YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Fold out ORIGINAL LETTERS, ILLUSTRATIVE OF ENGLISH HISTORY; INCLUDING NUMEROUS ROYAL LETTERS: FROM AUTOGRAPHS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM, AND ONE OR TWO OTHER COLLECTIONS. WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS BY HENRY ELLIS, F. R. S. Sec. S.A. KEEPER OP THE MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. SECOND SERIES. ITJ FOUR VOLUMES. VOL. II. LONDON PRINTED FOR HARDING AND LEPARD, PALL-MALL EAST. MDCCCXXVII. CONTENTS. VOL. II. LETTER XCVI. Richard Fox Bishop of Winchester to Cardinal Wolsey, in answer to some Inquiries concern ing Calais and its fortifications 1 Anne Boleyn to her father Sir Thomas Boleyn, upon her coming to Court 10 The Vice President and Fellows of Magdalen College to Cardinal Wolsey, upon his re quest to dig stone from their quarries in the neighbourhood of Oxford for his New College 13 Cardinal Wolsey to King, Henry the Eighth, chiefly upon the discontent expressed at the manner of suppressing the small Monasteries with which his College at Oxford was to be endowed IT Henry Stafford to King Henry the Eighth, praying to be restored as son and heir of Edward Duke of Buckingham. A. D. 1529. Cardinal Wolsey to Thomas Cromwell, en treating him to come to him, and to enquire if the Lady Anne's displeasure is assuaged . . Cardinal Wolsey to Thomas Cromwell, con cerning his House, belonging to the See of York, at Battersea, in Surrey 29 Cardinal Wolsey to King Henry the Vlllth. recommending to the King his College at Oxford 32 22 26 CONTENTS. LETTER CIV. PAGE 35 38 Wolsey to Cromwell. Thanks for assistance; and recommending his Colleges John Briertonne to Mr. Tho. Wriothesley Clerk of the King's Council, reporting the Journey of his Master an English Ambassa dor, through France, with remarks upon the rigidness of search which was exercised in the time of Charles Vth. the Emperor, in Spain Eleanor Countess of Rutland to the Lady Lisle ; a Letter of thanks and kindness 41 John Coke to Master Thomas Cromwell, re porting a satyrical exhibition at Barrow re flecting on King Henry and Queen Anne . . 42 Mathew Kyng to Thomas Cromwell, upon the raising of the Siege of Coron by Andrew Doria 45 Lord James Butler to Mr. Rob. Cowley in Lon don, censuring the conduct of the Earl of Kildare, then Lord Deputy, and others, in Ireland 43 John Mason at Valla-Mid, to Thomas Starkey at Padua, A D. 1535. Observations made in Spain. News from England More and Fisher committed to the Tower. Execution of the Holy Maid of Kent, &c 54 Richard Layton to Lord Cromwell, from him self and his associates, upon his Visitation of tlie University of Oxford. A. D. 1535 60 William Pepwtll to King Htnry the Eighth. Intelligence concerning the Emperor, Bar- barossa, &c 63 Archbishop Cranmer to King Henry the Vlllth. chitfly concerning Reginald Pole, who after wards succeeded him in the Archbishoprick of Canterbury 65 Henry Montague to Secretary Cromwell de siring his protection, upon the Death of his father-in-law Lord Bergavenny Erridge .... 69 CONTENTS. Vll LETTER CXV. PAGE Edmund Harvel from Venice, to Dr. Starkey. News respecting the Emperor and affairs in Italy 70 Edmund Harvel to Mr. Thomas Starkey. The opinion expressed at Venice upon Henry the Vlllth's cruelty to the Monks. Barbarossa settled in Tunis 73 Edmund Harvel to Mr. Thomas Starkey, from Venice 5 Feb. 1535-6. A Portion of a Letter 76 Edmund Harvel from Venice, to Dr. Starkey : after the arrival of the News of Queen Anne Boleyn's execution 77 Lady Brian, Governess of the Lady Elizabeth, to Lord Cromwell, from Hunsdon, for In structions concerning her, after the death of Q. Anne her mother 78 Mary, widow of Henry Duke of Richmond, to the Duke of Norfolk her father, respecting her suit to the King for her maintenance .... 83 King Henry Vlllth. to ... . to examine into certain matters relating to Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and Morris his receiver. A. D. 1536 85 William Earl of Southampton to Lord Crom well concerning Blockhouses to be made at Calshot Point and Cowes 86 King Henry the Eighth to the Lady Anne Savon, widow 88 King Henry the Eighth to the Mayor and Aldermen of London, respecting the Office of Metership of Linen Cloth and Canvas in London 90 Thomas Cumptun to Lord Cromwell, upon the dismissal of the Franciscan Monks of Guern sey, who had refused to take the oaths re quired by the King. A. D. 1537 91 Robert Cowley, one of the Council in Ireland, to the Duke of Norfolk, a Discussion on the Finances, of Ireland 93 vm LETTER CXXVII. CONTENTS. PAGE Arthur Viscount Lisle to Lord Cromwell, con cerning a report of one of bishop Latimer s sermons, and upon the state of the borders atCalais. A.D. 1538 -• 10* Margaret Countess of Salisbury to a Lady, con cerning the marriage of the lady's daughter. . 106 Sir Thomas Wriothesly at Brussels, toSir'lhomas Wyat in Spain, upon the commitment of the Marquis of Exeter and Lord Montacute to the Tower. A. D. 1538 108 Lord Southampton and the Bishop of Ely to Lord Cromwell, upon the Seizure of the Coun tess of Salisbury 110 The Earl of Southampton and the Bishop of Ely to Lord Cromwell. A Second Letter ... 114 Lord Cromwell to the King ; a portion of a Letter dated London, the 14th of March. The discovery of a nest of Traitors on board a French Ship at South Shields 116 Lord Cromwell to the King, dated London 17th March in the Evening. A portion of a Letter : concerning an Irish Monk, one of the Traitors before mentioned 129 E. Hord Prior of Henton in Somersetshire, to his brother Alen Hord, announcing his intention of submitting to the King 130 Thomas Lord La Warr to Lord Cromwell desiring that Boxgrave Abbey may be spared 132 The Lord Cromwell to the Earl of Shrewsbury, respecting the punishment of a Hermit for uttering traiterous words 135 Lord Cromwell to King Henry the Eighth. News from Antwerp 137 Lord Cromwell to King Henry the Eighth, dated London 19th April. The examina tion of the Marchioness of Salisbury. The arrival of Hicronyino 133 Thomas Pery to Mr. Ralph Vane, one of the CONTENTS. CLI. PAGE Lord Cromwell's gentlemen, upon his suffer ings in the Inquisition at Tryana 139 John Earl of Bath to Lord Cromwell, complain ing of his father's unjust will and his mother- in-law's malice. A. D. 1540 156 The Commissioners in the Cause of Anne of Cleves to King Henry the Eighth, acquaint ing him that she acquiesced in his determina tion 158 Lord Cromwell to King Henry the Eighth. A Letter from his Prison in the Tower 160 Otwell Johnson, a merchant of London, to his brother John Johnson of the Staple at Ca lais ; on merchandize and news 1 72 William Thomas clerk of the Council, to King Edward the Sixth ; presenting a List of Ques tions in History and Policy for his improve ment 187 Thomas Barnabe to Sir William Cecil, pro posing methods of distressing the French. A. D. 1552 195 Bishop Gardiner to the University of Cam bridge, upon the eating of Flesh in Lent, and on the pronunciation of Greek 206 The Princess Elizabeth to the Lords of the Council concerning some landed property, and dealings with one Smyth 210 The Lords of the Council to Queen Mary, announcing their Proclamation of her Title 243 Queen Mary to the Bp. of Winchester, Chan cellor of the University of Cambridge, for the restoration of Popery . . . ., 244 Mary daughter of Emanuel King of Portugal to Queen Mary Ist 247 Henry Lord Darnley, afterwards husband to the Queen of Scots, to Queen Mary of England 249 Queen Mary to the Marquis of Winchester, Lord Treasurer 251 CONTENTS. LETTER CLIII. CLXIII. CLXIV. CLXV. Queen Mary to the Lord Privy Seal, upon the Arrival of Philip II 252 Letter of Privy Seal to the Clerk of the Queen's Stables 253 The Princess Elizabeth to Queen Mary, upon her being ordered to go to the Tower at the time of Wyatt's Rebellion 254 Sir William Fitzwilliam to Mr. More, high Sheriff of Surrey, concerning the proposed election of the Lord Chamberlain's and Sir William's sons to be Knights of the Shire for Surrey. Queen Elizabeth's refusal to hear mass on Christmas day, 1558 261 Sir William Cecil to Dr. Perne Vice Chancellor of Cambridge, inclosing a Letter from Queen Elizabeth 263 The Queen to Sir William Cecil ; the Inclosure in the former Letter 265 Sir William Cecil to A portion of a Letter 266 Archbishop Parker to Sir William Cecil, con cerning the foundation of a Grammar School at Sandwich in Kent A. D- 1563 268 Lord John Gray of Pyrgo to Sir William Cecil, in behalf of his niece, the Lady Catherine Gray 272 Lord John Gray to Sir William Cecil, thanking him for the delivery of his niece to his cus tody at his seat of Pyrgo 275 Lady Catherine Gray, Countess of Hertford, to Sir William Cecil, upon her removal to pyg0 277 Lord John Gray to Sir Wm. Cecil, that his niece the Lady Catherine still pines away at the Queen's displeasure 279 Lord John Gray to Sir William Cecil, inclosing the Lady Catherine's Petition to the Queen 280 Lord John Gray to Sir William Cecil, still upon the grief of Lady Catherine Qgo CONTENTS. XI LETTER PAGE clxvii. Lady Catherine Countess of Hertford to Sir William Cecil 284 clxviii. Anne Duchess of Somerset to Sir William Cecil, soliciting the release of her son Lord Hertford and the Lady Catherine 286 clxix. Anne Duchess of Somerset to Sir William Cecil : upon the same 287 ci.xx. Secretary Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith in France. The Queen seized with illness 291 clxxi. Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith. A portion of a Letter. The Earls of Leicester and Sussex made knights of the French King's Order. Lord Darnley and Lord Lei cester separately proposed as husbands for the Scottish Queen. Sir William wishes a marriage for Queen Elizabeth 292 clxxii. Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith on the Queen of Scots' marriage with Lord Darnley. Propositions of the Emperor and France for Queen Elizabeth's marriage 295 clxxiii. Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith : still upon the Queen of Scots' marriage. The Scottish Lords disgusted. The marriage of Lady Mary Gray 298 clxxiv. Mary and Henry, King and Queen of Scots, a circular Letter declaring a Progress against the Rebels, and ordering men to join them at Edinburgh in arms 300 clxxv. Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith : upon the Archduke's offer to the Queen 301 clxxvi. Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith. The Queen of Scots' subjects dissatisfied. The in solence of Darnley 302 clxxvii. The Queen to Mr. Thomas Randolph concern ing the Appointment of Commissioners to meet on the frontiers of Scotland 303 clxxviii. Richard Onslow, Esq. Recorder of London, to CONTENTS. LETTER PAGE Sir William Cecil; concerning the Procla mation against Hosiers 3°6 clxxix. Lady Mary Gray to Sir William Cecil, upon her loss of the Queen's favor 308 clxxx. Lady Mary Gray, assuring Sir William Cecil of her repentance 309 clxxxi. Christopher Jonson, Master of Winchester School, to Sir William Cecil, upon the per- verseness of Rich. Lyllington, one of his Scholars 311 clxxxii. Sir Thomas Gresham to Sir William Cecil, upon the prolongation of the Queen's debt, at Twelve per Cent 313 clxxxiii. Sir Thomas Gresham to Sir William Cecil, again upon money lent to the Queen 315 clxxxiv. The Lady Stanhope to Sir William Cecil, for his counsel to Mr. Hotham who had married her daughter, and through jealousy wished to divorce her 320 clxxxv. John Hotham to Sir William Cecil, requesting to be excused from appearing before him . . 324 ci.xxxvi. Lady Stanhope to Sir William Cecil, to bring the business between Hotham and her daugh ter to a good end 326 clxxxvii. Sir Ralph Sadler to Lord Burghley concerning the manner in which the Queen of Scots re ceived the news of the Duke of Norfolk's con demnation 329 clxxxviii. Margaret Countess of Lenox and Angus, to Sir William Cecil, justifying herself and her Lord from false rumors , 332 ORIGINAL LETTERS, ETC. LETTER XCVI. Richard Fox Bishop of Winchester to Cardinal Wol sey, in answer to some Inquiries concerning' Calais and itsjbrtifications. [MS. COTTON. MUS. BRIT. FAUSTINA E. VII. fol. 121. OHg.~\ *»* Calais was in the hands of the English for two hundred and ten years. It was taken by King Edward the Third after a siege of eleven months in 1347, and replanted with Inhabitants chiefly from Kent. The English surrendered it to the Duke of Guize in 1557, after a siege of only eight days. The Spaniards held it from 1596 to 1598. With the surrender of it in 1557 the long-cherished hope of recovering the English dominions in France became extinguished : and how sensible Queen Mary was of this may be gathered from her dying words. If her breast were opened, the word " Calais" would be found engraven on her heart It is remarkable that Michele, the Venetian ambassador, in his Me moir to the Senate upon his return from England, of which the Reader will know more hereafter, should say, in 1557, the very year in which Calais was retaken, that it was generally considered as an impregnable fortress, on account of the inundation with which it might be surrounded ; but that there were persons skilled in fortification, who doubted that it would prove so if put to the test. VOL. II. SER. 2. B X, ORIGINAL LETTERS- Queen Elizabeth made several attempts to recover the possession of Calais « ; her original Commission to Sir Thomas Smith to demand it in 1567, is still preserved in the Cottonian Library : b and it was at one time pressed as a stipulation when the marriage was proposed between the Queen and the Due d' Anjou. Although, after its conquest, Calais was entirely repeopled with what the Record calls "purs Anglois," still the new Settlement was governed by the laws of the Inhabitants whom they had dispossessed. A priest and two antient men well acquainted with the ordinances and usages being alone allowed to remain in the Town, c for the purpose of giving the necessary information to the stranger colonists. d Maud countess of Artois had granted a charter to it, creating a Commu nity, consisting of " bailiffs, eskewyrs, and cornemans," and this Flemish constitution was not altered till the 50*1* of Edw. IIId. when the Burgesses presented a Petition to the King and Council in Parliament, praying that they might have a Mayor and Twelve Aldermen, with power to elect their Mayor from amongst the Aldermen " comme ils font en la Citie de Londres." Many other privileges were solicited by the same instrument, most of which were granted or confirmed by the King ; e and Calais became thenceforth organized as an English corporation. Many local customs, however, were retained ; and except so far as related to the descent of real estates, the common law of England does not appear to have been introduced. The Staple of Wool was fixed at Calais by King Edward the Thiid in 1362. The expences of the Garrison of this place were extremely heavy, at least in the earlier period of the English possession. Sir Richard L'Esciop, in his address to both Houses at the opening of the Parliament of the 2'1 Ric II. states that the annual expenditure of the Crown for the defence of Calais and the Marches, exceeded 24,000?. The request of an Aid for the purpose of defraying these charges was embodied as a matter of course in the King's speech at the opening of each new Parliament ; and Com mines informs us that the " Captainship" of Calais was one of the best places in Christendom. The " wages," however, both of tlie commander and of the garrison were very frequently in arrear ; and the complaints of the misgovernment of this important Fortress are repeated, Parliament after Parliament. In 1522, when Albany's second expedition to Scotland was made a cause of war with France, the attention of Henry the Eighth was called to the state of Calais, the fortifications of which during the earlier years • See Camd. Ann. EHz. pp. 98, 99, loo. b C;ilig. E. vi. foil i s. ' The old Inliabitants went principally to St. Omers I Rot. Pari. 50 Edw. III. 358, 350. , , Froissart. vol. i. p. ,«,. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 3 of his reign had gone neglected. It was probably about this time, or soon after, that the Letter here commented upon was written. Bishop Fox died at an advanced period of life Sept. 24th, 1528, having been blind for nearly ten years. The signature only to this Letter is in his own hand. The Cottonian Manuscript Calig. E. ii. fol. 98. contains the return from the Commissioners who are mentioned in bishop Fox's Letter, after they had examined Calais ; dated in tlie month of August. They speak of the decay of the Works, and of the neglect of the Ordinances of the Place ; assuring Wolsey that they had " found the Town and Marches far out of order ; and so far, that it would grieve and pity the heart of any good and true Enghshman." • It was not at this time only that Henry the Eighth turned his. atten tion to the strengthening of Calais. In the 24lh year of his reign he visited the place and formed what was called " a Device" for the further fortification of the Town and Haven, which, with the Ordinances for the Garrison, is still preserved in the same Volume with Fox's Letter. Fa byan says that Henry the Eighth began other buildings at Calais and Guisnes in 1540. b Calais, like every other continental Town, retains its original features after a lapse of time, which in England would have obliterated almost every vestige of antiquity. The principal change which it has sustained since the sixteenth century, has been occasioned by the demolition of the Church of St. Nicholas, upon the site of which the Citadel has been erected. The Pier remains precisely as it is represented in a Plan in the Cottonian Library. The Southern bulwarks are yet defended by the identical bastions erected according to the orders given by Henry VIII"1. and which continue unaltered within the rampart which forms the mo dern fortification : and the key on the north side, not far from Hogarth's Gate, retains the name, certainly not very appropriate, of Paradise, which was applied to it as early as the reign of Richard II d. c Within the walls, the Guild Hall of the Staple, afterwards the " Hotel de Guise," exhibits a curious mixture of the weE known Tudor style blended with the forms of Flemish architecture. The Cottonian Manuscript Aug. I. vol. ii. art. 57. contains a " Piatt of the Lowe Countrye att Calleys, drawne in October, the 37th. Hen. VIII. by Thomas Pettyt," followed, art. 10. by an enlarged Plat, from which the View of Calais given as a Frontispiece to this Volume has been copied. ' The following is the List of English Noblemen who had lands in Calais which had fallen to decay, about or before 1521 : " The Duke of Buckingham, the Lord Marques, the Earl of Northumberland, the Earl of Kent, the Earl of Arundel, the Lord Darcy, Sir Edward Abrough." MS. Cotton. Faust. E. vn. fol. 24. ' Chronicles, p. 101. • Rot. Pari. 21 Ric. II. wo. b2 -* ORIGINAL LETTERS. My verye singular good Lord, after my humblest recommendacion, I have receyved your Lettre sent to me by M. Sands, in the whych it hathe pleased your good Lordship to shewe me, that after dyvers comuni- cacions had by the kinges Grace wyth hys Counsell uppon thestate & condicion of the Toune & Marches of Calis & other Fortryses within the same, & of theyr ruynes, decayes, mutacyons, and alteracions, fro the auncyent estatuz and ordinances, His Grace for remedye in that behalve, by th'advyse of hys said Counsell, hathe determyned to send thidder, with convenyent diligence, certayne hys Comissioners a not only to view the saide ruynes & decayes, and theruppon to adver- tyse hys Grace what reformacions, reparacions, & forti fications be necessary to be made in that partye ; but also substancyally to examyn th'abuses of the sayde auncient ordinancies, & the insufficienties of the soul- diours, wyth all other thyngs that may sounde to the daungier of the sayd Toune, Marches, Sc Fortryses. And therof to make relacion & reaport to Hys Grace & hys Counsell for spedye remedye to be provyded for the same. And over thys your good Lordship sheweth to me by your sayde Lettre, that forasmuch as I have at sundry tymes taken travayle in the saide maters, & have knowlege of theme, & that the Kynges Grace is also enformed that I have certayne bokes concernyng • They were, Sir William Fytswilliam, Thomas Walsh, John Daker, George Poulet, and Antony Sentleger. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 5 the sayde maters, Hys Grace therfor willeth, that, all other thyngs set apartt, I doo repaire incontynerit to Hys Grace, bryngeng wyth me all such Bokes as I have concerneng the premisses. My very singular good Lord, in my humblest wyse I beseche you that withowt your displeasor I may frely shewe you the trowble that your saide lettres hathe put my mynde in. Truely my singular good Lord, syns the Kynges Grace lycenced me to remayne in my chyrche & ther- abowts uppon my cure, Wherin I have be almost by the space of xxx yeres so negligent, that of iiij severall Chathedrall Chyrches that I have succes sively had, ther be two, scilicet, Excestre & Wellys, that I never see ; and innumerable sawles wherof I never see the bodyes ; and specially sens by hys licence I left the kepyng of hys Trivy Seale, & most specially sens my last departyng fro your good Lordship & the Counsell, I have determyned, &, bytwixt-God & me, utterly renouncyed the medlyng with wordlya maters ; specially concernyng the werre or any thyng to it ap- perteigneng( wherof for the manyintollerable enormytes that I have seen ensue by the said werre in tyme past, I have noo littell remorse in my conscience,) thynkeng that if I dyd contynuall penance for it all ihe dayes of my lyfe, though I shuld lyfe xx yeres longar then I may doo, I cowde not yit make sufficient recompense therfor. And nowe my good lord to be called to forti- a worldly. O ORIGINAL LETTERS. ficacions of Townes, & places of Werre, or to any mater concerneng the werre, beyng of the age of Ixx yeres & above, & lokyng daily to dye, the whych if I dyd beyng in any such medlyng of the werre, I thynk •I shuld dye in dispeyr. No marvayll my Lord, the premisses considered, if thys my present vocacion to such maters, trowble not a littell my spiritts. I fere that I shall not by raison therof be in such quyetnes that I shall dar say masse thies next v. or vi. dayes. And yet my nowne good Lord, I am not unremem- bred of my deutye towardes the Kymg my most drad kynde soveraigne Lord, the soon & successor of the Kyng that was my maker & promoter to the dignytie that I unworthely doo occupye ; & to all that I have in erthe ; and therfor if Hys Grace call or comaunde me to doo that thyng that may become soo old a preest to doo, verely my Lord to spend my lyve & all my pour substance I shall never refuse it ; but by licence of your good Lordship the matei-s for the whych Hys Grace wolleth me to come to the same, be all of a nother sort, qualitie, & nature, it becommeth me noo thyng nowe to medle, neyther by way of counsell nor faict, wyth munitions, or fortifications of Townes & places of Werr. Also my Lord I had never comission, charge, nor commaundement, by wryteng or worde, to medle wyth the saide fortifications, neyther of Calys, Hams, nor Guynes ; nor never dyd I medle wyth theme in deed. Trowthe it is, that byfore the Siege of Boleigne, I ORIGINAL LETTERS. 7 and other, to ryght a good noumbre, as ambassadors, met & hade many treaties & communications wyth th'ambassadors of France, some tyme at Boleyng, some tyme at Calys, & somtyme at Sandyngfeld ; & after all my compaygnye, except Sir John Doon & Sir John Troblevyld,a were retorned into England, they two and I mette at Boleigne dyverse tymes wyth the lord Quardis : all whych season indured frome abowts my- chaelmas to it was abowts Candelmas then next en- sueng ; and in the moyne tyme, besyds the tymes of the said metyngs, I contynued allwayes at Calais ; & dureng that tyme, by the kynges ordynance that ded is, whos saule God pardon, I medled wyth the haven of Calice, & in my mynd brought it to that condition, that if the scluse that I caused to be made hade not be destroyed by Sir John Turbrevyle then thresorier of Calice, it had be nowe a good havyn. And also in the meayne tyme- 1 rode to Hams & Guysnes, to make good chere wyth the capytayns ; but farther dyd I never medle in noon of the saide places. And as for the Bokes that it is supposed I shuld have, verely my Lord noon I have, nor never had, nor never see noon, savyng suche as be wont to remaigne in the Counsell House of Calice, and in the handes of th' Officers and the Counsell ther, concernyng the ordre of the retenue, and the rule of the Toune ; wherdf I never had copye nor noon desired to have. a Turbervyle. 8 ORIGINAL LETTERS. My singular good Lord, in my most humble wyse I beseche your good lordship favorabely & beningly to interpretate & take the premisses, and, in considera tion of the same, to be soo good lord to me as by your good meanys thys my excuse, grounded uppon reson- able causes, may be acceptable to the Kynges Grace, to you my Lord, and all other of the Kynges most ho norable Counsell. Also my Lord, I have not soo sklenderly buyldyd my selve, nor soo weykly estableshed my house in thies parties, that I can honestely or conveniently so sodenly depart hens, nor incontynent come theder. I have also many causes in my handes bothe of corrections & justice, that if I shuld sodenly relinquyshe theme, I shuld unresonabely & inhonestly disapoynt many ma ters & persons, to my great rebuke & sclaundre. And oonys in xv. dayes I visit my Cathedrall Chyrche, & the Monasterye of Hyde, whych may not soo sodenly be discontenued. Finally my Lord, I also beseche your good lordship, that in case thies advised fortifications & munitions of Calice and the other places, be ordeyned to be doo for suspicion of Werre or Siege, that then the reparation and ryggyng of Ships be in lyke wyse avaunced, for if owr enemyes be lordes of the See, Calice may not long hold. In lyke wyse the Isle of Wyght whych hathe no Capitaigne bydyng wy thin it, and is full sklendrely inhabit, and wors fortifyed & provyded of artillarye. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 9 and also Portesmowthe, shalbe oon of the fyrst thyngs that owr enemyes woll loke uppon ; ffor as your good Lordship well knoweth, if the werre fortune, it shall do great service. And in thys partie I beseche you my Lord, to remembre the warant that I left wyth you for the wages of ij. goonners for the towre, & the blokehowse, and the keper of the brewe bowses theer, whych must be regarded be it werre or peaxe. Thus doo I presumptuosely encombre your good Lordship wyth thies rude maters, but they be necessary ; and I do make me sure ye knowe and considre the same better then I can wryte. And thus I shall daily pray the Holy Trinitie to send you, my Lord, as good lyfe and long as I wold wyshe to my self. At Wynchestre the last day of Apryle. Yor. humble bedeman and preste, RI. WYNTON. It is evident from one part of this Letter that our Historians have followed each other too implicitly in asserting that Wolsey's ingratitude was the principal cause of bishop Fox's retiring from Court. We have here his own authority for ascribing it to a different motive. He had " no little remorse hi his conscience." The scenes of the reign of Henry the Seventh preyed upon his recollection. 10 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER XCVII. Anne Boleyn to her father Sir Thomas Boleyn, upon her coming to Court. [ms. coll. coep. cheisti cantabe. cxix. 9. Orig.1 *„• The reader is here presented with what it is believed will prove to be the earliest of all Anne Boleyn's Letters now remaining, written to her father immediately before her appointment as one of the Maids of Honor to Mary Queen of France, the sister of King Henry the Eighth. By the report of our Historians, Anne must have been at this time in her eighth year. It is the first Letter of her own composition in French, and is preserved among archbishop Parker's Manuscripts at Cambridge. The present Copy is from a Tracing, kindly supplied to the Editor by his friend the rev. Thomas Shelford. For the emendations and Transla tion in the margin, the reader's thanks are due to Charles Konig, Esq. who, in this instance, has loosened a knot which was tied too tight for the Editor to unravel without assistance. Hever Castle in Kent, whence this Letter appears to have been dated, was Sir Thomas Boleyn's residence ; where tradition still pretends to be full of the recollection of the loves of Henry and Anne. In the signature to this Letter, Anne Boleyn appears purposely to have Frenchified her name. It is here placed out of chronological order: but, in truth, the Editor had at one time determined to omit it from the Collection, believing that the attempt to decipher it would be in vain. The " Ejusdem Epistola? Versio Latina" which follow»the original in Nasmith's Catalogue, is an unsuccessful attempt at a Latin translation, somewhat later in point of time, by a hand unknown. Monss1'. Jea antandue par vf e lettre que a ves envy h que touf . .c onnettefamed quan je vindree a la courte f ¦ j'ai. " avcz envoyd, or, avcz envie: the latter sense has been adopted in the translation. <¦ toujour-.? d femmc. - viendrai. ' cour. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 11 et ma vertissesa que la Rene prendra la pein de devisser b a vecc c moy de quoy me regoy d bien1 fort de pensser parler a vecc ung perssone tante sage et onnete cela me ferra a voyre plus grante anvyf de continuer a parler bene franssais et aussy espels especiale man pour sue que mellaves tant recomende1- et de meman* vous a versty k que les gardere la meux que je poure - monss1" Je vous suplye descusserm sy malettre etn male escripte car je vous asure quele et ettografie ° de monantandemant sule P la. ou 1 les auttres ne sont faits que escript de ma main et Semmonet me dit la lettre mes demeurea fan je lafi ' moy meme de peur que lone ne saces sanon que s je vous mande et je vous pry Translation. Sir, I find by your letter that you wish me to appear at court in a manner becoming a respectable female, and likewise that the Queen will condescend to enter into conversation with me. At this I rejoice, as I do to think that conversing with so sensible and elegant a princess will make me ever more desirous of continuing to speak and to write good French; the more so as it is by your earnest advice, which, I acquaint you by this present writing, I shall follow to the best of my ability. Sir, I entreat you to excuse me if this letter is badly written: I can assure you the spelling proceeds entirely from my own head, while the other letters were the work of my hands alone ; and Semmonet tells me he has left the letter to be composed by myself that nobody else may know what I am writing to you. I therefore pray you * m'avertissez. b deviser, i.e. s'entretenir familjerement. c avec. d rejouy. e faira avoir. f envie. 6 epeler. & specialement par ce que (vous) me l'avez tant recommande\ i ma main. k avertis. > que je Ie garderai (observerai) le mieux que je pourrai. m d'excuser. ° si ma lettre est. ° je vous assure qu'elle est orthographiee. P seul. i la ou, i. e. au lieu que. « m'est demeurte afin (que) je la fie (fisse). ' que Ton ne sache, sinon que. 12 ORIGINAL LETTERS. que la loumire3 de votre vue net libertte de separeb la voullonte c que dites aves de me edere d car hilee me samble quettes ascure on .... la ou vous poves sy vous plet me vere f de clarasion de vre paroile et de moy soues sertene que miara seoffice de peres S ne din gra titude h que sut en passer ne et fasera mon a vecsion queste- ede liberek devivre autant sainte que vous plera me commander et vous prommes que mon amour et vondue1 par ung si grant fermette quele nara james pover de sanem deminuer et feres n fin a mon pourpon0 a pres mettre recommande bine humbla- mante a vre bone grace et scripte P a Uevre de Vre treshumble et tresobiessante fille ANNA DE BOULLAN. Translation. not to suffer your superior knowledge to conquer the inclination which you say you have to be of service to me; for it seems to me you are certain .... where, if you please, you may fulfil your promise. As to myself, rest assured that I shall not, ungratefully, look upon this office of a father as one that might be dis pensed with ; nor will it tend to diminish the affection you are iu quest of (?), re solved as I am to lead as holy a life as you may please to desire of me : indeed my love for you is founded on so firm a base that it can never be impaired. I put an end to this my lucubration after having very humbly craved your good-will and affection. Written at Hever by Your very humble and obedient daughter ANNA DE BOULLAN. -- lumiere. b n'aye libert6 de supeier, old Fr.Jor vaincre (defeat, overthrow). - volonte-. d aider. • a. t faire. s soyez certain que je mirerai (for regarderai) cet office de pere. i' ni d'ingratitude. ' ni effacera mon affection quotes ? i" et je deliberc— I propose. i fomlto. ra si grande fermete qu'elle n 'aura jamais le pouvoir de s'en — n ferais. ° pourpens, old Fr. deep study or thought, perpension. r ccrite. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 13 LETTER XCVIII. The Vice President and Fellows of Magdalen College to Cardinal Wolsey, upon his request to dig stone from their quarries in the neighbourhood of Oxford for his New College. [ms. COTTON. FAUST. C. VII. fol. 187. Orig.\ *** Wolsey had been fellow and bursar of Magdalen College. Fiddes, as well as the tradition of Oxford, ascribe to him the building of Mag. dalen Tower, between 1492 and 1501. Chandler, in his Life of the founder of the College, is unwilling to allow it, though he admits that Wolsey was in office at the time of its construction. The quarries alluded to in the early part of this Letter were those of Hedington near Oxford, from which Magdalen College had been itself built, and which had been worked from the time of Henry the Third. The rest of the Letter is complimentary to Wolsey, for settling the differences at Oxford between the townsmen and the scholars, and they had been very serious from 1516 to 1523, when King Henry the Eighth, through the Cardinal's influence, granted to the. University a fresh and ample charter of privileges. In 1524, Wolsey appointed John Hygden, the President of Magdalen College, to be the first Dean of Cardinal College. He was again made Dean of the same College in 1532, upon its refoundation by King Henry the Eighth, as Christ's Chuhch College. Magnificentissimo Principi D°. Thomae Omnipo- tentis Dei providentia Archiepiscopo Eboracensi, Sa- crosanctae Jtomanae Ecclesia? presbytero Cardinali, Apostolicae Sedis et a latere Legato, Anglise Primati et Cancellario summo, Vicepreses Magdelanensis ac 14 ORIGINAL letters. universus Contubernalium ccetus, fcelicitatem precatur perpetuam. Accepimus nuper Literas tuas magnificentissime Princeps, quae profecto candidissimi pectoris tui testes syncerissimae esse potuerunt. Nimirum quum apud nos Magdalenenses infinitis nominibus tuos, in re levi- cula et nullius profecto momenti, si aliqua meritorum tuorum ratio habeatur, precibus potius quam imperio uti maluisses. Quorsum enim spectat, ut tu Princeps maximus, et cujus sapientia jam totum Christianum Orbem in stuporem converterit, petas potius quam imperes ut liceat Celsitudini tuae ad opus pientissimum, videlicet hoc sacrosanctum Asylum uti Lapidicinis nos- tris ; quae haud dubie si omnino aurEjE essent, quotes apud Persas Jactitantur monies, nunquam tamen vel minimas beneficiorum tuorum parti respondere valuis- sent. Nam ut alia innumera et quae incredibilia pene viderentur, omittamus, quid unquam rebus nostris utilius aut accommodatius contigisse potuit, quam est istud quod nuper singularis sapientia tua divinumque consilium, facillime et velut minimo digitulo praestitit, confirmavit, et ratum fecit ? quum te autore, te duce, te auspice fcelicissimo, repente velut ab intestino bello, a civili discordia, ab infesto turn odio turn dissidio, a litigiis, jurgiis, et simultate maxima, quum demum e plusquam aestuariis irarum fluctibus, in fraternam pa- cem, in veram concordiam, in quietam et sinceram amicitiam, in sempiternam praeterritae litis oblivionem, ORIGINAL LETTERS. 15 in tranquilissimum unanimi consensus portum, traduci- mur, componimur, et sedamur. Animum ergo hostilem deponimus, bellum execramur, damnamus arma, con- tumeliorum piget, adeo ut nunc atrocissimum supplicii genus perferre videremur, quam iterum hanc in arenam descendere. Caeterum quandoquidem ea hominum imbecillitas est, ut nequeant aliquando a periculis suis temperare, quin naufragus interdum, resarcita navi, mare repetat, victusque victorem hostem nonnunquam bello lacessat, curavit circumspectissima prudentia tua eum virum nobis perficiendum, cujus oculata sagacitate, animique moderatione futurum speramus, ut quemad- modum animus noster adhuc recenti hujus furoris me- moria a dissensione longissime abhorret, ita quoque in posterum omnis dissentiendi occasio auferatur et pereat. Nam ut alias complures et animi et corporis illius dotes quas in homine, vel hoc tantillo spacio quo nobiscum versatus est, satis clare perspeximus non recenseamus, nihil penitus prastermittet, quod ad hanc concordiam quae tuis auspiciis inter nos cepta est, stabiliendam perpetuoque sanciendam pertinet. Omnes enim ex , aequo, mira comitate, humanitate maxima, compellat, tractat, et sibi conciliare studet, non alia (ut plane ap- paret) de causa, quam ut quum omnes sibi arctissime devinxerit, se cum omnibus, ceu caput cum membris, in unum idemque corpus, indissolubili nodo adglutinet et constringat. Pergat ergo infinita bonitas tua nobis semper hujusmodi viros procurare. Pergat benefa- 16 ORIGINAL LETTERS. ciendo semper se vincere. Pergat demum de virtute et Uteris tarn ultra fidem bene mereri, ut si nunquam antehac incepissent, per te initium sumpsisse videantur. Vivat, valeatque Majestas tua semper fcelix faus- taque. Magnificentissimo Principi D°. Thomse Dei Optimi Max. benignitate Archiepis- copo Eboracensi, Sacrosancwe Romanse Ecclesise Presbytero Cardinal^ Apostolicse Sedis et a Latere Legato, Angliae Primati et Cancellario Summo, dentur hse Liter se. Op the Letters which are extant, addressed to Cardinal Wolsey, whether from private individuals, from corporate bodies, or from crowned heads, there are scarcely any which are not filled with compliment and flattery. Francis the First, in writing to him, signed constantly " votre bon amy." Charles Duke of Savoy wrote " Monsr. le Cardinal mon cousin."0 Margaret Queen of Navarre announced her behef of her pregnancy to him, apparently at her mother's desire, with her own hand, as " Monsr. mon bon frere;" finishing " votre bonne sceur et fille Mar. guerite." b Christiern King of Denmark wrote to him " Amico et Pro- tectori nostro longe charissimo." Charles the Fifth used to sign " votre vray bon amy." Margaret archduchess of Savoy almost uniformly wrote to him " votre bonne mere Marguerite ;" and even the superscriptions of her Letters, " a Mons'. le Legat d'Angleterre mon bon filz." c Lower in Society greater homage was paid. Bishops, Lords, Abbats, Priors, and the inferior clergy, vied with each other in their terms of adulation. The President and Fellows of Magdalen College Oxford, in the preceding Letter, wrote " Magnificentissimo Principi ; vivat, valeatque Majestas tua." The Prior of Winchcornbe calls him " Cardinalium splendor et decus: gloriose Cardinale et Princeps:" end ing, " in dulcissimo Jesu, et in omnibus Sanctis, semper vivat sacra vestra dominatio, sanctissime,'reverendissime Pater, et D. merito obser. vantissime." To multiply these instances were needless. * MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. in. fol. 68. i> Ibid. fol. 67 b. " Madame ma commande ne craindre point a vous escripre, quelle pansse que je soye (-rousse de quatrc moys." « MS. Cotton. Galba B. vin. foil. 97, 134 b, 137. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 17 LETTER XCIX. Cardinal Wolsey to King Henry the Eighth, chiefly upon the discontent expressed at the manner of sup pressing the small Monasteries with which his College at Oxford was to be endowed. [MS. BAKER, BRIT. MUS. HARL, 7035. p. 174.] %* The return of Francis the First to his dorniriions, so minutely noticed in one or two Letters of the preceding Volume, was followed by demands from England of certain restitutions, the enforcing of which in the negociations at Compeigne was deputed to Wolsey alone. This was, in fact, the critical moment of Wolsey's fortunes, when, to use Cavendish's words, his enemies "lay in a-wait with my Lady Anne to take the Cardinal in a brake." The first part of the present Letter alludes to these negociations. The test shows that the enterprise to ruin him in his absence had become successful : the King himself not only listening to, but reiterating the general dissatisfaction at the Suppression of those Monasteries with the revenues of which the Cardinal's College was to be endowed. It is re markable that in this Letter, as if in compliment, Wolsey calls it the King's intended College. The following is the title of this Letter as given in Baker's hand writing : " Letter written by Card. Wolsey's own hand to K. Hen. 8*b. transcribed from a Copy taken of it by ArchBp. Abbot, endorsed thus, ' The Originall I sent lack to the office of the King's Papers. Ita est, G. cant. Apr. 17, 1616.' " To the King's Most noble Grace, Defensor of the Faith. Sr. After my most humble & lowly recommenda tions, it may like your Highness to understand that it hath been & is much to my rejoyce &" comfort, to perceive by the relation of Sr. Tho. More how the dis courses & communications which I have had with the VOL. II. ser. 2. c 18 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Chancellor of Alanson sent from my Lady the Fr. King's mother for treaty of peace with your Highness, have been to your contentation & pleasure ; wherein Sr. as in all other your affairs, I have not, ne shall pre termit any labor, diligence, study, or travail, which may be to the conducing of the same to such end as shall he to your Highness honor, exaltation, & benefit. And where it hath pleased your Highness of your excellent goodness & gracious favour, to advertise me by the said Sr. Tho. More of such reports as have ben made unto your Highness, consisting in two things, the one con cerning the office of Clerk of the Market within the liberties of the Monastery of St. Albans, & the other my officers in the Suppression of certain exile a & small Monasteries, wherein neither God is served, ne religion kept, which, with your gracious ayde & assistance, converting the same to a far better use, I purpose to annex unto your intended College of Oxford, for the encrease of good Letters & virtue. I most humbly thank your Highness for that it hath pleased the same, so like a good & gracious Master, to give unto me knowledge & admonition therof, ascertaining your Grace, that as to the office of Clerk of the Market within the liberties of the said Monastery, I never was minded either to extend or to diminish, but in such manner to use the same as I found the said Monastery possessed aforetime ; for at your last being there, the ¦ Exile, i. c. Alien Priories : Cells to foreign Monasteries. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 19 Graunts made by your noble Progenitors, confirmed also by the late King of famous memory, your noble father,- whose soule Jesus pardon, & also by your Highness, were show'd unto your Councell, whereby they evidently perceived, that neither the Marshall of England, ne the Steward of your most honWe. House hold, ne also the office of Clerk of the Markets, shall be exercised with the said liberties, by other then the officers of the said Monastery, as by the Graunts & Confirma tions, ready at your good pleasure to be eftsone showed, doth right largely appear. Nevertheless, whereas the inquest & officers there, have not justly, discreetly, & indifferently assessed & taxed the prices of the Market, as to right, equity, & the good commodity of your Grace's servants hath appertayned ; I who knew no thing thereof, am not only discontented with them, for their misdemeanor in that behalf, & shall with God's grace, see them ordered accordingly, but also have no small cause most humbly to thank your Highness, whome it hath pleased to see the said prices reformed, unto the due order & direct course. And God forbid that I should, or suffer any man to, encroach upon any part of your jurisdiction royall, trusting verily, in con sideration of my poor service, that your Highness will be as good a Lord to that your Monastery, as your noble Progenitors have been, as I most humbly, on my knees, beseech your Highness to be. And albeit Sr. some folks, which be always more c2 20 ORIGINAL LETTERS. prone to speak evil & report the worst without know ledge of the truth, have percase informed your High ness of some disorder that should be used by my Com missaries in suppressing of the said Monasteries, yet most humbly I shall beseech your Highness, after your noble & accustomed manner, to give no credence unto them unto such time as your Grace may hear my de claration in that behalf. For Sr. Allmighty God I take to my record, I have not meant, intended, or gone about, ne also have willed mine Officers, to do any thing concerning the said Suppressions, but under such forme & manner, as is & hath largly been to the full satisfaction, recompence, & joyous contentation of any person which hath had, or could pretend to have right or interest in the same, in such wise, that many of them giving thanks & laude to God, for the good chance succeeded unto them would for nothing, if they might, return or be restored, & put again into their former State, as your Highness shall abundantly & largly perceive, at my next repair unto the same. Verily Sr. I would be loath to be noted, that I should intend such a vertuous foundation for the encrease of your Highnesses merit, profit of your subjects, the advancement of good learning, Sc for the weale of my poore soule, to be established or adquired e.r rapinis. But, God willing, shall in such wise proceed to the perfection thereof, with prejudice or derogation of any man's right or interest, that it shall appear to all the ORIGINAL LETTERS. 21 world, that I am minded to sett forth that act sincerely, purely, & without injury, wrong, or damage to any person. Howbeit, S1'. I account myself most bounden unto your Highness, in that it hath pleased the same so favourably & benignly to advertise me, of the re ports contrived in that behalf, which I trust in such wise to avoyd, that your Highness shall not only be therwith contented, but also they shall peradventure be the more circumspect, to make any such hke reports hereafter. Finally, Sr, I send herewith unto your Highness, a Copy of certain Articles & Clauses excerpted & taken out of the Popes Letters now sent unto his Oratour here resident, declaring in what terms he doth stand with the French King, alledging that he hath nothing done, nor intendeth to do, to the prejudice of your Highness & the Emperour. And albeit his Holy- nesses demeanor in that behalf, is not so laudable, ne of such sort, as I would it were, yet it is not so evill as it hath ben bruted & reported, trusting that after the arrivall of my last Letters, wherein I have ben rounde & plain, his said Holyness shall alter his copie, & perm ease shew himself according to such expectation as your Highness & I have had of him. And thus Jesus preserve your most noble & royall estate. At my Howse besides Westminster ye 5th. day of Febr. by your most humble Chapleyn, T. CARD"S. EBOR. 22 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER C. Henry Stafford to King Henry the Eighth, praying to be restored as son and heir of Edward Duke of Buckingham. A. D. 1529. [cart. ANTia. cotton, im. 19. Orig.] *,* From the statement in Dugdale's Baronage, an ordinary reader would suppose that Henry Lord Stafford had been restored, without in tention of further disturbance, to a portion of his father's lands, in the H" of Henry the Eighth. The present Letter of petition, presented in 1529, explains the manner in which Wolsey's vindictive feelings interfered with what was intended to be royal bounty. Dugdale states that this Lord Stafford, by Ursula the daughter of Sir Richard Pole, had issue three sons and a daughter. We here learn upon his own authority that he had boarded in an Abbey from sheer poverty for four years, with his wife and SEVEN children. In his moste humble wise shewethe vnto yor. Highnes your most humble and true subiect Henry Stafforde, sone of Edwarde Stafforde late Duke of Buckingham, whiche eght yeres paste for his offences contrary to his allegians, by verdite of his perys of highe treason was aitteyntyde, and after for the same suffred not only his dethe, but by the oouree of your lawes forfetted all his landes, goodes, and hereditamentes, into your Highnes handes, and after by your highe Courte of Parlament more largely therof atteyntyde ; not only forfetting all the premysses, not only in debarring his heires from all his landes, goodes, and possessions, but also from ORIGINAL LETTERS, 23 all honor, degre, and reputacion that of right to every true subject apparteynyth or belongyth after there degres, except yov. Highnes of yo' . most mercifull and juste disposicion, calhng to yo' . gracius remembraunce, do ponder not only the offence done by the father of your saide suppliant to the utter vndoing of his heires for ever, but also will most equally mercifully agayne waye and remembre, first the powr innocensy of your saide suppliant in and of all and every of his faders offences, and also his true and onspotted demeanor not only sins the dethe of his saide father, but always affore, not vnknowne to your Highnes ; and where your moste noble Grace of your most bowntious disposicion graunted to your saide subject and suppliant CCCCC marke landes, to take and parceyve sins the next Mi- chalmes after the dethe of his saide fader, not only for his leving but also for the joyntor of his wyffe. So it is moste graciouse Prince that at the tyme of dely- very of the saide Landes to your powr subject by the Lorde Cardinall, late your Highe Chancheler, your powr Suppliant perceyving the same landes not to be of the saide valure bya most humbly declared the same then by sondry bokes made by your auditors and otherwise to the saide Cardinal], whiche at that tyme willyd your powr suppliaunt to take the saide landes, and promysyd on his prestwoode to be contynuall suter to your Highnes for the performacion of thd saide CCCCC markes, to » The blank here is in the original. EDIT. 24 ORIGINAL LETTERS. whome yor. saide Suppliant contynually after was suter till the next Parlament folowing ; at whiche tyme he answerd that owther he shulde be content with the saide landes, or elles he shulde not only have no landes at all but also your Graces highe displeasor. Wherfore your saide Suppliant, cheffely exchewing your highe displeasour, and trusting that the saide Cardinall at lengythe wildhave remorse for his wrongfull and vn- true deling with your powr subjecte, dyde not only mekely accept the same lande, but also hathe conti nually be suter to the saide Lorde Cardinall, whiche alwayes hathe put your saide subject in comforte of ampliacion of lyving, wherof no effecte as yete hathe folowyde, to the greate poverance and vndoing of your saide powr subject. And for bycause affortyme, for none offence fownde nor imputyd to your powr sub jecte, he was (after grette coste done uppon a powr house in Sussexe in whiche he dwellyde thre yeres) causyd by the Lorde Cardinall most sodenly to leve and brek uppe his housholde, and to departe and sell that litill whiche he hadde there to his greate losse and hinderance, and bycause he hathe no dwelling place mete for him to inhabyte upon suche Landes as he hathe of your most graciouse gyfte, and there •tarying to knowe his pleasour where he shulde abyde, fayne to lyve full powerly at boorde in an Abbey this foure yeres daye, wyth his wyff and seven children, to there gret care, sorowe, and hevynes. In consideracion of the premysses, most humbly bvsiching yor. Hio-hnes yo1'. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 25 powr suppliant, considering his truythe and circum stance of the premysses, to restore yor. saide suppliant in his blode as sone and heyre of blode to his late fa ther by what so ever name or surname yt shall please yor. Highnes, with suche ampliacion of lyvyng as shall stande with yo1'. Graces pleasov., and farther protestyth by thys his -peticion that he nowther desirythe nor covet a the highe name or dignytie that his late father hadde, nor never dyde, God he takyth to his juge ; nor to have therby any estate, preemynence, dignitie, name armys, maners, Jandes, or tenementes, other than by your Highes shalbe appoyntyde ; but that he may be indyfferently taken, and reportyd amonge with other your true subjectes after his demeanor, that yt may be seene that your Highnes dothe bere no displeaso1'. nor grudge, but equally according to his demeryte dothe, and will hereafter take him, and he, his wyffe, and children, shall not only praye dayly for your Highnes, but also spent his goode and lyffe in your Graces ser vice, in whiche his lyf to spende and fynysshe, is and shalbe his most desire and comforte.b * coveteth. b The Cottonian Manuscript Vespasian F. xm. fol. 116 b. has an original Letter of Henry Lord Stafford, probably written at this very time, to Mr. afterwards Sir Thomas Wriothesley. " Master Wrysley as hertely as my hart cane thinke I recomend me to ye, and so do thanke yow of gret geniillnes. shoued unto me, whiche 1 assure yow shall not be ffbrguten on my be halffe if I may do you plesur. And for lake of lesir I pray yow to gyve orders to this berer, also your aduysse ffor my Sute to my Lord Pryvy Sell whiche I truste ys butt resonabil with Godis grace, hou send ye as well to ffare as I wuld my sclfl'c. This Twysday the xxvj. day of March.Yo- boundone, HENRY STAFFORD." 26 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CI. Cardinal Wolsey to Thomas Cromwell, entreating hvni to come to him, and to enquire if the Lady Annis displeasure is assuaged. [a fhagment in the cottcwiajt libbaby. Orig.] *»* Among the fragments of the Cottonian Library rescued from the Fire of 1731, there are many of Wolsey's Letters and Drafts of Letters, entirely in his own hand, both before and after his faU. They seem to have belonged to Cromwell's Papers ; and, being imperfect, have been neglected by his Biographers. Those before Wolsey's fall, are, one to Mr. Strangwysh at Wherwell, that the King had granted him the cus tody of the heirship of Sir Ralph Bygott's sons ; one to Mr. Buhner on some benefice ; one to Mr. Ashton one of his servants or agents ; two letters from Hampton Court, on the suppression of an insurrection ; and a portion of a letter to the King, in which he regrets that he cannot send His Majesty some quails, but will send some seeds; regrets that one Stubbes stands in a Premunire, adding " I think it will cost hym money or he get out," and then says " I beseche your Grace to be so good Lorde as to send me a geldinge ; and I trust shortly to see your Grace :" dated London the last day of June. Of the Letters after the Cardinal's fall several are to Cromwell, and most of them begin hke the letters to him which are printed in the former Series: "Entirely beloved;" " Myn onely ayder in this mine intolerable anxiety and heaviness;" "My only refuge and ayde;" "Myne owne good, trusty, and assuryd refuge in thys my calamyte." Wolsey has been thought to have borne his disgrace with somewhat less of manly feeling than became his dignity : indeed his Letters bear evidence of it both in this and in the former Series : but there were mo ments when he shewed a degree of courage even toward the King. When Master Shelley, one of the Justices of the Common Pleas, announced to him that it was the King's pleasure to possess himself of York Place, Wolsey pleaded that he had it not as his own property but as the patri mony of his See, and that consent on his part would be as it were a " departure with another's right for ever." Shelley told him that his Highness bad " sent for all tlie Judges, and for all his learned counsel, ORIGINAL LETTERS. 27 in whose determinations it was fully resolved that his Grace should re cognize before a Judge the right thereof to be in the King and his suc cessors. ' Master Shelley,' quoth he, ' ye shall make report to the King's Highness, that I am his obedient subject and faithful chaplain and beadman, whose royal commandment and request I will in no wise disobey, but most gladly fulfil and accomplish his princely will and plea sure in all things, and in especial in this matter, in as much as ye, the fathers of the laws, say that I may lawfully do it. Therefore / charge your conscience and discharge mine. Howbeit, I pray you, show His Majesty from me, that I most humbly desire His Highness to call to his most gracious remembrance, that there is both Heaven and Hell.' And therewith the Clerk was called who wrote my Lord's recognizance." ¦- The ferteryng-3 and puttyng ovyr of your commyng hyther hath so increasyd my sorowe and put me in such anxyete of mynd, that thys nygth my brethe and wynde by sythyng was so short that I was by the space of thre owers as one that shuld have dyd. Wherfor, yf ye love my lyf, breke awey thys e'nyng and come hyther, to the'yntent I may open my mynde unto yow and instruct yow of the same, wych I cannat commyt to wryttyng ; but y t ys necessary that the same be done by mutual conferens with yow by mowth, and that I may have your Cownsell opon the same. Yf thys tyme be put ovyr yt shall not lye in your poore to provyde the remedye. Yf I mygth I wold nat fayle. Rather then thys my spekyng with yow shulbe put ovyr and delayd I wold com on my fote to yow. At the reverens of God take summe payne now for me, and forsake me nat in thys myn extreme nede; and » Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, Singer's edit. vol. i. p. 218. b furthering. 28 ORIGINAL LETTERS. wher as I can nat, God shall rewarde yow. Now ys the tyme to shewe whether ye love me or not. Wher- fore in any wyse take . . . thys purpose summe lytyl tyme. Ye shal not tary here long .... . . whych your comyng I shal showe yow myne in all suche thyngs as ye have wryttyn to me afore. I am now in no . . . poynt to wrytt at the leynth any thyng, nor shalbe abyll any yf I contynue in thys cas nam dies meij". . entur . . with Mr. Nores affor your comyng of whom ye may . . . . sum specialnesyf the desspleasure of my lady Anne be sumwhat assuagyd, as I pray God the same may be, then yt shuld that by summe con- venyent meane she be further ys the onely helpe and remedy all possyble means atteynyng of hyr favor. I have God knowyth to . . . nowe to showe cheryte, Pet.V- your wyl Although the latter part of this Letter is wanting, there can be no doubt that it was written from Esher. Wolsey speaks of the illness which agitation had brought upon him in strong terms. In the First Series of these Letters" one from Dr. Augustine to Cromwell, in Italian, - Vol. ii. p. 2. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 29 has been slightly mentioned, requiring aid for " Monsignor Reveren- dissimo," the usual style in Italy for a great churchman, and evi dently meaning Wolsey, dated Esher Jan. 19, 1529-30. This Letter is so ill written, as far as penmanship goes, that it would be difficult to give an exact transcript of it. Nevertheless it deserves a farther notice. Augustine begs in it that Master Butts and Master Walter may be sent down as soon as possible ; adding in Latin " Res multum urget. Pru dent! et Amico pauca." He wishes Leeches, hungry ones, to be pro cured, and desires that Master Balthasar, or if he cannot or is unwilling, that some other person may be sent, who understands to put them on. He adds again in Latin, " Periculum est in mora:'' and signs " A vestri commandi, Aug. de Aug." LETTER CII. Cardinal Wolsey to Thomas Cromwell, concerning his House, belonging to the See of York, at Batter sea in Surrey. [ms. cotton, bkit. mus. Orig.'] *,* A moiety of the manor which had belonged to the Stanley family in Battersea, consisting of nearly four hundred acres of land, with houses, &c. was purchased in the 39tl1 of Henry the Sixth, by Laurence Booth then bishop of Durham, and by him afterwards annexed to the See of York, of which he became Archbishop. The House upon this estate, not far from the water-side, at Battersea, called York-House, is said to have been built by him. It was in tended as <• residence for his successors when their affairs should call them to London ; and fourscore acres of land were reserved, by a special clause in their farmer's lease, to be surrendered to the Archbishop to use as demesne lands, at a month's notice, whenever he should be resident at Battersea, or within sixty miles of that place. This is the House alluded to in Wolsey's Letter. Tradition speaks of Wolsey's residence here ; and the room is yet shewn in which he is said to have entertained Anne Boleyn ; Lysons however in his Environs of London thinks both traditions improbable : the House being too small to contain half of the Cardinal's retinue, and SO ORIGINAL LETTERS. his residence at Whitehall bearing the same appellation, where his enter tainments were more likely to have been given. a It is remarkable that in the superscription of this Letter which must have been written in the month of June 1530, Cromwell is designated as Wolsey's wellbeloved Counsellor and Servant. " Young Daunce," for wholn, as his father-in-law, Sir Thomas More had begged the occupation of York House at Battersea, was the son of Sir John Dancy. He married Elizabeth, Sir Thomas More's second daughter. There is something in this Letter which tells us that Sir Thomas More had misgivings of his elevation. Nor is it unworthy of remark that the signature of him who here asks a favor, stands at the head of those who preferred charges against Wolsey. Maister Cromwell in my right harty and lovyng maner I commende me unto you, signifieng unto the same that albeit I have heretofor, as ye do well knowe, at the sute and desir of my Lord Chaunceler made unto me on the behalf of young Daunce his Sonne in lawe, graunted unto hym the use and occupieng of my poor house in Batirsey, if any casueltie of deth, or any other incommodite or inconvenience chaunced unto hym, wherby he shulde be inforced or compelled to remove from his awne house ; yet, I never mente nor intended that my por servaunte John Oxynherde, who hath maried a poor kynswoman of myne, shulde be expelled out of the same ; but that they shulde have their habitacion and dwellyng place therin, for their relefe and comforte. Notwithstanding, my said por kynswoman commyng hither from thens to her no litle coste and charge (her husbonde beyng upon tlie See » Env. of London, 2.i edit. vol. i. p*. 1. pa, 21, 2?. ORIGINAL letters. 31 for helpyng of the conveyance of my por stuf hither) hath shewed unto me that she is commaunded clierly to remove and departe from the said House, not know- yng wher to have a place to put in her hede, to the utter undoyng of her, her husbond and children : wherof, if it so be, I do not a little mervaile, consider- yng that in makyng of the said graunte unto my said Lord Chaunceler, I never thought ne ment that they shuld be clierly removed from the said house, but that my Lord Chauncelor . . other his folks beyng in the forsaide necessite shulde have alweys the occupieng and use of the principall parte of the same. And they in . . absence to have the custodie therof, and in their presence to have .... cern in the same for their dwellyng & mansion place as shalbe righte convenient. And thus I alweys declared unto yong Maister promysyd that they shuld not be disturbed . . their moved from the . . . Wherf . . . to your . . . and good dexterite to move hym on my behalf thus to be contented and pleased ; requyryng and praying you furthermore that they may have, besids that they have all redy, parte of such pastures as wer reserved to the use of my household, to ferme, payng therfor as moche as any other wolde do for the sustenaunce of their catall, withoute the which they cannot leve. And grete pitie it wer and ferre discrepant from kyndenes that any strangers 32 ORIGINAL LETTERS. shulde have any preferrement by lease, copy, or other wise afore any of my pore kynne, unto whom I am naturally and of charite bounden to see in their neces- sites. Nowe ye beyng advertised of my mynde in the premisses, myne assured trust is that ye wol for the love that ye bere to theym and me see theym ordered accordyngly. In doyng .... ye shall admi nister unto me right singular pleasur, as knoweth God who alweys preserve you. From my manor of South- wel th . . . . day of June. Your lovyng ffrende T. CARlis EB0R\ To my right trusty and wel- biloved counsaillor and ser- vaunte Thomas Cromwell. LETTER CHI. Cardinal Wolsey to King Henry the Vlllth. recom mending to the King his College at Oxford. [draft in wolsey's hand, a fragment in the cottonian LIBRARY.] *„* The expected destruction of Cardinal College was one of Wolsey's last afflictions. It had been founded in 1525 upon the site, and partly with the buildings of the Austin Monastery of St. Frideswide ; but before the vast design could be perfected, Wolsey had incurred the premunire. Still, however, it was not dissolved, but continued in being after Wolsey's death. On or about July 17th, 1532, the prayer of AVolsey's petition was so far complied with, that it was reestablished for a Dean, twelve ORIGINAL LETTERS. 33 Canons, &c. under the style of Kynge Henry the Eighthe's Col- lege in Oxford, which was again surrendered into the King's hands July 18th, 1545; and the next year the See of Oxford being removed from Oseney hither, the Priory Church was made its Cathedral, by the name of CHRIST CHURCH, and the chapter and CoUege refounded. The last patent of foundation was dated Nov. 4lh, 1546. A Copy of the Statutes by which Wolsey's foundation was to have been governed, is still preserved among the Haigrave Manuscripts in the British Museum. The Re-foundation is without Statutes : Henry the Eighth intended to have given them, but died before they were prepared. Most gracyous Sovereign Lord and mercyfull Prince, prostrat at your majestys fete with wepyng terys, this shalbe in moste reverent and humble maner to recomende onto your excellent cheryte and goodnes the poore College of Oxford, wych for the gret zeele and affection that your Grace beryth to good Lettres, vertue, and norishyng of Lernyng, and in consyderacion of peynfull and longe contynued servys . . con- tentyd that I shuld erect, founde, and establishe, ahd wher, not withstandyng my convyccion in the Premu- nyre, of your most excellent nature wych hath ever be moved and propensyd to clemency and mercy then to rygor and severyte, yt hath pleasyd your Hyhnes to your perpetuall mery te, honor, and most abundantly to impart your mercy, lyberallyte, and bountiosnes vnto me, for the which I accept my self of all creatures ly vyng to be most oblegyd and bwndyn unto your Majeste. So yt may please the sam to have petya and • pity. VOL. II. SER. 2. D 34 ORIGINAL LETTERS compassyon of the poore Dene and Canons of the sayd Colege wych now reparyth onto yowr Hyhnes for knowlege gracyus pleasure in there establyshment and contynuance . . . . yf yt schule seyna to your hyhe wysdom and mercyfull cherytable goodnes .... be Statuts or Ordynance any thing therof ys . . . superflus or owt to be reservyd both ther and Submyttyng our sylf to suche ordyr and dyreccion 11 devyse and take .... in that behalf shulbe agreable- conformable and . . . and dayly to Almyghty God dayly prayers for the ot . . . There is a fragment of another Letter to King Henry the Eighth from Wolsey, of which enough does not remain to ascertain the entire subject, further than that it seems to relate to the capture of " a Biyton schyp." It begins, " Moste gracyous Sovereyn Lorde as to the premyssys and declaracion of the troweth, albeyt yt ys long agon sythyns thys thyng was don, and by reason of myn age, gret hevynes, and calamyte, my remembrance ys nott so fresche or quicke as yt hath beyn ; yet insuyng your moste dred commandement as ny as I can call to mynde I shall declare what I do knowe and what have bye done in the forseyd matter." ORIGINAL LETTERS. 35 LETTER CIV. Wolsey to Cromwell. Thanks for assistance; and re commending his Colleges. [draft in wolsey's hand, a fragment.] M. Cromwell for as moche as thys present berrer departyth by post for the dethe of M. Larcke on whos sowle Jhesu have mercy, and that I am in suche In- dyssposycion of body and mynde by the reason of suche gret hevynes as I am yn, being put from my slep and mete for such advertysments as I have had from yow of the dyssolucion of my College with the smale comfort and apparence that I have to be retenyd by the Kyngs hyhnes in thys myne extreme nede, makyth me that I can not wrytt onto yow for wepyng and sorowe, wherfor thes shalbe not onely to geve onto yow my moste effectualle thancks for suche gret paynys as ye have takyn in all my causes him so to requyte the same to your full satysfaction . . . . as I shulbe of more abylyte but also to recommende .... poore astat and Collegys to your and other goode . . ds helpe and releff besechyng God to inspyre in hert more pity and compassyon and to consyder . . . d 2 36 ORIGINAL LETTERS. . . . moste nobyll hert whether I have deservyd thus to be delt with And that such thyngs as I have .... to the increase of Gods honor feyth and relygyon extyncte and convertyd to other prophane . . . virtuus, and shall of lyclyhoode . . . ende referryng the redresse therof .... God and to the Princes moste mercyfull thus with wepyng terys I lye Sowthwell . . Drafts of one or two other Letters occur, entirely in Wolsey's hand, soliciting the friendship of individuals for bis College at Oxford. Of these the following may serve as specimens. 