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LIFE & TIMES

STEPHEN HIGGINSON

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WORKS. Newly arranged. 7V0IS. i2mo, each, $2.00.
I. Cheerful Yesterdays.
z. Contemporaries.
3. Armv Life in a Black Regiment.
4. Women and the Alphabet.
5. Studies in Romance.
6. Outdoor Studies ; and Poems.
7. Studies in History and Lbt-ters.
THE PROCESSION OF THE FLOWERS. S1.25.
THE AFTERNOON LANDSCAPE. Poems and
Translations. $1.00.
THE MONARCH OF DREAMS. i8mo, 50 cents.
MARGARET FULLER OSSOLI. In the American
Men o£ Letters Series. i6mo, $1.50.
HENRY W. LONGFELLOW. In American Men of
Letters Series. i6mo, $1.10, net. Postage 10 cents.
PART OF A MAN'S LIFE. Illustrated. LargeSvo,
$2.50, M£i. Postage 18 cents.
LIFE AND TIMES OF STEPHEN HIGGINSON.
Illustrated. Large crown 8vo, $2.00, tut. Postage
extra. 
EDITED WITH MRS. E. H. BIGELOW
AMERICAN SONNETS. i8mo, $1.25.
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
Boston and New York

LIFE AND TIMES
OF
STEPHEN HIGGINSON

LIFE AND TIMES
OF
STEPHEN HIGGINSON
Member of the Continental Congress (1783)
and
Author of the " Laco " Letters., relating to
fohn Hancock (1789)
BY
THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS

BOSTON AND NE'W YORK
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
1907

copyright 1907 BY THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Publishfd September ^ iq07

CONTENTS
I. Introduction I
II. The Old Salem (Mass.) Families 7
III. A Sea Captain before Parliament (1775) 19
IV. The Quarter-Deck in Politics (1783) 35
V. The Continental Congress (1783) 47
VI. The Annapolis Convention (Sept., 1786) 65
VII. Shays' Insurrection, or "The Gentility's
War" (1786) 81
VIII. The Nme States in Convention (1787) 99
IX. Laco and his Letters (1789) 123
X. The Isle of France (1789) 139
XI. Municipal Life in Boston ( 1 790-1 804) 151
XII. Navy Agent (1798) 185
XIII. The Feasts of Shells ( 1 802-03-04) 2 1 7
XIV. A Green Old Age (1804-28) 231
XV. The Strange Career of a Son and Heir 257
XVI. Last Days in Brookline 269
XVII. Stephen Higginson as drawn by Others 287
Index 297

ILLUSTRATIONS

Stephen Higginson {photogravure) Frontispiece
From the original painting by Gilbert Stuart, in the possession
of George Higginson, Esq., Lenox, Mass.
The Whitfield-Higginson House, Guilford, Conn. lo
From a photograph.
Nathaniel Higginson, Governor of Madras (his wife,
and, entering the room, his future son-in-law,
Stephen Aynsworth) 12
From a painting in the possession of T. IV. Higginson.
Facsimile of a Deed, 167 1 14
From the original in the possession if T. JV. Higginson.
Facsimile of Marriage License 1 6
From the original in the possession of T. TV. Higginson.
Facsimile of Bill of Sale 40
From the original in the possession of T. PV. Higginson.
Facsimile of Letter from Bilboa 44
From the original in the possession of T. IV. Higginson.
Elbridge Gerry 52
From an engraving by Longacre, after the painting by Van-
derlyn.
General Henry Knox 76
From the original portrait by Gilbert Stuart in the Museum
of Fine Arts, Boston.
James Bowdoin 88
From the original painting by Copley in the collection of Mrs.
Robert C. fVinthrop, Jr.
[ vii ]

ILLUSTRATIONS
John Hancock 126
From the original painting by Copley in the Museum of Fine
Arts, Boston.
Facsimile of Invoice Sheet 142
From the original in the possession of T. fV. Higginson.
Facsimile of a Deed, 1796 158
From the original in the possession of T. W. Higginson.
George Cabot 1 94
From the original painting in the possession of Mrs. Henry
Lee, Brookline, Mass.
The Frigate Constitution 214
After the painting by Marshall Johnson, copyrighted in
1896 by A. JV. Elson & Co., Boston.
Alexander Hamilton 280
From the original painting by Trumbull in the Netv fork
Chamber of Commerce, by kind permission of the President,
Alexander E. Orr, Esq.
John Lowell 290
From the painting by Gilbert Stuart in the possession of
LoiveW s great-grandson, John Lotvell of Boston.

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION
DR. Franklin used to lament, so
far as he could be said to lament
anything, the absence of habitual
cheerfulness among the Federalists with
whom his later life was cast. It is hard
for us to tell how much of this charge was
just and how much was based on the dig
nity assumed unconsciously by the Revo
lutionary leaders while creating a new
nation, the destinies of which were really
more momentous than they knew. The
life of George Washington had been
written four times — by the elder Bancroft,
by Marshall, by Sparks, and by the viva
cious Weems — before any biographer
had acknowledged in print that this hero
ever smiled ; and it was reserved for the
cheery and benignant Irving to point
out, though only in the small types of a
[ 3 J

INTRODUCTION
footnote, that Washington once laughed
heartily. Again, among the minor leaders
of that period, one of the first to have his
life written was Gouverneur Morris, when
Jared Sparks became his biographer, but
it was not until Morris's own diaries and
letters appeared in full, without Sparks's
supervision, that they turned out to be
almost as amusing as those of Horace
Walpole. All this comes home to me
when I undertake the memoir of my
grandfather, Stephen Higginson.
It is a significant fact that while all his
official writings, even in satire, have the
predominant gravity which marks the rest
of the Federalists, yet I learned from the
only real specimen of the Federalist leaders
with whom I remember to have conversed,
— James Richardson of Rhode Island, —
of my grandfather's uttering the only
jocose word that I ever heard attributed
to any Federalist in defeat. When the last
large gathering of this body of men was
[ 4 ]

INTRODUCTION
held at George Cabot's house in Brook
line and a discussion arose as to how they
should treat their conquerors, and when
all others had advocated the sternest
and most crushing contempt, the only one
who took the matter philosophically was
Stephen Higginson. "After all, gentle
men," he said, " if a man has to live in the
house with a cat, he cannot always address
her as ' cat ' ! Sometimes he must call her
' Pussy.' "
To have been one of the first American
shipmasters called on to testify before Par
liament as to American colonial matters;
to have been a member of the Continental
Congress in its closing days ; to have been
second in command during the first effect
ive resistance to Shays' Rebellion; the
first to argue from that peril the need of
a stronger government; the first to suggest
that the voices of nine out of the thirteen
States could make the Confederacy into a
Nation ; the first to organize and equip the
[ 5 ]

INTRODUCTION
American Navy under Jefferson's admin
istration; — these afford sufficient ground
to justify the writing of any man's memoir.
These suffice to place Stephen Higginson
where he belongs, among the recognized
leaders of his time, that being the period
of the very formation of the American Re
public. The fact that he sharply criticised
John Hancock, in the once famous "Laco"
letters, shows him to have been, like most
of the leaders of that period, a frank critic
of his compeers, if somewhat more spicy
than the rest; but the internal disputes
among reformers are sometimes quite as
interesting as the reforms themselves, and
we need to know the limitations of our
leaders by their judgments of one another.

II
THE OLD SALEM FAMILIES
"Those that love their owne chimney corner and dare not
go farre beyond their own townes end shall never have the
honour to see these wonderfull workes of Almighty God." —
Francis Higginson, on his voyage to America in i62g.

THE OLD SALEM FAMILIES
ONE of the most important steps in
human progress thus far taken by
the American nation lies clearly
in its establishment of a new standard of
ancestry. For instance, the earliest dis
tinctly known ancestress of the Higginson
family, whether of the English or New
English branch, was the widow Joane
Higginson. It is nearly three and a half
centuries since this English widow be
queathed, by her last will and testament,
seven pounds a year to the poor of Berkes-
well. County Warwick. A source more
honorable for a family stock could hardly
be demanded; the very smallness of the
sum, tried by the standards of to-day,
making her act simpler and more digni
fied. It i8*from her that is also descended
the English line of the family, of which
[ 9 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
Major-General Sir George Wentworth
Higginson, K. C. B., of the Grenadier
Guards, is the representative.
I wish to write a memoir of the widow
Joane's descendant in the seventh genera
tion, Stephen Higginson, my grandfather,
a member of the Continental Congress,
that body which preceded and at length
established the American Union. The
widow Joane was mother of the Rev.
John Higginson, who was Vicar of Clay-
brooke, Leicester, England, for fifty-three
years. She was grandmother of the Rev.
Francis, the immigrant, who graduated,
like his father, at Jesus College, Cam
bridge, England, and, like his father,
preached at Claybrooke, but came to
Salem in 1629, and was the first English
clergyman ordained on American soil.
The Rev. Francis Higginson wrote in
a journal of his voyage in 1629: " Those
that love their owne chimney corner and
dare not go farre beyond their own townes
[ 10 ]

THE 'WHITFIELD-HIGGINSON HOUSE, GUILFORD, CONNECTICUT

THE OLD SALEM FAMILIES
end shall never have the honour to see
these wonderfull workes of Almighty
God." ' The voyage from whose narrative
this is quoted began on April 25, 1629,
and lasted six weeks. Francis Higginson
died within a year after arrival and was
followed in the ministry at Salem by his
eldest son, the Rev. John Higginson, who
had been bred to the ministry, but became
a teacher in the grammar school at Hart
ford, and then chaplain at the fort at Say-
brook, Connecticut, where he was assist
ant pastor to the Rev. Henry Whitfield,
whose daughter he married, the wedding
taking place in an old stone mansion still
standing and now the oldest house within
the original limits of the United States.
His mother having lately died, he was
about removing to London, in 1659, to
settle her estate, when the vessel which
' Life of Francis Higginson, p. 47. A full narrative of this
preacher's career may be found in my life of him in Makers
of America. New York, Dodd, Mead & Co.
[ " ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
bore himself and family was driven by
stress of weather into Salem harbor.
There he was persuaded to remain and
take charge of the church founded by his
father, thirty years before. He was or
dained in August, 1660, and remained in
continuous service until December 9,
1708, winning for himself the title of
"the Nestor of the New England clergy,"
The eldest son of this saintly man was
also named John (2), and was born at Guil
ford, Connecticut, in 1646; was educated
a merchant, was lieutenant-colonel of the
regiment in Salem, led expeditions against
the Indians, and was a member of the
Governor's Council. Another son, Nathan
iel, also born in Guilford, graduated at
Harvard in 1670, and went to England,
and afterwards to the East Indies, where
he was governor of the royal factory at
Madras. Some fine old family pictures
painted for him are now in my possession.
A third John (3) was a registrar of probate
[ ^2 ]

NATHANIEL HIGGINSON, GOVERNOR OF MADRAS (HIS "WIFE, AND, ENTERING
THE ROOM, HIS FUTURE SON-IN-LAW, STEPHEN AYNSWORTH)

THE OLD SALEM FAMILIES
in Salem. His son Stephen W was one
of the leading merchants of Salem, took
an active part in the establishment of
the town, and was thus commemorated,
after his death, by the "Boston News
Letter : " — Salem, October 15th, 1761.
On Monday the 12th Instant died at
Netubury, and this Day was decently in
terred here, Stephen Higginson, Esq; of
this Town. He was in Commission for the
Peace, and a Justice of the Court of Pleas
for this County, and a Member of the Hon
orable House of Representatives. A Gen
tleman of a truly amiable Character, both
in public and private Life; as he was a
tender and instructive Father, a kind and
loving Husband, a sincere and steady
Friend, an accurate Merchant ; and re
tained an unblemished Character, thro' the
whole of his Trade and Business, which
was extensive. A Person of strict Virtue
and Religion, but free from shew and os-
[ 13 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
tentation, which he always abhorred. As
few Persons exceeded him in useful Know
ledge and Capacity to serve the Public, so
he was second to no Man in the Upright
ness of his Intentions, the Sincerity of his
Declarations and Integrity of his Actions.
These Virtues being very conspicuous in
him, rendered him a Gentleman of a rising
Character, and his Death may be justly
esteemed, not only a private but a public
Loss.' Stephen Higginson, Second (5)^ the sub
ject of this work, had thus for his lineal
ancestors on the father's side a line con
sisting of three clergymen, a member of the
Governor's Council, a notary public, and
a justice of the Court of Common Pleas.
His mother was Elizabeth, daughter of John
and Anna (Orne) Cabot, he being thus by
maternal inheritance connected with one
or two Salem families also prominent and
' Boston News Letter, October 22, 1761.
[ H ]

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THE OLD SALEM FAMILIES
prolific who were repeatedly intermarried
with the Higginsons ; as were also the
Lees, Jacksons, and others. He was born
on November 28, 1743, went to the Salem
schools, and was then brought up as a
merchant in the counting-room of Deacon
Smith of Boston. It seems quite probable
that he may, like his cousin, George Cabot,
have made a voyage or two as cabin-boy,
in accordance with a custom then prevail
ing in the mercantile households of Salem.
This seems probable in view of the fact that
on his marrying, at twenty-one (in 1764),
Susan, daughter of Aaron and Susanna
(Porter) Cleveland, a second cousin of
his, residing in Connecticut, he at once
became a supercargo and then a navigator,
voyaging to England, Spain, and else
where, as part owner. It is known that
his family disapproved of this marriage,
either on the ground of relationship or of
his youth, and this may be the reason why
the rash young couple went to Portsmouth,
[ ^5 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
New Hampshire, to be wedded, where
they received from Governor Wentworth
a marriage certificate peculiar enough to
be quoted entire, as follows : —
By His Excellency Benning Wentworth
Esq, Captain General Governor & Com
mander in Cheif in & over His Majes
ty's Province of New Hampshire
To Either of the Ordain'd Ministers of
the Gospel of said Province Except one
Drowne
You are hereby Authorized and Im-
power'd to join together in Holy Matri
mony STEPHEN HIGGINSON &
SUSANNA CLEVELANDE
Unless some Lawfull Impediment ap
pears to you to the Contrary
Given at Portsmouth the 20th day of
Octobere 1764 B Wentw^orth
Rece'd 13/6 Sterling for the above Liscence
S Atkinson Jun Secy
[ 16 ]

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THE OLD SALEM FAMILIES
Mr. Drowne, the subject of this stern
exclusion, was one of the sect called by
its members Independent Congregational-
ists, but by its opponents, who apparently
included Governor Wentworth, " New
Lights."

Ill
A SEA-CAPTAIN BEFORE
PARLIAMENT
{^775)
" From Salem, in Massachusetts Bay ; a Merchant." —
Stephen Higginson, questioned by Edmund Burke, before a
Committee of Parliament in 1771.

A SEA-CAPTAIN BEFORE
PARLIAMENT
THE newly married youth estab
lished his household in Salem,
in a modest dwelling at the cor
ner of Main and Central streets, nearly
opposite the Lafayette Coffee House, and
soon set sail on his first voyage to Eng
land. He introduced himself to Mr. and
Mrs. Cabot, of London, kinsmen of his,
who were already established there, and
made various acquaintances through his
father's commercial correspondents. This
led ultimately to his being called before
a committee of the House of Commons in
1 77 1, where he was in part questioned by
Edmund Burke, in company with " Billy "
Rotch, and apparently with the first Josiah
Quincy. On his return to this country, he
was vehemently attacked at Marblehead,
[ 21 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
and even brought before court on charge
of traitorous conduct, but had fortunately
kept a copy of his precise answers, and
won much applause when he produced
them. They are preserved in Force's "Ar
chives," and are well worth reprinting here
also, as giving a good exhibition, almost
unique, of the mercantile conditions pre
vailing at the time. They throw a curious
light, for instance, on the jealousies exist
ing thus early between New England and
Nova Scotia on the presence, at that early
time, of considerable numbers of Span
ish, Portuguese, and Dutch at Marblehead.
They also throw light on the French
fisheries already existing in Newfound
land, and on the whale fishery at Nan
tucket.Report of testimony given before Parlia
ment by Stephen Higginson, a Salem,
Mass., Shipmaster.
^ Of what country is he ?
[ 22 ]

BEFORE PARLIAMENT
A. From Salem, in the Massachusetts
Bay; a Merchant.
^ Whether there is as much Corn and
other Provisions produced in that Province
as will supply the inhabitants?
A. Apprehend not.
^ Whether there is sufficient Corn and
other Provisions produced in all the Netu
England Provinces for their support?
A. No.
^. From whence do they receive addi
tional support?
A. From the Carolinas, Virginia.,
Maryland, and Netu-Tork, chiefly.
^. Whether he is acquainted with the
trade of the Fisheries carried on in Neto
England ?
A. Not much acquainted with the Whale
Fishery, but have considerable knowledge
of the Cod Fishery.
^. How many Vessels are employed in
the Cod Fishery?
A. About seven hundred Vessels.
[ 23 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
^ Of what burthen are they?
A. Five hundred of them estimated from
forty to seventy tons; the other two hun
dred from about fifteen to forty.
^. How many hands do seven hundred
Vessels carry?
A. On an average they carry about six.
^ How many hands are employed on
shore for the Cod Fishery ?
A. About half the number are employed
in curing the Fish that there is in taking
of them.
^. How many Vessels employed in
carrying the Fishery to market?
A. Should imagine about three hundred
and fifty, from seventy or eighty tons, to
about one hundred and seventy or one
hundred and eighty; they carry about
eight hands, one with another.
^ What would these people do if the
Fishery was stopped ?
A. I can't readily resolve that question;
suppose they would remain where they
[ 24 ]

BEFORE PARLIAMENT
are as long as they could subsist, in hopes
of being engaged in their old employ
ment. ^. But when that hope failed, and they
could no longer subsist?
A. Then they will probably go else
where. ^ Whether they would settle at Hali
fax f
A. In general, I think not.
^. Why?
A, Several reasons ; one is, the Fisher
men in Salem and other Towns are a
very quiet and steady set of men. They
esteem the people of Halifax to be dis
solute, and of a quite contrary turn. I
think, therefore, they would not sit down
among a people so different in their man
ners. Another reason is, that they think
the Government of Halifax is arbitrary,
and have a terrible notion of it. Another;
those who have been there, have disliked
the country very much, as being inhospit-
[ 25 J

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
able, and affording but a very hard and
coarse fare.
^. Would they go to Miguelon and
St. Pierre, and fish for France?
A. Don't think they would generally;
from Marblehead some perhaps would.
^ Why would they from thence?
A. Because the people there are of va
rious nations, Spaniards, Portuguese and
Dutch; but the others are born in the
Towns where they live, have tenements
and freeholds there, and would not leave
their place of abode, I conceive.
^. From whence do the Manufactures
used in Netv England come ?
A. I suppose from Great Britain.
^ How do they pay for them ?
A. By the proceeds of the Whale and
Cod Fisheries chiefly.
^. Do they receive Molasses in return
for Fish?
A. A great quantity.
^. What do they do with it?
[ 26 J

BEFORE PARLIAMENT
A. It is chiefly manufactured into Rum;
part is consumed in America, and part
exported. ^ Are the Merchants of Massachusetts
Bay in debt to Great Britain ?
A. Certainly.
^. If the Fishery is stopped, what other
means of paying their debts ?
A. I know of no means but the articles
of Pot and Pearl Ash, Lumber, Furs, Ships,
and Flaxseed.
^. What would that be in comparison
to the debts ?
A. Very small.
^ Whether, supposing the Fishery
stopped in Netv England, and allowed
in Nova Scotia, they would not follow
the Fishery in Nova Scotia?
A. I don't think they would.
^ Whether there is not a constant
export of Provisions from NeTv England
to the West Indies?
A. There is from Connecticut and the
[ 27 1

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
Massachusetts; they export Cattle and
other live stock.
^ Whether Indian Corn is not ex
ported to the West Indies ?
A. Don't know that there is any.
^. Is not Provisions carried to New
foundland ?
A. They supply the Newfoundland
Fishery considerably, with Rice, Bread
and Flour.
^ Why the Spaniards and Portu
guese, of Marblehead, would be more
afraid of going to Halifax, than to Migue
lon and St. Pierre ?
A. I don't know that they would.
^ If they send their Fish to Spanish
markets this year, would they not bring
back the proceeds to America, and not to
Great Britain?
A. I imagine the proceeds of the Fish
would centre here this year as usual.
Withdrew.Called in again. [ 28 j

BEFORE PARLIAMENT
^ Whether the Indian Corn and Flour
exported from the Bay for the Newfound
land Fishery, is not imported from Caro
lina, Pennsylvania, and New York?
A. It is. The Bread and Corn exported
to Newfoundland Fishery, is not one
eighth part of the Corn and Flour imported
from the Southern Colonies.
^. Is not part of the Exports to Spain
the manufacture of New England?
A. No.
^. Does he know whether the Debt due
to the Merchants of Great Britain is reg
ularly paid or not?
A. They have been paid with less punc
tuality for the four or five years last past
than before.
^ To what do you attribute that?
A. To their having imported, in the
years 1770, 1771, and 1772, more Goods
than was suflScient for their market.
^. Do the merchants of England still
continue to trust the Americans?
[ 29 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
A. I know of no instance of their having
refused to give them credit.
^. Whether this Bill will enable the
Merchants to pay their debts better?
A. Certainly not. The alteration will be
quite the reverse, and will cut off the
source of payment.
^. Does he understand the state of the
French Fishery on Newfoundland?
A. Not particularly; but have learn't
from our Fishermen that they have of late
increased it.
^ If the Fishery from New England
was stopped, would not the French have
a part of it?
A. Suppose they might.
^. Is he acquainted with the method of
the French Fishery?
A. Yes.
^. Do the French fish for themselves,
or buy it of the New England Fisher
men? A. I never heard of their buying any.
[ 30 ]

BEFORE PARLIAMENT
^ Can the French cure the Fish as well
as New England men ?
A. 1 don't imagine they can; for the
same reason that the Newfoundland Fish
is not so well cured, the climate being
more subject to fogs.
^ Whether, if the Provinces are re
strained from fishing, their nets would not
rot, and materials become unserviceable?
A. They certainly would very soon.
^. Whether, if this Bill takes place, the
Provinces would be in distress for want
of Provisions?
A. I imagine they will.
^. Whether the people of Nantucket
who follow the Whale Fishery, will not
be ruined by its being stopped?
A. They must be entirely ruined.
^. Could the people of Great Britain
cure the Fish as well as the New Eng
land men ?
A. They may as dry, but the quality of
the fish will be inferiour. [ 31 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
^. Is there not a Coast Fishery for the
supply of fresh Fish ?
A. A vast deal. In the sea-ports of
Massachusetts Bay, quarter of the people
live on fresh Fish.
^. Does it extend to the four Provinces ?
A. Not in the same degree.
^. What would become of those ar
ticles. Potash &c., if not exported?
A. I suppose the manufacture of Pot
and Pearl-ash would cease till the trade
opened again.
^. Whether the Non - Exportation
Agreement would not affect the Mer
chants here, as much as the Bill ?
A. I believe not; those articles being
not above three twentieths of the
whole. ^. Does he know any thing of the sale
of the Fish in the Spanish Ports, and of
the consumption inland?
A. Yes.
^. Whether the New England Fish
[ 32 J

BEFORE PARLIAMENT
is sent as far inland as the Newfoundland
Fish? A. The early spring Fish from New
England is sent further, it being much
tougher, and for this quality a much
greater price is given than for the New
foundland Fish.
^. Do you know this to be fact?
A. I do.
^. Whether Fish cured in Newfound
land is carried to Portugal, and thence
to the Brazils ?
A. Can't say.
^. Whether the Non - Importation
Agreement will not prevent their sending
Fish to the West India Islands ?
A. Apprehend not.
Withdrew.'
' Force's Archives, Fourth Series, i, pp. 1645-48 (compare
Felt's Annals of Salem, ii (ed. 1849), 553).

IV
THE QUARTER-DECK IN
POLITICS (1783)

" Give me a spirit that on this life's rough sea
Loves to have his sails filled -vrith a lusty -wind."
Tragedy of Charles, Duke of Byron.

