."]
15. Refutatio errorum Andrea Osiandri de Justificatione.
Wittembergae, 1552. [The full title is: "Alexandri Alesii
Doctoris Theologiae diligens refutatio errorum, quos sparsit
nuper Andreas Osiander in libro, cui titulum fecit : De
Vnico Mediatore Christo. Edita VVitebergae ex officina
Ioannis Lufftij anno 1552." In the 'Athenae Cantabrigi
enses ' it is stated that an edition was also printed at
Leipsic in 1553.]
16. Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis. Lipsiae, 1552.
Basilii, 1553. [The full title is: " Commentarivs in Euan-
gelium Ioannis, praelectvs in celebri Academia Lipsensi, ab
Alexandre Alesio D. Theologo, anno Domini 1552. Cum
locuplete rerum & uerborum memorabilium indice.
Basileae, per Ioannem Oporinum." The colophon is :
" Basileae, ex officina Ioannis Oporini, anno salutis humanae
M.D.LIll. Mense Martio." This volume contains over 600
pages.] 17. Disputatio in XIIII. cap. Rom. Disputt. et Orr. aliquot
Francoforti habitae 1540 et 1541. [The full title is: "In
Capvt XIIII. Epistolae Pavli ad Romanos, Dispvtatio
Alexandri Alesii Theologiae D. Lipsiae, m.d.xlvi." This
tract of 6 leaves, with the exception of the title-page and
the heading, is printed in italics.]

The Works of Alesius. 305
18. Omnes Disputationes Alexandri Alesii in Epistolam
Si Pauli ad Romanos. Lipsiae, 1553. [The full title is:
" Omnes Dispvtationes D. Alexandri Alesii de tota Epistola
ad Romanos diversis temporibvs propositae ab ipso in celebri
Academia Lipsensi, et a mvltis doctis viris expetitae, iam
tandem collectae per Georgivm Hantsch, et editae in gratiam
stvdiosorvm. Cvm praefatione Philippi Melanchthonis.
M.D.Llll." In the British Museum Catal. Wittenberg is
entered as the supposed place of publication. In the sale
catal. ofthe Makellar Library there is the item: "Alesius
(Alex. Scotus) De Paulina Argumentatione, capiti secundo
ad Romanos, Ideo inexcusabilis es, o Homo quis-quis es
qui Judicus (sic), Disputatio Sexta, . . . s. 1. anno 1549."
See also supra, Nos. 8 and 17.]
19. Primus Liber Psalmorum Davidis. Lipsiae, 1550, 1554.
20. Disputationes Tres De Mediatore et Justificatione
hominis. Lipsiae, 1554.
21. Responsio ad Tapperum de Missa et Coena Domini.
Lipsia;. [In the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,' 1565 is given as
the date of publication.]
22. Contra horrendas Serveti Blasphemias Disputationes
Tres. Lipsiae, 1554. [These disputations were probably
issued separately and were supplemented by a fourth. In
the ' Athenae Cantabrigienses ' there is the entry : " Contra
Michaelem Servetum ejusque blasphemias disp. iii. Leipsic,
8vo. 1554" ; and also this other : " Contra horrendas Serveti
blasphemias disputatio quarta. Leipsic, 8V°- 1555."]
23. Disputatio de Perpetuo Consensu Ecclesiae. Lipsiae,
1553 (?). 1556.
24. Ad libellum Ludovici Nogarolae comitis De Tradi-
tionibus Apostolicis et earum necessitate Responsio Alex
andri Alesii D. Lip. 1556. [For the rarity of this tract see
supra, p. 255 n. In his Introduction to Gau, Dr Mitchell gives
as the alternate title : " Apostolica; institutiones a Ludovico
Nogarola Com. in parvum libellum collectae et ab Alexandre
Alesio in Disputationem propositae in celebri Academia Lipsi-
ensi. Lipsiae, Excudebat Georgius Hantzsch, 1556." 8vo.]
u