1. Myn owne goode M. Antoney aftyr my moste herty recommendations with lycke thancks for the goodnes wych as a most lovyng perfyght and constante frende ye have showyd onto me in all my causys and pursuitts most entirly praying yow of contynuance this shalbe semblable* to de- syre yow that foras moch as the Deane and Canones of my pore College in Oxford doth nowe repare unto the Kyngs Hyhnes for knowlege of hys gracyous pleasure on ther establysshement and contynuance to be good mastyr onto them, and in place and tyme as ye schall nede and se cause to helpe them with your sadb wyse cownsell and good advertyse- ment. And sythyns as ye do well trowe the seyd College hath beyne erectyd and induyd with lands by the Popes . . auctoryte, the Kyngs moste royall asent concernyng the sa in as ef- fectuall wyse as cowde be devysed by the Jugys of the lawe and other well lernyd men, gret pety and yt were that for my in the Premunyre opon consyde .... respects as ye wol trowe that thes poore Scollers and schuld suffyr ather by dyssoluing of ther body . . . or by takyng • semblably. i> grave. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 37 awey of any notable Wherfore open my . . . and with for the olde love and amyte that heret now the Kynges Hyhnes and . . as fit . . . you shall a thyng so . . cannot he in consyens convertyd to any other use then of the seyd College. This doyng ye shall bynde not onely them and me ever more but also besyds our dayly prayers so to requyte your goodnes as ye schall have cause to thyncke the same to be well imployed and bestowyd to . . . 2. Myn owne good mastyr Shelley aftyr my moste harty comendacyons thes shalbe in moste entyre and effectuall wyse to desyr you at the re- verens of God and in the way of cheryte and for the olde Amyte and Love that hath beyn be twyxt us and for that I have usyd your counsell therm to be good Mastyr to the poore Deane and Canens of the Car- dynalls College in Oxford and with your dyscret cownsell and faverable ayd to helpe them nowe in ther extreme nede as well for the contynuance of t . . . incorporate Body as also that no notable or gret portion of the ho . . be takyn from them ; for gret pety and, &c. (that they should, suffer). 3. Mini owne lovyng M'. Crumwell thes shalbe not onely in . . herty and lovyng maner to salute yow but also to sygnyfy .... I aro gretly desyrows to understand and here from you . . . afferys stand and procede not onely consernyng my College . . . also myn owne poore astat in the releff wherof myn ondowted trust ys that ye wole in all placys and tymys shew yow ... as myn assuryd frinde and onely comfort And suerly . . . . yn what hevynes of mynde I am yn presently a same dayly more and more do increase I have no d your gentyl hert wold have com passyon therof And that . . . possybyll meanys ye wold studdy and labor for ... and releff. And albeyt I have acquyetted my assurance consernyng the Inquysycions of the lands appert my poore archtyshoprych yet such brutts and oppr .... sprongyn therof in thes parts that I am wery of undyrstand and here the same. Ther ys no thyng here .... lamentacion and mornyng not knowyng particularly what .... I pray God that I may be onys in re. 38 ORIGINAL LETTERS. posse and may be had to my pore astat and old servycys b contynue yt wher ye may reduce all my thyngs and dexteryte to summe substantyall trayne and .... in your poore a to make my lorde of Northfolke my I am moste desyrows. And havyng such opportu to the Kyngs presens, ye may from tyme .... forthe my causys at the reverens of God . . . • to your gret meryte a . . . laude . . Ye have . nowe the gret love and zele that ye wards and without sufferyng me for hevy And fynally yo and peynys . . . . shalbe fully But The Correspondence relating to his College seems to have kept the hatred of Wolsey's enemies alive. In this respect it was perhaps unfor tunate for him ; for though the King, whilst Wolsey lived, took no pub hc steps to continue the Foundation, he suffered it to stand, and evidently regarded it with kindness. The Courtiers feared that by producing a personal intercourse with the King, it might restore the Cardinal to favor. LETTER CV. John Briertonne to Mr. Tho. Wriothesley Clerk of the King's Council, reporting the Journey of his Master an English Ambassador, through France, uith re marks upon the rigidness qf search which was exer cised in the time qf Charles Vth. the Emperor, in Spain. [ms. cotton, vesp. c. xiii. fol. 258. Orig.] My dewtie moost humbly remembred, these shalbe moost humbly to doo you t'understande that my ORIGINAL LETTERS. »y Maister with all the rest of his company have passed a long and a paynefull Journey in sauftie without pe rishing of horse or man, thanks be to God, as through the realme of Fraunce by Lyons, and soo by Avinion,a and from thens to a Castell in the borders of Spayne called Salsees, the strongest Castell (in myne opinion) in the World ; and thence to Barsilona, and soo passed Catilone into Arragone, where we came into a Citie called Seragoza, where we were extremely handeled, as though we had been Jewes. All our cariage was had home to the serch house, where all my Master's apparail and the gentlemens, with the rest of the ser- vaunts were serched to th'uttermost. They made us to pay for all things that were unworne. There escaped not somoch as a dossen of points. b They be the spitefullest people in the world. We could have no favor amongs them. My Master told hem that he wold pay no custume ; for it was limited that every Ambassador shuld goo and come fre in all places christened. All that wold not help. He told them he wold ride in post to th'Emperor without his com mission, and declare unto him, he being an Ambassa dor, after what sorte he was handeled. They an swered therunto and saide, that if Christ or Sanct Fraunces came with all their flock they shuld not eskape. Th'Emperes, but nowe of late, sent a Post to th'Emperor at Barsilona, with a litle Floure of silke, of her oune making, enclosed in a box, which she wold • Avignon. h tags. 40 ORIGINAL LETTERS. have had conveyed secretely : and as sone as the Post to the said Seragosa was come, they came to serch him. He wold have given them a hundereth crownes to have passed uncerched. They would not under a thou sand e ; and whenne they had sene it, the thinge itself was not worth a cople of ducketts. They set as much by trTEmperors Lettres as they doo by myne. From thens we came to Castila where we be nowe ; whiche we shall praise as we finde hereafter. We have founde it veray good hitherto. At my Master accesse in post to this Towne th'Em- peror caused his officers to dislodge a Countie a for my Master, which is the fairest lodging in the Town next to th'Emperors. Yesterday at after none th'Emperor sent for my Master, where he was gently entreteigned, nat with pompe and setting furth of himself, but with sobre and discrete words, hke a wise man. Other newes we have none here worth the writing, but that I pray God sende you muche worship, with good lief and long, to the pleassour of God. From Valedolide the xxiij'-1. of June. Your moost humble servant JOHN BRIERTONNE. To the right worshipful and my singuler good Mr. Mr. Thomas Wriothesley oon of the Clerks of the Kings moost honorable Signet. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 41 LETTER CVI. Eleanor Countess qf Rutland to the Lady Lisle ; a Letter qftf tanks and kindness. [ms. cotton, vesp. f. xiii. fol. 90. Orig.] *»* Eleanor, daughter of Sir William Paston of Paston in the County of Norfolk, knt was the second wife of Thomas earl of Rutland. Mr verie good Lady, in my right hertie maner I recommende me unto your good Ladishipe, signifying the same that I have received frome youe, by maister Hussey, a Pipe of Gascoigne Wyne and two barrells of heringe, for the whiche and others your manyfold kindnes heretofore shewed I rendre unto youe my hertie thankes, assuring the same that if there be any pleasure that my Lorde or I can doo for youre ladi shipe, here or elswhere, ye shall have the same accom plished to the best we can accordingly. And where ve be verey desirous to have youre daughter maistres Basset to be oon of the Quene's Graces maids, and that ye wold I shuld move hir Grace in that behalf, thies shalbe to doo your Ladishipe to wite that I perceive right well the Kingis Highnes pleasure to be suche that no more Maids shalbe taken in, untill suche tyme as some of them that nowe be with the Quenes Grace 42 ORIGINAL LETTERS. be preferred. Albeit if ye will make some meanes unto mother Lowe, who can doo asmoche good in this matier as any oon woman here, that she maye make some meanes to gete your said doughter with the Quenes said Grace: and in soo doing I think ye shall obtene your purpos in every behalf. And I for my partie shall doo the best I can to preserve here, for I wold be right glad thereof bothe for the greate ho- nestie that is in hir. And thus our Lorde kepe your Ladishipe in helthe. At the Corte the xvij. daye of February. Your Ladiships assured ELYNOR RUTLAND. To my very good Lady my Lady Lislie her good Ladyshipp, these be yeven. LETTER CVII. John Coke to Master Thomas Cromwell reporting a satyrical exhibition at Barrow reflecting on King Henry and Queen Anne. [ms. cotton, galba. b. x. fol. 40. Orig.] %* The respect of the English nation for Anne Boleyn's memory is as Queen. Tlie extraordinary distinction which was shewn to her as a ORIGINAL LETTERS. 43 child brought her very early into notice. Lingard conceives that it alone gave rise to the tale that she was in reality Henry's own daughter by the lady Boleyn, a story which Cardinal Pole would not have failed to have told if it had been true. Henry's profligacy toward Mary, the elder sister of Anne Boleyn, he has not spared, but reproached him in his Treatise " Pro Ecclesiasticae Unitatis defensione," addressed to Henry himself, and written by his express desire, * first with seducing her, and then with retaining her as his mistress. The Work is rare ; the reader shall be possessed of Pole's own words : " Si uxorem idcirco reliquisses, quia legem tibi persuasisse nefarium illud et abominandum matrimonium pronunciare, an non maxime operam dares, ne te iterum tali matrimonio contaminares ? an non ab iis personis penitus abstineres, quae in eadem, ac deteriore etiam quam prior uxor, causa essent Quid- ea, quam tute tibi in repudiate locum consociasti, cujusmodi tandem est ? An non soror ejus est, quam tu et violasti primum, et diu postea concubine loco apud te habuisti? Illa ipsa est. Quomodo ergo nos doces, quam refugias ab illicitis matrimo- niis ? an tu hie legem ignorabas, (i. Cor. 6.) quae non minus profecto vetat, sororem te ejus ducere, cum qua ipse unum corpus factus sis, quam ejus cum qua frater 9 si una detestanda est, altera etiam DETESTANDA." b The precise date of Henry's misconduct with Maby Boleyn is not preserved. Anne must have returned to England about or before 1526. When Mary Queen of Louis the Twelfth came back as a widow, Anne went into the train of Claude Queen of Francis the First, where she remained till the rupture between the two kingdoms. After the detail here given, the reader will not wonder that Cromwell should be informed that his Master was held in derision at Antwerp. Right honorable Sir, and my right syngulier and especiall good Maister, after moost humble recomenda- cions precedyng,as to your right honorable Maistership apperteyneth. It shall please the same to understonde ¦ — " in suis Uteris praecise imperavit, ut mearn sententiam seripto testarer." Reg. Poli Apolog. at Car. V. super quatuor libris a se seriptis de Unitate Eecl. Edit. Brix. 1744. p. 70. b Reg. Pole ad Henr. VIII. Brit. Regem pro Eccles. Unitatis defensione Libii IV. fol. Rom. lib. iii. fol. Ixxvii b. 44 ORIGINAL LETTERS. howe that a naughty person of Andwarp resorted to this towne of Barowe this Pasche marte, with Images and Pictures in cloth to sell : among the which clothes he had the Picture of our soveraigne Lord the Kyng, (whom our Lorde preserve). And this day settyng up the same Picture upon the Burse to sell, he pynned upon the body of the said Picture a Wenche made in cloth, holdyng a paier of balance in her hands; in th'one balance was fygured too hands to geder, and in th'other balance a fether, with a scripture over her head, saiyng that Love was lighter then a fether, whereat the Spanyards and other of the Duche nacion had greate pleasure in deridyng, jestyng, and laughyng therat, and spekyng sondry opprobrious words ayenst his moost noble Grace and moost gracious Queue his bedfelowe. Wherupon immediatly and with all dili gence and haast possible (after I had knowleige therof) I resorted to the Scowte, borowmaisters, and skepyns of the said towne of Barowe, declaryng unto them the maner of this naughty person, and facion of the Span- yards and other, who, incontinent, sent for the said person, and examyned hym streightly therof, which excused hymself, allegyng that he meaned therby no hurt. Nevertheless he said that a certeyn Spanyard (to hym unknowen) desired hym to lette it stande, and he shuld be borne out: wherupon they commanded hym to commytte no suche Jike thyng eftsones upon payne of forfaiture of all his merchandises, and further ORIGINAL LETTERS. 45 to be punyshed in exemple of other. And thus after my humble servys presented unto your moost honorable Maistership, with my daily praier, I lowly beseche the Holy gOost to sende the same th'accomplisshyng of your noble desires. Written at Barowe the xxijth day of May Anno xvc. xxxiij1'. by the hand of your moost humble servant john coke, Secretary unworthy to the Merchants Adventurers. To Mastr. Thomas Cromwell of the Kyngs most honorable Cownssell soit dd. at London. LETTER CVIII. Mathew Kyng to Thomas Cromwell, upon the raising qfthe Siege qf Cor on by Andrew Doria. [MS. COTTON. MTJS. BRIT. NERO. B. VII. foL 91. Orig.] *»* This specimen of the foreign correspondence with Lord Cromwell acquaints us with the particulars of the relief of Coron by Andrew Doria, one of the greatest Sea-Captains of the sixteenth Century, who having quitted the French service in disgust in 1528, was now the Admiral of the fleet of Charles the Fifth. Coron, one of the most ancient towns of the Mores', had been taken from the Venetians by Bajazet the Second in 1500 ; and by Doria from the Turks in 1532. Doria quitted it in 1534, that it might not be an obstacle to his negotiations with- the Sultan. Coron, in the sixteenth Century, from its situation, was considered a place of great defence. 46 ORIGINAL LETTERS. In Venys the I day of October an" 1533. Ryght worshipffull Syr, my dewty consyryng a in most humble wyse I recommende me unto yowr good nes, ever more desyryng to herof b yowr good welfare whiche I pray Jhesu long to contynewe unto his ple- zure. Moreover plesyth yt yowr Mastership to have onderstonding of the newis here in thes parties : as upon the Fryday the xij. day of August last the Turks Armado was before Coron ; by water lxj. galy and xx. foysts, c and by lond xij.M. men of armes Turks. And the same Fryday Androwe Dory come to geve socours to yt with xxvj. galyes and xxiiij. ships, and fought with Turks with ther ordenaunce, in so moche the Crysten men slew of the Turks xvj. or xvijC. and ther was not slayne of Crysten not xx. persons: this persevyng the Turks, that thay wayr so sore beten with ordenance, fled toward Muddowne, and in fleyng thay met with ij. of Doryes ships that was behynd ther ffelows, and the Turks toke on of them, and the other wolde not yelde. This seyng Dory, he retornyd agayne, but with ix. of his Galyes, and rescuyd the ship that was not taken, and toke her agayn that was taken, with ij.C. Turks in her, and then with all his ships and galyes wentt and geve socours to Coron, vytell for ij. yere with ordenaunce and all other neces- saryes. Now this seyng the Campe of the Turks by lond, that the galyes and foysts ware fled, in lyke ¦ considering. t hear of. > a pinnace or little ship. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 47 maner thay fled lyke bests, and left ther ordenaunce and vytells behynd them ; which Androwe Dory had, all pesably : and so Dory remaynyd in Coron v or vj. dayes to fet ords. a and put in wages iiij.M. men of armes, and then departyd with his ships and galyes, and went back agayn to Myssyna. This is all that has ben done this Somer in this parties. Other newis I have none to wrytt unto yow Mastership, but that ther ys great deth in Constantynople. No more unto yowr Mastership at this tyme, but that I pray Jhesu save yowr lyfe in helth and prosperite long to endure. Amen. Wrytten ut supra By yow1' servaunt and trew bedman MATHEW KYNG. Al multo magc0. Domino M. Tomaso Cromwell in London. * ordenance. 48 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CIX. Lord James Butler to Mr. Rob. Cowley in London, censuring the conduct qfthe Earl qf Kildare, then Lord Deputy, and others, hi Ireland. [ms. COTTON. TIT. B. XI. fol. 406. Orig.] I have receyved your Letters and am right glad of the bringing to light of suche matters as was falsly surmysed and reaported of my Lord Prive Seall in this land ; whiche to prove, ye knowe that I ernystly indeworid myselfe, as to my dwetie dud appertaine. My Lord Deputie is the Erie of Kildare newly borne againe, not oonly in distruyng of thoos that alway have servid the Kinges Majestie, but also in mayntenyng the hole secte, band, and aliaunce of the said Erie, after so vehement and so cruell a sorte as the like hath not been seen to be bydden by. O Connor, that evyr hath bene the oonly scourge of the Englishe pale, who hath maried the erle of Kil- dares doghter, is his right hand ; and who but he. O Karroll,nowe called Fargananym, that hath maried the said Erles other doghter, and was alway the conduc tor of the traictor Thomas Fitzgerald to the Irishrie, is nowe in favor with him, noo man like, nexte O Connor ; ORIGINAL LETTERS. 49 insomouche that he hath lately sent his houshold ser- vantes and his awne company with the said Fargana nym to beseige the Castell of Byrr, whiche, as you knowe, is my lord my fathers inheritans ; like as the Erie of Kildare did at the begenyng of his rebellion. My said Lord Deputie hath promeysid to geve to the said Fargananym (as he affermeth) Rossocree and the Nenaghe whiche hath been thees viijxx. yeres in Irishmen is possession, unto suche tyme as my lord my father recoverid the same, by reason of the Kinges Ma jesties graunte to him therof, oute of the said Irishmens handes nowe of late. I wolde he went aboute to re cover Englishmens possessions oute of Irishmens handes as ernestly as he doth practys to kepe and defend the same in the said Irishmens handes. O Neile, th'erle of Kildares kynnysman and chiefs band, who alway aswell in my lord of Northfolkes tyme, being the Kinges Lieutenaunt, as also in Sir William Skeffington is tyme being his Graces De putie, was the scourge that the said Erie had uppon the bordores of Mith and Uriell, when the said Erie wolde procure him to styrr, is nowe mouche made of by my said Lord Deputie ; insomouche that he doth promeys to bringe him to Dublin to bere the swerde afore him, as he did before the Erie of Kildare. What followed therof I nede not to tell you, &c. Kedaghe roo and his brethrin the late O Mores sonnes, who assaulted me and after murdrid my VOL. II. SER. 2. E 50 ORIGINAL LETTERS. brother Thomas, nowe of late hath prayd the lord ship of Owghter-Inn, xx. myle within the English pale, having noo more company but viijth horssmen, and parte of my Lord Deputies servaunts* who comaunded the gentlemen of the Countie of Kildare in my Lord Deputies name to suffre the said O Mores sonnes to passe by, and not to medle with them, when they were in a full redenes to rescue the said prey ; wherof my lord Deputie had xx kyne, Stephen Appare x kyne, and Edmund Archebold son of ther guydes ij kyne. The said Kedaghe and his brethrin were Thomas Fitz- geraldes mynons, and none hke them in effect aboute him, and were drawen to robbe the Inglishe pale then, like as they are nowe. Nowe of late my lord my father, taking with him O More that nowe is, to Dublin, by vertue of my Lord Deputies letters, who was chosen by my said Lord Deputie, the Kinges Majesties Corny ssioners, and the Counsail], to be chiefe Capitaine of Leys, and have taken his landes of the Kinges Highnes by certain ser vices accordingly, there was, taken, and moost cruelly intreated by my said Lord Deputie ; so that my said father have had suche rebuyke therby thrughoute all this land, and also have taken the same so to hart that not regarding his age and debilitie of body all his frendes scarcely could stay him from going to the Kinges Ma- jestie to complayne of all the premyssis, thoo he shuld be carried thether in a horse littere. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 51 There is noo thinge so unjuste or so wrongfull but our Deputie here, for the favor whiche he berith to the Geraldyns, other for kyne or mony, wolde accepte, suffer, and allave a the same. To be playne with you, hke as Counte Duruse in Flandres when the peace was concluded betwene the Emperor and the Frenche Kyng by Monseur Dubure lieutenaunt to the Emperor, and others of the Em perors Counsaill, whiche peace the said Counte Duruse thought to be against his Maisters honnor, dud pro- meys not to put harneys evyr on his bakke under the said Lieutenaunt, unto suche tyme as he had seen the Emperor; so likewise do I promeys, as thus adwisid, withoute I be comaunded by the Counsaile who can not ruele my Lord Deputie any thing in this matter, not to put harneys on my bakke under him, my duetie alway unto his rome and auctoritie oonly exceptid, unto suche tyme as I se the Kinges Highnes or knowe his Majesties pleasure by my Lord Privie Seale, to whos good lordship I am ashamed to write, seing I have not at this tyme his mony reddy to be sent to his lordship ; but God willing I woll make bessye shifte to send the said mony in haste unto him with all pos sible deligence. I wold rather wishe me to be. at Je rusalem, soner then his Lordship shuld conjectur or fynde in me any pointe of untrouth in thlit or in any thinge else willingly. e2 52 ORIGINAL LETTERS. I do not thus complayne withoute twoo greate a cause, for there is none of all my servauntes that walkes the kinges strete of Dublin, but is quarrelled withall by my Lord Deputies servauntes, in calhng my lord my father and me Trautors ; which were it not the rome that he is yn, both he and they shuld be sone answerid ; but the treasone woll be founde where it hathe bene aiwayes. Alias that the chiefe Justice, the Maister of the Rolles, and You ar not here for the space of iiij. dayes ; and there againe to se howe the worlde goes, our Go vernor thretnes every man after suche a tyrannyus sorte as no man dar speke or repungne reasonably against his apetite, more then I or any other true Christen man durst speke against the Bisshope of Rome's usurped auctorytie yf we were there ; of whose Secte he is chief and principal! in this land, albeit ther is noo thinge so apparante but he wold denye, &c. My lord my Father as yet is not retorned from Dublin, and as I am enformed your sonn Walter is gone over with letters from him and others of the Counsaill to my lord Privie Seale ; what the tennor of them or of his instruccions is I do not know as yet. To conclude, yf all Irland shuld devise to enfeble the Inglishrie of this land, and by a meane under color of indyfferencye to streinthen the Irishrie, they could not imagyne or put the same in effecte more ernyst then my Lord Deputie nowe doth, and, thrughe comforte ORIGINAL LETTERS. 53 of him, O Neill callith for his blake rent in Mith and Uriell, Mc Morrow in the Counties of Kilkeny and Wexford, and this newe O Karroll in the Countie of Tiperarie moost of all, by reason that my said Lord Deputie did put downe the last 0 Karrolls sonnes that servid the Kinges Highnes in the Rebellion and at ali other tymes. He hath trodden them under fote to strength the said Fargananym, the erle of Kildare's sonn in lawe, which O Karrolls sonnes were ever a yokke in his neke wherby he could not hitherto styrr oute of his awne Countre to do any Enghshmen hurt. So that my lord my Father and I, because he is mayn- teined and borne by my said Lord Deputie dare scarcely resist him in the distruyng of Ormond, or for the taking of the said blake rentes whiche by parliament is re- strayned to be any further payd by any of the Kinges subjectes.a I pray you to have me moost hartilly recomendid to myne awne good Lord Privie Seale, to whom I am moost bonden of any erthly creator aldernexte the Kinges Majestie; and to oppen unto his lordship all the matters forsaid at length to be declarid unto the Kinges Highnes for my discharge in that behalfe, and thus fare you hertily well, from Kilkeny the xx day of Junii. If the Boke whiche is put yn by syxe Cardinales in a Black-Rent, was a payment made to the powerful Irish chieftains to purchase their protection • and was considered by them as a recognition of their ancient sove reignty. See Lei. Hist. IreL 54 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Rome against the abuse of the Churche or Congrega tion of Rome be put in prente there, I pray you send me oon of them, having me hertilly recomended to my good lord of Worchester whos good lordshipe woll send me the same or some other good wurkes yf you put him in remembraunce of the same. Your awne JAMES BUTLER. LETTER CX. John Mason at Valladolid, to Tliomas Starkey at Padua, A-. D. 1535. Observations made in Spain. News from England. More and Fisher committed to the Tower. Execution qf the Holy Maid qf Kent, dec. [ms. cotton, vesp. c. xiii. fol. 327- OHg-.] My assurid frind, I commend me hartly to you. Sir in my last Letters I wrote somewhat of length of the manner and fasshon of thys Contray, as myche as a strawnger might. I do nothing more diligently than note and marck every cite, hyll, filde, and specyally siche as olde authorys, Romaynes, make mentyon off; as Saltus Castulonensis, Sagunthus, Numantia, Char- ORIGINAL LETTEKS.- 55 tago nova, Bilbihs, Hispania citerior and ulterior, how they be devidid ; with many other ; whereof the moste part I have sein, and the rest as shortly as occasion shall coom, I wyll. Here be many Cyties, butt nother great nor peopled, nother yett goodly buyldid, notwithstonding that in every of them here and there you shall finde goodly howsis. The people be tractable i noweghe and gen- tyll whan we have nothing to doo wyth them, domi paid, forts voraciss. Freers and Moncks be in great reverence, to whome only itt is lawfull to speke with a mannis wife alone. Vitaylls be of a competent pryce : all other things as cloth, lether, books, &c. be unresonable dere. We be departyd from Tolledo, whyche is the metropolitan of Castilla, thArchbisshop whereof may dispende 80,000 ducats by yere. This is off all Castylla the hed towne and best peoplid ; and famowse by resonn of the river- Tagus which ronnith by itt : but itt is the paynefullist towne that ever mann duellyd in. Itt is through so up hyll and downe hyll. Here master Embassador lost the stuard of his Howse, ij. mules of 100 ducats a pece, and a mule of 60 ducats. From thens th'Emperor removid 25° Maij, driven from thens by reson of the unreason able hets that there be, and is come to Valladolid, 300 myle nere unto Englond. Whereas Imperatrix, within vj. days after hir entrans, obortiit fetum mas- 00 0KIGINAL LETTERS. culum, to the great displesur of th'Emperor and all in Spayne. Mr. Embassador tooke his jorney strayt from Tolledo to Valladolid. Th'Emperor made a grete progress before he cum there, and I, for certayne besines, followyd the Cowrt, and saw by the way many sumptuous receyvings of th'Emperor in to Townes and Cyties. And among all on Duke, callid el Duque de Alva, receyvid him in to his Howse, and the space of iiij. dayes fownde hym and all his Cowrt (which was estemid at 4000 parsons) horsmet and mannismete. And to me was deliver'd for th'Embas- sador of Inglond, every day, ij. shepe with all manner off other things inogh for forty men, notwithstonding that I tolde them that thTmbassador was not in the towne. From thens he went to Salamanca. This is a great Universitie, conteyning seven or eight thowsand Students, all in manner studiing Law ; all other lerning they sett nowght by, notwithstanding that dayly there be red all the vij. Scyences, with Latin and Greek competently well. There th1Emperor hard disputa tions, whiche was ' Utrum liceat Christiano Principi per bellum vindicare injuriam illatam Amico? and was defended quod sit. Of Inglond lityll tydings cum to us but as medica- pienta go in pulmones. They be almost in all the worlde before they com hither. Papam non agnosci- mus. That I am sure you know. Every man swere ORIGINAL LETTERS. 57 now in verba Regis et Segince; qui nolunt, turrit i statim jiwntP Inter quos sunt ter rnaocimus tile Morus et RoFFENsis,b and many other. As for th'execution * committed to the Tower. ¦* " Morus et Roffensis :" Sir Thomas More and bishop Fisher : whose subse quent fate after a lengthened imprisonment, every reader is acquainted with. Cardinal Pole has given an account of Sir Thomas More's coming from the Tower to his trial truely affecting : " Quin illud libenter scire velim, quibus oculis, quibus auribus haec qua jamdu- tlum narro, de condemnatione et supplicio Mori, vel audire cum referrentur, vel cum fierent aspicere potueri3. Sed tu potius Londinensis civit&s, cujus in conspectu hsec gerebantur, cum e carcere eductum ad causam majestatis dicendam videres eum, ad cujus tribunal aliquant o ante reos majestatis sisti meraineras : quern tu puerum, adolescentem, virum, ingravescente denique aetate per omnes honorum gradus summa cum laude et omnium gratulatione propter rarissimas ejus virtutes proces- sisse, et tandem ad amplissimum munus conscendisse videras, et quia civis idem et alumnus tuus erat, non sine tacit o quodam gaudii sensu videras, quod in eo laudem tuam ac decus agnosceres: cum eundem e carcere sordidatum, ac reum exeuntem, non tarn annorum numero quam carceris fedore et molestia SENEM jam factum (tunc enim primum canum in conspectum tuum career exhibuit) toto cor- pore, viribus fractis, debilitatum, cum scipioni innitens, et sic etiam vix eegrum cm-pus sustentans, non tarn ad causam dicendam, quam Ad certam condemna tion em, longissima et maxime cetebri via potius traheretur quam iret : quibus haec oculis aspiciebas ? Quid cum eadem via jam condemnation ut proditorum pcenas kieret, redeuntem videbas, cujus fides erga te nullo nee praemio nee supplicio osten- tato potuerat expugnari, quibus oculis aspiciebas? Nempe lachrimantibus scioi Nee enim certe aliter fieri potuit, eum videam alienissimos etiam homines, qui cum nunquam noverant, nunquam ab eo beneficium acceperant, tantum dolorem ex ejus morte accepisse, ut cum quae de ea re scripta circumferuntur legerent lachrimas tenere non potuerint : sed ut si suum civem ac de se optime meritum, crudelissime et iniquissime necatum audirent, ita Moro homini externo, neque alia re quam fama sibi noto illachrimaverint. Ac mihi plane, tanto intervallo, hac de illius morte scribenti, qui non tarn multas privatim amoris causas cum eo habui, sed virtutis potius et probitatis ergo, quodque patriae utilissimum esse scirem eum amavi et colui ; sic tamen (testis est mihi Deus) invito lachrimas oboriebantur, ut scriptionem maxime impedirent, et ipsas ssepe literas delerent, ut vix ultra progredi possem." Poli pro defens. Eccles. Unitatis, fol. xciiii. More was beheaded July 6th, 1535. Fisher had suffered in tbe month of June. Hall says, " Also the xxii. day of the same moneth Jhon Fvsher bishop of Rochester was beheaded, and his head set upon London bridge. This bishop was of very many menne lamented, forlie was reported to be a man of great learnyng ; and a man of very good life, but therein wonderfully deceived, for he maintained the Pope to be supreme Head of the Church, and very maliciously refused the Kynge's tytle of Supreme Head. It was sayd that the Pope, for that he held so manfully with him, and stood so stifly in his cause, did elect him a Cardinal, and sent the Cardinalles hat as farre as Caleys, but the head it should have stand on, was as high as London Bridge or ever the hat should come to Bishop Fysher, and thfen it was too late, and therfore he neither ware it nor enjoyed his office."1 Baker, the Cambridge antiquary, has preserved a portion of a Letter from Thomas a Hall, edit. 1548. Hen. VIII. fol. cexxvi. 58 ORIGINAL LETTERS. of the holy Made of Kent with doctor Booking &c. I am sure you have hard, if not sende me worde and I wyll wryte it at length. What end this Tragedy wyll com to God wot. Iff that may be callid a Tragedye qu& inceperU a nuptiis. As Gallina hath bin the cause of all, so for the defense thereoff, uni Gallo jidhnus^ qui si avolaverit ut est avis satis inconstans ve soils, diu differri bellum non pot, I cowlde wright yow many things, butt I must remem ber myne offyce. Doctor Roper is ded and his prebende in Fredes- wyds hath M. Butler. Doctor Sydrac is lykewyse gon ; and his prebende I wolde I hadd. Omnia jam licent Anglis qua libent. They have played as the ignorant preist off my contrey, whiche Duke of Norfolk, Thomas Bishop of Ely, Sir William Fitz Wyllyam, and Edward Fox, the English ambassadors in France, to King Henry the Eighth, dated June 12th, 1585, relating to the hat intended for Fisher ; a which will not be un acceptably pre served here, as the original, formerly in the Cottonian MS. Calig. D. xn. fol. 261. w'as burnt in the fire at Westminster. " Finally the said Machon writeth that he, expostulating with the Bishop of Rome for that he had made the Bishop of Rochester a Cardinall, knowing him to be the person whom your Grace favored not, and had moost worthely deserved your Grace's highe indignacion ; the said Bishop of Rome answered, that he had not doon it for any displeasure unto your Highnes, but only for that he thought him for his singuler lerning and good lyving lo be a personne most mete to be present in the General Counsail, there to have his ayde and assistence in suche doubts as might arrise." The treatment of Fisher's lifeless body, immediately after his execution, is dwelt upon by Pole. *' Itaque cum post carceris miseriam, quindecira mensium spatio perpessam, produci eum fecisset, capite plecti jussit. Nee vero hoc satis, nisi MORTUI CORPUS omni vontumvlite objicerct, quod nudum prorsus inlocosxtp- plicii ad spectaculum populo relinqui mandaverat, ad quod nemo aecedere audebat tyranni metu, prater eos qui eontumelue causa aceederent, vel qui mortuo indumenta detraxerant." Apolog. ad Car. V. Imperat. p. oc. 1 MS. Harl. Baker, 7030. p. sOe. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 59 wolde not suffer the name of Satanas in the Masbook, butt strake itt owte and putt God in the place of itt, and so made ' abrenuncio Deo et omnibus operibus ejus.'' Here is miche provision for all things toward war, as harnes, and wepins of all sorts ; in Mare Britanni- cum solvere. Octavo Junii tres Legati ao Imperatore : whether to go non man can tell, nor they wglde shew any man. But conjecture is, that on went to Englond, a nother to Irelond, and the thirde to Denmarcke. Two Marchaunts browght hyther off lat a follishe booke agaynst the Pope and war taken therewith, and there goodds all eonfiskyd, and theyr bodyes in dawn- ger oif burning, if we had not made for them great frinds and intreatance. This fare yow well from Val ladolid 3° Julij. By your sure powre frind JHON MASON. D. Thomae Starkeyo Anglo, Paduse. To my sure frinde M. Thomas Starquey in the hows off Mr. Pole in Padua. 60 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CXI. Richard Layton to Lord Cromwell, from himself and his associates, upon his Visitation of the University qf Oxford. A.D. 1535. [MS. COTTON. FAUSTINA. C. VII. foL 205. Orig.] Pleasit your Goodnes to be advertisyde that in Magdalen Colege we fownde stablisshede one Lecture of Divinitie, two of Philosophie one morale another naturale, and one of Laten tonge, well kept and dili gently frequentede. To these we have adjonede a Lecture in the Greke ; that is, the Grammer in Greke perpetually to be rede there, and all the yewthe there unto to have confluence for ther principull. In New Colege we have stablisshede two Lecturrs publique, one of Greke an other in Laten, and have made ther-- fore for evermore an honeste salarie and stipende. In All Sowllen Colege we have in lyke maner stablesshede two Lectures, one of Greke' an other in Laten, with a goode stipende and salarie therunto assignide for ever. In Corpus Christi Colege we fownde two Lecturrs stablesshede by the founder, one in Greke another in Latten, publique. for all men thereunto to have con course. We have further stablessede a Lecture in Laten tonge, publique, in Marten Colege; and eta ORIGINAL letters. 61 other in Qwenes Colege ; and have assignede and made a sufficient stipende for either of thes for evermore. Bicawse we fownde all other the Colegeis not able in londs and revenewis to have within them lecturs pub lique, as the other afore rehersed hathe, we have in- jonede the saide poire Colegeis that they, and evere of them, shall frequent and have dayly concourse unto the said Lecturs. Pasnam imposuimus to every scoler within the Universitie not heryng at the leste one of thes Lecturs. For that day that he shalbe absent from one of the said Lecturs to be punissede in the losse of his commons for that day, the said paine evere day tociens quociens absens fuerit nisi concurrenti causa aliqua legitima, approbanda tamenper Praepo- situm Colegii sive Aula;. We have sett Dunce a in Bocardo, and have utterly banisshede hym Oxforde for ever, with all his blind glosses, and is nowe made a comon servant to evere man, faste nailede up upon postes in all common howses of easment. Id, quod oculis meis vidi. And the seconde tyme we came to New Colege, affter we hade declarede your Injunctions we fownde all the gret quadrant Court full of the leiffs of Dunce, the wynde blowyng them into evere corner ; and ther we fownde one Mr. Grenefelde a gentilman of Bukyng- hamshire getheryng up part of the said bowke leiffs (as he saide) there to make him sewells or blawnsherrs to - Dun Scotus. 62 ORIGINAL LETTERS. kepe the dere within the woode, thereby to have the better cry with his howndes. We have also in the place of the canon lecture jonede a civel lectur tobe rede in evere Colege halea and In. We have further, in visitynge'the religiouse students, emongyste all other Injunctions adjoyned that none of them, for no maner cause, shall cum within anyTaverne, Inn, Ale-howse, or any other Howse what so ever hit be, within the towne and the suburbs of the same, upon payne onse so taken by day or by night to be sent imediatly home to his Cloister whereas he was professede. Without doubte we here say this acte to be gretly lamentede of all the duble honeste women of the Towne, and specially of ther Laundres that now may not onse entre within the gaitts, and muche lesse within ther chambers, wherunto they were ryght well accustomede. I doubte not but for this thyng onely the honeste matrones will sew unto yowe for a redresse. Other thyngs moo wiche ys to tediouse and long to conceve by wrytyng we have done, wiche all I shall declare unto yowe at my cummyng. This Sonday by nyght we shall make an ende for all. This day we repaire to Colageis for the redresse of division and eomplaintt put unto us. To morowe by vij. of the Cloke in the mornyng I wilbe in the Chapitre Howse at Abyngton, arid I truste to bring yow the trewthe of evere thyng for that Howse ; and thereof doubte ye ORIGINAL LETTERS. 63 not. On Wedinsday, by nyght at utermoste, I truste to be with yowe at Winchestre, Gode willyng, who sende yowe as goode helthe as your hert desierith. We fynde here all men applyng and glade to accom- plishe all thyngs. From Oxforde thys Sonday the xijth. day off Septembre by your moste assurede poire preste and servant RYCHARDE LAYTON. To the ryght honorable Mr. Thomas Cromwell, cheffe Se- cretarie to the Kyngs Hyghnes. LETTER CXII. William Pepwell to King Henry the Eighth. Intelli gence concerning the Emperor, Barbarossa, <§*c. [ms. cotton, vesp. c. xiii. fol. 262. Orig.] *,* This Letter is interesting, inasmuch as it is from an Agent of the English government in private correspondence with his Sovereign. He informs the King that he had written two Letters to Mr. Secretary " of that that he thought needful ;" names the arquebuss as an improvement in artillery which was coming into fashion ; and records the desire of Charles the Fifth to create a force of cavalry. The act of perfidy proposed at the close of this Letter, shows how little scrupulous Henry the Eighth was believed to be, by those who served him, in attaining any purpose. Please hit youre moost exelent Highnes of your most abundante grace to understand that sens my 61. ORIGINAL LETTERS. comyng yn to thys parties I have wrytyn ij. Lettres unto M. Secretary of that me thoght nydfull. And lyke your Grace here ys cum newys from the Cowrt how th'Emperor wulbe at Sevyll shortly after Crystmas, and the Emperatrys also, and thens to Bar- salona, and so unto Ytalya. He hathe a makyng a hondrythe new Galeys they say, to be redy by Aperell; muche ordenaunce ys com hether owt of Flaunders, and muche pepull comaundyd to be in a redynes. They do ocupy her now moost part Arcubosys, wiche gy vythe doble the strok of a hand gon : ther ys many com hether owt of Byskay, and Mores pyks. Also and lyke your Highnes all this Contrethe stondythe great feyr of Barba Roxa. He hathe a bove a hondrethe Galeys yn a redynes. He is now in Tunys wich ys the hed plase of Kyngdon of Mores a that he hath takyn sens he cam from the Turk. So all the Kyngdom ys hys. He ys lyke to do sum harm thys summer. The Emperor hathe made a act that no man shall ryd a pon no mewlys nor haknes withe sadells a pon a great payn, to the yntent to have in tyme cumyng many horsemen. Her be ij. bretheryn that dwelt in Lymeryk; they be the Emperors servaunts. They mys use themselfs agaynst your Highnes, as I am yn formyd. Yf I can, « the Kingdom of the Moots. ORIGINAL LETTERS. I wull make them a banket a bord on of Shipys Brystow, and, yf they cum ther, the shall land no more yn Spayn. Other, at the present, I have not to wryt your moost noble Grace but [by] the shipis of Bristow, God wyllyng, I wull com hom, and to your good Grace suche pore serves as in me lyeth ; restyng dayly prayng to Almyghty God for the prosperous pre- servacyon of youre moost noble a[nd] royall estate. Wrytyn yn Sant Lucas on saynt Stevyn's day. Youre Graces pore servaunt WYLLYAM PEPWELL, Un to the Kyngs most exelent Highnes. LETTER CXIII. Archbishop Cranmer to King Henry the Vlllth., chiefly concerning Reginald Pole, who afterwards succeeded him in the Archbishoprick qf Canterbury. [harl. ms. 787* fol. 18.] *»* Pole makes a beautiful use of jEsop's fable of the Sick Lion and the Fox, when Henry, affecting not to be displeased with, but half con. vinced by his Work upon The Unity of the Church, invited him to England to communicate further on the points which it concerned, and to explain certain passages in it which his Majesty had found obscure and difficult. Pole was upon his guard against the insidious invitation, and remained in Italy. For once, the King was disappointed of his victim. In the Letter immediately before the Reader the Invitation is mentioned as report only : Pole's own words shall form the comment. VOL. II. SER. 2. F 66 ORIGINAL LETTERS. " Quamquam ille quidem in Uteris voluntatem suam dissimulare volebat, non minus quam apud ^sopum in fabula Leo, qui se aegrotum in antro simulabat, ut reliqna minora animalia, quae ad eum visendi causa ingrederentur, minori labore devoraret Inter quae cum postremo vulpes ab eo accersita ad ostium usque specus venisset, et ibi, ut narrat fabula, subsisteret, Leo increpans ejus diflidentiam, sic earn postmodum, ad ingressum invitavit, cum diceret, se aegrotum valde esse, et ob hanc causam illam accersivisse, quod ejus consilio prae ceteris fideret ; quare propius accederet, nee dubitaret ingredi. Eodem prorsus modo Rex mecum in suis Uteris satis benignis verbis egit, cum diceret, non sibi dispUcere quae scripsi, sed quia de rebus maximi momenti scripta erant, et in magna controversia positis, difficile esse per absentis scripta ea plene percipere ; coram haec melius expUcari posse. Quare hortari et jubere, ut ad se quam primum venirem, Ubenter me auscultaturum. Haec quidem in Uteris, qua? minime difficilem interpretationem ejus voluntatis praebuerunt: praesertim cum in reUquis ejus actis, quae grayem illam quasi naturae crisim sequebantur, nihilo mitiorem factum eum audirem, nullum aUeviati morbi signum viderem : vidissem autem qua; in fabula vulpem ab ingressu deterrebant vestigia illorum, qui vel sponte, vel ac- cersiti ad eum in antrum accesissent, ut omnia aversa, nulla retro essent conversa. Qua? me satis admonebant, ni imprudentior bruto haberi vellem, et quid sperare, et quid facere deberem." Apolog. ad Car. V. Imperat. p. 77* Pleaseth it your Grace to be advertised that I have receyved News out of Rome, from one named John Bianket a Bononois borne, sometyme my ser vant, & now servant unto the Cardinall which was late Bishop of Worcester, & more privy with him of all Secrets than any other about him. And amonge other thinges thus he writeth. " The Pope hath called hither many Prelats for matters concerning the Counsel], amonge whom is Mr. Raynold Pole made much of, & much sett by, & receyved of the Pope himselfe very gladly. And be cause the saying is that the King had sent for him ORIGINAL LETTERS. 67 home into England and desired him, and promised him alsoe great thinges if he would come, or at the least if that he would not goe to Rome, He now is come hither, not regarding the Kings desire, promise, nor threats. And here men doe esteeme & thinke surely that the Pope will make him Cardinal, &• now he hath given him lodgings for himselfe within the Palace, & will have him neare him. And amonge those great men that be here for this matter, the selfe same Raynold Pole is here truly most esteemed & most sett by of all. And doubtles they be all singular fellowes, & such as ever absented themselves from the Court, desiring to lyve holily. As the Bishop of Verona, the Bishop of Chiete,the Archbishop of Salerne, the Bishop of Carpentras otherwise called Sadoletus, & many other that now be here for to consult these matters of the Counsell, the which I cannot see how it can goe for ward as longe as the matters of warre kindled between the Princes are unquenched, without whom it is hke that it cannot goe forward. Nevertheless there be sent Messengers to intimate the Counsell thorough Chris- tendome, leaving you apart, to whom they wiU intimate it there in writing & in citacions. Fryer Denis which wrote on the kings side, being now Generall of the Re ligion, cometh as Embassador from the Pepe towards the Kinge of Scotts. The Emperor is now in Genoa ; and many Princes, specially the Duke of Florence goe to see him, & to shew themselves gladd, that he is f2 . 68 ORIGINAL LETTERS. arrived there safe & in good health, which chanced but to a few Gentlemen, which be allmost all sicke. There is intreaty made for peace all that may be, and it seemeth that the Frenchmen have good hope therein, for they have left of warre, & have noe more men in Italy now, but Guido Rangone his men & those of Turin, which as yett they hold with certaine other Castles. And the Pope is fervent & hott in intreating of this Peace,1' Here have I written the very wordes of the Letter as I did translate them out of Itahan into Enghsh as neare as I could word for word, which I can doe noe less then signifye unto your Highnes, forsomuch as there be some thinges concerning the General! Coun sell, & Mr. Raynold Pole, whereof I thought it my duty to give notice unto your Grace. And thus I be seech the mighty Lord of Lords to strengthen & pre serve your Grace ever, & to resist & suppress all your Highness adversaryes with your Rebells & untrue Subjects. At Knoll the 18th. day of November. Your Graces most humble chaplaine & beadisman, T. CANTUARIEN. To the Kings Highnes. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 69 LETTER CXIV. Henry Montague to Secretary Cromwell desiring his protection, upon the Death qf his father-in-law Lord Bergavenny Euridge. [MS. COTTON. VESPASIAN F. XIII. fol. 106. OHg.] %* George Lord Bergavenny, the subject of the ensuing Letter, died in the 27"1 Hen. VIII"1. A.D. 1535. Thomas Nevyll, who signs this Letter, was brother to this Lord ; and H. Nevyll his son and heir, was summoned to ParUament in the 3d and 4-1-. Edw. VI"1. he afterwards sat in judgement upon the Queen of Scots. * Plesith hyt you to understand that wher hit hath bene the wyll of God to call to hys mercy, this present Sunday in the mornyng about ij of the cloke my father in lawe the lord Bergevenny, who allways in his tyme trusty d you above all men, and that in the ende of his lyff apperyd unto us manifestly, for then he comunyd of you saying that he was well assuryd of you, so that I and my two uncles shulde have your lawfull favor in executyng his wyll And that you shulde not thynke he dyd forgett you, he remembryd you with this tokyn of golde, dissyryng you to be good unto my Lord his son, the whach ys the Kynges ward, and shalbe at his • See Dugd. Bar. torn. i. p. 310, 311. 70 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Graces commaundement whan yt shall plese his Grace, as knowith God who have you in his kepyng From Eurydge within the forest of Waterdown Yours assuryd HENRY MONTAGUE. Your own T. NEVYLE. Yours hartelly assuryd H. NEVYLL. To the right worshippfull Mr. Secretary to the Kynges Highnes, be this delivered. LETTER CXV. Edmund Harvel from Venice, to Dr. Starkey. News respecting the Emperor and affairs in Italy. [MS. COTTON. NERO B. VII. fol. 100. Orig.~\ *.* Of Edmund Harvel, the writer of this Letter, the Editor has not discovered any Account. In a Letter' to Dr. Starkey, dated Venice, 7th April 1535, he says, " I awe moche to Mr. Winter " (Wolsey's natural son) " for his friendly mynde toward me, as I understande by Mr. Farmer, advancing me gretely to Mr. Cromewell. I pray you in my name to give him grete thanks for his humanite, of the wiche I will have perpetual memorye." Mr. Starkey I have writen unto you sens my re- tome twies, advising yow of soche newis as hath ben ORIGINAL LETTERS. 71 occorent. By the last post owt of England I marvel that from yow and other we had not Lettres. Mr. Pole is continual in writing of his work, and that with extreme studye wiche brekith him moche, specially in thes sharpe coldes wiche hath raignid her many dais. By al the next monith I stime^ that his labor shal take end, and by my opinion ther came not soche a thing abrode as this shalbe in owr dais ; for be you assurid that Mr. Pole hath grete vertu and eloquence, with prudence and judgement, as no man thatlevith more. b And I dowt not but his writing shalbe both grateful and also admirable to al vertuous men, and specially unto you who delitith of him so moche, as I am per- s waded yow do. To come to the wordlyc besines, th'Emperor by al the present departith for Rome with a grete nombre of men, and wil entre in Rome habitu triumphali. He preparith a grete Navye of Galeis, 100 ; and many ships ; as also an hoste of xl. M. to passe into Africke » esteem. b Cardinal Pole in the Defence, which he addressed to the Emperor Charles the Fifth, of his work " de Ecelesiastica Unitate," confesses his obligations to Henry the VIIIth. for his education. His mother, as will be seen hereafter, was the preceptress to the Princess Mary. " Scribo enim, Caesar, contra Regem Angliae, qui sum ipse Anglus, contra eum Regem, quocum me sanguine natura conjunctum esse voluit, et quem propter ipsius indolem, quam olim prae se tulit, ac propter nonnulla ejus in me beneficia tali amore ac veneratione prosequutus sum, ut nemo unquam hominem magis aniaverit, nemo Principem majori pietate et observantia coluerit ; cujus liberalitate et cura me fateor habere quod scribere possum, quod literas noverim, qui me solum EX Nobilitate Anglica in Uteris cducendum et instituendum curavit." Apolog. p. 67. - worldly. 72 ORIGINAL LETTERS. ayenst Alger, Barbarossa's towne, kept with 3000 men, as the voyce is published : albeit ther is suspi cion of other bessines. The French Kings practises with Venecians hath bene right grete with inestimable promesses ; but thes men stondith strongly for th'Em- peror as farre as it is knowen. They have no monye for the use of ware ; a and to beginne withowt a good ground they will not do hghtly. It is trowth that they are insupportable to see the State of Milan in th'Emperors hands. Her is grete suspicion of the French King; but now in Italye he hath litil frendship ; for al the hedds except only Venecians are imperial. The Duke of Florence shal marye the Emperors dawghter. FI9- rentins hath providb in vayne to recover ther hbertye of th'Emperor with grete condicions. Of the Concel her is litil mention. It is thowght the Turke shold at the present be in Const*, but of that is no certainte : but the fame is very constant of the grete ruyne he had lately of the Sofi. I pray yow salute me most entierly to myne honorable masters. And of my mony, habeas, rogo te, rationsm ut mihi aliquando persolvatur. This Turks absence hath uttirly . decaid this towne for lacke of doings. Cesse not to write perpetually, for ther is nothing more ORIGINAL LETTERS. 73 pleasant to us then your Lettres. Bene vale. In Venice the 18 Januarij, 1535. Yo'-* EDMOND HARVEL. To the right worshipful Mr. Thomas Starkey in London. Tanner informs us that Thomas Starkey, apparently the person to whom this Letter is addressed, was rector of the church of Great Monge- ham. In 1536 he was admitted Master of the College of St. Laurence Pountney, which he vacated by death in 1538. Two Letters, in 1535, from Barnardin Sandra, one dated from Padua the other from Venice, are addressed to him "in Aula Regis;" a third, from Venice, dated 5th Oct. 1535, is directed " Honoran. domino Thom-E Starkeio, utrius- que Juris Doctori peritiss. Londini. Atte Dowgate in my Lady of Sarysbury's Place." Tanner says he wrote " An Exhortation to the People, instructing them to unity and obedience ;" printed by Berthelet in quarto, without date. LETTER CXVI. Edmund Harvel to Mr. Thomas Starkey. The opi nion expressed at Venice upon Henry the VIIItKs cruelty to the Monks. Barbarossa settled in Tunis. [ms. cotton, mus., bbit. neho b. vii. fol. 93. Orig.] You require to be certefied frely of the judgement made her of the Monks deth with yow. To write yow 74 ORIGINAL LETTERS. plainly therof, the thinge was notid her of extreme crueltye, and al Venice was in grete murmuracion to her it; and spake long time off the bessines to my grete displesure, for the infaming of our Nacion with the vehementist words they cowde use ; for they are perswadid of the dede mennis grete honeste and ver- tus, and that ther opinion was conforme with the most part of all Cristendome ; wherby they stand it was don ayenst al honest lawis of God and men to put soche men to deth, and after tha't kind wich is novum et in- auditum. I promise yow faithfully I never saw Ita lians breke not at no matter tofor so vehemently as at this thing it seamid so strange and so moche ayenst ther stomacke. * # * * * Barbarossa hath made uttirly deliberacion to re- mayne in Africa, and hath fortefied himself strongely in Tonis. His Navy was not navigable thowgh he wold have departid thens, lacking a grete nomber of his sclavis and roars ' wiche are dede, and also he found no commodite for reparing and dressing of his galeis, wherby he is constraynid to experiment the fortune : but men hath evil opinion of him, that he shall not be hable to sustayn this grete imperiall powar if it be con- vertid ayenst him ; and if Barbarossa with his arm ye shold be subdued, men reken quod actum cssct dc Otho- mano. But how soever the thing procedith, men arc ORIGINAL LETTERS. 75 in expectacion' of grete mutacions of things. They reken th'Emperor shold depart with thre hundred sailis owt of Spaigne, and the Marks a of Guaste hath in Sicile 150 sailis ; the nomber of fotemen are 30 M. and horsemen 2000 ; al militarye men besides a grete nomber of gentilmen and nobles with ther familye wiche is grete, and also the Ships and Galeis provided of ther sodiars. A more puissant Navye by long me- morye came not abrode as is this imperial. Hens of few dais we shal know I hope some thing memorable. Of al you shal have continual advise. I thinke to go shortely to Anca. but I wil make shorte retorne by Godds grace. Vale, Venetiis the 15 June 1535. Yo-" EDMOND HARVEL. To the right worshipful Mr. Thomas Starkey in London. *¦ Marquis. 76 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CXVII. Edmund Harvel to Mr. Thomas Starkey <9 from Ve nice 5 Feb. 1535-6. A Portion of a Letter. [MS. COTTON. NERO B. VII. foL 105. Orig.] " The newis of th'old Quenis deth hath ben her divulged more then x. dais passid, and taken sorow- fully not withowt grevous lamentacions, for she was incredibly dere unto al men for her good fame, wiche is in grete glorye emong al exteriour nations. Hie palam obloquuntur de morte illius^ ac verentur de PuELLAr^ia ne brevi man.* sequatur. I assure you men spekith her b tragice of thes maters, wiche is not to be towchid by Lettres." c » qu. mandate ¦» here. •= The fear which, according to this Letter, the Venetians expressed for the safety of the Princess Mary, was also felt in England. The King's harshness to her at this time is well known. Pole records that the last stab winch Henry gave to Katherine was upon her death bed, when he refused both heir's and her daughter's entreaties for a last interview. " Unutn tamen non possum prffitermittere amissi sensus omnis amoris argumen- tum , maxime quod Satanam, non aliam creaturam, ostendit; quod in 6ne vita? illius nobilissimse feminae dedit. Cum tandem dolore victa, animara afflictam Deo esset redditura, statim cum sensit ill ml tempus propinquare (quo tempore hostes, qui all- quid hominis tenent, solent hostibus miserieordiam prsestare) hoc solum posttilabat a virO) ut liceret communam filiam videre, et illi de more moriens betiedictionem, ut mater, impertiri. Quid hie dicam ? Cum hoc idem filia cum lacrymis postularet , mater vix extremum spiritum ducens flagitaret, quod hostis, nisi erudelissimus, nun quam negasset, conjux a viro, mater pro filia impetrare non potuit, ne hanc quidem consolationkai in extremo spiritu dark voluit." Apolog. p. 162. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 77 LETTER CXVIII. Edmund Harvel from Venice, to Dr. Starkey : after the arrival qf the News qf Queen Anne Boleyn's execution. [MS. COTTON. NERO B. VII. fol. 110. Orig.] Sir, I have yours of the last of April wiche delitith me alwai singularly, and wher you exhort me to write to those honorable frends, I reknowlege therin your frendly concel and love towards me, fully perswaded that it shold be gretely to my furtherance. *7p "Tp -JP -JF -?P -Tp To show you my minde liberally, I have litil plea sure and comfort of myselff considering the perpetual factions and discords of the worldly things wiche makith me cold to come emong men in publico. My minde enclinith moche rather to folow a private and quiet liff and give opea the worldly fastidie to them qui ambiunt honores, in the wiche number I was never gretely to be rekenid. Yowr Boks I shall not forgette to provide. Your Newis I have seen, but thes other w|che more dais passid wer divulgid of the Quenis case made a grete tragedye wiche was celebrate by al mennis voyces with 78 ORIGINAL LETTERS. admiration and grete infamy to that Woman to have betrayed that noble Prince after soche maner, who had exaltid her so highe, and put himseln" to peril, not withowt perturbacion of al the Worlde for her cawse. But God shewid himselff a rightful judge to discover soche highe treason and iniquite. But al is for the best, and I reken this to the Kings grete fortune that God would give him grace to see and towche with the hand what enemyes and traytors he lyvid withal ; of the wiche inconvenience his Grace is fayre delyverid, for what time ther might have folowid dommage to his Grace inestimable. Venice 26 May 1536. LETTER CXIX. Lady Brian, Governess qfthe Lady Elizabeth, to Lord Cromwell, from Hunsdon,fbr Instructions concern ing her, after the death qfQ. Anne her mother. [ms. cotton, otho c. x. foL 230. Orig.] %* This Letter has been already printed by Strype, a but with a material omission, and in so imperfect a form, that it stands here at least in a more authentic shape. Unfortunately it suffered much injury in the fire of the Cottonian Library in 1731, so that in a few places the Editor has been obliged to supply the lacunae. In this service Strype's copy has been called in aid. Queen Elizabeth's manners when a child, form no uninteresting por tion of this Letter. » Eccl. Memorials, • ol. i. p. 172. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 79 My Lord, after my most bownden dewte, I recom mend me to your good Lordshype besychyng yow to be good Lord to me, now in the gretest ned that ever ... for et hathe plesed God to take fro me hem that was my most con ... a in thys world to my gret hevenes. Jhesu have marcy on her sowl an . . .1 am sokerles and as a redles createwr bot only fro the gret tr . . . . b have in the Kyngs grace and your good lordischep for now in yo . . . I pot al my hole trost of comfort in thys world besychyng yow to lo . . . me that I may so do. My Lord, whan your Lordsychep was last here, et pleased yow to say, that I should not mestrost the Kyngs Grace, nor your Lordsychep which word was mor comfort to me than I can wryt, as God knoweth. And now et boldethe me to shew yow my powr mynd. My Lord, when my Lady Marys Grace was born, et pleased the Kings Grace to appoint me Lady Mastres ; and made me a Barones. And so I have ben am to the Cheldern hes Grace have had sens. Now et es so, my Lady Elizabethe is put from that degre she was afore : and what degre she is at now, I know nat bot be heryng say ; therfor I know not how to order her, nor my self, nor non of hars that I have the rewl of: that is, her women & har 80 ORIGINAL LETTERS. gromes: besychyng yow to be good Lord to my Lady, & to al hers: And that she may have som rayment; for she hath neither gown nor kertel, nor petecot, nor no maner of linnin for smokes, nor cer- chefes, nor sieves, nor rayls, nor body-stychets, nor handcerchers, nor mofelers, nor begens. All thys har Graces Mostake, I have dreven of as long as I can, that, be my trothe, I cannot drive it no lenger : be- sechyng yow, my Lord, that ye wel see, that her Grace may have that es nedful for har, as my Trost es ye wel do. Beseeching you, my owen good Lord, that I may know from yow be writing, how I shal order my self; & what es the Kyngs Graces pleser, & yowrs, that I shal do in every thing. And whatsom ever it shal pies the Kyngs Grace, or your Lordship to command me at al teyms, I shal folfel et, to the best of my power. My Lord, Mr. Shelton saythe he es Master of thys Hows : what fashion that shal be, I cannot tel : for I have not sen et afor. My Lord, ye be so ho nourable your self, & every man reportethe your Lordsychep lovethe honour, that I trust your Lord ship wil se thys Hows honerabely orderd, how som ever it hath been aforetime and ef et pies yow, that I may know, what yowr Order is, & if it be not per formed, I shal sertify to your Lordshyp of it. For I fear me, it wil be hardly inow performed, for ef the head of knew, what honour meaneth, ORIGINAL LETTERS. 81 et wel be the beter orderd : ef not, et wil be hard to bring it to pass. My Lord, master Shelton wold have my Lady Ehzabeth to dine & sup every day at the bord of Astat. Alas ! my Lord, it is not meet for a child of har ag, to kepe sych rewl yet. I promes you, my Lord, I dare not take et upon me to kepe har Grace in helthe & she keep that rule : for ther she shal se dyvers mets & freuts, and wine : which would be hard for me to refryn her Grace from et. Ye know, my Lord, there is no place of. corekcyon ther. And she es yet to young to correct greatly. I know wel, & she- be ther I shal nother bryng her up to the Kings Graces honour, nor hers ; nor to har helthe, nor my pore honesty. Wherfore I shew your Lordship this my descharg, besycheyng you, my Lord, that my Lady may have a mess of met to har owen logyng, with a good dish or two, that is meet for her Grace to et of: And the reversion of the mess shal satisfy al her wemen, a gentleman usher & a groom. Which been eleven persons on her side. Suer I am, et wil be (in to right little) as great profit to the Kings Grace this way, as the t'other way. For if al this should be set abroad, they must have three or four mess of meat, where this one mess shal suffice them al, with bread & drink, according as my Lady Maries Grace had afore ; & to be ordered in al things, as her Grace was afore. VOL. II. SER. 2. G 82 ORIGINAL LETTERS. God knoweth, my Lady hath great pain with her great teeth, & they come very slowly forth : & causeth me to suffer her Grace to have her wil more than I would ; I trust to God & her teeth were well graft, to have her Grace after another fashion, than she is yet : so as I trust the Kings Grace shal have great comfort in her Grace. For she is as toward a Child, & as gentle of conditions, as ever I knew ene in my leyf. Jesu preserve her Grace. As for a Day, or two at a hey teym, or whan som ever it shal please the Kings Grace to have her set abrod, I trost so to indever me, that shee shal so do as shal be to the Kings honeur, & hers : and than after to take her ease again. I think master Shelton wel not be content with this. He may not know it is my desier ; but that et es the Kyngs plesure, & yours it should be so. Good my Lord, have my Ladys Grace & us that be her poor Servants in your rememberance. And your Lordship shal have our harty prayers by the Grace of Jesu : ho ever preserve your Lordship with long hfe, & as myche honer as your nobel hart can desire. From Honsdon with the evil hand of har that es your dayly bed-woman. MARGET BRYAN. I beseech you, my owen good Lord, be not mes- ORIGINAL LETTERS. 83 content, that I am so bold to wryt thus to your Lordsychep. But I take God to my joge, I do et of trew hart, and for my discharge. Besychyng yow, exsept my good mynde. To the ryght nobel, & my syngeler good Lord my Lord .Prive Sel, be thys delyverd. The Cottonian MS. Append, xxviii. fol. 39. contains a list of New Year's Gifts to Prince Edward in the 30th Hen. VIII. The King and his nobles gave principally plate. The Lady Mary's Grace gave a coat of crimson satten embroidered with gold, with paunses of pearls and sleeves of tinsel, and four aglets of gold. The Lady Elizabeth's Gbace " A shyrle ofCam'yke o/her owne WOORKYNGE." LETTER CXX. Mary, widow qf Henry Duke qf Richmond, 'to the Duke qf Norfolk her father, respecting her suit to the King for her maintenance. [MS. COTTON. VESPASIAN F. XIII. foL 75* Orig.] And thowgh I am in dowt how yowr Graces shall g2 84 ORIGINAL LETTERS. take it that I should thus dally troble yow wythe my besy letres, yet I trust yowr Graces will consider how thes mater towcheth me most of any other, & myne es the part boothe to speeke & sue if I had not siche a good intercesser to the Kynges Mageste en my behalfe as yowr Graces es, where of as yet prosedeth no effect bwt wordes, wyches maketh me thenke the Kynges Hyegthn' is not assartayned of my holl wudouefwll & rygth thereen, for ef he were he is so just a Prynce, so gracyous & of sych eqyte, that I am sure he wolde newer suffer the justyce of his laws to be denyed to me the wnwoorthe desolat widow of his late Son that newer yet was denyed to the poorest gentylwoman in thes realme. And if it wolld pleas ye as oftymes I have humble desyred yowr Grace to gywe me lewe to com up & sue myne owne cawes beyng nowhis to good to be in parson an humble suter to his Maygeste, I do not dowt bowt uppon the sygthe ther of hes hyegthn1 shuld be mowed to hawe compasyon on me, consyderenge that he hemselfe alone mayd the maryage, & to thenke that it shalbe myche hys Majestys honor to grante me that his laws gywe me to mayntayn me wthe, the de solat wydowe of his late Son, in the degre that his Mayjeste hathe kalled me to, yet newer the lesse put- tynge my hole mater en to yowr Grases handes & my lorde Prewe Seals, who as ye wryet hathe promesed to be good lord theryn, most humble desyereng yowr ORIGINAL LETTERS. 85 blyssenge I bede your Graces farwal frome Kengngael this Wadenes day. By your humble dowther MARY RICHEMOND. To my were good Lord and Father the Dowke of Norfolk thes be de- lyvered. LETTER CXXI. King Henry Vlllth. to .... to examine into certain matters relating to Gardiner bishop qf Win chester, and Morris his receiver. A. D. 1536. [ms. COTTON. VESPASIAN f. xiii. fol. 71 b. Orig.