THE QUARTER-DECK IN
POLITICS
I HAVE been disappointed to find among
the well-preserved documents of the
Essex Institute at Salem so little
about the details of Salem commerce be
fore the Revolution, this proceeding from
the fact that the records of the custom
house were generally removed at this last
period. The only authentic record which
I have obtained is that in 1772 "Capt.
Stephen Higginson brought home a bell
of about 900 lbs. for the North church
and another of 590 lbs. for the East church.
The latter sold their old bell of 217^ lbs.
to Harvard College at ^ lb. and it was
transported thither." ' It is perhaps amus
ingly suggestive of the clerical traditions
of the family at that early day that this
• Felt's Annals of Salem, i (ed. 1845), 387-
[ 37 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
only definitely recorded service should be
for the churches, and in a subsidiary way
that he should have ultimately rendered
service to Harvard College, with which
institution the pursuits and fortunes of his
descendants have been so closely inter
twined. What is certain is that these
voyages continued more or less regularly
up to the time of the American Revolution,
and were generally followed by privateer
ing under the same or different officers
during that whole period. Thus Stephen
Higginson's only brother, Henry (born
December 14, 1747, and died unmarried),
commanded privateers in 1782, namely,
the brig Joseph, carrying eight guns and
fifteen men, and the brig Swallow, with
six guns and twenty men.'
' See Captain Preble's " Notes on Early Ship-Building in
Massachusetts," New England Historical and Genealogical
Register (January, 1872, pp. 21, 27). Henry Higginson -was one
of eighty-one volunteers from Salem for the Rhode Island
expedition. They reached Rhode Island August 16, 1778,
fought and retreated, finding themselves unsupported by the
[ 38 ]

QUARTER-DECK IN POLITICS
The War of the Revolution once over,
the Salem merchants sought for wider and
wider adventure. Joseph Peabody lived
to own, first and last, eighty-three ships,
which he freighted himself ; he shipped
about seven thousand seamen, and pro
moted forty-five men to be captains who
had first shipped with him as boys. Other
merchants, of whom Elias Hasket Derby
was the chief, were constantly projecting
distant voyages, and taking pains to bring
forward enterprising young men, who were
given ventures of their own as captain or
supercargo. These were often the sons of
shipowners, and, aided by the excellent
public schools of Salem, became officers
at an age that seems surprisingly early.
Nathaniel Silsbee, the eldest son of a sea-
captain, went to sea as captain's clerk
at fourteen; his brother William did the
French fleet (Essex Institute Collections, i, 113). Henry Hig
ginson was also deputy in the Massachusetts Legislature
(Felt's Annals of Salem, ii (ed. 1849), 565).
[ 39 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
same at fifteen, and his brother Zacha-
riah at sixteen. The eldest brother was
in command of a vessel for a nineteen-
months voyage before he was nineteen,
and the two others before they were
twenty. All three retired from the sea
when under twenty-nine. Captain Na
thaniel Silsbee had sailed one East-India
voyage of nineteen months, at the begin
ning of which neither he nor his first mate
(Charles Derby) nor his second mate
(Richard Cleveland) was twenty years
old. Stephen Higginson commanded one
of his father's ships at twenty-one. His
double-first cousin, George Cabot, — after
ward the first Secretary of the Navy, and
the president of the Hartford Convention,
— left Harvard College and went to sea
at sixteen as cabin-boy under his brother-
in-law, Joseph Lee ; the traditional opin
ion expressed in the family being that
"Cap'n Joe would put George Cabot's
nose to the grindstone," which was doubt-
[ 40 ]

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QUARTER-DECK IN POLITICS
less done. At twenty, Cabot was himself
a captain. In the slower developments of
the present day, there is something amus
ing in this carnival of youth.
A type of character so strong as that of
the old Salem sea-captains could not well
pass away in America without making its
final mark on the politics as well as the
business of the nation. In the fierce strife
between the Federalists and the Demo
crats, these men not only took the Feder
alist side as a body, but for a time they
gave a name to it. Salem was Federalist
and the headquarters of Federalism was
Salem. The strength of that strong party
was in the merchants of Essex County,
most of whom had been shipmasters in
their youth. The name familiarly given to
the party was "Essex Junto." Timothy
Pickering wrote in a letter in 1808' that
the first time he heard this phrase was
' Henry Adams's Documents Relating to New England Fed
eralism (Boston, 1877), p. 369.
[ 41 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
from President John Adams as late as
1797, and that the three men whom he
named as heading the clique were George
Cabot, Stephen Higginson, and Theophilus
Parsons ; in other words, two ex-sea-
captains and the chief maritime lawyer of
his time.
The habit of the quarter-deck, in fact,
went all through the Federalist party of
Massachusetts. The slaveholders them
selves did not more firmly believe that
they constituted the nation. To the " Es
sex Junto," Jefferson himself seemed but
a mutineering first mate, and his " rights
of man " but the black flag of a rebellious
crew. They paid the penalty of their own
autocratic habits ; they lived to see their
cause lost ; but they went down with their
flags flying, having had the satisfaction —
if satisfaction it was — to see much of their
cargo of political principles transferred
bodily to the hold of their victor.
In the early part of the Revolutionary
[ 42 ]

QUARTER-DECK IN POLITICS
War, Stephen Higginson turned his ener
gies, like most Salem sea-captains and
shipowners, to privateering; he was cred
ited with having made by this pursuit the
sum of $70,000, or at least this was the
opinion of his nephew and friend, John
Lowell. In 1778 he removed from Salem
to Boston, and became the partner of his
kinsman, Jonathan Jackson, was a mem
ber of the Massachusetts Legislature in
1782, and was elected thence to the Colo
nial Congress on October 2, 1782. During
all this intermediate period I can find no
letters from him, either at the Salem Athe
naeum or among those published by Mr.
Jameson,' which go back earlier than 1783 ;
and have none in my own possession save
the two following, which, though wholly
commercial, are illustrative of the period.
Both are addressed to his brother-in-law,
Stephen Cleveland, then in command or
on board of the brig Despatch, at Bor-
• American Historical Ass'n's Report for 1896, i, 704-841.
[ 43 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
deaux, buying arms and munitions of war
for the Continental Army. At the time
when these letters were written, their
author was thirty-five years of age.
BiLBOA, Nov. 22, 1776.
Db Steph^
I have been waiting here 10 days for
aBan ' to sail, which has given me an
opp'y of hearing of your arrival at Bour-
deaux — Wish you had wrote me a Line
when my Letters by you was forwarded
to me — have not heard one word from
Lucy since I left home — I am not very
well at present & should my Vessel sail
before I feel better I may perhaps stay
behind — pray write me immediately, let
me know what sort of a Vessel you have
when you will probably sail &c, perhaps I
may go home with you — your Friend &c
S. Higginson.
' From MS. I have tried in vain to discover from old sea
faring men what this phrase " aBan " or " a Ban " signifies.
[ 44 ]

QUARTER-DECK IN POLITICS
BiLBOA, Nov 5 26. 1776.
D^ Steph.
I this moment reed, yours & Harry's
from Bordeaux — Am very glad to hear
that Susy & all our friends are well. Wish
you had accepted M^ Hooper's offer in
stead of this, altho' you are now on a good
lay — yet the other would be more perma
nent (^ is one of the best employs I know
of. Had I rec4 yours at the time I rec?
those you brought for me from home,
should have stayed and gone home with
you, for I am now very unwell, tho' better
than I have been, but am just now going
down to Portogalette, where the vessel has
been ten days wayting a Ban & the pilot
says we shall certainly sail at 4 in the
morning George Cabot sailed four weeks ago with
S* Barb, at the time John Lee & Fletcher
sailed — Birchmore also sails in his Brigt
in C° with us — with him go John Cabot,
Babson, Rappel & Tittle of M'head — We
[ 45 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
have this day certain advice that there
is a Frigate cruising off Cape Pinas and
another off Ortegal — hope We shall avoid
them — Candles will sell here at 9 to 10
rials P M, Holland offers the best market
for them, I am now shipping 200 Boxes to
Mr John Hodshon at Amsterdam, that
Collyer brought out — If Harry is not gone,
give my love to him & tell him I rec?
Birmingham's balance and have laid it out
in Hank'fs, but can do nothing with John
Cabot, as he is below on board the vessel &
will sail in the morning — Am glad Harry
has got the vessel, hope you will both get
home safe — My respects to Mes? French &
Co. have not time to write them now & to
Me? Poncett & Maynard if you know them.
Your friend & hum^ Servant
S. Higginson
P. S. Pot ashes are not used here I be
lieve, & therefore no market for it'
¦ From MSS.

V
THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
(1783)
"The Congress [of Vienna] does not walk, but it dances."
— Prince de Ligne.

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
STEPHEN Higginson's near kinsman
and lifelong friend, John Lowell,
says of him that he was as much
out of office throughout life as so able a
man could be. There was indeed one an
ecdote of his having gone hastily on board
one of his own vessels, and having put out
to sea, in order to get rid of persuasion to
accept a nomination. His partner, Jonathan
Jackson, had, however, been a member of
Congress about the year 1782; while Ste
phen Higginson had been a member of the
State Legislature from Boston in 1782, and
an election to Congress had followed after.
He was chosen on October 24, 1782, to
serve for one year from the first Monday
in November, though he did not actually
take his seat until February 27, 1783. It
was a common thing among the delegates
[ 49 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
to arrange among themselves the periods
of their attendance.'
The historian Hildreth says of the Con
tinental Congress : " History knows few
bodies so remarkable. The Long Parlia
ment of Charles I, the French National
Assembly, are alone to be compared with
it."' Yet its inadequacy came gradually
to be so marked, as time went on, from
its lack of established legal authority, that
the average attendance amounted in 1783
to only twenty persons. Even under these
conditions it is curious to observe how
precisely the relative positions of Massa
chusetts and South Carolina, on the sub
ject of slavery, were the same as now.
In the Continental Congress, — or " old
Congress," as it was long called, — when
on the first of April, 1783, it was agreed
to count only three fifths of the slaves as
a basis for taxation, Massachusetts could
' Austin's Life of Elbridge Gerry, i, 411.
^ Hildreth's History of the United States, iii, 547.
[ 50 ]

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
not be brought to sanction the arrange
ment. Her delegation was divided —
Messrs. Osgood and Gorham voting "aye"
and Messrs. Holten and Higginson voting
" no." Rhode Island voted " no " and so
did one of the four members of Virginia.
Georgia was not present. All the other
states and delegates voted "aye."'
The last year of the Continental Con
gress was in fact a period of transition and
all signs predicted the transfer of power
to some organization that should be more
sufficient unto itself. The States, not yet
having parted with their independent sov
ereignty, claimed more immediate author
ity than is now claimed by them; as, for
instance, when they not merely criticised
the action of their delegates but demanded
in some cases a fortnightly report of their
proceedings. In other words, they re-
* Journal of Congress, viii, 171,172; Upham's Speech (Mass.
Legislature), February 20, 1849, P- 'S ! Curtis's History of the
Constitution, i, 213 note.
[ 51 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
garded their delegates in the light of min
isters representing wholly independent
sovereignties. In Stephen Higginson's
time, this complication was enhanced by
the rather touchy and imperious temper
ament of Elbridge Gerry, leader of his
delegation. One of Stephen Higginson's
first acts in Congress was to sign a pro
test with his colleagues, Holten and
Gorham, in their capacity as delegates in
Congress from the State of Massachusetts,
against the denial to their colleague, Mr.
Gerry, of his right of calling for the ayes
and nays, — a question of order which had
led to Gerry's resignation ' of his seat and
had kept him away from Congress for
nearly three years. Again, a committee
of correspondence had been appointed in
Massachusetts, to which committee Mr.
Gerry had addressed a letter in behalf of
the delegates, explaining the injustice to
Massachusetts in the appointment of a
' Austin's Life of Elbridge Gerry, i, 324.
,[ 52 J

»C-i

(amS^^ N ¦''.v ^d

ELBRIDGE GERRY

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
sinking fund to redeem bills of credit."
This letter was never communicated to
the Legislature, a fact of which Stephen
Higginson writes to Mr. Gerry: " The sup
pression of our letter has produced a great
fermentation. It has much hurt our friend
Mr. S. Adams, and has ruined Mr. Apple-
ton's public course," Mr. Appleton having
claimed to have put it in his pocket and
forgotten it. This was voted unsatisfac
tory and he was not reelected. " I thought
it very imprudent and unfair in them,"
Higginson continues, "and told them so;
but they were afraid it would hurt their
darling child, the Continental Impost Bill.
Many of the members say, that had it not
been suppressed the act would not have
passed." '¦ Mr. Adams alleged as his excuse
the pressure of business upon him as Pres
ident of the Senate, and the recent exami-
' Austin's Life of Elbridge Gerry, i, 412-414; Staples's
Rhode Island, 489.
» Austin's Life of Elbridge Gerry, i, 414.
[ 53 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
nation of Mr. Higginson which he thought
had superseded the necessity of any farther
information. It seems that Mr. Higginson
had just been personally examined before
the State Legislature, this being another
instance of that close supervision exer
cised by the States over the Continental
Congress. It appears from the Journal of Congress
that on May 7, 1783, a committee con
sisting of Mr. Higginson, Mr. Clarke, and
Mr. Gervais, to whom was referred a mo
tion of Mr. Dyer, reported : —
"That such of the States as have set
tled with the officers and soldiers of their
respective lines, for their pay in the Army
of the United States since the first day of
August, 1780, be requested to exhibit the
accounts of such payments, with proper
vouchers, shewing the periods to which
they have settled with their several lines
and the manner in which such payments
were made, and the superintendant of
[ 54 ]

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
finance is hereby directed, upon the re
ceipt of such accounts, vouched as afore
said, to give to such States public securi
ties, payable in the same manner and for
the same sums as would have been other
wise given to the officers and soldiers of
such lines for their pay, from the said first
day of August, 1780, to the time when they
were so paid by their respective States." '
All New England members voted
"aye" on this resolution, but Southern
members generally " no," and the question
was lost.
The following records also appear :
August II, 1783, there were reports by
a committee, including Mr. Higginson,
against a petition from John Irwin in re
gard to balance of pay. August 12, 1783,
a committee, consisting of Mr. Higgin
son, Mr. Clarke, and Mr. Read, reported
recommending a vote of thanks to the
inhabitants of New Brunswick [N. J.].
' Journal of Congress, viii, 257.
[ 55 J

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
August 13, 1783, Mr. Higginson voted
against postponement of a motion of Mr.
Howell that Congress should be ad
journed to meet at Philadelphia on the
2ist (that is, leaving Princeton).'
August 19, 1783, he voted "aye" on
report on finance. August 26, 1783, Wash
ington visited the Congress.
August 27, 1783, Mr. Higginson voted
"aye" on a motion of Mr. Ellery as to
a peace establishment. His associate, Mr.
Holten, voted " no," they being thus di
vided, which was rare. He voted on sev
eral questions of routine up to September
10, 1783. Later than this he several times
moved or seconded successful resolutions
to strike out passages from reports, etc.
On September 13, 1783, he voted against
postponing certain resolutions, and the
same on September 16, 18, 19, and 20.'
In the separate publication called "Secret
' Journal of Congress, viii, 326-338.
=¦ Ibid., 332, 333, 336, 3S4.
[ 56 ]

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
Journal" of Congress there appear the
following references to the participation
of Stephen Higginson in the Continental
Congress. On April ii, 1783, he voted to approve
the proclamation for cessation of arms
in the seventh year of sovereignty and
independence. On May 5, 1783, he voted
against the erasure of a resolution asking
additional loan from France. (Resolution
defeated.) OnMay2i,i783, hevoted"no"
on a resolution expressing unwillingness
to become a party to a new confederacy
with Russia. (Clause struck out. Voted
in a minority on two subsequent votes.)
On May 22, 1783, his vote appears several
times in respect to instructions to Mr.
Dana, after which, on motion of Mr. Hig
ginson, it was ordered that a committee be
appointed to prepare and report a plan of
a commercial treaty, proper to be trans
mitted to Mr. Dana. The members chosen
were Mr. Fitzsimmons, Mr. Higginson,
[ 57 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
and Mr. Rutledge. September 25, 1783, a
committee consisting of Mr. Madison, Mr.
Higginson, and Mr. Hamilton, to whom
was referred a letter from Dr. Franklin of
the 15th of April last, reported the draft
of a proclamation, which was agreed to,
announcing treaty with Sweden (this in
Congress at Princeton).'
On September 26 and 29, 1783, his name
appears on several important committees,
as, for instance, under date of Septem
ber 29, 1783. The committee consisting
of Messrs. Duane, Rutledge, Fitzsimmons,
Gerry, and Higginson, appointed to con
sider the late dispatches from the ministers
of the United States at foreign courts, and
to determine what means are necessary to
be taken thereon, reported upon six points,
all of which were sustained.'
His name, however, does not appear in
' The full text of this treaty appears v\ Journal of Congress,
viii, 385.
* Secret Journal of Congress, in, 323, 342, 344, 354, 394, 395,
397-
[ 58 ]

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
the voting list after May 22, 1783, but it
appears occasionally in connection with
reports prepared at the homes of the
respective members. Among these reports
the two following, kindly furnished me
by Worthington C. Ford, Esq., Chief of
Division of Manuscripts in the Library
of Congress, are hitherto unpublished
and of some importance : —
" Report of Mr. Higginson, Mr. A. Lee,
Mr. S. Huntington. On Motion respect
ing Secy for foreign affairs, office. De
livered August 26, 1783. Read. Enf^ —
March 2, 1784 Mr. Remson elected
under Secty to take charge of papers."
" The Committee to whom were com
mitted the motions of Mr. Duane, and of
Mr. S. Huntington relative to the Office
for foreign Affairs are of Opinion that it
is of the highest importance that a Sec
retary for that Office should be elected,
and that in the mean time that papers be-
r 59 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
longing thereto should be so disposed of
as that Congress may have recourse to
them when occasion shall require it — the
following Resolutions are submitted —
" That the order of the Day for electing
a Secretary for foreign Affairs be called
for on Thursday next.
" That a Committee be appointed forth
with, to take a list of the papers belong
ing to the Office for foreign Affairs and
to deliver them when listed to the Sec
retary of Congress, who shall arrange and
take care of them untill a Secretary for
foreign Affairs shall be elected and ready
to enter upon the Business of that Office.' ' '
" Report of Mr. Higginson, Mr. Izard, Mr.
B. Huntington on letter of Mr. H. Lau
rens of 17 June, and Mr. Carmichael of
13 March, 1783. Delivered Sept. i. En
tered — read. This is superceded by the
instructions passed Oct. 29 1783."
From the MS. Papers of the Continental Congress, no 25,
vol. ii, folio 247.
[ 60 ]

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
" The Committee to whom were com
mitted the Letters from Mr. Lawrence
[Laurens] and Mr. Carmichael &c &c,
submit the following resolutions.
" That Commissions be forthwith pre
pared and forwarded to John Adams, Ben
jamin Franklin, John Jay and Henry Law
rence Esqrs authorising them or any two
or more of them to negotiate a Treaty
of Amity & Commerce with the Court of
great Britain upon terms of the most per
fect re[ci]procity and so as to render the
Trade of these united States with Britain
and her Dominions beneficial and respect
able — the Commercial regulations in said
Treaty to be made as near as possible in
conformity to the liberal principles con
tained in the Articles proposed by the
ministers of the united States to Mr. Hart
ley on the 29th day of April last — the
Treaty to continue for the Term of fifteen
years and to be subject to the revision
of Congress previous to its being ratified.
[ 61 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
And that they have liberty to extend the
duration of such commercial regulations
as may have been formed with Britain to
a period sufficiently distant for revising
and ratifying the said Treaty; or to agree
upon new Regulations for that purpose as
they shall judge most expedient.
"That the said Commissioners or any
one or more of them be authorised to
negotiate with the Emperor of Morocco
and such other States on the Coast of
Barbary as may be necessary, for pro
curing Passports for the Vessels of the
united States, and to apply if they think
it expedient to such of the Powers in
Europe as are in Amity with the united
States for their assistance in such nego-
ciations. "The Committee are of opinion that
Treaties of Amity and Commerce should
be formed with the Court of Portugal, the
Emperor of Germany, the King of Naples
and Sicily, and with the Grand Duke of
[ 62 ]

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
Tuscany as soon as circumstances will
permit. " They are also of Opinion that Mr.
William McCormick should be informed
that Congress can give him no decisive
Answer upon the Subject of his memo
rial, and that if he is desirous of estab
lishing himself in his Business in any part
of the united States he must apply to the
Government of that particular State in
which he wishes to reside." '
' From the MS. Papers of the Continental Congress, no. 19,
vol. iii, folio 447.

VI
THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION
(SEPTEMBER, 1786)
" A meeting of gentle lights without a name." — Sir John
Suckling.

THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION
THE following letter from Stephen
Higginson to John Adams has
an especial interest as referring
to the once celebrated Annapolis Conven
tion (September ii, 1786), which was,
though seemingly abortive, and now al
most forgotten, a distinct step in the mo
mentous transition from the Articles of
Confederation to the Constitution of the
United States.
It will be seen by this letter that Stephen
Higginson was one of the proposed dele
gates from Massachusetts to Annapolis,
not one of whom, however, actually at
tended; and this for some reason not
now quite clear. The same was true of
New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and North
Carolina, all of which States had gone
[ 67 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
through the form of appointing delegates.
Five States only were present through
commissioners, these being Virginia,
Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and
New York. The fact that the numbers
were so few, the powers of several dele
gations so limited, and the aspects of
things so alarming, — since Shays' Rebel
lion was just impending, — these facts ap
parently caused the convention to adjourn
after recommending the adoption of a
plan, drawn up by Hamilton, that a con
vention of all the States be called for the
purpose of rendering "the Constitution of
the Federal Government adequate to the
exigencies of the Union."
This may seem an unimportant step, yet
it led to the Constitutional Convention
of 1787, which gave the nation its present
mode of government. It will be seen
that the letter gives us the point of view
of Stephen Higginson. [ 68 ]

THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION
TO JOHN ADAMS' Boston, July, 1786.
Sir: Your obliging letter of 18 Feby — I
duly received, to me it is extraordinary,
that having a common Interest in a com
mercial View, and a Rival in France
equally dangerous to both, no Arrange
ments can be made between us and the
British for our mutual safety and advan
tage, it is not uncommon for Individuals
to sacrifice their Interest to gratify their
resentment; but it does not often happen
that States, especially such as have had
long experience in the School of politics,
are so much led away by resentful feel
ings, it must surely be much against their
national Interest and Character, for the
British to suffer the most important na
tional advantages to be transferred from
themselves to the French, when possessed
'American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 733.
[ 69 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
of the means of preventing it with the
greatest Ease. — It is very unfortunate for
this State, that the narrow policy of Bri
tain so much affects our two Fisheries,
which are our principal support, take
these Staples from us, and the Commerce
of Massachusetts will sink to almost no
thing, there is no State in the Union
which suffers in any degree equal to this
from the restrictions of Britain; these suf
ferings may however eventually produce
great Good, by checking habits of luxury
and dissipation, and teaching us the neces
sity of cultivating those of an opposite
nature — we shall learn by experience
that to be independent and happy, we
must be industrious and frugal. — The
Act for regulating the Trade of foreigners
in our ports, which passed the last year,
was adopted with great Coolness and met
with much Opposition from Country Gen
tlemen. And finding that the States have
not generally adopted similar restric-
[ 70 ]

THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION
tions, and that Rhode-Island and Hamp
shire ' have repealed their Acts of Navi
gation, our Court have this Session sus
pended ours.' I have ever approved of
the general principle of that Act, and
wished that the Object of it might be at
tained; but convinced that many of the
States would not be disposed to make a
general restraining System and persuaded
that partial restrictions could not produce
the desired effect upon the Conduct of
Britain, I at first doubted the propriety
of the measure. But as no great Evil can
result from its continuance till the Fall,
to prevent the appearance of versatility, to
keep up by our example the attention of
the States to the Subject, and to enjoy the
credit of having taken the lead, in case
the commercial Convention which is to be

' By act of February, 1786, the Rhode Island navigation act
was suspended until Connecticut should pass one.
^ By act of July 5, 1786, Massachusetts suspended her navi
gation act till the other States should pass similar statutes.
[ 71 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
held in September' should recommend its
being made a general System, I should
not have gone so far as to suspend it. —
The ostensible object of that Convention
is the regulation of Commerce; but when
I consider the men who are deputed from
New- York, Pennsylvania and Virginia, and
the source from whence the proposition
was made, I am strongly inclined to think
political Objects are intended to be com
bined with commercial, if they do not prin
cipally engross their Attention, there will
be from New-Yorke Mr. Duane, M' Ham
ilton, M' Chancellor Livingstone, from
Pennsylvania Mr. Robert Morris, M"" Fitz
simmons, M" George Clymer from Virginia
Mr Randolph, Mr. Madison, Judge Jones,
and several others from those States of like
political principles and characters, the
Measure appears to have originated in
Virginia and with M' Maddison. the Men
' The Annapolis Convention (1786); Higginson was chosen
as a delegate, but declined to attend.
[ 72 J

THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION
I have mentioned are all of them esteemed
great Aristocrats, and their Constituents
know that such is their Character — few of
them have been in the commercial line,
nor is it probable they know or care much
about commercial Objects. —
As this State from the nature and vari
ety of its Trade, is more likely to be af
fected by general commercial Arrange
ments, than any other of the States, some
persons have been appointed to represent it
in the proposed Convention; they are M'
Lowell, M' Dana, M' Gerry, M^ Theo:
Parsons, Mr. George Cabot, M' Sullivan
and myself. If it be practicable to effect
a general regulation of Trade, and to har
monise the apparently variant Interests of
the States, it will probably be done by the
Convention. — I shall be very happy to
have it effected, as we may then make an
impression upon the British favorable to
our Views ; but this I rather hope than
expect. — If the British are not blind to
[ 73 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
their own Interests, or unduly wedded to
their own Opinions, they will seriously
view the Arrangements of France, to sup
ply us with their Manufactures and receive
our Oil and Ashes in return — the Object
of the proposed Convention, and the dis
position in their States from which it re
sults, ought also to engage their atten
tion.' —
We learn from the Knox papers, pre
served in such admirable shape in the
library of the " New England Historic
Genealogical Society" that Massachusetts
influences were brought strongly to bear
upon Congress in order to increase the
troops in service in New England — this
being accomplished by the rumor, devised
by somebody and spread freely, of a pro
spective Indian war. This we discover by
' Austin's Life of Elbridge Gerry, ii, 5, gives as the list ap
pointed " Lieut, govemour Cushing, Elbridge Gerry, Francis
Dana and Stephen Higginson."
[ 74 J

THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION
a letter from Knox and another in reply to
it from Stephen Higginson. The Indian
war, apparently, went no farther, but the
increase in the army on that account helped
to extinguish the danger from Shays' Rebel
lion, while only increasing the solicitude
which was preparing the way for the formal
union of the Colonies into States. The
following is Knox's letter: —
[to STEPHEN higginson]
New York 22 October 1786
My dear Sir
You will find by thenclosed [^zV] paper
that my conjectures about the indian war,
were right — Congress were so with the
apprehension that they have with great
unanimity resolved to augment the troops
now in service to a legionary corps of 2040
non commissioned officers and privates.
Although the dispositions of Congress on
this occasion are perfect yet their treasury
is poor indeed. Recourse must be had for
[ 75 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
the immediate exigencies to the monied
men. The board of treasury will devise
some plan for the reembursement of the
Losers but exertions might be made &
something might be hazarded, by the rich.
Knowing your zeal for Republic wel
fare, and your knowledge of our warm
Boston patriots I write you this in con
fidence that you may be making some ar
rangements in your own mind to facilitate
that application [illegible]
I am my dear Sir
with respect & esteem
Your very humble Svt
H Knox'
This letter was answered as follows : —
Boston Nov'. 12. 1786
My dear Sir
Your Letter 22^ ult: by Capt. north I
rec* the news was proper, upon the view
of a War with the Indians & the con
sequent requisition of Congress, obtained
' Knox Papers, xix, 31.
[ 76 ]

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1

GENERAL HENRY KNOX
THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION
very speedily & with more ease than I ex
pected, you have in this case taken the
best ground, the money wanted for the
men will, I trust, be soon raised, the Trea
surer has just opened his Loan; & though
monied men, like others, are more ready
at profession than action, yet, I think their
feelings & a regard to their beloved pro
perty will induce them to furnish what is
immediately wanted. — The present mo
ment is very favorable to the forming fur
ther & necessary arrangements, for increas
ing the dignity & energy of Government.
what has been done, must be used as a
Stock upon which the best Fruits are to
be ingrafted, the public mind is now in
a fit State, & will shortly I think become
more so, to come forward with a System
competent to the great purpose of all Civil
arrangements, that of promoting & securing
the happiness of Society, as far as I can
be conducive to a right improvement of
this disposition, so very favorable an open-
[ 77 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
ing shall not be lost. — I saw Capt. north
but a moment, I intended a private mo
ment with him, but I was by many incon
venient circumstances deprived of it. I
have to know what passes in the World,
but I had at this moment rather not appear
to know it. — I will inform you how things
go on & shall be gratified by any proper
communications. With respect I have the
honor to be Sir Your very humb Serv*^
S: H: —
P. S. shall I pray you to forward
the inclosed to Princeton (?).'