306 Appendix 1.
25. Responsio ad Duos et triginta Articulos Theologorum
Lovaniensium. Lipsias, 1559. [In the sale catalogue of the
Makellar Library 1 545 is given as the year of publication. In
the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses' 1549 is given.]
26. Assertio Doctrinae Ecclesiae Catholicae de Sancta
Trinitate, cum confutatione erroris Valentini Gentilis.
I564(?). [British Museum Catalogue gives Geneva, 1567.]
27. Edinburgi Regiae Scotorum Urbis Descriptio. Banna
tyne Club Miscellany, vol. i. [This description of Edinburgh
was sent by Alesius to Sebastian Munster for his " Cosmog
raphy," printed at Basle in 1550, and republished in 1572.
There are translations of it in Mackenzie's Lives and Char
acters of Scots Writers, ii. 400, 401 ; and in Chambers'
Minor Antiquities of Edinburgh ; and in Hume Brown's
Scotland before 1700.]
28. [Congratulatory letter to Queen Elizabeth, dated at
Leipsic, ist September 1559. The original holograph of
twenty pages and a slip is still preserved. A translation of
most of it is given in the Calendar of Foreign State Papers,
Reign of Elizabeth, i. 524-534.]
[There are copies of Nos. 5, 12, 14, 15, 16(1553), an£l T?
in St Andrews University Library ; of No. 2 in the Church
of Scotland Library, Edinburgh; of No. 16 (1553) in the
Signet Library ; of No. 8 in the Advocates' ; of Nos. 2, 3
(De Restituendis Scholis), 5, 13, 16 (1553), and 17 in the
Edinburgh University Library ; and of Nos. 1, 6, 7, 9, 10,
12, 13, 15, 16 (1553), 18, 19 (1554), 23 (1556), and 26 in the
British Museum. Nos. 27 and 28 are in all important public
libraries. At Laing's sale, No. 1 brought £6, 5s. ; No. 2,
.£17, 17s.; No. 5, £6; No. 6, ^4; No. 13, ^10; No. 15,
£5, 17s. 6d.; No. 16, £$, 10s. ; and No. 18 (with which was
bound up " Sarcerius de Scholasticae Theologiae Vanitate "),
£6. In the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,' the following six
items, which are not in the above list, are mentioned :
" Disputatio de Justitia Dei et Justitia hominis coram Deo.
Leipsic, 1553." "De utriusque naturae officiis in Christo."
"De distincta Christi hypostasi." "Preface to Gardiner

Addenda. 307
upon obedience. Translated from English to Latin." " De
Balaei Vocatione. Translated from English." " Ordina-
tiones Anglorum Ecclesiae per Bucerum. Translated from
English to Latin." In connection with the last, see ' Litur
gical Services of Queen Elizabeth,' Parker Society, p. xxv,
«¦ 3-]

[ADDENDA.
Page 20. Patrick Hamilton's admission to the Faculty of
Arts in St Andrews University. — The entry in the 'Acta
Facultatis Artium ' runs thus : " Congregatione artium facul-
tatis, in Nouis Scolis eiusdem tenta tercio die mensis Octo-
bris, anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo quarto,
Magister Johannes Ba[l]four regentium senior Collegij Sancti
Saluatoris in quodlibetarium est electus ; et Magister Patri
cius Hamiltone, abbas de Feme, Rossensis diocesis, in
facultatem est receptus."
Page 117. Two sacrame7its only. — In the Preface to the
Book of Common Order it is said that "for the minis
tration of the two sacraments, our Booke giveth sufficient
proofe " (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 395 ; Laing's Knox, iv.
164). In the Confession used in the English congregation
at Geneva only two are referred to (Dunlop's Confessions,
ii. 9; Laing's Knox, iv. 172); in "the Maner to Examine
Children" their number is said to be two (Laing's Knox,
vi. 344) ; and in Calvin's Catechism, printed with the Book
of Common Order, it is emphatically declared that there
are two only (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 233).
Page 121. The language of Rev. xiv. 11. — In the text of the
Confession the passage runs thus : " For sik as now delyte
in vanity, cruelty, filthynes, superstition or idolatry, sal be
adjudged to the fire unquencheable : in quhilk they sail be
tormented for ever, asweill in their awin bodyes, as in their

308 Addenda.
saules, quhilk now they give to serve the devill in all abhom-
ination" (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 96, 97). As printed in
Laing's Knox (ii. 120) the word " inextinguishable," and in
the Acts of Parliament (ii. 534 ; iii. 22) the word " unstanche-
abill," is used instead of " unquencheable." In Dunlop,
however, there is in addition, at the bottom of the page, in
smaller type : " Rev. 14. 10. The same shall drynke the
wyne of the wrath of God, which is poured in the cuppe of
hys wrath. And he shall be punyshed in fyre and brymstone
before the holy angells, and before the Lambe. And the
smooke of theyr torment ascendeth up evermore, and they
have no rest daye nor nyght, whyche worshyppe the be.ast
and hys ymage."
Page 153. Readers or exhorters. — The name exkorter does
not occur in the First Book of Discipline ; but that " sort of
readers " therein mentioned as having " some gift of exhorta
tion " (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 537 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 200)
soon came to be known as exhorters, and are so named in
various Acts of Assembly ; see, for example, the Act of 1564
quoted on p. 128. They are distinguished from readers in
the ' Register of Ministers, Exhorters, and Readers,' printed
for the Maitland Club ; but, as David Laing has pointed out,
the title of exhorter as indicating an advanced class seems
to have been soon and silently dropped. "On comparing
the list of the persons so styled in 1567 with that of 1574,
we find some of them had become ministers, but the greater
number are entered simply as readers" (Wodrow Miscel
lany, p. 323).
Page 233. Conference between the two parties. — Besides
the three conferences mentioned in the footnote, there was
another held in the early summer of 1 578. The results, as
recorded in the Booke of the Universall Kirk (ii. 414, 415)
and in Calderwood's History (iii. 412, 413), embrace nothing
about the kirk-session, beyond the perpetuity of the persons
of the elders.
Page 259. Alesius at Wittenberg. — Through the influence
of Luther and Melanchthon, the Elector of Saxony had con-