\ Henry R. Ryght trustie and intierly belovyd we grete you well, advertysyng you that we havyng hard what the Bysshop off Wynchester hath doone in the hous of Syon, althoughe he wold so set the same forth unto us as we myght have occasyon to thynke he hath doone truly as becummyth hym towardys us, yet havyng thys forenone spokyn with Morres the Res- cey vor ther, we may well perceyve hym to have ostentyd and bostyd hym to have doone more then in deede he 86 ORIGINAL LETTERS. hath, and a coloryd dowblenes ether to be in hym or in Morres, or in bothe. Mores not answeryng dyrectly to dyverse introgates by us to hym mynystryd. We havyng therfore shewyd hym that intendyng to trye hys truthe to us, wyll not go abought to grope hym, but wyll se yf accordyng to hys dutie he wyll of hys awne mynde confesse the mere trawthe, we alredy knowing mych mo then he wenyth ; wherfore we re- quyre you, uppon hys repayre unto you, study osly to examyne hym, by whome ye shall perceyve dowblenes in the other, in him, or bothe, the whiche being never so craftely handelyd, I wold not wer hyddyn, not dowtyng yt shall your circumspect maner desyrus and attentyff myndin trying owt trawthyt, known unto us as yt ys. Thys fare ye well. From our manor of Grene- wyche the xxvjth. day of the xxvijth. yere of our reigne. LETTER CXXII. William Earl qf Southampton to Lord Cromwell con cerning Blockhouses to be made at Calshot Point and Cowes. [MS. COTTON. TITUS B. I. fol. 396. Orig.] *„* The date of this Letter must be placed in, or somewhat subse quent to, 1537 > that being the date of Sir William Fitzwylliam's creation ORIGINAL LETTERS. 87 as Earl of Southampton. Among Lord Cromwell's " Remembrances," preserved in the same volume with this Letter, fol. 428. is an " Item, for v.Cn. appoynted to Calshot and the Cow." Please it your good Lordshippe, this bearer my felowe, Mills, came hidre to have spokin with you. The cause of whose comming, in your Lordshippes absence, I have declared to the King, wich resteth in thies to poyntes. The tone for the workes at Cal- shorispoynte, tooching wiche his sayeng is, that the Barbican of the Towre wol bee readie by Michaelmas, if they may knowe where to have Covring for it. And in that the kinges Majeste i&resolvid that there shalbee led takin, aswel for the said Barbican, as the Towre it self, of the leades that arr at Beauley ; a so that for delivery of the same, Maistre Wriothisley must make a warraunt, and his Grace wol signe it. The toodre poynt is tooching monay and charges of the said works, and also the work at the Cowe in thlsle ; b concerning wich this said bearer saith that by the next pay day, the money alreadie received wol be spent : so that he thinketh, and also it apperith by the declaracion of Bartine, that it woll axe at both places no lesse than one thousand marces more. And that by extimacion the said thousand markes, with the monay nowe remaigneng in his handes, woll performe the workes. In wich poynt, the Kinges Majeste is also pleased that your Lordshippe shall assigne & > Beaulieu, or Bewley Abbey, in the New Forest. i> West Cowes. 88 ORIGINAL LETTERS. deliver ouht a prest, and wolled me so to write unto you. And my Lord undre your correction, me thinketh it were best, that the hole some, shold bee deliverd all at ones, rather than to mak any mo sutes for it. Sir the kinges Majeste hathe beene somwhat a erased thoroughe cold, & kepte within yesturday ; howbeeit, this day his Grace hath beene abrode, and killed half a score of stagges with the Ladies ; and is nowe, our Lord bee thanked, aswel as he was afore, wich our Lord continewe. Oodre newis I have none to send your Lordshippe, but thus commend the same to the kepinge of th'oly Trinity. From Ampthil the xijth. of Septembre. Your good Lordshippes assured, W. SOUTHAMPTON. To my singuler good Lord my Lord Privie seale his good Lord shippe. LETTER CXXIII. King Henry the Eighth to the Lady Anne Savon, widow. [MS. COTTON. TIT. B. I. foL 58. Orig.] *»* A Letter of Sir Thomas More to Cardinal Wolsey in the former Series of these Letters" afforded an instance of the King proposing » - \ol. i. p. Mil. Letter LXXIII. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 89 match for the widow of an Alderman of London. This was usual, where Widows were the King's wards. Widow of the King, vidua Regis, says Cowel, was she, who, after her husband's death, being the King's tenant in capite, was forced to recover her dower by the writ " de Dote as- signanda," and could not marry again without the King's consent." The present is a sort of wooing Letter from the King, in which His Majesty announces to a widow that he has fixed upon a husband for her. By the King. Henry R. Dere and welbelovede we grete you wele, lating you wete our trusty and welbeloved servant Stephen Mylles hath shewed unto us how that he, for the longe experience and knowlege of your vertuous demeanor, sadnesse, and womanly demeanure, is greatly mynded towards you, to honor you by wey of maryage befor all other. We considering his honest intent and porpose in this behalf, exhorte and desire you to shewe yourself of hke towardnes and herty love to our said servaunt for the solempnisacion of matrimonie betwene you, to Godd's pleasour. And in your thus doing, ye shall nat oonly cause us to bee good and gracious liege Lord unto you booth in any your reasonable porsuytts to be made unto us, but also thinke yourself in our opinion right wele bestowed to your herts ease and comfort hereafter. Yeven under our Signet at our To our dere and welbelovede the Lady Anne Savon, widowe. » See the Stat, of the Prerog. an. 17 Edw. II. Mag. Chart, cap. vii. and 32 Hen. VIII. cap. xlvi. 90 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CXXIV. King Henry the Eighth to the Mayor and Aldermen of London, respecting the Office qf Meter ship qf Linen Cloth and Canvas in London. [ms. cotton, tit. b. i. fol. 80. Orig.] By the King. Henry R. Rvght trustie and welbiloved We gret you well. And where as our trustye and welbeloved servaunt William Blakenhale, chief clerke of our Spicerye was in possession of the office of metershippe of lynyn clothe and canvas within our Cytie of London and -subburbis of the same, as ye now being Mayre know and can testifie, till of late, without cause or deserte, both contrarye to the gift to hyme made, and also against justice and equytie, you have evictyd hym of the pos- sessyon of the same, and also have taken the profetts to hym apperteynyng to your own use. We therefore marveling nott a lyttyll of your ingratitude to us and to our servaunt in that case exhibited, by these our Lettres requyre you, and nevertheles commaunde you that you not alonly put our sayd servaunt in full possessyon of the said office immediatlye apon tlie syght hereof, ac cording to the gift to hym gevyn, but also to restore ORIGINAL LETTERS. ( 91 hyme to all suche profetts and sommes of money as you have receyved by reason of the said office ; fay ling nott therof as you tendre our pleasor. Yeven at our manor of Westmr. the xvjth. day of Maij the xxviij1'. yere of our Reign. To our trusty and right welbiloved Councellor Sir John Allen knyght Mayor of our Citie of London, and to the Aldermen of the same. LETTER CXXV. Thomas Cumptun to Lord Cromwell, upon the dis missal of the Franciscan Monks qf Guernsey, who had refused to take the oaths required by the King. A. D. 1537. [MS. COTTON. VESPASIAN F. XIII. fol. 138. Qrig.] Please hit your Lordship how that I have accord- yng to our souverain Lord the Kinges gracious com mission, and to the instruccions to me delivered by your Lordship uppon the same, don my debuera accordyng to the teneur of hit. And have called unto me all the Freres Observantes straungers whiche were left in the Convent of the Freres Observantes of Sainct Fraunces » devoir. 92 ORIGINAL LETTERS. within the Isle of Guernesey at my departyng, and ac- cordyng to the same commission and instruccions have infourmed them to be sworn to our souverain lord the Kinges Hyghnes, to his Lawes & Actes, declaryng unto them the hoole continu of the same ; the whiche Freres after that they had understanded the teneur of the said commission and actes, and after that they had communiked together and taken avisement, refused to take the said Othe, I avysing them how that they wold abyde the rigor of our said soverain Lord the Kynges Lawes and Statutes in that behalf ; wheruppon they required me to let them goo in to Normandy theyr naturall contre ; saying howe that they had heretofore made an Othe, whiche othe they wold not change, but rather forsake the Convent and Countrey than to make any outher. Wherfore accordyng to your Lordship instruccions I caused a Bote to conducte and passe theym into Normandy, their naturall contre, takyng the conductours of them conducte mony to pay for the frayght of the boote & for them until they were come to their next Convent. Also certifying your Lordship that I have send you by this present berrer the very true and veritable Inventory of all suche goodes mouva- ble and stuff of how sehold as were within the said Con vent of Freres, made in the presence of the Deane Se of too Jurattes of thes Isle as hit shall apere to your Lord ship under their sealles and signes : and have set the said goodes in sufficient custody & surete until the ORIGINAL LETTERS. 93 tyme I knowe further of our souverain Lord the Kynges Majeste most gracieux plaesur in hit. Suplying your Lordship to admytte my symplesse for I have don in hit the moost of my power, submyttyng myself to ful fill allwayes your Lordship his plaeser when hit shall plaese you to commaride me. Written in Guernesey the xx th. day of September by yours THOMAS CUMI-TUN, Leutenaunt. LETTER CXXVI. Robert Cowley, one qf the Council in Ireland, to the Duke qf Norfolk, a Discussion on the Finances qf Ireland. [ms. COTTON. TIT. B. XI. fol. 401. Orig.] *#* From internal evidence this Letter must have been written about 1538. It affords -a striking picture of the state of Ireland at that time ; and among the facts which it puts upon record, none is probably more remarkable than that which acquaints us that whilst the Exchequer of England was so complete in its official arrangements, that of Ireland was destitute even of Books of the Revenue. My humble duety premysid to your noble Grace, it may pleas the same to bee advertised," that I, beeing oon of the Kinges majesties Counsail here, unworthy, seeing the Kinges great Thesaure sundry times sent oute of his Graces coffers from England hither, the 94 ORIGINAL LETTERS. great revenues of the land, the infenyt goodes and cattailes of theym which have been put to execusion, and of all the Rehgious Houses suppressid and dis- solvyd, fynes, forfaictures, amercyamentes, casuelties, kyne gevin by Irishmen as amendes for their offences in takyng partie with enemys, incomes for leases of fermes, custumes, and many other proffits due to the Kinges Highnes consumyd; Hereing on the other parte the exclamasion of the Souldiours that their wages was but very lytill, and that they might have no payment ; The marchauntes, craftymen, and labourers in like wise, I made serche in the Eschequier, to know whate the extunt of the Kinges Revenues was of certainte, besides casuelties; and there coulde be founde no maner roll, boke, or scrowe of the Kinges Revenues, with the barons, with the remembrsters, with the chamberlayns, ne with the engrosers ; and it shuld be entrid in every of their bokes. Soo the Kinges Highnes hath no footea or knowlage of his revenues, or of the employmentes. Brabason thesaurer of the warres and oon Thomas Agard have receyvyd all the Kinges revenues and dueties, destributid the same at their pleasures with out making any of the Counsail prevy therto : wherby men thinke they, betwixt theym, have gaynyd xx-M. markes at the leest: and I beleve the same. They have had all the dooing, receyptes, surveyoures, comptrollers, audytoures, payinaisters, letting out of • sum total at the foot of a page i ORIGINAL LETTERS. 95 fermes, allowances of all accomptes all they twoo, spo as they have doon whate they wol. They have the substance of all the Kinges fermes and make the price theymselves, and appoynt the dayes of payment at their owne pleasure, wherto noon is prevee. There was never seen soo sharpe receyvoures and soo slowe payers. They gayne yerely i^M. markes by their fermes and fees besydes their snap shares ; which is a nemo fit infenyt. Therfor requysit that a Comyssion bee sent hither, to suche as wol ernestely and truely execute their comys sion ; or els to send hither ij Comyssioners, substanciall men, that bee not nedy or gredy, to repell all lesys made, which must beejBy Acte of Parhament ; and to take deliberatly a new Survey for the Kinges ad- vauntage. And where now every souldior covetith to have iij or iiij great fermes, oonly to enriche theym selves and to make their handes, passing not uppon any service, peynes, or feates of warre, but lying in the herte of the countrey with his horse, horsekeper, sume ij horses, and his wenche, for xd. Irish a weke ; fareing delicatly, and yet making no payment. They can fynde money to goo gorgeously appayrid, and their wenchis, and to ryote in pleying at the dyse mony ynogh ; their purses full ; but to pay the litill xd. a weke, they have no mony. Thisa the Kinges thesaure sent hither is consumyd, » Thus. 96 ORIGINAL LETTERS. his Graces revenues and proffittes, likewise the cuntrey oppressed never the-xth. parte soo soore, utterly beg- gerid ; the men of warre subdued that shuld serve the Kinges Highnes of the cuntrey birthe, which bere all the burdon of the chargis of holding horsemen, gallo- glas and kerne, carriage of the armyes victailes, draw ing the ordynance and artillery, without wages, and yet the pore men theymselves gooinge to the hosting bearing their wallettes in their neckes, utterly undoon. And yit divers of the armye, not contentid to have their victailes convey d at the charge of the pore hus- bandes, desire to have more cartis to their private advauntage, to take a fyne of mony to their purses, others to have theym as sklaves to carry wyne, to bee solde to their proffit uppon the franke caryage of the pore people. The Constableshippis of the Kinges garysons and manoures is gevin to suche personages as charge the King with more then all the revenues of the same do extende, and kepe not their nomber ne do their due- tyes, but passe to make their handes, pillaging the te- nantes, forstalhng the marketes of victailes and mer chandises, to the undoyng of the kinges cities and townes ; and will not goo to the felde with the Deputie for defence of the contrey, saying their charges is but to kepe their garysons ; and when enemys resort to theym they doo noo exployte not so moche as to shote oon gone, but as people dysmayde ; and where thees ORIGINAL LETTERS. 97 great holdinges put the cuntrey to importible charges they shuld, and the cuntrey, in this Somer tyme, lye in the feldes redy to assault the enemyes, and not in Castelles and Towres distansyng farr a sunder. Sir undoubtidly a hundrith enghsh speres northern, on horsback, well horsid harnyssed and of good rule, a hundrith archers, and a hundrith goners all on horse back, to geve daily attendance upon the Deputie, shuld doo more good then all this nomber namyd; ix CI. summe lying in garysons dooing no good, summe in townes by pretence of sekenes, and the horsemen not well horsid, lacking harnes and wepyn, many of theym symple per sonages rydyng in pyllyns with an Irish darte, naked, without any harnes. Under correccion I thinke very necessary that who soever it shall pleas the Kinges Highnes to comyt the rowme of his Graces Deputie unto, may have a Comys- sion to holde a Parliament ; and by auctoritie of the same to adnull and repele all.leesis made hitherto of all fermes of the Kinges manoures, landes, and posses sions in this land, of all and every parcell to his Grace accrued by wey of atteynder, eschetes, dissolucyon of Religious Houses, or otherwise, leasid out towhatesoever persons by the space of vij yeres last past, and a new Survey to bee made for the Kinges proffit : Wherby his Highnes shall wyn no small yerely augmentacion of his Graces revenues. I write against my silf, to de- parte with all myn awne fermes, to preferre the Kinges VOL. II. SER. 2. H 98 ORIGINAL LETTERS. proffit; trusting to have summe ferine of Tethes or other scrapes for my pore house. I covett no excesse to make me riche. This forsaid vicethesaurer Brabson and his cornpa- nion Thomas Agard have takyn up all the fruytful fermes of this land without mesure, and suffer no gen- tihnan to have any ferme somoche as a pore tethe to kepe his house for his mony, or yet a litell parke to kepe his horses in for rent. Such havok and skame- ling as they make was never seen, to the utter pilling and beggering of the land too lamentable to expres. The said Brabson hath a brother called Robert Brabson who is Constable of Carehngford having to his purse all the kinges revenues there of Custumes, all" the Castel meeses of hering, landes, woddes, and • other proffites, to the yerely valure of C. li. And over that xvi horsemen in the Kinges wages and kepith not his nomber, and lye widely to doo any good exploite : and yet not contented therwith. Where a good gen- tilman callid Davyd Sutton who kepith at his charge divers horsemen and fotemen, had the constableship of the Kinges castell of Kildare, the said Robert did put hym oute, and for lucre toke uppon hym self to bee constable of Kildare, keping in his handes the consta bleship of Carehngford, distansing asunder Ixx. myles; and left not in the Castell of Kildare any manner of pese of ordynance, somoche as a hand gonne or any pese of artillery, not oon bowe, but likking up the <« ORIGINAL LETTERS. 99 proffut ; and 0 Conor beeing thereof monysshed, en tered into the towne and burnyd it, and entered into the castell and ryfeled it of all the cattaill therein put for refuge, and toke horses out of the CastelL And oon hand gone may have kepte theym out and saved the Castell and all that was therein. Sir the next remedys to refourme all thies enormy- ties after my pore conceyte is as followith. First that the Kinges Deputie may have a Commys- sion to holde a Parlement, and by auctoritie of the same to adnull, repele, and make voide all maner fermes and leases made by the space of thees vij yeres past of all the Kinges possessions spirituell and temporell, and to make other actes for the Kinges proffet and the comon welthe of the pore land. Item that the fermes may bee distributed discretely and parted emonges the gentilmen of the cuntrey to enhable and encourage theym to doo service to the Kinges Highnes, and to enterteyne and kepe men of warre. Item the constableshippes in like wise to gentilmen of the euntrey, for a great part suche as have landes and wol fynde sufficient suerties to kepe the Castelles suerly to bee rendered to the Kinges Highnes saufely at his pleasure or to whosoever his Grace- will appoint. Wherby the Kinges Highnes shal have great yerely revenues where he hath noon, the gentilmen of the cuntrey enhabled to kepe men to serve the Kinges h2 100 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Grace, and the Deputie furnysshed with the strenght of the hole armye to make a stronge campe, where now by pretense of keping garysons the King is not servyd ne the Deputie furnysshed with men. Item that parte of the Armye may bee content to departe from suche charges of Constableshippis, that wol take no paynes, but take their passe tymes in good townes plesantly, permitting their Castelles to bee takyn and prosterated behinde theyme, as on Dewke constable of Castel Jordan in the borders of O Conors cuntrey, this last weke, was passing tyme whiles the Castell was takyn, brokyn, and ryfeled, and the warde like feynt cowardes gave over the Castell and rendered themselves presoners to O Conor, who had vj half hakes, a redd pese, a passvolant, ij hackbusshes, and a shipp pese, with all their pellets, moldes, and pow der, which O Conor kepith to the great daunger of the Kinges subjectes. Item that the nomber of the Armye may be my- nyshed and to be pyked, clene, honest men, hardy, well horsid, harnessid, and diligent, and that they may have sufficient wagis to lieve uppon honestely and noo neede to compleyn or oppres the cuntrey. Item that the Kinges revenues bee better orderid then it hath been to this tyme ; that there bee audi- toures, surveyours, and comptrollers uppon the The- saurer and generall receyvor ; and that all goodes and ORIGINAL LETTERS. 101 cattailes due to the King be preysid and solde to the Kinges moste proffit, and that all the Kinges revenues be receyvyd in the Receipte openly, and imediatly entered into the Rolles of the kinges officers, as remembisters, engrossers, and chamberlayns of the kinges Eschequier, to remayn of recorde ; soo that no suche pleying of Coll under the Canstilstyk or Jugge- linges of the kinges revenues bee no more usid as it hath been. Item that the receytes of the kinges revenues may bee put in an yron Coffer which is redy to have iiij lockes, and the keyes thereof to be delivered to iiij suche as the Kinges Grace shall appoynt to recorde the receptis and paymentes, and whate is superfluous above necessary employmentes, to remayn as a Thesaure at the kinges comaundement. Item that certain Comyssioners may bee appoynted, suche as bee close handed and not nedy or gredy, to make inquesicions in all places of all mens demeanures, of all extorcions, bryberyes, concelementes, collusions, and other abuses, wherby I truste every man shalbe known in his kynde, and the King to have parte of his right beeing embeseled, and the pore people sume recompence. Where your Grace and others of the Kinges moost honorable Counsaill directed your honorable letters unto the lord high Justice, to the Archebisshop of 102 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Dublyn, and to me to make serche for suche coyne plate and goodes as the lord Leenard Gray late the Kinges Deputie had here and the same to seyse to bee furthcomyng at the Kinges pleasure, with as litil ru- more as might be ; Accordingly the said lord Justice and the said Archebisshop furthwith went to Maynothe there seysing all suche stuff and jewelles as there was founde, making thereof an inventary ; and I repayred to Saint Mary Abbay and toke an inventary of suche stuff as there was. And we have examynyd Arlond Ussher, who by his othe hathe deposed that a litill before the said lord Leonardes departing, the said Ar lond had in his kepyng a stele casket locked, full of mony as he supposidj golde, and divers bagges of money sealyd ; which casket and bagges oon Lewte toke from him : and how mouche mony was in the casket and bagges the said Arlond could not tell, but it is thought to bee a very greate thing. It is said that there is more stuff of his prevely in keping ; and we forbere to certifye the inventarys that we have all redy, trusting to fynde more, and to send the hole to gidders with asmoche diligence and spede as may be. At the wryting hereof the lord Justice was campyd besides Foure with the best bande of the kinges sub- jectes that ever was seen to gidders in Irland, with xxj dayes victailes, an host of viij M11. men hable to geve battayll to O Brone, 0 Nele, 0 Downyll, and 0 Conor, ORIGINAL LETTERS. 103 but they lacke horsemen, which is a great lacke. The said Irish Capteyns made avaunte that they all wold have met to gidders at Fena by Fower, but I thinke sethens O Nele hath receyvyd the Kinges letters and his pardon, I think he will not stirre ; and I think that Richard Butler, Donogh O Brene, and Callagh O Kar- royl wol kepe O Brene soo hete that he shall not bee hable to come out of his cuntrey. Thees Tooles and Kevaghes trouble us moost on our bakke syde, for whoos resistence we have been fayne to leve the substance of our strenght till now that we have truyce with the Tooles and with parte of the Kevaghes for vj wekes ; God knowith whate hold or trust is in their othes and promyses. The lord Justice and the hoost wol goo uppon O Conor to doo theire beste uppon till they have spent all their victailes ; ahd when that is doon, I cannot see how any moore generall hoosting can bee made this yere ; the cuntrey bee soo pore with holdyng horsemen, gallogglas and kerne, carting and carriage, fyndyng the armye mete and drynke for litill or no thing, that they be beggered and not hable to fynde or contynue this excessive charge ; and if we shuld suffer our hold- ynges to goo from us we shuld bee weeke and in great perill yf the confederesy of thees Irishmen shuld con tynue. Humbly beseching your grace to contynue your gracious favours to me, and to vouchesauf to l>ee good to this berer in his resonable pursuytes ; beseching al- 104 ORIGINAL LETTERS. mighti god to geve your grace the complement of your noble hertis desires. At Dublin the vjth day of July your gracis olde servant and daily oratour ROBERT COWLEY. To the lorde of Northfolkis good Grace with spede. LETTER CXXVII. Arthur Viscount Lisle to Lord Cromwell, concerning a report qf one of bishop Latimer's sermons, and upon the state of the borders at Calais. A. D. 1538. [MS. COTTON. VESPASIAN F. XIII. fol. 111. Orig.] •„* Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount Lisle, was the natural son of King Edward the Fourth, but whether by the Lady Elizabeth Lucy or by Jane Shore is uncertain. He was created Viscount Lisle in the 15th Hen. Vlllth. upon the resignation of that title by the Duke of Suffolk, and in 1527 was elected and installed a knight of the garter. In the 24th of Hen. Vlllth. 1532, he was constituted Lieutenant of Calais ; whence, eight years after, some of his servants having plotted to betray the place to the French, he was sent for and committed to the Tower. The Letter which recalled him to England, burnt and mutilated, is still preserved in the Cottonian Manuscript Calig. E. iv. fol. 34. couched in no terms of courtesy. The Lord Lisle's personal innocence appearing, the King sent him a ring from his own finger, with such kind expressions that his heart became overcharged with joy, and the night following, March 3d, 33 Hen; Vlllth. he died. The King's mercy, it was observed, upon this occasion, was as fatal as his judgments. After most harty recommendacions, this shalbe to advertise you that the xxvj. day of this present moneth ORIGINAL LETTERS. 105 I receyvyd a letter frome Sir John Wallop which I send you hereyn inclosyd. Further toching Newes occurrant here ys that Doctour Latymer hath tornyd over the leff, for on Wedynsday in the ymber weke he prechyd before the Kinges Highnes knowledging the popes auctorite to be the highest auctorite apon erth, and if he shall mysuse hymself he ought to be reformyd by a generall Counsaill and none otherwise. He also confessyd our Lady 8e holy Saintes most necessary to be honoryd & praied unto, and that pilgrimage is very acceptable unto allmighty Godd and profitable for the welth of mannes sowle. I beseche you I may know your pleasure whether there were any such Sermon or no. Wherby, if it be contrary, the partie which hath brought such tidinges may be punysshed in ensample of other, here or elswhere, as it shall please the Kynges highnes and you. Newes aboute the borders here ys that the Emperour hath made proclamacion at Dun kirk, Burborow, and Saint Omers, that no horse shall passe oute of his domynyon to no Inglishman nor Frenchman. Also Turneyham was solde to the French men, and the byer and seller, aswell the Frenchman as Flemyng taken and be in the custodye of Mounsier du Bever. Moreover the Capitayne of Turwyn was at a poynt with an archer of the emperours garde for Arye, and it was discoveryd, so the said archer ys hanged drawen and quarteryd, insomoche that all the townes 106 ORIGINAL LETTERS. on the fronters kept never better watche in tyme of warre, then they doo now. And as it is said procla- macion is made through the Emperours lande, that every man being under hys obeisaunce, within vj. wekes to come and be resident within hys domynion. And thus I pray Jesu preserve you with prosperous lif and long to his high pleasore. From Calais the xxvij day of February. Your own to commawnd ARTHUR LYSSLE. LETTER CXXVIII. Margaret Countess qf Salisbury to a Lady, concerning the marriage qfthe lady's daughter. [MS. COTTON. VESPASIAN F. XIII. fol. 88. Orig.] %* Margaret Countess of Salisbury has been slightly mentioned in the former Series. She was the second daughter of George Duke of Clarence brother of King Edward the Fourth, and was bom at Farley Castle in Somersetshire. She married Sir Richard de la Pole, Knt. In the 5th Hen. Vlllth. she was allowed to inherit the state and dignity of her brother Edward Earl of Warwick and Salisbury, who had been at tainted in the 19th of Henry Vllth. ; and was allowed to bear the second of his titles. On the 14th of October in the same year, she had the King's letters patent for all the castles, manors, and lands of Richard Earl of Sulisburj', her grandfather, which came to the Crown by her brother's attainder. Sandford, from a manuscript in the Library of the Herald's College, acquaints us that the Countess of Salisbury, by the particular ORIGINAL LETTERS. 107 direction of Queen Catherine of Arragon, had the care of the Lady Mary's education. It was probably at this time that the following Letter was composed. It ought perhaps to have had an earlier place assigned to it in the Collection, but being without a positive date it was thought best to connect it with the letters which related to the Countess's attainder. Madame, I recommend me unto you, doyng you to undrestonde that I have receyved your Lettres by your servante concernyng the maryage of your doughter, by the whiche I do perceyve that the Gentilwoman beyng accompaned with your said doughter unto your howse, hath informed you that it was my mynde for hir to certyfye you that the Controwler of thePryncesse howsolde dothe bere hys synguler favour to your said doughter. Trewly she mysusyd hir selff in gevyng you any suche knowlege on-my behalff, for I ensure you that I dyd geve unto hir no comaundment so to do, for at that tyme I had harde no comunycacion touchyng that matter. Howbeit sens oure departyng fromHartelbury, the said Controwler hathe movyd and comonyd with me therin, of the whiche I have certy- fied your doughter, but I canne perceyve no thyng in hyr wherby any effecte shulde be had or taken in that matter. Wherfore I pray you to be a good and na turall modre unto hyr, and I doute not but she will alwayes use hirselue to you as a nat-uraU chylde ought to do to hir modre : and wolde advyse you to looke wele upon the matter whiche I sent you woorde of be fore tyme, that it may be brought to a good ende for 108 ORIGINAL LETTERS. in my mynde it wolde be a veary meate bargayn if it be wele fynyshed and come to passe. And thus I pray God it may be accomplessed to bothe your comfortis. From Worcetor the xxth daye of August. marg'et salisbery. LETTER CXXIX. Sir Thomas Wriothesly at Brussels, to Sir Thomas Wyat in Spain, upon the commitment of the Mar quis of Exeter and Lord, Montacute to the Tower. A. D. 1538. [fragm. in the cottonian library, calig. d. xi. Orig.] *„* In its present state this Letter has neither the writer's signature, nor a superscription ; but both are ascertained from a passage in Lord Herbert's History of Henry the VIIItb. in which a single line of it is transcribed, and from the word Wiatt, with which it opens. Lord Herbert says, " The particular offences yet of these great persons are not so fully made known to me that I can say much. Only I find among our Records that Thomas Wriothesley, Secretary, (then at Brus sels,) writing of their apprehension to Sir Thomas Wyat (his Highness ambassador in Spain) said, that the Accusations were great, and duly proved." This Letter certainly gives us an insight into the real cause for be heading the Poles : " tlie surely of my Lord Prince, our only Jewel after his Majesty." The committal of these Lords has been slightly mentioned in a Letter to the Lord Fitzwalter in the former Series. » From the present Letter it appears that their domestics were their accusers. His Majesty determined " on committing them to ward, that all inconvenience might be ensued .*" and lie loved them so well that he was loth to proceed against them : but within ten days they were belieaded. » Vol. ii. p. 36. Letter exxxv. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 109 . . WlATT. After my most herty commendacons, getting knowlege of this Postes departure but ever nowe and the same going in suche hast that I could not have any lenger tyme to wryte but as he stode by me, I must be shorte against my will, and shall by thise onely advertyse you that on Monday in the evenyng, which was the iiijth. of this moneth, the Marques of Excestre and the Lorde Montague were commytted to the Towre of London ; .being the Kinges Majestie soo grevously touched by them, that, albeit, His Grace hath uppon his special favor borne towards them, passed over many accusations made against the same of late by their oune domestiques, thinking assuredly with his clemencye to conquerre their cancerdnes, as Cesar at the last wanne and overcam Cynna. Yet His Grace was constrayned for avoyding of such malice as was prepensed bothe against his personne royal and the surety of my Lorde Prince, our only Juel after his Majesty, to use the remedy of committing them to ward, that all inconvenience may thereby be ensued. Th'accusacions made against them be of great import- aunce and duely proved by substancial wytnes. And yet, the Kings Majestie loveth them sowell, and of his greate goodnes is soo lothe to procede against them that though their oune famylies in maner abhorr their facts it ys doubted what his Highnes woll doo towards them. 110 ORIGINAL LETTERS. I write this unto You bicause you may peraventur here sumwhat hereof, and the thing percase sinisterly interpreted. NoWe that you knowe the truth you may declare the same upon my poor woord, and so yow may make aunswer accordingly. Thus I must byd you most hertely wel to ffar for lak of ferther leiser. From Bruxells the xiijth. of Novembre at night late. LETTER CXXX. Lord Southampton and the Bishop qf Ely to Lord Cromwell, upon the Seizure of the Countess of Salisbury. [fragm. in the cottonian libr. calig. D. XI. Orig.~\ *„* Warblington near Havant in Hampshire, whence this Letter is dated, was the Countess of Salisbury's residence. Some small ruins of her mansion are still remaining. It was originally a square pile of about two hundred feet surrounding a quadrangle, moated ; and had been the seat of the Montacutes. - Cowdray Park whence the next Letter is dated, is near Midhurst in Sussex. It had been granted to Sir William Fitzwilliam, afterwards Earl of Southampton, the writer of this and the succeeding Letter, in 1533 ; and he built the Mansion there which was afterwards completed upon a grander scale by Sir Anthony Brown. Lord Herbert is wrong in conjecturing Cowdray to have been the re sidence of Lady Salisbury. The Earl of Southampton carried her to his own house, as the first stage of her journey, should it be the King's plea sure to commit her to the Tower of London. Please it your good Lordshippe to bee advertised that as by our oodre Lettres wee signified to the same ORIGINAL LETTERS. Ill wee wold, so yesturday the xiijth. of this Novembre wee travayled with the Ladie of Sarisbury al day both before and aftre none, til almost night. Albee it for all that wee could doo, thoughe wee used her diversely, she wold uttre and confesse litle or nothing more than the first day she did, but stil stood and persisted in the deniall of all to gidres. And this day between viij. and ix. in the morning, having received your Lordshippes Lettres dated from Westm. the said xiij*. wee forth with upon receite of the same, eftsones repayred unto the said Lady. And first afore wee came to hir sight, calhng her men servaunts afore us, according to the continew of your said Lettres, wee apprehendid Stand- ishe; and that doone went in hand with her. And althoughe wee than entreatid her in both sorts, some tyme with doulx and myld wordes, now roughly and asperly, by traytring her and her sonnes to the ix'1* degree, yet woll she no thing uttre, but making her self clere, and as unspotted, utterly denieth ah that is ob ject unto hir ; and that with most stif and ernest words : sayeng that if ever it bee found and proved in her that she is culpable in any of those things that she hath denied, that she is content to be blasund in the rest of all the Articles layd against her. Surely, if it like your Lordshippe, wee suppose that there hathe not been seen or har a woman so ernest in her co manlique in continuance and . . . . . and so precise aswell in gest * heard of a ? 112 ORIGINAL LETTERS. . . . . a wordes that wondre is to be . . . . . . For in her aunswer and declara . . . .h she behavith her self so, and so . . all thing sincere, pure, and up ... c on her part, that wee have concey . . . d and needs must deeme and th . . c' the tone of ij. things in her, that her Sonnes have not made her pr . . f ne participant of the bottom and pitt . . 8 their stomaks,. or ells is she the . . . errant Traytresse that ever And nowe that wee have sei . . . . n goodes and given her notice - Kings pleasure is she shall g . . she seemeth therat to bee somewhat appaled. And therfore wee deeme . . . it may so bee, she woll the uttre somwhat, when she is remo wiche wee entend shalbee to mo ... k So that wee have cawsed invento . . .' to bee made of her said goodes, and of suche things as may bee easily caried, as Plate and oodre . . . charge. Our purpose is to take .... us. For the rest, and for the . of her houshold, wee have . . . appoynted John Chadreton and . . . . . . . stuard of Houshold, whome .... . . . for an honest man, that they s . . . . . . the ordre and rule therof; and . . . waite and attend continually theron til suche tyme as the » gesture as in f b declaration. ¦" upright. d concey ved. * think. ' pri\ v- B of. h seized her. ¦ that the? * to-morrow. 1 Inventories. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 113 Kings pleasure be further knowne from your Lord shippe therin ; but also wee have required one White, who is fermor of the late Priorie of Southwyke,a maistre Waite, and maistre Talke, who bee all gent, and neighbours there, with oodre the Kings servaunts and faythfull subjets to have vigilant ie to the same, that if any stirreng or misordre chaunce or befall, the same by their good meanes, powers, and discretions may bee stayed and put in quietnes. As for Standishe wee shall bring him saulf upe with us ; for, beeing exa mined, no thing can wee get him to confesse. Thus th'oly Trinitee preserve your Lordshippe. From the manor of Warblington the xiiijth. of Novembre late in the night. Your Lordshippes assured W. SOUTHAMPTON. THOMAS ELIEN. . . . singuler good Lord the Lord Privy Seale • . . good Lord. The fragments of the Depositions against the Countess of Salisbury, mentioned by Lord Herbert, are still remaining in the bundle with these Letters. It is objected to the Countess that she would not suffer Tyn- dal's Testament nor any of the Books which the King had recently pri vileged to come into her house : and that she disliked the new learning altogether. There is nothing of real consequence as to crime mentioned in them ; at least which is remaining now. One of her domestics or retainers appears to have been acquainted with one of Lord Cromwell's domestics. » John White, to whom the Priory of Porlchester or Southwyke in Hampshire had been granted in the 30th Hen. VIII. VOL. II. SER. 2. I 114 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CXXXI. The Earl qf Southampton and the Bishop qf Ely to Lord Cromwell. A Second Letter. [FRAGM. IN THE COTTONIAN LIBRARY. Ibid. Orig.~\ according to the purport of . . . . lettres of the xiiijth of this Novembre wee have nowe removed the Lady of Sarisbury, and this last night arrived with the same at Cowdrey. And where in the same our Lettres wee towched our opinions, that beeing removed, she wold perhappes uttre some thing more than alreadie she had doone : so this shall bee to advertiese you that syns our arrivall here, tray- vayleng sondry tymes and aftre sondry sortes with her, somwhat elles of newe have wee goten of her wich wee deeme materiall. And liekwiese laboreng with Standishe, have pyked ouzt of him more than in the beginneng wee could. And shall aswell therof, as of all oodre our procedinges, and specially of her gesture and precise aunswers and declarations to the maters obiect against her, make your lordshippe true reaport at our retorne. Wee assure your Lordshippe, wee have dealid with suche a one, as men have not dealed withall to fore us ; wee may call her rather a ORIGINAL LETTERS. 115 strong and constaunt man, than a woman. For in all be havior howe so ever wee have used her, she hath shewid her self so ernest, vehement, and precise, that more could not bee, so that wee thinking thoughe wee used all industrie and diligence to presse her to uttre more, if any more lay in her stomake, wee shold but spend tyme, and not mutch or no thing prevayle, agreed to departe hense towardes the Kinges Maiestie, and no ferther to travayle at this tyme. And so beeing in redines to take our journay between one and ij at aftre none this xvj-n. of Novembre, and even at poynt to take leave of her, John Chadreton, and Whyte, whome wee appoynted with oodre, to take ordre of her hous hold, til the Kinges pleasure were further knowne, sent us Lettres, wherin were enclosed certayne bulles graunted by a bushoppe of Rome, wiche were found in Standishe chambre, with a copie of a lettre found in a gentilwoman's chest, made, as it apperith by tenor therof, by the said Lady unto the Lord Mountague. And forasmutche, as the mater comprised therin semed have stopped our Journay th . . . . king, and shall spend the same in ... . eftsones with her, so that wee have exam . whether, wherfore, and when she made .... and by her examination have tried ouzt .... wrote the same, and have sent for the . . . aboutes whose examinacion wee entend to i 2 '116 ORIGINAL LETTERS. this next day til none, and so to make no . . de- more here, but putting her in suche ordre . . suretie here, as the Kinges pleasure is she shold bee left in, with convenient speed to come h . • • And then give you advertisement of all togidre. Thus th'oly Trinitie have your lordshippe . . . keeping. From Cowdrey the xvjtn» of Novem. Your Lordshippe asured, W. SOVTHAMPTON. THOMAS ELIEN. To our singuler good Lorde the Lord Privie seale his good Lordshippe. v LETTER CXXXII. Lord Cromwell to the King ; a portion qf a Letter dated London, the \4ith qf March. The discovery qf a nest qf Traitors on board a French Ship at South Shields. [ms. cotton, tit. b. I. fol. 263 b. Orig.~\ *„* In the former, and in some earlier Letters of the present Series, the traits which are mentioned of Lord Cromwell's character are scat tered. A few remarks upon the general circumstances of his life will not be misplaced here : and he may perhaps be exhibited to less advan tage than before. His origin was obscure ; nor is even his parentage thoroughly ascer tained. From a Letter already printed, there seems reason to beheve ORIGINAL LETTERS. 117 that he had some connexion either in early or in middle life with the household of the Marchioness of Dorset ; «• and Hall informs us that he was Wolsey's " chief doer" in suppressing some of the meaner mo nasteries preparatory to the foundation of Cardinal College ; an employ ment which shows that he must have been in Wolsey's service at least as early as 1524. Yet we are told that he served in the capacity of a com. mon soldier in the Duke of Bourbon's army at the sacking of Rome, which did not happen till 1527 ; and which could not possibly have been. Fox is the authority for this fact ; *> as well as for the assertion that Cromwell, More, and Gardiner were brought up together in Wol sey's household ; whereas More, who was brought up in the family of archbishop Morton, was so few years younger than Wolsey himself, that he was even a representative in parliament in the reign of Henry the Seventh, long before Wolsey attained to power. Nor do the doubted parts of Fox's narrative end here. Cromwell, in a passage which has been particularly referred to in the former Series of these Letters, is described as scrupulous, when in a state of grandeur, to repay the debts and obligations of his humbler fortune ; more especially to one Francis Frescobald, a Florentine, who had been his benefactor when abroad. Yet even the charm of this Tale is dissolved when we find its authority is a Novel of Bandello. c The outline of Cromwell's history is given in few words by Cardinal Pole ; who states the general belief that he was born in a village in the neighbourhood of London ; that he was the son of a fuller, and at one time (whether sooner or later is not said) a common soldier in the wars of Italy ; that he was afterwards in the service of a Venetian merchant whom the Cardinal knew, and kept his books of accompt ; that being tired of commercial life, he came home, and took to the profession of the law, but that even in this pursuit he did not succeed till Wolsey employed him in suppressing some decayed Monasteries ; that in that business his genius was developed, and that his conduct in it rendered him so un- » See the former Series, vol. i. p. 218. Letter LXXVIII. b " Cromwell," he says, " had yet no sound taste nor judgment of Religion, but was wild and youthful, without sense or -regard of God and his word, as he himself was wont often times to declare unto Cranmer archbishop of Canterbury, shewing what a ruffian he was in his young days, and how he was in the wars of the Duke of Bourbon at the Siege of Rome, also what a great doer he was with Geffrey Chambers in publishing and setting forth the Pardon of- Boston every where in Churches as he went, and so continued till at length by learning the Text of the New Testament without book, of Erasmus's translation, in his going and coming from Rome, he began to be touched and called to a better understanding." " Novelle, edit. Mil. 1560. 12°. vol. ii. p. 140. Nov. xvm. 118 ORIGINAL LETTERS. popular that the public voice called for his punishment : fortunately for him, at the moment, he obtained an introduction at Court. a The reader probably remembers that remarkable passage in Caven dish's Life of Wolsey, in which the writer says, " It chanced me upon All-hallown day to come into the great chamber at Asher, in the morning, to give mine attendance, where I found Master Cromwell leaning in the great window, with a primer in his hand, saying of our Lady mattin3. He prayed not more earnestly than the tears distilled from his eyes. Whom I bade good morrow. And with that I perceived the "tears upon his cheeks. To whom I said, ' Why, master Cromwell, what meaneth all this your sorrow ? Is my lord in any danger, for whom ye lament thus ? or is it for any loss that ye have sustained by any misadventure ?' ' Nay, nay,' quoth he, ' it is my unhappy adventure, which am like to lose all that I have travailed for all the days of my life, for doing of my master true and diligent service.' 'Why, Sir,* quoth I, ' I trust ye to be too wise, to commit any thing by my lord's command ment otherwise than ye might do of right, whereof ye have any cause, to doubt of loss of your goods.' c Well, well,' quoth he, 6 1 cannot tell ; but all things I see before mine eyes, is as it is taken ; and this I under- * *c Sic ergo, si tale nomen quaeratur, Cromvellum eum appellant, si genus, de nullo quidem ante eum, qui id nomen gereret, audivi. Dicunt tamen, viculum esse prope Londinum, ubi natus erat, et ubi pater ejus pannis verrendis victum qusrita- bat, sed de hoc parum refert. Nunc si conditio qGseratur, sic quidem de eo intellexi , aliquem in Italia fuisse gregarium militem, fuisse etiam mercatcrem, nee tamen longius progressum in mercatUTa fuisse, quam ut scriba esset mercatoris, et libros rationum servaret, optime vero novi ilium mercatorem, qui Venetus erat natione, cui operas suas locabat. Tandem hujus condition is perta-sus, domum reversus, causidicis se immiscuit, his qui jura Regni profitentur. In quo eo magis se proficere sperabat, quod versuti et callidi ingenii sibi conscius esset ad defendendum tarn ini- quum, quam aequum, quod ex externorum commercio valde acuerat, cum nostrorum hominum ingeniorum simplicitatem semper contemneret. Nee tamen in hoc generc valde crevit, antequam ad Monasteriorum ruinam perventum est. Quod inecepit vivente adhuc Cardinal! Eboracense, dum Monasteria quscdam pene a suis deserta, et illorum bona ac pra^dia in subsidium pauperum qui in gymnasiis Uteris operam dabant essent conversa. Hie vero notus esse ccepit, idque ostendit ad hanc artem solam se natum fuisse, ad ruinam et vastationem, id quod crebra aliarum artium mutatio dcclaravit, in quibus nihil crevit, in hac vero statim Celebris esse ccepit, et pluribus notus, ita tamen in illis initiis hujus suse artis notus, ut cum Cardinalis, cujus asseda fuit, et ex cujus authoritate et imperio illam suam artem exercebat, ab administratione Reipub^ca remotus esset, et dignitate privatus, ipse omnium voce, qui aliquid de eo intellexerant, ad supplicium posceretur. Hoc entm qffirmare possum, qui Londini turn adfui et voces audivi, adeo etiam ut per civitatem univer- sam rumor circumferretur, eum in carcerem fuisse detrusum, et propediem pro- ductum iri ad supplicium. Nee vero populus ullum spectaculum libentius expecta- bat, nee ille rumor ex alia re nascebatur, nisi quod omnes eum sciebant onui i sup plicio digmira." Poll Apolog. ad Car. V. Imperab pp. 126, 127. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 119 stand right well, that I am in disdain with most men for my master's sake ; and surely without just cause. Howbeit, an ill name once gotten will not lightly be put away. I never had any promotion by my Lord to the increase of my living. And thus much will I say to you, that I intend, God willing, this afternoon, when my Lord hath dined, to ride to London, and so to the Court, where I will either make or mar, or I come again.' " • The day after, Cromwell was at Court, and sought and obtained an audience from the King; Cardinal Pole, who had the account from Cromwell himself and others who were present, relates that upon this occasion Cromwell suggested to the King a mode of overcoming the dif ficulty of the Pope's opposition to the divorce, by taking the authority into his own hands and declaring himself Head of the Church within his own Realm. The King gave ear to the proposition ; and was so pleased with it, that he thanked him, and admitted him to the dignity of a Privy Counsellor. b Could any thing have more completely sealed tlie ruin 0/ 'Wolsey's fortunes than this suggestion ? It is evident that Cromwell's support of Wolsey went no farther than a given point. When he saw that the ruin of that Minister was thoroughly resolved upon, he seized the opportunity to raise himself. After Cromwell had delivered to Wolsey the thousand pounds from the King to pay the expenses of his journey to the north, he seems to have done no more for » Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, Singer's edit. vol. i. p. 204. b Cardinal Pole's Account of the arguments used by Cromwell to the King is floridly descriptive, but well deserves the reader's notice : " Cui autem magis debetur nomen Capitis in regno suo, quam ipsi Regi ? Monstri simile videtur, duo capita in eodem Regno. Finctionem hoc Sacerdotum esse, ut se vindicent a jurisdictione Regum. Sed revocet ille ad jus suum, quod illi astute abstulerunt ; ornaret simul auctoritatem Regiam, augeret et ditaret, quanta nun quam omnibus majoribus suis visa est. Et cum hoc dicto, quasi in pinnaculum Templi, vel in montem excelsum eum elevasset, unde omnia subjecta potestati Eccle siastics videri possent, sic omnia Regni monasteria quae in magno numero et opulenta.fuerunt, omnes Episcopatus, universum denique ecclesue patbimonium illi ostendit, cum illud adjungeret, ' H-ec omnia tua sunt, tantum te Caput Ecclesise, quod revera es, voeari te facias, et hunc titulum consensu Consilii supremi Regni, quod non erit difficile impetrare, si idoneos ministros, qui hoc rite proponant, ha beas, facias dari. Quo facto non solum omnium bonorum illorum eris patronus ; sed etiam omnium desideriorum, si modo unum observetur, quod initio omnis po- testatis, ut in auctoritatem stabilem inducatur, plusquam necessarium erit, ut scilicet graves pcenas statuas, nemini delinquenti parcas. Hoc vero crimen, qui isti tuo honori vel verbo, vel scriptis resistunt, proprio nomine signari facias, ut Crimen lessee Majestatis.' — * Vindices ergo quod est proprium Regii nominis, ut sis Caput in tuo Regno et solum Caput.' " Apologia, ad Car. V. Imp. pp. 121, 122. The Cardinal adds, " Nihil in ilia Oratione positum alicujus momenti quod non vel ab eodem nuncio" (so. Cromwello) " EO narrante intellexi, vel ab illis qui ejus consilii fuerunt participea." P. 123. 120 ORIGINAL LETTERS. him. We have no mention of his name when Wolsey was ordered to London to take his trial ; none upon Wolsey's journey ; none in his last moments : nor have we any subsequent mention of the name of Wolsey from Cromwell, except in the single instance of the dialogue at arch bishop Cranmer's table, when Cromwell declared that he was never so far in love with Wolsey as to have waited on him to Rome if he had been chosen Pope.a We now come to the character of Cromwell as the Minister of Henry the Eighth. If Pole may be believed, and no good reason can be given for doubting his veracity, Cromwell was frank in disclosing his own Machiavellian principles.1" That he possessed such, cannot be disputed. The Cottonian Manuscript Titus B. i. contains numerous Notes, in Lord Cromwell's own hand, of " Remembrances" when he went to the Court, the Council, or the Parliament. Their folds and creases show that they were the Memoranda which he doubled up and carried in his pocket : and it is singular that he should have suffered such to remain. Of these the following are specimens : " First touching the Anabaptists, and what the King will do with them.0 " Item what the Kings Highnes will have don with suche persons as do remayne in prison by the accusacion of Hale the prieste. " Item to remember all the Juells of all the Monasteries in Englonde, and speciallie for the Crosse at Pawles of Emorads. " To cause Indictaments to be drawenfor all the Offenders in Trea- sone and mysperusion, as the case shall requyre, conccrnyng the yonne ' of Canterbury. " Item to remember my Lorde Chauncelor for his ende. " Item to send to my Lorde of London to gyve commandment to the precher not to praye for the Pope at Powly's Crosse upon Sondaye. " For the Indytment ageynst the Abbott of [Reading] and other. " Item a Commission of Oyer determyner into Barkshyr for his in dytment and tryall. " Item certayn persons to be sent to the Towre for theforiher examc- nacyon of tlie abbott of Glaston. » See Vol. ii. p. l. First Series. b — " Suam sententiam conclusit de officio prudentis Consiliarii, hoc iu primis pertinere, ut diligenter investiget quo tendat voluntas Principis. Qua in re me- diocri prudentia opus esse dicebat, dum non semper, quam verbis ostendunt, earn intus voluntatem gerunt. Quos decet maxime in sennone, religionis, pictatis, et re- liquarum virtutum pra?clara nomina semper proponere, quin tanieu cum his eorum voluntas semper conveniat," &c. Poli Apol. p. 128- ¦ They were burnt, April 89th, 1540. Stowe, Ann. p. 519. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 121 " Item the Abbott Redyng to le sent down to be tryed and exe cuted at Redyng with his complycys. " Item the Abbott of Glaston to be tryed at Glaston and also to be executed ther with his complycys. * " Counsaylours to gyve evydens ageynste the Abbott Redyng ; Mr. Hynde ; the Kyngs Attorney. " Counsaylors to gyve evydence ageynste the Abbott of Glaston j Rychard Pollard, Lews Forscew, Thomas Moyle. " Item to se that .the Evydens be well sortyd, and the Indytmentts well drawn ageynst the sayd Abbotts and thayr complycys. " For money to be sent to Calyes for the deffrainge the Lady Annes trayne. " For money for the deffiraing of the Ladie Anne's charges with her trayne after the arryvall in Englonde tyll she cum to Grenewiche.b " Item what pleasors or rewardes the King will gyve to them that shall departe from the Ladie Anne at Calays ; and of what kinde they shalbe to be delyvered to my Lorde Admyrall. " Item to knowe the Kinge's Highnes pleasure touching the Lord Mordant, and suche other as ffreer Forest named for his principal fFreendes. " Item the Monastery of Syon to come by Premunire. " Item to advertise the Kyng of the orderyng of Maister Fyssher, and to shew hym of the Indenture whiche I have delyveryd to the Solicitors. " Item to knowe his pleasure touching Maister More. " Item wlien Maister Fissher shall go tohis execution, with also the other. " Item what shall be done farther touching Maister More. " Item to send unto the King by Raffec the behaviour of Maister Fissher. " Item to remember Rok the traytor of Ireland. " Item to remembre the examination of my Lorde Marques beareward, and Payne his felowe. ** Item ro remembre specyally the Ladie of Sar. " To send Gendon to the Towre to be rakkyd, and to sende Mr. Bellesys, Mr. Lee, and BIr. Peter to assyst Mr. Levetennaunt in th'exa- mynation. "- Item to remember the Balade made of the Prynces by my Lady Mary. " Item for the delyvery of the Marthynes of Excestr. » See Stowe's Annals, an. 1539. i> The Lady Anne here meant is Anne of Cleves. - Ralph, afterwards Sir Ralph Sadler: the mention of whom will occur again. 122 ORIGINAL LETTERS. " Item what the Kyng wyll have done with the Lady of Sarum. " Item for the dyetts of young Courtneye and Pole. " Item the Sanctuary men being yet at Beaulieu for debt, that they may contynue there for their lyves. " The payment of Quene Annes debts. " Item to remember my Lorde of Canterbury his best Myter to be demaunded in the lewe of the Kyng's legacie. " Item to remembre to know the trew valew of the goods of Castell- Acre, for my parte therof. " Item how that this daye I and my Lorde of Worcester be in hande with the Lord Darcye at the Towre. " Item to shew the King the patrons2- ofth'Inbrowderiefor the Quene. " Item to cause all the Estattutts touching the Popes 3uctoryte and the Kyngs successyon to be abbredgyd, to the intent the pyth and effect of them may be declaryd to the Frenche Kyng. " Item to appoynt of the most assuryd and most substancyall of all the gentylmen within everey shyre of this Realme to be sworn of the Kyngs Counsayle, and they to have commandement to explore and inserche, to know who shall preche, teche, or speke any thing to the advancement of the Popis auctorytie and, yf any suche be, indelaydlye to apprehend them and lo commytt them to warde. " Item, to have in lyke case substancyall persons in evereye good Town thorow owt this Realme to explore and inserche of all suche persons as shall in any wyse talke, preche, or teche any thing in the advauncemcnt of the Popis auctoryte. " Item to have the Acte of and for the Kyng's successyon oppenlye proclamyd thorow out this Realme, to the intent the Pepull shall not make them ignorant therein ; and who so ever shall offend to be orderyd according to the sayd Estatute and the payns conteynyd in the same. " Item, to cause all the Bekynes thorow owt the Realme to be with all spede repayred, and to put order that they may be watched and in a redynes for all chancys. " Item Letters to be wryttyn to all suche as have any Forteressys nere unto the Costs of the See, to th'intent that thaye may according to thayr dewte se them orderyd, and suche theyr munyscyons and artylyerye as be within the same to be putt in redynes and clensyd. " Item to appoynt Prechers to goo thorow owt this Realme to preche the gosspell and trew woord of God. " Item to send the Copye of the Acte of tlie Kinges succession to the Prynces Dowager, and also to my Lady Marye, and to geve specyall comandement that the same may be redde in the presens of tlicm bothe, and to take theyr answer." • patterns. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 123 There is a separate Memorandum in the same Volume, fol. 481, of a more extended kind, headed " Thinges to be treated of in Counsail:" " Item specially to note in what astate the kinges affayres stande in and to provide soo that his Grace may at the least have oon freende, and nowe the case standing as it doth to accelerate that matier soo that it may be doon in tyme. " Whiche be the wayes and meanes for the king to acquire this freendeship and uppon what groundes. First his Highnes hathe two doughters, though not lawfull, yet kinges doughters, and forasmoche as princes commonly conclude amyties and thinges of greate importance by alliaunces, it is thought necessary that those twoo doughters shalbe made of some estimacion, withoute the which no man woll have any greate respecte unto them. " And forasmoche as the one of them is of more age thenne the other, and more apt to make a present alliance thenne the other for, want of age is, if it might please the Kinges Highnes to declare her according to his lawes whiche to her estimation is thought wilbe a great thing, or elles otherwise to advaunce her to some certain living decent for suche an estate, wherby she may be the better had in reputation ; It is thought the more acceleration wold be made for her : and thenne a like direction to be taken for my lady Elizabeth, wherby as his Grace by thenne may provide him of a present freende, soo he may have the other in store hereafter at his pleasure to get also an other freende, as the commoditie of his affaires shall require ; for as we thinke the only shewte anker the Frenche king hathe, is to compasse the mariage betwene. the duke of Or- leaunce and the duchesse of Millain, whiche in estate were not to be com- parid to any of the kinges doughters if she wanted that endowment of Millain, which the Frenche king thinkethe by that meanes to get into his handes, and if that shuld happen, thenne shall not only the Frenche king and the bisshop of Rome wyve-together by all lightlywood against us, soo that the kinges Highnes shalbe destitute of freendeship on all sides, but also his doughters shall aswel remayn unprovided for, as be left in suche case as no prince of honour shalbe left to desire the kinges amytie by meane of either of the same." The following " Remembraunces" relating to grants of Monasteries occur in another page. " Item to remember Wamer for a Monastery. Item Doctor Kem. The Lord Grey.Wylton. Raff Sadelere. Nycolas Rusticus, Mountegrace. Mr. Gostwyke for on Monestery. Mr. Kyngysmyll for Wharwell. John Freeman for Spaldyng. My Selff for Launde. Item to remember John Godesalve for sum thinge, for he hade nede. Item to remembre my lord Ferres." 124 ORIGINAL LETTERS. It is but just to Cromwell's memory to own that we are at least in debted to him for one useful institution; the introduction of Parish Re gisters. These, for Marriages, Christenings, and Burials, were injoined strictly t>y the Injunctions of 1538. But we are also indebted to him for the multiplication of the laws of treason, and for the invention of at tainting persons already in prison, by Parliament, without bringing them to trial. The mention of this in his own case, by himself, will occur in a powerful form hereafter. He was not the first condemned by this, law, for the Countess of Salisbury was the first : ¦ yet Cromwell suffered death before her. He was the first who was executed under it. neque enim lex a-quior ulla, Quam necis artifices arte perire sua. Stowe affords us evidence that Cromwell was not less arbitrary as a man than as a minister ; noticing the Church of the Augustine Friers in London, he says " On the south side and at the west end of this Church many fair houses are builded, namely in Throgmorton Street one very large and spacious, builded in the place of old and small tenements by Thomas Cromwell master of the King's Jewel-House, after that master of the Rolls, then Lord Cromwell, Knight, Lord Privy Seal, Vicar Ge neral, Earl of Essex, High Chamberlain of England, &c. This House being finished, and having some reasonable plot of ground left for a garden, he caused the pales of the gardens adjoyning to the north part thereof on a sudden to be taken down, twenty-two foot to be measured forth right into the north of every man's ground, a line there to be drawn, a trench to be cast, a foundation laid, and a high brick wall to be builded. My father had a garden there, and an house standing close to his south pale, this house they loosed from the ground, and bare upon rollers into myfatliers garden twenty -two foot, ere my father heard thereof, no warning was given him, nor other answer, when he spake to the surveyors of that work, but that their master Sir Thomas commanded them so to do ; no man durst go to argue the matter, but each man lost his land, and my father paid his whole rent, which was vi". viiid. tlie year for that lialf which was left. Thus much of mine own knowledge have I thought good to note, that the sud- . den rising of some men, causeth them to forget themselves. The Coin- « Cardinal Pole in one or two Letters which are extant speaks of his mother's death. In one he notices her dying words : " Quanquam quidem, qua- me afflixerat, non me prorsus omni consolatione orbatum reliquit, cujus si vel novissima verba misera natura auscultare posset, cum diceret, ut audio, ' bcatos esse qui propter injustitiam persequutionem patiuntta-,' non solum me, et scipsam omni dolore libe- raret, sed gaudio etiam repleret, adco ut cum Propheta dicere possem., * me.mor vvi Dei et delectatus sum.' " Epist. P. m. lit. xiv. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 125 pany of the Drapers in London bought this house, and now the same is their common hall." » Fox has recorded one or two other instances of his personal exercise of arbitrary power which it is not necessary to quote here. In the Chapter House at A^estminster an original Letter is preserved from Cromwell to his wife, addressed to her at the House described by Stowe. The following copy of it was communicated to the editor by the revd. David Powell : " Elyzabeth I commend me unto you and have sente you by this berer a fatt doo, the one half whereof I pray you may be delyvered unto my gossyp mastres Smyth, and with the rest to use your pleasure. And further yf Richard Swifte be cum home or fortune to cum shortly, I will that he resorte to me at Begham or Tonbridge with all dylygence. Such news as ye have in those partyes I pray you sende me parte by this berer. At Begham the xxix"1. day of November. And farther I pray you sende me word in wryting who hathe resorted unto you syns my departuer from you to speke with me. Per your husbend THOMAS CRUMWELL. To my well beloved wyf Elyzabeth Crumwell agenst the Freyers Augus- tines in London be this given." This Letter must have been written in 1525, that being the year of the suppression of Begham or Bayham Abbey. WhojGromwell married, beyond what appears in this Letter, is un known. Sir Richard Cromwell, alias Williams, from whom Oliver Cromwell was descended is believed to have been a son of the Lord Cromwell's sister. This dayer being my Lord Chancelor my lord of Sussex and the Bishop of Duresme with my," I have receyved lettres from the President and counseillors of Your Graces Counseill in the North, dated ix° Marcij, conteynyng that a certain Frenshe ship, laden with Scotishe goodes, wether dryven at Southschelis in the a Surv. of London, edit. 1602. p. 180. b me. 126 ORIGINAL LETTERS. countie of Duresme, whereof the erle of Westmerland having advertisement, and by certain persons from Scotland advice geven afore, serched the ship : found under the bagages in the botom thereof a nest of Traytors, that is to saye oon Robert More preste of Churstie which was lately scappid from Hexams prison, and two Irishe men, a monk and a frere, who had with them sediciouse and trayterouse lettres agenst your Grace, directed to the bishop of Rome and to the traytor Pole: amonges the which ther was oon from that yong rebell traytor Fitzgerald to the Cardinal Pole, conteyning the kyndnes he had founde in hym and in his, and requiring him not to put him in obli vion, but beleve the said monk ; his hand and seell be at the same. Also ther be lettres, long, from an arant traytor Rurik bishop of Derens, in your Graces land of Irland, his hand and grete seale at it, to the bishop of Rome, declaring the calamites of the papistes in Irland, with sundry trayterouse lyes agenst your Graces officers ther : an other lettre of credence to the said Pole, and many other. We have examyned them, and doo fynd the same to be cause of disclosing many thinges. They lack almost the Englishe and Laten tong. Wherfor I have put men understanding the Irishe and Laten tong to examyn them, and write their depositions. And the same had, I shall by my next lettres advertise your Majestie of the hole effect more particularly. We thenk it as it were a myracle that ORIGINAL LETTERS. 