[Note]. — The subject of the Annapolis Con
vention having been passed by with so little notice
the following list of casual references to it may well
be quoted from Barry's History of Massachusetts,
Commonwealth Period [vol. iii], 266, 267: —
Madison Papers, ii, 694, 695, 697-703.
Sparks's Washington, ix, 507, 508.
Marshall's Washington, v, 90, 91.
' Knox Papers, xix, 50.
[ 78 ]

THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION
Curtis's History of the Constitution, i, 340, 343, 345,
346, 347-
Life of Hamilton, ii, 374, 375.
Austin's Life of Gerry, ii, 4.
Bradford, ii, 253.
Worcester Magazine, nos. 27 and 28, for Oct. 1786.
Elliot's Debates i, 116.
Letters of the Federal Farmer, 7.
Hamilton's Works, i, 432, ii, 336.
Sparks's Washington, ix, 223, 226, 513.
Marshall's Washington, v, 97.
Statesman's Manual, ii, 1501-1505.
The Federalist, no xl.
Pitkin's Statistics of the United States, 32.
North American Review, for October, 1827, 261-
266.
Hildreth's United States, iii, 478.

VII
SHAYS' INSURRECTION OR
"THE GENTILITY'S WAR"
1786
"This was the gentility's -war." — Bellamy's The Duke of
Stockbridge, p. 313.

SHAYS' INSURRECTION
Shays' Rebellion" was one of
those historic events which gain
instead of lose their importance
in history as time goes on. Of the Indian
war, for which Congress made nominal
appropriations in 1786, we hear little
afterwards; but a more serious contest
— which seemed at first formidable, then
trivial, and once more important — was
impending. As a rule, a war of five years
enriches a small class of the community,
usually the mercantile or manufacturing
class, and impoverishes the people at
large. Paper currency falls in value, pub
lic debts increase and private debts are
rapidly accumulated, popular conventions
begin to be held, and if these accomplish
nothing the courts are blamed and per
haps attacked. All this was eminently
[ 83 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
true of the American Revolution, and by
no one in New England was this result
better foreseen, or more clearly pointed
out, than by Stephen Higginson. This
will be seen in such letters as the fol
lowing, addressed by him to John Adams
in July, 1786: —
"The habits of indolence and dissi
pation contracted during the War, are
very much against our making a right
improvement of the advantages we have
in possession, the people at large have
for several years lived in a manner much
more expensive and luxurious, than they
have Ability to support, and their Ideas
can not now be brought to comport, with
their real situation and means of living.
hence, there is nothing they now so
much dread, as the parting with any por
tion of that property, the whole of which
they feel to be incompetent to satisfy
their Desires, this is an Evil it is true,
which will work its own Cure; and was
[ 84 ]

SHAYS' INSURRECTION
there force in our Government to compel
the payment of Taxes, the Cure might be
accelerated, but in our situation, with
out Energy and without any Funds be
side what may be drawn from the people
by Taxes, it is a serious and important
Question, whether our Government may
not get unhinged, and a revolution take
place, before the Cure be effected, and
the people at large discover, that to se
cure their liberties and the great bulk of
their property a certain portion of the
latter must be parted with, we appear to
be verging fast to a Crisis. A change of
Ideas and measures must soon happen,
either from conviction or from necessity;
when it does take place, I hope it will be
for the better; it will then behove every
man of property and influence to aim at
giving the Tide a right direction." '
Shays' insurrection broke out in West
ern Massachusetts in August, 1786; an
' American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 740.
[ 85 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
insurrection which carried with it for a
time the sympathy, according to Von
Hoist, of one half the population of the
State; and which at one time, according
to General Lincoln, brought out 12,000
rebels under arms. Most of those in the
ranks had been soldiers in the Revolu
tion, and Captain Daniel Shays himself
had been an officer in that war. It was
a period of extreme poverty, after a great
war; the imports of the nation were three
times as great as its exports ; gold was
growing very scarce, and paper money
was almost valueless. Bargaining took
place chiefly through the scanty products
of long-neglected farms; and the editor
of the Worcester " Spy " took subscrip
tions in salt pork. In Virginia, tobacco
was the chief medium of retail com
merce, and in North Carolina, whiskey.'
The annual tax in Massachusetts amounted
to an average of $200 to a family. The
'Bellamy's Duke of Stockbridge, vii.
[ 86 ]

SHAYS' INSURRECTION
winters were cold as now, and had only
open fires to combat them; on Sunday
the meeting-houses were without even
a stove, and the ministers wore gowns and
bands outside their overcoats, if at all, and
turned the notes of their sermons with
thick woolen mittens on their hands.'
It was not strange that the rebellion be
gan in the western part of the State, then
and always its poorest part; and that its
peculiar object of hostility was found in
the sessions of the legal courts which were
largely broken up by it as far east as Wor
cester and even Concord.^ It was also
a period when social classes were strongly
divided, this division being still based on
the conditions prevailing before the Re
volution; the gentry wearing wigs, silk
stockings, and silver shoe buckles, and
the lower classes wearing corduroy coats
and leather knee breeches, and going
largely barefooted in summer. In short,
' Bellamy's Duke of Stockbridge, 284. ' Ibid. 203.
[ 87 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
the insurrection was to a large extent
what Mr. Bellamy in his " Duke of Stock-
bridge," the only vivid description of it,
calls it — "The Gentility's War."
A mob met on August 22, 1786, at Hat
field, Massachusetts, and severely censured
the action of the courts. The outcome
was that on the last Tuesday of August
about 1500 insurgents assembled under
arms at Northampton and took possession
of the court-house. In spite of a proclama
tion from the Governor, the same thing
was repeated at Worcester by a body
numbering 300 and upwards. Similar at
tempts, more or less successful, were made
in the counties of Bristol and Berkshire,
and finally in Middlesex.
The alarm spread rapidly to Boston.
Governor Bowdoin issued a proclamation
calling the Legislature together, to meet
on September 27, 1786. In the interval
the leading men in Boston summoned a
meeting at Faneuil Hall on September 9,
[ 88 ]

JAMES BOWDOIN

SHAYS' INSURRECTION
at which Samuel Adams was moderator.
A committee consisting of Samuel Adams,
James Sullivan, Dr. Charles Jarvis, Ste
phen Higginson, Edward Paine, and Jon
athan Jackson (Higginson's partner) were
appointed to prepare an address to the
Governor expressing disapproval of the
riots in the interior and readiness to assist
the government in every measure taken to
preserve the constitutional rights of the
people. The address was presently re
ported and also a circular to the several
towns, after the old Revolutionary form.'
In spite of all this there came the out
break led by Daniel Shays. Hardly attain
ing the dignity of a single pitched battle,
it yet, for a time, broke up courts and sub
stituted the sweeping excitements of mob
law, while the promptest and most ener
getic action was needed to suppress it.
The need of its suppression brought to-
r\}ei\s's Life of Samuel Adams, iii, 225; Barry's History
of Massachusetts, iii, 230-238.
[ 89 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
gether Hancock and Samuel Adams, who
had hitherto disagreed and had both been
opposed to the Constitution in its original
draft. When the insurgent forces had come
as far eastward as Concord, it seemed time
for energetic action. The Governor and
Council ordered that warrants should be
issued for arresting the head men of the
insurgents in Middlesex and imprisoning
them without bail; and for the execution
of these warrants a party of horsemen who
had voluntarily associated in defense of
the government, under Colonel Benjamin
Hichborn, was ordered forth early in the
morning of the 29th of November, 1786.
The force under his command proceeded
immediately to Concord taking recruits on
the way, until they amounted to about one
hundred. Two of the leading insurgents,
Parker and Page, were arrested, but Shat-
tuck, the principal leader, had escaped.
Amid a violent snowstorm at midnight
the party marched on to Shattuck's house
[ 90 ]

SHAYS' INSURRECTION
in Groton, where they found that he had
fled to the woods, whither he was pursued
and discovered, not however surrendering
until he had received several wounds.
The " Independent Chronicle " ' gives
this extract from a Worcester letter dated
two days previously : —
" Too much credit cannot be given the
officers and men on this occasion who per
formed a long and disagreeable march, a
great part of the way in the night, in a
heavy snowstorm." ..." Groton is about
43 miles from this town, so that what with
the direct course and the chase which
they had before the seizure of Shattuck,
who immediately fled to the woods, upon
being discovered behind a barn, many of
the company must have rode near one
hundred miles from Wednesday morning
to Thursday evening, and were some of
them nine hours on horse-back without
scarcely dismounting in that time." This
¦ Independent Chronicle, December 7, 1786.
[ 91 J

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
was at least a tolerably severe ordeal for
hitherto peaceful citizens.
The object of the warrant being thus
obtained, the party came back to Boston
on the next day but one after their depar
ture, having penetrated the country for
nearly fifty miles. " The short time in
which this excursion was performed with
so large a body, and the extreme severity
of the weather, rendered the execution of
this service as honourable to the gentlemen
who subjected themselves to it, as their
motives in the undertaking were commend
able. " This expedition was a very important
event. . . . The advantages derived from
the capture of the prisoners were material.
The heart of the insurrection in Middlesex
was broken by so sudden a stroke, while
the friends to good order received a con
fidence from the strength and success of
their cause." '
' Minot's History of Insurrections in Massachusetts, pp. 7 7, 78.
[ 92 ]

SHAYS' INSURRECTION
All this would have no bearing upon the
theme of the present work, but for the fact
which seems unquestionable that Stephen
Higginson went as second in command in
this extemporized party of rough riders.
The force of early habits, one might sup
pose, would have been enough to keep
a sailor from all direct share in a midnight
foray in a snowstorm, particularly on horse
back; but we must remember how uni
versal it was for the gentry of that period
to take all their journeys in that way, and
that he had doubtless gone to and from the
seat of government in no other manner.
No reference to the subject is to be found
among his letters, and only one line of evi
dence upon the subject exists anywhere,
but that seems quite conclusive. A book
was published in the year 1834, entitled
" Familiar Letters on the Public Men of the
Revolution, including Events, 1783-1815."
The author of this book was William
Sullivan, whose father, James Sullivan,
[ 93 j

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
was Governor of Massachusetts. William
Sullivan himself was born in 1774 and died
in 1837. He graduated at Harvard in
1792 and received the degree of LL.D.
in 1826. He had held many public offices
in Massachusetts, was a brigadier-general
of militia and a member of the American
Academy of Arts and Sciences, Amer
ican Philosophical Society, and the Mas
sachusetts Historical Society. No family
in Massachusetts stood higher for a series
of generations than the Sullivans, and
I mention these details because it is
through him and him alone that we have
authority for the statement that Stephen
Higginson did military service at the time
of Shays' Rebellion, nor does even he tell
this of his own knowledge. It is however
incidentally mentioned, as if a well-known
fact, in a letter stated as having been
written by a personal friend of the late
"Judge Lowell" and of the late "Mr.
Higginson," mention being put in the form
[ 94 ]

SHAYS' INSURRECTION
of a question addressed to General Hich
born: "Did you not go out with Stephen
Higginson as your second in command, to
suppress the insurrection of 1786 and did
you ever lisp a word against him till
now?"' I have tried in vain to ascertain who was
the writer of this supposed letter to Gen
eral Hichborn, but it seems altogether
probable that it was General James Sul
livan, eldest son of Governor Sullivan,
this son being a man who was himself en
gaged in the pursuit of Shays, and indeed
died a few years later from the fatigues of
this very contest.^ It leaves little doubt,
at any rate, that Stephen Higginson was
at least a member of the expedition whose
story has been briefly told.
It can also hardly be doubted that he
was at least one of those Boston mer
chants, those " first characters " who saved
' Sullivan's Familiar Letters, pp. 379, 380.
» N. E. Historical and Genealogical Register, xix, 304.
[ 95 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
the standing of the State, as recorded by
General Lincoln in the following passage
of his report to the President: —
Feby. 22. 1787
Thus far I had written as early as
December, and should have forwarded the
letter at that time, but had some hopes
that the Governor and Council would
take some measures for crushing the in
surgents. This however hung in suspense
until the beginning of January. It was then
agreed to raise two thousand men in the
Counties of SuflFolk, Essex, and Middlesex,
and four companies of Artillery ; twelve
hundred men in the County of Hampshire;
and twelve hundred men in the County
of Worcester. The command of the troops
was to be given to me, being the first
Major General in the State. At this mo
ment, when every part of the system was
digested, and nothing remained but the of
fering the order to raise the men, and carry
it into execution, information was received
[ 96 ]

SHAYS' INSURRECTION
from the Commissary General that the
necessary supplies could not be obtained
without a considerable sum in cash,
which was not within the power of the
Treasurer to borrow. On my hearing this
from the Governor, I went immediately to
a club of the first characters in Boston, who
met that night, and laid before them a full
state of matters, and suggested to them the
importance of their becoming loaners of
part of their property, if they wished to
secure the remainder. A subscription was
set on foot in the morning, headed by the
Governor. Before night the cloud which
twenty-four hours before hung over us
disappeared as we had an assurance of
obtaining the sum we wanted. '
From a gathering like this, we may well
be sure the leading merchant of Boston
was not absent.
1 Letters of General Lincoln to Washington in Sparks
MSS., no. 57, pp. 6, 7. The original letter is in the Depart
ment of State at Washington.

VIII
THE NINE STATES IN
CONVENTION (1787)
" Should there be a general Convention in May, and they
proceed to form a federal Constitution, I wish to have them
empowered to perfect the system, and give it immediate oper
ation, if nine states in Convention shall agree to it, without a
reference to Congress or their Constituents " — Stephen Hig
ginson, Letter to General H. Knox, February 8, 1787.

THE NINE STATES IN
CONVENTION
IT is needless to pursue farther the
personal relation, if any, of Stephen
Higginson to the current events of
Shays' Rebellion. The whole history of
that really important contest has at last
been well written for the first time by
Joseph Parker Warren and published in
the "American Historical Review" for
October, 1905. It has also been sketched
more lightly by the late Edward Bellamy,
whose novel called " The Duke of Stock-
bridge, a Romance of Shays' Rebellion,"
was written by him, as is now known,
before the more famous novels that were
produced by him in later years, when his
socialistic tendencies had made merely
historical work seem to him unimportant.
But while immediate events were pass-
[ ^01 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
ing, Stephen Higginson's mind was busily
occupied, and his judgment now seems,
on publication of his correspondence, to
have been clearer and firmer than that
of any public man of his time, unless it
be in case of President Washington and
General Knox, the latter of whom was
directly and Washington more indirectly
under the influence of Higginson.
We see by the following extract from
a letter to General Knox, Secretary of
War, how carefully Stephen Higginson
watched the course of events, and how
clearly he saw, what many others did not,
that the disturbances under Sha57s were
not only, in his phrase, " much more
deeply rooted " than was apprehended,
but that they had at least the advantage
of furnishing the very strongest argument
in favor of a more efficient general gov
ernment than a mere confederacy could
ever furnish. The following is his state
ment of the matter: —
[ 102 ]

NINE STATES IN CONVENTION
Boston, February 13th, 1787.
The expedition under Gen' Lincoln has
been very successful, the opposition to
Government is at present prostrated; but
the disaffection is evidently much more
deeply rooted, and extensive, than was ap
prehended; and when the Army shall be
withdrawn, rebellion may again soon erect
its daring Standards and openly defy our
feeble Government, the continuation of
our Army in the field, will not only con
sume the funds which have been furnished
by a voluntary Loan, but will retard the
enlistments of men into Jackson's Corps.
these circumstances will much impede the
perfecting of that body of men for the field;
and as large Sums are necessary for sup
porting the militia, which can not be raised
but in the way of Loan, I fear that the
money wanted for cloathing the men of
Jackson's Corps will not easily be obtained.
Lincoln's expedition will be so much more
tedious and expensive than we appre-
[ 103 J

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
hended at first, as to call for all the Money
that can be speedily raised by Loan, in
stead of leaving a good Sum, from what is
already subscribed, for Jackson's use. —
You will endeavour no doubt to draw
strong Arguments from the insurrection
in this State in favour of an efficient Gen
eral Government for the Union. As all the
States are at least equally exposed with
this to such Commotions, and none of them
are capable of the exertions we have made,
they will have reason to fear the worst
consequences to themselves, unless the
Union shall have force enough to give the
same effectual aid in a like case. — Those
who now have the administration of Gov
ernment in the several States and for the
Union, must seize every opportunity to
increase its energy and stability; or Insur
gents will soon rise up, and take the reins
from them, this consideration, which I take
to be founded in truth, and the nature of
things, should guard those in office and
[ 104 ]

NINE STATES IN CONVENTION
power from an undue and ill timed mod
esty, as to the means to be used for increas
ing the powers of Government, and the
manner of exercising them when ac
quired —
These are Sentiments too free and bold
to be, as yet, very freely and generally
held forth; but the time is coming, and
every man in his sphere should contribute
to accelerate its arrival, when they will be
very popular and generally practiced upon.
But, as it is yet at some distance, you will,
I am persuaded, not too openly hand them
out, even as those of another. I write you
see in confidence, and I remain respect
fully Your hum' Serv*
Stephen Higginson'
This inference may have been drawn
by others also, though perhaps not stated by
any one else so forcibly. Congress, at any
rate, passed a resolution on February 21,
' American Historical Association Report,iZ()6, i, 751,752-
[ 105 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
recommending a convention of the states.
On February 22, the Massachusetts Leg
islature resolved that delegates be sent, —
these delegates having been already con
ditionally appointed, — and Stephen Hig
ginson says approvingly of this action,
" The [members of the] legislature have
behaved well and conducted [themselves]
with spirit." He writes in a letter to Na
than Dane, March 3, 1787, as follows: —
... It is clear in my mind, that we cannot
long exist under our present system; and
that unless we soon acquire more force to
the Union by some means or other. Insur
gents will arise and eventually take the
reins from us; I am for trying any meas
ure that promises even a possibility of suc
cess. We must either brace up the powers
of the Union to a degree capable of sup
porting and encouraging the affairs of the
nation with dignity and energy, and this
by an act of deliberation and choice or we
[ 106 ]

NINE STATES IN CONVENTION
shall inevitably be thrown into general
confusion and convulsions, which will re
sult in one or more Governments, estab
lished with the loss of much blood, violent
and despotic in its nature, and the effect
of necessity and chance. In this situation,
when no other mode is suggested which
affords even a gleam of hope, I am clearly
of opinion that to decline a proposition of
this kind, though the effect may be very
uncertain, would be imprudent — for I can
not see that, in any event, the result of
the Convention can be against us. If no
system can there be advised to save us
from confusion and distress, and we must
take our chance for what may arise out of
a general disorder, the sooner we are
brought to a decision upon this point the
better; it is surely uncomfortable to remain
longer in our present situation, and the
sooner and more rapidly disorder over
takes us, the shorter will its duration be
and of less extent will probably be the
[ 107 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
political distress which will result. While
we have any hope of warding off the evil
by means of a convention, we shall not
patiently submit to a temporary anarchy,
nor propose to claim any advantages from
a state of convulsion; but having tried the
experiment and found that our National
Government must arise out of necessity
alone, and be the effect of confusion, we
shall then give way to dire necessity, and
with vigilance turn every event to a good
purpose. —
The papers will have informed you of
the doings of the Government — the Leg
islature have behaved well and conducted
with spirit — they have adopted an ener
getic system of policy with respect to the
rebels, perhaps in some instances they
have carried their resentment too far. the
rebellion appears to be in a good degree
crushed, the force of the rebels is dis
persed. But the seeds yet remain in the
soil, the spirit of faction and rebellion is
[ io8 ]

NINE STATES IN CONVENTION
far from being subdued; nor can it be
rooted out without the cooperation of the
other N. E States — while our rebels can
find a shelter in those States, they will not
only retain this disposition themselves, but
they will communicate it to the Citizens
of those States, whose minds are as prone
to rebellion as ours, and from the same
causes, the evil appears to me to arize
naturally and necessarily out of our case.
the people of the interior parts of these
States have by far too much political know
ledge and too strong a relish for unre
strained freedom, to be governed by our
feeble system, and too little acquaintance
with real sound policy or rational freedom
and too little virtue to govern themselves.
they have become too well acquainted with
their own weight in the political scale,
under such governments as ours and have
too high a taste for luxury and dissipation,
to sit down contented in their proper line,
when they see others possessed of much
[ 109 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
more property than themselves, with these
feelings and sentiments, they will not be
quiet while such distinctions exist as to
rank and property; and sensible of their
own force, they will not rest easy till they
possess the reins of Government, and have
divided property with their betters, or
they shall be compelled by force to sub
mit to their proper stations and mode of
living. Which of these events are the most
likely to happen, and how, is in my mind
very uncertain. The end of this rebellion
both as to the time and manner of it equally
so of course.
I have not time to add, only to desire
you to forward the inclosed letter and some
news papers if you have any to spare to
my son Nat. the next leisure hour I will
write you again
Adieu yours &c S Higginson'
' American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 753, 754.
[ "0 ]

NINE STATES IN CONVENTION
It was easy enough to see the dangers
threatened to New England by Shays'
Rebellion, but it was not every one who
saw that the only remedy for such trou
bles must be found in a more complete
union of the states. Of those who saw
this, Stephen Higginson was plainly one
of the leaders. I have been unable to find
that in any other correspondence of that
day the precise point at issue was so
clearly stated as in his.
He had written on the subject more
fully, a few weeks before, to General
Knox: — Boston, February 8th, 1787.
Gen. H. Knox
Dear Sir.
Your Letter of 28th last Month I
have received, and am pleased to find
that your Sentiments and my own are so
exactly coincident as to the subject of it;
and there is so good a prospect of a gen
eral Convention in May, as you have
[ "I ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
represented. As early as '83, while I was
at Congress, I pressed upon Mr. Maddi
son and others the Idea of a special Con
vention, for the purpose of revising the
Confederation, and increasing the powers
of the Union; the obtaining of which, we
all agreed to be essential to our national
dignity and happiness. But they were as
much opposed to this Idea, as I was to
the measures they were then pursuing,
to effect, as they said, the same thing.
They have, however, now adopted the
Idea, and have come forward with a
proposition to attempt practising upon it.
It is an agreed, and, as I conceive, a
clear point, that the Confederation is in
competent to the purposes for which it
was established, the managing the Affairs
of the Union, Powers delineated on paper
cannot alone be sufficient, the Union must
not only have the right to make Laws and
requisitions, but it must have the power
also of compelling obedience thereto,
[ "2 ]

NINE STATES IN CONVENTION
otherwise our federal Constitution will be
a mere dead letter.
This State entered into the measure of
appointing a general Convention the last
year with much readiness; but the Senti
ments delivered to the two houses by Mr.
King and Mr. Dane, have produced a great
change in the disposition of the members.
Those Gentlemen, I fancy, have now dif
ferent Ideas of the matter, and will not
now think there is so great a resemblance
between our County Conventions, in their
views and principles, and that proposed to
be held at Philadelphia in May, as they
then thought, nor will they now imagine
the same danger can result to the Union
from the latter, as our experience has
proved was justly apprehended from the
former to this Commonwealth. — I hope
that the two houses will this Session come
into the measure, and appoint Delegates;
but I have some doubts, whether they can
[ "3 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
so soon be brought off from the sentiments
they have imbibed from Mr. King and Mr.
Dane. If a delegation should take place, Mr.
King will probably be in it, was I to nom
inate, I should write thus " King, Lowell,
Dana, Parsons and Gerry." Mr. Jackson,
Mr. Cabot and others if they would engage
might be added, or substituted in case of
failure. As to myself I am out of the ques
tion, having neither qualities nor leisure
for the Business.
Should there be a general Convention
in May, and they proceed to form a federal
Constitution, I wish to have them empow
ered to perfect the system, and give it im
mediate operation, if nine states in Conven
tion shall agree to it, without a reference
to Congress, or their Constituents — for
much time must otherwise be lost, and
perhaps such a difference of Sentiment
may arise, as to the report, as may entirely
defeat the object. Next to this, I should
[ 114 ]

NINE STATES IN CONVENTION
prefer having their report referred to Con
gress, and if there approved of by nine
States, they to be authorized to give it
immediate operation. But I fear the States
cannot be brought to either of these points.
Your very hum'l Servant
Stephen Higginson '
In the opinion of that careful historian
Jameson, who prepared the report of the
" Historical Manuscripts Commission " of
the American Historical Association for
1896, this letter contained the first sugges
tion of the precise method by which the
United States Constitution was finally es
tablished and the Confederation, whose
defects Higginson had pointed out so
clearly, came to an end. On February 21,
1787, a resolution was moved and carried
in Congress recommending a convention to
meet in Philadelphia on the second Monday
' American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 745, 747,
748.
[ "5 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
of May "for the purpose of revising the
Articles of Confederation, and reporting to
Congress, and the several legislatures, such
alterations and provisions therein as shall,
when agreed to in Congress and confirmed
by the States, render the federal Constitu
tion adequate to the exigencies of govern
ment and the preservation of the Union." '
As a result of this action of Congress
the representatives of twelve States assem
bled, Rhode Island being alone unrepre
sented. In regard to the selection of mem
bers from Massachusetts, Judge Sullivan
wrote thus to Rufus King on September
25 : " Five are to be chosen. Who they
will be is very uncertain. Dana and Gerry
are on nearly all the lists ; you are on many;
Higginson and Lowell on some, and also
Gorham. He objects to all lawyers; others
to members of Congress. The merchants
say it is all a matter of commerce, and that
merchants are the men. I have the honor
' Story's Commentaries of the Constitution (ed. 1833), p. 107.
[ "6 ]

NINE STATES IN CONVENTION
to be mentioned, but shall not be chosen,
and should not go if I were. The choice
will be this week." ' The delegates from
Massachusetts elected were Francis Dana,
Elbridge Gerry, Nathaniel Gorham, Caleb
Strong, and Rufus King.^ Dana, however,
did not attend; Higginson had declined,
as he was, according to his kinsman
Lowell, in the habit of doing, where pos
sible. It is noticeable that at the same time
when this convention was being held,
the "American Museum" at Philadelphia
(edited by Matthew Carey) contained an
address to Congress from fifteen mer
chants of Boston, apparently appointed
by a public meeting, pointing out the
inconveniences endured by American
commerce and lamenting the unfortunate
delinquency of some States in the Union
' Amory's Sullivan, i, 218.
^ See also Barry's History of Massachusetts, iii, 270;
Curtis's History of the Constitution, i, 516-518.
[ "7 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
in withholding the necessary powers from
Congress. John Hancock headed the list
and Stephen Higginson was one of the
signers. The same number of the "Amer
ican Museum " contained an editorial re
flecting indignantly on Rhode Island for
establishing a mint of her own, while
another contribution contrasted her with
Vermont and proposed her dismember
ment. General Washington, it is believed, was
induced by Shays' Rebellion to attend the
Constitutional Convention,' about which
he had also written, " I highly approve of
all the defensive and precautionary meas
ures that have been adopted, and wish
they had been more energetic."^ After
long debate the plan of the present Con
stitution was adopted; and the conven
tion, in voting to lay it before Congress,
' Curtis's History of the Constitution, i, 400 ; Sparks's Writ
ings of Washington, ix, 253.
" Gibbs's Administration of Washington and Adams, ii, 6a
[ 118 ]

NINE STATES IN CONVENTION
further proposed that it should afterwards
be submitted to a delegate convention in
each State for its ratification. It also pro
vided that so soon as nine States had rati
fied this Constitution, Congress should fix
a day for the choice of presidential elect
ors. This especial proposal as to the
number of votes made requisite for an
acceptance of the Constitution by the
nation proceeded, as we have seen, from
Stephen Higginson. It is to be noticed,
moreover, that Story points out in his final
narrative of these events that " The alarm
ing insurrection then existing in Massa
chusetts, without doubt, had no small share
in producing this result." ' It was by actual
service in that insurrection that Stephen
Higginson had learned the lesson as to the
need of a stronger government.
All this situation now brings us to the
" conciliatory resolutions " drawn up by
Theophilus Parsons of Massachusetts and
' Story's Commentaries of the Constitution (ed. 1833), p. 107.
[ "9 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
presented before the convention of that
State on January 31, 1788.' On that day,
John Hancock, who had been detained
by illness, real or nominal, for a few days,
took the chair, and brought in what was
called by the newspapers of the day the
"conciliatory proposition," the original
draft of which was found among Han
cock's papers in Parsons's own hand
writing after his death. The resolutions
now introduced silenced the chief oppo
sition among the delegates by begin
ning with this section: "First. That it
be explicitly declared, that all powers not
expressly delegated to Congress are re
served to the several States, to be by
them exercised."^ Even these amend
ments only secured the passage of the
whole instrument by a majority of 19 out
of 355 votes cast; but when once adopted
the leading opponents gave in their adher-
' Parsons's Life of Parsons, p. 68.
' Ibid. p. 67.
[ 120 ]

NINE STATES IN CONVENTION
ence to it at once. The new Constitu
tion was now virtually established, though
still subject to vote by several other States.
In Boston there was especial rejoicing;
there were meetings, processions, dinners,
and fireworks. A ballad sung about the
streets summed it up thus : —
Then 'Squire Hancock, like a man
Who dearly loves the nation.
By a concil'atory plan.
Prevented much vexation.
Yankee doodle, keep it up !
Yankee doodle, dandy !
Mind the music and the step.
And with the girls be handy.'
' Parsons's Life of Parsons, p. 69.