Addenda. 309
ferred on Alesius the prebend of Aldenburgh. Being in
greats straits for money, and having been disappointed of
help otherwise, he was constrained to write from Witten
berg, on the 12th of December 1533, to Spalatinus, request
ing him to obtain payment of the moiety of the prebend
(Corpus Reformatorum, ii. 690, 691).
Page 261. The disputatious Cochlaeus. — On the suggestion
of Melanchthon, an attack in verse was made on Cochlaeus
for his injustice to Alesius ; but the timorous author so
dreaded Cochlaeus that, instead of writing in his own name,
he personated Alesius (Corpus Reformatorum, iv. 1025, 1026).
Page 265. Erasmus and Cochlaeus.— Summaries of the
letters which James V. wrote, on the ist of July 1534, to
Erasmus, to Cochlaeus, and to the King of the Romans,
are in the Letters and State Papers of Henry VIII., vol.
vii. p. 358.
Page 267. Alesius as a physician.— ¦" I determined with
my self to serve the tyme and to change the preaching of
the crosse with the scyence of physic wherin I had a litle
sight before, and thus I went unto a very well -lerned
phisycian called Doctor Nicolas, which hath practised
phisyk in London thes many yeares with high prayse, whose
company I dyd use certen yeares, wherby I did both see
and lern many things, even the principal poyntes concerning
that science. In so moch that at length certen of my frindes
did move me to take in hand to practise, which thing I did
I trust not unluckyly" (Ofthe Auctorite ofthe Word of God
agaynst the Bisshop of London).
Page 268. Latimer and Cranmer. — For the opinion of
Alesius on Latimer and Cranmer, see Dr Mitchell's West
minster Assembly, 1883, P- J4 n-j and p. 23 n.
Page 268 n. Ales or Alesius. — Christopher Anderson may
be excused for supposing that Ales was the real name of
Alesius ; but less can be said for those editors of State
Papers and compilers of important Library Catalogues who
have helped to perpetuate the error long after it was pointed
out by Principal Lorimer in his Patrick Hamilton.

310 Addenda.
Page 269. John M'Alpine and John Fyffe.— From a
correction which Dr Mitchell has made in his own copy of
the ' Gude and Godlie Ballatis,' 1897, p. cv, it seems that he
had come to the conclusion that it was M'Alpine and Mac-
dowal, not Fyffe, who were protected by Bishop Shaxton.
Cf. Lorimer's Patrick Hamilton, pp. 186, 187.]

CORRIGENDA.
P. 119, line 4 from bottom. After contained insert in.
P. 240, line 14. For oedibus read aedibus.

INDEX.

Acton, Lord, quotation from
' Lecture on the Study of His
tory ' by, 2 fn.
Acts of Parliament referred to,
IS, 23. S°, S1. S3. 226, 233.
264.
Adamson, Archbishop, 102, 195,
v 199-
A Kempis, 3.
Alane, Alexander, 36, 239, 242 —
not Ales, 268 fn. , 309 — see
Alesius.
Alasco, John, reference to 'Summa
Doctrina 'by, 109, 117 — his con
gregation at London, 126 —
on the office of bishop, 154
— ' Modus ac Ritus Excom-
municationis ' and ' Forma ac
Ratio Publicse Penitentiae' by,
165.
Ales, John, 299.
Alesius, 10, 11 fn., 17, 22, 32, 33
fn., 36 et seq.. 51, 75, 80, 239 et
seq. — his treatise against the de
cree of the Scottish Bishops, 37,
259 — a miraculous escape, 240 —
at College, 242 — discussions with
Patrick Hamilton, 243 — his ac
count of Patrick Hepburn, 245
— assaulted and imprisoned, 247
— his escape, 251 — at Malmo,
255 — at Cologne, 256 — be
friended by Melanchthon at Wit-
tenberg,2S9, 308 — his controversy
with Cochlaeus, 260 et seq. — the
intervention of Erasmus, 264 —

at Cambridge, 266 — at London,
267 — his dispute with Stokesley,
ib., 268— marries Catherine de
Mayne, 268— returns to the Con
tinent, 269 — appointed Professor
of Divinity in Frankfort Univer
sity, 270 — Professor in Leipsic
University, 271 — the Perth Mar
tyrs, 273 — he pleads for National
Union, 275 — his public and pri
vate life, 279 — his family, 280 —
his death, 281; — his theological
opinions, 295 et seq. — his dream
concerning Anne Boleyn, 297 —
his departure from England, 298
— a letter to Melanchthon, 300 —
his works 301 et seq. — prebend
of Aldenburgh conferred on him,
309 — one writes in his name,
ib. — he practises as a physi
cian, ib. — his name not Ales,
ib.
Allen, Edmund, 268 fn.
Anderson, Rev. Christopher, refer
ence to 'Annals of the English
Bible' by, 239, 260 fhs., 268 fn.,
283 fn.
Anderson, William, 53.
Anselm, 3, 17.
Arbuckill, Friar, 121 fn.
Archebald, Sir James, vicar of Lin-
trathin, 128 fn,, 183 fn.
Argyll, the Duke of, 215.
Arminianism, discussion on, 119.
Arran, Earl of, 50 et seq., 273.
Arth, William, 35 fn.