127 God drave them hither, to be disclosed and punished : and assuredly they think no lesse or greter then we doo. Their lettres were hydden in corners. But other lettres there were from Scotishmen to marchauntes of Dieppe, and for certain Bulles and Dispensations to be obteyned at Rome for Scottes, which touched nothing your Graces subjectes nor affaires, wherfor, being the same opened and perused, they have ben redelivered agayn, and the Frenshe ship suffred to departe. Amonges the Scotishe Lettres there was but oon thing notable, that is th' Abbot of Melrose wrote to some freend of his at Rome that noon Indulgences or Expeditions obteyned ther shuld tak no effecte in Scotland withoute the licence of their Prince. The which purpose I lik well, trusting that the mercy of God woll extende his brigntnes upon them to perceyve the truth of his word and gospell to the bishops con fusion. A Thursday I received Lettres from Harvel your Grace's servant and subject now dwelling at Venece, the oon directed to your Majestie conteyning oonly thanks and som other general purpose of his good affection. I beseche your Grace to regarde his good will and zele in good part and consider that within a litel tyme he shalbe better hable to do service and gett experience of your Graces affaires. The other Lettres be directed unto me, conteyning besids thanks certain 128 ORIGINAL LETTERS. occurrences there. Your Highnes shall receyve them herewith. The Irishe monke purposed to resorte unto the traytor Pole ; he was with hym in Fraunce, and at Camerik the last tyme that the said Pole was ther. I trust in the meane tyme to be continually occupied about th'accomplishment of the Commissions and other your Grace's proposes and resolutions ; ffor the whiche my lorde Admyrall is alredy goon to employe hymself for his part, and my lorde of Suff. is likewise gon to Lincoln shir. I trust our dutie shalbe so well em ployed to your Grace's service that ye shal have cause of contentement at the lest to take our doings in good part. I beseche your Matie. t'accept our pouer good wills and smale power, who shalbe alwayes redy to obeye to th'uttermost your graciouse commaundements and speceally ye may be assured for myn owne part being of most bounden duetie obliged therto. Thus I beseche allmyghty God to send your Maieste accom- plishement of all your gracious desires. Writen at London the xiiijth of March. Your Majesties most bownden subject and servant, THOMAS CRUMWELL. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 129 LETTER CXXXIII. Lord Cromwell to the King, dated London Ylth March in the Evening. A portion qfa Letter : concerning an Irish Monk, one of the Traitors before men tioned. [ms. COTTON. TITUS. B. I. fol. 259. Olig.] I take God to be not onely your Grace's protector but also a merveillouse favorer, so that in my hert I hold me assured although all the rest shuld have conspired agenst your Grace, yet ye shall prevail through his grace assuredly ; seeing that now I under stand from Ireland that your rebels Desmond, Byryn, O nell, and Odonell do moch combyne and practise togeder. I think a miracle of the arryvaill of the Irish monk which was wether driven hither, they were iiij. Ships at their departure of Scotland a fortnight ere they could procede any thing forward ; and, by tem pest, iij. of them drowned in th'other sight wherein this monk was dryven to this your Grace's land by the wynd ; whereto of all places in the world he was the most lothe to arryve. It shalbe a great hindrance to the said Irishe rebells purposes and practises whan they shall knowe themselves so to be at this tyme by the in- VOL. II. SER. 2. K 130 ORIGINAL LETTERS. terception of this monk, their messenger, so interrupted. We cannot as yet gett the pyth of his credence, wherby I am advised to morowe ones to go to the Tower and see hym sett in the Bracks3 and by torment compelled to confesse the truth. LETTER CXXXIV. E. Hord Prior qf Henton in Somersetshire to his brother Alen Horde, announcing his intention qf submitting to the King. [MS. COTTON. CLEOP. E. IV. fol. 270. Orig.~\ *,* This Letter, from the Prior of a Carthusian Monastery to his brother, probably explains the feeling of a large portion of the Heads of the Religious Houses at the time of the Suppression. They were called upon to give up that " which was not theirs to give ;" that which was dedicated to the Almighty for service to be done to his honor continually; and limited in its distribution to deeds of charity. They yielded to necessity. Willis says that Henton was surrendered to the King by the Prior and nineteen monks March 31". 1539. * The Brack or Brake, was a species of rack. The very instrument which Crom well professes the intention of using, or a portion of the horrid machine, was lately remaining in the Tower. It is engraved on wood in the Notes to Isaac Reed's edition of Shakspeare, vol. vi. p. 231. It is also mentioned by Judge Blackstone in his Com mentaries, vol. iv. ch. 25. He says, " The trial by rack is utterly unknown to the Law of England ; though once when the Dukes of Exeter and Suffolk and other mi nisters of Henry the VIth. had laid a design to introduce the civil law into this king dom as the rule of government, for a beginning thereof they erected a rack for tor ture which was called in derision the Duke of Exeter's daughter, and still remains in the Tower of London ; where it was occasionally used as an engine of State, not of Law, more than once in the reign of Queen Elizabeth." In Mary's time it had been frequently used. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 131 Jhus In Owr Lord Jhesu shall be yowr Salutation. And where ye marvelle that I and my brotherne do nott frelye and voluntarilie geve and surrendure upe owr Howse at the mocyone off the Kyngs Commissinars, but stonde styfflye (and as ye thynke) obstenatlye in owr opynion, trulye Brothere I marvelle gretlye that ye thynke soo ; but, rather that ye wolde have thowght us lyghte and hastye in gevyn upe that thynge whyche ys not owrs tp geve, but dedicate to AUmyghtye Gode for service to be done to hys honoure contynuallye, with other many goode dedds off charite whiche day- lye be done in thys Howse to owr Christen neybors. And consideryng that ther ys no cause gevyn by us ' why the Howse shull be putt downe, but that the ser vice off Gode, religious conversacion off the bretherne, hospitalite, almes deddis, with all other owr duties be as well observyde in this poore Howse as in eny rely- gious Howse in thys Realme or in Fraunce ; whiche we have trustyde that the Kynges Grace wolde considere. But by cause that ye wrytte off the Kyngs hye dis pleasure and my Lorde Prevy Sealis, who ever hath byn my especialle good Lorde, and I truste yette wyll be, I wyll endevere my selffe, as muche as I maye, to perswade my brotherne to a comfformyte in thys ma- tere ; soo that the Kyngs Hynes nor my sayd good . Lorde shall have eny cause to be displeside with us : trustyng that my poor broth em (whiche knowe not k 2 132 ORIGINAL LETTERS. where to have theme lyvynge) shall be charitable looke uppon. Thus owr Lord Jhesu preserve yow in grace. Hent'. x. die ffebruarii. E. HORD. To hys brother Alen Horde in Medylle Terapulle dd. LETTER CXXXV. Thomas LordLa Warr taLord Cromwell desiring tliat Boxgrave Abbey may be spared. [MS. COTTON. CLEOP. E. IV. fol. 234. Orig.] *,* This Letter stands in need of a short Introduction. Lord La Warr calls himself in it the Founder of Boxgrave Priory ; that is the Patron. By the ancient institutions of the Realm, it was lawful for the donors of lands to religious and charitable uses, or their heirs, to resume them if the rents and profits were not applied to the purposes for which they were bestowed. This is expressly stated in a Latin letter from King Edward the Third to the Pope, printed in Rymer's Foedera. • Hence also the care so frequently observable in our Abbey Registers to perpe tuate the descents of those in whom the right of patronage was vested. Boxgrave Priory in Sussex was founded at an early period as a Cell to the Abbey of De l'Essay in Normandy, from which it was afterwards severed, as an Alien Cell, and made indigenous, in the reign of Edward the Third. Sir Thomas West Lord La Warr inherited the patronage of this Priory as descended from Robert de Haya who had given it to De l'Essay. In this Letter Lord La Warr solicits first that Boxgrave may remain « Rym. Feed. torn. iii. p. 135. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 133 unsuppresscd ; then, if it cannot so remain, that it may be converted into a College ; thirdly, that, if that may not be, he may have the farm of it, with all such other things as the Prior had for the provision of the House, granted to him by the King. The Site and premises of this Priory were actually granted to Lord La Warr, who, as appears by a Letter from the Visitors to Lord Cromwell dated 27,h March, paid 125?. 13s. id. for the goods belonging to the House. This was one of very few instances in which the descendant of a founder, at the time of the Dissolution,.recovered the alienated patrimony of his family. Earl's Colne in Essex granted to John Vere earl of Ox. ford was another. It was to the credit of the English nobility, that no selfish motives on their part led them either to wish for or to promote the suppression of the Religious Houses. Sir Thomas More has a remarkable passage to this effect in his Works : " And to say the truth, much marvel have I to see some folk now so much and so boldly speak of taking away any possessions of the clergy. For al be it that once in the time of the famous Prince King Henry the Fourth, about the time of a great rumble that the heretics made, when they would have destroyed net the clergy only but the King also and his nobility too, there was a foolish Bill and a fals put into a Parliament or twain, and sped as they were worthy : yet had I never founden in all my time while I was conversant in the Court, of all the Nobility of this land above the number of seaven (of which seaven there are now three dead) that ever I perceived to be of the mind, that it were either right or rea sonable, or could be to the realme profitable without lawful cause, to take any possessions away from the clergy, which good and holy Princes and other devout virtuous people, of whom there be now many blessed saints in heaven, have of devotion toward God given to the clergy, to serve God and pray for all christen soules. " a When the Houses were once dissolved, the Nobility, with the rest of the world, thought it no sacrilege to share in the acquisition of conven tual estates. Papists and-Protestants, indiscriminately, accepted grants. The Suppression of these Houses it will be remembered was prior to the Reformation of Religion, and was effected by a King and Parhament of the popish communion. Right worshipfull Sir, in my most harty wise I re commend me to you, verey desyrus to here of your » The Apology of Syr Thomas More knt, made An. 1533. Works, edit. 155T. p. 8S5. 134 ORIGINAL LETTERS. good helthe, thankyng you of your provyd goodnes shewed to me undeservid, for the whiche you bynd me to be yours dewryng my lyffe ; and so shall ye ffynd me to the best of my letyll powre. Pleasyth you to be advertysed that I have perffyt word that the Acte is past that all Howses off Rely gyon that is- under three hundred markys ys gevyn to the Kyngs Highnes, bothe the lands and goodds : and that by the said Acte his Highnes may by his Letters patents under his grete Seale gyve lysence to as many as shall stand with his Gracys pleasure to contynewe un-subpressyd. And so it is that I have a power Howse called Boxgrave, very nere to my power howse, wherof I am ffounder, and there lyethe many of my aunsytorys, and also my wyffys mother. And for by cawse hyt is of my ffoundacyon, and that my paryshe Churche is under the Roofe of the Churche of the said Monastery, and have made a power Chapell to be buryed yn ; wherfor yf hit might stand with the King's Gracy's pleasure for the power servyce that I have doyn his Highnes to ffore berea thesub-pressyngof thesame,or elsetotranslate hyt yn to a College of suche nombre as the lands wyll bere. And yf hyt may not stand so with his Gracys pleasure, then I wold lowly beseche hys Grace to have the pre- farment of the farme, with all suche other thyngs as the Pryor yn his tyme had for the provysyon of his Howse. Wherffor I wyll beseche you that I may have » forbear. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 135 your lawffull ffaver, good wyll, and helpe hereyn. And suerly, Syr, I shall recompence your goodnes, kyndnes, and payne hereyn, so that I trust that for soe power a thyng that you shalbe contentyd and pleasyd : besech- yng you to be as good to me hereyn as you may be, as my most trust ys in you. As knowythe the blessyd Trinite who long preserve you. Wryttyn at my power Howse apon owre Lady Day. Your owen assuryd THOMAS LA WARR. LETTER CXXXVI. The Lord Cromwell to the Earl qf Shrewsbury, re specting the punishment qf a Hermit for uttering traiterous words. [FROM THE Orig. COMMUNICATED TO THE EDITOR BY WILLIAM BRAY, ESQ.] After my right herty commendacions to your Lordship I have by this bearer your servaunt, bailly of Chesterfeld, receyved your Lettres and the byll therin enclosed concernyng th'Ermyte, the whiche being by me examyned, answered that he could not tell whither he spake ever the same trayterouse words or not. I have caused an Inditement to be drawen ther- 136 OEIGINAL LETTERS. upon whiche your Lordeship shal receyve herwith: and also I have thought convenient to retorn the said Hermite unto you agayn, there befor the Justices of Assise to be tryed and to th'exemple of all other to be punyshed according to right and the King's lawes. I thank evermor your Lordeship for your good zele, dili gence, and dexterate in repressing and apprehending suche perniciouse and detestable felons; and therof shal I not faile to make true raport to his Highnes, who I am assure shal tak the sam in most thankfull part. Thus I beseche our holy Creator to sende you prosperite and long liffe. From Cheleshith this xiijth. of July. Your Lordshippis assuryd THOMAS CRUMWELL. To my very good Lorde Therle of Shrewesbury Lorde Stuarde to the Kings Matic. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 137 LETTER CXXXVII. Lord Cromwell to King Henry the Eighth. News from Antwerp. [MS. COTTON. TITUS B. i. foh 261. Orig.] The newes in Antwerp from th'Emperors Court be, that about the later ende of Maye the said Emperor shall take his waye towards the French King, and his Armey surely go upon Barbarya. The Duchesse of Myllan is no mor sick, and in Antwerp is hope that yet your Highnes shall marye her. *J*. JA. J/, Jt *7F *ff* *n* "Jp London this xvjth. of Aprill, Your Magestes most humble subject and servant THOMAS CRUMWELL. 138 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CXXXVIII. Lord Cromwell to King Henry the Eighth, dated London \2th Aprill. The examination of the Marchioness of Salisbury. The arrival qfHiero- nymo. [MS. COTTON. TIT. B. i. fol. 265. Orig.] The Marquise hath ben examyned, and in effect albeit she pretendeth ignorance and no knowlege of the person that shuld reporte the tale, yet nevertheles she confesseth in substance the moch like wordes to have ben told her. I shall assay e to the uttermost of my power, and never cesse tyll the bottom of her stomack may be clerely opened and disclosed ; and to that shal I not be slack, to the intent that if I may pyck oute the same and be as helthy as I trust to make myself, I shall on Mondaye next, by mouth, declare the same unto your Highnes more then I could by any writing. I trust Allmyghty God shall bringe all thinges to lyght that any ungodly and untrue persons have con spired agenst your Grace, as hitherto (praysed by god) it hath ben seen. ***** Here arryved yesterday oon Hieronymo an Italian of Senes a man of moche outward simplicitc and as ORIGINAL LETTERS. 139 weak lernyng as ferre as I can perceyve. He fledd the persecution of the Papists in Italy, and went to Witteberg where he hath ben but a litel season ; yet nevertheles he hath Lettres of commendacion from Martin Luther, Philip Melanchton, Creutziger, Ozi- ander and other lerned men, and therewith som Let tres to my lord th'archebishop of Canturbury and to your graces chapleyn Mr. Thyxstyll. The simplicite of the man, and his rude appareill and behaviour, shewe the man not to be in my jugement grately suspected, I have sent him to the said Archebishop aswell for to juge of his lernyng as also for to helpe him as he shall see cause. LETTER CXXXIX. Thomas Pery to Mr. Ralph Vane, one qf the Lord CromweWs gentlemen, upon his sufferings in the Inquisition at Try ana. [ms. cotton, vesp. c. vii. fol. 91 b. and 102. two copies. Orig.] *t* Thomas Pery was an English resident in Spain. The chief causes of his persecution appear to have been a refusal to acknowledge King Henry the Eighth to be a heretic, an alledged approval of the destruction of the Monasteries in England, and of the selling of the Church Bells, which in ancient times were consecrated. The details of this statement serve at least to show the opinion which was held of Henry's conduct in the countries which remained catholic; and more especially in the dominions of his nephew the emperor Charles the Fifth. The declaration of the judge Pero Diez, that the Inquisition would have burnt Henry himself if it could have found him within its jurisdiction, is at least ingenuous. 140 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Here after followithe all maner of thinge as conserninge myne Acwsacyon and what procedyde ther of in the Castell of Tryana, as here after fol lowithe, in anno 1539. The 9th daye of Octobre laste paste, whiche was in the yere of owr Lorde God aforsayde, I beinge in my ware howsse, whiche warehowsse was in Ayemonte, in the dwellinge howsse of Gomes Malmazeda, ther being bessy brosshing sowche clothys as I hade ther of other menes consynyde unto me be commyshin, as be the commyshones more larger wyll a pere, and as for sowche goodys as I hade of my nawne I had solde and dyschargyde fowrthe of thys contre afowre ; That day, seweinge vij pecis of northen dossens that I dely weryde to my nost aforesaid Gomes Malmezada, whiche was in parte of payement of my servant Francys Bolde ys bowrde, whiche was for ij yeres yendinge at Sent Myghell the arkangell laste paste in the yere afore sayde ; and I so beinge in my ware howsse bessy, ther yentrede in a pryste, dwellinge in Ayemonte, with twoe or thre men in hys company, and as he came in he sawe a brassyne bell, whiche bell myght waye ij kyntalles wayght lyttell more or les, the whiche wone Thomas Edwardys marchante of London browght in the same shype, that I came in for to sell, onknowinge unto me that ther was ony sowche thinge in the shype, or a lande, I toke Gode to recorde I knewc nothing ORIGINAL LETTERS. 141 ther of tyll the sayde pryste spaycke of it, he sainge what a goode Crysten is yowre Kinge of Ynglande to pwte downe the Monesterys and to take awaye the belles, to the whiche I ans weryde and sayde that if yowe thinke that he be not a good Crystyane go yow thyther and showe his Grace so, and he wyll make yow answer. The sayde pryste answerid and sayde that he hade neyde to hawe more helpe yf he showlde go thyther to showe hym so. He sayeng to me agayne, do yowe saye that he is a goode Crystyan. I answeryd and sayde that he is a goode Crystyan and I do take hym so, and he is so takyn in hys Reyme for a goode Crys tyan ; he sayinge no he ys no good Crystyane he ys a Erytycke, for he pwttythe downe Monesterys and sellythe the belles, and that he ys Pope within hym selfe in his Reyme ; askinge yf that were well downe or no, to the whiche I answeryde and sayde, that, as twching that I hade nothing to do withal], for his Grace and his Consell knowythe what they hawe to do in his Reyme, but wher yowe saye he ys an erytyck I deny it, he ys none, but he ys a goode Crystyan ; and if thowe wyl not beleive me feyche a nottary and I will geive hit the bye testymonyall that he ys a goode Crystyan ; and I wyll swbscrybe hit with my nowne hande : wher apone he reqweryde sowche as was ther with hym to beyer hym wittnes what I said, wherapone I rezytyde the wordes a fowresayde agayne, for cawse they showlde the better understonde me, and so theye 142 ORIGINAL LETTERS. departyde: I, thinkinge that I showlde a harde no more of them, the next daye after, I departyd frome Ayemont to Leype which was iiij leges of, ther to procwre for the laydinge of my shype. The whiche shipe I was bownde to layde bye a serten daye in payne of forffettinge of a houndred marke starlyng, as larger will apere by the sayde chartwrpartte a at all tymys ; and at my commyng to Leype I bowght of the dwke of Beja, a hounder pypis of bastardes," as Thomas Edwarde and Willyam Est dothe knowe, marchantes of London, the whiche mar- chantes dyd layde the sayd wynes in the sayde ship, I being ther in Leype. The xj daye of that present I was restyde be the commandement of the vyckyr of Leype, and so had to presson and theyer a chayne of yorne of two fadome longe mayd fayste to my leyfte legge, ther remaynynge xj dayes ; and the xxj daye of that present thyther cam the Algwazyll mayeor of the Inkyzissyone of Sywell,0 and he came to the pryssone to me and browghte with hym a nottary, and mayde me swere to macke trewe answer to all thinge that he showlde axemynd me apone payne of the lawe ; and all thinge was wryttyne downe by the said nottary. Furste he exemynyde me what money or jewelles I hade, or what dettes was owinge me in any place throweowte ¦ charter-party. b Bastard was raisin wine. See Minshieu's Dictionary in p. and Cole's Latin Diet. 1679. Shakspeare speaks both of white and brown bastard. c Sevjlle. -1 examine. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 143 the Reyme of Spayne ; or what goodys I had of my nowne, or of onny other marchantes consynyde unto me be commyssyone or otherwyse ; wherapone I was fayne to confes what was myne and what was other menes, for to exchewe the daunger that myghte fol- lowe: wherapone the sayde Algwazell mayor mayde seqwestracyone of xxxviij peices of whyte kersseyes and xviij statwtes, which" was and is for the acownte of wone Wm. Wode merchant of London, as will apere by hys commyssyone which they hawe from me. Also he seqwestyd xxx peices of northen dossenes, and xvj straytes of dywers cowllers, the whiche dossenes and straytes was and is for the acownte of wone Rycharde Felde merchaunte of London, as also wyll apere by his commyssyone whiche they hawe likewyse frome me. And of my nowne goodes he seqwystyde iiij doccets a in reddy moneye and a rynge of golde, and my cheyste with dywers thinges in hit, as consernyng my aparel and dywers other thynges which I am not in parffet remembrans of; and thys downe he tooke me fowrthe of prysson in Leype, and wolde abrowghte me to Sywell with a payer of boltes apone my legges, as thowgh I hade byne the stronegest theyffe in the worlde; but the dwcke of Beja being my syngwlar goode lorde wolde not that I showlde so to be carryde, he yentryde" swrte for me to the sayde Algwazill in two thowsande dwccetes,a and that he showlde cary me « ducats. b entred. 144 ORIGINAL LETTERS. apone my howrsse at my pleswre, and that I woolde present myselff in the Castyll of Tryana,a and so I dyd ; and cam thyther the xxvij daye of Octobre, wheyer I dyd remayne untyll the viij daye of Febrwarii, whiche was xvii weycks ; and in all that spayce theye wolde swffer no erly •> cryature to speyke with me. God knowythe what paste with me that sayde space. And the fyrst daye of Nowembre I reqweryde aw- dyens, and one the seconde daye I hade awdyens befowre the Lycencyado the Coro, and when I cam be fowre hym he axemynyde me yff I knewe wherfore I was pressoner. I answeryde and saide ye, and I re- syttyde to hym the wordes before sayde, the whiche he cawssyde to be wryttin ; and moreover I saide to hym that if I hawe saide ony thinge otherwysse then I ought to do, I spayke hit mayre be reassone I was provokyde by the sayde pryste, dessyering hym of mercy and penanes, which he cawsyde to be wrytten downe ; and then he resorttyde unto the prosses that was sent hym frome Leype by the vyckyr, whiche was myne acwzacyon, axing me yf I knewe he that acwzyde me or ony of the wittnes ; I sayeing no, that I knowe none of them, he axyde me agayne yf I sayde no nother thing but the wordes abowesayde; he saying that the wittnes dothe depowys forther, I sayeing yf they do depowys ony other thing then I hawe con- ¦ Triana was the name of one of the suburbs of Seville. Its tower or castle was the prison of the Inquisition. b earthly. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 145 fessyde, I do refawre me to them, and so restyde at that tyme ; and he sent me in agayne. The iiijth daye of the same morithe he sent for me agayne, and exemynyde me yf I cowlde prowe that the kyng of Ynglande was a goode Crystyane, and also myselff; he sayeing unto me that yowr Kinge was declaryde and so here takin for anerytycke; to the whiche I answeryde and sayde, that I knewe no sowche thinge, but that his Grace dyde usse hymselfe in hys Reyme as a goode and a faythefwll Crystyan. He axyde me what was the thinges he dyde that mowyde me to saye that he was a good Crystyan, to the whiche I answeryde and sayde that hys Grace hathe cawssyde openly to be proclayemyde throweowt hys Reyme, commanding all hys trewe and feythfwll subjettes to upserve and keype all manner of holly sacrementes and sacrementaws, and all holly serwes to be sownge and sayde in all paryschyrea and chyrchis throweowit his Reyme, to the oner and glory of Gode, and that hys Grace hymselfe dowthe dayly here masse and serwe Gode within hys owyne chapell whiche is within hys owne mansyon, and confessyth hym selfe, and re- cewythe hys maker yerlye acording to the lawdebwll usse and costom of owr holly mother Chwrche, and so commandyth all hys swbjetts to do the same apone payne of deythe, and also to keype the yemberinge * parishry. VOL. II. SER. 2. L 146 ORIGINAL LETTERS. fastys and all other fasting dayes acording to the olde ansyent costome : and so he sent me in agayne. The xvth daye of the same present he cawllyde me agayne, and bayde me to gewye the names of sowche wittnes as I wold hawe exemynyde for the prowffe of thys thinge aforesayd ; and so I dyde gewe the names of sowche personys as I thowghte nessessary to prowe the same, to the nomber of xl. ynglysshemen and strangers, in Sywell, Sent Lwcar, Cadz, Ayemonte, and Leype ; the whiche coste me myche money the sending of the prosys abowte, and when I had prowyde myne intent, they let hit leyedyde a and wolde never let me knowe what was downe in hit ; for theye sawe hit serwyde not for ther purpowys : and so sent me in agayne. The 24th daye of the same present, he cawllyde me agayne, and exemynyde me if I had ony other thinge to saye, and I sayde no I had nothinge ellse to saye, but that I refare meselfe and all thinge afore rezeyttyde and to the wyttnes, dessyering hym to do me jwstys with mercy. Then he exemenyd me yf I dyde not beleive and thinke in my consyanes that the kinge of Yngknde were a goode Crystyan, and he pwtting downe the Monesteryes and taykinge awaye the belles, and that he is Pope within his Reyme, whether I dyde be leive hit to be well downe or no ; to the whiche I an sweryd and sayde that I dyd beleive hys Grace to be a good Crystyan, and the reste I belewyde to be well a lay dead. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 147 downe for asmyche as hys Grace hathe not downe hit apone hys owne heyde, but be the consell of all his nobylles of his Reyme spyrytwall and temporall ; and more, that the arsbysshopes and bysshopys dowyth opynly preyche hit in the pwlpytes throwtheowit the Reyme, and many wother docters whiche be takin for gret lernyde men, and they do declare that all that his Grace hathe downe he maye do hit be the atoryte of holly scryptwre; the whiche cawsythe me to gewye credanes unto hit, I beinge onlernyde ; yf yowe cane informe me that he cane not do hit by holly scripture I wyll swbmyt my selfe and aske mercy; to the whiche he wolde make me no answer but that I showlde knowe more hereafter ; and so he sent me in agayne. The xth daye of Decembre he cawllyde me agayne to here myne acwzacyon presentyde by the fyscall, which he rede before me, and ther declaringe the Kinge Grace of Ynglande for anerytycke, and a parsson apartyde frome the holly mother chyrche of Rome, he not abeying owr holly father the Pope, and declaryde me Thomas Pery for an erytycke, for cawsse I dyd belewe that his Grace was a good Crystyan, and in that I dyde belewe that all that hys Grace hade downe to be well downe ; and he reqwryde the sayde Jwge to pounysse my boddy as anerytycke^ and to condem all my goodes to be loste, the wone halfe to the Em- peroures mageste, and the other halfe to the holly In- kyzyscyon, bedinge me to macke answere by and by l2 148 ORIGINAL LETTERS. unto hit. To the whiche I answeryde and sayde, that I knewe his Grace for no erytycke but for a good and a faythefwlle Crystyan, and so he ys takyne in his Reyme ; and 1 myselffe a good Crystyan and all the kyne I came of; and forthermore, I hawe occwpyde thys contry this xiiij yere, I trwste ther ys no manner of parson cane saye the contrary, dessyring hym to do me Jwstys ; and so he sent me in agayne. And the xiii* daye of the sayme present mownthe I was cawllyde agayne before hym to declare be fore the nottary what goods I hade in my powre, or owtte of my powre, of my nawne, or of ony other menes con- synyde unto me, or yf I hade ony moneye owinge me in all thys cowntre of Spayne ; and so I dyd, and then he sent me in agayne. The xxiiiJ daye of the sayme monythe the Lyssen- cyathoa Coro came into the presson to me wher I was, and axsyde me howe I dyd, and whether I lackyde ony meyte or dryncke, and that I showlde taycke paynes, for hys fellow docter Pero Diez wilbe here shortely ; and at hys comyng he and I wyll commen togvther and we wyll be sowneb at a poynte with yowe; to the whiche I answeryde and sayde, Sir, I besyche yowre mastershype in the onerc of Gode to do me Jwestes,'1 and let me not be utterly caste awaye here in prysson, re- mayenyng fwll of varment which cawsythe me to hawe no lyste of meytte nor dryncke, nor hawe no bede to * Ivicenciado. & soon. .¦ honor, a justice. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 149 lye one but apone a fewe canys,a with my cape under my heyde, and so he departyde. And the xixth daye of Jenewery I reqweryde awdy- ens,u and the xx daye I was cawllyde before Docter Pero Diez and he exemynyd me what I wold hawe that I hade axkyde awedyens,0 and I sayde, Sir, I dessyer yowe of Jwstysc and let me not be caste aw aye a thys fasshyone in presson. He sayeinge unto me what ys yowre name, I showyde hym my name was Thomas Pery ; then he sayde to me yowe mwste answer towe or thre thinges and yowe shalbe shorttely dysspached. The fyrste ys whether yowe belewe that yowre kinge is a goode Crystyan in yowre hartte. To the whiche I answeryde and sayde that I dyd, and do belewe that hys Grace is a goode Crystian. The seconde is yf yowe dyde saye in Ayemonte in the howsse of Gomes Malmazetha that yowr kyng dyd well in pwtting downe the Monesterys and takinge awaye the Belles ; to the whiche I answeryde and sayde that I dyd not so saye, but I sayde to the pryste when he axkyd me that qwestyan that I hade nothing to do withall, the King and hys Consell knowythe what they dothe within his Reyme. The therde ys yf you dyde saye that youre Kinge was Pope in hys Reyme or no, to the whiche I answeryde and sayde that I dyd not saye so, nor I namyde not the Pope nor spayke not of hym, and so he sent me in agayne. ¦ canes. b audience. ' justice. 150 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Also the xxvij daye of the same monthe he cawllyde me agayne, and sayde unto me here hath byne dywars3 lernyd men, and hathe seyne yowre prosses, and saythe for asmyche as the wyttnes doythe prowe in the de- possycyone that yowe spayke the wordes whiche ye hawe denyde, theye sayeing that yowe muste neydes confes hit and that yowe dyde belewe hit in yowre harte ; to the which I answeryde and sayde that yf the wyttnes dothe depowys any otherwyse then I hawe confessyde, they hawe the more to answere fore afore Gode, for I sayde no notherwise, and so he sent me awaye ; and within a nower after he sent for me agayne, and axkyd me yf I hade remembryde my selffe, I sayeing that I had no other thinge to remembre me of but that I hade confessyde ; then he sayeing that ye ar senttensyde to torment for cawse ye wyll not tell the trwthe ; ' Sir, I have towlde yowe the truthe and ye wyll not belewe me.1 Than he commayndyd the Alcaylde to hawe me into the prysson of torments, wher althinges was preparyde for me, and strypyde me fowrthe of my clowthis as nakyde as ever I was bowrne, and then the porter browghte me a payer of lynnen breches and then cam in the Jwge and his stry wano," and he sette hym downe in a chayer within the prysson, haweinge a kwsshingc of tapstery worke under hys feytte, and then I knelyde downe apone my knewyes holdinge up my handes to » divers. >' Escribano, Span, a notary. c cushion. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 151 hym, dessyring hym to be goode unto me and to do me jwstys, he sayeing unto me confes yow the trwthe and we axke no more. I answeryd and sayde I hawe confes the trwthe and ye wyll not belewe me, therapone the porter and another tooke me be the armes and cawsyde me for to set downe apone the syde of the bwrrycoa and browght the wone of my "armes over the other, and caste a rope v. tymis abowtte them bothe, and so drewe the sayde rope withall ther myght. I thynking they wold a plockyde the fteshe from the bownys, and cryed apone the sayde Jwge to showe me mercy, sayeing to hym yowe saye thys is a howsse of mercy but hit is more lycke a howsse of morder then of mercy ; wherapone he comandyd me to be layde apone the bwrryco and at the yend therof ther was a nerthen pane whiche myghte holde iij or iiij gallones of watter, and in hit a tocke of fyne cotten contayenyng iij yardes longe or more, whiche I showlde a recewyde into my boddy by dropys of watter in at my mowthe, whiche is a greweus payne, and to be bownde with ropys to the sayde bwrryco,a and when I sawe so lyttyll mercy in hym I axkyde hym what he wolde that I showlde do, he sayeinge I wolde ye showlde tell the trwthe ; I have sayd the trwthe and ye wyll not belewe me, I mwste saye as yow saye or elles ye are dysposyd for to morther me ; he sayeing ' no morther but jwstys ;' and so I confeste that I sayde hit and thowght hit and » burrucho. the wooden horse ? 152 ORIGINAL LETTERS. so he cawssyde hit to be wrytten, and so went hys waye ; and I was onelowesyde agayne. The xxixth daye of the same monthe I was cawllyde agayne befowre the sayd Jwge Pero Diez, and he cawssyde me to be sworne of the holly Awangeleste and exemenyde me be the vertue of the sayde othe, and cawssyde the nottary to rede all thinge that passyde in the pressone of tormente whether hit was trew or no. I sayeing God knowythe all trwthe; he sayeinge to me, was hit not trwthe; yf hit were not, ye mwste go thyther agayne. Then I sayde ' Ye Ser, hit ys fa-ewe.' Then afterwarde I dessyeryng hym for the onor of Gode to gewe me good consell that I maye sawe a my sowlle, to the intent that I wolde prowe his mynde, he sayeing to me that he wolde gewe me good consell, sayeing unto me ' Brother ye shall understonde that abowyt x or xij yere agowe yowr Kyng wrytte agaynste Lwtther b that greyt erytycke, and no crystyan Kinge so myche as he ; and nowe he is the gretteste erytycke in the worlde ; and if we hade hym heyere we wolde borne hym ; all the world showlde not sawe- hym. I sayeinge so, I besyche yowr worship to showe me what pennyones he hathe he sayeinge that he ys a wery tyrante, and a man qwyller, and he kepythe no jwstys but doythe all thinges of hys owne ryall power. And spendithe hys tyme in all vysshwsnes, and in hownt- yng and halkynge;<- and more, he hathe absentyde ' save. * Luther. - hawking. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 153 hymselff frome the holly mother chyrche of Rome and from the Popys attoryte for cawsse the Pope gewye a senttanes with Qwyne Katterin to be hys lawefwll wyffe ; which he wolde not upserwea nor keype but toke another and lewyde D with hyr in a vowetery ; and within shorte space after he cawssyd hir heyde to be stroken of; sayeing unto me that I knewe wherfore, and that I knewe that all thys was trwe : to the whiche I an sweryd and sayde that I knewe hys Grace of a good Crystyan, and that he dyd nothinge in hys Reyme but with consell of hys nobuU conssell, and be the order of jwstys ; and when the Qwyne was heyddyd I was not in the Reyme, I knewe nothing of hit ; and so he sent me in agayne. The viijth daye of Februarii I was cawllyde owyte of the presson by the Alkaldy, and he strocke of my yerones and hade me fowrthe into the courte of the Castyll, wher I was bade kneyll downe apone my kneysse befor ten prystys ; and in my company Johne Robyns, Harry Hollande, Robarte Morgante, and Willam Alcot, and so we were assoyllyde, sayeinge the sawme of " Messerery"c ower us, and dysplyde us with a fagget stycke and so comandyd us to stande up apone a rowe be the wallys syde bare hedyde in owr cottes ; and the porter of the castyll browght for ewery man a nabetcl of sent Benettes, of yellowe can was with two rede crossys a pece, whiche he caste over owr a upserve. b lived. c Psalm li. « a habit. 154 ORIGINAL LETTERS. heydys apone owr backys, whiche abetta myghte be halfe a yarde deype and every wone of us a candyll of waxe in owr handys ; and so we were caryde fowrthe of the Castyll into the streytte, wher the pressyssyon taryid for us with the nomber of iij or iiij thowssande pepwll ; for the daye afore they cawssyde the trom- pettys with dronscellettys" to go abowit the Cyte, that sowche a nalt showlde be downe the nexte daye ; so we followyde the Crosse, and apone ewery syde of us went a man, and so we went to a parysshe chyrche cawllyde sent Annes in Tryana, and in the boddy of the chyrche ther was a skafolde mayde which we were set apone, and ther reymaynd the hye masse tyme, and a sermonte was mayde bye a awstynec fryer wone of the fathers of the sayde inkyzystyon.d And the aserte of thys sermonte was declaring that we hade aryde innessentlye? for cawse we knewe not the scrypture, and, after he hade downe, ther cam into the pwlpytte a nottary of the inkyzytyone,d and openly declaryde every manes sentaunes ; the seycte of my sentaunes was that theye condemnyde my boddy to do that opyn pennanns for cawsse I hade sayde that the Kyng of Ynglande was a goode Crystyan, he beinge an erytycke ; and sayeinge that I sayde that the Kyng » habit. b Dr. Burney, Hist. Mus. vol. iii. p. 6. in a Manuscript concerning the Household and Chapel Royal of King Edw. Vlth. finds the mention of dromslades, a species of Drum; apparently the same Instrument. In a note he says, " Perhaps from Trommel schlager, drum beater. Germ." c Austin. '' Inquisition. • erred innocently. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 155 petting downe of Monesterys, and taycking awaye the Belles, and that he was Pope within his Reyme, I dyd saye and belewe hit to be well downe ; the sayd not tary declaryng that hit was erezy and agaynst owr hollye Mother Chyrche. And also he declaryde that theye hade condemnyde my boddy to the prysson of Perpetwe, ther to remayne vj monthys, and not to departte owte of it withowtte the sayde a bett a apone my backe ; ewery Sonedaye to go to Sent Salwadorys, and ther to heyer hye masse and a sermone ; also he declaryde that theye hade sen- tensyde all my goodes to be loste, the wone halfe to the emperowrys mageste, and the other halfe to the howsse of the holly inkyzyscyon ; b and so I was caryde with pressesshyon agayne to the castell of Tryana, wher I dyd remayne tyll thre of the clocke at after- nowne whiche was apone Shrowe sonedaye,0 and then we were cawllyd in before docter Pero Diez, he saye inge unto us we have usyde yowe as a loweinge mother dowythe use hir chylde, for yf she lowe hym she wyll chastyse hym, and so hathe owr holly Mother Chyrche ussyde yowe ; but if yowe affende agayne in never so lyttell a thing, ther ys no remedy but you mwste be bowrnde ; d and so he comandyde us to be caryde from the castyll of Tryana to the prysson of Perpetwe wher I do remayne, abyddinge the mercy of the Lorde ; and myght dye for fawyte of comfort yf hit » habit. b Inquisition. » Shrove Sunday. d burnt. - fault. 156 ORIGINAL LETTERS. were not of the goodnes of Mr. Haryson, Johne Fylde, with dywers other of owr nassyon whiche dothe helpe us of chery te ; for theye hawe not lefte me wone blancke a nor it garment to my backe, Gode amende them. Be me THOMAS PERY. To his ryghte worshipefull Rayffe Vane gentyllman belonginge to my Lorde Prewe Sealle dwellinge in Hadleye besyds Twnebryche in Kente this be dd. The Mary Fortwne of Leye.1- LETTER CXL. John Earl qf Bath to Lord Cromwell, complaining qf his father's unjust will and his mother-in-law's malice. A.D. 1540. [ms. COTTON. VESPASIAN r. xiii. fol. 99. Orig.'] •»• John Earl of Bath, the elder, died 30th April, 31 Hen. Vlllth., having enjoyed that title rather less than two years. Right honorable and my synguler good Lord, after my most hartie comendations and lyke thankes for 8 blanket. b The other copy of this Letter is addressed " To the worshipfwll Ryehard Fylde nierchant, this be dd. in London." Below, as in this copy, is the name of the vessel which conveyed the Letter, ¦* The Mary Fortwne of Lcyc." Ricliard Fylde, or Feld, has been already mentioned in the Letter Itself, see p. 142. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 157 your manyfolde goodnes exhybytt to me, of the wich I beseche you of contynuance, these shall be signifiyng to your good Lordeshype that wher it hath pleased Allmyghty Godde to call my naturall father to his fatall ende, and upon my handes to leve sondry wayghty charges without allowance by will or other wyse, ordaynyng,& constitutyng my lady my Mother- inlawe sole executryx of all & syngler his goodes move able and unmoveable, to no lytle hyndrance of me & myne. I shall wyth farvent zele desyer that it may please your good Lordshipe to have the syght of my lord my Fathers will, and the same to examyne wyth such dexteryte that I may have wherwithall to serve our Prynce. I thynk no chyld so unnaturally entreated as I am, beyng allwaies dylygent & obedyente as nature dyd therto me bynd. Nor yet my lady my Mother- inlaw at any time hath hadde by me occasion so cruelly to incense my lord my Father agenst me in tyme of makyng his testament, no part of his goodes to bequeth me ; consyderyng she hath syx hundred markes yerly of my inhery tance to her joynter. Other refuge than your good Lordeshype I have none, whom I beseche to be to me a father, as I shall be to you my lyff duryng a humble chyld ; hartely prayng that it may please you so to accept me. Furthermor I shall desyer your good Lordshepe that I may be at some end with the Kynges Highnes for my spetial lyvery, and rea sonable dayes to have of payment of such sum as it 158 ORIGINAL LETTERS. shall please the Kynges hygh Majestie with his ho norable counsyll to assigne.3 I am, my good Lord, & long have byn, sore aggreved with the agew myxte with a cough & haskenes, wich, with attendance & watche taken with my Lord my father, the tyme of his syckenes, is paynfuUy encreased, that I dare not take any jorney as yet ; nother to attend, as my dewtie is, upon your good Lordeshipe, nother yet to know a determynat end of the House of Saynt Johns in Bridgewater with the demaynes therunto belongyng ;b praying your good Lordeshipe to accept my absence, and at convenient season to have me in remembrance. Thus most hartely fare your good Lordeshipe well. Frome Dorneford the thyrd day of May. Your Lordships faythefully assured, JOHN BATHON. LETTER CXLI. The Commissioners in the Cause qf Anne qfClcvcs to King Henry the Eighth, acquainting him that she acquiesced in his determination. [ms. cotton, otho c. x. fol. 247 h. Orig.] Pleasith your Majestie to understande howe ac cording to your Highnes commaundement we have » Special livery of his father's lands was -{ranted to him Pat. 82 Hen. VIII. p. l. ' b The reversion of' the Site of the Hospital of St. John Bridgewater did not, however, fall to the Earl of Bath. It was granted March 16th, 34 Hen. VIIIth. to one Humfry Colles and his heirs. Orig. 84 Hen. VIII. p. 3. nu. xxxii. original letters. 159 declared your Grace's Commission to the Quene by the mouth of an Interpreter who did his parte very wel : and the Quene without alteracion of countenance hath made answer, th'affecte wherof tendith to this, that she is content always with your Majestie . . . The hoi circumstaunce We shal declare . . at our cummyng to morowe. And this night . . . Your Highnes appoyntement we tary savyng the bishop of Winchester who London this night to th'intent he maye .... be at the Convocation. In our opiny al thing shal precede wel to th ' . . your Highnes vertues desires and preserve your Majestie . . . Richemont this Tuesday at Your Maje . . . obedient . . . subg a 1G0 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CXLII. Lord Cromwell to King Henry the Eighth. A Letter from his Prison in the Tower. [ms. COTTON. TIT. B. I. fol. 267* Orig.] %* This Letter has been already printed by Burnet in the third Volume of his History of the Reformation, » but not correctly, so that an apology is unnecessary for printing it again here. In the first Volume of his History, Burnet has printed another Letter from Cromwell to the King,b copied from the Cottonian Manuscript Otho C. n.. still more incorrect than this, and with great omissions ; so much so, that with the exception of two or three paragraphs, it hardly appears to be 'the same Letter. Unfortunately the original of that has been so injured by fire that it can be collated in parts only. Cromwell thanks his Sovereign at the opening of it, for sending certain honourable personages to him at two several times, " at one time sued for, and at the other time declaring his state and condition in most honourable, prudent, and sage fashion," and says that, in their repair to him, they heard him in every thing without interruption, and with such gentleness that he could no more desire. The next paragraph is very important. He remonstrates in it against the Bill of his Attainder. He says he was informed by the persons already mentioned, that " myn offences being by honest and probbable wytnes proved, I was by your honorable Lords of the Upper House and the worshipful and discrete Communes of your Nether House convycted and attaynted. Gracyous Sovereyn, when I herde them, I sayd, as now I saye, that I am a subject and boom to obbey lawse, and knowe that the tryall of all lawse only consystethe in honest and probable wyt nes, consyderyng that the State of the Realme hadde harde and resayvyd them." Here the Letter breaks off: though again he adds, " Albeit lawse be lawse." In a subsequent portion he says, " Syr uppon my knees I most humblye beseche your gracyous Magestye to be good and gracious lorde to my pore son, the good and vertuous woman his wyffe, a Hist. Reform, vnl. iii. Rec. lot. » Ibid. vol. i. Rec. IDS. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 161 and thayr poore childem, and also to my . . . . tts ; a and this I desyre of your Grace for Christ's sake." b From one part of this Letter we learn that Henry sent Cromwell money while in the Tower: and it appears to have given him more than a hope of life. Cromwell then mentions Anne of Cleves and the Marriage in it. Your " Grace repayeryd towards nyght to Gren- wyche wher I spake with your Grace, and demandyd of you how ye lykyd the Ladye Anne ; your Grace being sumwhat hevy, as I toke hyt, answeryd and sayd she was no suche manner of wooman as she hadde bene declaryd to you, with many other things, whiche surlye moche grevyd me ; ffor I persayvyd your Grace to be nothing content : never theles your Highnes determenyd for the mariage to be had." Again he says, " Insomoche that after her protestacyon made beffore your lordes, and your preparacyon to maryage in the mornyng, going thorow your Chamber of presens, your Highnes sayde to me thes woordes or the lyke in centens, c My Lorde yff yt were not to satysfye the Woorlde and my Realme, I woolde not doo that I shall do this daye ffor non erthelye thing ;' and therewith one browght your Grace woord that she was comm yng ; and theruppon your Grace procedyd to the final determynacion of * servantts ? Fox tells a story that Cromwell foresaw his fall two years before it came : and, that his servants might not suffer, placed money for them, in the hands of their respective friends. b Burnet has not the smallest mention of this passage. Gregory Cromwell, 18th Dee. 32 Hen. Vlllth., about five months after his father's death, was created baron Cromwell. He married Elizabeth daughter to Sir John Seymour of Wolfhall co. Wilts kn*-. sister to Edward duke of Somerset, and widow of Sir Anthony Oughtred. By her he had three sons and two daughters. See Dugd. Bar. torn. ii. p. 375. The original of the following Letter from this Lady to the King, after her father-in-law's execution, is preserved in the Cottonian Manuscript Vespas. F. xiii. fol. 157. '* After the bounden dewtie of my moste humble submission unto your excellente Majestie. Whereas it hath pleased the same of your mere mercie and infynyte goodnes, notwithstondyng the heynous trespaces and most grevous offences of my Father in lawe, yet so graciouslye to extende your benigne petie towardes my pore husbonde and me, as the extreme indigence and povertie wherewith my saide Father in lawes moste detestable offences hath oppressed us, is therby right moche holpen and relyeved. Lyke as I have of longe tyme bene right desyrous presentely as weU to render moste humble thaokes, as also to desyre contynnuence of the same your Highnes moste benigne goodnes ; so considerynge your Grace's moste high and weightie affaires att this presente, feare of molestynge or beynge trublesome unto your Highnes hath diswadra me as yett otherwise to sewe unto your Grace then allonly by thies my moste humble Lettres, untyll your Grace's saide affaires shalbe partely overpassed : moste humblie besechinge your Majestie, in the meane seasone, mercifullye to accepte this my moste obedyente sute, and to extende your accustomed petie and gracious goodnes towardes my saide pore husbonde and me, who never hath, nor Godde willynge never shall offende your Majestie, but contynuallye praye for the prosperous estate of the same long tyme to remayne and contynewe. Your most bonde woman ELYSABETH CROMWELL." VOL. II, SER. 2, M 162 ORIGINAL LETTERS. the Seremonyes usyd" and " after passyd that day honorablye." The remainder of the Letter dwells upon the same topic : and one or two passages are something like what Burnet has printed, and which need not to be reprinted here. "lama right symple man" Cromwell adds " to be a wytnes in this matyer, but yet I thinke, next your Grace, I know asmoche as anye on man lyvynge in thys Realme dothe ; and that this is trewe, God shalbe my wytnes who best knowethe the trowthe." After another mention of the Marriage, he finishes with an ejaculation for the long life, prosperity, and wealth of Henry. The last words upon the last burnt page are " Uppon my knees prostrate .... pardon, mercye " There is one passage in this Letter which deserves separate attention. Cromwell says, " And Syr that ever I have dyssayvyd yow in anye of your Tresure, surlye I have . . . and that God Almyghtye best knowethe." We are of course to conclude that not is the word which - the Fire of the Cottonian Library has taken from this sentence ; but it is curious that the particular of the chaiige of his retaining treasure is preserved in another Volume of the same Collection,-1 among some original Memoranda of Money paid by virtue of the royal warrant after his apprehension. It probably did him essential harm, and has been hitherto entirely unnoticed. " May it please your moost excellent Majestie to be adver tised that I your most humble servaunt John Gostwyck have in my hands, whiche I treasaured from tyme to tyme un- knowne unto th'Erl of Essex, whiche if I had declared unto hym he wolde have caused me to disburse by commaundement, without warraunt, as heretofore I have don, We now return to the Letter which is preserved entire. The reader will perceive in it a striking resemblance to some of Wolsey's Letters. It contains almost the same expressions of dejection; with constant and fearful cries for Mercy. x.M. li.' Moste gracyous King and most mercyfull Sove- rayng, Your most humble most obbeysaunt and most bounden subiett and most lamentable servaunt & pry- soner, prostrate at the feate of your most excellent Magestye, have herd your pleasure by the mowthe of a MS. Cotton. Append, xxviil. fol. 125. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 163 your Comptroller, which was that I sholde wrytte to your most excellent Highnes suche thinges as I thought mete to be wryttyn consernyng my most miserable state and condicyon; for the whiche your most ha- boundaunt goodnes, benignite, and lycens, the Immor- talle God, Three and On, rewarde your Magestye. And now most gracyous Prynce to the matyer. Fyrst wher I have bene accusyd to your Maiestye of Treason, to that I saye I never in all my lyffe thought willinglye to doo that thing that myght or sholde dis please yowr Magestye ; and moche lesse to doo or saye that thing which of hit selff is so highe and abhomy- nable offence as God knowyth, who I dowt not shall reueale the trewthe to your Highnes. Myn accusors your Grace knowyth ; God forgyve them. For as 1 ever have hade love to your honor, person, lyffe, pros- perite, helthe, welthe, Joye, and Comfforte, and also your most dere and most entyerly belovyd son the Prynce his Grace, and your procedinges, God so helpe me in this myn adversyte ; and conffound me yf ever I thought the contrarye ; what labours, paynes, and tra- vayles I have taken according to my most bounden deutye God also knowyth ; for yf it were in my power as yt is Godds to make your Magestye to lyve ever yong and prosperows, God knowith I woolde; yf it hadde bene or were in my power to make yow so riche as ye myght enryche allmen, God helpe me as I wolde do hit ; yf it hade bene or were in my power to make m 2 164 ORIGINAL LETTERS. your Magestye so pusaunt as all the woorlde sholde be compellyd to obbey yow, Crist he knowyth I woolde ; for so am I of all other most bounde ; for your Maies- tyes a hath bene the most bountyffull Prynce to me that ever was Kyng to his subiect ; ye and more lyke a dere father, your Magestye not offendid, then a master. Suche hathe bene your most grave and godlye coun- sayles towards me at sundrye tymes. In that I have offended I ax yow mercye. Sholde I now for suche exceding goodnes, benygnyte, liberalyte, & bountye, be your traytor, nay then the gretist paynes wer to lityll for me ; Sholde any faccyon or any affeccyon to any poynt make me a traytor to your Mageste, then all the devylles in hell conffounde me, and the venge- aunce of God light appon me, yf I sholde ons have thought it. Most gracyous Soverayng Lorde to my remembraunce I never spake with the Chauncelor of the Augmentacyons and Frogmerton to gether at on tyme ; but yf I dyde I am sure I spake never of any suche matyer ; and your Grace knowythe what manner of man Throgmerton hathe ever bene ever towardes your Grace, and your procedinges ; and what maister Chaunceler hathe bene towardes me God and he best knowyth. I will ne can accuse hym. What I have bene towards hym your Magestye right well knowyth. I woolde to Crist I hadde obbeyd your often most gracyous grave cownsayles and advertysmenttes ; then ORIGINAL LETTERS. 165' it hadde not bene with me as now it ys. Yet our Lorde, yf it be his wille, can do with me as he dyde with Susan who was falslye accusyd ; unto the whiche God I have onlye a commyttyd my sowlle ; my bodye and goodes at your magestyes pleasure, in whos mercye and pyete I doo hollye repose me ; for other hope then in God and your Magestye I have not. Syr as to your Common welthe I have after my wytt, power, and knowlege, travaylyd therin, havyng hadde no re spect to persons (your Maiestye onlye except) and my dewty to the same; but that I have done anye in- iustyce or wrong willfullye, I trust God shalbere me wytnes, and the woorlde not hable justlye to accuse me. And yet I have not done my dewtye in all thinges as I was bounde, wherfor I aske mercye. Yf I have herde of any conbynacyons, conventycles, or suche as wer offenders of your lawse I have, though not as I sholde have done, for the most parte revealyd them, and also causyd them to be punyshed, not of males0 as God shall judge me. Nevertheles, Sir, I have medelyd in so many matyers under your Highnes, that I am not able to answer them all ; but on thing I am well assuryd off, that wittinglye and willinglye I haue not hadde will to offend your Highnes ; but harde it ys for me or any other, medlyng as I have done, to ly ve under your Grace and your lawse but we must daylye of*- fende : and wher I have offendyd I most humblye aske a alone. b malice. 166 ORIGINAL LETTERS. mercye & pardon at your gracyous will and plesure. Amongyst other thinges, most gracyous Soverayng, maister Comptroller shewid me that your Grace shewid hym that within thes xiiij days ye commyttyd a mat ter of gret secresye which I dyde reaveale contrarye to your expectacyon. Syr I do remembre well the ma- tyer, which I never revelyd to any creature ; but this I dyde, Syr, after your Grace hadde openyd the ma- tyer fyrst to me in your Chamber and declaryd your lamentable fate, declaring the thinges whiche your Highnes myslykyd in the Quene, at whiche tyme I shewyd your Grace that she often desired to speke with me but I durst not, and ye sayd why sholde I not, alleging that I myght do moche good in gooing to her, and to be playn with her in declaring my mynde. I theruppon lakkyng oportunyte, not being a lytill -grevyd, spake prevely with her Lorde Chamberlayn, for the which I aske your Grace mercye, desyryuge hym, not namyng your Grace to hym, to fynde som meane that the Quene might be inducyd to order your Grace plesauntlye in her behaveor towardes yow; thinkyng therbye for a have hadde some fawtis amendyd to your Magestyes comfort. And after that, by ge- nerall woordes, the sayd lord Chamberlayn and other of the Quenes Cownsayle being with me in my Chamber at Westminster for lycens for the departure of the Strang maydens, I then requeryd them to counsayle 0 for to. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 167 thayr mastres3 to use all plesauntnes to your Highnes, the which thinges undowtydlye wernb bothe spokyn before your Magestye comyttyd the secret matyer unto me, onlye of purpose that she myght have bene in- ducyd to suche pleasaunt and honorable fassyons as might have bene to your Gracys comfforde; which above all thinges as God knowyth I dyd most covyt and desyre. But that I openyd my mowthe to any creature after your Magestye commyttyd the secresy therof to me, other then onlye to my Lorde Admyrall, which I dyde by your Gracys comaundement, which was uppon Sondaye last in the mornynge, whom I then founde as willing and glade to seke remydye for your comfort and consolacyon, and sawe by hym that he dyd as moche lament your Highnes fate as ever dyd man ; and was wonderfully e grevyd to se your Highnes so trowbelyd ; wysshing gretlye your comffort, for the attaynyng wherof he sayd, your honor salvyd, he woolde spend the best blood in his belye,c and yf I woolde not do the lyke, ye and willinglye dye for your comffort, I woolde I were in hell; and I woolde I sholde receyve a thousande dethis. Syr this is all that I have done in that matyer and yf I have offendyd your Mageste therin, prostrate at your Magestes fete I most lowlye aske mercye and pardon of-your Highnes. Syr ther was also layde unto my charge at myn examena- cyon that I hadde retaynyd contrarye to your lawse. ¦* mistress. b weren, were. e Sic. in otig. 168 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Syr, what exposycyon may be made uppon retaynowrs I know not, but this will I saye yf ever I retaynyd any man but suche onlye as were my howsholde ser vauntes, but ageynst my will, God conffound me. But most gracyous Soverayng I have bene so called on and sewyd to by them that sayd thay were my frendes, that constraynyd therunto I resayvyd thayr chyldren and freendes not as retaynors, for thayr fathers & parenttes dyd promysse to fynde them, and so toke I theme not as retaynowrs to my great charge, and for none evyll as God best knowyth e, interpret to the con- trarye who will; most humbly beseching your Ma gestye of pardon yf I have offendyd therin. Syr I doo knowlage my self to have bene a most myserable and wretchyd synner, and that I have not towardes God and your Highnes behavyd my self as I owght and sholde have done: for the which myn offences to God, whyles I lyve, I shall contynwallye kail for his mercye ; and for myn offencys to your Grace, which God knowyth wer never malycyous nor willfull, and that I never thought treson to your Highnes, your Realme, or Posteryte, so God helpe me, ayther in woorde or dede. Nevertheles, prostrate at your Magestesa in what tiling soever I have offendyd I appell to your Highnes for mercy, grace, and pardon, in suche wyse as shalbe your plesure; beseching the allmyghtye Maker and Re- demer of this Woorlde to send yowr Maiestye con- » feet omitted. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 169 tynuall and long helth, welthe, and prosperyte, with Nestor's yeres to reigne ; and your most dere Son the Prynces Grace to prosper, rayn, St contenew long after yow; and they that woolde contrarye, short lyffe, shame, & confusyon. Wrytin with the quaking hand and most sorowfull herte of your moste sorowfull subeiect and most humble servaunt & prisoner this Satyrday at youra of London. THOMAS CRUMWELL. " The ix. daie of July," says Hall, " Thomas lorde Cromewel, late made erle of Essex, as before you have hard, beyng in the Counsail chamber, was sodainly apprehended and committed to the Tower of London, the whiche many lamented, but mo rejoysed, and speciallye suche as either had been religious men or favored religious persones, for thei banqueted and triumphed together that night; many wish- yng that that daie had been seven yere before ; and some, fearyng lest he should escape although he were imprisoned, could not be mery. Other who knewe nothyng but truth by hym, bothe lamented hym and hartely praied for hym. But this is true that of certain of the Clergie he was detestably hated, and specially suche as had borne swj-nge and by his meanes was put from it, for indede he was a man that in all his doinges semed not to favor any kynde of Popery, nor could not abide the snoffyng pride of some Prelates, whiche undoubtedly, whatsoever els was the cause of his death, did shorten his life, and procured the ende that he was brought unto ; whiche was that the xix. daie of the said monethe he was attaynted by Parliament, and never came to his answere, which lawe many reported he was the causer of the makyng thereof, but the truthe thereof I knowe not. The Articles for whiche he died appereth in the Record where his attaynder is written, whiche are to long to be heere rehersed : but to conclude he was there attainted of heresy and high treason ; and the xxviiith. day of July was brought to the skaffold on Tower Hill." b Hall next gives his speech upon the scaffold from Redman's copy, who printed it " Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum" ° " Then," says » Tower omitted. b Hall, edit. 1548. Hen. VIII. fol. ccxlii. • See Harl. MS. 336*. 170 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Hall, " made he his prayer, which was long, but not so long as both godly and learned ; and after committed his soule into the handes of God, and so paciently suffered the stroke of the axe by a ragged and boocherly miser, whiche very ungoodly perfourmed the office." In his speech, according to the custom of the time, he desired the people to pray for the King ; but made no mention of him in his own prayer afterward, if the copy which Fox has preserved be genuine : for in point of composition it is so much more finished than the speech, and expresses so singular and so sure a confidence in the divine mercy for his former deeds, that it looks more like a compilation made to embalm his- memory, than the prayer which he would have been likely to have uttered at the hour of death. The whole is given in the note below. ft Of Cromwell's wit and shrewdness the Reader must hav^ formed no mean opinion. Fox says that in answering those who came to him when prisoner in the Tower, from the King, " whatsoever articles and interrogatories they propounded, they could put nothing unto him, either concerning matters ecclesiastical or temporal, wherin he was not more ripened, and more furnished than they themselves. Amongst a A Prayer that the Lord Cromwell saidat the hour of his death. " O Lord Jesus, which art the only health of all men living, and the everlasting life of them which die in thee, I wretched sinner do submit myself wholly unto thy blessed will ; and being sure that the thing cannot perish which is committed unto thy mercy, willingly now 1 leave this frail and wicked flesh, in sure hope that thou wilt in better wise restore it to me again at the last day in the resurrection of the just. I beseech thee, most merciful Lord Jesus Christ, that thou wilt by thy grace make strong my soul against all temptations, and defend me with the buckler of thy mercy against all the assaults of the Devil. I see and knowledge that there is in my self no hope of Salvation, but all my confidence, hope, and trust is in thy most mer ciful goodness. I have no merits nor good works which I may alledge before thee ; of sins and evil works, alas ! I see a great heap. But yet through thy mercy I trust to be in the number of them to whom thou wilt not impute their sins ; but wilt take and accept me for righteous and just, and to be the inheritor of everlasting life. Thou, merciful Lord, wast bom for my sake; thou didst suffer both hunger and thirst for my sake ; thou didst teach, pray, and fast for my sake ; all thy holy actions and works thou wroughtest for my sake ; thou sufferedest most grievous pains and torments for my sake ; finally, thou gavest thy most precious body, and thy blood, to be shed on the cross for my sake. Now most merciful Saviour, let all these things profit me that thou freely hast done for me, which hast given thyself also for me. Let thy blood cleanse and wash away the spots and foulness of my sins. Let thy righteousness hide and cover my unrighteousness. Let the merits of thy passion and blood shedding be satisfaction for my sins. Give me, Lord, thy grace, that the faith of my salvation in thy blood waver not in me, but may ever be firm and constant. That the hope of thy mercy and life everlasting never decay in me, that love wax not cold in me. Finally, that the weakness of my flesh be not overcome with the fear of death. Grant me, merciful Saviour, tliat when death hath shut up the eyes of my body, yet the eyes of my soul may still behold and look upon thee ; and when death hath taken away the use of my tongue, yet my heart may cry and say unto thee, Lord, into thy hands I commit my soul, Lord Jesus receive my spirit. Amen." ORIGINAL LETTERS. 171 the rest of those Commissioners which came unto him, one there was whom the Lord Cromwell desired to carry for him a Letter to the King, which when he refused, saying that he would carry no letter to the King from a traitor, then the Lord Cromwell desired him at least to do for him a message to the King. To that the other was contented, and granted, so that it were not against his allegiance. Then the Lord Cromwell, taking witness of the other Lords what he had promised, ' You shall commend me,' said he, ' to the King, and tell him He shall find you as false a man as ever came about him.' Besides this he wrote a Letter to the King, whereof when none durst take the carriage upon him, Sir Ralph Sadler (whom he also had preferred to the King before, being ever trustie and faithful unto him) went unto the King to understand his pleasure, whether he would permit him to bring the Letter or not, which when the King had granted, the said Master Sadler, as he was required, presented the Letter unto the King, which he commanded thrice to be read unto him, insomuch as THE King seemed to le moved there with." Whether the Letter which has been here laid before the Reader was that which moved Pluto t» tears, or whether it was the Letter in which Anne of Cleves is mentioned, or any other, for Cromwell wrote several to the King, we are uncertain. That Sir Ralph Sadler was Cromwell's messenger is probable. He was Cromwell's clerk when the latter was solicitor to Wolsey, and rode with his master from Esher upon that memorable journey when he went to make or mar. "¦ Cromwell made his fortune for him, not only by the employ which he procured for him at Court, but by obtaining for him some large grants of monastic possessions. The Site of the Abbey of Lesnes in Kent was granted to him very early after its Dissolution, in the 28th of Henry Vlllth. before Cromwell had secured a single grant for himself. The Reader may perhaps be curious to know what were the grants of lands, monastic or other, which Henry the Eighth made to Lord Cromwell. The following occur upon the Rolls of the Originalia. In the 26th of Hen. Vlllth. he had the manor of Hackney, in Middlesex, granted to him, and in the 28th Hen. Vlllth. the manors of North Elmham and Beceley. In the 29th Hen. Vlllth. he shared in the plunder of the monasteries, and received a grant of the site and possessions of the rich Priory of Lewes in Sussex, including its Cell of Melton Mowbray in Leicestershire. In the same year he became possessed of the Site and lands of Michelham Priory in Sussex. In the 30th of Henry the Eighth he obtained the Site of Modenden Priory, in Kent, with various other • Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, Singer's edit. vol. i. r- 20*. 