IX
LACO AND HIS LETTERS
(1789)
King Agis said, " The Lacedaemonians are not wont to ask
how many, but where the enemy are." — Plutarch.

LACO AND HIS LETTERS
THE eminently candid editor of
Stephen Higginson's letters, for
publication by the American
Historical Association, while pronouncing
Higginson's views on public affairs to be
"temperate and far-seeing," adds, with
some justice, "The sureness and serenity
of his judgment was, indeed, much dimin
ished by partisanship. The reputed author
of the ' Laco ' letters was never just to
Hancock, to the anti-Federalists of 1788,
or to the 'Jacobins' of 1795 and 1798."'
The " Laco " Letters were published
anonymously, after the fashion of that day,
in the "Massachusetts Centinel" during
February and March, 1789, and were re
printed in a pamphlet in the following
year. They were aimed at the richest man
in Boston, who was also the first signer of
' American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 708.
[ 125 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
the Declaration of Independence. It is
worth while, before giving selections from
them, to quote also a candid estimate made
by that careful critic, George S. Hillard,
not of Hancock directly, but of one whose
views of Hancock were quite as severe
as Stephen Higginson's, namely, James
Savage, the eminent historian. In writing
his sketch of Savage's character for the
Massachusetts Historical Society, Mr.
Hillard's opinion was summed up as fol
lows. After speaking of Mr. Savage's
severity on Cotton Mather he goes on: —
". . . Especially there were two men,
in his [Savage's] own State, one living in
the seventeenth and one in the eighteenth
century, toward whom his feelings were
akin to personal antipathy: these were
Cotton Mather and John Hancock. In the
case of Cotton Mather, his grounds of of
fence were his credulity, his rashness of
statement, and, above all, his habits of
carelessness and inaccuracy. . . .
[ 126 ]

JOHN HANCOCK

LACO AND HIS LETTERS
" His objections to John Hancock were
of a different kind, though they may be
traced back to his consistent and invincible
love of truth. He felt keenly the difference
between what he deemed Hancock's real
character and that conceded to him by
public estimation. He considered him as
enjoying a reputation founded upon acci
dental circumstances, and to which he had
no substantial claim. He did not think
that his patriotic services in trying times
gave him any title to have his weaknesses
or his foibles ignored. Among these weak
nesses, Mr. Savage regarded his vanity and
his love of popularity, — infirmities to
which the sturdy independence of his own
character made him, perhaps, uncharitable.
John Hancock, in his eyes, was a brilliant
specimen of dust o 'ergilded. He [Savage]
retained in his memory many traditionary
anecdotes which were at variance with the
received impressions concerning him; and
he took the more pleasure in recounting
[ "7 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
them, because he held that strict justice
required they should be known. Mankind
is generally disposed to forget the infirm
ities and weaknesses of eminent patriots
who prove true to their country in the
day of trial, whatever may have been the
motives upon which they acted. That John
Hancock's name was first set to the De
claration of Independence has given him
a sure title to immortality. It is, as Mr.
Webster says, as if ' he had written his
name between Orion and the Pleiades.' " '
Turning now to Laco's view, we find
the following estimate : —
"Mr. H., [Hancock] by the death of
his uncle, became possessed of a large
estate. He was thought to have some of
the exterior graces necessary to form a
popular character, and he early discov
ered a strong inclination for popular ap
plause. These qualities rendered him a
' Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, 1878, pp.
152, 153'
[ 128 ]

LACO AND HIS LETTERS
proper object for the effective patriots
of the day to bring forward to favour
their views. They availed themselves of
his great desire for popularity, and they
represented him as a man useful in the
cause of liberty, to give him importance
in the eyes of the people — his vanity
favoured their views — he was captivated
with the idea of being a publick man —
a man of the people — and he was lavish
of his money, and in his attention to the
people, to gain their affections. To ren
der him conspicuous, they assigned him
a part in their manoeuvres, not important,
but ostentatious; but having early discov
ered his caprice, they did not admit him
to their private councils. Though they
considered him as a useful instrument,
and were desirous of retaining him in
their service, they had no confidence in
his attachment to their cause, nor did
they ever intrust him with any thing that
could much injure it, by being disclosed.
[ 129 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
" Upon these principles, and with these
views, was he introduced into publick
life, by the leaders of the opposition to
Britain at that day. But though upon
publick principles, he was introduced into
the Legislature, and made to appear as
a man of importance, he had not in fact
any more efficiency, than the pen of the
writer under the signature of Massachu-
SETTENSis; and it was often with great
pains they prevented him from going over
to the other side. So great was his van
ity, and so excessive his caprice, that his
leaders were often at a loss to restrain
and keep him steady. His character and
his passions were so well known to Ber
nard and Hutchinson, &c., that they could
always attempt his seduction with a pros
pect of success; and they would several
times have gained him to their party, but
for the vigilant eyes of the two Adamses,
and Otis, &c. Nor did he, during the
period I refer to, ever do a single honour-
[ 130 ]

LACO AND HIS LETTERS
able or important act that I have heard
of, either by originating or carrying a
measure, or furnishing money for any
great and general purposes. Though lav
ish of his money, he always confined his
gratuities to objects of the glaring, cap
tivating kind, rather than to those really
important, and extensively useful.
" That was Mr. H.'s [Hancock's] polit
ical character and conduct, from his first
introduction into publick life, to his being
appointed a member of Congress, I verily
believe; and I would refer those who
iTiay doubt it, to Mr. S. A. [Samuel Ad
ams], and others, who were his political
creators and supporters, who knew every
thing that took place at that time, and
who have spoken freely and openly of
his demerits. I would also refer them to
the letters of Hutchinson, Bernard, and
others, which have been published, for
the proof of his wavering repeatedly, as
to the side he should take ; and for their
[ 131 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
ideas, as to his firmness or integrity. And
yet, it was during this very period that
he is said to have deserved so much of
the publick, and to have conferred such
obligations as can never be repaid. But I
now call on his advocates to state the im
portant transactions he there performed,
or to show us how and in what instances
he wasted his property to serve the pub
lick, more than others did, of much less
estate than he enjoyed."'
Elsewhere he goes on: —
" Mr. H. [Hancock] was, as we have
seen, at the early part of our contest with
Britain, a young man with a very large
fortune, and some exterior qualities well
enough adapted to form a popular charac
ter; but with a disposition so very capri
cious, susceptible of flattery, and prone to
vanity, it was very difficult to keep him
steady and to render him, with all the ad
vantages he possessed, beneficial to the
' Writings of Laco (Boston, Original Edition, 1789), pp. 4, 5.
[ 132 ]

LACO AND HIS LETTERS
public. These obstacles, however, did not
discourage the once venerable old patriot,
and his compeers in politicks, from per
severing in their object of making him
a useful agent in the cause ; and they suc
ceeded, after much labour and watching,
so far as to fix him on their side, and to
give him importance in the eyes of the
people. But they were much disappointed,
in the degree of advantage they derived
from his being eventually with them. They
could draw no aids from his fortune to re
lieve the pressing exigencies of the State;
nor could they restrain his vanity, to make
him act with consistency, decision or dig
nity: and, we have accordingly seen, that
from his first entering into publick life,
to his return from Congress, he always
required a steady hand and a vigilant eye,
to prevent him from running into the
utmost excess of levity, or personal selfish
ness. We might reasonably have pre
sumed, that the precepts and examples of
[ 133 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
the patriots who brought him forward and
supported him in publick life would have
had some effect upon Mr. H. and that his
natural levity would have been checked,
by several years' intercourse with such
characters. But we find he had so long in
dulged his various passions, and had been
so pampered by a tribe of sycophants, who
were always around him, that he became
extremely averse to every thing serious,
and soon got to be a bitter enemy to those
who attempted to arrest his attention, even
for a moment to matters of importance.
Conscious of his own want of merit, and
persuaded that every thoughtful, steady
man must soon grow weary of his being
in the chair, and wish to displace him, he
made an implicit obedience to his will,
and devotedness to his interest the only
conditions upon which he would appoint
to office, and he used his prerogative as
a weapon of defence, to encourage those
who were enlisted in his service, and to
[ ^34 ]

LACO AND HIS LETTERS
annoy or intimidate those, who appeared
to be startled or grieved at his excesses.
Hence proceeded that swarm of unworthy
officers, in the various branches of the
Executive department, who disgraced the
Government, and preyed upon the people,
until they grew uneasy, and were ripe for
rebellion. When the natural effects of his
own foibles became visible, and he saw
that his downfall was at hand, he endeav
oured to save himself, and revive his popu
larity by the stale artifice of appearing
desirous of returning to the state of a pri
vate citizen. This failed him, and he was
deeply provoked and mortified to find
himself reduced to a situation, in which
he was deprived of the pageantry of State,
and the glare of office, which used to veil
his defects from the eyes of the multitude;
and he soon set himself most industriously
at work, to increase the popular irritation,
which he had before excited by improper
appointments. The distressing effects of
[ 135 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
late insurrections, which we still feel, or
recollect, ought to rouse our indignation
against Mr. H. and his adherents, who,
wantonly, or rather selfishly, involved us
in that dreadful situation by misrepresenta
tions, and solely for the purpose of again
recovering the chair of Government. That
this event was produced by their agency,
cannot be doubted, when we recollect
their conduct and language at that time
— that he was supported universally by
the insurgents at the next election — that
papers with his name, and that of one of
his principal agents were used as passports
through the insurgents' lines, — and that
even those who were devoted to justice,
by the law of their country, were assured
of and enjoyed his protection when again
clothed with the prerogative of pardon." '
It is probable that posterity will not be
closely affected by anything now said to
limit the reputation of John Hancock, for
' Writings of Laco, pp. 36-38.
[ 136 ]

LACO AND HIS LETTERS
when a man has the good fortune to be
identified with great events, and has the
wealth or energy to make himself thus
useful, it is difficult for those of the next
generation to go behind these obvious
facts. If too severe reproof brings re
action, this was certainly the case with
the Laco letters. Loring, in his " Hun
dred Boston Orators" (p. no), tells the
story that a group of the Boston draymen
who were sturdy partisans of Hancock
trained a parrot to shout after Higginson,
as he walked down State Street, " Hurrah
for Hancock ! Down with Laco ! " My
last surviving uncle, James P. Higginson,
told me that he had never heard his father
mention the subject; but that he himself,
walking in the street with him, had heard
the schoolboys say, " There goes Laco ! "
The fact that he lived in an atmosphere
thus unfavorable might prove that the
man thus designated was unpopular, but
would not necessarily prove him to be
[ 137 J

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
wrong. As a matter of fact — as the next
chapter will show — his standing among
his fellow citizens was never higher or
his variety of functions more marked than
when he had thus defined his attitude
toward Hancock.

X
THE ISLE OF FRANCE
" They order, said I, this matter better in France."
Steme, Sentimental Journey, p. i.

THE ISLE OF FRANCE
The following letter, now first
published, will show admirably
the wealth of practical informa
tion and suggestion which this Boston
merchant could give to government : —
STEPHEN higginson TO JOHN ADAMS
Boston 17 Jany 1789
Sir You may recollect that the Court of
France by an edict, about 2 Years since,
opened a trade to the Americans to Mau
ritius and the french Settlements in India,
upon the same terms as their own Sub
jects pursue it. This permission we soon
improved, & for two Years past, many
vessels have gone to Port Louis in the
Isle of France from different parts of the
Continent with cargos of the various ex
ports from the Northern middle & South-
[ HI ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
ern States. We there found a ready, & a
good market for Beef, Pork, Butter &
Flour, dried & pickled fish. Wheat, To
bacco, Naval Stores, &c. all the vessels
from this State that have gone there, have
carried those with some other small Arti
cles. Those from the Middle & Southern
States have carried principally their own
particular exports. We have taken in re
turn from thence Coffee, Pepper, Hides,
Teas and the manufactures of India; &
some of those articles have been again
exported to Europe and the West Indies
with advantage, as Coffee, Teas, pepper
Spices & Nankins &c. As the articles we
have carried to the Isle of France, have
in a good degree been again exported
from thence to the various markets in
India &c, where a ready & extensive sale
has been found for them; this trade
would probably in a short time take off
great quantities of our american exports,
and give employ to a great number of our
[ 142 ]

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THE ISLE OF FRANCE
men & Ships. We find by calculation that
not less than 3000 tons of Shipping went
to Mauritius the last year from America;
& this year I think there will be more
than 4000 tons go there, besides those
Ships that have been fitted out for China.
From these facts, I think that a free
trade to the Mauritius, as was at first
granted, must be very important to Amer
ica, for though the markets in India &c.,
which have reed our exports from thence
may be open to us, generally, it is not
easy for us at once to Supply them direct,
nor till we Shall have more knowledge
of their navigation & trade — beside which
the voyages to the Continent would be too
long & tedious, for our common traders of
small Capitals to pursue them; those to
Mauritius are as much so, as the persons
who have sent there can in general bear.
To have that or any other branch of trade
so circumstanced that none but wealthy
Individuals, or companies can pursue it is
[ H3 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
not to be desired upon public principles.
But this trade to the Isle of France we
are perhaps in danger of losing, or having
it so restricted, as, in a good degree, to de
prive us of the advantages we have been
led to expect from it. The few french
Merchants who reside there, have en
joyed exclusively the Supply of that mar
ket with some of the same articles which
we carry there; & have generally en
grossed to themselves the Crops of Cof
fee, as well as the India Exports, which
have been there Sold, by this means they
have commanded their own prices both
for their Supplies to their Planters and
transient Traders, and for the produce &c
exported from thence, we have not only
undersold them in the articles we have
carried; but by going over to Bourbon
where the Coffee is raised, and contract
ing with the planters, for what we wanted,
we got it much cheaper than to have
bought it at Port Louis, & taught the
[ H4 ]

THE ISLE OF FRANCE
planters to make more of their crops than
they had before done, and deprived the
Merchants at Port Louis of a profit they
used to make at the Planters expence.
These diminutions of the merchants gains,
resulting from our trade, have made them
& their connexions at L'Orient very un
easy; & they have combined, we are told,
to Suppress, or at least to restrain Our
Trade at that market, by joint represen
tations to the Court of France. They
have, indeed, already prevailed on the
Commandant at Port Louis, to prevent
our vessels from going to Bourbon to buy
& take in Coffee; and we now have to
take it from the Merchants at Port Louis,
at the advanced price of 2 ^ to 3 Dollars
per C*. This restriction we might per
haps Support but Should we be liable to
any additional ones of moment, we may
be obliged to abandon the Trade.
If the french Government should not
be misled by false representations, I can-
[ H5 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
not suppose they will subject us to any
farther embarrassments; but on the con
trary, by considering the Subject in a
national & Political view, they must be
disposed to encourage our Trade, to the
Isle of France in particular, & give us all
that freedom which they at first intended,
and we enjoyed. The local situation of
that Island is peculiarly favourable to
annoy the British trade to India & China,
and to protect their own. It may indeed
be viewed as the Key to both the Chinese
& Indian Seas from Europe. No Ship can
pass for either of them without being in
a great degree Subject to the Cruisers Sta
tioned at the Isle of France; & if a free
trade is permitted to us, they certainly
will have every Supply, & every advan
tage for cruising upon the British from
thence, that Island will certainly Soon
become the Place of deposit, for Amer
ican, Chinese & Indian exports. We shall
carry to them, all the various products of
[ 146 J

THE ISLE OF FRANCE
America, that will answer in those Seas,
and shall want in return the produce & ex
ports of the east — our vessels will lodge
the former, and take the latter in return.
The french Ships, or the natives from the
Continent will bring their exports, & take
ours away for other markets. Such a Trade
will not only employ the French Ships
in carrying our exports to other Markets
from Mauritius, & in bringing theirs in
return for us to take away; but very great
advantages beside must be derived from
it. It is impossible but the Settlement
must, with such advantages, soon become
very wealthy & important; it will cer
tainly be resorted to by other Europeans,
and all the various nations inhabiting the
Shores in those Seas. It will in this way
soon become the general Magazine for
Naval Stores, & for provisions of every
kind. In a political view, no event can
be more desireable. It will enable the
french to operate against the british in
[ 147 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
any future rupture with amazing advan
tage. They will then have an important
Port filled, not only with Provisions & mil
itary Stores, but with Active enterprizing
& wealthy inhabitants.
Should the immediate effect of our
trade be to Supplant, or even to ruin the
few Merchants now residing at Port
Louis, it would be of no moment in a
national view, since it must inevitably
establish great numbers in their Stead.
But even this cannot happen, unless from
their own folly & imprudence, for though
they may be deprived, by means of our
trade, of the profits on the business they
before pursued; they certainly may avail
themselves in Common with others, of the
many new openings for beneficial Com
merce, which result from it.
It appears to me that the french Court
acted with great wisdom and policy when
they open'd those ports to us ; & the same
principles which induc'd them to do it,
[ 148 ]

THE ISLE OF FRANCE
will retain their weight in favour of the
measure, while the trade of Europe with
India, China and the relative Interests of
France & Britain, in those Seas remain
as they now are: and if I am not mis
taken, as to the views & Intent of the
french Court, upon this Subject, there can
be no doubt of Mr Jefferson being able
to prevent any new restrictions upon our
vessels, & to obtain for them the same
liberty which they at first enjoyed.
With these sentiments, as to the im
portance of a free trade to those Seas, I
thought it could not be improper to State
to you the foregoing facts & observations.
Should they have weight in your mind,
you may perhaps advance the Interest of
America by making some representation
to Mr. Jefferson on the Subject.
With much respect I have the honour
to be Sir your very humble Servant
Stephen Higginson.'
' Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress, series 2, vol. i, no. 62.

XI
MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
(1790-1804)
" The public mind, to judge from this part of the Union,
has kept pace with the times." — Stephen Higginson, ifgo,
MS.

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
IT appears from Stephen Higginson's
letters to' Gen eral Knox that he took
a more favorable view of the future
than that held by most of the Federalists.
The following letter, dated April 7, 1790,
deals with this matter far more cheerfully
than was common among that waning class
during this period : —
"The Sentiments you express, as to the
future prospects of Our Country are very
natural, when judging by the past, and
reasoning from analogy, in that view of
the Subject, there appears too much reason
to fear yet farther fluctuations, if not
changes, in the tempers, and dispositions
of the people toward the Government of
the Union. But it appears to me, that a
general alteration in the habits and feelings
of the people has taken place for the better;
[ 153 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
and that many new circumstances have
arisen; tending to increase the force and
respectability of Government, and to give
a strong impression of the necessity of its
being supported. — Habits of industry and
frugality are taking place of those of luxury
and dissipation, more generally and with
more celerity than I expected, it is a
growing Idea, that the manners contracted
during the War must be done away; and
that every Class of Citizens must expect
only to thrive by the means comonly suc
cessful in a time of peace. — With such
Sentiments impressed on the minds of the
body of the people, and the advantages they
will derive soon from the System proposed
by the Secretary of the treasury, and from
some general commercial Arrangements,
which may soon be expected, the situation
of individuals will become more easy and
eligible, and private happiness be more
generally enjoyed, from the same causes,
I expect, the Government will be gradu-
[ 154 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
ally increas'g in its energy and dignity, and
will daily extend its protection and
blessings. — The public mind, to judge
from this part of the Union, has kept pace
with the times; and has been prepared,
with wonderful success and facility, for
new Events, there seems to be a general
conviction, that the Union must be sup
ported, as the alone Source of national
Security; and that every burthen neces
sary to the Object must be cheerfully
bourne. " '
Toward the close of 1791, Stephen
Higginson was appointed a member of a
committee of twenty-one'' whose chairman
was Charles Jarvis, a leader of the Jeffer
son Party and which contained also Judge
Dawes, Judge Tudor, the young John
Quincy Adams and others, to consider the
existing state of the town of Boston and
report some plan for a more efficient man-
' American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 781.
* Quincy 's Municipal History of Boston, p. 25, note.
[ ^5S ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
agement of its affairs. There had been a
previous committee, with Samuel Adams
as chairman, which had vainly striven to
substitute a city organization for a town
government, the population being then
about twenty thousand. This second com
mittee reported a somewhat modified plan,
but also failed in town meeting, and after
two other similar attempts the measure
was carried in 1822, when Dr. John Phil
lips, father of Wendell Phillips, was chosen
the first mayor of Boston.'
When, in 1794, an embargo for sixty
days was ordered by Congress in the hope
of inducing Great Britain to cease her de
predations through the fear of impoverish
ing her colonies, a meeting was called of
the citizens of Boston to endorse the meas
ure. This was done with some unanimity,
but there was some earnest discussion
between Sullivan, Jarvis, and Austin, in
the affirmative, and Jones, Higginson, and
' Compare Amory's Sullivan, i, 265.
[ 156 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
Otis, on the other side, who desired to
state the wish more moderately. Some
of the more positive opponents of the
measure claimed it to be urged with a
view to obstruct the supply of provision
to the British forces in the West Indies,
then engaged in hostilities with the French
republic. The embargo, however, failed of
its object, the colonies suffering much less
inconvenience than had been anticipated.'
The following is quoted from the life
of James Sullivan by the patient pen of
the late Thomas C. Amory: "The feder
alists, in the spring of 1796, endeavored
through their journals, to induce Governor
Adams, upon the ground of his increas
ing age [seventy-five] and infirmities to
decline a reelection. ... At the com
mencement of 1797, however, when the
administration of Washington drew to its
close. Governor Adams determined to
' Amory's Sullivan, i, 291 ; American Cyclopedia, article
« Embargo."
[ 157 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
retire; and the public mind in Massachu
setts was much exercised in selecting from
the leading politicians of the State the most
suitable candidate to fill his place. Judge
Cushing, Judge Sumner, General Knox,
General Heath, Moses Gill, and Stephen
Higginson were among the most promi
nent. The canvass finally settled down
upon Sumner, Sullivan, and Gill." '
Young readers of the present day always
find it hard to recognize the existence, after
the withdrawal of Washington from the
presidency, of a dissatisfied minority from
which personal attacks on Washington
continued to come. This is well brought
out in a letter from Stephen Higginson to
Timothy Pickering on the approach of
Washington's birthday. Boston Feby 22-98.
... I have been much diverted at a
discussion here as to the propriety of cele-
' Amory's Sullivan, ii, 54.
[ 158 ]

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//i/^

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
brating M' Washingtons birth day by a
public Dinner as usual, by some it is op
posed as being antirepublican, by others
because he is now only a public Citisen,
and others thought it improper and indeli
cate, and might hurt the presidents feelings.
in short it has divided our friends more
than any such question ever did before.
my own opinion was that it would be im
proper, unless it was intended to keep the
presidents birth day also, when it comes
round. But in the present state of things,
and whilst a french faction shall continue
in our Country, so formidable and so ready
to calumniate Mr. W : and Mr. A : with their
friends and their measurs, it may be use
ful to notice them both in this and in every
other way, which will express strongly the
respect of the people for their characters
and their approbation of public measures.
it may indeed be eligible to keep this cus
tom up, though we may hereafter have
a president less respected and celebrated,
[ ^59 1