312

Index.

Assembly, General, 160-162.
Augustine, 3, 119 fn.
Baillie, Principal, 138 fn.
Bain's Calendar quoted, 86 fn.
Balnaves on Justification quoted,
113 fn.
Bannatyne's Memoriales, 187 fn.,
189, 192 fn., 194 fn., 198 fn.,
205 fn. et seq.
Bayle, 80, 204.
Benedict XIII., 16.
Betoun, Archbishop James, 22, 24
et seq., 30 fn., 34, 42, 74, 245,
246, 262, 286, 287.
Betoun, Cardinal, 11 fn., 36, 42 et
seq., 54 et seq., 57, 60, 68-74, 8L
245, 264, 273, 274, 287 — his
seven children, 292.
Beza, 36, 281, 282.
Boleyn, Anne, 267 fn., 297.
' Booke of the Universall Kirk '
referred to, 13 fn., 117 fn., 118
fn., 128 fn., 198 fn., 218 fn., 227
fn., 233 fn.
Borthwick, Sir John, 38 fn.
Bothwell, Earl of, 72.
Bradwardine, 17.
Brown, Mr Hume, references to
'John Knox' by, n fn., 55 fn.,
124 fn.
Bucer, 270.
Buchanan, George, 17, 22, 40, 49,
73-
Burton's ' History ' referred to, 215,
219.
Caithness, Bishop of, 198.
Calderwood, 137, 142 — his 'Altare
Damascenum ' referred to, 137
et seq.—' History ' referred to, 33
fn., et passim.
Calumnies, Popish, 202 et seq.
Calvin, 17, 80, 88, 90, 105 fn., 106
fn., 107, 112, 115, II6. I24, I2S.
147, 163, 164 fn., 168, 170, 187,
204, 215, 216, 270.
Cambridge, 58, 266, 298.
Campbel], Friar, 29, 32.
Campbell of Cessnock, 16.
Catechism, Hamilton's, 8 fn., 287
— Calvin's, 103, 112 — Heidel
berg, 103 — Melanchthon's, 271.
Cattley's ' Foxe ' referred to, 33

fn., 39 fn., 59 fn., 70 fn., 74 fn.,
268 fn.
Charters, Andrew, 41.
Church, the medieval, corruption
and decay of, 7 et seq. — the re
forming priests of, 12 et seq.
Cistercian Nuns, or White Ladies,
at Frankfort, 125, 294.
Cochlaeus, 260 et seq., 295, 309.
Cocklaw, Thomas, 41.
Colace, William, 192.
Cole, Thos., 125 fn.
Common Order, Book of, its origin,
123 et seq. — its authority, 127 —
early practice in Scotland, 128 et
seq. — Knox and the English lit
urgy, 130 et seq. — a guide or
model only, 132 et seq. — testi
mony of Calderwood, Baillie,
Row, and Henderson, 137 et
seq. — practice in other Reformed
churches, 141 — its evidence on
Church government, 145, 147 et
seq. — on discipline, 163 et seq. —
on Church members, 170.
Conaeus, 11 fn.
Confusion, First Helvetic, 58, 77
— Later Helvetic, 103, 113, 147
— Westminster, 107, no, ir8,
122, 234 — of English congrega
tion at Geneva, 107, 120 — of
1616, 117 fn., 118.
Confession of 1560, the Scottish, its
preparation, 99 et seq. — alleged
omission of a chapter, 101 — its.
character, 102 et seq. — the su
preme authority of the Scrip
tures, 103 — the fall and the
remedy, ib., 105 — the eternal
decree, 107 — influence of John
Alasco, 109, 117 — the effectual
call, no — justification, in et
seq. — notes of the True Church,
114 et seq. — the sacraments, 116
et seq. — compared with later
confessions, 118 et seq., 122 —
its unmeasured language, 120 et
seq.
Constable's ' Major ' referred to,
18 fn.
Cook, Dr George, of St Andrews,
231.
Cook, Dr, of Haddington, 231.
Cook, Procurator, 232.

Index.