172 ORIGINAL LETTERS. lands in Kent, Sussex, Essex, and Rutlandshire. In the same year he received the manor and Castle of Okeham, in Rutlandshire. In the 31st of Henry the Eighth he obtained the site of Chiche St. Osithe's Priory, in Essex, with other large possessions in Essex, Norfolk, &c ; and in the 32d of Henry the Eighth the site of Launde Priory in Leicestershire. ¦ Tanner says the Monastery of Alceter, in Warwickshire was granted to him, but gives no date. Such was Thomas Cromwell. Our Historians have united to confer upon him a better character than he deserved. His zeal for Wolsey in the outset of that Minister's fall, and his agency in bringing on the Reformation, have been suffered, if not to veil, certainly to extenuate many acts in his conduct of government which were contrary both to law and right. LETTER CXUII. Otwell Johnson, a merchant qf London, to his brother John Johnson of the Staple at Calais; on mer chandize and news. [from the original among his majesty's records in the tower of london.] *»* The first part of this Letter contains some details of mercantile matters, and affords us a notion of the quantum of profit with which a merchant was contented in tlie time of Henry the Eighth. The latter part relates to the condemnation and constancy of Anne Askew, who suffered at the stake for differing from Henry upon the sub ject of the real presence. The report was that she was rakked after her condemnation ; " which is a strange thing," says the writer, " in my understanding. The Lord be merciful to us all." Something has been said in the Introduction to a former Letter, on the variety in the modes used of burning heretics in England. In the case of Anne Askew and those who died with her, according to Fox, a small quan tity of gunpowder was applied, to shorten the pain of the sufferers. He says, " The sermon being finished, tlie martyrs standing there tied at three R The memorandum for this grant has beeii already noticed among his " Remem brances." ORIGINAL LETTERS. 173 several stakes ready to their martyrdom, began their prayers. The mul titude and concourse of the people was exceeding, the place where they stood being railed about to keep out the press. Upon the bench under St. Bartholomew's Church sate Wrisley Chancellor of England, the old Duke of Norfolk, the old Earl of Bedford, the Lord Mayor, with divers others mo. Before the fire should be set unto them, one of the bench hearing that they had gunpowder about them, and being afraid lest the fagots by strength of the gunpowder would come flying about their ears, began to be afraid : but the Earl of Bedford declaring unto him how the gunpowder was not laid under the fagots, but onely about their bodies to rid them out of their pain, which having vent there was no danger to them of the fagots ; so diminished that fear." " At London the 2de in July, 1546. Brother, with my harty comendacions to you, my systar your wiff (mother to fayre yong boye I trust long befor this tyme), and to my power Mary not being able (as I doubt) to bear nether boy nor wenche, with my brother, Mr. F. and all other our frends in your quarters. This shall lett you understand that sins my comyng to London I have received the Lettres unto you hierin closed or bound with, and have aunswered as moche of them as hath ben in my knowledge, the reste I referre to you. The things recited in Robert Androwes Lettre I have received, and also by the Shippe that brought the Harlem frisado dyvers other small parcels with thayer prices ; viz*, white threde 4ft). at 28 stivers the lb. ; iij. several ft>s more of 8\ 4J., 6s. 8d., and 5s. ; a painted Story of the Scripture cost 7s. sterling; ij. a Acts and Mon. vol. ii. p. 580. 174 ORIGINAL LETTERS. small tonekins of capers q*. 4-i ft), cost 4'. 6 '. and a thirde q4. a scope of Olyves cost vj'J. I pray you send me word, if you can befor my comyng downe to you agen, what shall be done with thies things. M*1'6-5. Smyth wold gladly have some of your threde, but she lyketh not the coursest sorte, and yet I suppose all that sorte was bought for her ; let me know if you can shortely of what sortes she shall have anny. From Calleis yesterday is arryved Rychard Hor- woodes shippe, who haeth brought the xij. leight cloethes in ij. cases that Robert Androwes Lettre doethe make mencion of, the same being sent thiether directly from Andwarp by Peter Symons, and in your absence directed to Robert Mattres my gossep,3 whom I have allowed for freight and charges of the same thiether, and have paid hier the lyke agen, and the king's custome also, which is ijs. of a peise, so that these frisados stand us in double chargis, and therfor we shall be the lesse gainers by them. I have received them but this day a land, and for that cause have not yett shewed them to any person, but I trust not to kepe them long. The Harlems cost at Andwarpe clear, abourd the shippe 231. Is. 2-1. sterK ; and the custome, freight, and other chargis hier amount to 17s. sterling, or thereabout ; so that thay stond in above 41'. sterling a peise, which is full xvj. grots a yard, and the mon- • Intimate friend. The Duke of Buckingham used to write to King James tlie First, " Dear Dade and Gossope." ORIGINAL LETTERS. 175 neys accompt but at 25s.; and yet Thomas Lokke and other men serve Mr. White th'alderman for 5s. 6d. sterling the yard of Harlems, and for 5s. the leightes, which is a very slender reconing in my jugement and skantly wourth a man's venture. Well, if I can dispatche ours for 17 grots and 15i they shall away, and than you may advise yourself whether you will medle with moo or not. Your lynnen cloeth will not yet away nether, for uppon this peace men stay themselves uppon hope of moche more plenty comyng in of all things ; and in dede Frensshmen come in dayly with Frenshe winsa and canvas. Th'exchaunge is up agen above xxiiij s. as you may perceave by Robert Androwes Lettre, and hier, sins my comyng, it is ryssen to 24\ 4d. at sight, and for the payments (so it past not the 15th. of Sep- tembre) at 24s. 8d. and some 10 -. ; for the last of the same mouneth not under 25s. I differre the taking up of any monney for you un- till I have made sale of the frisados and lynnen cloeth, which I intend to do (God willing) befor my comyng downe, though I make my wiff lay withoute my com- paigny eight or ten dayes longer than I spake of at my departing, mais la bouche consue, Besids the monney that I shal make of the said wares, as I trust, my hope is to have 40 or 50-'. of my owne to bring downe with me, and so perchance I shall nede to take but a little 176 ORIGINAL LETTERS. by th'exchaunge. Be you assured you shalbe charged no further but as veray necessite shall constraine me. Newes owte of Flanders Robert Androwe doeth write you, and we hier sins that tyme that moost of th'emperours men that he hadde raysed to do him service agenst the Germains (as the bruyte went) have refused to warre agenst th'Electors of th'empire, and so he shalbe shrodely served of his pourpos : and fur thermore some say that the Germains will depose Fer- nandus from his Kingdome of Hungary and Seignorie of Osterwike, by cause they will no longer trust anny such papist as he is to be governeur of thayer frontiers toward the Turks. What the conclusion of this bruyte will prove unto God knoweth. In dede my Mr. shewed me on Sonday last that the King hadde newes of vj-^.M. men that th'Emperor was appoynted to rayse veray shortely, and that his quarell agenst the Germains was not for anny cause of Reli gion, but for thayer certain disobedience agenst him in things that concerne th'Empire. Moost men ells thinke otherwise, but vous cognosces Thome. Our Newes hier of Dr. Cromes canting, recanting, decanting, or rather double canting, be thies : that on Sonday last, befor my Lorde Chauncelor, the Duke of Norfocke, my Lord Great M1 '., M1. Riche, M'. Chaun celor of the Tenths, with the Suthwells, Pope, and other nobles and knightes, and on th'other side the Bisshoppes of London and Wourcester, all principal ORIGINAL LETTERS. 177 Doctors and Denes, beside gay grayamesses, a and a. rable of other marked people, the reverent Father just named openly declaired his true measning and right understanding (as he said and according to his con science) of the vj. or vij Articles you hard of as he shuld have done upon the ijde. Sonday after Ester, but that he was letted from his said true intent by the per-. suasions of certain perverse mynded persons, and by the sight of lewde and ungodly books and writings, for the which he was very sorry, and desired the audience to be ware of such books, for under the fayer appier- ance of them was hidden a daungerous accombraunce of Christen conscienses, and so exhorted all men to embrace auncientnes of catholike doctrine, and forsake new fanggelnes. On Monday following quondam bishopp Saxon, Mtr-s. Askewe, Christofer White, one of Mtres. Fayres sons, and a tayliour that come from Colchester or theraboute, wer arraigned at the Guyld Hall and re ceived thayer judgement of my Lord Chauncelor and the Counsail to be burned, and so wer comitted to Newegate agen. But sins that tyme, th'aforsaid Saxon and White have renounced thayr opinions, and the talke goeth that they shall chaunce to escape the fyer for this viage : but the gentilwoman and th'other man remayne in stedfast mynd, and yet she hath ben rakked sins her condempnacion (as men say) which is a straunge a grey amices. VOL. II. SER. 2. N 178 ORIGINAL LETTERS. thing in my understanding. The Lord be mercifull to us all. With Mtrcs. Fayrer I have communed concerning her monney, and she haeth answered me that when she doeth intend to occupie her monney she will lett me knowe for to write to Robert Androwe to make it over. Wulla she haeth bought owte of Hartfordshire some, and owte of Cottiswold she may have at xvjs. and a grote as moche as she will, good, midle, and refuse, as the Countrey doth give it, and not otherwise ; but she dareth not medle with moche withoute your advise therunto, which she requireth you to be certefied of as shortely as you can. Your milne you forgat to shewe me who shuld have it, and therfor I pray you do it befor my departing hens agen : and my gould pourses I thanke you you kept also. And thus remembering no mo things but that M1'. Dunne your hoerse haeth a newe master this day in Smythfeld for Is. sterling, I bidde you moost hartely well to fare. Recommend me I pray you to Mr. Cave and Mtres. Cave. In hast, Yov. loving brother OTWELL JOHNSON To my loving frendJohn John- sone merchant of the Staple at Calleis, now at Glapthorne. LETTEES THE REIGN OF EDWAED THE SIXTH. n2 In the former Series of this Work, in the Introduction to the Letters of the Reigns of Edward the Sixth and Queen Mary, the Editor expressed his anxiety to enrich his Volumes with Three Letters from Lady Jane Gray to Bullinger the Swiss reformer ; copies of which he was at that time unable to procure. He did not then know that any of them had been published. He ha3 since, however, received copies from Zurich, through the hands of a friend who is no longer numbered with the living, and under circumstances which induce him to lay the Tran scripts and the Letter which conveyed them, together, before the reader. " British Museum, January 5"", 1820. " My Dear Friend, " The inclosed Paper will, I think, be received by you as an agreeable New Year's Gift, and if I am right in this anticipation, I have great pleasure in sending it. I received it to-day, per Post from Paris, after I had seen you. It contains a Copy of Lady Jane Gray's Letters to Bullinger, transcribed with the utmost accuracy from the original in the Zurich Library. " You recollect that I was disappointed in my first application con cerning these Letters, the person to whom I had written not taking the slightest notice of my request. But about four weeks ago, a Swiss gen tleman from Zurich, Dr. Lavater (of the family of the great physiogno mist) called upon me on occasion of taking leave previous to his de parture from England. I mentioned the subject to him, and he promised to do every thing he could to fulfil my wishes, if not sooner, at least in the Spring, when he should himself be returned to Zurich. Like a true man, he not only has kept his promise in mind, but given it the promptest execution. Instead of waiting, it seems, he immediately wrote to a. friend at Zurich, and the latter not only attended most readily to the request made, but has done so with a degree of care and accuracy which has quite delighted me. At the same time, he must have been a man of learning, and a perfect scholar. You see this from the marginal notes which are his, in which all that preciseness and diligence are shown which are met with in the Editor of a classical Author. " I have no doubt that this transcript is as minutely accurate and cor rect as it was possible to make it : and this gives it an additional claim to your notice. " These Letters are curious documents, not merely with regard to Lady Jane Gray, and die cultivation and condition of her mind ; but also with respect to the age in which they were penned, showing what solidity and depth of learning young females of high birth were capable of attaining. The Latinity is so good and so classical, that I think it would be dan- gerous for any scholar of the present day to enter into competition with the writer on that score. They are very characteristick under these points of view ; and if there are other reasons for inserting them in your work, these will form a strong additional motive. " Dr. Lavater's friend has, besides, given him the following in formation : " 1. That these Letters were, some years ago, copied by a Mr. Mor- genstein, who printed them in a Programma of the University of Dorpat in Russia. " 2. That they are to be found in Simon's Voyage en Suisse. " 3. That the first Letter was published by Simler in a Paper, in which he announced a work de Reformatione Ecclesice Anglicanoe, "¦ " This information, though desirable for you to possess, should not have the least influence on your determination to print the Letters ; be cause you are now in possession of a transcript immediately derived from the original source, and with such accuracy, and so perfect, that it would be wrong to omit them. No where will these Letters be so much in their right place as in your work. Ever yours most truly, g. H. noehden ." "To Henry Ellis, Esq." JOANNJE GRAIjE AD HENRICUM BULLINGERUM EPISTOL.ffi. 1. Immortales tibi ago gratias, agamque dum vivam, Vir doctissime : nam relaturam me affirmare non possum ; tantis enim tuis officiis non videor mihi respondere posse, nisi forte ita sensurus es, ut me referre gratiam putes, cum memoria tenebo. Neque immerito. Accepi enim a te literas gravissime et disertissime scriptas, qu-e quidem mihi gratissim-e erant : turn quod rebus gravioribus omissis ad me, qu-e tam eruditi Viri Uteris indigna sum, scribere e tam longinqua regione hac tua ingra- vescente estate dignatus es; turn etiam quod eius generis tua scripta sunt, ut non vulgaria quasdam ad delectandum, sed pia et divina ad do- cendum, monendum et consulendum, ea praesertim, quas et meae aetati et sexui ac familias nostras dignitati inprimis conveniunt, continere videan- tur : in quibus, ut in aliis omnibus, quas in summam Reipublic-e Christianas utilitatem edidisti, non solum te exquisite doctum et singulari eruditione praeditum ostendisti; sed etiam ingeniosum, prudentem et * These Letters have also been recently printed, though from what copy the Editor is not aware, in Mr. Nicolas's Remains of Lady Jane Gray, accompanied with Translations. pium consiliarium, qui nihil sapis nisi bona, nihil sentis nisi divina, nihil juhes nisi utilia, et nihil paris nisi honesta, pio et tam observando patre digna. O me felicissimam ! cui talis contigit amicus et prudens consiliarius (nam ut Schelomo habet vyi- ma ny-m-n) a qu-eque jam cum homine tam docto, Theologo tam pio et vera; religionis acerrimo npafj-oiyw necessitudinis et amicitiae jure conjuncta sum. Multis de no- minibus Deo O. M. me debere puto, et inprimis quod, postquam me pio Bucero viro doctissimo et patre sanctissimo orbasset, qui dies noctesque -ruf xxi -u*f non destitit mihi, quae ad vitam instituendam et formandam necessaria essent, suppeditare, quique meum in omni probitate, pietate et literarum scientia cursum et progressus provehebat et suis optimis consiliis adhibitis incitabat ; te, Vir colendissime ! mihi eius loco con cessit, qui, ut spero, mihi tardanti et moram trahenti calcaria, ut coepisti, addere volueris: nihil enim mihi optatius evenire aut accidere potest, quam ut digna huiusmodi clarissimorum Virorum, quorum virtutum nullus satis esse possit praeco, Uteris saluberrimisque consiliis ducar, utque idem mihi contingat quod vel Blesills, Vavlm, et Etjsto- chio, quas divus ille, ut fertur, Ieronymus instituit et suis concioni- bus habitis ad divinarum rerum cognitionem perduxit ; vd quod mulieri illi astate confect-e, cui divus Joannes epistoUum quoddam hortatorium et vere theologicum conscripsit, vel quod Severi matri, quae consilio Originis usa est, eiusque monitis acquievit ; quae omnes non tantum sibi laudis et commodi ex corporis forma, generis nobilitate, et divitiarum copiae comparaverunt, quantum glorias et felicitatis ex prudentissimorum virorum consiliis hauserunt, eo quod non dedignabantur homines illi tam singulari eruditione et admirabili pietate conspicui eas quasi manu ad optima quasque ducere, et quas ad salutem asternam et futurae vita feli- citatem maximum haberent momentum suggerere. Quod ut tu mihi facere digneris, cum neque ingenio, nee eruditione, nee pietate infimus inter eos omnes haberi debeas, iterum atque iterum a te peto. Audacula tibi videar oportet, quas tam audacter hoc efflagito : sed si consilii mei rationem respicere volueris, nempe quod ex pietatis tuas penu ea depro- mere cupiam, quas cum ad mores formandos, turn ad fidem in Christo servatore meo confirmandam conducere queant, hoc quod facio mihi vitio vertere nee pro tua humanitate poteris, nee pro tua prudentia volueris. Ex libello illo verae et non fucatae religionis pleno,b quem nuper ad Patrem et me misisti, tanquam ex horto "amcenissimo flores suavissimos colligo, et Pater etiam, dum per gravissima negotia licet, in eius lectione quotidie sedulo versatur. Quem autem inde uterque reportabimus fructum, de eo tibi et Deo propter te immortales gratias agere debemus. ¦ Proverb, xi. 14. Salus in multitudine consiliariorum. De perfectione Christianorum, ad Henrio m II. Gall. Reg. Non enim osquuvn esse putamus, ut per te tuique similes, quos non paucos hac in parte felicissima parit Germania, a Deo O. M. tot tanta- que vere divina dona ingratis accipiamus animis. Solemus enim homines hominibus, ut par est, beneficiis beneficia compensare, et donorum colla- torum memores nos prasstare : quanto magis igitur operam navare debe- mus divinas bonitati, si non ex omni parte respondere, at saltern lastis animis, quas confert, amplecti, et ex animo pro illis gratias agere ? Nunc ad laudes, quas mihi tribuunt tuas literas, venio, quas ut nee vendicare, ita nullo modo agnoscere debeo ; sed quidquid mihi divina bonitas largita est, id omne acceptum illi refero, tanquam mearum rerum omnium, quas virtutis aliquam speciem habent, Autori summo et soli, quem meo nomine roges velim, ornatissime Vir, assiduis tuis preeibus, ut me hac in parte measque rationes omnes ita moderetur, ut tanta eius benignitate non indigna reperiar. In animum induxerat illustrissimus Pater meus ad tuam humani tatem scribere pariterque gratias agere pro tuis prosclare susceptis laboribus et singulari ilia humanitate, qua inductus es suo nomine Sermonum quin- tam decadem inscribere eiusque auspiciis in lucem edere; nisi gravis- simis regies majestatis negotiis in ultimos Britannia; fines fuisset avoca- tus; sed ubi per publicas occupationes vacabit, quem diligentissime ad te scribere se velle affirmat. Postremo hebraicari iam incipienti mihi si viam et modum aliquem ostenderis, quem in hoc studiorum cursu tenere maxima cum utilitate debeam, me longe Tibi devinctissimam red- dideris. Vale, totius Ecclesias Christianas summum decus et ornamen- tum, et te diu nobis suasque Ecclesias superstitem servet Deus Optimus Maximus. Tubs Pietati deditissima JOANNA GRATA. II. Faccre non possum, ni nimis ingrata officii immemor, et beneficiis tuis indigna videri velim, Vir Ornatissime, quin in singula3 res meritaque tua, quae plurima fuerunt, gratias tibi ingentes agam. Quanquam me- hercule et id cum pudore facio : neque enim tanta necessitudo, quantam tu mihi tecum esse voluisti, neque tot beneficia a te in me his prorsus indignam collata tantummodo gratiarum actionem videntur desiderare, * neque ego lubenter pro maximis tuis beneficiis tam vili orationis munere defungor. Hoc etiam nonnihil angit animum meum, cum ad literas, quas tanto viro darem, excogitandas quam paium idonea sirr. mecum perpendo, Neque certe meis naeniis puerilibusque nugis tuam gravita- tem perturbare, aut tanta barbarie tuas eloquentiae obstrepere vellem atque auderem : nisi et nullo me alio modo tibi gratificari posse scirem, » Scripsit Joanna desyderare; etpaulio ante tantumodo. et de tua solita satisque perspecta mihi humanitate haud dubitarem. De Uteris autem, quas proximo abs te accepi, sic habeto. Posteaquam semel atque iterum (nam semel non videbatur satis) eas legissem, tantum fruc- tum reportasse ex tuis praeclaris et vere theologicis prasceptis • visa sum, quantum ex diuturna optimorum auctorum lectione vix eram assequuta. Suades ut veram sinceramque in Christo servatore meo fidem amplectar tibi in hac parte. 'Otrit h St°s Mien enitar satisfacere. Sed donum Dei agnosco earn esse, et proinde tantum poUiceri debeo, quantum Dominus impertierit, neque tamen cum ApostoUs orare desistam : ut earn mihi sua benignitate in dies augere veUt. Huic etiam earn deo juvante, ut jubes, adiungam vitas puritatem, quam mea heu nimium infirmas vires prasstare poterunt. Tu interea pro tua pietate in oratione tua mei quotidie facias mentionem rogo. Ad Hebraicas linguas stadium earn ingredior viam, quam tu fideUssime monstras. Vale. Et Deus te in hac suscepta abs te provincia tueatur et provehat astemum. Tibi ad omnia pietatis officia paratissima, JoJANNA GRATA. Externa epistohe inscriptio mann Joannce : Colendissimo viro Henrico Bullingero hae tradantur Utcras. Inferius, alia manu : Ducis Suffolciae F. 1552. III. Sera officu recordatio reprehendi non debet, prassertim si nulla negU- gentia prastermissa est, Vir doctissime : longe enim absum : pauci sunt tabeUarii : audio autem sero. Sed iam cum eum habeam ypapucmq} op o»,b cuius opera et meae tibi et tuas mihi tradi solent Uterae, officio meo deesse non debui quin ad te scribendo et verbis optarem optime et re haberem gratiam quam diligentissime. Tanta enim tua apud omnes auctoritas, c tanta in prasdicando, ut audio, gravitas, tantaque, ut qui te norunt re- ferre solent, vitas integritas, ut tuis non solummodo dictis, sed etiam vitas moribus tam peregrinae et exteras natior.es, quam etiam ea quam ipse incolis patria magis ad bene beateque vivendum incitentur. non enim tantummodo, ut Jacobus habet, euangeUi et sacrorum dei mandatorum ebuccinator et prasdicator diligens, sed eius etiam effector et operator verus es, eaque vita praestas quas verbis imperas, minime temet ipsum fallens. Nee equidem his similis es qui externam suam faciem in spe- culo considerent, et quamprimum discesserint, quaUs eius forma fuerit, obUvioni tradunt ; sed et vera et sincera prasdicas, et vivendi ratione aliis, ut id sequantur quod et iubes et facis, exemplo et. na.ca.hiyr-o.Tii es. » Scripsit preceptis. Paullo post autorem ct synceramque. Grteca autem, ut dedi. cum accentu. b Sine accentu. • Scripsit aulhoritas. Post solumodo, pera-grinse, tantumodo, eonsyderent. d Sine accentu. Sed quid hasc ad tuam gravitatem scribo, cum tanta mea barbaries sit, ut nee digne tuam pietatem laudare, nee satis vitas integritatem enco- miisa celebrare, nee, prout convenit, suspiciendam et admirandam doc- trinam enarrare possit. Opus enim esset, ut, si prout Veritas postulat, te coUaudarem, Demosthenis vel facundiam vel Ciceronis eloquentiam haberem. Tanta enim tua sunt merita, ut cum et tempus satis longum, turn etiam ingenii acumen et sermonis elegantiam plus quam puerilem ad ea expUcanda desiderent. Tantum enim in te sibi, ut apparet, placuit deus, ut et te suo regno et huic mundo adaptaverit. in hoc enim terreno vitae ergastulo astatis cursum transigis, quasi mortuus esses, cum tamen vivis, idque non solum primum Christo, sine quo nulla vita esse potest, et deinde tibi, sed etiam infinitis aliis, quos ut ad earn immortaUtatem ru es quam ipse assequutus b posteaquam ex hac vita migraveris, diis volentibus perducas strenue laboras et assidue conaris, utque id tua pietas effectum reddat quod cupit. Deum -ravTo-ifarorK0 omnium rerum bona- rum largitorem precari non cessabo eiusque divinas aures, ut diu in hac vita superstes sis, pulsare non desinam. Hasc ad te audacius quam pru- dentius scripsi : sed tua in me beneficia tanta exstiterunt, qui ad me tibi incognitam scribere et quas ad animum omandum et mentem expoUendam necessaria essent suppeditare dignatus es, merito negligentias incusari et officii obUta videri possem, si omnimodo me tui tuorumque meritorum memorem haud praeberem. magnaque prasterea mihi spes est, te huic meas plus quam muUebri audacias, quas virgo ad virum, et indocta ad erudi- tionis patrem scribere audeam, ignoscere, et meas barbariei, quae te gra- vioribus rebus occupatum meis tricis, nasniis et puerilibus Uteris pertur- bare non dubitem, veniam dare velle. Quod si a te impetravero, me multis nominibus tuas pietati debere plurimum, existimabo. si quid enim hac in parte peccatum fuerit, mei erga te tuasque virtutisd amoris abun- dantias potius tribuendum est, quam vel audacias, quas in nostrum sexum cadere nuUo modo debet, vel temeritati, quas t-j Tt-? xpuriui; ima/tn' valde adversari solc-t. Splendor siquidem tuarum dotum ita mentis meas aciem vel cum tua lego, vel cum de te cogito, perstringit, ut non quid meas conveniat conditioni, sed quid tuas debetur dignitati, in mentis meas cogi- tationem veniat. Ceterum' hie fluctuare animus solet atque in diversas distrahi partes, dum quid mea astas, sexus et in Uteris mediocritas, imo infantia potius, postulat, mecnm considero. quas, cum singula, turn universa multo magis, a scribendi officio deterrent. Contra autem cum tuarum virtutum praestantiam, famas tuas celebritatem et meritorum * Scripsit encomans. Post pro ut. t> Sic suprasci iptum manu Joannas t Uteris paullo minorihus ; sine commate. c Sine accentu. d Sic, antiqua forma accusativi. ' Sine accentibus. ' Scripsit creterum. tuorum erga me magnitudinem intueor, superior inferiori " cogitatio cedit, to npemv i*ovh dignitati tuas; et plus apud me, quod tua postulant me- rita, quam quod alia suadent omnia, valere solet. Reliquum autem est, Vir Clarissime, ut vehementer a te petam meo nomine viro ilU inclyto et eruditione, pietate gravitateque antesignano, nomine Bibliandro, mihi tamen incognito, salutem ex animo dicere. Tantum enim eius in nostra patria eruditionis famam audio, tamque iUustre eius nomen apud omnes ob singulares animi dotes a Deo illi concessas esse accipio, ut nolens volens huiusmodi viri caeUtus, ni fallor, nobis emissi pietatem sinceritatemque amplecti, quae paululum cognitionis consecuta sum, cogar ; et ut diu huiusmodi Ecclesias columnas, qualis c vos estis, prospera sint valetudine Deum precor. Tuae autem Gravitati bene optare, ob humanitatem mihi ostensam gratias agere, et multum valere iubere, quamdiu spirare Ucuerit, non desinam. Vale, Vir Doctissime. Tuas pietati deditissima Ju-ANNA GRATA. Inscriptio externa al alia manu .* Doctissimo simul ac colendissimo viro Domino Henrico Bullingero, Tigurinas Ecclesias ministro, hae red- dantur Literas. Sir William Cecil, afterwards Lord Burghley, in " A brieff Note of his Submission to Queen Mary," alluding to the Letter which was signed by the Lady Jane Gray as Queen, printed in the former Series of this work, says " 1 eschewed the wryting of the Quene's Highness bastard, and therefore the Duke d wrote the Lettre himself, which was sent abroode in the Realm." e Cecil, however, with aU his subtlety was unable to worm himself into the favor of Queen Mary. a In autographo est extrema linea sup, turn ob chartam paullulum discissum non- nullarvm sijllabarum lacuna. Initio sequentis linea est feriori cogitatio. b Sine accentu. c Sic, forma antiqua. d The Duke of Northumberland. • See MS. Lansd. N°. 104. art. l. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 187 LETTER CXLIV. William Thomas clerk qfthe Council, to King Ed ward the Sixth ; presenting a List of Questions in History and Policy for his improvement. [MS. COTTON. TITUS B. II. fol. 96. Orig.] *»* The education of an infant Sovereign, in all ages and in every country, is an object of anxious solicitude ; that of an orphan prince in finitely more anxious. Nor can we wonder that individuals should he found stepping out of their way to offer schemes for advancing his instruction. King Edward the Sixth, in the Journal of his own Ufe still preserved among the Cottonian Manuscripts, says, he " was brought up till he came to six years old among the women. At the sixth year of his age he was brought up in learning by Mr. Doctor Cox who was afterwards his almoner, and John Cheke, M-. of Arts, two weU-leamed men, who sought to bring him up in learning of tongues, of the scripture, of philo sophy, and aU Uberal sciences. Also John Belmaine, Frenchman, did teach him the French language." " With none of these fixed plans did William Thomas interfere. He merely proposed a series of questions calculated to draw from those to whom they might be put valuable information upon subjects of History and State-policy. From his situation as clerk of the Council, it is not improbable that they were drawn up by the desire of the Protector Somerset ; and intended as the materials for conversation between Edward and those who were about him, in the intervals of study. Of William Thomas an Account will be found in Wood's Athenas, and in Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary. Strype has printed some other papers addressed by him to King Edward the Sixth, from the Cot tonian Manuscript Vespasian D. xvill.b He appears to have been made clerk of the Council about 1549. On the accession of Queen Mary he was deprived of his employment at Court, and is said to have meditated the death of the Queen ; for which, or some other treasonable enterprize, he was executed at TyburnMay the 18th. 15S3 ; having previously at tempted to destroy himself. * MS. Cotton. Nero C. x. <• His " Perygrine" in this Collection, addressed to Peter Aretine, in defence of Henry the Eighth, has not been printed. 188 OEIGINAL LETTERS. To the Kings Highnes. Pleaseth your excellent Matie. albeit that my grosse knowledge be utterly unapte to entreprise th1 Instruction of any thinge unto your Highnes, whose erudicion I knowe to be suche as everie faithfull hert ought to rejoise at : yet imagining with myself that hitherto your Majestie hath more applied the studie of the tonges than any matter either of Historie or of Policie, (the Holie Scriptures excepted,) and consider ing that (syns your Highnes is by the providence of God alreadie growen to the admynistracon of that great and famouse chardge that hath been lefte unto yow by your most noble Progenitors) there is no earthlie thinge more necessarie than the knowledge of such examples as in this and other regiments heretofore have happened : me thought of my bounden dutie I coulde no lesse do than present unto your Matie. the Notes of those Dis courses that are nowe my principall studie, which I have gathered out of divers aucthors, entending with layssor to write the circumstances of those reasons that I can finde to make most for the purpose. And bi- cause there is nothing better learned than that which man laboureth for himself, therefore I determined at this present to give unto your Highnes this little Abstracte only. Trusting that liek as in all kinde of vertuouse Learning and Exercise ye have alwaies shewed yourself most diligent, even so in this parte which concerneth the chief mayntenance of your high ORIGINAL LETTERS. 189 astate, and preservacion of your Common Wealthe, your Majestie woll shewe no lesse industrie than the matter deserveth. For, though these be but Questions : yet there is not so small a one emongest them as woll not mynister matter of much discourse worthie the argument and debating; which your Highnes may either for passetyme or in earnest propone to the wisest men. And whan so ever there shall appeare any dif- ficultie that your Majestie wolde have discussed, if it shall stande with your pleasour I shall most gladly write the circumstance of the best discourses that I can gather tooching that parte, and accordingly present it unto your Highnes : most humbly beseching the same to accepte my good will in as good parte as if I were of habilitie to offer unto yor MaSe a more worthy thinge. Yo1' Mats. most humble servaunt WILLIAM THOMAS. 1. Whereof hath growen th'aucthoritie of Astates, and howe many kindes of Astates there be ? 2. Which of all Astates is most commendable and necessarie ? 3. Wheather a moltitude without heade may prosper ? 4. Wheather is wiser and more constant, the Molti tude or the Prince ? 5. Wheather is it better for the Commonwealthe 190 ORIGINAL LETTERS. that the power be in the Nobilitie or in the people ? 6. Wheather a meane Astate may beare a great subject ? 7. What Lawes arr necessarie, and howe they ought to be mainteigned ? 8. Howe easelie a weak Prince with good ordre may longe be mainteigned, and howe sone a mightie Prince with little disordre may be destroied ? 9. What causeth an enheritor King to loose his Realme ? 10. Wheather Religion, besids the honor of God, be not also the gretest staie of Civile ordre ? and whea ther the Unitie thereof ought not to be preserved with the swearde and rigor. 11. Wheather of the twoo is the more unkinde, the People or the Prince ? 12. Howe Unkindenesse may be eschewed ? 13. What is th'occasion of Conspiracies ? 14. Wheather the People commonly desire the de struction of him that is in aucthoritie, and what moveth them so to do ? 15. What a man of authoritie may do in the Molti- tude? 16. What is to be observed in chooseng of Officers ? 17. Howe flatterers arr to be knowen and despised? 18. Howe mennes opinions in great matters arr to be pondered ? ORIGINAL LETTERS. 191 19. Wheather in Judgements the meane waie ought to be observed ? 20. Wheather a man of aucthoritie ought to con- tempne his inferiors ? 21. Howe dangerouse is it to leape from Humilitie unto Pride, and from Pitie unto Creweltie ? 22. Wheather men may easelie be corrupted? 23. Howe much good mynisters ought to be re warded and the evill punished. 24. Howe daungerouse it is to be aucthor of a newe matter ? 25. Wheather accusations arr necessarie, and whea ther yll reaportes arr condempnable. 26. Wheather yll Reaporte lighteth not most com monly on the Reaporter ? 27. Wheather ambitious men, mounting from one ambicion to an other, do first seeke not to be offended, and afterwards to offende ? 28. Wheather it be daungerouse to make him an Officer that ones hath been misused. 29* Wheather they be not often deceaved that thinke with humilitie to overcome Pride. 30. What force the Prince's example hath emongest the Subjected ? 31. Howe a Prince ought to goyerne himself to at- taigne reputacion ? 32. What thinges deserve either praise or reproache? 33. What is Liberalitie and Miserie ? 192 ORIGINAL LETTERS. 34. What is Creweltie and Clemencie ? 35. Wheather Hate and Dispraise ought to be eschewed ? 36. What is Fortune ? 37. Howe men be oftentimes blinded with fortune ? 38. Wheather it be not necessarie for him that woll have contynuall good fortvme, to varie with the tyme ? 39. What Prince's amytie is good ? 40. Wheather a puissant Prince ought to purchase amitie with money ? or with vertue and stowtenes ? 41. What trust ought to be had in Leages? 42. What is the cause of Warre ? 43. Howe many kindes of Warre there be ? 44. Howe many kindes of Souldeors ? 45. Wheather they that fight for their owne glorie arr good and faithfull souldeors ? 46. Why do men overrenne straunge countreys ? 47. Howe shulde a Prince measure his force, and howe rule himself in warre ? 48. Wheather a manifest warre towards, ought to be begonne upon th'ennemye, or abidden till th'enne- mye beginne ? 49. Wheather is it better to assaulte or to defende ? 50. Wheather money be the substaunce of warre or not ? 51. Wheather weake Astates arr ever doubtfull in determyneng and wheather much dehberacion doth rather hurte than helpe ? ORIGINAL LETTERS. 193 52. Wheather is greater in Conquest, vertue or fortune ? 53. Wheather prevaileth more in fortune, Policie or Force ? 54 What is Policie in warre ? 55. Wheather Conquests arr not sometime more noysome than profitable ? 56. Wheather it be wisedome to adventure much ? 57. What meanes ought to be used in defence ? 58. Wheather the Countrey ought not alwaies to be defended, the quarell being right or wronge ? 59. Wheather inconveniences ought rather to be qualified and overcome with layssour, or at the first plainely repressed ? 60. What daunger is it to a Prince not to be avenged of an open Injurie ? 61. What discommoditie is it to a Prince to lacke Arm ure ? 62. Howe much ought Artillerie to be esteemed ? 63. Wheather ought more to be esteemed, Footemen or Horsemen ? 64. Wheather it be not daungerouse to be served of straunge souldeors ? 65. Wheather is an Armie better governed of one absolute head, or of divers ? 66. What ought the Generall of an Armie to be ? 67. Wheather is more to be esteemed a good Cap- VOL. II. ser. 2. o 194 ORIGINAL LETTERS. taine with a weake Armye, or a stronge Armye with a weak Captaine? 68. Wheather it be necessarie that generall Cap- taines have large Commissions ? 69- What advantage is it to foresee the ennemyes purpose ? 70. Wheather a Captaine in the fielde may forsake the feight if his ennemye woll nedes feight ? 71. What it is to be quicke of Invention in the time of battaill ? 72. What sufferaunce and tyme is in Feight ? 73. Wheather it be necessarie to assure th'armie before the feight ? 74. Wheather it be not necessarie sometime to feigne folie? 75. Howe to beware of crafte, when th'ennemie seemeth to have committed a folie ? 76. What advauntaige it is for a Captaine to knowe his grounde ? 77. Wheather Skyrmisshes be good ? 78. Wheather Fortresses arr not many times more noysome than profitable ? 79- Wheather an excellent man doth alter his cow- raige for any adversitie ? 80. Wheather Princes ought to be contented with resonable victories ? and so to leave ? 81. Wheather Furie and Braverie be many times necessarie to obteigne purposes ? ORIGINAL LETTERS. 195 82. Wheather Promises made by force ought to be observed ? 83. Wheather it becommeth not a Prince to pre- tende hberalitie when necessitie constreigneth him to depart with thinges. 84. What is vertue, and when is it most esteemed ? 85. What destroieth the memorie of things ? It becometh a Prince for his wisdome to be had in admiracion aswell of his chiefest Counsaillors as of his other subjects ; and syns nothing serveth more to that than to kepe the principall things of wisedome secrett till occasion require the utterance, I wolde wishe them to be kept secret; referring it neverthelesse to your Majesties good will and pleasor. LETTER CXLV. Tliomas Barnabe to Sir William Cecil, proposing methods qf distressing the French. A. D. 1552. [ms. lansd. 2. art. 85. Orig.] After my mooste humbliest comendacions unto your Mastership, yt shalle please you to be advertysed, that I have ben of late with the Comyssionars of France that be here com ; the which is Monsr, Aubery lieute- o2 196 ORIGINAL LETTERS. nant civill of Parys, and Monsr. Du Val, advocate for the kinge of Newehaven, Homfleut and Harfleut, the which be ryght honest gentlemen, and speke well, and saye that they are not alonlye sente to comona with us as the people makethe reporte of them, but to make restitucion ; and one of them also sayd unto me, that our people be verye desirous here to have warre with them, and that we shoulde not fynde the realme of France after the sorte that we did for vj score yeares agone when we did conquere yt, for, he sayd, than that the Duke of Normandy, & the Duke of Brytayne, and the Duke of Bourgoigne were all iij against the Frenche kinge, and nowe that is knytt all to one realme ; and that we maye see what greate hurte we have don them with the warres, that my lorde of Northfolke and my lorde of Suffolke and the Kinges Majestie have don, and what towne we can showe that we doe holde : but onlye have spente out all our ritches, and destroyed a greate nombre of subjectes, and lefte all our monnye in Flanders, Heynou, and Artous to the utter destruc tion of our realme. The which I answered hym agayne to my simple wytte, that I have hadde as motche ex perience in France or in those parties, as motche as anye man in the Realme of Englande ; and was mar- ryed there for xxxviij yeres agone, and sence I have hadde saveconduites of the Kings Majestie, where- uppon hathe growen greate sutes & to my utter un- » comniuiie. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 197 dowynge, soe that I dare be bolde to saye that there is never a porte, haven, or baye betwene Bouloigne and Bourdeaulx, but I knowe hym; and as for the realme of France besyde, I ought to knowe yt, for I have ben xxviij viages in France in poste for the Kings Majestie, & contynuallye there all the while that my lorde of Winchester3 and master Wallop were there ; and likewise by my lorde of London ¦> and my lorde Pachettesc dayes, and somwhat I gathered there amongst them ; for I thinke there weare few men that was sente soe manye tymes to the Counsell privy- lye, for bye matters as I was ; for the Embassadours wente never to the Corte but for the Kinges previe affayres, but alwais yt was my chance to be sente for everye mans matters: wherfore there was nother the Chancelour nor the Cardynall' of Lorayne, nor the Cardinall of Parys, nor the Admyrall, nor the Cun- stable, whiche have continewed longest in favor, but I have knowen them all : and as for the Cunstable, som what I can saye of hym ; I thinke he be one of the doblest & dissemblingst gentelmen that is in the worlde ; for there is no more assurance of his worde then to holde an ele by the tayle ; but will speak fayre, & promise fayre, & worke the contrarye ; and besyde all this I promyse you of my faythe* he is as popishe as I am Englishe, and alwaies hathe been, for the which my lorde of Winchester nor Mr. Wallop did not hate hym, for I doe knowe yt, for I was sente - Bishop Gardiner. k Bishop Bonner. Pagefs. 198 ORIGINAL LETTERS. dyvers viages by my Lorde Crumwell, and perceived howe the matter wente, for the which theye sayd bothe of them that I was my lorde Crumwelles spye, and soe I am assured that theye tolde the C unstable one daye ; but I cared not, for I hadde the King my masters pro- cedinges hanginge in myne eyee, and as Paull sayethe, ' I am that I am.' God knowith my poore harte, how motche I doe tender the wealthe and prosperyte of myne owne nacion ; and that I am sory from the botom of my harte to thinke that they of France exceptea us to be grossed natured people and covetous, and theye have sayed unto me or nowe, that yf we hadde never so ranke or malicious warre with them they knowe howe to by us for monye, the which me thinkethe weare a strange thinge. Howebeyt that it was seene by my Lorde Cardinalles dayes, for he hymselfe toke iiij hondreth thowsande Crownes for to make peace betwene the Frenchemen and us : the which then was not a lyttell spoken of in France. I woulde wishe to God that we did knowe our owne strenght and poure, and what portes, bayes, and havens we have that other Realmes have not ; yt is unknowen, but in all France be barde havens, D and yet by reason that they main- tayne their fishinge and theyr thevinge, there is more maryners in one towne there, then is here from the landes ende to St. Mychelles Mounte. I have sene com owte at one tyde in Dieppe five hondred and fyve botes ; and in everye bote x or xii men ; the which was • accept. !• havens havinp bars at the entrance. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 199 a marvelous matter to see, howe they be maintaynid by fyshinge, and what ritches theye gette by the See, and howe theye mantayne their townes and portes; and as for us, lette us begynne at Sandwiche, and goe to Dover, Hyde,* and Hastings, & to Willchense," and se howe they goe downe for lacke of maintenance, and in a manner no maryners in them ; which is for lacke of good pollicye to set them a worke, which Sir, yf yt please the Cownsell to understande those thinges that I will showe you, they shall sette vj or vij thowsand maryners a worke more then theris, in that thinge that France can lyve no more withowte, then the fyshe withowt water; that is to saye Newe-castell Coles; which withowte that, they can nother make stele worke, nor metall worke, nor wyer worke, nor goldsmythe worke, nor gonnes, nor no manner of thinge that passethe the fier. And as for them, ye shall se in peace time iij or iiij score of ships of Normans and Brytons at ones, as soone as theyr fishinge is done, and as theye be departed comethe as manye moe ; so that I occupying saveconduytes in France, have bought coles at Newcastell for ijs. & ij(i. a chauldron & for xiijteen nobles have solde them agayne in France. Also the Vice-amerall of Normandye, Monsr. De May, and the Vicounte of Dieppe have prayed me to bringe in New castell Coles, and I shoulde have any other manner of comodyte that they hadde within the Realme, whether yt were poldaries for saylis, or any other thinge. Nowe, * Hithe. b Winchelsea. 200 ORIGINAL LETTERS. maye you see what a comodyte is this small thinge to this realme, soe that me semethe yf the kinges Majestie would take in these coles into his owne handes & lette no other ships but Englishe ships fetche them at Newecastell ; and soe to bringe them into Kente, and make a staple in sutche place as shoulde be thought necessary, you sholde not only sette a wonderfull sorte of maryners a worke, but also it sholde be a greate strenght to the realme, and spetially to the cuntry of Kent ; the which is verye lene of men by the see syde ; consydering the premysses aforesayde of the goinge downe of the townes. Also it is not unknowen but that the Frenche kinge hath taken the salte into his owne handes & hathe gruntiers in every towne to sell yt to his proflyte. Nowe maye you waye that the one is vittaylle & the other is fuell, also is it but reason we shoulde avance our owne comodyte, as well as they do theyrs, to maintayne our owne subject es withall. Also I woulde wyshe that their shoulde nother fuel nor vittayle goe owte of the realme but uppon Englishe botomes. Moreover I have sene goe owte at one tyde owte of Rie together xxxvij**e Hoyes laden with woode and tymber, and never an Englishe maryner amongst them ; which is a wonderfull dyscomodyte to this Realme. I have greate marvaile that these things have ben soe longe forgotten, which is soe necessary a thinge to be spoken of. And nowe Sir, I praye you, speke we of the citie of London, there be so many notable marchantes and ritche halles of landes ; some ORIGINAL LETTERS. 201 maye spende viij hondred pounde, som vj hondred, som lesse and som more ; and greate revenewe com to them yerelye for quartrayes and forfettes, which rysethe to no small som; and nothinge don withall, but make grete feastes everye monthe or vj wekes at theyr halles, and cause vyttailles to be dere ; but yt myght be torned to a more honorabler use. Also yt woulde be a greate maintayninge to the kinges subjectes for every Crafte to have a Shippe to carye theyr marchandyses to and fro, to the greate avancement of the kinges honor and to theyr owne comodytes &, yf chance sholde fall, which God forbydde, that a Ship sholde be loste, the Halles myght easelye bere the smartes therof. I thinke there is never a Cytie in Christendome, havinge the occu- pynge that this citie hathe, that is so slenderlye pro vided of Ships, havinge the See coming to yt as this hathe. I have harde of late moche complaininge for En glishe ships to lade gooddes into Spayne and other places, and there is none to be hadde : yf this thinge hadde ben thought on in tyme, happelye this whorle borle* of takinge of our shippes sholde not have chanced ; for the frenchemen doe aledge, that yt was the Spanyardes goodes and other of the Emperours subjectes, wherfore I praye God that this matter maye be loked uppon in tyme to com. Nowe I com to your Mastership with an other matter, yf so be yt that we shoulde warre with them, a hurly-burly. 202 ORIGINAL LETTERS. (as God defende,) for ther is no man of God but he will seake peace, I knowe a towne in Normandye, which yf it were oures, we shoulde kepe France & Normandye subjecte; is yt possible to be beleved? yea, as sure as the livinge God lyvethe, I have known within this xxxviijtie yere there was but iij howses, ij howses to laye cables and ancres in, and the other a vittailinge howse, and at this present daye I thinke there be iij thowsande ; yt is nowe a seconde Rone, & yt is the verye gulfe, gulet, and mouthe of the See, and a make-peace yf we hadde y t ; it is all the Frenche kinges joye, and he callyth the maryners of that towne his maryners, his pylates, & his theves ; they be main- taynid, & take of us, of the Portugalls, and of the Spanyardes ; all is fyshe that comethe to nette, theye will have a pece of everye man. Now Sir, where as the chefe of the Frenche kinges revenewe is levelled uppon salte as afore sayd, yet can it not be brought into France nor Normandy, but yt muste com in danger of that towne, for the Canella liethe of that syde of the lande betwene Polhed and that haven ; nother no mar- chandises owte of what realme soever yt comethe, but it muste goe by that waye ; and also there can nothinge com owte of France, nother wyne of Ansurois, nor wyne of Bayon, nor wine of Orleans, nor wyne of Parys, nor any other marchandyses that is made in Parys or Rone to goe to any other realme, beynge caryed by water, but yt muste nedes passe that waye ; ORIGINAL LETTERS. 203 nother no armye that the Frenche king can sende owht to Scotlande, nor to vyttaille his armye to the See, but it is all sette forthe there, I can not tell what I should wryte more of yt, for it is so commodyous. There was one of the wittiest heddes in all Crystendome of a marchante, which showed me ones standinge there together, that we neded none other rodde to scorge Normandye and France, but only that, yf we hadde yt ; and I showed the same to my lorde Crumwell, and he sente me thether uppon the kinges coste, and I drewe a placke of yt, & brought yt to hym; the French kinge was there the same tyme, & the Admyrall Brian, and the Cunstable that is nowe, were there ix dayes to vewe yt, & to caste yt ditches, and over that theye made a crye that whatsoever wolde com and buylde there at Newehaven shoulde have his founda- cion and coste hym nothinge ; and soe after my cominge home, my lorde Crumwell conferred the matter with me and my lorde Fitzwilliams that was then lorde amerall, better then iij or iiij owres pervewing the placket, & sayde yf he hved, and that warres shoulde happen that shoulde surelye be remembred, for yt was worthe the heringe ; and soe he put me to the Kinge, and soe travailled in his Graces affayres xxviijde viages, bothe in France, Spayne and Italye, and founde hym always good lorde unto me, or els I hadde ben a verye poore man ; for I hadde ij ships taken by the Frenche- men for xxvjtie yeres agone, and have hadde contynuall 204 ORIGINAL LETTERS. sute with them & never coulde brynge yt to an ende, but was fayne to leve yt and followe the Kinges af fayres; and hadde thinges manye tymes to saye to my lorde of Winchester concerninge the Kinges pro- cedinges, the which might not well awaye withall, nor Jarmyne Gardener his secretarye. And soe whan my lorde Crumwell died, I fered my lorde of Winchester, and soe ceassed & fell to my sute agayne in France ; for I hadde manye a hevye looke for hym of Mr. Walloppe ; and he sayd that my greate God was gone, and that there was none longinge to hym but spies and heretikes, but as for me I did those thinges that I was commanded to doe by those dayes. And nowe for asmoche as I doe see the gloriosnes of the Frenche- men, and howe theye doe rejoyse of their roberyes, I can doe no lesse but certiffie your Mastership, that, as 1 knowe; for yf we will knowe our owne strenght theyr corage shalbe bated well ynoughe ; for kepe them from fishinge and geve no saveconduites, and kepe them from Newcastell Coles, and they are not able to lyve. Or yf the westerne men have leave to goe to the see & take what they can, and mantayne a lyttel pretye He called Oldernay, wheras I have ben or nowe, and stande in the toppe of the Castle in a clere daye, and sene a man ryde a horsbacke in France, & nodier the Brytons nor the Gascons can conveye any thinge into France or in Flanders, but they muste com betwixt the shore and them. Yt is an other manner of thinge ORIGINAL LETTERS. 205 then it is taken, for I woulde wysshe from the botom of my harte that yt myght be looked uppon, yt woulde make the Brytons and the Normans & the Gascons to stope. I have or nowe advertysed all this to my Lorde of Somerset, bothe by wrytinge and by mowthe, and his Grace hathe wrytten me a letter to com to hym and conferre certayne matters with hym, and woulde have sent me into Gascoin whan the insurrection was there, the which yf I hadde gon and the C unstable hadde catched me, I hadd payed for my comynge ; and whan I declared his Grace my mynde, I contentyd hym. I do rejoyse from the botom of my harte to thinke howe towarde a master we have; and agayne I rejoyse to see howe Godes word is trewlye and syn- cerlye set forthe ; there lackethe nothinge but to fere God, and to be in obedience of our Prynce ; I doe re joyse agayne to see what godlye provision here is for the poore, the which woulde rejoise any Englyshe harte to see, and also that these matters aforesayde may be loked uppon & that the ships and the mary ners maye be maintainid ; for the viceamerall of France, Monsr. De May, hathe sayd unto me or nowe, that we hadde no ships in the realme of Englonde that weare any thinge worthe, but the Kinges, & that yf theye hadde sutch portes & havens as we have, and sutche comody tes longinge to them, theye, wolde make them selves berdes of golde. I put no doubtes, but my lorde of Northumberlans grace hathe knowledge of these 206 ORIGINAL LETTERS. thinges, by reason that his Grace laye longe in Rone of a longe tyme. I am so bolde to write halfe a dosen wordes to his Grace, the which I woulde humblye de syre you to deliver yt hym, & to reade hym my booke. And thus mooste humblye I take my leave of you for this tyme. Wrytten at London the first daye of Octo ber, by yours with his poore sarvice during his lyfe, THOMUS BARNABE. To the right honnorable and his spetiall good master Sir William Scicil, secretary to the kinges Ma jestie. LETTER CXLVI. Bishop Gardiner to the University qf Cambridge, upon the eating qf Flesh in Lent, and on the pronuncia tion qf Greek. [ms. cole, vol. xiii p. 419.] Mr. Vice Chancellor, after my ryght hartie co- mendations, ye shall understand I have been adver tysed how dyvers of the Regents of that Universitie, who shuld rule and be good example to other, have this Lent last past very dissolutly used themselves in eatynge of fleshe ; whych fault how it hathe been punisshed here I am sure ye have harde: wherin I ORIGINAL LETTERS. 207 have been noted a greate avaunser, and setter furthe of that punishment ; which rumour, albeit it be not trewe, and that indede the Kynges Majestie himself, with th'advise of the rest of the Counsell, dyd earnestly prosecute, as th'effecte hathe shewed in sum that mis- order : yet neverthelesse, by cause th'offence is greatter in Scholers then in other, and specially called to the state of Regents, I cannott quietlye passe over, and neglecte this Informacyon ; havinge soe apparente and manifeste truthe as it hathe, beinge browght to lyght sondry wayes, as this berer can enforme you, unto whome I praye you geve credence therin. Wherfor I pray you travayle with me for reformacion, which I wold have so used as the matter myght be punisshed withowte encrease of the slawndre, which mighte doo hurte to the hole Universite : and therfore I have devised and thowght good that ye shuld secretlye speke with suche as be noted faultie, and enducinge them to confesse ther faulte, and paye sum fyne, by your discrecion to be taxed, to the use of the Universite, soe to dismisse them withowt further publishinge of their names: wherin I wold ye used suche temperaunce as the payne wer not contempned ne the partie greved above his astat. But I wyll have it in any wyse punisshed ; for I wyll not suffer the Universite with theise dissolute manners to be corrupte. Londes have not been geve, or Lectures fownded for any suche evyll purposes. If the Offenders will have pytie of themselfs and ther 208 ORIGINAL LETTERS. owne fame, and so privilye and secretlye with yow submitt themselfs to punisshment, I wyll gladlye bere wythe them : but otherwyse, this charitable waye not regarded, I will procede to an open Inquisicion and note the faulte where I finde it. I am not desyrous to know ther names, but onlye to understand from you that, by payment of the taxacion, the matter is punisshed : wherof I pray you certefie as shortlye as ye shall have done any thinge in it. The last yere, by consent of the hole Universite, I made an Ordre concerninge pronunciacion of the Grek Tonge, apoyntinge paynes to the transgressors, and finally to the Vice Chancellor if he sawe them not executed: wherein I pray you be persuaded that I wyll not be deluded and contempned. I did it se- riouslye, and will maynteyne it. If you see the trans gressors punisshed, I have cause to be content: but otherwyse I intende, in you and the Procters persons, to use myne auctoryte geven me by the Universite ; wherunto I trust ye wyll not enforce me. To be Chauncellor of the Universitie is only Honor, whyche by contempte is taken awaye ; and I wylbe ware to geve any man cause to contempte me. What en- formatyon I have I wyll not wryte: but by that I shall see from hensforth, I wyll beleve that is past. Howe necessarye it is to brydle the arrogance of yought,3 the experyence of your yeres hathe, I doubte » youth. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 209 not, taught you : and it wold muche greve me pryvatlye to have any varyaunce with you, of whome I have had so olde acquayntaunce ; which cannot be, if ye suffei them not, by tolleracyon, to hope more of you wolde avow they shulde. The Kynges Majestie hath, by the inspyracyon of the holy Goost, componed all maters of Religion: which Uniformitie, I pray God it may in that and all other matters and thinges, extende unto us, and forgettinge all that is past, goo forthe in agreement as thowghe ther had been no suche matier. But I wyll withstande fansyes even in pronunciacion ; and fight wythe th'enemie of quyet, at the first entree. Wherfor I pray you, Mr. Vice Chancellor, loke ernestlye on thies matiers, and geve me cause by your industrye to rejoyce in the Universite, and only care for acquietinge our matiers wythe the Towne, wherein I trust we shall have good spede by the grace of God, who sende you hartelye well to fare. At the Court the 15-** of May. 'Your assured lovinge frende, STE. WINTON, To Mr. Dr Vice Chancellor of Cambridge. vol. II. seb. 2. 210 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CXLVII. The Princess Elizabeth to the Lords qf the Council concerning some landed property, and dealings with one Smyth. [ms. cotton, vespas. f. xiii. fol. 173. Orig.] %* This Letter relates to some pasture land at Wobum which the Princess Elizabeth had taken for a term of one Smyth, and was unwilling to relinquish to the Earl of Bedford, by whom, in a controversy with Smith, it had been claimed. The lack of pasture for her provisions, she says, had been the cause of heavy charges : and she would not, God willing, forego her right untill better provided. The Household Book of tlie Princess Elizabeth for a year, from the 1st October, 5th Edw. Vlth. to the last day of September, in the 6th Edw. Vlth. is still extant in the possession of the Lord Viscount Strangford, by whom it has been obligingly lent to the Editor of these Volumes. It is entitled " Th'Accumpte of Thomas Parry esquyer Couferor" to the righte excellent Princesse the Ladie Elizabeth her Grace, the King's Majesties most honorable Sister." Every page signed at the bottom by the Princess. The sum total of Receipts, including the " remayne of the preceding year," amounts to 579K Is. 3\d. with the third part of a farthing. The payments are entered under the heads of Bakehouse and Pantry ; Buttry and Cellar; Spicery and Chaundry; Kitchen and Larder; the Acatryes ; Pultry ; Squillerie ; Sawcerye ; Woodyard ; Stable ; M'ages, Lyveries, and Almes ; Chamber and Robes ; and Reparations. The total of payments within the time of the Accompt, 36291. 18s. 8frf. ; leaving for the wants of the next year 1507'. 0s. O^d. a half farthing and the third part of a farthing, which sum is stated to have been delivered into her Grace's own hands upon the determination of this Accompt The expences of the House amounted to 39387. 18*. Id. ; but deductions for " the hides, felles, and intrails of the cattle" supplied 207?. 3*. 8{d. The entries in the Bakehouse and Pantry are chiefly for wheat Under the Buttry and Cellar great quantities of beer are entred, with swete wine, Raynishe wine, and Qascoigne wine. In the Spicery and Chandry nothing of particular note occurs. In the Kitchen and Larder ORIGINAL LETTERS. 211 fresh-water fish occur frequently. Board-wages for servants are con tinually mentioned. Lamprey pies are once entered as a present. John Taylor for making of the Torne-broches coates ix8. ijd. In the Acatryes " one bore" xxx5. In the Wood-yard " rushes" occur. In the Stable " horsbrede." The Wages of household servants for a quarter of a year amounted to 821. 17*. 8d. The lyveries of velvet coats for xiij. gentlemen at xls. the coat, amounted to 261. The lyveries of the yeomen to 781. 18s. Given in almes 11. 15s. 8d. at sondrie times to poor men and women. Among the entries of the Chamber and Robes are the following : " Paid to John Spithonius the xvij"1. of Maye for bokes, and to Mr. Allin for a bible, xxvij8. iiij11. " Paid to Edmunde Allin for a bible, xxs. " Paid the thurde of November to the Kepar of Herforde gayle for fees of John Wingfelde, beyng in warde, xiij8. iiij J. " Paid the xiiij"1. of December to Blaunche Parrye for her half yeres annuitie cs. and to Blaunche Qwrtnaye for the like, lxvjs. viijd. " Paid the xiiij"1. of December at the Cristening of Mrc8. Pendred's childe, as by warraunte dothe appeare, 1". " Paid in reward unto sondrie persons at S'. James, her Grace then beyng there, viz. The Kings fotemen xl-. Th'under kepar of S'. James, x8. The gardener vs. To one Russell grome of the Kinge's great chamber, xa. John Forman, xs. To the Warderobe xl8. The Violans, xls. A Frenchman that gave a boke to her Grace, xB. The kepar of the Parke gate of S. James, x8. Mr. Staunfords servants xxs. The Lorde Russells minstralls xs. In th'ole, as by warrant appereth ix11. xv8. " Paid in reward to sondrie persons the xtb. of August, viz. to Farmor that plaied on the lute, xxxs. To Mr. Ashefelde servant, with ij. prise oxen and x. muttons, xx8. More the harper, xxx8. To him that made her Grace a table of walnut tree xliiijs. ixd. And to Mr. Cocke's ser- vaunte which brought her Grace sturgeon, vj8. viijd." If bothe apparaunt poynts touching myne honor and my necessitie also constreined me not, goode my Lordes I shulde sone have served all your expectacions towching Woburne ; and long sithens have appeased my Lorde of Bedfords mynde therin. But syns your wisdomes enformed of that other side do affirme that p2 212 ORIGINAL LETTERS, it were myne honor and a poynt of comen justice not to intromit therwith, the matier being litigiouse, so trusting in your good willes towardes me do for aun- swere resolve with you in this manner, as knowing myself a long tyme to have great nede of pastures for my provicions, the lack wherof hath bene to my great chardges. At Shroftide last, and long tyme bifore my Lorde Privy Seall to my knowledge did intromytt in suche sorte therwith, I contracted indede with one Smyth for his interest therein, being then (parcell thereof for a few yeares yet to come onely excepted) clearely dischardged of all former contractes and other thinges in his owne handes and right. And he upon suche consideracions of recompence as I toke with hym to dischardge the thing clearely at and untill our Ladie day last, and myself to beare the chardges thens for- warde, by force wherof I entred, and am therof as ye may now well undrestounde by just ordre of the lawes justlie possessed, from the which to be now rejected were to my great dishonor, syns all the contrey knoweth it. And for your Lordshipps farder satisfaccion in this matier, syns I herde of the controversie betwene my Lorde and Smyth, it is not unknowne that I sent unto hym my hoole state and condicion herein, with farr larger and more benevolent offers then I received aunswere, or being evyll handelyd canne be contented to offer agane; and th erf ore this I say, that if it be piy right to holde it, I trust that ye will not myslyke ORIGINAL LETTERS. 213 that I kepe it, for I will not, God willing, forgoo it untill I may be better provided. And if my Lorde have better right therunto then I have, then I will give it over with all my hart unto him without con- tencion. And as I utterly denye to Smyth any sup- portacion at my handes in any of his misdemenors against my Lorde, and do and shall leave him to suffer that he haith most deserved at my Lordes handes ; so do I hope quietlie to injoy that that I thisa justly have come by with my Lordes good will, both because I have bene suche one towardes my Lorde for the good service he did my father, as if habilitie served I wolde not have failed to have given of myne owne a farr better thing, and agane bicause it is not unknowne to my Lord, nor to any of you all, but that it is most re quisite for me to seeke some pastures for myselfe which had never none out of lease appointed me by others. And thus I committ you all to God desiring you to make my humble comendacions to the Kinges Majestie, for whose health I pray daily, and daily and evermore shall so do during my lief. At Hatfilde the last day of Maii 1553. Your verye lovinge frende, ELIZABETH. Although no additional Letters have occurred of consequence con cerning the Protector Somerset, it will not be out of place here to mention that among the Cottonian Charters in the Museum is a Paper, indorsed L thus. 214 ORIGINAL LETTERS. in Secretary CecilTs hand, " Wryting of the Duke of Somerset in the Tower of London:' It was the Paper of Questions put to that nobleman when prisoner. It is so decayed, torn, and discoloured, that its contents are inserted below, a merely that they may be preserved. The Cottonian Manuscript Titus B. u. contains Lists of the neces saries of dress and other accommodation, which the Duke and Duchess » " 1. Whether dyd Palmer the Lord Gray or bothe move you furst to kepe the feld and to drawe northwards. " 2. What moved you to eredyte Partriche, when you followed his counsaile to re move from Syon, and came to London contrary to the oppynyon of some others. ,r 3. To howe many dyd you declare your mynd what tyme you came to Eli place t'appreheud the Duke of Northumberland then Erie of Warwyke, and who dyd geve you furst advise thereunto, and to whom you did repent the not doing of it. " 4. Whether dyd Partriche or eny other geve you advise to promyse the people their Masse, Holywatter, with such other, rather than to remayn styll so unquietid. * ' 5. Wyth howmanye dyd you conferr concemynge the taking of the Isle of Wight, and the fortifyeng of Poole or eney other place. " 6. Howmany tymes had you eny message or intelligence from Vane he being in the Tower, and by whom and whose meanes. " 7. Whether dyd you mystrust after you had spoken secretly with Sir Thomas Arruudell, lest he had bene purposly set aworke to yndermynd you, and to whom you dyd wish that you had not gon so farr with hym. ' f 8. What was the uttermost talk that dyd pas betwen you and Syr Thomas Amm- dell at that tyme : and howe many noblemen and others he wolde assisted. " 9. Whether dyd you consent that Vane shuld labore the Lady Elizabethe's Grace to be offendyd with the Duke of Northumberland then Erie of Warwyk, the Lord Marques, th'erle of Pembroke then Mr. of the Horse, or any others of the Counsaile ; and how and by whom you had intelligence of Vane's Proceedings in that behalf. " 10. Howe often tymes have you conferred with th'Erle of Ammdell, and he with you, of the mysliking of the State and Government ; and what you dyd conclude to be tlie Reformacion thereof. "11. Whether have you yourself, or any other for you, at any tyme conferred with the Lord Paget to the like effect; and howe you dyd perceve or knowe his inclination thereunto. " 12. Whether dyd it procede furst from yourself or from the said Erie of Arun- dell, to have a Parliament immediatly upon the attaynyng of your purposes ; and what matters you wold have had set forth at the said Parliament " 13. With how many have you conferred for the setting forth of the Proclamacion to perswade the People to myslyke the Government, and to be offendyd wyth the Counsaile, and specially the doings of the Duke of Northumberland, th'Erle of Pembroke, and the Marques of Northampton ; doing theym to understand that they went about to destroy the Common Wealth, and also had caused the King to be dis pleased with the Lady- Marye's Grace his Highnes sister. '' 14. What was th'effect of the message that Stannop brought from th'Erle of Arrundell to you or to my Lady, concernyng of distrust he had eoneevyd of the dis closing of some of the secret poynts or conferences that had passed betwen you. "15. What was th'effect of the talk that passed betwen you and Stannop a lone, and betwen you and Stannop and my Lady, at your last being at Beddington ; and how often hath Stannop devised with you apon the myslyking of the Kings Mat-™ amTi_ sale, and specially of the foresaid Lords, what advise he wold geve you for the reforma cion of the same ; and whether he wold hym self offer to take such part as you dyd ; and what other frenrts he wold offer to assist you with all." ORIGINAL LETTEES. 