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
and though it may not appear to comport
with the republican Ideas. — Although Mr.
W: is out of office, yet he is still the ob
ject of Jacobin malice, for the System of
policy which all good men approve, and
which Mr. A: has with so much firmness
and spirit supported, many were unwilling
to drop at this moment all public expres
sions of their love and respect for him. —
it has been decided upon this view of the
question to keep up the notice of this
day, and to be equally attentive to Mr. A.
when his birth day arrives ; and it will
be here generally observed in the usual
Stile. —
I mention this as an evidence of the
proness there is among our friends to di
vide upon smaller points, and the difficulty
there is to keep them united for want of
system and discipline, in this respect the
Jacobins have greatly the advantage.
Wishing you as much enjoyment as
[ i6o ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
your situation and its duties will admit,
I am respectfully your friend and very
hum. serv. Stephen Higginson.'
It is pretty plain that a thoroughly trained
Federalist like Stephen Higginson must
have kept his business and his politics
somewhat apart. This is shown, at least,
by a letter from him to Messrs. LeRoy,
Bayard, and McEvers, Boston, September
12, 1 799, showing that he supplied the arms
for the arsenal which the State of Virginia
had lately voted. John Randolph in the
United States House of Representatives,
nearly twenty years after, spoke of this
armory as having been erected to provide
the Virginians with arms in order to resist
Federal encroachments. But this was
expressly contradicted by Messrs. John G.
Jackson and James Pleasants of Virginia in
the same debate, and even the Federalists
¦ American Historical Association Report, 1896,1, Soi, 802.
[ 161 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
at that day certainly did not deny the right
of each State to possess its own arsenal.
Boston Sep. 12, 1799
Mess LeRoy Bayard
and McEvers —
Sirs We have received your letter of 5th
instant, and note that the arms reed, by the
Prosper were on board a vessel for Rich
mond and that you had paid the freight of
them from Hamburg $498.33. but we hope
that you will get information from Rich
mond before they go from you, whether
they will be received, for the reasons as
signed in our last, if any objection is made
to the quality &c we had rather have the
arms with you than in Richmond, indeed
there will be less danger of objections
when they know they are retained to hear
how the parcel from Baltimore is received
and approved.
We have insured the arms here from
[ 162 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
the port of entry to Richmond in whatever
vessel they may go, as we are to deliver
them there free of risk or expense at con
tract price.
• ••••¦•¦ Your hum Ser
Stephen Higginson'
It would appear from the following letter
that the supply of arms from Europe proved
unsatisfactory, not being in accordance
with the sample, and it was suggested as
being desirable to offer them to Toussaint
L'Ouverture as shown in the following
letter, to Timothy Pickering: —
Boston Sept. 20" 99
Dr Sir :
I received your letter of the 12*'' in
stant and have reflected upon the subject;
and I think that, with the aid of the Herald,
and the permission of the Secretary of the
' American Historical Association Report, i8g6, i, 824.
[ 163 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
navy, I can arrange to furnish Touissaint
with some arms, lead and flints. — I have
a consignment of 4000 stands from Europe
intended for the state of Virginia on Con
tract, according to a sample in the hands
of the Executive, a part of them have been
delivered at Richmond, 1320 Arms and
1536 Cartridge Boxes, which do not prove
so well finished as the sample and are re
jected, though confessedly very good and
from one of the best factories in Prussia.
the rest are on board the Acteon for new
York, carried into England for inquiry,
and may daily be expected at new York
if not already there.
Now I propose to take a small Brigt, to
go out with the Herald as a Store Ship,
to put on board some Bread &c which will
be wanted by our Ships on the Hispaniola
Station — to order round from new York
the 2680 arms by the Acteon, to put part
on board the Herald and part in the Brigt,
taking some of the Herald's Stores in the
[ 164 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
Brigt to leave room and to have the Brigt
balasted with Lead which may be done
without clearing it out; and in case the
Acteon does not arrive in time to send the
Arms here in time, the Herald and Brig*
may call off new York, and receive the
Arms if they are there or if not go on to
Hampton Roads where the other parcel
may be ready to take in — or both parcels
may be shipped in this way, if the Acteon
be arrived as the Arms at Richmond will
be ordered here, and probably those by the
Acteon too. I can easily arrange so as to
have one, if not both parcels shipped with
out any delay, should those by the Acteon
not arrive at N. York in time to come here
before the Herald will be ready, say 20
days hence. This kind of use of the Herald
is necessary to cover the shipment as well
as to convey the Articles safe to port; and
by this arrangement we can effect the
shipment without militating with the Laws.
I must assume the appearance of doing this
[ 165 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
with the privity of the government and for
their use; but it will not implicate the
Executive in any branch or degree, or re
quire any direction or Act from any one
to execute. But I cannot venture to do this
without an understanding with Mr. Stod-
dert." it is a use to be made of a public
Ship, which as an agent I ought not to
attempt without such an understanding,
which may be conveyed satisfactorily to
me through you, if it be thought eligible.
As yet no other safe and easy mode has
occurred to me of effecting the Object;
which is desirable and important in a pub
lic view; but for all I at present see, this
mode may be adopted without involving
any serious difficulty, it will indeed pass
off without notice if well executed. But
to attempt to smuggle the Articles and be
detected would occasion much noise and
discussion and it would render the supply
very precarious without convoy and hasard
' Secretary of the Navy.
[ i66 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
much more clamour, than can possibly be
excited in the proposed mode — in that
indeed I cannot see how any can arise,
nor even a suspicion as to the Object till
after it shall be effected. — '
It appears that some correspondence on
the subject passed between him and Mr.
Timothy Pickering, as is shown by the
following letter: — Boston Oct. 3" 99.
D Sir
I received your several Letters of last
month, your Opinion as to sending Arms
&c to Hisp* in the mode I suggested coin
cides with my own. upon reflection many
objections occurred to render it ineligible,
though to furnish Touissant with the means
to suppress Rigaut, appears evidently for
the interest of our Country. I therefore
have made no preparatory Arrangements
' American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 825.
[ 167 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
for the object, and have given over all
thoughts of doing anything myself in the
business. — '
He appears to have taken, personally,
no more steps, though in a later letter he
suggests to his New York correspondents
a modified plan which they might, if they
pleased, carry out. But nothing more
came of it.
His tendency to conciliation evidently
grew, as is so apt to be the case, with
advancing years and undoubtedly led him
on dangerous ground upon the occasion of
the visit of the French diplomatist, Pierre
Adet, to Boston in 1797. Adet became
minister to the United States from France
in 1795, but two years later broke off dip
lomatic relations under cover of a note of
the Directory, declaring that France would
treat neutrals as they allowed themselves
to be treated by the English. While this
' American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 827.
[ 168 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
matter was pending, he came to Boston
and a reception was given to him, which
was so strikingly characteristic of the
period in its innocent inflation that it is
worth recording in full. The most ample
description of it is to be found in the
"Columbian Centinel."
The fullest description of the event is
as follows : —
A dinner was yesterday given by a
number of the most respectable citizens,
to his Excellency Citizen Adet, French
Minister, near the United States. — At
which were drank the following
TOASTS :
I. The President.
2. The Republic of France — The en
ergy of her councils — The liberality of
her policy, and the unparalelled splendor
of her arms. [ 169 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
3. The Vice-President and Congress of
the United States.
4. The Governor and Commonwealth
of Massachusetts.
5. The Minister of France near the
United States.
[The Minister here took occasion to
make the following pathetic address to
the Company: "The marks of friendship
with which you overwhelm me, I receive,
not so much on my own account, as on
that of the nation I have the honor of
representing — Whilst I testify at this
moment the extreme satisfaction I feel in
finding myself beside those citizens who
first raised the standard of liberty on this
Continent,' and who have known so well
how to defend it — I seize the same in
stant to assure you of the affection I bear
to the Republic of the United States,
being assured that the Americans will
exert every effort to cement with the
' [Being near Gov. Adams and Gen. Lincoln.]
[ 170 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
people of France an union, formed under
the auspices of victory, and which the
blessings of liberty will from day to day
consolidate.] 6. The Batavian Republic — May the
United voice of her citizens soon give
stability to her government and perpe
tuity to her liberties.
7. Uninterrupted Peace and Friendship
between the three great Republics.
8. The Powers friendly to the United
States. 9. The Columbsan \sic\ Fair.
10. Our University and all sources of
information. II. The liberty of the press and the
sacred right oi \sic\ private opinion.
12. Commerce — May that of the United
States be as extensive as inreresting \sic\
13. Agriculture — That source of inde
pendence and palladium of freedom.
14. The Arts and Sciences — Those
luminaries of national glory — May they
[ ^71 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
be constantly adding new splendor to the
western constellation.
15. The Temple of Freedom — May
its Portals be the Poles, its Canopy the
Heavens and its Votaries Mankind.
16. The Nations of the Globe — May
their enlightened policy, unclouded wis
dom and unsullied justice, give Peace,
Liberty and Happiness to all the world.
VOLUNTEERS
The American, French, and Batavian
Republics — May they, by the virtues
which they practise, and the happiness
which they exhibit, attach all nations to
the cause of social Liberty — Liberty —
May the mirror of Truth be her -^gis,
and the Hydra of false Politics her Me
dusa's head — May the Buckler of Free
dom cover the oppressed, and her spear
be emblazoned in humbling the oppressor
— Peace to the contending nations of the
earth — May the flames of War serve but
[ 172 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
to light the calumet of Peace. — All Man
kind — May the exalted virtue of Patri
otism itself be finally lost in universal
Philanthropy.' "It is curious," says a correspondent
of this same newspaper, a week later,
"but not very extraordinary to observe
an evident chagrin discoverable in the
disorganizers at the very cordial recep
tion which the French Minister every
where meets with since his arrival in
Massachusetts. It is a happy circumstance
that this gentleman's character is such
a contrast to some others, that we Ameri
cans can testify that cordial regard and
steady friendship which is universally felt
in New-England towards the French
and their cause without running into that
excess of fermentation which from its
very nature is short and transient. The
friendship of the New-Englanders for our
¦ Columbian Centinel, Sept. 24, 1796.
[ 173 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
illustrious allies is like that of our great
Washington, calm, sober, and lasting,
and not enthusiastic, flaming, and evanes
cent. The New-England character is that
of blunt sincerity, mixed with that honest
pride, which disdains to express in words
or actions, what our hearts do not feel,
and sober reason confirm. — It must be
gratifying to our very respectable visitant
to know that all New-England can shout
with sincerity vive la Republique Fran-
cais." '
On another page of the same paper is a
Protest signed " A Federalist " against " the
evident disrespect paid to the Proclama
tion of neutrality issued by our President,
in the address of the Selectmen to Citizen
Adet." But this gave clear room to the keen
pen of John Quincy Adams, who seldom
missed an opportunity of making himself
even with a critic and who writes as fol-
' Columbian Centinel, Oct. i, 1796.
[ 174 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
lows : " Pray tell me entre nous, whether
you were one of the citizens who frater
nized with Citizen Adet at Concert Hall?
Whether Citizen Lincoln and Citizen
Higginson were not a little in the com
punctions for the illegitimate embraces
they gave and received on that da}'^.'*
They seemed to me to be stolen amours
at the time. We may smile a little sub
rosh at these runnings astray after stolen
waters of our good friends, and merito
rious characters. But it is a serious
thing." '
To the reader of the present time, this
may seem mainly important as indicating
a tone of rhetorical breadth which has
now quite ceased to be palatable. It was
much better characterized by Fisher Ames
as follows: —
"You will see the toasts at a feast of
fraternity in Boston for M. Adet; there is
' President Adams to John Quincy, Feb. 21, 1797, in E.
Quincy's Life off. Quincy, p. 54.
[ ^n ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
an incorrectness in them and in the whole
business; some good men incautiously
yielded to the project which the antis set
on foot, but could not execute even de
cently, unless their betters in character
and principle, should concur. A second
set followed the first, who were entrapped
because they would not leave them to be
mortified. This may palliate it to you
and a few others, but the face of the
business is bad and foolish at home and
abroad." '
Stephen Higginson was brought in con
tact with John Quincy Adams some years
later in a manner which may or may not
have healed the wound left by the Adet
reception, but which does not appear to
have left more harmonious results. In Mr.
Adams's Diary, he tells of being called
upon in the State Senate in February,
1803, by Harrison Gray Otis, with a project
of a new bank in Boston. Otis stated that
^ Gibbs's Administrations of Washington and Adams, ii, 384.
[ 176 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
"about twenty gentlemen had met together
and projecting to unite all the great and re
spectable interests in the town had chosen
a committee from among themselves to
offer the subscriptions round to every
gentleman of respectable character," no
person except the original proprietors
being allowed to take over fifty shares.
Mr. Adams wished for a more general sub
scription to which Mr. Otis strongly ob
jected. Later Mr. Higginson, Mr. Lyman,
and Mr. Lloyd also came to him in the
afternoon on the same matter. Adams,
having stated his objections, found it, in
his own words, a "subject of no small dif
ficulty how to conduct myself on this
occasion."' There was a close vote on the
bill in the State Senate, 14 to 12, and it
passed in the House, but was reconsidered,
and appears to have fallen through. We
can hardly appreciate the position held by
the few banks in the community without
' Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, i, 26r.
[ 177 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
recalling the curious fact that at Harvard
Commencement exercises during the eight
eenth century the four persons regularly
seated in state upon the platform were the
Governor of the State, the President of the
State Senate, the Speaker of the House,
and " the President of the Bank.'"
One of the latest of Stephen Higgin
son's letters now accessible is to be found
among the manuscript Pickering papers
of the Massachusetts Historical Society
(vol. xxvii, p. 57), relating to a difference
of opinion between Pickering and John
Quincy Adams, then senator from Mas
sachusetts, on the subject of Louisiana.
Letters of Dana and Ames on the same
subject are to be found in the same vol
ume. The letter of Stephen Higginson is
as follows, and furnishes one of the most
piquant exhibitions of the view of John
Quincy Adams which seems to have been
taken by many at that period.
' Knox's History of Banking (N. Y. 1900), p. 359.
[ 178 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
Boston, Feb? 15" 1804.
DSiR I received your letters of Jan^ 6 to i6th,
which I have been prevented from answer
ing sooner by sickness. —
I have shewn your Letter to Mess""^ Ca
bot, Ames, T: Parsons, Judge Dana, and
a number of your friends beside, who
agree in Opinion, that you have been cor
rect in Sentiment and conduct, and that
your Colleague has acted like himself. I
inclose you a note from Dana and another
from Ames, which will give you a just
view of the Opinions of your friends on
the subject of your Letter —
Mr. A: will continue to be, as was ex
pected, very erratic in his Opinions and
movements, like a Kite without a Tail,
he will be violent and constant in his at
tempts to rise ; but like that, he will be
impelled by every eddy Wind, and will
pitch on one side and on the other, as the
popular Currents may happen to strike,
[ 179 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
without soaring to his intended point, his
views are ambitious, even to the Chair of
State ; but his conflicting passions will
lead him astray, and prevent his rising.
he looks constantly to the object of his
wishes ; but his pride and vanity never
permit him to use steadily the means nec
essary to attain the end. his dispositions
feelings and habits are those of a very
high toned Aristocrat ; but, in the present
state of things, he must rise by the demo
cratic Ladder, or not make any progress
in his pursuit. — with such Views and feel
ings &c, it is very natural for him at one
time to court the Virginia democrats, to
endeavour to concilitate his virtuous breth
ren of Louisiana ; and at another to seper-
ate from, and perhaps affront both, to
shew his independence he will beside be
often misled by his visionary scheme of
building up a third and independent party,
to controul both the federalists and demo
crats, both of which he affects to believe
[ i8o ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
are equally wrong, with this strange mix
ture of passion, and visionary schemes,
unchecked by common sense, and prac
tical discretion derived from experience
and a knowledge of the world, you must
not expect a steady coincidence of opin
ion, and union as to the object and man
ner of pursuit, although you may appear
to agree in your leading principles of Ac
tion. —
Wishing as much health and satisfac
tion as your present situation will admit
of, I am very truly yours &c.
Stephen Higginson.'
Another enterprise in which Stephen
Higginson was involved at this time was
one of the very first experiments at bank
ing in Massachusetts. The early history
of banking in these enterprises is now ad-
' American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 839, 840,
841.
[ 181 1

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
mitted by the most patient students to be
almost impenetrable. It is known that the
Massachusetts Bank chartered in Boston
in 1784 was the first local bank in that
State and the second in the United States,
the Bank of Philadelphia having been char
tered January 7, 1784. There were indeed
but five banks in the whole nation up to
1799, and in 1805 there were but sixteen.
It seems that in 1803, a law requiring
semi-annual returns of conditions to the
Governor and Council was enacted. No
systematic effort to collect statistics on
banks was imposed until 1832 and no de
finite information concerning them seems
now accessible.
Secretary Crawford in 1836 admitted
that at that time many of the amounts
given in this direction were wholly con
jectural. Mr. Gouge, in his short history
of paper money and banking in the United
States, says that all efforts to collect the
accounts of the early banks had proved so
[ 182 ]

MUNICIPAL LIFE IN BOSTON
unsatisfactory that it was " not thought
worth while to arrange for publication
the materials that had been procured."'
After 1799 no bank but that at Nantucket
could issue notes of less than five dollars,
this exception being perhaps on account
of the whale fishery. As a result the State
was flooded with small bills from other
States; this again bringing such incon
venience in Massachusetts that bank-bills
for twenty-five cents were used every
where and specie almost disappeared. It
is hardly strange if it is now impossible to
determine the fate of a bank projected by
Stephen Higginson and his fellow capi
talists. It is in a similar way a great source of
regret that so few of Stephen Higginson's
letters to Alexander Hamilton appear in
the collections. It is known that Hamil
ton's son came to Boston, when engaged
in the preparation of his memoir of his
¦ See Knox's History of Banking (^. Y. 1900), p. 307.
[ '83 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
father, and was quite vexed, it is re
corded, at finding that his letters to Hig
ginson had been burned by the latter, in
pursuit of a practice which extended also
to George Cabot, Jonathan Jackson, and
others; and the few letters of Higginson's
to Hamilton which are preserved are far
less valuable and significant, as a whole,
than those addressed to others.

XII
NAVY AGENT
(1798)
" Far as the breeze can bear, the billows roam.
Survey our empire and behold our home 1 "
Byron, The Corsair, I, i.

NAVY AGENT
IT is not too much to claim that Ste
phen Higginson stood for many years
at or near the head of those Boston
merchants, the weight of whose judg
ment was fully recognized by the general
government, at a time when mercantile
relations occupied far more of national
functions than now. Private letters are
extant affording stronger testimony of this
influence than is to be found in any mere
rumor, as, for instance, in this letter from
John Jay to President Washington: —
New York, 26 January, 1796.
Dear Sir,
The British ratification of the treaty
not having arrived, and consequently the
time for appointing the Commissioners
mentioned in it not being come, I have
[ ^87 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
thus long postponed replying to yours of
the 2ist of last month. It certainly is im
portant that the Commissioners relative
to the debts, and also the captures, be
men the best qualified for those places.
Probably it would be advisable to appoint
one lawyer and one merchant for each
of them. The capture cases are to be
decided in London. From much that I
have heard, and the little I have observed
of Mr. Higginson, of Boston, I am in
duced to think him, as a merchant, the
best qualified of any I am acquainted
with; and the mass of the captures being
from the Eastern and Middle States, it
would perhaps be most satisfactory that
the Commissioners should be from those
countries. With him I should be inclined
to join Mr. King, or Mr. Dexter, or per
haps Mr. Smith of South Carolina.'
It was only natural that under these
' Sparks's Correspondence of the American Revolution,'vi,^T).
[ i88 ]

NAVY AGENT
circumstances the government should
look toward Stephen Higginson, after his
years of nautical life, for active partici
pation in creating an American navy.
How great was the opposition brought
out by the first efforts in this direction
will be best indicated by the following
extract from a speech of William Mac-
lay, who with Robert Morris represented
Pennsylvania in the first United States
Senate : " It is the design of the Court
party [referring to those who wished the
new government to conform as much as
possible to the monarchical ideas of the
Old World] to have a fleet and an army.
This is but the entering wedge of a new
monarchy in America, after all the blood
shed and sufferings of a seven years' war
to establish a republic. The Indian War
is forced forward to justify our having a
standing army, and eleven unfortunate
men now in slavery in Algiers is the pre
text for fitting out a fleet." In another
[ 189 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
place he says : " This thing of a fleet has
been working among our members all the
session. I have heard it break out often.
It is another menace to our republican
institutions." '
The author of " Familiar Letters on Pub
lic Characters," William Sullivan, a man
of great ability and integrity, but a bitter
Federalist, says of Stephen Higginson,
" He was navy agent of the United States
from the first beginning of the navy until
he was dismissed to accommodate one of
Mr. Jefferson's partisans." It is fair to say
at this point that Mr. Sullivan here goes
quite too far and is unjust, not merely to
President Jefferson, but more particularly
to the newly appointed Secretary of the
Navy, Benjamin Stoddert. The case was
a very simple one. The first Secretary of
the Navy appointed was George Cabot.
He declined the office, however, under
' William Maclay's Journal, p. 383.
" Sullivan's Familiar Letters, p. 381.
[ 190 ]

NAVY AGENT
circumstances stated in the following cor
respondence, when the very existence of
the new-born Navy Department was at
stake. The position will be best under
stood by reading the following letters
which passed between Pickering and
Cabot: —

PICKERING TO CABOT
Department of State, May 5, 1798.
Sir, — The President of the United
States being desirous of availing the pub
lic of your services as Secretary of the
Navy of the United States, I have now the
honor of enclosing the commission, and of
expressing the sentiments of respect with
which I am, sir, your obedient servant,
Timothy Pickering.
Then follows a private letter accom
panying the official one. It begins as
follows: — [ 191 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
Sir, — I cannot transmit your com
mission, without expressing my individual
wishes that you would accept the office of
Secretary of the Navy of the United States.
I know at the same time that you cannot
accept it without making some sacrifices ;
but our present situation demands this as
a duty from every citizen, and especially
from those who are eminently qualified to
contribute to the safety and prosperity of
our country. In this new office, the Pre
sident wishes to find not only a person of
practical knowledge in maritime affairs,
but a statesman ; and how seldom can
these two characters be found combined
in one person? In every character, public
and private, you know how happy those
of us whom you are already acquainted
with would be made by your acceptance
of the office. The public advantages to be
derived from your conducting the depart
ment you can fully estimate, and your
friends have anticipated. Although the
[ 192 J

NAVY AGENT
formation of a navy has been contemplated
these four years, it is at the present mo
ment only that the establishment may be
considered as commencing, and it is of
vast importance that the foundation be
well laid, — that the first institutions and
regulations be adjusted in the best manner
to its present most efficient use and future
prospering. I will suggest but one other
consideration. If you decline taking the
office, where will your country find a sub
stitute ? There is not one in Philadelphia,
and you will readily believe there is no
one southward of it ; and, if you fix your
eye on anyone to the eastward, will you
propose to yourself these questions ; " Can
he relinquish his private affairs more con
veniently than I ? Can he accept the office
without making greater sacrifices than I
must make? In a word, is it the duty of
any citizen more than mine to perform this
indispensable public service?"'
' Lodge's Life of Cabot, p. 1 55.
[ 193 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
The following is Cabot's answer: —
CABOT TO PICKERING
Brookline, May ii, 1798.
My dear Sir, — By the same mail
which brought me your official letter of
the 5th, I received a private one to which
I feel anxious to make a satisfactory reply.
Although it is true that my inclinations,
habits, duties, and interests all remarkably
concur in confining me to private life, and
although in consequence of this I have
been continually growing less fit for any
public station where great efficiency is
required, yet such is my zeal to maintain
the political institutions of our country,
and thus preserve the country itself, that
I should not at this moment hesitate to
engage in the office to which I am invited,
if I were not perfectly convinced that the
service is beyond my strength.
I have seen with a painful sympathy,
the tasks which our executive officers are
[ 194 ]

GEORGE CABOT

NAVY AGENT
called to perform, and have often made
the reflection that, if they were not capable
of the most intense and persevering ap
plication, the public business must suffer.
I have seen with pride, however, that the
affairs of our executive government have
been conducted with a degree of order,
intelligence, and steadiness that do great
honor to the nation; but I must be allowed
to say that I am incapable of imitating
those efforts which in others have been
productive of so much good. This is a
circumstance so important that, in my
estimation, it greatly outweighs the advan
tage of any practical knowledge which a
person could be supposed to bring into
the office. It is undoubtedly requisite that
the officer at the head of the naval depart
ment should possess considerable know
ledge of maritime affairs; but this should
be elementary as well as practical, includ
ing the principles of naval architecture
and naval tactics. He should also possess
[ 195 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
skill sufficient to arrange systematically
the means of equipping, manning, and con
ducting the naval force with the greatest
possible despatch and with the least pos
sible expense; and, above all, he should
possess the inestimable secret of rendering
it invincible by any equal force. Thus a
knowledge of the human heart will con
stitute an essential ingredient in the char
acter of this officer, that he may be able
to convert every incident to the elevation
of the spirit of American seamen. Suffer
me to ask how a man who has led a life
of indolence for twenty years can be ren
dered capable of these various exertions?
In the present case, it is physically impos
sible. Notwithstanding the grateful sen
sations which are excited by so flattering
a testimony of the national confidence, yet
I think I do not deceive myself in saying
that I had rather not have been thought
fit for this office, than be justly chargeable
with refusing at this time any essential
[ 196 ]

NAVY AGENT
service which I ought to perform. Let me
therefore repeat that, waiving all other
objections, it is an insuperable one
that my powers are inadequate to the
work.' Cabot being thus out of the question,
the active work of the navy during the
interval between Cabot's refusal and the
appointment of a permanent secretary lay
in the hands of one who, far from leading
a life of indolence for twenty years, had
led a very busy life, namely, Stephen Hig
ginson. The interval lasted from May ii
to June 22, 1798, the latter being the date
when the first actual Secretary of the Navy
entered on his duties, though Stephen
Higginson wrote on June 9 to Timothy
Pickering:' "I am glad to learn that Mr.
Stoddert has accepted the office of Sec'y
of the Navy; and I hope he will soon
' Lodge's Life of Cabot, p. 156. See the fine tribute to
Cabot by Dr. Channing, in his address entitled " The Union."
2 American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 808.
[ 197 1

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
enter upon his duties, which are import
ant indeed."
I have in my possession copies of a
hundred or more letters from the Secre
tary of the Navy, Mr. Stoddert, to Stephen
Higginson, these being accompanied,
strange to say, by only two from the latter,
who was yet the man in whom the new
Secretary of the Navy evidently placed his
entire confidence during his early experi
ence. This is clearly shown by the whole
tone of the new Secretary's earlier letters.
He writes, for instance, in the very first of
these (June 22, 1798), from the Navy
Department the following : " I am but new
to my office & shall stand in need of all
the aid I can obtain from enlightened and
patriotic men like yourself in all parts of
the Union, to enable me to discharge with
success its arduous duties." ' In the next
letter the Secretary writes further (June
30, 1798) : " The officers, agreeably to the
' U. S. Navy Department MSS.
[ ^98 ]