3U

Cook's ' History of the Reforma
tion ' referred to, 61 fn.
Coverdale, Miles, 150.
Craig, John, 187.
Cranmer, Archbishop, 58, 254,
266, 268, 282, 297, 298, 299, 309.
Craw or Crawar, Paul, 15.
Croc, Le, 2or.
Crumwell, 37 fn., 266-268, 298-
300.
Cunningham, Principal, 231 — his
' Church History of Scotland '
quoted, 214.
D'Ailley, 18.
Dalgleish, Nicol, 192.
Dalrymple's ' Lesley ' referred to,
28 fn.
' Dalyell's Scottish Poems ' quoted,
195 fn.
D'Aubignys ' Reformation in the
Time of Calvin ' referred to,
26 fn., 33 fn., 42 et seq., 48
fn., 80 fn., 239, 241 fn., 243
fn. , 250.
Davidson, John, 188, 192, 197.
Declaration, the Large (or King's),
142, 143.
Discipline, the First Book of, its
preparation, 99, 144— the govern
ment ofthe Church, 145 et seq.
— the discipline of the Church,
162 etseq. — discipline under Pre
lacy, 167 — the prerogatives and
duties of Church members, 169
et seq. — education of the young
and university reform, 174 et
seq. — care of the poor, 179
et seq.
Discipline, the Second Book of,
compared with the First Book,
214 et seq. — the authority of the
king, 217 — the limits of ecclesi
astical authority, 219 et seq.—
influence of the Second Book
not unmixed, 225 — its authority,
226 — its theory of the Church,
227 — institution of the presby
tery, 229 et seq. — the West
minster doctrine of the Church,
234 et seq. — the ideal presbytery,
237.
' Diurnal of Occurrents' referred to,
38 fn., 39 fn.

Dore's 'Old Bibles' quoted, 91
fn.
Douglas, John, 99, 144, 193 — is
made Archbishop, 198 — his par
entage, 199 fn.— Principal of St
Mary's College, 287, 288.
Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow,
262, 264.
Dundee, 41, 54, 60, 62-65, 7*. 75.
76, 94, 158 fn.
Dundrennan, Thomas, Abbot of,
16 fn.
Dunlop's ' Collection of Confes
sions ' referred to, 102 fn. el
passim.
Durie, Mr John, 194, 206.
Ebrard, 14.
Edinburgh, 38, 41, 89, 93, 158 fn.,
187, 190, 200, 239-241.
Education, 9, 174 et seq.
Edward VI., 87, 88, 130, 131.
Erasmus, 21, 24, 264, 309.
Erskine of Dun, 40, 56 et seq., 78,
94.
Ethie House, 57, 293.
Eugenius the Fourth, Pope, 17.
Exactions of pre - Reformation
Church, 9, 179 et seq.
Exercise, or Prophesying, 153, 159,
170 et seq. , 229.
Exhorters, 152, 153, 308.
Fachsius, Ludovicus, 271.
Farel, 125.
Felix the Fifth, 17 fn.
Feme, 20, 307.
Fisher, Bishop, 243.
Forbes, Bishop, 10.
Fordun, 16.
Forman, Archbishop, 43 fn.
Forrest, Henry, 35.
Forret, Thomas, vicar of Dollar,
4i-
Foster, John, 263 fn.
Foxe's ' Acts and Monuments,' see
Cattley.
Frankfort on the Oder, 40, 88,
109, 124, 126, 149 fn., 150, 269,
270, 272.
'Frankfort, Troubles at,' 124 fn.,
125.
Frith, 26.
Fylfe, John, 40, 269, 310.

3H

Index.

Gau, Gaw, or Gall, John, 255 —
his ' Riclit Vay to the Kingdom
of Heuine' referred to, 33 fn.,
2S5 fn.
Geneva, 89-91, 125, 149, 158 fn.,
288.
Gerson, 18.
Gilby, Ant., 125 fn.
Gillespie, George, 158 fn. — his
' Aaron's Rod Blossoming '
quoted, 222 et seq. — 'Assertion
of the Government ' referred to,
229 fn. , 232.
Glasgow martyr, 15.
Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, 130.
Gourlay, Norman, burned for
marrying, 39.
Grimani, 55.
Grindal, Archbishop, 91, 150 fn.,
160.
Grosteste, 17.
Grub's ' History,' 118 fn.
' Gude and Godlie Ballatis ' re
ferred to, 67, 74 fn. , 76 fn.
Guise, Mary of, 11 fn., 46, 93, 94,
192.
Haag, quotation from ' La France
Protestant ' by, 168.
Hailes, Lord, 161.
Hamilton, Archibald, 192, 193,
202, 203, 205.
Hamilton, James, 39.
Hamilton, James, Bishop of Argyle,
20.
Hamilton, John, Abbot of Paisley,
Archbishop of St Andrews, 18,
51, 82, 146, 188, 287— his Cate
chism, 8 fn., 287.
Hamilton, John, apostate, 193.
Hamilton, Patrick, 17, 19 et seq.
— birth and early years, 20 —
studies abroad, 21 — returns to
Scotland and is received into
St Andrews University, 22 —
preaches the reformed faith, 24
— summoned to appear before
Archbishop Betoun, 25 — escapes
to the Continent, 26 — his final
return to Scotland, 27 — invited
to a friendly conference at St
Andrews, 28 — seized and con
demned, 30 — his martyrdom,
31 et seq. — sources of informa