215 of Somerset prayed to have at the time they were in the Tower. The Reader will probably think them characteristic, especially of the Duchess. Grandeur in a dungeon is not often desired by a captive. " Things necessarie for the Duke o/Someiiset-, which he praythe to have : Firste one gowne ; item, one velvet cappe ; item one night cappe ; item, two dubletts; item, ij. payre of hose; item, iij. shirtes; item ij. night kerchers ; item vj . hande kerchers ; item iij . dussen pointes ; item ij. payre of velvet shoes ; item, iij. table clothes ; item iiij. hande towells; item iij. cupbourde clothes; item one dusson table napkings; item x1'. in money to paye for his wasshinge, clensinge, and other necessaries. " Thinges necessarie for the Duches o/Somebset, which she prayeth to have. Firste one waste cote of velvyt wrought; item, ij. payre of knitte hose; item ij. payre of knitte sieves; item, one payre of wollen hose, which was in a plate cheste that mistres Susan kepte; item, vij. plane smockes which was last made ; item, vj. highe collerd patletts and ruffes to the same; item vj. wayste smockes, whereof iij. wrought; item, vj. froc kerchers, whereof iij. fyne; item, ij. duble railes; item, vj. hand kerchers ; item, the laces that mistres Pursbey had in keapinge ; item, the crimisyn satten boxe with the stuffe that is in it ; item a gowne of blacke velvyt egged with genetts, or else the gowne of blacke satten egged with black jenetts ; item, a kirtle of blacke velvet playne ; item a verdingale ; item, a peace of skarlet for a stomycher ; item, a piece of pointinge ryben ; item, some blacke silke and white threde ; item iij. little books covered with blacke velvyt which be in the cheste where this linning lyethe ; item ij. payre of gloves ; item, one payre of lether slippers ; item xx1'. in money to paye for wassinge, clensinge, and other necessaries ; item ij. standing pottes for wyne and here ; item, ij. cuppes for bere, and a nest of boilles for wyne ; item, vj. silver disshes, and ij. silver sawcers, and one dusson of pewder dishes ; item, iiij. sylver plates ; item, iiij. sylver spoones ; item, iiij. table clothes ; item iiij. hand towells ; item, ij. dusson table napkins; item, iiij.cupboarde clothes." Among the Cottonian Charters too, in a hand-writing of the time, the following Account is preserved of the Duke or Somerset's last speech and execution ; it is somewhat different from that given by Stow in his Annals. " ' Masters and good fellows, I am come hither for to die ; but a true and faithful man as any was unto the Kings Majesty, and to his realme. But I am condemned by a law whereunto I am subject, and as we all; and therefore to show obedience I am content to die ; wherewith I am well content, being a thing most heartily welcome unto me ; for the which I do thank God, taking it for a singular benefit, and as great a benefit as ever might come to me any otherwise. For as I am a man, I have de served at God's hand many deaths ; and it hath pleased his goodness, 216 ORIGINAL LETTERS. whereas he might have taken me suddenly that I should neither have known him nor myself, thus now to visit me and call me with this pre- sent death as you do see, when I have had time both to remember and knowledge him, and to know also myself; for which thing I do thank him most heartily. And, my friends, more I have to say unto you as con. ceming Religion. I have been always, being in authority, a fiirtherer of it to the glory of God, to the uttermost of my power, whereof I am nothing sorry, but rather have cawes and doo rejoyce moste gladlye that I have so done for the greateste benefyt of God that ever I had, or any man myght hawe in thys world ; besechyng you all to take yt soo and to follow yt on styll, for yf not ther wyll follow and come a worse and great " Sodenly came a wonderous ffeare apon the peoplle after thos wordes of hym spoken, by a great sowend whych appered unto many abowe in tlie element as yt had byne the sowend of gunpowder set on fyer in a close howes burstynge out, and by a nother sowend apon the growend as yt had byn the syght of a greate nomber of greate horses ronnynge on the people to overe ronne them : so great was the sowend of thys, that the peoplle fell dowen one apon the other, many wythe bylles, and other rone som thys waye some that waye, cryeng alowed ' Jesus save us Jesus save us.' Many of the peoplle cryeng ' thys waye thaye come, that waye theye come, awaye awaye.' And I loked when one or other shuld stryke me on the hedd, so was I stormed. The peoplle beyng thus amassed, espyes Syr Anthony Browen apone a lytell nage rydyng toward the scaffold, and therewythe burste out cryenge in a voyce 'Pardon, Pardon, Pardon,' hurl- yng up their cappes and clokes wythe thes wordes sayng ' God save the Kynge, God save the Kyng.' The good Duke all thys whyell stayed, and wythe hys cappe in hys hand wayted the peoplle to come together, saynge these wordes to ther wordes of Pardon, ' There ys no suche thynge good peoplle, there ys no suche thynge, yt ys the ordynans of God thus for to dye, where wythe we moste be content ; and I praye yow now lette us praye together ffor the Kynges Maieste, to whouse Grace I have bynne allwayes a ffaythefull, trewe, and moste lovyng subjects, desyros allwayes of hys moste prosperos succes in all hys affayres ; and ever glad of the ffurtherance and helpyng ffortheward of the Commen \Telthe of thys Realme.' At whyche wordes the peoplle awensewerd ' Ye, ye, ye ;' and som sayd wythe a lowed voyce ' that ys fowend now to trew :' 'To whouse Grace I beseche God to send & grant to rayngne moste prosper- oslye to the pleasor of God.' " LETTEES THE REIGN OF QUEEN MAEY. With the practice of the Venetian Senate, of demanding from its Ambassadors a full Account of the Courts and Countries to which they were respectively sent, the Reader has been made acquainted : nor will he be displeased to see a Translation here of the Memoir which was presented to the Doge and Senate of Venice by Giovanni Michele, upon his return from his Embassy to England in 1557. It fills the deficiency _in this Work occasioned by the want of Letters in the reign of Mary. A Copy of the Original of this Memoir is preserved in the Cottonian Manuscript Nero B. vn. in a hand of the time of Queen Elizabeth, who in a genealogical table at the end, in the same hand, is named as Queen. A later copy, probably made for another Doge, and in a hand two centuries nearer to the present time, occurs in the Lansdowne Manuscript 840, but altered and spread out with comment. Dr. Lingard, in two or three passages of his History, in Mary's reign, has referred to » third manuscript of it preserved in the Barberini Library, No. 1208. A Survey of England by an intelligent foreigner, who made himself acquainted with the intire machinery of the State at such a period, has a particular claim to notice. " Report of tlie Sig'. Giovanni Michele on his Return fi'om England, A.D. 1557. " The Island of England, described by the ancients as the first and largest Island of any which had come to their knowledge, is situated in the Ocean, to the west of Europe, in fifty-one degrees and a half; opposed on the east to the coast of Lower Germany, on the west to the Island and Kingdom of Ireland, on the north to the Orkeney Islands, and on the south to the Provinces of Normandy and Brittany called by the Latins Tractus Armorici. " It has been denominated in various ways, first Albion, next Britannia, and lastly Anglia, with divers etymologies (according to the opinion of some writers) which it is, at present, neither the time nor place to dwell upon. It stretches from south to north, extending eight hundred miles in length and three hundred and twenty in breadth, resembling in form an unequal triangle ; and measures in circumference, Scotland included, one thousand seven hundred and twenty miles: that is two hundred and eighty less than was computed by Caesar. It is conveniently fur nished with rivers and harbours, and has, above all, a very temperate atmosphere. It is not altogether plain, but varied with hills so pleasing that as you view them at a distance they are scarcely to be distinguished in rising from the level ground. " It is fertile, and with regard to its Inliabitants, abounds in every thing requisite; and though it may want some articles which serve more for comfort and luxury than for necessity, it is supplied with them by foreigners. But, in place of these, it gives much more of its own productions, such as wool, cloths of every kind (which article is of great importance as well on account of quality as quantity), tin, lead, copper, coal, legumes and sometimes wheat, and every kind of white grain. Among the articles of import, are drugs and spices, sugar, and every de scription of fruit coming from Spain and France, wine, oil, things called hops (the flowers of a certain tree or plant necessary as ingredients for making beer), cloths or tissues of gold and silk, and all kinds of mercery goods. For these and as many other important branches of traffic, and for the convenience of its situation, it is visited by all the nations of Europe, from Poland to "our quarter; and lastly by Muscovy, Russia, and India (that is to say West India), and by the coast of Guinea. Whence it is esteemed beyond all the Islands of the World, convenient, pleasant, and opulent. " It is divided into two parts, which embrace two Kingdoms, separated by the rivers Solway and Tweed. That which the English are in pos session of, is divided into three and according to some into four chief provinces or portions, consists of twenty-five cities or episcopacies, and two archbishopricks, the names of which, in order not to be tedious, I shall for brevity's sake leave to the historian and geographer to detail ; observing that as the provinces differ from one another in their customs, so are they different in their language ; for the Welsh speak a different tongue from the inhabitants of Cornwall, and both different from the English people. To the Cornish and the Welsh idioms two other tongues are to be added, which the people speak in the remotest part of Scotland, one similar to the English, and the other totally different : an extraordinary phenomenon, and which has excited the astonishment of those who have written on the subject, to see in one Island five varieties of Language." I should he taking upon myself the office both of a historian and geo grapher were I to attempt to give an account of the maritime and inland places of the Island which are most remarkable : but it shall suffice for me to say a word of the City of London, the capital of the kingdom and the residence of the Sovereign, regarded indeed, with reason, as one of the principal cities of Europe, whether it be from the abundance and con venience of every article which it is able to supply for the use of men, or ' from the number of its inhabitants, estimated commonly, including the suburbs and the territory of Westminster which serves as a suburb, at 150,000 souls. a It is distinguished by its fine streets and edifices, and particularly by a bridge, which has nineteen arches all of solid stone, over the river, and by the cathedral church of St. Paul ; but still more • The Lansdowne manuscript increases this number to 1S0,000. by its situation, being advantageously placed on the banks of the river Thames, from which, beside the beauty of the scenery, it derives great convenience for the accommodation of the numerous ships of three and four hundred of our tons burthen, which enter there from every quarter. It has also the advantage of the tide, though the city is at a distance of more than sixty miles from the sea. Above all, it is rendered opulent not merely by the multiplied traffick, and the great trade which it has with other countries, but by the many privileges enjoyed by the in habitants themselves without exception, that is to say by the commonalty, the merchants, and artificers. It is governed by a body of about twenty- five persons called Aldermen (chosen from amongst the wealthiest and most monied citizens), almost in the form of a republics, with unlimited power, so that neither the King nor the King's ministers interfere in any thing. I have said the Commonalty, because the Nobility, after the custom of France and Germany, all live in the country remote from the city. ° " In order to say something of their riches, it is estimated that in the two companies of Adventurers (those who by special privilege can alone import goods from Flanders into England and from England into Flanders) and of the Staplers (those to whom the exportation of wool is committed) there are many individuals possessed of from fifty to sixty thousand pounds sterling, all or the greater part in ready money, which according to the present course of exchange makes more than two hundred thousand gold ducats : besides a great number of others of different companies, as the dealers in tin, in spices and grosser articles who are called grocers, and, which will appear incredible, the company of those who deal in salt fish : all of them uncommonly rich, either to the amount before men tioned or to a greater sum : so that it may be said with truth that this. city may enter into competition with the wealthiest in Europe. " But, passing over this part as known to every body, and as little essential to our purpose, and coming to that which is of more importance and calculated for the information of our most excellent Senate ; before I begin to speak of the character of tlie Prince, and of those who hold the reins of government, I will briefly touch upon certain general matters which belong to the nature of this Kingdom, especially as regards its power ; in order that it may be ascertained whether more or less weakness, or on the contrary more or less strength than is commonly thought is derived from its constitution. And not to waste time, I say, that although in times past the power and dominion of this kingdom were half as ex tensive and important again to what they now are (having for three hun dred years and more had possession of Normandy, Britany, Guienne, and » They preferred the country for regular abode, th.it they might not be too much under the eye of tlic Court -, but many of the nobility had town residences, where they eanie upon great emergencies and when a Parliament assembled. Edit. Gascony, which are the chief provinces of France, and having for a long time held Scotland in tributary subjection, having farther, for sixteen years and more, ruled absolutely over the whole kingdom of France, in which Henry the Sixth was publicly crowned as Sovereign at Paris in 1348," so that it may be said, these foreign possessions were only lost the other day, nothing of them remaining but the titles and some neighbour ing islands, all of little value except a part of the Island and Kingdom of Ireland, and two fortresses on the continent, Calais and Guisnes), it has, notwithstanding the total loss of so many important possessions, in the end remained and still remains so powerful, that it appears it has no need of others for its own defence : nay it is not only difficult, but it may be said to he impossible, if there be no division in the kingdom, that it can be conquered hy force, as your Serene Highness will perceive from particular circumstances in the progress of my Account. " For, to speak first of the Maritime Forces, which must be principally considered, the Kingdom being insular ; although these also are greatly diminished from what they used to be, not to mention the equipment of a thousand large vessels and more, which those kings made against their enemies, and particularly Henry the Fifth against Charles the Sixth King of France, in 1418 ; but not to dwell on matters too remote from our memory, we will speak of later times, of those of King Henry the Seventh and King Henry the Eighth, when the crown possessed about a hundred ships, all ready appointed and provided with officers who re ceived constant pay, that they might be ready for service on any emergency at an hour's notice. The number of ships now scarcely amounts to forty ; being thus reduced, either by neglect or the necessity of saving expense : some having been sold, and others become unfit for service. Yet these few remaining ships (when joined with those of private persons, such as we have before alluded to, and which are at the King's disposal as if they were his own on any occasion, and kept in. his pay, which also applies to foreign shipping when necessity requires) are not only sufficient for defence, but also do considerable execution in offensive operations. For it is said that there are scattered in the different Ports of the Kingdom, large and small vessels, yet all fit for service and capable of acting against an enemy, so great a number, that if they were united together (which in time of need could easily be done by the King's com mand) they would form an extraordinary amount, that is to say of many hundreds ; as the English relate, perhaps more than two thousand ; but we should even maintain that this was but a moderate estimate. There would, beyond a doubt, be so many, that if a part of them were furnished with soldiers, artillery, and other necessary things (which when occasion ¦ Here is a mistake : Henry the Sixth was crowned at Paris Dec. 17th, 1431. required might be done without trouble, as in point of artillery and every sort of ammunition and arms this kingdom may cope with any other, even the best provided, on account of the constant supply of these articles, which is attended to with the utmost solicitude) they would not fear any force, however great, acting either on the offensive or the defensive. This is what I have, in general, to say upon the Shipping and the Maritime Power of the Country. " With regard to the Land Forces, speaking first of the Infantry or soldiers serving on foot, these would indeed be innumerable if we took into account all those who, in case of need, would rise for the defence of the kingdom, remote as they are ; for in one county alone of the thirty- nine into which the kingdom is divided, viz. that called ' Yorkshier,' it is said that for this service are enrolled 70,000 men and more ; the vulgar notion even goes as far as 100,000 : but not speaking of these, but only of men of property, who would voluntarily and without compulsion come forward to serve as soldiers within the kingdom and abroad, even these would appear in great numbers, it having been observed that the armies composed of these volunteers, with which the Kings beforementioned have sometimes passed the sea, and speaking of the last, with whom Henry the Eighth crossed over to the enterprize of Terouenne in the year 1526, a and to the conquest of Boulogne in 1544, they amounted to forty or fifty thousand Englishmen ; and the number would have been much greater, if the expence had not been considered in carrying them out of the king dom. It is thought by those who are competent judges, that in the hour of trial, when a general effort was to be made, a body of twenty or twenty- five thousand of these troops might be raised, all furnished with cuirasses and polished arms, b that is to say, if to those which the Court could arm, those of the gentry and particular barons were also added. For there is not one of them, who in proportion to his retinue, and the power c he possesses, has not a store of arms for a considerable number of people, so that it is said that some of them together might arm thousands ; as for example, the Earls of Derby, Shrewsbury, and Westmoreland, but above all the Earl of Pembroke. d These troops, though not practised and ex- " Here is another mistake of date. Therouenne was surrendered to King Henry the Eighth Sept. 2->«>, 1518. t " corsaletti et armi bianche." e faeolta. a The general fact is corroborated by Lord Cromwell himself in a Letter to King Henry VIII*. dated London, Feb. 5», without year, preserved in the Cottonian MS. Tit. B. i. fol. 257. Speaking of a visit he had received from tlie Marshal de Castillon he says " I toke occasion to bryng hym up to myn Armary, and have shewed unto hym such store of harneys and wepens as I have, the whiche he semed to esteme moche, and I tolde him that there wer other particuler Armaryes of the Lords and Gentilmen of this Royaulme, more then the nombre of twenty, aswell or better fur- nyshed then myn was, whereat he woundred, and sayd that he thought your Grace the Prince best furnished thereof in Christendom." perienced soldiers (because there would he few among them who would know how to manage their arms, and to handle the pike, arquebuse, or other sort of weapon, it not being the practice in this kingdom to attend to such exercises), yet being intermixed with veteran soldiers, of which there are many of the natives who have learnt the trade of war by serving abroad, they would in every case present a respectable body and produce a great effect, especially when on the defensive, both by their steadiness and martial spirit, and still more by their numbers. The ardour in fighting would be shared by all, the veterans as well as the raw levies, because, as every body knows, there is not a nation in the world that esteems danger and death more lightly than the English. So much for the English Infantry. I will not omit to notice, that among their of fensive weapons some make use of large sticks of the height of a man," heavy and armed with iron at the head, from which various iron points, five or six inches in length, issue from all parts, which are dangerous instruments, calculated to break and smash whatever they meet with. But above all, their proper and natural weapons are the bow and arrow, the practice in which is so extensive as a common exercise among all classes of persons, without distinction of rank, age, or profession, that it exceeds all belief. This is not merely the effect of choice, but arises like wise from an obligation under which all the heads of families are placed by act of Parliament, and indeed all, both young and old, to forego every other exercise, and practise diligently only this, whereon the whole strength and hope of the English people are supposed to depend. They are, in truth, so dexterous and expert in the use of the bow, that they do not yield in skill and aptitude to any set of people whatever ; and such is the opinion and estimation they entertain of this species of arms, that they prefer it to any other, even to the arquebuse, and place more reliance on it for their defence and security than on the latter, in which notion they differ from the officers and soldiers of other nations. They shoot with such force and dexterity at the same time, that some are said to be able to pass through corslet and whole armour ; and there are few among them, even those that are moderately practised, who will not undertake at a convenient distance, to come invariably within two or three inches of a given area. In this weapon consists for the most part their attack. As to their mode of defence, they have not the same advantage, whether it be that they less regard, or less value it. For when they fight, be it on horseback or on foot, they prefer being unincumbered and active as to their persons, to being cased in armour ; in order to be able to move with ease forward and backward, and to leap and run ; though their safety might be insured by their submitting to that incumbrance. For this » gran bastoni d'altessa d'un huomo. reason they commonly make use only of a light skull-cap for the protec tion of their heads, in the form of a mere head-piece to cover half the head, rather than in that of a helmet or any thing more substantial. For the protection of the body they wear a sort of corslet, which indifferently guards the forepart ; or they rather prefer what may be called a shirt of mail. • But what they most frequently make use of, is a quilted jacket or waistcoat, several times doubled, two inches or more in thickness, which is esteemed the surest defence against the force of arrows. Upon their arms they wear plates, or stripes of mail put lengthways. " As to the Cavalry, which is considered not less necessary for attack than for defence (I speak of light Cavalry) b it might be very numerous if it were but of a good description, because this Island produces a greater number of horses than any other country of Europe. But the horses being weak and of bad wind, c fed merely on grass, being like other cattle and animals kept in field or pasture which the temperature of the climate ad mits of, they are not capable of any great exertion, and are held in no estimation. Nevertheless they are bold and spirited, especially if those be excepted which come from the Province of Wales. They do very well in the field for reconnoitering and skirmishing, and harassing the enemy : and they would do much better if they were better fed. As to heavy Cavalry, d though good as far as the men at arms are concerned, yet as the country does not produce horses for that species of service, except a few in Wales and a few of some particular race which the Queen possesses, the kingdom has very little of it. The fact is, that as it is well ascertained what forces are necessary and useful, by means of the obligation under which the Barons and Prelates are of maintaining a certain number of men for the defence of the kingdom and the service of the King, they keep as many of that description of force as they have an opportunity of ob taining. The horses which we commonly see in the cavalry are all fo reign, imported from Flanders, the Queen having ordered that every one liable to this service should provide himself with what is required of him, lest this branch of service should by its intermission be entirely neglected. Now if all the forces which exist of this description were brought together at a general muster, accompanied by their dependants and the gentlemen who are called esquires, besides the archers of the Court who are all obliged to serve on horse-hack fully armed, a body would be collected exceeding 2000 men, which would be a great force for this species of arms, excelling as to the description of the men, and mounted on horses calculated for every service. ¦ comisa de maglio. b leggiora. : deboli et di pooo lena. A eavaleria gross,*!. " Of such kind is the armed force of the English, capable, as is evident, to resist any invasion from abroad, provided there be union in the king dom ; to which may be added the aid of troops from Ireland, a wild race of people subject to the Crown of England, who without difficulty could come over, after a passage of one day, or in some places of eight or ten hours, as has been done on former occasions, for the service of the king dom ; when they have obtained the credit of having shown great prowess. a " This would be the place for me, after having stated the number and quality of the forces both by sea and land, to state likewise the expence, and the manner in which they are maintained in time of war, to show the difference of the practice adopted in this kingdom from that fol lowed by your Highness and other Princes. But as this is a subject of such extent, and would require a particular detail, I shall reserve it for another opportunity. Therefore to proceed in my remarks, I have to state, that beside that sort of defence of which I have been speaking, the kingdom is strong in this, that Nature has placed it in an Island with a sea all around, and a sea different in character from other seas, there being in no part of the Mediterranean as far as it is known, a simi lar course of water, with so remarkable a flux and ebb, increasing and decreasing ordinarily from twelve to fifteen paces ; which has been the reason that, as the Kingdom is thus to be considered as one general fortification, the Sovereigns have paid but little attention to fortifications in detail, deeming the latter superfluous, either with regard to domestic or foreign enemies. For as to the former, the point always was, and still is, to get possession of the field ; of which whosoever is the master, has been, is, and always will be the master of -the Kingdom : and he will re duce the enemy (were he to retire to a fortress) to consume himself, and perish without relief, by famine ; such is the nature of the country. As to foreign enemies, since these could not act except by means of fleets, the country being insular, the system has been and continues to be, to pre vent them from approaching any part of the Island except with risk and danger. With this view therefore, in suspicious times, guards are stationed round the Island, and along the coast on eminences, to give notice, by means of signals, as is done in the Levant when apprehensions are entertained of the Corsairs (in the day-time by hoisting flags and in the night by .lighting fires) of the approach of any vessels. The country people, apprized by these signals, immediately hasten to the point which is threatened, as they are bound to do (all heads of families being an. swerable with their lives), and provided with arms and four days' pro vision at least. By these, together with the guards, the store of arms, artillery, and ammunition with which the country is furnished, the ¦ " buona provova." VOL. II. SER. 2. Q Kingdom s protected, and its defence secured. For those that assemble can never be o few in number, nor so weak, as not to be able to oppose any sudden attack, and, with the succour that hourly would reinforce them, to maintain a good defence, and ultimately avert the danger so much the more, as on the part of the enemy the aggressor would be at the mercy of wind and tide in attempting to effect a landing in the ports, which cannot be entered except at high water, or with so very favourable a wind as may be able to overcome the force of the water. The example of Cassar's expeditions, and others of former time across this Sea, would discourage the most daring enterprises of this kind. The reason is that the coast is dangerous, and the wind extremely changeable ; so that from the Sea the Country cannot well be invaded by means of a surprize, nor without making a powerful defence and resistance ; with great risk to the Invader. " On the land-side, it is only the Northern provinces, toward Scotland, that stand in need of being guarded. The Scots might otherwise, at any hour, make inroads and commit depredations, stimulated not only by the hope of plunder (a great temptation as they inhabit a barren and conse quently a poor country) but also by the hatred which neighbouring Nations generally entertain one toward another, which is increased, in this instance, by constant wars and long-standing differences and jealousies. Now this frontier is secured by a force of fifteen hundred soldiers, distributed in four quarters. First in Berwick, the frontier to the east, near the mouth of the river Tweed,' a place of strength and extent, which has a salmon fishery : it was taken from the Scots in a war long ago, and never either restored to, or recovered by them. Another garrison is in the city of Carlisle, the frontier-town to the west. The remainder are stationed in two other towns of less importance, situated between the former, viz. one called Orch, * the other Warck, besides the city of Durham, a renowned place among the English. Though in this city no soldiers are commonly kept and paid, yet being very populous, it has always been reputed one of the chief bulwarks against the inroads of the Scotch, of whose dis position toward the present Queen it will be proper to speak afterwards, when I come to mention their conduct towards tlie other sovereigns. " Another frontier, besides that of Scotland, and of no less importance for the security of the kingdom, though it be separated, is that which the English occupy on the other side of the sea, by means of two fortresses, Calais and Guisnes, guarded by them (and justly) with jealousy, espe cially Calais. For this is the key and principal entrance to their domi nions, without which the English would have no outlet from their own, nor access to other countries; at least none so easy, so short, and so secure : so much so, that if they were deprived of it, they would not only be shut out from the continent, but also from the commerce and inter course of the World. They would consequently lose what is essentially necessary for the existence of a country, and become dependent upon the will and pleasure of other sovereigns, in availing themselves of their ports, besides having to encounter a more distant, more hazardous, and more expensive passage ; whereas, by way of Calais, which is directly opposite to the harbour of Dover, distant only about thirty miles, they can, at any time, without hindrance, even in spite of contrary winds, at their pleasure, enter or leave the harbour (such is the experience and boldness of their sailors) a and carry over either troops, or any thing else for warfare, of fensive and defensive, without giving rise to jealousy and suspicion : and thus they are enabled, as Calais is not more than ten miles from Ardres, the frontier of the French, nor farther from Gravelines, the frontier of the Imperialists, to join either the one or the other, as they please, and to add their strength to him with whom they are at amity, in prejudice of an enemy. For these reasons therefofe it is not to be wondered at, that, besides the inhabitants of the place, who are esteemed men of most un shaken fidelity, being the descendants of an English colony settled there shortly after the first conquest, it should also be guarded by one of the most trusty barons which the king has, bearing the title of Deputy, with a force of five hundred of the best soldiers, besides a troop of fifty horse men. It is considered by every one as an impregnable fortress, on account of the inundation with which it may be surrounded, although there are persons skilled in the art of fortification, who doubt that it would prove so if put to the test. For the same reason Guisnes is also reckoned im pregnable, situated about three miles more inland, on the French frontier, and guarded with the same degree of care, though, being a smaller place, only by a hundred and fifty men, under a chief governor. The same is done with regard to a third place, called Hammes, situated between the two former, and thought to be of equal importance, the waters which inundate the country being collected around. So by these fortresses, besides the forces which I have described, the country is secured. " But as neither the one nor the other would be adequate to that pur pose, if that resource were wanting upon which every thing depends, and without which no State, however strong it may be in other respects, can exist in safety either from external enemies or internal commotion (always fatal in this country), namely, the means of supporting the forces alluded to, and the ways of finding the money, I will give a brief account of the resources of the kingdom. They may be considered as of two kinds, first of treasure accumulated, secondly of means derived from the 1 " tanto e fatta la prattica et l'ardire di quelli niarinari." a2 revenue. As to the former, it consists in the jewels, and the gold and silver plate provided for the use of the sovereign, suitable to his dignity and splendor, wherein, if England does not surpass other nations, it is at least on a level with them, as has been shown on many occasions, and espe cially at the marriage of the present Queen. Of any other treasure, available for use, I have not heard : on the contrary, instead of such ac cumulated wealth, I shall have to speak of the public debt, but will, for the present, postpone this subject, proceeding to the consideration of the ordinary revenue. This is derived, as I am informed, from five or six main sources, of which, as they differ from those of other states, I think it incumbent upon me Wgive some account Among the revenues the guardianship of minors is a great prerogative both of this kingdom and of Scotland, such a grievance being neither known to, nor practised hy any other Sovereign, either christian or infidel. It is, indeed, a very strange practice, and consists in this, that all those, who after the death of their father, are under twenty-one years, be they male, or female (we must be understood "to speak of elder children, because the inheritance goes exclusively to the first-born), remain as wards under the guardian ship of the king, who becomes the usufructuary of all they possess, except of as much as is required for maintaining them : and this applies to land and all manner of property which the Crown may claim under its feudal prerogative, whether small or great, were it even a pair of gloves, or a pair of spurs. This continues till the wards have passed the aforesaid age of twenty-one years, up to which time the king disposes of their property as if it were his own, either in giving it away, or selling it, or appropriating it to himself. This revenue would produce a great deal if the king did not show so much liberality as he does ; for it may be said, that not only the property of the nobility, but that of the whole island is more or less subject to the prerogative of the Crown ; and if time per mitted, I would detail the very great inconvenience which thence arises, not only from the Httle attention that is paid to the property of the wards, but to the wards themselves, the guardians appointed being generally mercenary persons, who purchase these guardianships for a certain price, and look only to their private interest. They frequently form, almost by force and fraud, matrimonial alliances with their wards and their own children and poor relations, whatever difference there may be between them in point of rank or fortune. Whence arise, besides the debasement of blood, while the low-born intermix with the nobility, remarkable in stances of hatred and aversion between those that are so married ; and very frequent separations and divorces. Within this prerogative of guardianship are farther comprehended, not only minors, but also those who hold their property from the crown, though they be of full age. It is the established rule both of England and Scotland, that no one who enjoys this kind of property, can, when he wishes to marry, do so, unless with the consent and approbation of the king, the patron and disposer of marriages and dowries : but it must be observed that in asserting this part of his prerogative the king is extremely indulgent. From this species of revenue no more than ten or twelve thousand pounds sterling were formerly derived ; now that the possessions of the church are incorporated with those of the people generally, by which the property of individuals is greatly augmented, I understand that, notwithstanding all the favours which the king shows, it produces little less than thirty thousand pounds. " Besides the revenue before described, there exists another, which is called Livery. This consists in one year's income, which all those have to pay who hold property from the Crown, on their succeeding to such property, and to other property not so circumstanced ; and a third species, which is called Relief, which relates to the recognition of feudal posses sion. Of these the number and variety is so great, that those which are called military fiefs exceed by much sixty thousand ; bringing more or less profit to the king on being renewed, according to the importance and nature of the fiefs : the revenue hence derived is called extraordinary revenue, in opposition to that which is called the ordinary revenue. The ordinary revenue, also called the old revenue, constitutes as it were the patrimony of the Crown, yielding thirty thousand pounds per annum ; to which is joined at present the Duchy of Lancaster, assigned to one of the king's sons when there is one, and producing sixteen thousand pounds, but as much as twenty-four thousand pounds, when certain dues, which are attached to it, are levied. But, above all, there is the duty, called Custom,* which is taken on every thing imported or ex ported, whether foreign or English, with a great difference however be tween these two, foreign articles paying sometimes the quadruple of what the English do. This branch of revenue would be very productive, con sidering the great amount both of imports and exports, if it were dif ferently collected and administered, namely, in a manner similar to what is done in other states by dataries ; b but being collected by the sovereign himself, the greater part is wasted in donations, or lost by the pilfering of those who are employed : for of 200,000?. and more, which it is said to produce annually in the common course, the fourth part scarcely reaches the Royal Treasury, the remainder is consumed by the expenses of collecting and the persons employed in this business. " Such were from ancient times, and are still, the most important sources of revenue, besides which there is the profit derived from the mines of iron, lead, and tin, chiefly the latter ; there not being, as we may say, any part of the island which is not full of these metals, the soil being » " la Costuma." h •' datiarii." ahnost every where of a mineral nature ; but above all the province of Cornwall is of this description, where those metals are commonly dug. There was, and still is, the income arising from vacant bishopricks, and formerly also from abbies, which is not inconsiderable. The nomination to the former of these ecclesiastical preferments depends upon the King, who by delaying to fill them up, as he sees fit, appropriates the fruits of them while they are vacant to himself. " The Crown moreover derives 30,OOOZ. from the pastures and lands about Calais and Guisnes. It has 20,000/. from Ireland, but this does not enter into account, as that sum scarcely suffices to cover the expendi ture of that kingdom. It has the confiscated property of rebels, besides the fines, which, in several tribunals, but particularly in that called the Star-chamber are levied on the nobility and gentry for misdemeanours, and on officers and public servants for embezzlements and other irregu larities of which they may have been guilty ; besides those who are every day condemned for felonies. All these revenues collectively, both ordinary and extraordinary, were said, before the time of the Schism,* to amount, one year with another, to the sum of 150,0007., which, reckoning the pound at four large gold ducats, as was at that time the reckoning of money, made 600,000 gold ducats. Thus, with the usurpa tion of church-property, so scandalously committed at that period by King Henry, who alienated himself from the church, the revenue was doubled, though much connivance and negligence were purposely ad mitted, in order to reconcile the people by suffering individuals to par take of the plunder. With this increase it was estimated that the Crown had an annual income of more than 310,0002., which, in those days, made a sum of more than one million two hundred thousand gold ducats. Of this sum the present Queen has ceded more than 60,000/. in behalf of the clergy, having given up the tithes and what are called first fruits, that is, the income of one year, which the priests paid on being appointed by the King to any benefices ; an usurpation by the said King Henry. They were the same as the annates which were paid to Rome. Having farther restored the fruits and revenues of more than eight hundred be nefices, which were dependent on abbies and monasteries, called by the English ' priories,' b which revenues the Crown enjoyed : these are now in possession of the clergy on which the benefices have been conferred by the bishops in the several dioceses. To the former cessions must be added what the Queen restored to the Order of Rhodes. <" She is, on the other hand, burdened with all the pensions which at the overthrow of • The Reformation : " inanti al tempo del Scisma." <- " beneficii curati dcpcndcnti di Abbatie et Monasterii chiamati di loro Priories." Michele must mean rectories, or great tithes. c '¦ alia Religione de Rodi." the monasteries were assigned to different ecclesiastical persons who had been thrown upon the world, for maintenance. These pensions are now, by a certain repartition, divided and paid by the clergy. She retains, however, the revenues of the dissolved Abbies and Monasteries, which it is impossible to restore (even if there were a disposition) to their former state, except after a very long course of years, so complete was the ruin and destruction that befel them. In this manner, between these and the ordinary revenues mentioned above, the Crown is still in posses sion of more than two hundred thousand pounds a year ; which being reduced by the standard of money, deteriorated by one third through mismanagement, still amounts to something less than six hundred thou sand gold scudi. With such resources it is not to be doubted that when the country is not at war, as it ordinarily has no need for its security of any of those heavy expenses which other countries are liable to, namely, of cavalry, infantry, and fleets, being naturally very secure, so it has sufficient not only largely to provide for the maintenance, dig nity, and splendour of the King, but abundantly to minister to all his pleasures. For excepting the protection of the fortresses on this side of the sea, and the garrisons in Scotland above mentioned (which, however, when there is no war, nor any apprehension of war, are kept by the people of the country itself upon half of the pay), and excepting the pro vision for the King's guard, namely, the three hundred archers and the fifty serving gentlemen, one with the other at 25/. per annum, and fifty pensioners at 50/. a man. per annum, excepting farther the repairs of bridges," and those few vessels that are kept in commission, the providing artillery, renewing arms, and all sorts of ammunition, together with the repairs of houses and royal palaces, of which there is indeed a very great number, considering the extent of the kingdom ; besides the maintenance of ambassadors, judges, and other official persons and public servants, all which are unquestionably ordinary and necessary charges for the pre servation of a kingdom : then, all these expenses deducted, which, though considerable, are in fact of no vast amount, all the remainder certainly is spent, with much profusion and waste, upon the household, the table, horses, armour, chagel,b wardrobe, and other establishments for the king's person, with a great number of officers, and what they call clerks. I use the term profusion, as there is no nation which in its manner of living and ordinary expenditure is more extravagant than the English ; because they keep more servants, with a greater distinction of offices and degrees in which these servants are placed.' In this manner, to mention only one particular, in order to give an idea of other expenses of greater moment, the expense * " ponti:" the Lansdowne MS. reids " porti" harbours. b " della cappella :" the Lansdowne MS. reads " della caccia," the Jiunting esta blishment. of the court, in the mere article of living, that is, of eating and drinking, and of what solely relates to the table, amounts to from fifty-four to fifty-six thousand pounds sterling a year, making 230,000 of our scudi. It is a monstrous thing to see the quantity of victuals usually consumed, with the allowances to attendants and servants ; and yet not the fourth part is now expended of what was spent in the time of Henry and Edward, the predecessors of the Queen; her Majesty having succeeded in correcting many abuses, and regulating superfluities, partly by limit ing and partly by entirely abolishing many tables, and taking away all arbitrary supplies of provisions. From these sources the income of the Crown is derived, and in this manner it is spent ; there remaining in ex traordinary exigencies, either of war, or debt, or other public occasions, extraordinary ways and means, which would be very various and pro ductive for the Sovereign, if he were disposed to make them a part of those public burdens which are imposed in other kingdoms, where they are considered ordinary. But the liberty of this country is really singular and wonderful ; indeed there is no other country, in my opinion, less burthened and more free. For they have not only no taxes of any kind, but they are not even thought of: no tax on salt, wine, beer, flour, meat, cloth, and other necessaries of life, which in all parts of Italy especially, and in Flanders, are the more productive the greater is the number of in habitants which consume them. But here every one indifferently, whether noble or of the common people, is in the free and unmolested enjoyment of all he possesses or daily acquires, relating either to food or raiment, buying or selling, except in those articles which he imports or exports by way of traffick. The regular taxes before mentioned are paid only by those who hold property of the Crown, and this applies solely to the nobility, and not to the commonalty. Nothing else, however small, is paid to the Sovereign. The Kingdom, therefore, has no other extra ordinary supplies but the subsidies, which in time of need are publickly granted by the intervention of parliament, to which every one contributes without distinction, both foreigner and Englishman ; but even these are paid with great accommodation to the people, there being. always two instalments allowed, which are commonly of two years, the payments being made according to an estimate of what a person is worth, so many groats in the pound, according to necessity, and the greater or lesser pressure in which the sovereign finds himself. These estimates are more moderate than we find them in other countries: yet are the subsidies never so small but that with the tenths of the hishopricks and the clergy which are comprehended in them, they do not produce more than a mil. lion of gold. * * Michele here probably again calculates from tlie ducat. " Having said enough of the forces and fortresses of the kingdom, it remains to speak of the form of government, in order to make known the great difference there is between this and other kingdoms. It will suffice, however, to do this briefly. The Country is not governed in the administration of justice, as other States and christian Countries, by the civil and imperial law, but by municipal laws, like our own republick ; which laws having been instituted by William of Normandy, the bastard, surnamed the Conqueror (as having by force conquered the whole kingdom), it is no wonder that they are so much directed as they are to the advantage of the king, and so little to that of his subjects ; and that they are so full of intricacies, contrarieties, and doubts. For they were derived from a nation than which there is not one in the world more practised in the fallacies and ambiguities of legal proceedings, a namely, the Norman. These laws are observed in the courts of justice immuta bly in their full vigour; and they are publicly read in colleges b in the Norman language ; in which language, but a few years ago, all law-suits were conducted, all legal deeds performed, and public documents written : and what will appear strange, a doctor's degree (a particular practice of this country0) is conferred in it. And if time would permit, I might re late some truly remarkable anomalies and abuses in their judiciary pro ceedings and in the form of their trials, particularly of what they deno minate Inquests, which are in use all over the kingdom, and in all sorts of cases both civil and criminal ; and a pattern of disorder they are. They consist of twelve men, summoned by the judge after the trial is con cluded, for the sake of obtaining their opinion on the litigated point ; in giving which it is required that they should be unanimous, as otherwise the judge cannot proceed to pronounce sentence. " But to avoid becoming tedious I shall omit particulars, and only observe, that with the exception of judicial matters, every thing relative to the government of the realm is dependent on the will of the Kings, who in point of fact are absolute lords and masters. However, as either through indolence, convenience, or the consciousness of their importance (following in this respect the footsteps of the Grand Turk), they rarely trouble themselves about business or men of business ; they have established a Council similar to that of the Bashaws,d composed of the principal and most confidential servants they can find, who pretty nearly in the manner of the bashaws assemble together, and following the King's person (for which purpose they have board and apartments at court, and are served a • ' piu instrutta nelle falacie et nelle longelle delle liti." b He means the Inns of Court. The Lansdowne MS. reads the " Colleges of London." c " uso speciss0. in quel Regno." d " a quello de Bassa. with great pomp and circumstance"), they ease the King of the fatigue and trouble of governing, and constitute themselves masters not only of the people and public ministers, but also of ambassadors and princes. Thus it may be said they are the ears, the person, and the very voice of the King. They send their written mandates through the realm, their com mands to the ministers are given in the most authoritative manner, and as punctually obeyed, and resolutions are passed by them as though they proceeded from the King himself. Into this sort of council, called the Royal Council, are occasionally admitted the thirty-four principal officers of the court and the King's household, such as the steward,1" whose office an swers to that of grand master in France or ' maggiordomo maggiore' of the Emperor's court, and the comptroller, who has the particular charge of the expenses and provisions of the court ; all of them are, in general, noble men and first-rate gentlemen, who hold their official situations not from necessity but by the command of the King, it being understood that no principal charges and offices of the realm or of the court devolve on any but high-bred and above all trust-worthy persons. Besides these, the King (not being limited to any particular number) also uses to admit such other individuals, whether noble or commoners, both of ecclesiatical or secular estate, as are desirous of that honour, in which, however, favour and good luck oftentimes carry it over merit of every description. By these the kingdom is governed in all circumstances, under the pleasure of the King. But inasmuch as occasionally circumstances occur of im portance to the realm or the subjects, such as passing new laws or revising and amending old ones, making provision of money for carrying on wars or other public business ; in such, and similar cases, the Kings, out of sheer modesty, use to keep up the old custom of calling Parliaments, or convoking the three estates and orders of the realm, c viz. the clergy, the nobles, and the commons, in order that they bring on and examine into the matters that have occurred, and submit their opinions to the King either for confirmation or rejection. In the beginning, and, indeed, many years after the introduction of parliaments, the liberty and security of those three estates were such that even the lowest person of them might, without any danger, were it even against the King's person, give free utterance to any expressions calculated for the public good, or dic tated by zeal for his country ; the Kings in those times being looked upon rather as political and civil chiefs than as lords and masters or monarchs, as they are at the present day. Thus at first the power of the King ap peared, and really was weakened by parliament ; but from tlie time of a •' rispetto." b '* stuordo." c " i Re per modesta continuar nell uso antico di eahiamari Parlamcnti convocandi i trestati In esso et ordiui del Regno." Edward III. who reigned in 1325a and afterwards, the influence of par liament was gradually but greatly diminished by the power of the King, so that at the present day little remains, besides the ancient form, that might convey an idea of its original freedom and authority. Indeed the Kings now-a-days make use of the show of parliaments rather for the sake of cloaking their pleasure and appetites, and ridding themselves of trouble and fatigue in consultations on doubtful, and of responsibility in dangerous affairs, than with a view to sacrifice any small portion of then- power ; for nothing determined upon in Parliament is valid unless it have received the sanction of the King. Neither can parliaments alone pass any decree or any act whatsoever, nor can they assemble without being called by the King. In the same spirit the Kings use, in more than one way, to keep out or bring in whomsoever they please ; choosing for the latter purpose such only on whose good disposition towards them they can firmly rely. They are at this time become so formidable and power ful that they may do even as they please ; nor can any body, whether it be in parliament or out of it, impunely, and, indeed, without utter ruin to himself, venture to stand up in opposition, or even to make the least show of resistance to their pleasure. In short, servants they enter par liament, and servile are their proceedings therein. " It might not be out of place here to describe the ancient and truly beautiful costumeb in which the King and the barons appear on solemn occasions ; the distinction of the Houses into which parliament is divided, the one that of the nobles and prelates, called the Upper House, the other that of the burgesses as they are called (although, in point of fact, they are most of them cavaliers and persons of quality, and of first-rate talents), constituting the Lower House ; their mode of debating ; the mode in which they give their suffrages, retaining therein the usages of the an cient Romans ; and lastly, the form of the speech which, on the breaking up of parliament, is delivered by the King on giving either his assent to or dissent from the matters proposed or resolved upon by both the houses. It would, likewise, be the right place here, after having given an idea of the government of the realm, to expatiate on the manner in which the King's person is served ; on the management of his household both for public and private purposes, and which differs so widely from that in use among other princes. I might also dwell upon the special privilege which, among christian potentates, the King of England enjoys, in common with the French and Roman Kings, of being consecrated and anointed when crowned ; I might explain the origin of the royal titles, viz. Bang of France and of Ireland (in addition to England), Defender of the Faith ; T might dilate upon the prerogative he possesses to touch » He began to reign in 1327. * " habito. for the scrophula, and to bless rings" as a remedy against the falling sickness and lameness ; and, lastly, I might speak of the Order of the Garter belonging to this kingdom, as the Order of St. Michael does to France, and that of St. Andrew, called the Order of the Fleece, to the House of Burgundy. All these topics, however, curious as they are, would require too much time, and some of them may already be known by accounts given of them by others : I shall therefore pass them over, and proceed to that part of my Report which relates to the royal persons and ministers. " Queen Mary, the daughter of Henry VIII11-. and of his Queen Cathe rine daughter of Ferdinand the Catholic, King of Arragon, is a Princess of great worth. In her youth she was rendered unhappy by the event of her mother's divorce ; by the ignominy and threats to which she was exposed after the change of religion in England, she being unwilling to bend to the new one ; and by the dangers to which she was exposed by the Duke of Northumberland,b and the riots among the people when she ascended the throne. She is of short stature, well made, thin and deli cate, and moderately pretty; her eyes are so lively that she inspires reverence and respect, and even fear, wherever she turns them ; neverthe less she is very short sighted. Her voice is deep, almost like that of a man.c She understands five languages, English, Latin, French, Spanish, and Italian, in which last, however, she does not venture to converse. She is also much skilled in ladies' work, such as producing all sorts of embroidery with the needle. She has a knowledge of music, chiefly on the lute, on which she plays exceedingly well. As to the qualities of her mind, it may be said of her that she is rash, disdainful, and par simonious rather than liberal. d She is endowed with great humility and patience, but withal high spirited, courageous, and resolute; having during the whole course of her adversity been guiltless of any the least approach to meanness of comportment; she is, moreover, devout and staunch in the defence of her religion. Some personal infirmities under which she labours are the causes to her of both public and private afflic tion ; to remedy these recourse is had to frequent blood-letting, and this is the real cause of her paleness and the general weakness of her frame. These have also given rise to the unfounded rumour that the Queen is in » •- anelli :" not agnelli as the Lansdowne MS. These " anelli" were the Cramp- Rings, of which see Brand's Popular Antiq. vol. i. p. 129. Burnet, in the Appendix to his History of the Reformation, has printed the ceremonial for the consecration of them. i' The contriver and executor of the plot to put Jaue Gray upon the throne c " Ha gl'occhi tanto vivi, ch'inducauo reverentia et timore a quetlo verso chi le muoui, ha tutta via la vista molta eorta. La voce grossa et quasi di huomo." 11 " Subita, sdegnosa, et miscretta in tosto che liberale." a state of pregnancy. * The cabal b she has been exposed to, the evil dis position of the people towards her, the present poverty and the debt of the Crown, and her passion for King Philip from whom she is doomed to live separate, 3re so many other causes of the grief by which she is over whelmed. She is, moreover, a prey to the hatred she bears my Lady Elizabeth,0 and which has its source in the recollection of the wrongs she experienced on account of her mother, and in the fact that all eyes and hearts are turned towards my Lady Elizabeth as successor to the Throne. " My Lady Elizabeth, the daughter of Henry VIII,b. and Ann Boleyne, was born in the year 1533. She is a lady of great elegance both of body and mind, although her face may rather be called pleasing than beautiful ; she is tall and well made ; her complexion fine, though rather sallow; her eyes, but above all her hands, which she takes care not to conceal, are of superior beauty. d In her knowledge of the Greek and Italian languages she surpasses the Queen. Her spirits and understanding are admirable, as she has proved by her conduct in the midst of suspicion and danger, when she concealed her religion and comported herself like a good catholic. She is proud and dignified in her manners ; for though her mother's condition is well known to her, she is also aware that this mother of hers was united to the King in wedlock, with the sanction of the holy church and the concurrence of the primate of the realm ; and though misled with regard to her religion, she is conscious of having acted with good faith : nor can this latter circumstance reflect upon her birth, since she was born in the same faith with that professed by the Queen. Her father's affection she shared at least in equal measure with her sister, and the King considered them equally in his will, settling on both of them 10,000 scudi per annum. Moreover the Queen, though she hates her most sincerely, yet treats her in public with every outward sign of affection and regard, and never con verses with her but on. pleasing and agreeable subjects. She has also contrived to ingratiate herself with the King of Spain, through whose influence the Queen is prevented from bastardising her, as she certainly has it in her power to do by means of an act of parliament, and which would exclude her from the throne. It is believed that but for this inter ference of the King, the Queen would, without remorse, chastise her in the severest manner ; for whatever plots against the Queen are discovered, my Lady Elizabeth, or some of her people, may always be sure to be mentioned among the persons concerned in them. ¦ ¦ ¦• Di questo morbo e proceduto quel vana rumore della sua gravidanta che an- dava tanto in menti che le tette s' ingrossanano et mandavano fuori del latte." b " Congiure." c " Mi Ladi Elizabetta." ' " di faccia sia piu tosto gratiosa che bella, grande et ben formata, di bella came anchorche olivastra, belli occhii, et sopra '1 tutto bella mano de la quale fa pro- fessione." " King Philip is of short stature, but his person appears to advantage both when armed and in common attire. Though of great affability and politeness, his character is marked with gravity. His understanding is good and his judgment correct. Besides Spanish, he knows Latin, Italian, and French. He is also liberal and religious, but without possessing either the dignity or the ambition of his father. He abhors war to such a degree that he never takes the field in person, imitating therein his great grandfather Ferdinand, who obtained greater advantages and more glory through the exploits of Sr. Prospero, the Marchese di Pescaro, Antonio di Leyva, and other generals, than" he could have done by his own exertions. He is hated by all nations, the Spanish not excepted, and much envied by the house of Austria. Neither is he the richer for not being fond of war. Being however as it were forced to war by the French, he affects valour and impetuosity, lest the enemy should slight him and prove still more unceremonious in breaking truces and agreements. As to his authority in England, your Serene Highness may be assured that in all affairs a of importance, whether public or private, he is made to act precisely the same part as if he were the natural king of England, and this on account of the great respect and love with which he is treated by the Queen and Cardinal Pole. Sensible, however, that he is newb in this kingdom, he modestly, and wisely too, leaves every thing to the management of the Queen and the Cardinal. He receives petitions, but more in the character of mediator than as a patron, letting justice take its course in criminal cases, but frequently stepping forward to pro cure pardon or mitigation of punishment after conviction. He, moreover, has always maintained himself and his whole court entirely at his own expense, and even allows pensions amounting to upwards of fifty-four thousand scudi in gold, to some Englishmen who remained faithful to the Queen in the conspiracy of \Yiat, without receiving any farther services from them. His coming to England has proved more useful to the country than any thing that has lately happened, for it has been calculated that the money which he, together with other foreigners who came hither for his sake, have spent here, in little more than one year, amounts to a mil lion of gold, the whole of which remains in the island. With all this he cannot live with dignity in this country, on account of the insolence with which foreigners are treated by the English, and which it is not in his power to obviate. " This may suffice of the royal personages. Of the Ministers, in order not to tire your Serene Highness, I shall only mention Cardinal Pole. His mother was the daughter of George Duke of Clarence, and his fa ther Richard Pole, great chamberlain of Henry VIIlb. and Knight of the Order. On the shoulders of this man now rests tlie whole weight of the » -' fattioni." '- " ehe ti huomo novo." government of the realm, both with regard to secular and spiritual affairs. He is a man of great learning and goodness of heart. His opinion is of such authority with the Queen, that, by a mere sign with his hand, he could remove any person from the situation he holds, or bring him to punishment ; whence he is envied and hated by the principal ministers. With all this, he uses his power with great discretion and humility ; he abstains from interfering with any thing not particularly committed to his charge, setting thereby an example to Englishmen who, on coming into office and power, are but too much given to meddle with things that do not concern them ; and too desirous of appearing more than they really are ; whence, right or wrong, they will stubbornly persevere in the mea sures they have once taken in the management of affairs. The Cardinal confers on every subject with Monsignor Priori, and makes use of none but Italians for his confidential servants. " It remains to say a few words on the state of religion and on the suc cession to the throne, " Religion, although apparently thriving in this country, is I appre hend in some degree the offspring of dissimulation. The Queen is far from being lukewarm in it; she has already founded ten monasteries," and is about to found more. Generally speaking, your Serene Highness may rest assured, that with the English the example and authority of the Sovereign is every thing, and religion is only so far valued as it in culcates the duty due from the subject to the prince. They live as he lives, they believe as he believes, and they obey his commands, not from any inward moral impulse, but because they fear to incur his displeasure ; and they would be full as zealous followers of the Mahometan or Jewish religions did the king profess either of them, or commanded his subjects to do so. In short they will accommodate themselves to any religious persuasion, but most readily to one that promises to minister to licentious ness and profit. " As to the Succession after the demise of the Queen, the following are the competitors. My Lady Elizabeth, who is falsely considered disqua lified by illegitimacy of birth, for though King Henry VIIIth. has substi tuted her for her sister by will, and though an act of parliament has been passed in her favor, they still will have it that this was an act of violence, and that Henry's last Will cannot set aside the laws both of God and nature. Mary Queen of Scots : her succession is opposed by an act of parliament, which prohibits a person born out of the kingdom to become a These were, Kings Langley in Hertfordshire, to which she annexed the Nunnery of Dartford in Kent : the Grey Friery at Greenwich in Kent : the College of Man chester in Lancashire : St. Bartholomew's Priory in Smithfield, the House of the Knights Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem, the Savoy Hospital, Syon Nunnery, and Westminster Abbey, in Middlesex : Wolverhampton College in Staffordshire : and the Carthusian Priory of Shene, in Surrey. Michele is correct in the number of Houses restored, but not as to the precise nature of their foundations. heir to any thing in it. Those who are in favor of it allege that a muni cipal law (if there was such a law at all, which they deny) cannot, in the case of succession, be opposed to the law of nature ; inasmuch as a lawful successor cannot in any manner be deprived of his natural right, proceed ing from God, unless he should be guilty of rebellion or treason, and be convicted and condemned as such. And even supposing, they say, that such a law exists, it was certainly not passed prior to Margaret's leaving England for Scotland ; but, in point of fact, there is no such law among the ancient constitutions of the Crown. a My Lady Katherine, daughter of my Lady Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, and sister of my Lady Jane who was beheaded. There is still another sister. b These were, by the will of Henry VIII. substituted for the present Queen and my Lady Elizabeth, in case the latter should die without issue. But they also claim precedence of my Lady Elizabeth in the succession, by virtue of the last will of King Edward. My Lady Margaret, Baroness of Strange, pretends that, treason being upon the house of her cousin, on account of her sister Jane, the former is likewise attainted, and consequently excluded from the succession, whence the Lady Margaret, as the nearest in blood (and legitimately of English birth) has a just claim to it. ' Henry VII. K.