NAVY AGENT
list enclosed in your letter of the 25th
inst., have been this day presented to the
President, who has nominated to the Sen
ate the commissioned officers, and has
appointed the others. There is no doubt
all will be appointed, and as soon as they
are appointed, commissions shall be for
warded." ' Nearly a week later (July 5)
after inquiring for the exact situation of
the frigate Constitution, he writes : —
" Presuming that men can be immedi
ately had for the Herald, I will in two or
three days send Capt. Sever's instructions
for a cruise. Our coast, at least from New
York to Cape Henry, has been, for some
time past, clear of French Privateers.
From Cape Henry to the Southern Ex
tremity will be sufficiently guarded for
the present. Capt. Sever & the cutter, I
presume, will be equal to the protection
of the Eastern Coasts and the fisheries,
and the three frigates, two of which are
' U. S. Navy Department MSS.
[ 199 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
out, might do something in the West In
dies. I wish I had your full advice and
opinion on this subject. I shall always
receive with satisfaction your ideas as to
the proper employment of our vessels." '
Letters like the following show how
large a portion of the actual work of
organizing this new navy devolved on the
business agents, and also shows more fully
the complete dependence placed for a time
on Stephen Higginson. Navy Department,
30th June, 1798.
Sir: The officers [of a certain ship], agree
ably to the list enclosed in your letter of
the 25 th inst., have been this day presented
to the President, who has nominated to the
Senate the commissioned officers, and has
appointed the others. There is no doubt
all will be appointed, and as soon as they
¦ U. S. Navy Department MSS.
[ 200 ]

NAVY AGENT
are appointed commissions shall be for
warded. With respect to the other officers, it is
not probable their names will be rec'd. in
time enough to have their commissions
sent on to Boston before the Herald is
ready for a cruise. In this case, Capt.
Sever, with your aid, must fill up the
different stations with proper characters.
There can be no question that the appoint
ments will be approved of here, and the
officers can make one cruise, as those of
Capt. Truxton's have done, without war
rants or commissions. A list of the names
and station of the officers must be for
warded to me, with the dates of their
appointments, that I may have them ap
proved of by the President and registered
in this office.
The Lieutenant of Marines and Surgeon's
Mate, being commissioned officers, they
must be appointed by the Senate, if in
session. Blank commissions, therefore,
[ 201 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
could not be sent on for them, nor is it the
practice to send them for warrant officers.
Your idea of making the Pilot the sail
ing master is certainly a good one, and
will be attended to, but proper pilots
cannot be found in all places for sailing
masters. In Boston such persons can be
found. Capt, Decatur has a pilot who is
the sailing master — his pay is 60 dollars
per month. It is presumed the person act
ing in this capacity with Capt. Sever will
be content with the same pay.
I shall, in a few days, send on to Capt.
Sever his orders for a cruise. It is hoped
he will be ready.
Copper for the ships at Portsmouth is
ordered to be sent immediately.
Stephen Higginson, Esq., Boston.'
Navy Department,
5th July, 1798.
I wish I knew the exact situation of the
' U. S. Navy Department MSS.
[ 202 ]

NAVY AGENT
Frigate Constitution. You have judged
right in procuring ever3rthing for the ship
building at Portsmouth which could be
got with you, instead of depending on
Philadelphia. This line of conduct will
be right in all future instances. The
freight, delay, etc., will always make up
for more than any difference in price, even
if the articles could be procured cheaper
here, which is doubted. The copper has
been ordered on, and the ballast shall be
sent in time. Your suggestions as to an
understanding with the British shall be
attended to.
Presuming that men can be immedi
ately had for the Herald, I will in two or
three days send on Capt. Sever's instruc
tions for a cruise. Our coast, at least from
New York to Cape Henry, has been, for
some time past, clear of French priva
teers. From Cape Henry to the Southern
Extremity will be sufficiently guarded for
the present. Capt. Sever & the cutter, I
[ 203 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
presume, will be equal to the protection of
the Eastern Coasts and the fisheries, and
the three frigates, two of which are out,
might do something in the West Indies. I
wish I had your full advice and opinion
on this subject. I shall always receive
with satisfaction your ideas as to the proper
employment of our vessels. The force we
shall be able to command in one month
will be as follows: —
Frigate U. States  48 guns.
Constellation  38 "
Constitution  44 "
Two ships from Baltimore, 20 guns each.
Two from this port, now out, the same
force.
Two or three cutters.
The Herald.
Your letter does not state the sum wanted
for fitting out the Herald. Expecting to
hear shortly from you on this subject, I
have requested the Secretary of the Trea
sury to remit you by this day's mail 8000
[ 204 J

NAVY AGENT
dollars on that account, and a further sum
of 4000 dollars, to be paid over by you to
Capt. Sever, for the purpose of recruiting
the men. If there was a purser appointed he
would be the proper person to receive and
distribute it to the recruiting officers, under
the direction of the Captain. Be so good
as to have a proper person fixed on for this
office, and let him act as if he had received
his appointment, sending his name to me,
and if more money be necessary, be pleased
to have it furnished.
Stephen Higginson, Esq.'
This illustrates the need of counsel felt
by the newly appointed head of the Navy
Department : —
Navy Department,
July 12, 1798.
Sir: I have this day sent on orders to
Captain Nicholson & Capt. Sever to pro
ceed to sea. ' U. S. Navy Department MSS.
[ 205 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
The cutter at Newbury is to be under
my direction when equipped for sea. I en
close orders for the Captain, which I pre
sume the Secretary of the Treasury has
ordered him to obey. I can say to you,
in confidence, that Barry, in the Frigate
United States, 48 guns, that Decatur, in
the Delaware, a strong ship of 22 guns,
have orders to proceed immediately from
the Capes of Delaware and to fall in with
Capt. Sever and the cutter at Cape Cod,
or, not finding them there, to Nantasket
Roads; from whence the four vessels are
to proceed, under the command of Barry,
to the West Indies, to fall in with the
Islands, 3 or 4 degrees to the windward
of Barbadoes, and thence keeping to the
windward of Martinico, Antigua, etc., to
Porto Rico, from whence, after a short
cruise, and attempting to get our seamen
from that Island, where it is said there are
a great many, they are to return. Captain
Nicholson meantime is to protect the
[ 206 ]

NAVY AGENT
Eastern Coast — his cruising ground from
about fifteen leagues East of the east end
of George's Island to the west of Long
Island. I wish you would give me your candid
opinion of this arrangement, and add such
observations as shall direct me better in
future. It was unfortunate that, in confer
ring the appointment of the Secretary of
the Navy upon me, the President could
not also confer the knowledge necessary
for the Secretary of the Navy to possess
to make him most useful to his country.'
At this point in the correspondence
come the two letters from Stephen Hig
ginson, himself, preserved out of all this
correspondence. How the disappearance
of all these other letters occurred will
probably never be known. It has aready
been mentioned that Stephen Higginson
burnt much of his correspondence, like
• U. S. Navy Department MSS.
[ 207 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
many Federalists, after the party went hope
lessly out of power. But inasmuch as these
letters of his own must have been in the
custody of the Navy Department, it is im
possible to tell how they were recalled
and what became of them. For this rea
son both letters are given as follows:
these being in all probability only the re
presentative of a hundred or so which have
disappeared. Boston, July 25, '98.
Sir: Capt. Sever this moment mentions that
you had intimated to him that you could
nowhere find the force of the Herald
stated. This I wonder at, as I had men
tioned in more than one letter that she was
to carry 16 six pounders and six four-
pounders on quarter decks and forecastle,
and Capt. Sever has arranged to take 54
able seamen, 26 ordinary, sergeant, cor
poral, two musicians and 14 marines,
which, with the commissioned and war-
[ 208 ]

NAVY AGENT
rant officers, will make 128 in all. I seize
the moment of the post going off to state
this to you & remain
Respectfully, your hum. sevt.
Stephen Higginson.'
Here follows naturally the only other
letter from Stephen Higginson on this
point which has come to light at Washing
ton, and I give it in full to convey his idea
of the duties of his position and also his
fearless and independent judgment of his
subordinates : — Boston, August 23, 1798.
"Benj. Stoddert, Esq.
Sir: I remain without any letters from you
since my last. Yesterday the Herald and
Pickering sailed on their cruise, after
waiting several days for a wind, with sev
eral other vessels. Capt. Sever has left
• U. S. Navy Department MSS.
[ 209 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
with me the pay roll, muster roll, watch
list and quarter bill, and a number of per
sons' oaths, &c., which I shall forward to
you, if they are to be in your office, as
I suppose. I mentioned in my last Capt, Sever not
having all his marines, and sent you a
copy of my note to him to remove his
doubts about going to sea without them,
which had its effect. Sever will be an
excellent naval commander ; he is a cool,
firm, discreet, gentlemanlike man, who
feels and conducts with dignity & zeal
proper to his station; he is remarkable
for discipline and regularity; his principle
defect, if it may be called one, is a great
attention to method & order ; and his
first Lt. is a fine fellow, possessing every
quality requisite to excel in the naval line.
You may be assured that ship is well
appointed, & will not be given away to
any vessel near her force.
The Cutter is also well appointed, with
[ 210 ]

NAVY AGENT
good officers & a good crew. Capt. Chap
man is not inferior to any man in the Navy;
many think him to excel, & his officers
are very good.
As Capt. Sever appointed & attended
upon the frigate at Portsmouth till she was
suspended, he expects again to be called
to attend upon her, no doubt, & at his re
turn from this cruise will be ready to do
it; & Capt. Chapman will be the man
most agreeable to the subscribers & the
committee for building the ship in this
town, & would himself like to have her.
I will suggest to you an arrangement
which I think will be very agreeable to
the people of influence & discernment here,
& will be promotive of the public interest.
If Capts, Sever & Chapman shall be ap
pointed to the ships mentioned, they will
prefer leaving their present commands &
attending to the building their new ships,
as they will wish to oversee and direct in
many matters of interior construction, to
[ 211 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
conform to their own taste. Mr. Hutch-
ins, now first Lt. of the Herald, can
take the Herald, which he merits fully,
and Mr. Hillar first Lt. of the Pickering,
can be rewarded by the command of her.
These two men are very efficient & have
great talents for the Navy. Hutchins is
an uncommon man and both are capable
of greater energies than common men, and
both have great spirit and ambition, tem
pered with discretion. This will leave the
ship building by Col. Hacket, at Ports
mouth, for Daniel McNeil, who, I find,
has his eye upon and wishes to be ap
pointed to her. I take the liberty of sug
gesting this arrangement as one which
will meet the desires of the officers, the
public opinion & the good of the service ;
and if it does not interfere with any other
which you may have in view, I think I
might venture to be responsible for the
result. The only part that I have any
doubt is that of McNeils, but as he is
[ 212 ]

NAVY AGENT
to be provided for and has a commission,
he had better have that ship than one
here. I thought the 20,000 dollars remitted
last would have been sufficient for all de
mands this month, but I find the Herald's
bills amount to more than I expected, and
more is called for from Portsmouth, so that
another 20,000 dollars will be wanted. The
accounts for the Herald will be all in and
ready next week to forward to you. Will
you have all the original bills sent on;
duplicates have been taken of most & may
be forwarded if you wish them.
I am with respect your hum. sevt.,
Stephen Higginson.'
The following is also interesting as show
ing the view then held as to the ultimate
needs of the Navy, and how candidly the
new secretary sought counsel of one who
was technically an agent only : —
• U. S. Navy Department MSS.
[ 213 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON Navy Department,
loth April, 1799.
Sir: It is not positively determined at what
places the six 74 gun ships are to be built.
Steps have been taken to get from Georgia
the frames of live oak, but a very great
quantity of other timber will be wanted
and must be obtained very quickly. Moulds
are preparing and by the time they are
ready to be sent from hence, I want to fix
on the places to which they are to be
sent, I am inclined to believe that we must
ultimately build our public ships at not
more than three different places — one in
New Hampshire or Massachusetts, one on
North River, and one on Chesapeake Bay,
but I am rather disposed to build the pre
sent six ships in as many different places,
but to make collections of timber, be3'ond
what will be necessary for the ships, only
at three places; one on Chesapeake, one
[ 214 ]

Copyright, 1896, by A. W. Elson & Co.
THE frigate constitution

NAVY AGENT
on North River, and one to the Eastward.
Will you be so good as to favor me with
your opinion on this subject, and also with
your opinion of the places where two of
the present six ships ought to set up east
of New York. One will probably be com
menced at New York, one on Delaware.
But if it should be found impracticable to
build one on Delaware, for want of suffi
cient depth of water, a point at this mo
ment doubtful. In that case, three will be
set up Eastward of New York.
Stephen Higginson, Esq.'
Such letters as those of Stoddert could
easily be multiplied, but a hundred of
them would only establish more thoroughly
the fact that he, the first actual Secretary
of the Navy, was a trustworthy and la
borious man; and also the other fact that
Stephen Higginson was both the coadjutor
and the guiding adviser in all this work,
' U. S. Navy Department MSS.
[ 215 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
in which consisted the actual creation of
the American Navy, and of which the
frigate Constitution now remains the sole
memorial.

XIII
THE FEASTS OF SHELLS
(1802-3-4)
" There take (says Justice), take ye each a shell I " — Pope,
from Boileau (Epttre ii).

THE FEASTS OF SHELLS
There are few things which throw
a light more curious and unex
pected on the habits of our New
England ancestors than the annual cele
bration, under the above name, both in Ply
mouth and in Boston, of that which was
also called, more reverentially, Forefathers
Day. It was apparently in the year 1769
that the Old Colony Club began to cele
brate this event by a public dinner, at
which they made a great point of serving
shell-fish, succotash, and the like. The
following description of one of these early
feasts in Plymouth is taken from the ac
count of the celebration as given in the
" Boston Gazette," January 22, 1770: —
"At eleven of the clock, a. m., the
members of the club met met [.s«c] at the
hall, and from thence proceeded to the
[ 219 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
house of Mr. Howland, which is erected
upon the spot where the first licenced
house in the Old Colony formerly stood :
At half after Two, a decent repast was
served up, consisting of a large baked
Whortle-berry Pudding, Sauqetash, Cod
fish, Clams, Oysters, a Haunch of Vennison,
(roasted by the first jack brought to the
Colony,) Sea-Fowl, Frost: Fish and Eels,
dress'dinthe plainest manner; all appear
ance of luxury and extravagance being
avoided, in imitation of their worthy an
cestors, at four o'clock p. M. the members
of the Club headed by the steward, carry
ing a folio volume of the laws of the old
Colony, hand in handwalk'd in procession
to the Hall : Upon the appearance of the
members in the front of the Hall a num
ber of the descendants from the first set
tlers of the old Colony, drew up in a regu
lar file and discharged a volley of small
arms, succeeded by three cheers, which
were returned by the Club; after this at
[ 220 ]

THE FEASTS OF SHELLS
the private Grammar School opposite the
hall, a number of young gentlemen [as
sembled] to express their joy upon the
occasion, and their respect for the memory
of their ancestors, in the most agreeable
manner join'd in singing a song very suit
able for the day. At sun sett a Cannon
wos [sic^ fired and the Flag struck; in the
evening the Hall was illuminated and a
number of the principal Gentlemen of the
Town being previously invited joined the
Club and the President (being seated in
a large and venerable Chair formerly pos
sessed by William Bradford the sec
ond worthy Governor of the Old Colony
and presented to the Club by Dr. LeBarron
of that Town) delivered the following
toasts, and a number of others, which were
drank by the Company.
" After spending the Evening in an
agreeable manner in recapitulating, and
conversing upon the many and various
[ 221 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
adventures of their forefathers in the first
settlement of this Country, and the growth
and increase of the same, at Eleven o'Clock
in the Evening a Cannon was again fired,
three cheers given, and the Company
withdrew." These Plymouth celebrations continued
apparently up to the year 1 7 8 1 . During the
first ten years of this period there were also
religious exercises, though none earlier.
From 1 781 to 1792, there was apparently
no celebration at Plymouth, since which
such exercises have always been held.
In Boston, they were imitated, for the first
time, in 1797 or 1798 and were thence fol
lowed for many years. In 1801, 1802, and
1803 Stephen Higginson presided at the
Boston festivals, his vice-presidents being
on the first occasion Joseph Russell, Peleg
Coffin, and Martin Brimmer. It appears
from the "Columbian Centinel," Decem
ber 25, 1802, that the hall was appropriately
ornamented with the portraits of Win-
[ 222 ]

THE FEASTS OF SHELLS
throp, Endicott, Leverett, Higginson,
Bradstreet, and Wilson, together with an
historical painting " the Landing of the
Fathers " from the pencil of Mr. Sargent
and many curiosities connected with the
manners and persons of the time. It ap
pears that there were seventeen regular
toasts and fourteen volunteer ones, one
being to the President of the Day [Stephen
Higginson] after he had retired from the
chair, " May the Jacobins find many Fed
eralists whom they dread as much and
who will dread them as little."
From the fact that many toasts followed
this, we may assume that in colonial feasts,
as in modern ones, the entertainment grew
somewhat more convivial in later hours,
and a younger chairman succeeded. It
was, however, at the very end of the feast,
it would seem, that Judge Paine volun
teered this rousing sentiment, " Great Brit
ain, May that Nation which stood the
Friend of Liberty when Liberty had no
[ 223 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
other Friend among the Nations be refined
and conformed and remain Xhefachin^ while
the United States of America stands the
Boaz of true Political and Social Liberty,
until Sun and Moon shall set no more."
A festive occasion is imperfectly seen,
however, so long as we view it only
through the eyes of its supporters. Let us
now turn to the Feast of Shells as de
scribed by the Democratic press of Bos
ton. Thus in 1802 the "Independent Chron-
icle"for December 30 expresses indignation
at the speeches made at the "Feast of
Shells " entertainment, and still more that
one of them should have been introduced
by the tune which was then, doubtless,
in fashion, "Go to the devil and shake
yourself." The editor follows it up with
these words, " This is a pretty ditty for
the Sons of our pious Forefathers — what
an appearance must Gen. Lincoln and
' 2 Chronicles, iii, 17.
[ 224 J

THE FEASTS OF SHELLS
Judge Paine make in company with Ste
phen Higginson, Fisher Ames, Timothy
Pickering, Dr. Parker, the Rev. Mr. John
Gardiner, etc, etc. while attentively lis
tening to the music of * Go to the devil
and shake yourself.' This is piety with a
vengeance." On the recurrence of these alleged orgies
in 1803, the "Independent Chronicle" is
yet more wrathful (December 26, 1803),
under the following head : —
FEAST OF SHELLS — OR, BOSTON
SEDITION
IT has become fashionable of late, for
a few of the rich and well-born gentry to
celebrate what they call " the anniversary
of the landing of Our Forefathers,
at Cape Cod or Plymouth.''^ Who are
they that gather themselves together on
this new-fangled, glorious day, to eat &
drink in honor of their ancestors, and
call it a Feast of Shells ? and what the
[ 225 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
peculiar shining virtues of the celebrators
and celebrated ?
How striking a similarity is there be
tween the feast at Vila's, and the scanty
meal of clams, and fish, and brook water,
with which the poor houseless, expatri
ated, discontented wanderers, were obliged
to satisfy their unpampered appetites !
The virtues of those adventurers, who
first landed in this part of the American
empire, ought to be praised (if by their
descendants they are praised at all) with
great modesty. It is enough to say of
them that, in their native country, they
possessed, or thought they possessed, mer
its for which they were not sufficiently
respected or rewarded — the genius of
their then country was intolerant; and
they flew from persecution, in order to
spread the seed of persecution in an unin
habited wilderness.
Is this 22d of December, in the man
ner it is managed, a valuable institution ?
[ 226 ]

THE FEASTS OF SHELLS
Will the nobility and gentry about St.
James's, observe it with admiration, or
derision ? Is it a respectable anniversary ?
look at the toasts, and they will answer.
Have the celebrators, one spark of the
modest simplicity, the unassuming piety,
the disinterested devotion to God and the
Commonweal, which warmed the breasts
of our ancestors ? Are the celebrators
poor, disinterested and pious ? Do they
share all things in common ? Are they
exclusively (and who of them) the de
scendants of our ancestors ? Are not
most of the celebrators bloated and over-
abounding with such sort of piety as
filled the breast of Archbishop Laud ?
Have not many of them been perse
cutors } Have they not had their share
of power and good fat offices ?
In the third year (on December 27,
1804) the "Independent Chronicle" re
curs once more to the subject of " The
[ 227 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
parade that is made previously to this
mock sensation " («. e. of the Pilgrim din
ner), and describes an imaginary man
falling asleep, who fancies himself to be
watching a celebration where "a great
number of well-fed, well-dressed Pil
grims, who had never endured penance
beyond a drunken headache, were walk
ing about with some impatience, looking
at their gold watches and demanding the
dinner forthwith." The writer then goes
on to describe an imaginary picture in
which occurs the only reference to the
presiding officer, thus : " I observed that
the company attempted to eat their soup
at first with cockle-shells a la Pele-
rin, but his honor the moderator having
spilled some fat broth on a new pair of
black satin breeches, he called for spoons
and the antique fashion was abandoned."
A correspondent adds the expression of in
dignant regret that " sacred priests should
mingle in the laugh of revenge, the toast
[ 228 ]

THE FEASTS OF SHELLS
of slander and the song of personal con
tempt on a Saturday evening and bend
with confidence over the board of devo
tion on the day following."
No allusions to these festive occasions
are apparently to be found in Stephen
Higginson's correspondence. I find in
"An Appeal to the Public," by Jedediah
Morse, D.D. (Charlestown, 1814), he
states in regard to his " History of New
England," "The proposal of making it a
school book, to aid the design of the
feast of shells, was by me mentioned to
a number of the principal promoters of
that festival, among others to Mr, S, H.
Jun. [Higginson] and was by them ap
proved." '
' Morse's Appeal to the Public, p. 67. It was through this
reference that I first heard of the Feast itself.

XIV
A GREEN OLD AGE
"A green old age unconscious of decay." — Pope's Hefner's
Iliad, XXIII, 989.

A GREEN OLD AGE
Stephen Higginson was made a jus
tice of the peace in Massachusetts in
1782 and of the Quorum in 1788. He
was at one time displaced by Governor
Hancock and then reappointed by Gover
nor Bowdoin, the Laco Letters having very
probably had something to do with these
changes. In 1784, February 7, a bank was
established in Massachusetts of which Gov
ernor Bowdoin was president and George
Cabot, Jonathan Mason, John Lowell, Ste
phen Higginson and others were directors.
The latter sustained some loss of property
in 1 781, and at that time became separated
in partnership from Jonathan Jackson, who
removed to Newburyport, but Higginson
continued until about 1812 a successful
merchant. His only brother Henry died
unmarried about that time, leaving him a
[ 233 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
property of five or six thousand dollars.
At his most prosperous time Stephen Hig
ginson is described as having been worth
about half a million dollars, but when he
left business he had only about a hundred
and thirty thousand. The standard . of
wealth, we must remember, was incom
parably lower in those days than at the
present time. There lies before me the
list of subscribers for the first Catholic
church in Boston, that established by
Father Cheverus in 1803, in which the list
is headed by John Adams, the Perkins
brothers, Stephen Higginson, and Stephen
Higginson, Jr., each of these contributing
one hundred dollars, followed by five
other subscribers to the same amount, all
other subscriptions reaching only lower
sums. Several visits to England had made
him more cautious in commercial matters
than was my father, who kept up his risky
enterprises until he failed altogether and
had to retire from business. My grand-
[ 234 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
father was still classed among the rich
men of Boston and built what was then
a large country seat in Brookline, upon
ground now occupied by his kinsmen of
the Lowell family ; and his life there was
too picturesque and old-fashioned not to
be given in a separate chapter, as por
trayed by my cousin the late William
Henry Channing.
The following letter is from Stephen
Higginson, who had declined reelection
to Congress, to Arthur Lee, who was still
there, in reference to the retirement of
Alexander Hamilton, " the General," from
that branch of the public service. It will
be remembered that one of Hamilton's
favorite measures had been to obtain con
sent to the grant of five per cent impost
on imports. This was defeated, largely
through the opposition of Rhode Island ;
and Lodge, in his biography of Hamilton
(p. 40), says: "Defeated at this point.
Congress fell back on its old policy of
[ 235 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
recommending a grant for a term of years;
and against this Hamilton and Higgin
son voted with the Rhode Islanders, who
opposed all forms of taxation or debt-
paying." It would seem from this let
ter, however, that Stephen Higginson
was by no means an ally of Hamilton
in what the latter called " continental pol
itics " : — Boston, Jan'y 27, 1784.
D^ Sir, — Yours from Annapolis I rec^
— the Account you give of the General's
[Hamilton's] resignation agrees well with
what the Papers relate — it was no doubt
affecting to you who were present & the
manner in which he did it may serve to
increase his popularity, for the great mass
of the People are governed wholly by ap
pearances, but he would in my Opinion
have rendered his Character much more
perfect had he have given us in his Vale
dictory strong evidence that he still re-
[ 236 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
tained his republican Ideas & principles,
that he yet should be anxiously careful to
preserve unimpaired the Constitut. and
could never be induced by foreign or do
mestic Influence to aid those measures
that have the most remote tendency to
subvert that Government which he once
affected to revere & for the support of
which he has repeatedly declared he was
ready to hazard his All — I confess that it
is to me mysterious how a man who has
any knowledge of Our national affairs & is
in any degree acquainted with the Charac
ters of those in the great Departments &
of Congress, can be highly in favour of the
5 pr. ct. Impost and for increasing the
Powers of Congress, & at the same time
heartily attached to Our present Constitu
tion — Can any man take a View of the
Doings of Congress for the last three years
& believe that an increase of their Power
would conduce to the public Happiness or
tend to preserve our present form of Gov-
[ 237 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
ernment ? Does not the present Congress
in a great degree consist of the same men
whose public Conduct will surely be ever
memorable, does not the same Junto, the
same Influence still guide the measures of
Congress that laid the most important In
terests, nay the very Independence, of this
Country at the feet of the french ministryr
& while this is the Case must not an in
crease of their power in the same degree
increase the danger of Our being yet
brought into Bondager surely it must —
Who will believe that an Impost which
from its very nature will give room for
ambitious & designing ministers to mis
apply it, nay to employ it to seduce even
Congress itself or some of its members,
when he knows that specific Taxes granted
in such manner & under such Checks as
rendered it easy to discover the least mis
applications, when he knows that the mon
ies collected on such Taxes have been in
violation of every principle of policy &
[ 238 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
Justice by the very men now in Office ap
plied to such purposes"" — for my own
part I can not believe that those who will
hazard a misappropriation when detection
is highly probable if not certain will hesi
tate doing it when they have the means in
their own hands of hiding it from the pub
lic Eye, & surely those who have the dis
posal of an unknown sum may be said to
have such means —
But I can not suspect the Generals Love
of Liberty and attachment to his Country,
I rather suppose that he has had not all
that information which is necessary to
form a right Judgment — his situation
seemed favorable for acquiring a thorough
knowledge of Our political Affairs, but I
believe that the Junto, who always had
their setters around him, took great pains
to keep him ignorant of their measures
and wholly in the dark as to their Views
— sensible of his Virtues they concealed
from him their Intentions, lest his influ-
[ 239 j