tion, 33 fn. — effect of his death,
34 et seq., 37, 73, 75, 242, 243,
244, 275, 286, 289, 296, 307.
' Hamilton Papers' quoted, 52 fn.
Hardwick's 'Reformation' referred
to, 267 fn.
Harrison, quotation from article
on ' Freeman's Method of His
tory ' by, 2 fn.
Hay, Mr L., Bass, 227 fn.
Hay, Principal, 11 fn., 287.
Heidelberg Catechism, 103.
Henderson, Alexander, 142, 166
fn., 231 — his 'Government and
Order of the Church of Scotland '
quoted, 140, 237.
Henry VIII., 49, 266 fn., 268, 298.
Hepburn, Bishop, 57.
Hepburn, Prior John, 242, 244,
286.
Hepburn, Prior Patrick, 36, 40,
46. 74. 244-247. 249, 250, 252,
253-
Honorius III., 161.
Hooper, Bishop, 98.
Hunter, James, 53.
Innes, Taylor, reference to 'John
Knox' by, 209 fn.
James V., 23, 38, 39, 44, 46 et seq.,
192, 247-249, 263 fn., 273.
James VI., 131, 143 fn., 166, 168.
Johnston, John, 281, 288.
Johnston, Rev. T. P., reference to
' Patrick Hamilton ' by, 33 fn.
Kennedy, Bishop, 9, 17, 286.
Kennedy, Quintine, Abbot of
Crossraguel, 127, 203.
Kincavel, 20.
Kirkcaldy of Grange, 208.
Kirk-session, or lesser eldership,
158, 232, 233, 308.
Knox, 6, 10, 11 fn., 13 fn., 18, 33
fn. — early life and education,
79 — leader of the Reformation,
80 — settles in St Andrews, 82 —
called to the ministry, 83 — a
galley slave, 85 — obtains release,
86 — his work among the Eng
lish, ib. et seq. — five years exile,
88 et seq. — a visit to Scotland,
89 — returns to Scotland, 93 — at

Index.

315

Dundee, 94 — preaches at St
Andrews, 9$etseq. — the reformed
worship established throughout
Scotland, 97 et seq. — the old
Scottish Confession of 1560, 99
et seq. — Knox's Liturgy, 123
et seq. — the First Book of Disci
pline, 144 et seq. — his last days,
184 et seq.^-\eaves Edinburgh,
187 — preaching in St Andrews,
188 et seq. — James Melville's
impression of Knox, 191 et seq.
— returns to Edinburgh, 200—
Popish calumnies, 202 et seq. —
his last illness and death, 205
et seq., 216, 278.
Knox's Liturgy, see Common
Order, Book of.
Laing, Dr David, 10, 22, 102 fn.,
231 — his ' Knox' referred to, 13
fn. et passim. — his ' Lindsay's
Poetical Works' referred to,
83 fn.
Lamb, Robert, 53.
Lambert, of Avignon, 26, 27 — his
' Commentary on the Apoca
lypse' referred to, 33 fn.
Lang, Mr Andrew, 71.
Latimer, Bishop, 58, 268, 299, 309.
Laud's Liturgy, 133.
Lawsone, Mr James, 195, 201,
2°3. 205, 207.
Lay-elders, the term, 229.
Leckprevick, Robert, printer, 194,
I9S-
Lee, Principal, 113 fn., 231 —
quotation from ' Lectures on the
History of the Church of Scot
land ' by, 115, 199 fn.
Lees, Dr Cameron, reference to
' St Giles ' by, 201 fn.
Leipsic, 271, 272, 279, 281.
Lemon's ' State Papers ' referred
to, 37 fh., 44 ms., 69 fn.
Lesley's 'History' referred to, 24
fn., 39 fh., 85 fn., 129 fn., 192
fn. — ' De Origine ' referred to,
28 fn.
Leslie, Dr, of Fordoun, 60, 61 fn.
Lethington, Laird of, 101, 186.
Lindores, Laurence, Abbot of, 15.
Lindsay, Mr David, 198, 207.
Lindsay, Sir David, 10, n fh., 81,