——Eliz. heiress of heir of the H.^the Fam. of of Lancaster. York. Arthur died s. p. Edward VI. K. Henry VIII*. K. Mary Q- Eliz. Q. 1 2'h. Archib. — ¦— Margaret Douglas j E. of Angus I ' Mary Douglas m. to Matt. E. of Lenox. _L l"h. z James K. Sc. H Jac. v.- T Henry I-— — Mary Darnley. jQ. of | Scots. I ' James VI, K. Sc. Louis — XI Itt*. of France. r rCha*. Brandon D. of Suffi 1 Frances Duchess Eleanor of Suff. wife of w. of Henry Henry Gray D. E. of Cumb. of Suffolk. , Jane beheaded. Katherinew. of the E. of Herf. J Margaret, wife of Henry E. of Derby. I ' Edw. Lord Beauchamp. Ferdinand Lord Strange." » " Non si trovando nelle constitutione autiche della Corona legge tale alcuna." It is evident that the vulgar opinion alluded to by Michele, arose from the law of private inheritance being construed into a rule for the Succession. b Mary Gray, omitted in the pedigree ; of whom more will be said when her Letters occur hereafter. Such is the Memoir of Giovanni Michele. Upon the last topic of his Report the Editor is anxious to add another page. It will explain much that occurs of jealousy and heart-burning in succeeding Letters. It appears that during the reigns both of Mary and Elizabeth the sub ject of the Succession was one of universal Interest. Among the Royal MSS. in the Museum there are two which deserve particular notice ; and both it is believed were placed in the Royal Library in the time of Que'en Elizabeth herself. The first, called " A Persuasive to the Queen to name her Successor," MS. Reg. 18. A. lxviii. fol. 25 b. contains the following singular paragraph : " To let your Majestie understand our opinions herin, we do thinke it our duties we do assure our selves that the breath shalbe no sooner out of your body, yf your Successor be not setled in your life tyme, but that all your Nobillity, Counsellors, and whole people, wilbe up in armes with all the speede they may ; yea their care and hast to arme themselves wilbe so earnest that they will thinke themselves most happie that can first draw them and their power into the feilde, and then ther wilbe as many KINGES proclaimed, as ther will COMPETITORS, the which will be fouhe or five at the least, so that then your executors wilbe so busied to set up a new Kinge (yea it is likely two or three) that they shall not possible have one hower leisure to attende nor once thinke of your Buriall or WilL" The other 16 E. xxxvi. is a long Discourse on the " Seigneurs Anglois et estrangers pretendans droict a la Couronne apres le deces d'Elizabeth a present Royne d'Angleterre ; et qui en est le plus-proche par leur Loy politique :" Written at Paris in 1571 ; in which the fol lowing is given as the list of CLAIMANTS. 1. The Children of the Lady Catherine Countess of Hertford. She herself, as will hereafter be seen, died in 1567. 2. The Loed Strange, also claiming from the House of Suffolk. 3. The Duke qf Norfolk, as descended from Anne daughter of Edward the Fourth. 4. Henry Devereux Viscount Hereford, a descended by his mother through the Bourchiers from Elizabeth daughter of Richard Earl of Cambridge. 5. Henry Hastings Earl of Huntingdon, whose mother was Catherine daughter of Henry Montacute eldest son of Margaret Countess of Salisbury. 6. Lord Stafford, son of Ursula second daughter of Geoffrey Pole and Margaret Countess of Salisbury. b » It should be Walter Viscount Hereford. b Ursula was really the daughter of Sir Richard Pole. VOL. II. SER. 2. E, 7. The Lord Manners Earl of Rutland, whose mother was the daughter of Henry Marquis of Exeter, son of William Earl of Devon and Catherine daughter of Edward the IVth. 8. The Lords Scrope and de Berkeley claiming by their wives as descendants of Anne daughter of Edward the IVth. 9. Charles Nevil Earl of Westmoreland, descended from Ralph Nevil who married Jane, the fifth and youngest child of John of Ghent Duke of Lancaster. 10. The Earl of Worcester as descended from John of Ghent. 11. Margaret Countess of Lenox, the daughter of Margaret of Scotland, eldest sister of Henry the Eighth. 12. Mary Queen of Scots. Although Mary Queen of Scots stands twelfth upon the List, the Work was evidently written in France to support her claim. Exclusive of any consideration arising from religious difference, the opinion seems for a long time to have been general that the Queen of Scots was excluded under the Statute of the 25th of Edward the Third, which, as far as the law of property is concerned, declares those born in parts beyond sea only " inheritable" in England, whose parents were in the King's allegiance. okiginal letters. 243 LETTER CXLVIII. The Lords qfthe Council to Queen Mary, announcing their Proclamation qfher Title. [ms. lansd. 3. art. 26. a Draft.] Our bownden dueties most humbly, remembred to your excellent Majestie, it may lyk the same to under stande thatt wee your most humble faythfull and obedient subjectes, having allways (God wee take to wytnes) remayned your Highnes true and humble sub jectes in our hartes ever sythens the death of our late Soveraigne lorde and master your Highnes brother, whom God pardon ; and seing hitherto no possibilite to utter our determination herein, withowt greatt de struction and bludshede bothe of our selfes and others till this tyme, have this day proclaymed in your Citey of London, your Majestie to bee our true naturall Soveraigne liege Ladie, and Queen, most humbly be seching your Majestie to pardon and remytt our formar infirmites, and most graciously t'accept our meaninges, which have byn ever to serve your Highnes truely, and so shall remayn with all our powers, and forces to th'effusion of our bludd, as thies berars our very good lordes therle of Arundell and L. Paget can, and bee redy more particularly to declare; to whom it may please 244 ORIGINAL LETTERS. your excellent Majestie to give firme credence: and thus we do and shall dayly pray to Allmighty God for the preservation of your most royall person long to reigne over us, from your Majesties Cytey of London this . . day of Julie the fyrst yere of your most pros perous Reygne. LETTER CXLIX. Queen Mary to the Bp. qf Winchester, Chancellor qf the University of Cambridge, for the restoration qf Popery. [ms. cole, vol. xiii. p. 426.] Ryght reverende Father in God, ryght trustye & ryght wel belovyd, we grete you well. And wheare amonges dyvers other Inconvenyences & Misorders brought in & sett furthe in that our Universitie of Cambridge, one of the greetest & cheffe occasion of many of the sayd Misorders is, that withowt sufficient authoritie, only uppon the sensual] myndes & rashe determinacions of a fewe Men, th'awncient Statutes, Foundacions, & Ordinaunces of the hole Universitie, the Colleges & other places of Studentes, have byn moche altered, broken, & allmoste utterlye subverted ; wherby not only the last Wylls of many good men ORIGINAL LETTERS. 245 have byn broken, & many wise, politike, & godly Or- dinaunces, confyrmed by Parlyaments & by sondry our Progenitors, fondlie & irreverentlie contempned, but the consciences of many honest men, which by ther othes were bownde to th-1 observacion of the seyd Statutes & Foundacions, have byn moche incombred, & yought loselie & insolentlie brought upp, to the greate discredit of th'Universitie, & no small hyn- draunceof the Common wealthe of all our Realme : We therfor, knowing it our bownden dewtie to Almightie God,- by whose only goodnes we acknowlege ourselfe called & placed in the Royall Estate of this Realme, to travell by all the meanes wee may, that his Glorye & holy Wyll beinge trulye declared to all our Sub jectes, he may, of all sortes, in ther severall vocacions, be reverentlye feared, served, & obeyed, have thowght good for a begynninge, to wyshe that th' examples herof, may fyrst begyn in our Universities, where yonge men, and all sortes of studentes, joyninge god- lye conversatyon with ther studyes in Learninge may after, as well by ther doinges as by ther preachinges, instructe & confyrme the rest of our subjectes, both in knowlege & feare of Almightie God, in the due Obedyence towardes us, our lawes, & all others ther superiors, & in ther charytable demeanour towardes all men. And because we know that when order is not kepte, all thynges grow to confusyon, we ther- fore have thowght good to wyll & requyre you, our 246 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Chauncellour, & all others the Heades & Governours of the Colleges, & other Howses, that both yourselfs for your owne partes do exercyse your offices, & lyve, & cause all Scholers, Studentes, Servantes & Ministers, with others lyvynge under you, of what sorte, state or pondytyon so ever thei be, to lyve, & frame them- selfes, theire studyes, conversations & maner of lyvinge, in soche forme & order, as by th'aunciente Statutes, Fundacions & Ordinaunces of that our Uni versitie, & of the Colleges, & others, is to you severally apoynted, whiche Statutes & Fundacions, we wyll to be inviolablye kepte & observed, accordinge to th1 aunciente Fundacions & Ordinaunces of the Fownders, & Grauntes of our Progenitours ; & therfore do efte- sones requyre & charge you our Chauncellour, whome we do auctoryse by theis presentes, for that purpose, to se the same well & truelye observed, as you wyll answer for the contrarye, Notwithstandinge any In- junctyons, or newe Ordinaunces made, sett furthe, or delyvered by any Vysytours or others, sythens the deathe of our Father of most worthye memorye King Henrye th'eyght, (whome God assoyle) or any other newe devyces to the contrarye hereof. Geven under our signet at our maner of Rychemonde this xxth- of August, the first yere of our Reigne. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 247 LETTER CL. Mary daughter qf Emanuel King qf Portugal to Queen Mary I. [ms. cotton, vesp. f. III. fol. 48. Orig. ENTIRELY in the princess's hand.] *,* Mary daughter of Emanuel King of Portugal, by his third wife Eleonora of Austria, was the second cousin of Queen Mary. She was born June 8th, 1321. She was promised in marriage in 1526 to Francis dauphin of France, eldest son of Francis the First, who had recently married her mother, but the marriage never took effect any more than others which Anselme says were intended for her with several of the Sovereign Princes of Europe. She died unmarried in 1578, and was buried in the monastery of St. Blary at Lisbon which she had built. a The Letter here laid before the reader is sealed with a shield of Arms in a lozenge, party per pale, the dexter side empty, possibly in allusion to her having been engaged in marriage to Francis, the sinister filled with the arms of Portugal. Marine Angliae Reginae serenissimae, Maria Portu- gallise Infans, Regis Emanuelis filia, S. P. Cum primum de fselici rerum tuarum successu nun- cius adlatus est, earn cepi animo voluptatem, quam et ratio sanguinis postulabat, et vero summi erga te amoris integritas exigebat ; turn quod Deus Optimus Maximus inter infaelicium temporum concitatos motus illaesam te, et velut e mediis tempestatibus ereptam ac servatam, cui summam regni traderet, solam dignam ». Anselme, Hist. Genealogique, edit. Par. 1726. torn. i. p. 604. 248 ORIGINAL LETTERS. esse judicavit ; turn quod tali ac tam prudenti mode- ratrice populis tuis bene consultum esse voluit, et uni- verso orbi Christiano jucunditatem summam attulit. Qua in re incertum profecto nobis reliquit, utrum tibi jure sanguinis, an potius clarissimarum virtutum me ntis, quibus inter hujus temporis Principes elluces, tam alta, et nobilis possessio debita sit : quam dum ego tibi cupio gratulari, quibus in tanto, et tam efluso meo gaudio verbis uti debeam, prorsus ignore Nee enim quisquam est (ut ex superioribus literis meis intelligere potuisti) quem magis laeserint adversas tuas res, nee cui magis ex animo cesserint prospera. Nam si mihi ju- cundissimae Literas tuas tam mirificam voluptatem olim attulerunt, ut eas, et in sinu gestare, et manibus tenere, et saspius legere nunquam mihi fuerit satis, quanta animum meum lsetitia, oblato hoc summi gaudii argu- mento, exhilaratum esse existimas ? Quare te oratam velim, ut quanto major ex hoc prospero tuarum rerum statu voluptas ad me pervenit, tanto crebriores literas, quas avidissime expecto, de tua incolumitate imposte- rum ad me des. Interim, a Deo Optimo Maximo votis omnibus contendam, ut qui regni tui author extitit, idem tuam hanc felicitatem firmam et stabilem esse velit, ac te populis tuis in summa tranquillitate diu servet incolumen. Vale. Olyssippone 19 cal. Octoh. anno Domini 1553. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 249 LETTER CLI. Henry Lord Darnley, afterwards husband to the Queen qf Scots, to Queen Mary qf England. [ms. cotton, vesp, f. iii. fol. 37 b. Orig.] %* This Letter has been erroneously supposed to have been written to Mary Queen of Scots, but that this was not the case is evident from an examination of its contents. Lord Darnley, though vain, was accomplished, and of a literary turn. Beside the " Utopia Nova" mentioned in this Letter, some ballads are ascribed to him, and bishop Montagu informs us that he translated Valerius Maximus into English. a Lyke as the Monumentes of auncient authors, moste triumphaunte, moste victorious, and moste gratious Princesse declare how that a certane excellent musi cian, Timotheus Musicus, was wounte with his swete proporcioned and melodious armonye to enflame Alex ander the greate Quonquerour and King of Macedonia to civill warres, with a moste fervent desire : evenso, I remembring with my self oftentymes how that (over and besides suche manifolde benefites as your High nes hertofore haith bestoued on me) it haith pleased your moste excellente Maiestie laitlie to accepte a little Plote of my simple penning, which I termed Vtopia Nova ; for the which it being base, vile, and * Pref. to K. James's Works, fol. 1610. 250 ORIGINAL LETTERS. maymed, your Maiestie haith gy ven me a riche cheane of golde. The noyse (I say) of suche Instrumentes, as I heire now and then, (although ther melody difire muche from the swete strokes and sounds of King Alexanders Timotheus) do not only persuade and move, yea pricke and spurre me forwarde, to ende- voure my wittes daylie, (all vanities set aparte) to vertuous lerning and study, being therto thus en couraged, so oftentymes by your Maiesties manifolde benefites, giftes, and rewardes ; but also I am enflamed and stirred, even now my tendre aige not withstanding, to be serving Your Grace, wishing euery haire in my heade for to be a wourthy souldiour, of that same self hert, mynde, and stomake that I am of. But wher as I perceave that neither my wite, power, nor yeares ar at this present coresponding unto this, my good will : thes shall be therfore (moste gratious Princesse) moste humbly rendring unto your Maiestie immortall thankes for your riche Cheane, and other your Highnes syndrie giftes, gyven unto me without anny my deservinges, from tyme to tyme. Trusting in God, one day, of my inoste bounden duetie, to endevour my self, with my faithfull hertie service, to remembre the same. And being afraid, with thes my superflous woordes to interturbe (God forefende) Your Highnes, whois moste excellent Maiestie is alwaies, and specially now, occu pied in most weightie maters, thus I make an end: Praing unto Almightie God, moste humbly and faith- ORIGINAL LETTERS. 251 fully to preserve, keipe, and defende your Maiestie, long reigning ouer us all, your true and faithfull sub jectes, a most victorious and triumphant Princesse, Amen. From Temple Newsome, the xxviij . of Marche, 1554. Your Maiesties moste bounden and obedient subjecte and seruaunt, HENRY DERNLEY. LETTER CLII. Queen Mary to the Marquis qf Winchester, Lord Treasurer. [ms. cotton, tit. b. ii. fol. 157. Orig. the signature and POSTSCRIPT IN THE aUEEN's HAND.] My Lorde, forsomuche as at your departure frome me I made you a promys not to determyne the gyfte of anye lande wythowte your consent, wherfor I doo sende you here inclosyd a Byll which Sir Edmonde Peckham makethe requeste to have in suche sorte as yt shall appere unto you by the sayed bill, so that I shall desyre you to paruse yt well, and yf you thincke yt to be suche lande as I maye geve wythe my honor, I shall thincke yt verye well bestowyd, for that he is 252 ORIGINAL LETTERS. one that hathe well desarvyd yt and hathe had no kynde of recompence, and thus wythe my verye hartie comendacions I comytt you into the handes of Almightie God. From Farname the iiijth. of Julye. Your Mystresse assured MAR YE THE QUENE. My lord I moste hartely thancke you for your dayly paynfulnes taken in my service. LETTER CLIII. Queen Mary to the Lord Privy Seal, upon the Arrival qf Philip II. [MS. COTTON. VESP. F. III. fol. 12. ENTIRELY IN THE QUEEN'S HAND.] Instructions for my Lorde Previsel. Fyrste to tell the Kyng the whole state of this Realme with all thyngs appartaynyng to the same, asmyche as ye knowe to be trewe. Seconde to obey hys commandement in all thyngs. Thyrdly in all thyngs he shall aske your advyse, to declare your opinion as becometh a faythfull Conceyl- lour to do. MARYE THE QUENE. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 253 LETTER CLIV. Letter qf Privy Seal to the Clerk qf the Queen's Stables. [FROM THE ORIGINAL AMONG SIR WILLIAM MUSGRAVE's PAPERS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.] *»? This Letter is curious, inasmuch as it explains what a Waggon or Chariot was in the days of Mary the First ; such an one as was fit to convey the Ladies and Gentlewomen of her Privy Chamber. By the Queen. MARYE THE QUENE. We will and commaunde you forthwithe uppon the sight hereof ye deliver or cause to be delivered to our trustie and welbeloved servaunte Edmonde Standen, clarke of our stable, one Wagon of tymbre work for Ladies and Gentlewomen of our Prevye Chamber with wheeles and dxeltrees, strakes, nayles, clowts, and all maner of work thertoo apperteyninge ; fine redde cloths to kever and line the same Wagon, fringed with redde sylke and lyned with redde buckeram paynted with redde colours ; collers, drawghts of redde lether, hamer clothes with our Armes and badges of our colours ; and all other things apperteininge unto the same Wagon : and these our Letters shalbe your sufficient warraunte and discharge on this behalfe at all tymes. Yeven under our signet at our Manour of Westminster the xxviii*. daye of Aprill in the thirde and fourthe Years of our Reign. 254 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CLV. The Princess Elizabeth to Queen Mary, upon her being ordered to go to the Tower at the time qf Wyafs Rebellion. [ms.-harl. 7190. art 2. a Transcript from the original in the State Paper Office.] *»* Holinshed has given a most interesting Narrative of the transac tions which preceded and followed the writing of this Letter: but too long to be transcribed in full. The day after the breaking out of Wyat's rebellion was known at Court, he says, the Queen sent three of her Council, Sir Richard South well, Sir Edward Hastings, and Sir Thomas Cornwallis to Ashridge, with a strong guard, to escort the Princess Elizabeth, who lay sick there, to London. When they arrived, at ten o'clock at night, the Princess had gone to rest, and refused to see them : they however entered her chamber rudely : when Her Grace, being not a little amazed, said unto them " Is the haste such that it might not have pleased you to come to morrow in the morning ?" They made answer that they were right sorry to see her in such a case. " And I," quoth she, " am not glad to see you here at this time of night" Whereunto they answered that they came from the Queen to do their message and duty ; that it was the Queen's pleasure that her Grace should be in London on a given day, and that the orders were to bring her ' quick or dead.' The Princess complained of the harshness of their commission ; but Dr. Owen and Dr. Wendie deciding that she might travel without danger of life, her Grace was informed that the Queen had sent her own Litter for her accommoda tion, and that the next morning she would be removed. She reached Redburne in a very feeble condition the first night ; on the second she rested at Sir Ralph Rowlet's house at S'. Albans; on the third atMr. Dod's at Mimmes, and on the fourth at Highgate, where she stayed a night and a day. She was thence conveyed to the Court, where remaining a close prisoner for a whole fortnight she saw neither King, nor Queen, nor Lord, nor Friend. On the Friday before Palm Sunday, Gardiner bishop of Winchester with nineteen others of the Council came from the Queen, and charged her with being concerned not only in Wyat's conspiracy but in ORIGINAL LETTERS. 255 the rebellion of Sir Peter Carew. They then declared unto her the Queen's pleasure that she should go to the Tower till the matter could be fur ther traced and examined. Against this she remonstrated, protesting her innocence, but the Lords answered that there was no remedy. Her own attendants were then dismissed, and those of the Queen placed about her. " Upon Saturday following," says Holinshed, that is the next day, " two Lords of the Council (the one was the Earl of Sussex, the other shall be nameless) came and certified her Grace, that forthwith she must go unto the Tower, the barge being prepared for her, and the tide now ready which tarrieth for nobody. In heavy mood her Grace requested the Lords that she might tarry another tide, trusting that the next would be better and more comfortable. But one of the Lords replied, that nei ther tide nor time was to be delaied. And when her Grace requested him that she might be suffered to write to the Queens Majesty, he answered that he durst not permit that : adding that in his judgement it would rather hurt than profit her Grace in so doing. But the other Lord, more courteous and favourable (who was the Earl of Sussex), kneeling down, said she should have liberty to write, and, as a true man, he would de liver it to the Queens Highness, and bring an Answer of the same, what soever came thereof. Whereupon She wrote" the Letter which here follows : To the Queen. If any ever did try this olde saynge, that a Kinge's worde was more than another man's othe, I most humbly beseche your Majesty to verefie it in me, and to remember your last promis ahd my last demande, that I be not condemned without answer and due profe : wiche it semes that now I am, for that without cause provid I am by your Counsel frome You com manded to go unto the Tower ; a place more wonted for a false traitor, than a tru subject. Wiche thogth I knowe I deserve it not, yet in the face of al this realme aperes that it is provid ; wiche I pray God, I may dy the shamefullist dethe that ever any died, afore 256 ORIGINAL LETTERS. I may mene any suche thinge: and to this present hower I protest afor God (who shal juge my trueth, whatsoever malice shal devis) that I never practised, consiled, nor consentid to any thinge that migth be prejudicial to Your parson any way, or daungerous to the State by any mene. And therfor I humbly beseche your Majestie to let me answer afore your selfe, and not suffer me to trust to your Counselors; yea and that afore I go to the Tower, if it be possible ; if not, afore I be further condemned. Howbeit, I trust as suredly, your Highnes wyl give me leve to do it afor I go ; for that thus shamfully I may not be cried out on, as now I shalbe; yea and without cause. Let consciens move your Hithnes to take some bettar way with me, than to make me be- condemned in al mens sigth, afor my desert knowen. Also I most humbly beseche your Higthnes to pardon this my boldnes, wiche innocency procures me to do, togither with hope of your natural kindnes ; wiche I trust wyl not se aie cast away without desert : wiche what it is, I wold desier no more of God, but that you truly knewe. Wiche thinge I thinke and beleve you shal never by report knowe, unless by your selfe you hire. I have harde in my time of many cast away, for want of com- minge to the presence of ther Prince : and in late days I harde my Lorde of Sommerset say, that if his brother had bine suft'erd to speke with him, he had never suf- ferd: but the perswasions wer made to him so gret, ORIGINAL LETTERS. 25T that he was brogth in belefe that he coulde not live safely if the Admiral lived ; and that made him give his consent to his dethe. Thogth thes parsons ar not to be compared to your Majestie, yet I pray God, as ivel perswations per s wade not one si star again the other; and al for that the have harde false report, and not harkene to the trueth knowin. Therfor ons again, kniling with humblenes of my hart, bicause I am not sufferd to bow the knees of my body, I hum bly crave to speke with your Higthnis : wiche I wolde not be so bold to desier, if I knewe not my selfe most clere, as I knowe my selfe most tru. And as for the traitor Wiat, he migth paraventur writ me a lettor ; but, on my faithe, I never receved any from him. And as for the copie of my lettar sent to the Frenche Kinge, I pray God confound me eternally, if ever I sent him word, message, token, or lettar by any menes : and to this my truith I will stande in to my dethe. Your Highnes most faithful subject that hathe bine from the begin- ninge, and wylbe to my ende, ELIZABETH. I humbly crave but only one worde of answer from your selfe. Upon the succeeding day, Palm Sunday, an order was issued through out London that every one should keep the church and carry his palm ; during which time the Princess was carried to the Tower. VOL. II. SER. 2. 258 ORIGINAL LETTERS. The landing at the Traitor's gate she at first refused: but one of the Lords stepped back into the Barge to urge her coming out, " and be cause it did then rain," says Holinshed, " he offered to her his cloak, which she (putting it back with her hand with a good dash) refused. Then coming out, with one foot upon the stair, she said, ' Here landeth as true a subject, being prisoner, as ever landed at these stairs: and be fore thee O God I speak it, having none other friends but thee alone.' " To her prison-chamber, it is stated, she was brought with great re luctance ; and the locking and bolting of the doors upon her caused dis may. She was, moreover, for some time denied even the liberty of exer cise. Early in the following May the Lord Chandos who was then the constable of the Tower was discharged of his office, and Sir Henry Bedingfield appointed in his room. " He brought with him," says the historian, " an hundred souldiers in blue coats, wherewith the Princess was marvellously discomfited, and demanded of such as were about her, whether the Lady Janes scaffold were taken away or no, fearing, by reason of their coming, least she should have played her part." Warton says * she asked this question " with her usual liveliness :" but there was pro bably less in it of vivacity than he supposed. Sixty years before, upon the same spot, Sir James Tirell had been suddenly substituted for Sir Robert Brakenbury, preparatory to the disappearance of the Princes of the House of York. Happily for Elizabeth her fears were groundless; Sir Henry Bedingfield accompanied her to a less gloomy prison in the Palace of Woodstock. Hearne has printed the Letter here laid before the reader, in his Pre face to the Lathi Edition of Camden's Annals, where it rests as it were re-buried. The present copy has been taken from a Transcript communicated to Dr. Thomas Birch in 1732. Life of Sir Tho. Pope, *> edit. p. 70. LETTERS THE REIGN OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. s2 The Cottonian Manuscript Vespas. E. vm. preserves the following Lines in honour of QUEEN ELIZABETH in the hand-writing of Camden the Historian. " Whom Princes serve and Realms obey, And greatest of Bryton kings begot, She came abroad e'en yesterday, When such as saw her knew her not : For one would ween that stood afar, She were as other women are. " In truth it fares much otherwise, For whilst they think they see a Queen, It comes to pass ye can devise No stranger sight for to be seen. Such error falls in feeble eye, That cannot view her stedfastly. " How so alas ! forsooth it is Nature, that seldom works amiss, In woman's breast by passing art Hath harbour'd safe the Lion's heart, And featly fix'd with all good grace To Serpent's head an Angel face." ORIGINAL LETTERS. 261 LETTER CLVI. Sir William Fitzwilliam to Mr. More, high Sheriff qf Surrey, concerning the proposed election qf the Lord Chamberlain's and Sir William's sons to be Knights qf the Shire for Surrey. Queen Eliza- betKs refusal to hear mass on Christmas day, 1558. [THOM SIR WILLIAM MORELS PAPERS AT MR. MOLYNEUX's AT losely in surrey. Communicated by WILLIAM BRAY, ES&.] *„* The ambiguity of Queen Elizabeth's conduct for a few weeks after her accession, to balance the hopes and fears of Protestants and Papists, is sufficiently known. The latter part of the following Letter exhibits one of those little traits by which her Majesty's real intentions were gradually unfolded. It was one of the hints which she threw out to encourage the Protestants. She waited for the sanction of the Parha ment, the election for which forms the topic of the first part of this Let ter, before she ventured on the abolition of the Mass. " The Romish Religion," says Camden, " stood a full month and more after the death of Queen Mary in the same state as it was before." ¦ Sir, I can but for these your late Lettyrs and all othyrs your gentelnes rendyr on to you moste hertye thanks. And to th'effect of your saide Lettyrs you shall ondyr- stande that apon Sat'sdaye last I beyng at Londyn my sone Brown b wrot on to me that he hade ondyrstand- yng my Lorde Chamberlayn0 began to make labore » Camd. Hist. Eliz. p. 31. b Sir Thomas Brown of Betchworth Castle in Dorking, married Maby) daughter of Sir William Fitzwilliam. « Lord William Howard. 262 ORIGINAL letters. for hys sone to be one of the Knyghts for that shy re ; wherapon I sent to M1'. Cawrden to knowe hys opy- nyon theryn ; whose awnswer was that ffor hys own part he wolde take no knolege of annye shuche mat- tyre, nor he thoght gode that my son sholde ; sayng ffurdyr that onelese my son dyd stande for the same, he wolde not ; and that he ondyrstode Mr. Sawndyrs made, at the desyre of my saide Lord, ernest mene onto the ffreeholders abowte Kyngeston, which made awnswere that theye had promysyd ther gode wylls beffore, &c. Thus have I satesffyyd my said Sone of Mr. Cawyrden his mynde, and of myn own also (which ys myche a greable to the same) and I hope with the gode helpe of you and other gode ffrends, the niattyr wyll goo well ynoghe on owr syde, &c. Mr. Teylle wilbe with you apon Wenysdaye next, &c. This nyght I came home late ffrom Londyn : and ffor newes you shall ondyrstande that yestvrdaye, beyng Crystemas day the Quene's Majestie repayryd to hyr great Closet wyth hyr nobles and ladyes as hath ben accustomyd in shuche hyghe ffeasts : and she par- sewyng a Bysshope preparyng hym selfe to masse, all in the olde ffowrme, she tarryyd there on tyll the Gos- pelle was done : and when all the people lokvd for hyr to have offryde accordyng [to] the olde ffacyon, She with hyr nobles, reaturnyd agayn ffrom the Closet and the Mase onto hyr Priveye Chamber, which was strange on to dyvi'is, &c. Blessyd be God in all his gyfts. Sec. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 263 You shall knowe more of thys mattyr by M1'. Teylle, &c. I pray you commend me and my wyffe, ffyrst onto yourself and then to your gode wyffe, &c. This Saynt Stewen is nyght, by yours as his own WILLIAM FITZWILLIAM. To the Right worshipfull Mr. More, Sheryff of the Countees of Surreye and Sussyxe. LETTER CLVII. Sir William Cecil to Dr. Perne Vice Chancellor qf Cambridge, inclosing a Letter from Queen Eliza beth. [ms. baker, harl. 7037. p. 265.] %* Few readers, it is probable, need to be told, that the restoration of the reformed doctrines in 1559 received great opposition from the higher Clergy. The Convocation too presented to the House of Lords a Declaration in favor of tlie real presence in the eucharist, the mass, and the supremacy of the Pope, to which both the Universities afterwards subscribed • and even the use of the new Book of Common Prayer, from the resistance of the bishops, was carried in the Upper House by a ma jority of three only. The anxious wish of Queen Elizabeth and her minister to reconcile the minds of the Members of the University of Cambridge, as forming one branch of her Clergy, to the new Order of things, will be seen in this and the accompanying Letter. The second, it must be owned, prescribes a Recipe well calculated to neutralize opposition. Master Vicechancellor: It hath pleased the Queen's Majesty to determine amongst other common 264 original letters. helps for Students in both her Universities, that certain Prebends should be bestow'd upon such as be meet to profess Divinity. And because I have not presently leisure to enlarge to you Her Majesties good meaning, I do send to you Her Majesties Letters directed to me as Chancellor of that University, tho1 truly unworthy, and therefore I pray you supply that which you shall perceive Her Majesty commandeth me, and I for my part upon return of your answere, will accomplish my duty that I owe to the honor of God in this behalf. Fare you well, with my hearty thanks for your dili gence used in your Office. From Westminster scribled in hast, the second of April 1560. Yours assuredly WILLIAM CECILL. I pray you return Her Majesties Letters. To Mr. Dr. Perne Vice Chan cellor of the University of Cam bridge. My assured loving Friend. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 265 LETTER CLVIII. The Queen to Sir William Cecil; the Inclosure in the former Letter. [ibid. p. 266.] By the Queen. Elizabethe R. Trusty and right well beloved we greet you well ; and whereas we be credibly informed that the Study of Divinity and the Scriptures is at this present very much decayd within the University of Cambridge, by mean that the towardly Scholers for that learning, have in some part lacked the benefit of exhibition ; and partly also have withdrawn themselves, by reason of the late alteration of the times past ; We have therefore deter mined, for some help in this matter, to provide that both the Promotions reserved to our gift, and such Prebends also as be within the compass of the grant of the Keeper of Our Great Seal, should be bestowed upon those Scholers that by your allowance and com mendation shall be fittest to receive the same exhibition and promotions. For the more assured doing whereof, according to this our meaning, we will that you shall from time to time address several Schedules containing the names of all such hable Scholers, whereof the one 266 ORIGINAL LETTERS. to remain with, you Our Principall Secretary, for our better remembrance in the bestowing of the things of Our gift, and the other with the said Keeper of Our Great Seal, for the semblable to be performed on his behalf : not doubting but you will have earnest regard hereunto, according to your good will to Learning, and trust committed unto you for advancement of the same. Yeven under Our Signet at our Palace of Westm. the 26fl1 of March the second year of Our Reign. To our trusty and right well beloved Councellor Sr. William Cecill kt. our Principall Secretary, Mr. of our Court of Wards & Liveryes, and Chancellor of our University of Cambridge. LETTER CLIX. Sir WUliam Cecil to A portion qfa Letter. [MS. COTTON. VESP. C. VII. fol. 224. Ol'lg.] # * * * * The matters betwixt the Quenes Majestie and the Quene of Scottes rest in these tearmes. The Quenes Majestic was contented in June to accord upon an En- ORIGINAL LETTERS. 267 terview in August with the Quene of Scottes comming to Nottingham, so as the matters in France tooke good end before the last of July. And becawse at that tyme the trobles grew to be more desperat, the Entier- view was disappointed, and so excuse was sent to the Quene of Scottes by Sir Henry Sidney, with offer to mete at York betwixt Midsomer and the end of Au gust ; which is lyke to succede as the planetes in France shall be disposed ; and nevertheles I find the Quenes Majestie here so well disposed to kepe amy tie with the Quene of Scottes, as suerly the default of their two Agreementes shall not grow from the Quene here. Her Majestie writeth to her at this presente, and maketh such distinction in her proceedinges, as on the one parte she maketh her well assured of her love to wardes her, and on the other she noteth plainly and franckly her offence towardes the Guises, which she so tempereth by her Letters of her own devise to the Quene of Scottes, as I think she shall have cawse to think well of the Quene's Majestie, and to lament her uncles folish procedinge. The said Quene of Scottes, upon the disapointment of the Enterview, made her Progresse into the North parte of Scotland$ where she hath as I heare ministred both justice, and lost not by her journey, as you know the Quene her mother was wont to do upo'n the frontiers. The intelligence be twixt this and that Realme remayneth in the same good tearmes as heretofore it did, and so is like to 268 ORIGINAL LETTERS. continue, as I think untill the French seed be sowen to make division. * * * * * 11th Octob. 1562 Your assured w. CECILL. LETTER CLX. Archbishop Parker to Sir William Cecil, concerning the foundation qf a Grammar School at Sandwich in Kent. A. D. 1563. [ms. lansdowne 6. art. 71. Orig-.] Where of late, I made a requeste by letters, to your honor, for the obteyninge of the Counsells letters in that cause opened unto yow : nowe I wolde be a suter to the Quenes majestie, by your favourable fur- derance, for the behofe of the Towne of Sandwiche, concerninge her Highnes licence, as well to the Deane and Chapter for their alienacion, or rather a lease in fee farme of a rude acre of grounde belonginge to their Churche, wheron the towne wolde builde a gramar Schoole : Mr. Manwood beinge so well dis posed therto, that he is fullye determyned to geve to ORIGINAL LETTERS. 269 that foundacion xx. li. by yere imperpetuum of his owne possessions presentlye. The Deane and Chapter (whome I have perticulerlie solicited) be well willinge of their grante, steyinge onlie at the quenes licence : the Towne itselfe whollie bent to the erection : Mr. Manwood his lande redy for assurance. The oportu- nitie beinge suche, I dowt not of the Quenes Majesties good and gracious assent : as I have learned by ex perience by my owne sute to her highnes, for the re- coverye of the stipende of the Schoolemaster at Stoke colledge ; perceyvinge then her godlie zeale to the furderance of learninge, yea in that case, where the Stipende went out of her owne cofers. This rare example of so godlie foundacion in Mr. Manwood, a man of his vocation, who be comonlie judged rather to employe all ther habilities to their owne posterities, then to suche common respects ; and he beinge not without yssue, (and is dailie like to have more) might have followed the common example, in leavinge the gaynes of his tyme to his ofspringe. And therfore I wolde wishe his purpose wer savored, bothe for example to others, as also to put awaye the common judgement whiche runneth upon suche as be of his callinge. I take it to be a motion of God, in consideracion that we pore Bishopps be not nowe able to succede our pre- decessours in their so liberall foundacidns. Nowe you, suche as you be and as Mr. Manwood is, muste laye hande to the furderance of suche publicke endew- 270 ORIGINAL LETTERS. mentes, or elles ye be not like to leave to your Suc cessors whiche ye have receyved of your Ancestours. For that I wolde have a vewe partlie of the grounde and situacion therof, (and for other causes) I (this last Sundaye morninge) rode thether from my house, and was there by vij. of the clok ; the rather so sone, to prevent their cyvilitie of receyvinge, (as the maner is) and partlie to be present at ther wholl Service. But in the firste consideracion they prevented me : for, thoughe the morninge was verie fowle and raynye, yet I founde the Mayer and his Jurattes redye at the towne gate to accumpanye me to rav lodginge, and so to the churche, beinge men of honest civilitie, and comelie, grave parsonages of good understand- inge : ther streets (as they might be for the stray tnes of them) cleane, and not muche sa verye, ther service songe in good distinct harmonie, and quiett devotion. The singinge men, beinge the Mayer and the Jurattes withe the head men of the towne, placed in the queere fayre and decent, in so good order as I cowde wislie. My Auditorye greate- and attentyve to heare, and also to understande the Quenes pleasure in publication of the Generall Prayer and Faste : that I se not but the Quenes majestie shall have of them good subjectes cc true Oratours. And furdermore, upon the erection of this Schoole; her Highnes shall have a nomber of yonge tender handes lifte up in prayer for her Highnes prosperous Raignc. The Strangers there, beinge verie ORIGINAL LETTERS. 271 godlie in the Sabothe daye, and busie in ther worke on the weke daye, and their quietnes suche as the Mayer and his Brethren have no causes of variances comynge before them. As for other disorders re- formable by ecclesiasticall lawes, I have before nowe deputed ther Minister (a grave learned man) to exer cise (by myne authoritie) ecclesiasticall censures as he shall see cause. As hetherto litle hathe bene spied. By all the premisses aforesaide considered, I meane to comende the Townes requeste to the Quenes favour, so lawdablie behavinge themselves as I se them, and partlie to expresse to you someparte of my joy whiche I have here by them in this outward e corner of my diocess. And therfore, I praye your Honor helpe them. In so doinge mercedem reportabis a Domino in resurrectione justorum, whiche God of his mercye make joyfull to the Quenes Highnes and to us all. From my house at Bekesbourne this xxvijth. daye of Auguste 1563. Your honors assured, MATTHUE CANTUAR. To the right honorable Sir William Cecill knight princi pall Secretarie to tlie Quenes majestie at the Courte. ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CLXI. Lord John Gray qf Pyrgo to Sir William Cecil, in behalf qf his niece, the Lady Catherine Gray. ,.- [ms. lansd. Num. 7- art. 55. Orig.] The reader has been already made aware, that after the exclusion given by the Will of Henry the Eightli to the posterity of Margaret of Scotland, after the Act3 of Parliament which he left unrepealed, and the publication of Edward the Sixth's Will, the right to the Crown of England was very generally considered to have devolved upon the House of Suffolk, of which the Lady Catherine the sister of Lady Jane Gray was the heir. This Lady had been married to Lord Herbert, the son of the Earl of Pembroke, whose father apprehending danger from an intermarriage with royal blood, obtained an immediate divorce. * The Lady Catherine then entered into a secret contract with the Earl of Hertford, whose sister the Lady Jane Seymour resided with her in the Court ; both, seemingly, as Maids of Honour to the Queen. The Queen went one morning to Eltham to hunt, when Lady Jane and Lady Catherine, according to previous concert, leaving the Palace at Westminster by the stairs at the orchard, went along by the sands to the Earl's house in Chanon Row ; Lady Jane then went for a priest, and the parties were married. The Earl accompanied them back to the water- stairs of his House, put them into a boat, and they returned to the Court time enough for dinner in Master Comptroller's chamber. Having con summated his marriage Lord Hertford travelled into France. The preg nancy of Lady Catherine became apparent, and was soon whispered through the Court. She first confessed it privately to Mrs. Sentlowe, and afterwards sought Lord Robert Dudley's chamber to break out to him that she was married, in the hope of softening the anger of the Queen : but Elizabeth committed her to the Tower, where she was after wards delivered of a son. Lord Hertford was summoned home to answer for his misdemeanor ; when, confessing the marriage, he also was com mitted to the Tower. » See N-tunton, Fragiu. Rogul. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 273 A Commission of Inquiry was next issued, at the head of which were Archbishop Parker, bishop Grindal, and Sir William Petre ; when the parties being unable within a time prescribed to produce witnesses of the marriage, a definitive sentence was pronounced against them : and their imprisonment ordered to be continued during the Queen's pleasure. By bribing their keepers, however, they found means to have further inter course ; the fruit of which was another child. The Queen's vexation was now increased, and Lord Hertford was fined fifteen thousand pounds in the Star Chamber for a triple crime ; five thousand for deflouring a virgin of the blood-royal in the Queen's House ; five thousand for breaking his prison ; and five thousand for repeating his vicious act. A Copy of the Proceedings of the Commission of Inquiry in 1561 is still preserved in the Harleian MS. 6286, with the examinations of the Earl of Hertford and the Lady Catherine. The particulars as the reader will expect are extremely minute. The Interest which the families of this, young couple took in their fate will be seen in this and some succeeding Letters. It is a great while, me thinckethe, Cowsine Cecill, since I sent unto you, in my Neeces behalfe, albeit I knowe, (opportunitie so servinge) you are not unmind- full of her miserable and compfortlesse estate. For who, wantinge the Princes favor, maye compt him selfe to live in any Realme ; and becawse this time of all others hathe ben compted a time of mercie, and forgevenes, I cannot but recommende her woefull liffe unto you. In faithe, I wolde I were the Queenes Confessor this Lent, that I might joine her in pen- naunce to forgeve and forget; or otherwise able to steppe into the pulpett, to tell her Highnes, that God will not forgeve her, unleast she frelye forgeve all the worlde. Thus restinge in hope of her Majesties fur ther favor, shortlie to be extended, towardes my Neece, VOL. II. SER. 2. T 274 ORIGINAL LETTERS. I committ you to Almightie god. From Pirgo the sixthe of Marche 1563. By your lovyng cousin and assured frynd, JOHN GREY. To my verye lovinge cowsigne Sir William Cecill knight cheife Secretarie to the Queenes majestie. A List of the furniture with which the Lady Catherine's prison- chamber in the Tower was supplied, in August 1561, from the Ward robe there, will not be unamusing to the reader : It consisted of five pieces of Tapestry to hang the chamber ; three window pieces of the like stuff; a sparver for a bed of changeable silk damask ; a silk quilt of red striped with gold ; a bed and boulster of downe with two pillows of downe; one white linnen quilt stuffed with wool ; four pair of fustians, the one of six breadths the others of five ; two carpets of Turkey making ; one small window carpet ; one chair of cloth of gold raised with crimson velvet, with two pommels of copper gilt, and the Quenes Arms on the back ; one cushion of purple velvet ; two footstools covered with green velvet ; one cubbard joined ; and one bed, one boulster, and a counterpane for her woman. It must be owned that this List looks royal ; but some marginal notes in tlie hand writing of Sir Edward Warner the Lieutenant of the Tower, declare the whole to have been old, worn, broken, and di lapidated. a Sir Edward Warner in a Letter to Sir William Cecill Sept. 8th. 1563, says that the Lady Catherine did further injury to this furniture " with her monkeys and dogs." b Portraits of Lady Catherine, holding her infant son Edward Lord Beauchamp in her arms, are preserved both at Alnwick and at Warwick castles : that at the former by Hans Holbein. Sir Egerton, Brydges in his edition of Collins's Peerage vol. i. p. 173. says that she had three children ; Edward who died young, Edward Lord Beauchamp, and Thomas, who took to wife Isabel daughter of Edward Onley of Catesby in Northamptonshire. * MS. Lansd. Num. 5. art. 41. »> MS. Lansd. Num. 7. art. 32. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 275 LETTER CLXII. Lord John Gray to Sir William Cecil, thanking him for the delivery of his niece to his custody at his seat °f Pyrg°- [ms. lansd. 6. art. 27. Orig.] *„* The ravages of the Plague in London in 1563, induced Queen Elizabeth to relax something of her severity toward Lord Hertford and Lady Catherine. Secretary Cecil writing to Sir Thomas Smith in France, in the month of August that year, says " My Lord of Hertford and my Lady Catherine, by cause of the plague are thus delivered. He with his mother as a prisoner. She with her uncle my Lord John Grey." He adds, " They die in London above a thousand in a week." Good cowsigne Cecill, what cawse all we have to thincke ourselves bounden and beholdinge unto you, the livelye facte of your great friendshipp in the deli very of my Nyece to my custodye are sufficient pledges and tokens for our bondage unto you duringe our lives; and althoughe I can justlye lament the cawse of her imprisonment, yet can I not lament thus far forth her beinge there, becawse I see yt hathe ben the onelye meanes whereby e she hath seen her selfe, knowen God, and her dewtye to the Quene; which when it shall farther please the Quenes Majestie to make triall of, I dowbt not but my sayinge and her doinges shall t 2 276 ORIGINAL LETTERS. accorde ; in which meane time I shall accordinge to my Lord Roberts lettre, and yours, directed unto me, se all thinges observed accordinglie. Assure your selfe (cowsigne Cecill) She is a penitent and a soroful woman for the Quenes displeass1'. and most humblye and heartelye desires you to fynishe that your frendshipp begonne, for the obteyninge of the Quenes favor in the full remission of her faulte. This with my wyves hearte commendatyons and myen to you and my good lady (ower cousen) your wyfe, I byd you most heartely farewell. From Pyrgo the 29 » of August, 1563. By yo1' lovyng Cousine and assured pouer frynd dowryng lyfe JOHN GREY. To my very lovinge cowsigne Sr. William Cecill knight chiefe Secretorye to the Queue's Malic. Pyrgo, whence this Letter is dated, was the name of a capital messuage in the manor of Havering at Bower in Essex, which had anciently been one of the Houses belonging to a Queen consort and her jointure. Joan widow of Henry the Fourth died there July 9"*. 143J. The estate having been long in the Crown, Queen Elizabeth April 24"1. 1559 granted it to Sir John Gray second son of Thomas Marquis of Dorset and brother of Henry Duke of Suffolk, and of course uncle to the Lady Catherine. A Letter of Lord John Gray's to Sir William Cecil, from Pyrgo, 20th Jan. 1564, complains of the reports which had gone abroad of the large sums expended for his prisoner, who appears to have been main tained at the expense of her husband, though at Pyrgo. He finishes his details with " My Ladie of Hartfords- wekelye Rate for her horde, her childe, and her folks here : ORIGINAL LETTERS. 277 " For my Ladye her selfe ¦ For her Childe . For her Childe's nurce For M™. Isham . For Mrs. Woodforde For Mrs. Page . For Nowell For Robert For Wm. Hampton For a lackye For her launder . For the widow that washethe the childes clothes .... Ixvj8. xiij8. vj". vj8. vj3. vjs. V8.V. vj«. v». Vs. Vllj iiij viij viij viij viij ij iii'l vj1'. xvj". viij'1 LETTER CLXIII. Lady Catherine Gray, Countess of Hertford, to Sir William Cecill, upon her removal to Pyrgo. [ms. lansd. ms. 6. art. 32. Orig.] Good cosyne Cecill: after my very hartye com- mendacions to my good cosyne your wyfe and yow, wyth lyke thanks for your greate frendship showed me in thys my Lords dely verye and myne, wyth the obtayn- yng of the Queens Majesties most gracious favor thus farforth extended towards us, I can not but acknow- ledg my selfe bounden and beholdyng unto yow ther- fore ; and as I am sure yow dout not of myne owne deare Lords good wyll for the requitall therof to the MS. Lansd. Num. i. art. 52. 278 ORIGINAL LETTERS. uttermost of hys power, so I besich yow, good cosyne Cecill, make the lyke accompt of me duryng hfe to the uttermost of my power ; besecheng your farther frend- shyp for the obtayning of the Queens Majesties most graceous pardon and favor towards me, wych wyth up- stretched hands and downe bente knees, from the bot tom of my hart, most humbly I crave. Thus restyng in prayer for the Queen's Majesties long raigne over us, the forgevnes of myne offence, the short enjoying of my owne deare Lord and husband, wyth. assured hope, throughe Gods grace, and yowr good helpe, and my lord Robert, a for the enjoying of the Queens Hyghnes favor in that behalfe, I byd yow, my owne good cosyne, most hartety farewell, from Pyrgo the thred of September. Your assured frend and cosyne to my small power, KATHERYNE HARTFORD. To my very loving Cosine Sir William Cicyll knight Chief Se cretary to the Queens Majestie give thees. a Lord Robert Dudley. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 279 LETTER CLXIV. Lord John Gray to Sir Wm. Cecil, that his niece the Lady Catherine still pines away at the Queen's dis pleasure. [ms. lansdowne 6. art. 33. Orig.] My good cowsigne Cecill, the onelye desire and care that my ladye hathe of the Queenes Majesties favour enforsethe these fewe lines, as nature bindeth me, to put you in remembrance, of your offered frend- shipp and great good will, alredye showed, to the full perfectinge of the Queenes Majesties favour in my neece. I assure you cowsigne Cecill (as I have written unto my lorde Robert) the thought and care she takethe for the wante of her Highenes favour, pines her awaye : before God I speake it, if it come not the soner, she will not longe live thus, she eatethe not above six mor- selles in the meale. If I saie unto he)-, " Good madam, eate somewhat to compfort your selfe," she faules a wepinge and goethe upp to her chamber ; if I aske her what the cause is she usethe her self in that sorte, she aunswers me, " alas'UnckeU, what a liffe is this, to me, thus to live in the Queenes displeasure ; but for my lorde, and my childerne, I wolde to God I were buried." 280 original letters. Good cowsigne Cecill, as time, places, and occasion maye serve, ease her of this woofull greiffe and sor- rowe, and rid me of this liffe, which I assure you grevethe me even at the hearte rootes. Thus be- sceachinge God in this his visitacion, to preserve us with his stretched owt arme, and sende us, merely to meete, I salute you and my ladie with my wives most hartey commendacions and mine. From Pirgo, the xxth. of September, by your lovyng cousin and assured pouer frynd dowryng my lyfe JOHN GREY. To my verye lovinge cowsigne Sir William Cecill knight, cheife Secretorye to the Queenes Ma jestie. LETTER CLXV. Lord John Gray to Sir William Cecil, inclosing the lady Catherine 's Petition to the Queen. [ms. lansdowne 6. art. 37. Orig.] My good cousen I have heerin enclosed the coppie of my neyces letter to the Queenes Mageste, wherin I original letters. 281 am to crave your fryndly advyes and counsell (before yt be delyvered to my lord Robert,) howe you lyke yt; for yf you wyll have onni thyng amendyd theer I pray you note yt, and my man shaull bryng yt backe to me agayne. For I wold be lothe theer shuld be onni faute found with onni word theerin wrytten. Good cousen Cecill as you may contynew your fryndshipp to the furtherauns of the Queenes Magestys most gracyous favor and merse towardes her, I assure you she hathe emputed no smaulle parte of her well spedyng unto your assured fryndshippe, wyche I am shure nether she nor I neyd not to request the contynuauns therof. Thus besechyng you to make my hearty commenda tyons to my good lady my cousen, your wyfe, I take my leve of you for this tyme. From Pyrgo the 7th of November 1563. By your lovyng cousine and assured frynd to my smaulle power JOHN grey. To my verye lovinge cowsigne Sir William Cecill knight cheif Secretarye to the Quenes Majestie. Lady Catherine's Petition to the Queen. I dare not presume Most gracious Soveraigne, to crave pardon for my disobedient and rasche matchinge of my selfe, withowt your Highe- nes consent, I onely most humblye sewe unto your Highenes, to conti- newe your mercyfull nature towarde me. I knowledge myselfe a most unworthyc creature to feale so muche of your gracious favour as I have 282 ORIGINAL LETTERS. don. My just felt miserye and continuall greife dothe teache me dailye, more and more,' the greatnes of my faulte, and your princelye pittie en- creasethe my sorrowe, that have so forgotton my dewtie towardes your Majestie. This is my great torment of minde. Maye it therefore please your excellent Magestie to licence me to be a most lowlye sutor unto your Highenes to extende towarde my miserable state your Magesties further favour and accustumed mercye, which uppon my knees in all humble wise I crave, with my daylye prayers to God, longe continew and preserve your majesties Raigne over us. From Pirgo the vjth. of November 1563. Your Majesties most humble bounden and obedient subjecte. * LETTER CLXVI. Lord John Gray to Sir William Ctcil, still upon the grief qf Lady Catherine. [ms. lansdowne num. G. art. 43. Orig.] The augmentinge of my Neeces greiffe in the wantte of the Quenes Magesties favour enforsethe me (besides my dewtye in nature) everye wave to declare and recommende unto you, her miserable and wofull state ; this thre or foure daies she hathe for the most parte kept her bedde, but altogether her chamber, in suche wise as I thought once I shulde have ben driven to have sent for some of the Quenes Phisicions ; and I never came to her, but I founde her either * MS. Lan&rt. Num. 6. art. 37. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 283 wepinge or els sawe by her face she had wept. Where fore good cowsigne Cecill, for the mutuall love which ought to be betwixt christen men, and for the love wherewith God hathe loved us, beinge his, procure by some waye or meanes, the Quenes Majesties farther favour towardes her ; for assuredlye, she never went to bed all this time of her sicknes, but they that watched with her muche dowted howe to fynde her in the morninge, for she is so fraughted with fleame by rea son of thought, wepinge, and settinge still, that many times she is like to be overcume therewith : so as if she had not painefull wemen about her, I tell you trewlye cowsigne Cecill, I coulde not slepe in quiet. Thus with my hartey commendations to you and to my good ladye my cowsigne I wishe you the same quiet of minde, as to my selfe. From my howse at Pirgo the xijfh. of December 1563. By your lovyng cosine and assured frynd to his power JOHN grey. To my verye lovinge cowsigne Sir William Cecill knight cheif Secretorye to the QuenesMajestie. 284 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CLXVII. Lady Catherine Countess qf Hertford to Sir William Cecil. [ms. lansdowne num. 6. art. ii. Orig.] What the long want of the Queens Majestys ac- coustumed favor towards me hath breade in thys my serable and wreched body of myne, God only knoweth, as I dayly more and more, to the torment and wastyng therof, do otherwyse feale then well able to express : wych if it shuld any long tyme thus contynew, I rather wyshe of God shortly to be buryed in the fayth and feare of hym, then in thys contynuall agony to lyve. As I have wryten unto my lord Robert, so, good cou syne Cycell, do I unto yow. I must confess I never fealte what the want of my Prynces favor was before now, wych by yowr good means and the rest of my very good Lords ons obtayned, I shall not requyre any of yow, if it faull through my default, to be means for the restetucyon therof; so mvndfull, God wyllvng, shal I be not to offend her Hyghnes. Thus desyryng the contynuance of yowr frendshyp I most hartely byd yow farewell, good cousyne Cecyll, prayng yow to ORIGINAL LETTERS. 285 make my harty commendacyons to my cousyne yowr wyfe. From Pyrgo the xiij of December yowr poore cousyne and assured frend to my small power, KATHERYNE HARTFORD. From a Letter of Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith of the 27th April, 1564, it seems probable that the Lady Catherine and Lord Hert ford's imprisonments, in a measure, owed their prolongation to the mis taken zeal of one John Hales, who had been clerk of the hanaper in the reign of Henry the Eighth. He says, " Here is fallen out a troublesome fond matter. John Hales had secretly made a book in the time of the last Parliament wherein he hath taken upon him to discuss no small matter, viz. the title to the Crown after the Queen's Majeste. Having confuted and rejected the line of the Scottish Queen, and made the line of the Lady Francis mother to the Lady Catherine only next and lawful. He is committed to the Fleet for this boldness, specially because he hath communicated it to sundry persons. My Lord John Gray is in trouble also for it. Beside this, John Hales hath procured sentences and counsels of Lawyers from beyond seas to be written in maintenance of the Earl of Hertford's marriage. This dealing of his offendeth the Queen's Majesty very much. God give her Majesty by this chance a disposition to consider hereof that either by her marriage or by some common order, we poor subjects may know where to lean and adventure our lives with contentation of our consciences." a In another, dated May 9th, 1564, Sir William Cecil says that he him self is not free from suspicion " because some of those committed upon the occasion had access to him in their sutes." " In this matter I am by commandment occupied, whereof I could be content to be delivered : but I will go upright, neither ad dextram nor ad si?iistram."h * MS. Lansd. Num. 102. art. 49. Bishop Jewell expressed himself in a similar manner upon this subject in a Letter to Peter Martyr, from Salisbury 7th Feb. 1562 : "' Est Puella qu-edam nobilis, domiua Catherina, Dueis Suffolchiensis filia, ex sanguine regio, eoque nominatim scripta ab Henrico Octavo in Testamento, ut si quid accidisset, quarto loco succederet. Ex eo, Comes Herfordiensis, juvenis, Ducis Somersetensis filius, suseepit filium, et multi putant ex stupro, sed utipsi dicunt, ex legitimis nuptiis. Se enim clam inter se contraxisse, et advocato sacrificatore, et paucis quibusdam arbitris, junxisse Nuptias. Ea res turbavit animos multorum. Nam si sunt verse Nuptis, Puer, qui susceptus est, alitur ad spem Regni. " O nos miseros, qui non possumus scire, sub quo Domino victuri simus." Burnet, Hist. Ref. vol. iii. App. Num. 65. b MS. Lansd. Num. 102. art. 51. 286 ORIGINAL LETTERS. On the 26th of November, 1564, Cecil writes, " Lord John Graye died five days past at Pyrgo, of whom his friends report that he died of thought, but his gout was sufficient to have ended his life." From this Letter it appears that Lady Catherine was then in the custody of Mr. Petre. » On the 30th December he says, " The Queen's displeasure continueth still toward my Lord Hertford and my Lady Catherine." b Soon after wards we find them again in the Tower. LETTER CLXVIII. Anne Duchess qf Somerset to Sir William Cecil, so liciting the release qfher son Lord Hertford and the Lady Catherine. [ms. lansdowne 8. art. 43. Orig.] *„* This Letter is indorsed with the date of Jan. 9, 1565. Good master Secretary after thys long sylens and for that as yet myne olde occasyon lettes mvne at- tendans, I have presumed by leter to renew my sute for my sonne to the Quenes Majesty, and have lykewyse wrytten to my lord of Leycester, prayng you to sett in your helpyng hand to ende tliys tedyous sute : wherin for me to reson how moch her Hvghnes des- plesure ys to long lastyng, or how unmeate vt ys thys yowng couple should thus waxe olde in pryson, or how farre beter yt were for them to be abrode and lerne to serve, I wyll not ; but leave those and such ¦ MS. Lansd. Num. 102. art. 57. b Ibid. art. 59. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 287 lyke speches to the frendly settyng forth of my good Lord and you ; only my sekyng ys, that as ther ys none other cause syns her Majesties regne but hath had some favorable order or ende, so by your ernest conferryng and joynyng with my good Lord, thys yowng couple may fele some lyke of her Majesties plentyfull mercy ; to the procurement wherof, the more ernest my Lord and yow shall shew your selfes, the more shall you sett forth the Queenes Majesties honor ; and as a mother I must nedes say, the beter descharge your callynges and credyte. And so restyng in prayer, that God wold blesse your travell to some comfortable ende I take my leve. ¦ Your assured lovyng freynd, ANNE SOMERSET. To my very lovyng freynd m Mr. Secretary. LETTER CLXIX. Anne Duchess qf Somerset to Sir William Cecil: upon the same. [ms. lansdowne 9. art. 32. Orig.] *»* This Letter is endorsed as having been received April 18th, 1566. Good Mr. Secretary, yf I have let you alone all thys whyle I pray you thynke yt was to tary for my L. 288 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Leycesters assystans, to whom as I have now wryten to take some occasyon to do good in my Sonne's cause, so are thyese to pray you to provoke hym, and joyne with hym to further the same ; trusting the occasyon of thyse Holy Weke and charytable tyme of forgeve- nes ernestly sett forth by hys Lordship and you, wyll bryng forth some comfortable frute of rely ve to the long afflycted partyes : wherin my Lord and you cannot go so farre but God's cause and the Queue's honor bedd you go farther. Thus moch I thowght good to wret as gevyng occasyon for my Lord and you to move the Quenes Mai' to mercy, and not styll to sufire this cause alone to rest withowt all favor and forgevenes. I can nomore but ons agayn pray yowre ernest dealyng herein ; and lykwyse that myne humble duty of thanks for Mr. Mychells passport may be donne to her Hygh- nes, and so do leave you to God. Yo" asured lovyng frynd, ANNE SOMERSET. To my lovyng frynd Mr. Secretary. Within a year from the receipt of this Letter death released the Lady Catherine from her sufferings. The Harleian MS. X°. 