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
ence, which has always been great, should
be opposed to them.
Mr. F — r may talk of resigning but de
pend upon it he will not do it till he appre
hends danger of being displaced or is
thoroughly satisfied that he can no longer
govern — I wish he would resign, it will
not be an easy matter for him again to
assume the Reins, there is a very wide
difference between retaining an Office in
possession and obtaining one that is vacant
— a consciousness of that difference has
emboldened many of the public Servants
to follow their own inclination, and to treat
even Congress with Contempt — secure of
a Junto in Congress they were sure of
their places, and having a few venial Ones
at their Command, they have bid defiance
to the Body — it is high time that your Ser
vants were annually elected, from the high
est to the lowest they have become insolent,
let this reformation take place & I will an
swer for their behaving better in future —
[ 240 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
Why will not your state Rhode Island,
Jersey & No. Carolina give their Dele
gates similar Instructions to Congr if
three or four States would agree & urge a
reformation in the same points they would
not fail of success — Copies of Our memo
rial &c should be sent to those states —
What think you of the Cincinnati, what
says Congress to it, how does your state
relish itr is it an Exotic and a part of the
great System or notr a serious opposition
is forming to it here & such as will soon
check if not destroy the influence of the
Institution in this State. , , .
The following letter, found among Ste
phen Higginson's papers, shows how he
and his partner were tormented, thus early,
by the question of slavery: —
New York Novr. 4th 1787-
Gentlemen, — On or about the 8th of
September last my Negro Wench named
Beth left me and stole and carried off with
[ 241 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
her a Part of my Property — My Neigh
bor Mr. Daniel Ludlow who lately re
turned from Boston informs Me She is
now in your City and has hired herself
out (with her Husband a servant of Mr.
Charles McEvers) to a Person in Han
over Street, near to a Mr, Coffin Jones
upon my Application to Govr. Clinton he
has favoured Me with a Letter to his Ex
cellency Govr, Hancock requesting that
She may be apprehended agreeable to the
Articles of Confederation and sent back
that She may be made amenable to the
Laws of this State for her felonious Con
duct, This Letter I have taken the Lib
erty by the Recommendation of my Friend
Mr. Ludlow to send under Cover to You,
and have to request that You would be so
good as to deliver it to Govr, Hancock as
soon as it comes to Hand, who I make no
doubt will give every Aid in his Power to
apprehend her — to assist in finding the
Wench it is necessary to give 3'^ou the fol-
[ 242 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
lowing Description — She is remarkably
short about 28 Years of Age a Yellowish
Complexion her Front Teeth are bad She
wears her Hair turned back over a Roll
and was pregnant when She left Me —
her Husband who is now with her is
about 25 Years old slender made about
5 feet or 6 inches high black Complexion
dresses his Hair back and one or two of
his Fingers of one of his Hands is maimed
and in some Measure useless — As She is
an artful Wench to prevent her escaping
I beg when She is apprehended that She
may be confined until Capt. Barnard who
commands the Schooner Boston Packet
and who will leave this on Wednesday is
ready to sail for New York and who has
promised to take Charge of her — You
will be pleased to Deliver her to him just
before he sails, with her Cloaths and such
Things as may be found with her, and
whatever Expence and Trouble may at
tend this Business, I will chearfully pay to
[ 243 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
your Order, and your Friendship in this
will much oblige
Gentlemen Your most obt, and very
humble Servt. Tho. Smith.
Messrs. Jackson and Higginson, Boston.
I should personally take an extreme in
terest in knowing precisely what reply was
made by the house of Jackson & Higgin
son to this confiding request; but those
who recall the opinion of John Hancock,
expressed by " Laco," may well doubt
whether a cooperation between them in
slave-hunting would have been altogether
harmonious. The following passage from a letter
throws a curious light upon the land spec
ulations of early days: —
Our Court have granted you 3000 Acres
of Land in Our eastern Country & ap
pointed a Committee to lay it out in York
Cumberland or Lincoln Counties the two
[ 244 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
first Committees that were appointed made
no return & perhaps owing to the Influ
ence you suspect of being against you, but
the last Session a new Committee was ap
pointed who will do the Business, they are
good men & mean I am told to lay it out
in the County of York where there is a
plenty of good Land — Our Judge Sewall
is Chairman of the Committee — I expect
next week to see two of the Gentlemen
when I shall not fail to urge them to per
fect the Business & to your advantage —
I should have wrote you before on this
matter but I have not till within a few
days been able to find the real state of it.
I am interested in a lot of Land in north
Carolina, my share is 10,000 Acres, the
quality of it is said to be very good & the
value of it great, from two to three Dol
lars ^ Acre — I have heard much of its
value &c but I know nothing about it but
from the Accounts of others — it is so very
distant from hence that I never expect to
[ 245 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
have such knowledge of it as is necessary
to make any advantage of it either in the
way of sale or improvement, but you by
living in the neighborhood may perhaps
find your account in exchanging what may
be set off to you here for it, as the same
difficulty will attend your holding wild
Lands here — I would therefore propose
to you an inquiry into the Value of my
Lands in No. Carolina, in order that if
We think it convenient We may thus ex
change upon fair and equitable terms —
Mr. Hawkins I suppose can give you full
information about it, I could not describe
it to him with precision from memory
when I was in Congress, but he appeared
to be well acquainted with that Country
where it lays — my share is one eighth
part of a Tract containing Eighty thou
sand Acres which is part of a Tract of
Land q' 100,000 Acres granted by the
King to Governor Dobbs by eight patents
of 12,500 Acres each, it is known by the
- [ 246 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
name of the great 'Tract & is situated on
Rocky or Johnson River & the Branches
thereof in Mecklenburg County, & is said
to be of excellent quality & within seven
miles of the Court house.
We purchased it of Mr. Alexander Rose
of So. Carolina & have from him the orig
inal Patents with his own Deeds & the
intermediate Ones, so that the Title is very
clear and good — Mr. Rose has declared
to us that he could have had for it since
or before two hard Dollars ^ Acre, & a
Gentleman who came through the Coun
try told us he knew the Land perfectly,
that it was well situated & very good, &
he was very urgent with us to be admitted
to a share in the purchase, promising that
he would go & see it settled &c. We had
made Our Company & declined — Our
Company are Jona. Jackson, John Lowell,
Nath Tracy, Leo. Jarvis, T : Russell, Mar
tin Brimmer, Jn? & Andrew Cabot and my
self — I have since heard that the Land is
[ 247 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
not so good as We had heard but it was
from a Person who lived in that Country
and wanted to purchase — Now I wish you
to satisfy yourself as to the quality & value
of it, which you may easily do with this
description of it taking care to distinguish
between those who wish to purchase it
& those from whom you can get a dis
interested Account of it — Mr. Hawkins
I should suppose can put you in a way to
get the information wanted — as it is much
out of Our reach I believe some of the
others would sell on good terms — The
sire of your mare from the best information
I can get was a horse imported by the late
Governor Wentworth of New Hampshire
called the little Driver a very famous
horse in this Country — present my re
spects to all Friends.
I am yours affye
[Stephen Higginson.]
Honble Arthur Lee, Esqre
Member of Congress Annapolis
[ 248 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
It is a curious fact that the signature of
this letter is omitted; but it is in the hand
writing of Mr. Higginson, and endorsed
by Mr. Lee as having been received from
him. The omission was doubtless acci
dental, although had it occurred later, after
the Federalists had become objects of sus
picion and possible indictment, a different
interpretation might have been put upon
it. The gift of land by the State of Massa
chusetts to Arthur Lee was made, it will
be remembered, in acknowledgment of his
services to the colony as its agent in Eng
land in connection with Benjamin Frank
lin. The amount appropriated to him has
been usually stated at four thousand acres,
but is here fixed at three thousand. The
reference to Southern lands is very inter
esting, as showing that the Boston mer
chants were already extending their in
terests very widely. I have been able to
ascertain nothing further about " the great
[ 249 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
tract," except that my kinsman. Colonel
Henry Lee, once told me that he used to
hear these lands mentioned in his youth;
and that it was a tradition in the family
that Jonathan Jackson, being urged to go
and visit them, replied that he would do
it if the other owners would send him in
a coach-and-six. It is hardly worth while
to follow up further any feature of that
period which even Colonel Lee's memory
cannot recall; but if I am among the legal
heirs to a few hundred acres of North Car
olina land " of excellent quality," I should
certainly be very glad to know it. As to
the close of this letter, there is something
very amusing, and perhaps rather health
ful and creditable, in the manner in which
the writer's discourse, beginning with
Alexander Hamilton and the five per cent
impost, ends with horseflesh and the Little
Driver. The following letter is addressed to
the Rev. John Pierce, then Stephen Hig-
[ 250 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
ginson's pastor in the Brookline (Mass.)
Congregational parish, and in later life a
familiar object at the Commencement din
ners at Harvard College, where he always
led the singing. It will doubtless be re
garded by his successors in the ministry
as affording an admirable example for
parishioners. The original letter is en
dorsed in the usual methodical manner of
Dr, Pierce, " Stephen Higginson, Senior,
Feb. 13, 1805 $100." Boston, Feby 13, 1805.
D. Sir, — With concern we have heard
of your illness; but with pleasure we this
day learn by Mr. Heath that you are
mending. I inclose you 100 dollars in Bills, which
[I] beg you to accept, persuaded that
Gentlemen in your profession are not suf
ficiently compensated for their labours,
nor furnished by their Hearers with com
petent means of support, especially in
[ 251 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
cases of sickness and extra expense, I
consider it a duty for me to contribute
in this way.
I have only to request that you will
not mention, nor feel yourself obligated
by this mark of esteem and friendship —
with my own and Mrs, Hs, respects for
Mrs. P I remain Sir yours truly —
S: Higginson.
Stephen Higginson's first wife died in
1788, and he married for his second
wife, on May 15, 1789, Elizabeth Per
kins, daughter of an English merchant
residing in Boston, and of no known kin
ship to the well-known Boston family of
that name. She had one child onlj', —
James Perkins, born July, 1791, — who
was the last of his generation, and to
whom I am indebted for some later
glimpses of my grandfather. This wife
dying, he married, in September, 1792,
as a third wife, her sister, the marriage
[ 252 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
having this quaint announcement from
the town clerk : —

Boston, ss.
A purpose qf Marriage between
Hon^'^ Stephen Higginson Esq & M"'
Sarah Perkins, of Boston

Has stood entered with me for the Space
of Fifteen Days, and due Publication
of such their Intention or Purpose has
been made by asking their Banns at three
several public Meetings within the said
Town, as the Law directs.
Certified under my Hand the 24 Day of
September — Anno Domini, 1792
William Cooper Town Clerk.
In George Ticknor's interesting life of
his own boyhood and early training, edited
by Hillard, Ticknor says of himself, "At
this period I very much frequented the
families of Mr. Stephen Higginson, Mr.
[ 253 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
S, G. Perkins, Mr, Richard Sullivan,
Mr, William Sullivan, Dr, John C. War
ren, Senior, and Mr, William Prescott,'"
During the War of 1812, while the Hart
ford Convention was going on, Ticknor
had occasion to call on President John
Adams, and gives this description of his
return from the visit : —
I felt so uncomfortably, that I made
my acknowledgments for his kindness in
giving me the letters, and escaped as soon
as I could,
A few days afterward (22d Dec, 1814)
I set out on my journey, having the advan
tage of Mr, Samuel G, Perkins's company
as far as Washington, He was one of the
prominent merchants in Boston — a man
of no small intellectual culture, and of a
very generous and noble nature. He had
been a great deal about the world, and
understood its ways. His manners were
' Hillard's Life of Ticknor, i, 12.
[ 254 ]

A GREEN OLD AGE
frank, open-hearted, and decisive, and, to
some persons, brusque. All men respected,
many loved him.
Mrs. Perkins was the daughter of Mr,
Stephen Higginson, Senior, — an import
ant person at one time in the political
affairs of the town of Boston, and the head
of the commercial house of which Mr,
Perkins was a member, Mrs. Perkins was
at one time very beautiful. Talleyrand,
when I was in Paris in 1818, spoke to me
of her as the most beautiful young person
he had ever known, he having seen her
when in exile in this country. She was
always striking in her person, and very
brilliant in conversation. Her house was
a most agreeable one, and I had become
intimate and familiar there, dining with
them generally every week.'
Stephen Higginson's name appears in
the London "Court Guide" for 1800 as
1 HUlard's Life of Ticknor, i, 13.
[ 255 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
residing at lo Gower Street. Later he
spent from 1806 to 18 12 in England with
his third wife and was there again in 1818.
While there he wrote back to his son
Stephen (my father) remonstrating over
the latter's dangerous course in sending
out vessels, even while this was made
most perilous by Orders in Council, on the
one side, and by Berlin and Milan Decrees
on the other. In this respect my father
was influenced by the opinions of George
Cabot, who believed at times that Napo
leon's fall was near, my father meanwhile
risking hundreds of thousands of dollars
on that expectation, a misfortune which
my grandfather had apparently escaped
through greater caution.

XV
THE STRANGE CAREER OF A
SON AND HEIR
" My father's brother, but no more like my father
Than I to Hercules." — Hamlet, Act I, Sc. A

THE STRANGE CAREER OF A
SON AND HEIR
A MYSTERY has always been at
tached to the whole career of
Stephen Higginson's eldest son.
Born at Salem on January 15, 1765, and
bearing the traditional family name of
John, he was appointed on March 4, 1791,
a lieutenant of infantry under the new
government, through the influence of
General Knox, Secretary of War. He
had previously served in 1787 as an en
sign in Jackson's forces, and had since
been a master mariner. His father had
asked for a captain's commission for him
and followed it up by this frank letter: —
Boston April 7" 1790.
Sir: I received your obliging Letter by the
last post, and thank you for your friendly
intentions both as to me and my Son
[ 259 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
John. I had no expectation, nor did I
even wish, that the established rules of
rank &c should be infringed to benefit
John. All I aimed at was to secure to him
that grade, which he would obtain by a
personal application, in virtue of his for
mer Commission, if a company could in
that way fall to his lot, it would be very
agreeable; but if not, he must be content
with a lower grade. The same post that
handed me yours, brought me also a letter
from him, in which he requests me to
apply for a Commission for him; having
some how heard, that a new Corps was to
be raised. All I wish is, that he may have
as eligible a Station, as the rules in such
cases will admit of.'
The next glimpse that we have of Lieut.
John Higginson is to be found in the fol
lowing extract from the conversation of the
late James Elliot Cabot — Emerson's bio-
' American Historical Association Report, 1896, i, 780, 781.
[ 260 ]

A SON AND HEIR
grapher — with his mother, who was full
of reminiscences as she grew older: —
"John Higginson married in Paris.
Your father was his groomsman. When
all were waiting, he did not appear; and
your father went after him to his lodgings,
and found him there with his feet on the
mantel-piece. He had forgotten all about
it. His friends got a shop for him, and he
agreed to keep it, if it was small enough
for him to reach everything without get
ting up. He used to tell the customers to
help themselves." '
The story is that, after marrying this
French lady in Paris, in 1796, he some
how amassed a large fortune and had
two daughters, Jeanette, who died young,
and Simplice, who became the Vicomtesse
de Rouilld. He lived, so it is said, in much
display in Paris, but died at Richmond,
Va., at the house of Mr. Meyers, in 18 18.
' /. Elliot Cabot (privately printed), p. 93.
[ 261 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
It has been already mentioned that
Stephen Higginson, under the influence of
George Cabot, burned most of his private
letters before his death. It is curious that
among those preserved should be a letter
from him to his French granddaughter,
accompanied by a reply that came to him
from her. The correspondence is too curi
ous not to print, though his letter shows
an asperity which rather suggests " Laco "
and is quite unusual from him, while hers
has a beguiling quality which might have
come out of a French novel.
Brookline Octr i?* 1826
My Dear Grand Daughter
I have rec'd your affectionate Letter of
the 8* of June last, & have considered its
contents. While I thank you for the kind
expressions of regard it contains, & par
ticularly for the strong desire you express
to come to America for the purpose of
seeing me, I must say to you that my
[ 262 ]

A SON AND HEIR
great age & the infirmities consequent to
it, forbid me to indulge the hope of seeing
you in this life. You must regret this de
cision of mine the less, since the same
reasons I have given for it, would operate,
should I continue so long in life, to take
from you the pleasure you might antici
pate from a personal interview.
I will avail myself of this occasion to
perform to you a painful duty, but neces
sary, as it will prevent a disappointment
hereafter of any expectations you may
have formed of deriving a benefit from
what property I may leave at my de
cease. My pecuniary circumstances have
so changed within a few years last past,
that I shall barely be able to make a
tolerable provision for those children who
are about me, & who have been more
unfortunate in money concerns than my
self. I must distribute what I have
amongst them, or they may suffer.
It is a relief to my mind on this subject,
[ 263 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
that I had advanced to your late father in
his life time, a much greater sum than
would have fallen to his share, had he
survived me — the whole of which was
unpaid at his death, & is still due me.
And the Justice of the actual disposition
I shall make of my property, will be the
more apparent to you, when when (^sic) you
consider the fact which must be known to
your mother as well as it is to me — that
she has heretofore received from her hus
band the whole of what he had acquired
since he left France.
With my kind regards to your mother,
I am your affectionate Grandfather
Stephen Higginson.'
It apparently took this granddaughter
a year and a half to muster courage to an
swer him, and he died a few months after
receiving her letter. ¦ From MSS.
[ 264 ]

A SON AND HEIR
lyon. June 6 1828
My dear grand father
I could not, without an afflicted and
thankful sentiment, read your letter of the
first October, by my reading it I under
stood that you loved me, that you was
thinking of me always notwithstanding my
living far from your eyes; and that you
have a expressed a wish to see me nearer
to you. that wish made me happy and it
makes me happy yet now, because I keep
alive the hope of going to america, and
receiving from your hands the benediction,
you fill my soul with sorrow, when you
appear to renounce to the pleasure of see
ing me in this world, wherefore, my dear
father, do you permit that so sad a thought
may invade your heart.? your health is
good indeed and your soul strong, you
must, therefore appreciate the life for the
happiness of the friends and parents living
around you.
since I took the pleasure and honour of
[ 265 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
writing to you, my dear father, I brought
out a third little child, it had caused to
me long pains, . . . and the poor child
died three months after its birth. I was
very afflicted by its death; but I receive
great comfort from my three [52c] child
ren alive.
I am very grateful to you, dear grand
father, for your forgetting not your french
grand daughter, she pursues her studies
in the english language in order to enable
herself of conversing with you when her
meeting you will take place, in educating
my sons carefully, I will teach them to
communicate in english, with the family
of their mother, and to love you as I do.
my husband joins his wishes to the
mine for the duration and improvement
of your health, and I am respectfully and
friendly, dear grand father, your most
devoted and affectionate grand daughter
Higginson y™^^^ de Rouille
[ 266 ]

A SON AND HEIR
Now that I am officiating as biographer,
I confess to some regret that this should
be the last memorial in my possession in
respect to the French member of the
family. Either her sons all died or else
some more absorbing interest prevented
them from carrying out her promise, and
I have tried in vain to obtain from the
Almanach de Gotha any further traces of
this branch of the family de Rouille, or
any records of the infusion of this Amer
ican blood. The descent of the title seems
to have been irregular and transferred ;
but the letters tell their own story, so far
as they go. It is also curious that I can
obtain through Virginia correspondents no
further details as to the death of Captain
John Higginson at Richmond, so that his
whole later life is likely to remain an un
solved mystery.

XVI
LAST DAYS IN BROOKLINE
" Brightening to the last."
Goldsmith's Deserted Village, line 909.

LAST DAYS IN BROOKLINE
So far as I can remember, I had but
one glimpse of my grandfather, and
that was when I was nearly five
years old. After riding over to Brookline
in a yellow and creaking chaise, where I
sat between my father and mother, I can
dimly recall what followed. It has always
been my impression, that after we had
driven through a gateway beneath shading
trees, I saw on the right an aged man
wearing small-clothes such as I had never
seen my father wear, and walking with
an old-fashioned cane which is still, if I
mistake not, my property. This was my
sole glimpse of Stephen Higginson. My
cousin. Rev. William Henry Channing,
who was a dozen years older than my
self, wrote out, however, an ample de
scription of our common grandfather as
[ 271 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
seen in those later years, and this with
such vividness as amply deserves preser
vation. It is as follows : —
Let me first of all describe my grand
father. He must at that period when he
first rises on my memory have been be
tween sixty and seventy years of age, and,
owing doubtless to the fact that, following
the universal fashion of gentlemen of his
position in that period, he wore his gray
hair powdered, he was to me the type of
all that was most ancient and venerable.
His imposing figure, air, and manner filled
me with ever new admiration, as, clothed
in entire black, with his showy locks and
queue, and his ruffled wristbands and shirt
bosom, white cravat above, and tightly
buttoned gaiters or buckled shoes below,
with broad-brimmed hat and gold-headed
cane, he descended the door-steps to en
ter his carriage. This carriage, one of the
large, brightly ornamented, highly pol-
[ 272 ]

LAST DAYS IN BROOKLINE
ished style then in vogue, with a lofty
cushioned box seat for the coachman and
platform behind for the footman, had been
built in England, whence my grandfather
had lately returned, and was, I presume,
of very much the same pattern as thou
sands which are seen every day in all
European and American cities. But it
affected my imagination then as a princely
equipage. So, as all boys are wont to
fancy, my grandfather appeared to me the
peer of the noblest. And still more stately
and elegant was he to my imagination
when attired in full costume to receive
his guests at dinner or evening parties in
his own house. Such was my grandfather
when prepared to take his place in soci
ety. But the daily morning preparation for
this grand display was an ever new mys
tery, which was watched with curious
delight. He came down to the breakfast-
room in a long white woolen wrapper
belted around the middle, always greeting
[ 273 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
us little folks with a benignant smile, and
entertaining us during the meal by pleas
ant sallies, droll stories, and small talk,
chatting between the whiles with his wife
or my mother, as he sipped his chocolate
or coffee and read his newspaper. And
then came the chief mysteries of the toilet.
His mirror, razors, hot water, napkins, etc,
were brought in by his man-servant, and
placed in full light; for my grandfather
always chose to shave himself. The pro
cess was deliberate and solemn, for he was
very precise and neat. And then came the
time for my grandmother's skillful manip
ulations. The large japanned-box, with
powder-puffs, brushes and combs, etc., was
opened, a large clean napkin was spread
over the shoulders of my grandfather, the
ribbon of the queue was unrolled, shaken,
and smoothed, the locks were carefully
brushed out, the powder used on the
previous day was carefully removed, the
forehead was cleansed with a sponge, and
[ 274 ]

LAST DAYS IN BROOKLINE
then the readjustment began. The hair
carefully brushed back over the head
and behind the ears, though not so tight
as to be flat, but rather loosely, and then
neatly bound into a queue. Then the
powder-puff was profusely used; a half-
moon of pure white was marked upon the
summit of the forehead in front of the
hair. Next the napkin round the shoul
ders was removed, and a fresh white cra
vat with long lapels was folded and skill
fully tied around the neck. So much for
the upper part of the person. Next came
the serious work of making ready the
nether limbs. These were the days of
small-clothes and long hose, which varied
in thickness according to the season. In
the winter time or inclement weather, my
grandfather wore woolen gaiters button
ing up to the knee, but in the summer or
in fine weather he wore black silk stock
ings, or in very hot weather white. But
it was a lengthened performance to tie
[ 275 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
down the drawers; to pull up with per
fect smoothness — leaving no possible
wrinkles — the stockings; to garter them
tightly above the knee; to arrange the
breeches neatly over them and button
them tight, and then to fasten on the
gaiters or the buckled shoes, according
to the weather. And then my grandsire
proceeded up-stairs to complete his equip
ment, — to don his low-hung waistcoat
and broad-skirted coat. Certainly, the
style of those old days was very im
posing in effect, but it involved a singu
lar amount of time, trouble, and incon
venience, which in these more careless
days is avoided. But dress then was still
a fine art, and demanded considerate
thought, as a chief duty of social eti
quette. But this lingering upon external details
is doing my reverend ancestor great injus
tice if it leaves on the minds of any reader
an impression that he was in the least de-
[ 276 ]

LAST DAYS IN BROOKLINE
gree ostentatious or foppish. No one could
be more utterly free from such folly. He
simply felt that it was a part of self-respect,
as of mutual respect, to be scrupulously
neat, refined, and elegant. In truth, my
grandfather was a singularly manly, ener
getic, sensible, well-balanced, sagacious
man of business, prudent and practical,
prompt and energetic, full of enterprise yet
conscientious and cautious. Engaged in
large transactions in copartnership with his
sons, he had been singularly successful
until the difficulties between Great Britain
and France; the Berlin and Milan decrees,
and the American Embargo, embarrassed
his affairs as they did then gall New Eng-
landers engaged in commerce. How he
and his firm suffered, I, of course, was
quite too young to form the least notion,
and have never inquired since. Certainly,
to all appearance he was living entirely at
his ease and in prosperity, with his town
and country house, horses and carriages,
[ 277 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
and hospitable welcome for all constant vis
itors and guests. Though now, in his old
age, intrusting the more active offices of
the firm and their extensive correspond
ence to his partners and their clerks, so far
as memory serves, my grandfather went
regularly every day to his place of business
and to the Exchange.
Early I became aware also that my
grandfather had been and still was an act
ive and influential politician, enlisted with
intense earnestness of conviction and not a
little passion and prejudice and determined
will upon the Federal side. He had long
been one of the so-called Essex Junto; had
fervently supported Washington and been
appointed by him as naval commissioner
for Boston; was in close correspondence
with Timothy Pickering; sat constantly in
counsel with George Cabot, Josiah Quincy,
Harrison Gray Otis, and their compeers;
supported Fisher Ames, as the most trust
worthy orator and expounder of their party ;
[ 278 ]

LAST DAYS IN BROOKLINE
stood firmly by Governor Strong, admired
Hamilton and Jay, detested Jefferson and
the Democrats, hated Bonaparte, dreaded
French plots, confided implicitly in true
republicanism, wished for cordial alliance
with Great Britain; in a word, was a
thorough-going, uncompromising, ardent,
steadfast Federalist, and as such a zealous
and devoted patriot in every fibre of his
frame. He was, moreover, a very powerful and
effective writer in the public press, and
under his well-known signature of "Laco"
had dealt very heavy blows against the
intriguing, half-hearted, double-tongued,
and double-dealing political manoeuverers
of the time, in a series of articles which,
for their vehement indignation and keen
satire and vigor of style, have rarely been
surpassed. His fireside, therefore, was a
centre of earnest discussion of the great
practical controversies of the day; and
without in the least comprehending the full
[ 279 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
import of their meaning, my boyish ears
drank in and my boyish heart and imagin
ation retained political impressions, which
remained unaltered till the widening expe
riences of life, extended historical reading,
and the changed aspect of the political
world at home and abroad, gradually modi
fied them. Well do I remember to this day
the utter amazement with which, when
a boy of some twelve years of age, I heard
a gentleman who was visiting my mother
hazard the to me extravagantly heretical
suggestion, " A Democrat may be honest
in his convictions." In my grandfather's
day and home such a remark would have
been deemed treason, and would have
branded the person who made it as untrust
worthy. On the whole, it was a healthful
stimulation to a child's intellectual power
of discernment, honorable feeling, and
patriotic devotion to great practical prin
ciples inculcated by such men as my
grandfather and George Cabot and Henry
[ 280 ]

ALEXANDER HAMILTON

LAST DAYS IN BROOKLINE
Lee, and the many men of mark whom he
gathered round him as his guests; and
as all my relatives on my father's side, as
well as on my mother's, were zealous and
uncompromising Federalists, my whole
form of thought and feeling took from the
first a highly conservative and aristocratic
form. These practical associations and con
victions, which unconsciously framed the
osseous and muscular system of my char
acter were rounded out and completed by
the social influences spread around me
by my grandmother, — an English woman
by birth and breeding, married to my
grandfather in his widowhood, many years
after the death of my mother's mother, A
lover of the world and fashionable society
and a stanch churchwoman, her visitors,
too, gentlewomen of high-bred manners,
elegant and stately appearance, she gave
me a standard of courtesy which wide-ex
tended observation and experience through
[ 281 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
many lands has but slightly enlarged or
enriched.