83, 182— reference to 'Tragedy
of the Cardinal ' by, 73.
Liturgy of Edward VI., 77, 128,
130, 131, 154 fn.
Lock, Mrs, 13 fn., 130.
Logie, Gavin, 40.
Logie, Robert, 41.
Lollards, persecution in Scotland
of, 15 et seq.
Lorimer, Principal, his 'Patrick
Hamilton, the first Preacher
and Martyr of the Scottish Ref
ormation,' referred to, 26, 33 fn.,
310 — ' Scottish Reformation ' re
ferred to, 41 fn. , 69, 75 fn. , 81 fn. ,
239, 244, 274 fn., 275, 276 fn.—
' Knox and the Church of Eng
land ' referred to, j-y, 132 fn. —
article in ' British and Foreign
Evangelical Review ' by, referred
to, 185.
Luther, 6, 19, 21, 26, 28, 38, 67,
80, 115, 116, 163, 204, 216, 243,
254, 261, 265, 282, 295.
Lyne, John, 41.
M'Alpine, 40, 269, 310.
M'Crie, Dr, 231 — 'MelviUe' re
ferred to, 15 fn., 195 fn. — 'Life
of Knox' referred to, 40 fn. , 93
fn., 129 fn., 188 fn., 201, 205 fn.,
281 fn.
M'Dowal, 40, 310.
M'Kenzie's 'Lives of Eminent
Scotsmen,' 279.
Magdalene, Queen, 192 fn.
' Maitland Miscellany,' 120 fn.
Major, John, 17 et seq., 2r, 22, 34,
79, 242, 278, 280, 286, 287.
Malmo, 255.
Margaret, Queen, 181.
Marsillier, 57.
Mary, Queen, 11 fn., 189.
Massacre of St Bartholomew, 184,
185, 201.
Maxwell's ' Old Dundee prior to
the Reformation ' referred to,
63 fn., 68 fn., 69 fn. — 'History
of Old Dundee' referred to, 65
fn.
Mayn, Catherine de, 268.
Melanchthon, 17, 22, 26, 36, 239,
254, 259, 261, 266, 270, 271, 279,
280, 282, 300, 309.

3i6

Index.

Melville, Andrew, 216 et seq., 281,
288, 289.
Melville, James, 191 et seq. , 288.
Montrose, 24, 57, 60, 62, 71, 75,
78.
Morison, Ric, 299 fn.
Morton, Earl of, 198, 199 fh., 207,
212.
Mount, Christopher, 300.
Neander, 170.
Ogilvie, Lord James, 292.
Ogilvie, Marion, 292, 293.
Order of Excommunication, 165,
166.
Osiander, Andrew, 279.
Paget, Lord, 299.
Parker, Archbishop, consecration
of, 150 fn.
' Pasqvilli de Concilio Mantuano
Iudicium ' quoted, 61 fn.
Paul III., 286.
Perth Martyrs, the, 53, 273.
Peterkin, references to ' Records
ofthe Kirk' by, 119 fh., 133 fn.,
143 fn. — to ' Booke of the Uni
versal Kirk ' by, 218 fn., 227 fn.
Pitscottie, Lindsay of, 73 — his
'History' referred to, 24 fn.,
31 fn., 33 fn., 39 fn., 192 fn.
Plague, or pest, 64, 67, 76.
Pole, Cardinal, 45.
Poor, care of, 179, 180.
Poullain, or Pollanus, 126, 127,
136 fns.
Preaching, necessity of, 151.
Presbytery, ideal, 237, 238.
Presbytery, or greater eldership,
159, 229 et seq.
Preston, Dr, 211.
Psalm Book, 120, 128.
' Psalms and Spiritual Songs,' 76.
Ranaldson, James, 53.
Randolph, Thomas, 129.
Readers, 152, 153, 172, 308.
Reformation, the, nature and need
of, 1 et seq. — decay of the medie
val Church, 7 et seq.— the re
forming priests, 12 et seq. — pre
cursors of the Reformation, 14
et seq. — Patrick Hamilton, 19 et

seq. — Acts of 1525 and 1527
against reformed opinions, 23
— Tyndale's New Testament
brought into Scotland, 24 — the
oppressed and the oppressors, 34
et seq. — George Wishart, 56 et
seq. — Knox as leader of the Ref
ormation, ygetseq. — its triumph,
97 — the Confession of 1560, 99
et seq. — the Book of Common
Order, 123 et seq. — the First
Book of Discipline, 144 et seq. —
the l.ast days of Knox, 184 et seq.
— the Second Book of Discip
line, 214 et seq. — Altesius, 239
et seq.
Regent, the Good, 185, 188, 189.
Register of Privy Seal, 199 fn.
'Register of St Andrews Kirk-
Session' referred to, 13 fn., 37
fn., 120 fn.
Resby, James, 15.
Richardson, John, 41.
Richardson, Robert, 41.
Robertson, John, 288.
Robertson, Dr Joseph, 10, 11 fn.
— ' Concilia Scotiae ' referred to,
16 fu., 30 fn., 45 fn., 50 fh., 93
fn., 161 fn., 183 fn., 293.
Roger's 'Three Scottish Refor
mers,' 188 fn.
Rolle, Richard, 14.
Rothes, Earl of, 245.
Rough, John, 83.
Row, John, 99, 144 fn.
Row, John, of Caraock, on litur
gies, 138.
Rubric, the black, 87.
Russell, Bishop, 227 fn.
Rutherfurd's 'Divine Right of
Church Government ' quoted,
220 et seq.
Sacraments, two, only, 116, 117,
3°7-
Saxony, Elector of, 271 fn.
Scipio, Marcus, 280.
Scott, John, printer, 76.
Scotus, Duns, 17.
Scriptures, reading, in vernacular,
5. 37. 38, 51, 259, 260, 264, 272,
273, 282 — Genevan version, 91,
231.
Scrymgeour, James, 253.