39. fol. 380. contains what is called " The Manner of her departing." The Reader will peruse it with a feeling of pity. " All the night she continued in prayer, saying of psalms and hearing them read of others, sometimes saying them after others, and as soon as one Psalm was done she would call for another to be said ; divers times she would rehearse the prayers appointed for the Visitation of the Sick, and five or six times the same night she said the prayers appointed to be ORIGINAL LETTERS. 289 said at the hours of death, and when she was comforted by those that were about her, saying ' Madam be of good comfort, with God's help you shall live and do well many years,' she would answer ' No, no, no hfe in this worlde, but in the world to come I hope to live ever ; for here is nothing but care and misery, and there is life everlasting:' and then seeing herself faint, she said ' Lord be merciful unto me, for now I begin to faint,' and all the time of her fainting, when any about her would chafe or rub her to comfort her, she would lift up her hands and eyes unto heaven and say ' Father of Heaven, for thy son Christ's sake, have mercy upon me.' Then said the Lady Hopton unto her, ' Madam be of good comfort, for with God his favour you shall hve and escape this ; for Mrs. Cousen saith you have escaped many dangers, when you were as like to die as you be nowe.' ' No, no my Ladie my time is come, and it is not God's will that I should live any longer, and his will be done, and not mine ;' then, looking upon those that were about her, ' As I am, so shall you be, behold the picture of yourselves.' And about vi. or vij. of the clocke in the morning she desired those that were about her to cause Sir Owen Hoptone to come unto her, and when he came he said unto her, ' Good Madam how do you,' and she said, ' Even now going to God, Sir Owen, even as fast as I can ; and I pray you and the rest that be about me to bear witness with me that I die a true Christian, and that I believe to be saved by the death of Christ, and that I am one that he hath shed his most precious blood for ; and I ask God and all the world forgiveness, and I forgive all the world.' Then she said unto Sir Owen Hoptone ' I beseech you promise me one thing, that you yourself with your own mouth will make this request unto the Queen's Majesty, which shall be the last suit and request that ever I shall make unto her Highness, even from the mouth of a dead woman ; that she would forgive her displeasure towards me as my hope is she hath done ; I must needs confess I have greatly offended her, in that I made my choice without her knowledge, otherwise I take God to witness I had never the heart to think any evil against her Majesty; and that she would be good unto my children, and not to impute my fault unto them, whom I give wholly unto Her Majesty : for in my life they have had few friends, and fewer shall they have when I am dead, except Her Majesty be gracious unto them : and I desire her Highness to be good unto my Lord, for I know this my death will be heavy news unto him, that her Grace will be so good as to send liberty to glad his sorrow.. ful heart withall.' a Then she said unto Sir Owen, ' I shall further desire you to deliver from me certain commendations and Tokens unto my Lord,' and calling unto her woman, she said, ' Give me the box wherein * The Lord Hertford remained in prison nine years. VOL. II. SER. 2. V 290 ORIGINAL LETTERS. my wedding Ring is,' and when she had it she opened it, and took out a Ring with a pointed diamond in it, and said, ' Here Sir Owen, deliver this unto my Lord, this is the Ring that I received of him when I gave myself ,unto him and gave him my faith.' ' ' What say you, Madam,' said Sir Owen, • was this your Wedding Ring ?' ' No, Sir Owen,' she said, ' this was the Ring of my assurance unto my Lord, and there is my Wedding Ring,' taking another Ring all of gold out of the box, saying, ' Deliver this also unto my Lord, * and pray him even as I have been to him, as I take God to witness I have been, a true and a faithful Wife, that he would be a loving and a natural Father unto my children, unto whom I give the same blessing that God gave unto Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.' And then took she out another Ring with a Death's head, and said ' This shall be the last Token unto my Lord that ever I shall send him ; it is the picture of myself.' The words about the Death's head were these ' While I lyve yours,'1 and so, looking down upon her hands, and perceiving the nails to look purple, said, ' Lo here he is come,' and then as it were with a joyful countenance she said ¦ welcome Death,' and embracing herself with her arms, and lifting up her eyes and hands unto heaven, knocking her hands upon her breast, she brake forth and said ' O Lord ! for thy manyfold mercies, blot out of thy Book all mine offenses !' Whereby Sir Owen perceiving her to draw towards her end, said to Mr. Bockeham were it not best to send to the Church that the bell ** may be rung, and she herself hearing him, ' Good Sir Owen let it be so.' Then immediately perceiving her end to be near, she en- tered into Prayer, and said, ' O Lord ! into thy hands I commend my soul, Lord Jesus receive my spirit :' and so putting down her eyes with her own hands she yielded unto God her meek spirit at nine of the clock in the Morning the 27th of January, 1567." The marriage between Lady Catherine Gray and the Earl of Hertford was not established till 1 606 ; when the priest who had joined them being produced, and other circumstances agreeing, a jury at common law found it a good marriage.0 Several papers relating to Lord Beauchamp's Appeal against the Sentence of the Commission, in 1604, occur in the Cottonian MS. Vitellius C. xvi. foil. 412, 458, 516, 522 : and Sir Julius Csesar's Notes from the Jurisconsults when the sentence was reversed, in the Lansdowne MS. 732. ¦ This Ring had been exhibited by Lady Catherine to the Commission of Inquiry. It consisted of five links, the four inner ones containing the following posie of the Earl's making : " As circles five by art compact shewe but one Ring in sight, So trust uniteth faithfull mindes with knott of secret might ; Whose force to breake but greedie Death noe wight possessed-, power, As time and sequels well shall prove. My Ringe can say no more." * The Passing Bell. It was rung at the passing from Life to Death, with the in tention that those who heard it should pray for the person dying. ' Brydges's Edit, of Collins's Peerage, vol. i. p. 173. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 291 LETTER CLXX. Secretary Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith in France. ' The Queen seized with Illness. [ms. lansd. 102. art. 58. Orig.] The Quenes Majesty fell perillosly sick on Saturday last, the accident cam to that which they call diarrhcea. We feared a flux. She is somwhat weakned, but in helth and will attend hir affayres after Satyrday, which is to morrow, assure you. She is clearly hoole, but for the tyme she made us sore afrayed. Thanked be God for both. For of both we take good : warned by hir sicknes, and comforted by hir recovery. # # # # # xv. Decemb. 1564. Yours assured, w. CECILL. u 2 292 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CLXXI. Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith. A portion qf a Letter. The Earls qf Leicester and Sussex made knights qfthe French King's Order. Lord Darnley and Lord Leicester separately proposed as husbands for the Scottish Queen. Sir William wishes a marriage for Queen Elizabeth. [ms. lansd. 102. art. 59. Orig.] *#* The appearance of content which Queen Elizabeth affected, to live and die a maiden Queen, has been already commented upon in the second volume of the former Series. They, however, who peruse the original papers of her time, will learn that this content was subject to vibrations. Marriage indeed, whether for herself or others, was a constant source of perplexity. Sir William Cecil in the latter part of this, and in one or two other Letters here before the reader, speaks of the double offer of matrimony to the Queen, the projected marriage of the Queen of Scots, and the secret but undignified marriage of the Lady Mary Gray, as all going on at the same time. Lady Catherine Gray and Lord Hert ford were in prison. ***** On Saturday the French ambassador was here with the Queens Maty. who delt in twoo principall matters, the one to know hir plesur for the offers made by the King his Master, to choose my Lord of Lecester and any other to be named by hir Ma*-V. to be of his Order. Wherunto hir Ma'5', did resolve to have my Lord of Lecester to be chosen : but for the second place she wold herafter advertise the Kyng hir plesure. The ORIGINAL LETTERS. 293 second matter was to know hir plesure in his former sutes made that the French Kings subjectes might resort with commodities from the Kyng of Spaynes low Coun trees hyther, wherin abowt x. dayes past he had a long debate with the Counsell, and wold not be therin satisfyed allthough we shewed hym what yow had wrytten, and how yow found the Kyng and his Counsell satisfyed with your answers made. But now we had a very reddy answer to hym, that was because we had not prohibited the French but for a season duryng theis differencees with Flaunders, we being now at an accord with them he shuld see that liberty shuld be gyven shortly to all persons, and then the French might use there plesur. This knowledg gyven hym of our accord, semed to answer hym fully, and he sayd that he was therof fully gladd. Now whylest I am wrytyng, I understand that meanes is made that Sir Nicholas Throkmorton might goo to the French ambassador with report that uppon instance made by my L. of Lecester hir MatJ will name my L. of Sussex for the second party, and so untill I here more I doo forbeare wrytyng thereof. In Scotland ther hath bene a Perlement wherin no- thyng is doone but the restitution of the Erie of Lenox ; as for my Ladyes clayme to Angush, by reason of the greatness of the Erie Morton being Chancellor, no- thyng is attempted. The Erie of Lennox frends wish that the L. Darly might marry with the Scottish Quene : and I see some devise to bryng the Quenes 294 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Majesty not only to allow therof, but also to move it to' the Quene hir sistur : but I see no disposition therto in hir Majesty ; a but she rather contynueth hir desyre to have my L. of Leicester preferred that waye, for which purpoos ther was this last month a metyng at Barwyk with my Lord of Murray and the Lord of Ledyngton, but yet covered with other matters : and now of late it is from thence renewed, to know with what conditions the Queens Majesty will preferr hym, wherein at this present no full answer is yet gyven : but to saye the truth of my knoledg in theis tyclle matters I can affirm nothyng that I can assure to contynew.0 I see the Qu. Ma,J very desyrooss to have my L. of Lecester placed in this high degree to be the Scottish Queen's husband, but whan it commeth to the condi tions which ar demanded, I see her than remiss of hir ernestnes. This also I see in the Qu. Mai a sufficient contenta- » The Instructions to Mr. Randolph how to confer with the Queen of Scots when her marrying with Lord namley was suspected, ic Secretary Cecil's band writing, are preserved in MS. Lansd. Num. 8. art. 22. b Lord narnley seems to have been anxious to retain Lord Leicester's kindness at this time. The Harleian MS. 7S7- fol. 1. preserves the following Copy of a Letter from him to Lord Leicester, written in Febniary 1564-5. " My especiall good Lord, your accustomed friendlynes during my continuance in the Court, yea since I first knew your Lordship cannot, though I am now far from you, be forgotten of my part: but the remembrance thereof constreyneth me in these few lynes to give your Lotdship my humble thankes therefore, and to assure your Lordship that, during my life, I shall not be forgetfull of your great goodness and good nature shewed sundry wayes to me : but to my power shall ever be ready to gratifye you in any thinge I may as assuredly as your owne brother. And thus with my humble commendacions to your good Lordship, I wish you as well as your owne heart would. From Dunkell the 21 of February 15C4. Your Lr- assured to command, H. DARNLEY." " My L. my father sendeth your Lordship his most harty commendaeion;.." ORIGINAL LETTERS. 295 tion to be moved to marry abrood, and if it so may please Almighty God, to leade by the hand some mete person to come and lay hand on hir to hir contentation, I cold than wish my self more helth to endure my yeres somewhat longar to enjoye such a world here as I trust wold follow : otherwise I assure yow, as now thyngs hang in desperation, I have no comfort to lyve. ***** The 30 of Decemb. 1564. Your assured for ever W. CECILL. LETTER CLXXII. Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith on the Queen qf Scot's marriage with Lord Darnley. Proposi tions qfthe Emperor and France for Queen Eliza beths marriage. [ms. lansd. 102. art. 60. Orig.] Sir, I ihynk the twoo Quenes have satisfyed ether them selves with their enterviews, or rather filled the desyres of their traynes. Ther are sondry expectations of the fructs hereof, and as most commenly used in Prynces casees, no small thyngs projected. I dowt not but though yow shall be farr off, yow will use a long 296 ORIGINAL LETTERS. anglyng wand to catch some knoledg. And lykewise I thynk yow here of some expectation what shall follow of the rumor of the mariadg betwixt the Q. of Scotts and the L. Dar lye. The Lord of Lyddyngton cam hyther to obteyne the Q. Majesties consent, but he found great offence. Sir Nich. Throkmorton was sent to declare the miscon- tentment of hir Majesty, and meanes how to break it. He retorned on Fry daye well rewarded ; but he cold not dissolve it, although he sayth it is mislyked of all the substance of the realme, and she hir self confesseth that if it were to be done she wold be otherwise ad vised; but she is determyned, and prayeth hir Ma*y here to comport with hir untill she will send on of hirs hyther (which shall be M1'. Hayes) to declare to the Quenes Majesty some reasons on hir behalf. I thynk my Lady Lennox shall be committed to some furder custodye ; and my Lords hir husband and sonne shall forfayt that they may here with us. And because it is lykely ther fundation in England is uppon Papists, the Protestants here shall receave more comfort and the Papists more disgrace. Th'Emperors Ambassador is not idle in his matter but presseth the matter for the Archduk discretly and diligently. One great obstacle is that the Q. Majesty will nedes see before she marry. And how that devise can be performed, if she shuld assent ether to the French Kyng, or to the Archduke, will prove hard. Hir Maty remembreth hir promiss to remayn free ORIGINAL LETTERS. 297 untill she have well answered the French Kyng, and so hir Ma*y considereth mete for hir honor to doo ; which causeth the Emperors ambassador to lack resolution, and yet he fyndeth, as I her, so general! a lykyng amongest the great Lords here that he is in great hope to spede. What shall follow God knoweth. My Lord of Lecester furdereth the Quenes Majesty with all good reasons to take on of these great Prynces, wherin suerly perceaving his own cause not sperable, he doth honorably and wisely. I see few noblemen devoted to France ; but I being Mancipium Regince, and lackyng witt for to expend so great a matter, will follow with service wher hir Maty will goo before. Sir H. Sydney shall be Deputy in Irland. Shan O'neyle hath overthrowen James MrOnele, and takyn hym and his brother, wherin a nombre of English soldiors being with Shan did only gayne the Victory. If now the Queens Majesty may have the possession of theis prisoners, it shall be profitable: otherwyse Shanes victory will be dangerooss for Irland. ***** And thus you see I have scribled many thyngs in haste to satisfy your expectation, assuryng you my lesure is so lytle as I thynk this to be the twentyth Lettre all redy wrytten this daye on Sonday 3 Junij 1565. Yours assured w. CECILL. 298 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CLXXIII. Sir William Cecill to Sir Thomas Smith : still upon the Queen qfScofs marriage. The Scottish Lords disgusted. The Marriage of Lady Mary Gray. [ms. lansd. 102. art. 62. Orig.] M1. Thomworth was sent to the Queen of Scotts. Uppon this occasion, the Scottish Queen hath sent twise hyther to requere the Queens Majesty to declare for what causes she did mislyk of this Mariadg, oflryng also to satisfy the same. In the meane tyme, troobles arrise there betwixt her and the Erie of Murraye and others being frendly to the common amyty of both the realmes ; whereunto for sondry respects it semeth con venient for us to have regard. The Duke, the Erles of Argile, Murray, and Rothoss with sondry barons are joynid together, not to allow of the mariadg other wise than to have the Religion stablished by law, but the Quene refuseth in this sort, she will not suffer it to have the force of law, but of permission to every man to lyve according to his conscience ; and herewith she ORIGINAL LETTERS. 299 hath reteyned a gret nombre of Protestants from asso ciation oppenly with the other. She hath sent for the Erie Murray, but the mistru'st is so farr entred on both sydes, that I thynk it will fall to an evill end, for she hath putt the Erie of Murray to the horn and prohi bited all persons to ayde hym. Nevertheless the Duke the Erles of Argile and Rothoss are togither with hym. We shall here by M1'. Tomworth what is most lykly to follow. ***** The Quenes Majesty, thanked be God, is well dis posed towards mariadg. Th'Emperors Embassador is departed with an honorable answer, and hym self well satisfyed ; and commen opinion is that the Arch duke Charles will come ; which if he doo, and will accord with us in Relligyon, and shall be allowable for his person to hir Majesty, than, except God shall purpoose to contynew his displesur ageynst us We shall see some success. Here is a unhappy chance and monstruoos. The Serjeant Porter, being the biggest gentillman in this Court, hath marryed secretly the Lady Mary Grey ; the lest of all the Court. They are committed to severalla prisons. The offence is very great. And so now being hasted by a separate. 300 ORIGINAL LETTERS. the French ambr. I end. From Wyndsor the 21 of August 1565. I thank you for your dilligent Advertisements. Your assured to command W. CECILL. To the right honorable Sir Thomas Smith knight, The Queenes Majesties Ambassr. re sident in France. LETTER CLXXIV. Mary and Henry, King and Queen qf Scots, a circu lar Letter declaring a Progress against the Rebels, and ordering men to Join them at Edinburgh in arms. [ms. cotton, calig. b. x. fol. 333 b. Orig.] Traist freind, We grete you wele. That quhilk before we suspectit hes now declarit the self in deid, for oure rebelles hes reterit thame to the Incuntre, the suffering quhairof is na wayis to ws honorabill. We mynd, God willing, in proper personis to pas for thair persute, quhairunto it is neidfull that We be weill and substancioushe accompancit. We pray zow tliairfor ORIGINAL LETTERS. 301 effectuusle that ze with zor kin, freindis, and houshold weill bodin in feira of weir, and providit to remaine fol xv. dayis efter zo' cuming, addres zow to mete ws at Edinburgh the xxvth day of August instant be sex ho"s at evin, and swa to pas furthwat wl ws as ze will declair the gild affectioun ze beir to ws and ov service, and do ws maist acceptabill pless''. Subscrevut with oure handis at Edinburgh the xxiij. day of August, 1565. MARIE R. HENRY R. LETTER CLXXV. Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith: upon the Archduke's offer to the Queen. [ms. lansd. 102. art. 63. Orig.] I doo not well remembre whyther I wrote to yow of the Emperors Ambassadors answer here. The Quenes Majesty will marry with none without sight of his person, nor with any that shall discent in Relli- gion ; for the rest of the Articles they are referred to the Treaty betwixt Kyng Phillip and Queen Mary. I think the Archduke will come. But of his Relligion no body shall know I thynk but hir Ma% nor she, 302 ORIGINAL LETTERS. untill he see hope of spedyng. The whole Nobilitie, to my understanding, favor this very much, and my Lord of Lecester hath behaved hym self very wisely to allow of it. I am so willing to have you come home, that my brother being named as your successor, I doo press hym therto much ageynst his will. The 30th of August, almost at midnight. Our intercourse standeth upon narrow poynts, and all for our import of clothes. But yet I trust they will accord. Yours assured, w. CBCILL. To the right honorable Sir Thomas Smith knight The Quenes Malics Ambassador re sident in France. LETTER CLXXVI. Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith. The Queen qf Scots'1 subjects dissatisfied. The insolence qf Darnley. [ms. lansd. 102. art. 64. Orig.] Sir, At this present I have so manny wayes to turn my hand that I can write no more, but only remitt yow to hir Ma*s Lettres. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 303 The Queen of Scotts hath much less nombre of herts than hir subjects, but yow know the inequalite of the match, and therfor the event is uncertain. The yong Kyng is so insolent as his father is weary of his government, and is departed from the Court. Assure your self to here shortly certenty for your revocation. p°. Septemb. 1565v Yours assured, w. CECILL. To the right honorable Sir Thomas Smith knight the Quene's Majesties Ambassador in France. LETTER CLXXVII. The Queen to Mr. Thomas Randolph concerning the Appointment qf Commissioners to meet oh the fron tiers qf Scotland. [ms. lansd. 8. num. 25. Orig.] By the Quene. Elizabeth R. Trusty and welbeloved we grete you well Where by your letters of the xxiiijth. of January directed to 304 ORIGINAL LETTERS. our Secretary, and by him imported to us and our Counsaile, it appeareth upon signification made to that Quene by you of the appointment of our cosin the Erie of Bedford and Sir John Forster to be our comissioners upon the frontiers, that she named at the first for hir part the Lord Hume and the Lord Cefford hir wardens ; and afterward upon an allegation made by you of the inequality betwixt the degre of our cosin the Erie of Bedford and the Lord Hume, it was ther- fore changed and ordered that the Erie Bothewell shuld be in place of the Lord Hume, which yow took for the last resolute answer. Herupon we find some difficulty what to allowe or to refuse, for in dede were it not that we wold gladly by entring into a treaty attempt some good meanes for the restitution of the Erie of Murrey and his associates, and therwith also procure, as the time requireth, to have better administration of justice upon the frontiers then presently appeareth : we wold not precede any furder in a matter that hath such untowardnes in it as it hath. And therfore upon this occasion we do resolve that you shall herin use your discretion to obteyne this our purpose which followeth. We have no good liking to have the Erie. Bothwell one, and therfore if it might be compassed by your dealing with some of the councellors there, that have both good meaning to peace and creditt, we wold wish ORIGINAL LETTERS. 305 that some other Erie of better disposicion than we take the Erie Bothwell to be, might be joyned either to the Lord Hume or to Cefford, or to any better (if better may be gotten) which shuld content us, for in no wise if we may choose, can we allowe of Bothewell. And we think, if it were not to encrease this maltice towardes the Erie of Murrey, yt were reasonable to except playnly against him in respect of his yll re- portes and slawnders which we have hard that he made being in favour both of the Quene his Soveraigne and of us, and therby farr unmete to treate in any matters of amyty towching us. Nevertheles we remitt it to your consideration whether to expresse that, or otherwise to use the matter to procure the forbearing of him. And if you shall find no convenient way to obteyne any other Erie of good condition in his place, then we shall accept the Erie Bothwell, although we think the first choyce of the Lord Hume were better. But to avoyde the example to have an Earle of our Land matched with a baron of Scotland, we shall aventure of the Erie Bothewell. And thus yow See how hardly we ar brought to this Treaty, and yet for the considerations above expressed, we wold have you precede: wherin we require you to use your discretion as may best tend to the purpose ment, and therof to advertise us with as much spede as you can. Geven under our Signet at our pallace of West- VOL. II. ser. 2. x 306 ORIGINAL LETTERS. minster the second day of february 1565 the eight yere of our reigne. To our trusty and welbeloved servant Thomas Randolph esquier our Agent Scotland. LETTER CLXXVIII. Richard Onslow, Esq. Recorder qf London, to Sir William Cecil; concerning the Proclamation against Hosiers. [ms. lansdowne 8. art. 64. Orig.] May it please your honour to be advertised that in the execucion of the Quenes Majesties late Proclama- cion against Hosiers, I have ben often demaunded by dyvers of them whether they myght lawfully without offending of the proclamacion, or daunger of forfayture of their landes, lyne a Sloppe-hose not cutte in panes wyth a lynyng of Cotton stytched to the Sloppe, over & besydes the lynnen lynyng, and the other lynyng straytt to the legg : whereunto upon consyderacion of the wordes of the proclamacion I aunswered them all, that I thought surely they could not ; and that any loose lynyng not straytt to the legg was not permytted, but for the lynyng of panes only, and that the hole upper stock being in our Sloppe uncutt, could not be sayd to be in panes, wherewith they departed satisfyed. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 307 Sythens which tyme dyvers of them have ben wythe me, & declared that for as moche as they have refused to lyne the Slopp so, their customers have gone from them to other hosyers dwelling wythout Temple Barr, who not only have so lyned the Slopp, but also have sayd that your Honour hath declared, that they may lawfully so doe ; and that some of your servauntes do weare such ; whereof I thowght it my dutye to adver tise your Honour, and further do desyre yowr advise therein, to the ende that yf it were so meant by the proclamacion (whiche I could not gatherr of the wordes thereof) or that it shall be promytted & tollerated in that poynt, that I may give understanding thereof to our poore Citezins, who otherwyse by their more care- full obeyng of the same, may be sore hyndered & im- poveryshed by losse of ther customers and lack of worke ; & other foryners be thereby enryched. And thus I leave further to trowble your Honour wyshing to the same contynuance of good helth. From my poore howse in the late Black Freres in London this last of February 1565. Your Honours moost humble at commaundement, RY. ONSLOWE. To the right honorable Sir William Cecill knight, Principall Secretarye of the Quenes Majestie, and Master of her Majesties Wardes & Lyveries, geve thes. x2 308 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CLXXIX. Lady Mary Gray to Sir William Cecil, upon her loss qfthe Queen's favor. [ms. lansdowne 8. art. 67- Orig.] *„* The cause of the grief mentioned in this and the succeeding Letter has been already explained in a paragraph in that of Sir William Cecil of the 21st Aug. 1565. Lady Mary Gray the third and youngest daughter of Henry Duke of Suffolk had married Henry Keys, the Queen's gentleman porter. Sir William Cecil says they were committed to separate prisons. He also says that She was the smallest woman in the Court. Sandford says she was deformed ; and that she died without issue. The date of 1566 in these Letters is, of course, 156f. Mr. Hawtrey mentioned in the second, was the person from whose charge she was exchanged to that of the Duchess of Somerset. * It is probable that she died before 1571, as her name does not occur in the List of Claimants for the Succession, noticed in the observations upon Michele's Report, from a French Manuscript written in that year. Good master Secrytary I must crave pardonn at your handes for trublynge you so oftenn withe my rude letters, but I trust you conceve what a greffe the Quenes Majestes displessur is tome, whiche makes me to wyshe deathe rather thenn to be in thes greatte mesery witheout her Majestes favor, and therfor I am forst to crave your help and goodnes to be a con- teneweall mean for me to her Majeste, to gett me her Majestes favor agayen ; trustynge if I myghte ons ob- tayne it, never to foregoo it, whill I lyve, so necttly- gently as I have donn, God geveinge me his grace, ¦ See Lord Burghley-s Notes of Queen Elizabeth's reign, in Murdtn, p. -C4. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 309 whiche I truste hee will withe my conteneweall prayer for it, and therfor as you have begonn to forther me to her Majesty for her Majestes favor, so I truste yow will contenewe untill you have gotten it me. And thys I leve to trubell you for thys tyme, prayenge god to send you good spede. From Chekers the xxiiij*. daye of Jenuary 1566. Yours to commande duringe my lyfe, MARY GRAYE. To the ryghte honorable Ser Willyam Cycell knyght, prynci- pall Secrytary to the Quenes most excelent Majeste at the Courte, geve thes. LETTER CLXXX. Lady Mary Gray, assuring Sir William Cecil qfher repentance. [ms. lansdowne num. 8. art. 68. Orig.] Good master Secretary, I have receved your mes sage you sente me by master Hawtry, wherin I do parceve you ar in dout whether I do contenew in my foly stell or no ; whiche I assuer you I do as muche repent as ever dyd any, not only for that I have therby geven occasyon to my enymyes to rejoyes at my fond parte, but also for that I have therbe incurred the 310 ORIGINAL LETTERS. Quenes Majestes desplessur, whiche is the greattest greff to me ; for that the princes favor is not so sonn gotten agayn, and I assure you to be without it is suche agreff to any true Subjectes hartt, as no turment can be greatter, as I most wofuU wreche have to well tryed ; desiringe rather deathe then to be any longer without so greatt a juell, as her Majestes favor shold be to me. Wherfor for god sake, as you have begun for to be a meane to her Majeste in gettinge me thes great and longe desired tressure, so con ten ew untell you have made me so happy as to obtayen it for me, and this I leve to trubell you any forther at this tyme, prayinge to god to send you prossperus sucses. From Chekers the vij daye of February 1566. Yours to commande duringe my lyfe, MARY GRAYE. To the ryghte honorable Sir Willyam Cecill knyght, prency- pall Secrytary to the Quenes most excelent Majeste at the Court geve thes. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 311 LETTER CLXXXI. Christopher Jonson, Master qf Winchester School, to Sir William Cecil, upon the perverseness qfRich. Lyllington, one of his Scholars. [ms. lansdowne 10. art. 55. Orig.] •,*. The unceasing employ of Sir William Cecil's mind while Secre tary of State, can only be known to those whose researches lead them to the documents of his time. From the question of Peace or War down to a regulation for the lining of slop-hose ; from quarrels at court to the bickering between a schoolmaster and his scholar ; from the arrest of a Peer to the punishment of a cutpurse ; all was reported to him, and by all parties in turn was his favour craved. Christopher Jonson, the writer of this Letter, became master of Win chester School in 1560. Wood, in his Athense Oxouienses, describes him as a Latin poet, a philosopher, and a physician. He did not remain master of Winchester School for a great many years ; but settled in Lon don, and practised as a physician in the parish of St. Dunstan in the West, where he died in 1597. Right honourable my duetie with all humblenesse consydered : I received of late your honoures Letters in the behalfe of one Richard Lyllington a scholare of myne : who if he had not spared the truthe at his last beinge with your Honour, I am perswaded you wold have spared his commendations unto me ; not because I am not willinge to obay your commandment ether herein or in any other matter, but because I presume, of your justice and wysedome, that you wold not willingly defend any such. 312 ORIGINAL LETTERS. The whole matter is thus, as at all tymes I ever founde him very tumultuous and disobedient, so a htle before his repayre to your Honoure, a pykery a being committed amongest my scholares, and the suspicion falhng vehemently upon him (besyde his owne confes sion) I happened to chalenge him for the same; but he choesinge rather tp be expelled, as he sayde, then corrected for his fait, dreue his knyfe at me which he had for the purpose provided, and standinge at ward agaynst me and our Subwarden, shoed such an exam ple of stubbernesse to my scholars as theis twenty yeares I have not hard the lyke. Notwithstandinge being apprehended and punished for this disorder, the same day he departed the College without licence, but with such a threatninge stomach, bye report, as that I was advertysed by my frendes to beware of his secrete malice. The next tyme I sawe him, he brought your Honoures Letters ; upon the sight whereof I received him agayne, though I perceived he had glosed •- alto gether with you. Synce that tyme hitherto, he hath continued in suche overthwartness, as (were it not for your Honoures sake) nether I nor the College cold beare him. That which we doe in sufferinge his evell rule, I feare will prove to the animating of others far- der, then good order can abyde. This I beseke your honoure consyder of, and pardon me if towarde such I ¦ a pillage. l' glossed, palliated by exposition. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 313 discharge my vocation. From the College by Win chester, the xvij,h. of Maie. Your honoures most due to commande CHRISTOFER JONSON. To the right honorable sir Wylliam Cecill knight, principall secretarye to her Grace. LETTER CLXXXII. Sir TJiomas Gresham to Sir William Cecil, upon the prolongation of the Queen's debt, at Twelve per Cent. [ms. lansd. num. x. art. 72. Orig.] *„* This and the next Letter throw light upon the greater money transactions of the time of Queen Elizabeth, in the hand-writing of the chief merchant of her reign. Sir Thomas Gresham appears to have stipulated regularly for all who advanced loans under his guarantee to be released from the Statute of Usury. The ordinary rate of Interest under the Statute of the 37"- Hen.-VIIItb. c. 9. was at this time fixed at 10/. per cent. Queen Elizabeth confirmed it with the addition of some severe clauses in her 13lh year. The statute of the 21"' James Ist. c. 17. reduced interest to eight per cent. During the Usurpation and in Charles the Second's time it fell to six per cent, and lastly by the Statute of the 12th Ann. st 2. t. 16. was reduced to five per cent. Right honorable Sr. it maie like youe funderstande that as this daie at x. of the clocke in the foore none I 314 ORIGINAL LETTERS. received yours of the xxvj4*1. and xxviij*. And her- with it maie please youe to receyve the note of the prolongation of the Queenes Mats debts for the makinge of the new Bonds. Other I have not to molest yor Honnor withall, but that by th'order of yor steward Billet I have writen to Cloughe by this Poste for xv m. slatte and iij m. borde, to be sent from Andwarpe by the next shippe that comith, most humblye besechinge youe if there be anny other thinge I maie stande youe in steade, and specially for the love of monneye, I praie youe of all frendshipe to use no man but me. As towchinge the Q. Ma,£ warraunte for the prolonging of her debte, it maie please you to make it as to youe shall thinke good, so that I do not excede th'interest of xij. per cent by the yeare, which I will assure yor Honnor is verie good chepe monneye as the world goeth there nowe. As knowith the Lord who preserve youe with increse of honnor. From London the xxix'-1. of August anno domini 1568. I sent yov Lettre to my Ladie Hobby by my footman upon the receipt therof. At yov honnors commaundment THOMAS GRESHAM. To the right honnorablc Sr. Wil liam Cecill knight The Queene's Ma'\ principall Secretary. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 315 LETTER CLXXXIII. Sir Thomas Gresham to Sir William Cecil, again upon money lent to the Queen. [ms. lansdowne, 12. art. 8. Orig.] Right honnorable Sir, this morning I have receaved yours with my lettres by my servaunt, wherbie I do perceyve that the monney whiche remainith in my handes of sir William Garrard, and for the armur, must be paid to the merchauntes. Wherin I shall proceede with paiment of half there somes untill furder your pleasor be knowen ; for the whiche it maie please you to send me the Quenes Majesties Warraunt. And wheras your Honnor doth now thinke som difficulte to paie anny monney to the Quenes Majesties creditors beyond the seas, Sir in my opinion you neede not to make any dowt therof, yf her Highnes do see her mer chauntes well paid here in London this first some, for bie that time the other monney shalbe payable hear bie the Quenes Majestie to her said merchauntes, they shall have both plenty of monney at Hamborough and heare. Assuring you the goodes that our merchauntes hathe shipped from Hambrough hither is well worth 316 ORIGINAL LETTERS. c M1. li. and better. And the shiping that they make now from hens with our comodityes is richely worthe ij c M'. li. and better for that there wilbe above xxx M1. Clothes the custom wherof wilbe worth to the Quenes Majestie at the least x M1. whiche will discharg that debt if it stand so with the Quenes Majesties pleasor. Sir, I do perceyve the gretest care that you have is that our merchauntes shall not have monney enoughe for to by up our commodi tyes, wherin you neede not to dowbt considering the good vent they have had at Hamborough alredie, and are like to have. Therefore I shall most humblie beseche you for the stale and advauncing of the Quenes Majesties credit, this smal paiment that is agreed upon alredy at Hamborough maie be paid : considering that I have writen hereto fore to the said creditores they should have a paiment made there now this August, whiche paiment will not a htle advaunce her Highnes honnor and credit. And how muche her Highnes credit hathe stand her in steede beyond the Seas, for reddie monneye, it is to tedius and to long a matter to trowble you withall. But if my credit were suche, that I were able to per- swade the Quenes Majestie and you, I would have that matter now sorowid for above all other thinges : assuring you Sir I do know for certain that the Duke de Alva is more trowblid with the Quenes Majesties gret credit, and with the vent of her Highnes commo- ORIGINAL LETTERS. 317 dities at Hamborough, then he is with anny thing els, (and quaketh for feare) whiche is one of the chifest thinges, that is the let that the said Duke cannot com by the tenth penny that he now demandeth for the sale of all goodes anney kind of waye in the Low Countrey (whiche Sir I beleve wilbe his utter undoing). Therfore Sir, to conclude, I would wisshe that the Quenes Majestie in this time shuld not use any strangers, but her own subjectes, wherbie he and all other Princes maie se what a Prince of power she ys. And bie this meanes there is no dowbt but that her Highnes shall cause the duke of Alva to know him self, and to make what end with that Low Countreys as her Majestie will her self, what brute soever is here spredde abrode to the contrary. Sir seing I am entrid so farre with yowe for the credit of the Quenes Ma jestie beyond the seas, wherin I have travailed this xx. yeres and bie experience in using our owne mer- chantes I found gret honnor to the Prince (as also gret profit to the merchantes) and to the whole Realm, whatsoever our merchauntes saye to the contrarye. For when our Prince ought owr merchauntes lx or iiijxx m- li. then they knew them selves, and were daily reddie to serve as good chepe as straungers did, whiche Sir I would wissh again in this time of extremity to be usid, for that I know our merchauntes be able to do yt, because the debt is devided into many mennes 318 ORIGINAL LETTERS. handes, and bie no meanes cannot hinder them having interest. Other I have not to molest you withall but that as the n. of this present Mr. Bennedik Spinola brought home to my howse a merchaunt of Jauva calid Thomas Ragio to take his leave of me to know if he could plesor me with anny thing in Flaunderes, and as I thanked him, so emong other communication of pro fit and for service by him ministrid, he desired me to be his frind for suche monney as the Quenes Majestie hathe of his in the Towr ; with that I asked him what his som was and he said xx or xxx m1 ducates ; but by talke I perceive he hathe muche more with other of his frindes. Now Sir seing this monney in the Towr doth appertain to merchauntes, I would wishe the Quenes Majestie to put it to use of som profit, as to mynt hit into her own coyne. Wherby she shalbe a gayner iij or iiij m1 li. and enriche her Relm with so muche fine silver. And for the repaiment therof, her Highnes maie paie it bie the waie of exchaung or otherwise to her gret fardell and profit. As also her Majestie maie take it up of the said merchantes upon interest uppon the bandes accustomid for a yere or twoo, whiche I think they wilbee right glad of, and so with the said monney her Majestie maie paie her debtes both hear and in Flaunderes, to the gret honnor and credit of her Majestie throughout all Christendom ; as knowith the Lord who preserve you with the in- ORIGINAL LETTERS. 319 crease of honnor. From Gresham howse the 14th of August 1569, at ix of the cloke at night. At your honnors commandment, THOMAS GRESHAM. Sir I most humbly thancke you for the remembrans that you have of my sewte for my lady Mary Grey and for my lande at Meserley. To the right honnorable Sir William Cecill knight, the Quenes Majesties principall Secretary. After this last Letter follow, in the Lansdowne Manuscript,^ Notes of the Sums of money taken up in London in November and December 1569, by Sir Thomas Gresham, for a six months' day of payment ; with a note of the prolongation of the Queen's Majesty's debts due in the City of London the last day of May A. D. 1570, and prolonged until the last day of November, 1570. Each sum at a brokerage of one per Cent, and six per Cent interest for six months. The lenders were principally aldermen of London; though the Lady Joane Laxton widow occurs more than once. Sir Thomas Gresham signs the schedules. At the end of the first he writes, " It may like your Honnor to understand that to every one of these bondes the Queen's Majesty must give out her ac customed bonds for the discharging of the Statute o/Usuries, which I would wish might be presently set at hberty if it were possible for the better accomplishing of her Highness enterprise. Thomas Gresham." At the end of another Schedule he says, " Sir to every one of these bonds there must be made Her Majesty's bond for the discharge of the Statute of Usury, as heretofore they have had the like, which is now of no force, because the time and date is expired." The Lansdowne MS. 113. art. 19. contains " A Note of the sums of money that came into the hands of Mr. Thomas Gresham and passed from him, in the time of Queen Mary." 320 ORIGINAL LETTERS. LETTER CLXXXIY* The Lady Stanhope to Sir William Cecil, for his counsel to Mr. Hotham who had married her daughter, and through jealousy wished to divorce her. [ms. lansdowne 12. art. 1. Orig.] %* This and the two succeeding Letters, whilst they present the de tails of a family quarrel, materially illustrate the Grievance of Ward ship, a prerogative which Michele has already accurately defined in a former page ; and which, as Blackstone acknowledges, was one of the greatest hardships of our ancient tenures. Lady Stanhope, the widow of Sir Michael Stanhope of Shelford, in Nottinghamshire, had obtained by purchase the wardship of a Hotham, had married her daughter to him, and found, too late, that whatever might be the advantages of property, her daughter had gained httle of affection in the union. A Scheme was proposed to Queen Elizabeth, somewhere about the year 1570 by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, a projector of some talent in his day, for the setting up an Academy in London, chiefly for the education of Her Majesty's Wards, the prefatory portion of which applies directly to the circumstances named in Lady Stanhope's letters. He says, " Forasmuch as (most excellent Sovereign) the most part of noble men and gentlemen that happen to be your Majesty's Wards, the custody pf their bodies being of bounty granted to some in reward of service or otherwise, not without your honorable confidence of their good education, yet nevertheless most commonly by such to whom they are committed, or by those to whom such committees have sold them, being either of evil religion or insufficient qualities, are through the defaults of their guardians for the most part brought up, to no small grief of their friends, in idleness and lascivious pastimes, estranged from all serviceable virtues to their Prince and Country, obscurely drowned in education for sparing charges of purpose to abuse their minds, least, being better qualified, they should disdain to stoop fo tlic marriage of such purchaser's daughters." It is by no means intended in these remarks to fling any imputation ORIGINAL LETTERS. 321 upon Lady Stanhope, for, according to her own statement she took pains to place Mr. Hotham in Lord Burghley's family; to be retained in which, was at that time considered fortunate even for the young nobility. The facts, however, in Lady Stanhope's Letters, joined with the allega tions in Sir Humphry Gilbert's Proposal, show what was the condition of wards, and that among the improvements of our national policy few have been more truly beneficial to the common subject, than the change which took place in the time of Charles the Second in the guardianship of Orphans. Mr. Hotham mentioned in these Letters was John, afterwards Sir John Hotham of Scarborough, who was high-sheriff of Yorkshire in 1584. Juliana, the daughter of Sir Michael Stanhope, was his first wife, and bore to him three daughters, Elizabeth, Jane, and Juliana, who all died without issue. Lady Stanhope, his mother-in-law, the writer of these Letters, was Anne daughter of Nicholas Rawson, Esq. of Audley in the county of Essex. Right honorable, my humble dewtie premised, it may please yow to be advertised that I am at this present driven to write unto yow, as to one at whose handes, if I have not frindlie helpe, I am like in short time to bring my old dayes with sorow unto my grave ; for alas how unhappie a woman am I, that having ever sins the death of M1'. Stanhope imployed my hole tyme, and that litle that God left me for the setting forwardes and advauncement of my children, should now in my elder yeres have any of them turned home to me with misery and shame. Woe be to that unluckye hower that I first delt, at the ernest desir of himselfe, to buy the wardship of that unkind gentleman my sonne (if he were worthy of the name of a Sonne) Ho tham, I sought his good by all meanes possible, I VOL. II. SER. 2. y 322 ORIGINAL LETTERS. preferred him to your service, for the which he was so long the better, as while he remembred the vertuous education, in honest liffe and good religion, he received with yow ; but sens, for theis foure yeres, he is so geven over to his owne will, as he forgetteth God, abuseth his owne body with evill company, and which is the frutes therof, hathe, of long tyme, upon a hatred con ceived of my daughter his wiffe, evill intreated & in sundry sort slaundred her ; and now lastlie confederat with a naughty pack which he kepeth in his house, who served her as her woman, hathe made a traine to have colour to sclaunder his saide wiffe, sent her away, and caused his servauntes to leve her at my sister Bevercotsis, as it were to the wide world; and sins seweth to be divorced from her, to the end to mary the said wicked woman. O Lord ! Sir, I pray yowe, thinke what discomfort it was to me to receive her in that sort, but how muche more grief it is to my hart to heare the sundry sclaunders he hath most untrulie bruted & blasted of her, and how can I live to se him worke his tirannous will against her by the way of divorce, especiallie in Yorkshire, where he may suborne men & women to say what he listeth to serve his develishe purpose, I beseach yow Sir even for the frindship I have ever reposed in yow, stretch forth now your helping hand to me & my daughter in this our misery, & not ours onlie, but a blott & rebuke to my hole ORIGINAL LETTERS. 323 kinred & frindes. The case how it standeth, this bearer my sonne, Edward Stanhope, shall report unto yow, as we receive it of her, & otherwise aswell by the report of servauntes as his owne; & other her bre- therins knowledge of his usages hertofore, as also by good & evident presumptions, which if it be trew, Justice requireth she should not be oppressed, and thoughe I know yow are not in this case a Judge, yet how hardely the unbrideled rage of a husband that is disposed to spoile his house, & undone himselfe may be stayed by the wiffe that is left penyles to defend her cause, onles she hath the ayde of some good frindes, I trust yow will for alliaunce & frindship sake judge. For alas Sir I am not able (onles I should undoe my- selfe and my children, that be yet unprovided for) to wade in defence of her cause by lawe ; and besides the world is geven to condempne the woman where any sute of divorce is made ; I therfore humblie beseache yow lett the auctorytie that you have had over him whilest he served yow extend thus farr, as it will please yow to call him before yow, and by your frindlie wisdome so govern his unstayednes, as if it may be, they may hve together in the feare of God which with all my hart I do wishe. But if the rage of his jelous hed be such as he cannot yet content himselfe so to do, then it may please yow to order it so, that she may, having some allowaunce, live with her frindes, and I y 2 324 ORIGINAL LETTERS. will do the part of a mother to frame her to devise by all good and godlie meanes possible to recover him to that contentacion which should be their greatest com fort. All which referring to your good government, with my most hartie comendacions to my good Lady, I humblie leve yow, being somewhat stayed with the assured hope we have of your frindlie deahnge in this behalfe. And so with my dew comendacions to my good Lady, I humblie leve you to the Almightie. Shelford this vij th of Aprill 1569- Your honors most humblie bound, ANNE STANHOPE. To the right honorable Sir William Cycill knight, chief Secretarie to the Quenes most excellent Majestie, & one of her Highnes most honorable Privye Councell. LETTER CLXXXV. John Hotham to Sir William Cecil, requesting to be excused from appearing before him. [ms. lansd. 12. art. 93. Orig.] May it pleas your Honor that wheras I have resavid your Lettre wherin your Honor willethe me to repare ORIGINAL LETTERS. 325 unto yow to be orderyd towchinge th'occasions of my wyffe. Thes may be most humblie to dessire your Honore that waye to hold me excusede. For as much as in thes affayres (your Honor not offendid) I am fullie resolvid never to order that abuse but as the Lawe will therin determyne, as ryghtlie moved ther unto by the truthe of my cause, as also thorrowe the Stanhope's eville delinge many wayes with me. At this instant I am boythe unfurnyshed of horse and mony for such a suddeyne Jorney, havinge so lyttle warnynge as Edward Stanhope haithe geven me to provid my wants ; the which consideryd, I trust your Honor will taike myne absence in good part. Further it meight not all to gethere be without danger, by meane of a bound that the Stanhope's have agenst me, in whos curtesie I nethar have nor will none affiance. I beseche your Honor in resspeckt of my bounden dewtie unto yow, nethar urge me to th'inconvenience that myne Adversaries requier, nor forget what shame by the bringinge my wyfe and me together your Honor meight heape to me your sarvante, the which I hope your Honor will not, altho the perswacions of the contrarie be never so importunate. Trewe it is I rest holye at your Honor's comandement duringe my lyfe ; but in this case onlie I humbly trust your Honor will pardone my boldnes in delinge playnly lyke myne intencion. Humbly my service remembred I wyshe 326 ORIGINAL LETTERS. yow th'increace of honor that your hart desyrethe. From Skorbrowghe the 15 of Aprill A". 1570. Your Honor's humble Servant at comaundement, JOHN HOTHAM. To the right honorable Sr William Cecylle knyght, Mr. of the Wards and Lyveries, Secretorie to the Quenes Majestie, and of her Heyghnes most honorable Counsell at the Court, geve thes. LETTER CLXXXVI. Lady Stanhope to Sir William Cecil, to bring tlie business between Hotham and her daughter to a good end. [ms. lansdowne 12. art. 76. Orig-.] Sir, It is my very hard fortune to live to this day to have one of my daughters with reproche turned home unto me, & muche harder had it ben for her if I had not now lived, being as she was turned to the wide worlde to seke relieffe. And thoughe I thoughte yow could not be voide of many troubles, yet had I divers occasions to move me to trouble you also; to ORIGINAL LETTERS. 327 take some order betwixt her husband and her. I per ceive hitherto he hathe not onlie litle regarded your favourable dealing with him in this matter, but turnes the delay alltogether to my daughters sclaunder, what with reporting sundry untruthes of her in all places where he comes, & causing the meanest that is towardes him to do the like. I trust it is all untrew that he hathe charged her with to yow, & to others, but it is manifest that many of his reportes be utterlie against trouthe. In the meane while I am greatlie burdened to kepe his wiffe who seketh the defacing of me and mine. And were it not that God dothe reveale his and his womans evill intentes against my daughter, in that he hathe had a child by her begotten as it should seme about that very time, he hathe already layed that blott of my daughter which she should hardlie ever wype of. At my sonne Edward Stanhopes deliverye to him of your honors last letters, he saide he would not come onles he might be assured not to be arrested for debt which he oweth me, which advauntage I was content to refuse, thoughe the debt hathe ben long dew, be cause I would not be a hinderer of your good motion, wherupon he promised to come. I pray yow therfore Sir, either make some good end therof, or if the de fault be in him as the delaye hathe ben hitherto to my great charge, howsoever we deale with him, yet suffer him not so muche to abuse your gentlenes. What els resteth to be done, I referr it to your wise consider- 328 ORIGINAL LETTERS, acion. I am further to geve you humble thankes that upon a motion made from me by word by Edward Stanhope afore Christmas, that I mought have the graunt of my sonne Coopers sonnes wardship, if he^ being yet sicklie should dye, yow promised it to me ; I am the glader therof for that I knowe some would seke it rather for gaine sake then meaning good educa tion to the child. I trust the father shall live and do well, and if he do not, I hope my daughter and I shall so deale in his education as you shall like well of the disposing of him. And yet I rest most bound unto you for the same. And so I humblie leve you to the Almightie. Thurgarton this last of Marche, 1 570. Your honors most humble bounde kinswoman, ANNE STANHOPE. To the right honorable Sir Wil liam Cicill knight, chiefe Secretary to the Quenes most excellent Ma jestie, & one of her Highnes most honorable Privy Councell. ORIGINAL LETTERS. 329 LETTER CLXXXVII. Sir Ralph Sadler to Lord Burghley concerning the manner in which the Queen qf Scots received the news qfthe Duke qf 'Norfolk 's condemnation. [ms. cotton, calig. c. iii. fol. 194. Orig.] *,* From this Letter it should seem that Sir Ralph Sadler took charge of the Queen of Scots while Lord Shrewsbury went to Norfolk's arraign ment. Please it your Lordship The postes whether they worke or play have their hyre, and therforr I spare not their labour though I have none other occasion then to advertise your L. that all is well here concerning this charge, and that yester day I receyvid your letters of the 17th of this present (for the which I most hertely thanke your L.) togither with a briefe discourse of the Dukes arraignement and condempnacion, which I fourthwith impartid unto my lady of Shrewsbury to the ende she might take occas- sion to make this Queen understande of the same ; and also I gave it out to the gentilmen in this House both what nomber of the Nobilitee did passe upon his tryall, and also that his offences and treasons were suche and so many festly and playnely provid, that all the noble men did not onely detest the same, but also without 330 ORIGINAL LETTERS. any manner of scruple objected, by comen consent every of them did pronounce him giltie. Which, being put abrode here in the House after this sort, was brought unto the knowledge of this Queen by som of her folkes which harde it, before my Lady cam unto her, for the which this Queen wept very bitterly, so that my lady founde her all to be wept and mourning, and asking her what she ayled she answered that she was sure my lady coulde not be ignorant of the cause, and that she coulde not but be moche greved, to understand of the trouble of her frendes, which she knew well did fare the worse for her sake, for sure she was that the Duke fared the worse for that which she of late had written to the Q. Majestie ; and sayid further that he was un justly condempnid, protesting that as farre as ever she coulde perceyve by him or for any thing she knew he was a trew man to the Queen her sister : but being an swered by my lady that as she might be sure that whatsoever she had written to the Q. Majestie coulde do the duke neither good nor harme touching his con- dempnacion, so if his offences and treasons had not ben grete and playnely proved ayenst him, those noble men which passed upon his tryall wolde not for all the good on erth have condempned him. She therupon with mourning there becam silent, and had no will to talke any more of the matier, and so lyke a trew lover she remayneth still mourning for her love. God I trust will put it into the Queen's Majesties hart so to provide ORIGINAL LETTERS. 331 for her self that such trew lovers may receyve suche rewardes and frutes of their love as they have justly deserved at her Majesties handes. All the last weke this Queen did not ones loke out of her chamber, hering that the D. stode upon his arraigne- ment and tryall, and being troubled by all likelihod r with a giltie conscience and feare to heare of suche newes as now she hathe receyved. And my presence is suche a trouble unto her that oneles she «om out of her chamber I com litle at her, but my lady is seldom from her, and for my parte I have not syns my comyng hither so behaved meself towardes her as might justly give her occasion to have any such mislyking of me ; though in dede I wolde not rejoyse at all of it, if she had any better lyking. But though she lyke not of me yet I am sure that this good lady and all the gen tilmen and others of this house do lyke well ynough of me ; which doth well appere by their curteous and gentill enterteignement of me and myn. My lorde hathe a costly ghest of me, for I and my men and xxxvj. horses of myn do all lye and feede here at his charge, and therfore the soner he come home the better for him. Trusting his L. be now on the way, and therfor I forbere to write unto him. But if he be there, it may please you to tell him that all is well here, and that my Lady and I do long to see his L. here. And as I doubt not she wolde most gladly have him here, so I am sure she can not long for him more then 332 ORIGINAL LETTERS. I do, loking howerly to here som good newes from your L. of my retourne. And so I beseche Almightie God to preserve and kepe you in long lif and helth, and to increase you in honour and vertue. From Sheffelde Castell the xxjst of Januarie at night 1571. with the rude hande of Your L. to commaunde as your >• owne R. SADLEIR. To the right honourable and my very good lord, my Lord of Burghley, of the Queens Majes ties Pryvy councell. LETTER CLXXXVIII. Margaret Countess qf Lenox and Angus, to Sir Wil liam Cecil, justifying herself and her Lord from false rumors. [ms. COTTON. CALIG. c. ix. fol. 22. Orig-.] *,* Camden, in his History of Queen Elizabeth, under the year 1578, says, " Much about this time Margaret Douglas Countess of Lenox, niece to King Henry the Eighth by his eldest sister, widow of Matthew Earl of Lenox, and grandmother to James King of Great Britain, having survived eight children which she had been mother of, passed to her heavenly country in her climacterical year ; and was buried at Westminster with a stately funeral at tlie Queen's charges. She was a matron of singular piety, patience, and modesty ; who was thrice cast into the Tower (as I have heard her say herself) not for any crime of ORIGINAL LETTERS. 333 treason, but for love matters; first, when Thomas Howard, son of Thomas Howard the first Duke of Norfolk of that name, falling in love with her, died in the Tower of London ; then for the love of Henry Lord Darnley, her son, to Mary Queen of Scots ; and lastly, for the love of Charles her younger son to Elizabeth Cavendish, mother to the Lady Arabella, with whom the Queen of Scots was accused to have made up the match." "• The precise date of the Letter here before the reader does not appear. It was certainly written before 1572, when Matthew Earl of Lenox died. It shows the effect which even the gossip of the Court had upon the mind of Queen Elizabeth ; the Countess, at a considerable distance of time, being obliged to defend both herself and her husband against the false rumor that they had recommended in the previous Reign the imprison ment of Elizabeth in the Tower. ' There is another Letter of the Countess in the Cottonian Collection written rather earlier, apparently in 1569, which, as it has been omitted in its chronological order, shall be given here in the smaller type. This also is a curious Letter, inasmuch as it exhibits her and her husband in so reduced a state of fortune that she had " been forced to lay her jewels in gage for money to bear the ordinary charges of their house ;" yet anxious to have the guardianship of their grandson the Scottish King. It is as follows : " After my moste hartye comendacions to yow, good Mr. Secretorye, I doubte not but partely yow do knowe howe manye sorowfull greyfes I have passed. I thanke God of all. Besydes this late chaunce that hathe hapned by the death of the Lorde Regent of Scotlande, being not one of the leaste, but cheiflye yt towcheth me nearest to see my L. my husbonde, who and I have been togethers this xxvj yeres, fall into suche an extreme hevynes, being very evell at ease sence theis discomfortable newes of Scotlande came ; so that if he contynewe anye tyme in the same I feare he can not longe indure, his inwarde greif is suche ; and I not able by anye meane to comforte him, sayenge that onles God of his greate mercye and pyttye put to his helping hande, he seeth playnelye the distraction of that lyttle innocent King nere at hande ; wyshinge of God that before that daye shoulde come, seing that he cannot be suffred to be there in place, and nowe in tyme of nede to have bene a helper and a strengthnynge to that saide innocent Kinge agaynste his ennemyes, that God wolde take him oute of this miserable lyfe. The two pryncypall causes that cheiflye greveth and feareth my Lord is, that the pryncypall "ennemyes of the saide Kinge, and gyltye of his father deathe, as he is informed, arre put • Hist. Eliz. p. 227. 334 ORIGINAL LETTERS. to lybertye ; and he being the graundfather, to his greate greif absent from hym who of right must nedes have bene the cheifest pyllor and strengthe to the saide king in that Realme. My L. sayeth further that he thinketh two causes hathe bene and is the let of his goenge thither, the one for religions cause, and the other for bearing of rule, which if he had bene suffred to have gone, he wolde have put all that hathe suche an opynyon of him oute of that error. As for Religion yt shoulde never have fayred the worse for hym, but rather the better ; And for bearing of rule there as a Regent or Governor, his mynde was never so to do, nor to have trobled him self withall, being of the yeres which he is of; but to have been an assystaunt to suche noble men as the Quenes Majestie here, and the State there, shoulde have thought meete to have taken the government of that realme : and my saide L. to have had but onely the keping of the saide kinges person, and the noble man that is in possession thereof alredye to have joyned with him, and this shoulde the Quenes Majestie have had good proofe of his good servyce bothe to the Kinge and State there, and also to the Quenes Majestie here, or yt had bene longe. But he saieth that seing he can not perceyve that her Highnes is willinge that he go into that realme, his moste humble sute unto her Maiestie is, to be a meane that the saide King may be brought into this her Highnes Realme, and so to be noryshed here under her Majesties protection and keping, for the better safetye of his person, wherein he moste hartelye desiereth yow to be a meane unto her Majestie for. Otherwyse my L. moste humblye craveth and besecheth her Majestie, for Godes cause, to be a meane that the saide Kinge may be delivered into his handes, and with her Majesties favour he may departe with him to'some forrayne Coun- trye, for the safetye of the lyttle Innocent ; otherwayes whosoever bere aucthorytie in that Realme, and so longe as he taryeth within the same, he maketh no accompte of that yonge Innocentes lyfe. My L. saieth that he dothe not blame her Majestie of his stay here, for he knoweth right well yt is not longe of her Highnes, knoweing the godlye and good nature her Majestie is of, but suche as have bene there longe tyme; his back fryndes ; not having deserved yt at theire handes : wyshinge of God that they may meane as trewlye and fathfullye towardes her Majestie as he doth. " Now good Mr. Secretorye after I have made the discourse of this my greif unto yow, as touching my L. And althoughe her Majestie were willinge, that he shoulde go into Scotlande, and in healthe and strengthe of bodye as presentelye he is not yet in, I can not see howe his purse can be able to take that chargeable jorney in hande ; being in suche poore state as presentelye we arre, for latelye I have bene forced to laye my jewelles in gage for money to bere the ordynarye charges of our House. Thus leavinge to troble yow anye further I comytt yow good Mr. Secrc- ORIGINAL LETTERS. 335 torye to Godes holye protection. From the Quenes Majesties House of Somersett place this Candelmes daye, Your asured loveyng frend MARGARET COUNTESS."" Good mester Sekretory y have reseved your ansuer by my man Fowler upon the Quens words to you, wharby yt apyreth Her Majesty hath byn informyd and doth credyd the same that y in tyme of her High nes trobyll in Quen Marys rayne shold be rather a mene to agment the same then demynishe yt, in putyng then in the Quens hed that yt was a quyetnes for the teme to hawe her shut up &c. Mester Sekretory none on lyve ys able to justyfy thys false and ontru report of me made among others the lyke, as therin y will be sworne yf y were put to yt, that never in all my lyfe y had or ment to hawe eny sych words with Quen Mary tochyng the Quens Majesty ; nor y for my part bare no syche stroke to geve eny advyce in eny sych weyghty matter. But what shold y say even as my Lord and y undeservyd hath had extremety showd apon the informasyons most ontruly geven unto the Quen's Majesty of ows so late, y for no other but the continuance therof as long as Her Hyghnes doth hyreb and credyt the furst tale without profe to be tryed, and as yt apperethe dyscredytethe my .answers eny way made to the contrary how tru soever they be ; • MS. Cotton. Calig- C i. fol. 370. i> hear. 336 ORIGINAL LETTERS. but yf my Lord and Y myght fynde the Quens Ma jesty so good and grasyous onto ows as to hyre owr accusers and ows fase to fase y wold then be owt of dowt to fynd shortly sum part of Her Hyghnes favor agen wych y shall beseche you to be a mene for, and to partysepat the contentes of thys my letter to her Majesty, in wych dowyng ye geve me occasyon to be redy to requit the same as my power shall extend, and so with my harty comendasyons I bed you lykwyse farwell. From Sheathys the second of Octobre Your assuryd frend to my power MARGARET LENNOX and ANGUS. To my very frend Sir Wyllam Cycell knyght chefe Secretory to the Quens Ma,ic. Master of the Wards, and on of her Hyghnes most honorable Prevy Councell. Lord Burghley made a memorandum that Lady Margaret Lenox died at Hackney in 1577* See Murdin, p. 542. It was upou account of her dying in debt that the Queen paid the expenses of her funeral. See the Harleian MS. 289. foL 198 b. END OF VOL. II. LONnON: POINTED BY THOMAS HAV'SON. WHITEFRIARS.