There were occasionally two visitors of
a different stamp, excellent ladies, who had
seen better days and were now fallen under
the cloud of misfortune, through whose
softened eyes, subdued tones, and modest
demeanor, breathed a pathetic minor key,
like an seolian harp. And two most vener
able dames, dressed always precisely like
one another to a pin, in brown silk, with
tightly fitting caps and starched necker
chiefs, the daughters of a very celebrated
and eccentric doctor of divinity, with soft
little voices and sweet smiles, used to affect
my boyish fancy, as if two old-fashioned
family portraits had suddenly started to
conscious life, and had stepped down from
their frames. My grandmother was of a
most hospitable temper, and a scrupulously
neat housekeeper. Her Christmas din
ners for aunts, uncles, and cousins, some
[ 282 ]

LAST DAYS IN BROOKLINE
twoscore in number, were festivals to be
looked forward to and remembered for
weeks. And every evening, tea, with but
tered bread in thin rolls and crisp cocoa-
nut cakes and gingerbread, was handed
round by the man-servant and maid with
great ceremony.
Previous to this, however, had been the
grand sight for the children of building up
the huge wood-fire in the generous chim
ney. My grandfather then had wakened
from the long cosy nap which he took every
afternoon in his comfortable arm-chair be
fore the fire-place. The servant brought
in the ample "leather" filled with logs of
wood. The high polished brass andirons
were drawn back, with a large iron shovel
the live coals of the declining fire had been
raked forward, and then amid the still
warm ashes was deposited the huge back
log of hard wood; upon this was placed
the back-stick; then the fore-stick, some
light and easily kindling wood inserted
[ 283 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
between them; upon these were piled the
glowing embers, and over them, so laid as
to leave interstices for the draught, were
reared smaller logs and sticks, then the
remainder of the red coals opened beneath
the fore-sticks, and the work thus scien
tifically and artistically finished. The re
sult was a glorious blaze that warmed with
cheery ruddiness the walls and ceiling dark-
litig in the twilight, and filled all hearts with
the sense of good cheer, as the snowstorm
was seen sweeping or the rain falling in
the streets, ere the shutters were closed and
the curtains drawn; and then came the
magic hour for stories, as, gathering my sis
ters and myself on stools or small chairs
around her, was opened for us the world
of fairy romance. Later on came in uncles,
aunts, neighbors, and visitors, to chat over
the news, or discuss the politics of the day,
or to join in games of whist, checkers,
dominoes, ending with a snug supper at
nine o'clock. Altogether, my impressions
[ 284 ]

LAST DAYS IN BROOKLINE
of those times are of most cordial, cheer
ful friendliness and open-handed hospital
ity,' ' Frothingham, Life of W. H. Channing, pp. 9-15.

XVII
STEPHEN HIGGINSON AS
DRAWN BY OTHERS
" Studied in his death.''
— Macbeth, Act I, Sc. 4.

STEPHEN HIGGINSON AS
DRAWN BY OTHERS
THE following summary of Ste
phen Higginson's public life was
written by his lifelong friend as
well as kinsman, John Lowell: —
Died in this city [November 22, 1828], at
the advanced age of 85, the Hon. Stephen
Higginson, Mr, Higginson was born at
Salem, in the year 1743, and was the sole
surviving male descendant of the past gen
eration, of the Rev. Francis Higginson, one
of the most eminent of the Pilgrim clergy.
The late Mr. Higginson was bred to the
mercantile pursuit, under the late Deacon
Smith of this town, a man of eminent pro
bity and worth. Having early incurred the
expenses of a family, to support which his
business was not competent, he betook
[ 289 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
himself to the Home of the Salem Youth,
the Ocean. From the year 1765 to the
breaking out of the war, he was an active,
bold and successful shipmaster. To this
early training in hardship, and enterprise,
his future character was indebted for many
of its marked traits.
Upon his quitting the sea, he embarked
ardently in the cause of the Revolution,
and, young as he was, and unpractised as
he had been, in affairs of State, his rare
acuteness and sagacity, and his inflexible
firmness soon pointed him out as a man
fitted for times of peril and dismay. He
was sent to the Revolutionary Congress
in 1783, by the Legislature of this State,
where he soon distinguished himself, and
acquired the confidence and friendship of
the most eminent men in every part of the
Union. When the distressing effects of the
war began to press heavily on the People
of this State and they broke out into actual
rebellion in 1780, Mr. Higginson was one
[ 290 ]

JOHN LOWELL

HIGGINSON DRAWN BY OTHERS
of the few men selected by Gov. Bowdoin
as his advisers, in that dark and stormy
period; and to that former gentleman's
remarkable coolness and intrepidity, a very
fair share of that bloodless victory of the
Constitution over Anarchy may be ascribed.
It can hardly be forgotten, that in all the
measures which followed Washington's
proclamation of Neutrality — in defeating
Madison's war resolutions — in upholding
John Jay, and George Washington in his
efforts for preserving the peace of the Na
tion by the treaty of 1794, Mr. Higginson
was a " Gap " man — ready to mount the
breach, and to defend the Constitution
against all assaults. It would be improb
able that a man so inflexible in the pursuit
of what is right, should not occasionally
make enemies, yet it was his good fortune
to enjoy, in succession, the confidence
of John and Samuel Adams, of Elbridge
Gerry, and of Washington, Lincoln,
Strong, Brooks, Cabot, Parsons, and Ames.
[ 291 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
He was a firm supporter of John Adams's
administration; and in the quasi war
against France, was by that administration
made Navy Agent for Massachusetts, at
that interesting and active moment, which
office he held until removed by Jefferson.
In short, there were not many individuals
in our Nation, whose minds were more
felt in the war of the Revolution, in the
disturbances which succeeded it, in the cre
ation of a new Government, and in the sup
port of the feeble fabric in its infancy, than
was that of Stephen Higginson. Would you
inquire for his political opinions ? Read
Washington's Legacy, and the writings of
Hamilton. There they are embodied —
where they led, he was sure to follow.
Very few merchants suffered more deeply
than Mr, Higginson by the spoliations of
all the belligerents, yet his personal suf
ferings never warped his judgment. He
looked steadily to the peace and happiness
of his country as his polar star. To the
[ 292 ]

HIGGINSON DRAWN BY OTHERS
ruinous and now exploded system of em
bargo and non-intercourse he was steadily
opposed, but he was strenuous in favor of
an efficient marine as the only honorable
means of making our rights respected. As
a merchant, Mr. Higginson set an honor
able example of enterprise tempered by
discretion. Though exposed to severe re
verses, his inind always rose superior to
them. As a citizen, he was always prompt
and liberal in promoting every institution,
whether literary or charitable. In domes
tic life he displayed the virtues which
an understanding so sound, warmed by an
affectionate heart could not fail to form
and to cherish. The fair and unspotted
fame, which he inherited from his ances
tors, he took care to transmit unblem
ished to his numerous descendants, whose
surest course to honorable distinction
will be to imitate his correct and digni
fied example.'
' Boston Daily Advertiser, Nov. 23, 1828.
[ 293 ]

STEPHEN HIGGINSON
This was the judgment of a man who
had been all his life in close contact with
his kinsman and friend, Stephen Higgin
son; but we must turn to a woman's pen
for the finer insight needed in summing
up personal character. On December 7,
1828, my mother wrote to a near kins
woman, speaking of the death of her
father-in-law : —
" Of Him, no sentiment but of love,
admiration and reverence can be retained
— He was the most remarkable com
bination of vigour and energy of mind,
with all the elevated and generous affec
tions and the delicate refined sentiments
that I have ever known — his character
and qualities should be forever cherished
by his descendants and I hope I do not
disparage them when I firmly believe that
not one of them equals their venerable
head. He continued to the last his sweet
consideration for others and his gentle
Patience — and left on the minds even of
[ 294 ]

HIGGINSON DRAWN BY OTHERS
his Nurses and attendants the strongest
feeling and affection. Dear old Man, I
love to think of him — and wish I could
see in my children qualities that I could
compare to his. I consider it an honor
and privilege that they descend from so
noble a stock and hope his illustrious ex
ample will be incentive to excellence in
all of them."
With these words from my mother I
may well close this memorial.

INDEX

INDEX

Adams, J. Q., 130, iss, 178;
and Adet reception, 174,
17s; and a new bank, 176,
177; Higginson on, 179-181.
Adams, John, 42, 61, 67, 130,
234, 291, 292; letter to, re
ferring to Annapolis Con
vention, 69; letters to, 84.
T41; Ticknor calls on, 254.
Adams, Samuel, 89, 90, 131,
156, 291; and Congress, 53;
retires, 157, 158.
Adet, Pierre, visits Boston,
168; dinner to, 169-173;
cordial reception of, 173,
174; J. Q. Adams on, 174,
17s; Fisher Ames on, 175.
Ames, Fisher, 178, 179, 225,
278, 291; on Adet reception,
17s, 176-
Amory, T. C, on the successor
to Gov. Adams, IS7) 158.
Annapolis, Md., Convention,
67-79.
Appleton, Mr., S3-
Atkinson, S., 16.
Austin, J. L., 136.
Bancroft, Aaron, 3.
Bank, early, importance of.

176-178; experiment in,
181-183.
Barry, Capt., 206.
Bellamy, Edward, 88; on
Shays' Rebellion, loi.
Bernard, Francis, 130, 131.
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 256.
Boston, address of merchants
of, 117; rejoices over con
stitution, 121; more eflScient
management of affairs of,
ISS. iS6.
Bowdoin, James, 88, 233,
291.
Bradford, William, 221.
Bradstreet, Simon, 223.
Brimmer, Martin, 222, 247.
Brooks, John, 291.
Burke, Edmund, questions
Stephen Higginson, 21.
Cabot, Mrs., of London, 21.
Cabot, Mr., of London, 21.
Cabot, Andrew, 247.
Cabot, Anna (Orne), 14.
Cabot, George, S. iS. 42. 4S.
73. "4. 179. 184, 233, 256,
262, 278, 280; at sea, 40, 41;
appointed Secretary of the
Navy, 190; letters to, 191,

[ 299 ]

INDEX

192; letter of, 194; declines
secretaryship, 194-197.
Cabot, J. E., 261.
Cabot, John, 14.
Cabot, John, 45, 46, 247.
Carey, Matthew, 117.
Carmichael, William, 60, 61.
Channing, W. H., 235, 271;
his description of Stephen
Higginson, 272-285.
Chapman, Capt., account of,
211.
Charles I, 50.
Cheverus, Father, 234.
Clarke, Abraham, 54, 55.
Cleveland, Aaron, 15.
Cleveland, Richard, 40.
Cleveland, Stephen, letters to,
44. 4S-
Cleveland, Susanna (Porter),
IS-
Clinton, George, 242.
Clymer, George, 72.
Coffin, Peleg, 222.
Collyer, Mr., 46.
' ' Conciliatory resolutions,"
the, 119, 120.
Confederation, revising the,
112, 116; end of, 115.
Congress, 114; proposes meet
ing at Philadelphia, 115;
address to, 117; and the
Constitution, 118, 119.
Constitution, present, adopted,
118, iig, 121.
Constitution, frigate, 203, 204.

Continental Congress, 49-63.
Cooper, William, 253.
Crawford, G. W., on banks,
182.
Cushing, Thomas, 158.
Dana, Francis, 57, 73, 114,
116, 117, 178, 179.
Dane, Nathan, 114; letter to,
106.
Dawes, Thomas, 155.
Decatur, Stephen, 202, 206.
Democrats, the, 41, 279.
Derby, Charles, 40.
Derby, E. H., 39.
Dexter, Samuel, Jr., 188.
Dobbs, Arthur, 246.
Drowne, Samuel, 16, 17.
Duane, James, 58, 59, 72.
Dyer, Eliphalet, S4-
Ellery, William, 56.
Embargo, the, 156, 157.
Emerson, R. W., 26r.
Endicott, John, 223.
Essex Junto, 41, 42, 238, 239,
278.
Feasts of Shells, described,
219-222; criticised, 224-
227, 227-229.
Federalists, the, 42, 161, 208,
281; gravity, 3, 4; Salem
headquarters for, 41; and
the future, 153; objects of
suspicion, 249.

[ 300 ]

INDEX

Fisheries, 70; in the Colonies,
22-33-
Fitzsimmons, Thomas, 57,
S8, 72-
Force, Peter, 22.
Ford, W. C, 59.
France, Isle of, trade to, 141-
149.
Franklin, Benjamin, 3, 58, 61,
249.
French & Co., 46.
Gardiner, John, 225.
Gerry, Elbridge, 58, 73, 114,
116, 117, 291; and Congress,
52, 53-
Gervais, J. L., 54.
Gill, Moses, 158.
Gorham, Nathaniel, 5r, 52,
116, 117.
Gouge, W. M., on banks, 182.
183.
Hacket, Capt., 212.
Hamilton, Alexander, 58, 68,
72, 250, 279, 292; letters
of, destroyed, 183, 184; re
tirement of, 235, 236.
Hancock, John, 90, 118, 138,
233, 242, 244; and Stephen
Higginson, 6; and "con
ciliatory proposition," 120;
ballad about, 121; Laco not
just to, 125; James Savage
and, 126-128; Laco on, 128-
136; and posterity, 136, 137.

Hartley, Thomas, 61.
Harvard College, 37, 38, 40;
Commencement at, 178.
Hawkins, Mr., 246, 248.
Heath, Mr., 251.
Heath, William, 158.
Hichborn, Col. Benjamin, 95;
leads force against Shays,
90; importance of expedi
tion, 92.
Higginson, Elizabeth (Per
kins), second wife of Stephen
H., 252.
Higginson, Elizabeth, mother
of Stephen, Second, 14.
Higginson, Francis, 223, 289;
quoted, 7, 10, 11; death, 11.
Higginson, Sir G. W., 10.
Higginson, Henry, account
of, 38 and note, 233.
Higginson, J. P., 252; and
Laco, 137.
Higginson, Jeanette, 261.
Higginson, Joane, earliest
known ancestress, 9, 10.
Higginson, Rev. John (i), ac
count of, 11; settles in
Salem, 12.
Higginson, John (2), account
of, 12.
Higginson, John (3), 12.
Higginson, John, Stephen,
Sr.'s eldest son, 259; mar
riage, 260, 261; death, 262,
267.
Higginson, Rev. John, 10.

[ 301 ]

INDEX

Higginson, Louisa (Storrow),
description by, of Stephen
Higginson, Sr., 294, 295.
Higginson, Nathaniel, account
of, 12.
Higginson, Nathaniel, no.
Higginson, Sarah (Perkins),
third wife of Stephen H.,
252, 253; description of,
281, 282.
Higginson, Simplice. See
de Rouill^.
Higginson, Stephen (4), ac
count of, 13, 14.
Higginson, Stephen, Senior (5),
116, 126, 156, 158, 225, 229,
253. 2SS; memoir begun, 4;
saying of, 5; career, 5, 6; as
Laco, 6 (see under Laco);
ancestry, 9-15; birth, 15,
289; marriages, 15, 16, 252,
253; settles in Salem, 21;
first voyage, 21; questioned
by House of Commons, 21;
Marblehead indignant, 22;
answers, 22-33; ^s ship
master, 37, 38, 40; and
Essex Junto, 42; privateer
ing, 43; letters of, 44, 45,
69, 76, 84, 103, 106, iir,
141, 153, 158, 162, 163, 167,
179, 197, 208, 209, 214, 236,
244, 251, 259, 262; letters
to, 75, 198, 199, 200, 202,
205, 241; dislikes to hold
office, 49; and Continental

Congress, 49-63 ; and Gerry,
53; on committees, 54, 55,
57. 58. 89, 155; report of,
59, 60; proposed delegate
to Annapolis Convention,
67; and Shays' Rebellion,
93-97; 111-115; judgment
of, 102; declined serving as
delegate, 117; signs protest
of merchants, 118; and the
Constitution, 119; criticism
of, 125; story about, 137;
standing of, 138; sugges
tion as to trading, 141-149;
and country's future, 153-
155; and affairs of Boston,
155; on celebration of Wash
ington's birthday, 158-161;
supplied arms for Virginia,
1 61-167; ^id Pierre Adet,
168, 175; and banking, 176,
177, 181-183; on J. Q.
Adams, 178-181; destroys
letters, 184, 207; suggested
as commissioner, 188; Wil
liam Sullivan on, 190; act
ing Secretary of the Navy,
197; Stoddert's dependence
on, 198-207, 213-215; pre
sides at Feast of Shells, 222;
toast to, 223; and public
affairs, 233, 235; wealth, 234,
235; Brookline house, 235;
on Hamilton, 236-239; lands
in North Carolina, 246-248;
in England, 255, 256; his

[ 302 ]

INDEX

eldest son, 259; descriptions
of, by T. W. Higginson,
271; by W. H. Channing,
272-285; by John Lowell,
289-293; by L. S. Higginson,
294, 295; death, 289.
Higginson, Stephen, Jr. (6),
234, 256.
Higginson, Susan Cleveland;
wife of Stephen, Second,
15, 16.
Higginson family, ancestry,
9-iS-
Hildreth, Richard, 50.
Hillar, Capt., of the Pickering,
212.
Hillard, G. S., 253, sketch of
James Savage, 126.
Hodshon, John, 46.
Hoist, H. E. von, 86.
Holten (Holton), Samuel, 51,
52. 56.
Howell, David, 56.
Huntington, Benjamin, 60.
Huntington, Samuel, 59.
Hutchins, First Lieut, of the
Herald, 212.
Hutchinson, Thomas, 130,
131-
Irving, Washington, on George
Washington, 3, 4.
Irwin, John, 55.
Izard, Ralph, 60.

Jackson, J. G., 161.

Jackson, Jonathan, 89, 114,
184, 233, 244, 247, 259;
Higginson's partner, 43; in
Congress, 49; his Corps,
103, 104; letter to, 241;
urged to visit lands in North
Carolina, 250.
Jackson family, 15.
Jameson, J. F., 115; publishes
Stephen Higginson letters,
43; on Stephen Higginson,
125.
Jarvis, Dr. Charles, 89, 155,
156.
Jarvis, Leo, 247.
Jay, John, 61, 279, 291; letter
of, 187.
Jeflferson, Thomas, 6, 42, 279,
292; and shipping, 149;
Sullivan unjust to, 190.
Jones, Judge, of Virginia, 72.
Jones, Mr., 156.
Jones, Coffin, 242.
King, Rufus, 113, 114, 117;
letter to, 116; suggested as
commissioner, 188.
Knox, Henry, 102, 158, 259;
letter of, 75; letters to, 76,
103, III, 153.
Knox papers, 74.
Laco, 233, 244, 262, 279; let
ters of, aimed at Hancock,
125; on John Hancock,
128-136; reaction of letters,

[ 303 ]

INDEX

137. See also Higginson,
Stephen.
Laud, Archbishop, 227.
Laurens, or Lawrence, Henry,
60, 61.
LeRoy, Bayard and McEvers,
Messrs., 161; letter to, 162.
Lee, A., 59.
Lee, Arthur, 235, 249; letters
to, 236, 244; gift of land to,
249.
Lee, Henry, 250, 281.
Lee, John, 45.
Lee, Joseph, 40.
Lee, family, 15.
Leverett, Sir John, 223.
Lincoln, Mr., 175.
Lincoln, Benjamin, 86, 224,
291; report of, 96; success
ful expedition of, 103.
Livingstone, or Livingston
Philip, 72.
Lloyd, James, 177.
Lodge, H. C, 235.
Loring, J. S., on Laco, 137.
L'Ouverture, Toussaint, 163;
arms for, 164, 167.
Lowell, Judge, 94.
Lowell, John, 43, 73, 114, 116,
117; 233, 247; on Stephen
Higginson, 49, 289-293.
Lowell family, 235.
Ludlow, Daniel, 242.
Lyman, Mr., 177.

McCormick, William, 63.
[ 304 ]

McEvers, Charles, 242.
McNeil, Daniel, 212.
Maclay, William, on fitting
out a fleet, 189, 190.
Madison, James, 29, 58, 72,
112.
Marshall, John, 3.
Mason, Jonathan, 233.
Massachusetts Legislature,
106; selection of members
from, 116, 117; conciliatory
resolutions of, 119, 120.
Mather, Cotton, 126.
Meyers, Mr., 262.
Morris, Gouverneur, 4.
Morris, Robert, 72, 189.
Morse, Jedediah, 229.
Nicholson, James, 205, 206.
North, Capt., 78.
Osgood, Samuel, 51.
Otis, H. G., 157, 278; and a
new bank, 176, 177.
Otis, James, 130.
Page,  , 90.
Paine, Edward, 89.
Paine, R. T., 225; his toast,
223.
Parker,  , 90.
Parker, Samuel, 225.
Parsons, Theophilus, 42, 73,
114, 120, 179, 291; and
"conciliatory resolutions,"
119.

INDEX

Peabody, Joseph, 39.
Perkins brothers, 234.
Perkins, Barbara Higginson,
account of, 255.
Perkins, Elizabeth. See Hig
ginson.
Perkins, S. G., account of,
254, 255.
Perkins, Sarah. See Higginson.
Philadelphia, proposed con
vention at, 113, 115.
Phillips, John, first mayor of
Boston, 156.
PhUlips, Wendell, 156.
Pickering, Timothy, 225, 278;
and the Essex Junto, 41,
42; letters to, 158, 163, 194,
197; letters of, 191, 192.
Pickering papers, 178.
Pierce, John, 250; letters to,
251.
Pleasants, James, 161.
Poncett & Maynard, 46.
Prescott, William, 254.
Quincy, Josiah, First, 21.
Quincy, Josiah, 278.
Randolph, John, 72, 161.
Read, Jacob, 55.
Remson, Mr., 59.
Richardson, James, 4.
Richmond, Va., arms for,
164-167.
Rigaud, B. J. A., 167.
Rigaut. See Rigaud. [

Rose, Alexander, 247.
Rotch, Billy, 21.
Rouille, Vicomtesse de (Sim
plice Higginson), 261; letter
to, 262; letter of, 265.
Rouille, de, family, all traces
of, lost, 267.
Russell, Joseph, 222.
Russell, T., 247.
Rutledge, John, 58.
Sargent, Henry, 223.
Savage, James, severity against
Cotton Mather and John
Hancock, 126-128.
Sever, Capt., 201; to protect
coast, 199, 202, 203, 205;
orders for, 205; and the
Herald, 208; account of,
209-211.
Sewall, Jonathan, 245.
Shattuck, Mr., 90, 91.
Shays, Capt. Daniel, 95, 102;
leader of Shays' Rebellion,
86, 8g.
Shays' Rebellion, 5, 68, 75,
83-101, 118; importance of,
83; beginning, 85; cause,
86; possession of courthouse,
88; forces against, 90, 91;
dangers of, in.
Silsbee, Nathaniel, account of,
39, 40-
Silsbee, William, 39.
Silsbee, Zachariah, 40.
Smith, Mr., of S. C, 188.
30s 1

INDEX

Smith, Deacon, 15, 289.
Smith, Thomas, his letter
about slaves, 241.
Sparks, Jared, 3, 4.
Stoddert, Benjamin, 166; Sec
retary of the Navy, 190, 197;
depends on Higginson, 198-
207, 213-215; letters of,
198, 199, 200, 202, 205, 214;
letters to, 209.
Story, Joseph, and Shays'
Rebellion, 119.
Strong, Caleb, 117, 291, 279.
Sullivan, James, Gov., 73, 89,
93. 95, 156-158; on repre
sentatives, 116, 117.
Sullivan, Gen. James, 95.
Sullivan, Richard, 254.
Sullivan, William, 93, 254;
account of, 94; on Stephen
Higginson, 190.
Sullivan family, 94.
Sumner, Increase, 158.
Talleyrand-P&igord, C. M.,
Due de, 255.
Ticknor, George, quoted, 253,
254-
Tracy, Nathaniel, 247.

Treaty of Amity and Com
merce, 61-63.
Truxton. See Truxtun.
Truxtun, Thomas, 201.
Tudor, William, 155.
Union, needs of, 106; increase
of powers of, 112; danger
to, 113.
Walpole, Horace, 4.
Warren, J. C, Sr., 254.
Warren, J. P., loi.
Washington, George, 102, 174,
278, 292; kindliness, 3, 4;
letters to, 96, 187; attends
Constitutional Convention,
118; attack on, 158; birth
day celebration, 158-160;
Neutrality Proclamation,
291.
Webster, Daniel, 128.
Weems, M. L., 3.
Wentworth, Benning, 16, 17.
Wentworth, John, Gov., 248.
Whitfield, Rev. Henry, 11.
Wilson, James, 223.
Winthrop, John, 223.

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