Index.

3'7

Sharp, Archbishop, 35.
Shaxton, Bishop, 269, 310.
Smeton, Principal, 202, 203, 205,
211.
Spalatinus, 309.
'Spalding Miscellany' referred to,
128 fn., 183 fn.
Spottiswoode, Archbishop, 133
fn.— his 'History' referred to,
10, 31 fn., 33 fn., 34 fn., 64 fn.,
68 fn., 73, 146 fn., 218 fn.,
227, 231.
Spottiswoode, John, superinten
dent of Lothian, 99, 144 fn.,
198.
St Andrews, reforming priests from
Augustinian Priory and CoUege
of St Leonard. 13 — University
and Colleges of, 15, 19, 20, 22,
95, 96 fn., 239, 242, 285 et seq.
—Major at, 18, 19, 22, 242, 286
— Patrick Hamilton at, 19, 20,
22 et seq. , 29 et seq. , 307 — Alesius
at, 36, 242 et seq. — Wishart at,
72, 73 — Knox at, 82 et seq., 95
et seq., 188 et seq.
St Bernard, 3.
St Giles' Church, 133 fn., 201.
Stahelin's ' Johannes Calvin ' re
ferred to, 98, 114 fn.
Stanley, Dean, 202.
Stevenson's ' Mary Stuart ' quoted,
55 fn-
Steward, Walter, 40.
Stewart, Archbishop, 286.
Stirling martyrs, 41.
Stokesley, Bishop of London, 268,
272.
Stonehouse, 20.
Stratoun, David, 39.
Succession, Apostolic, 115.
Superintendents. 152 — wherein
they differed from bishops, 155
et seq.
Sybothendorff, Damianus, 271 fn.
Tannadice, 287.
Tauler, 3.
Theiner's ' Vetera Monumenta
Hibernorum et Scotorum ' re
ferred to, 44 fn., 45 fn., 51 fn. ,
54 fns.
Thorpe's 'Calendar' referred to,
44 fns,

Tilney, Emery, 58.
Tonstal, Bishop of Durham, 86.
Tour, M. de la, 19.
Tudor, Elizabeth, 92, 93, 131, 150
fn., 156 fn., 159, 300.
Tudor, Mary, 88, 92 fn.
Twopenny Faith, the, 8 fn.
Tyndale's translation of the New
Testament introduced into Scot
land, 24, 26.
Tyninghame, 287.
Tyrie, the Jesuit, 195, 196, 203.
Tytler, 11 fn.
Walsingham, 205 fn.
Wardlaw, Bishop, 285, 286.
Wedderburn, James, 10, 253 fn.
Wedderburn, John, 10, 18, 22, 66,
76.
Weir, Professor, article on George
Wishart in ' North British Re
view ' referred to, 70.
Westminster Confession of Faith.
See Confession.
Westminster Directory for Church
Government. 166 fn., 236.
Westminster Directory for Wor
ship, 137, 142.
Whitgift, 147.
Whittingham, William, 88, 124
fn.
Wichtand, James, 68 fn.
Wied, Hermann von, Archbishop
of Cologne, 145, 254, 256, 282.
Wightone, or Weighton, Sir John,
68 fn.
Williams, Thomas, 80.
Willock, John, 40, 99, 112 fn., 130,
144 fn.
Winkworth, Miss, quotation from
' Christian Singers of Germany '
by, 6 et seq.
Winzet, Ninian, his 'Tractates'
referred to, 11 fns., 203.
Wishart, George, 36, 41 — early
education, 56 — summoned for
heresy, 57 — escapes to England,
ii. — converted before Cranmer,
58 — returns and enters Corpus
Christi College, Cambridge, ib.
— a pupil's description of him,
59 — returns to Scotland, ib. —
preaches in Montrose and Dun
dee, 62 et seq. — his labours in

3i8

Index.

Dundee during the plague, 64 el
seq. — attempted assassination of,
68 — innocent of the plot to as
sassinate Betoun, 69 et seq. —
proceeds to Edinburgh, 71 —
seized at Ormiston, 72 — his
martyrdom, 73 — his work, 74
et seq.
Wishart, George, bailie of Dundee,
63, 69.
Witches, prosecution of, 168.

Withofs 'Vertheidigung,' 124 fn.,
294.
Wittenberg, 26, 259, 269, 300 fn.,
308, 309.
' Wodrow Miscellany ' ref3erred to,
58 fn., 69 fn., 78 fn., 93 fn., 308.
Wycliffe, 3, 14,. 17, 18, 37, 186,
205.
Wycliffites in Scotland, 15.
Wynram, John, 77, 99, 100, 144,
198, 287.

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