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SOUTH-CAEOLIM

REVOLUTIONARY WAR

BEING A REPLY TO

CERTAIN MISREPRESENTATIONS AND MISTAKES
OF RECENT WRITERS, IN RELATION TO
THE COURSE AND CONDUCT OF
THIS STATE.

BY A SOUTHROK.

CHARLESTON-
WALKER AND JAMES.
1853.

7a,. i^

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in th& year 1853, by
W. GILMORE SIMMS.
la the Clerk's Office of the Bistriet Court of the United States, for the District of
South-Carolina.

06^4-7 S^^'S

ADVERTISEMENT.

The contents of this little volume are drawn from the pages of the
" Southern Quarterly Review," where they appeared at different pe
riods. It has been thought by many that their publication, in a com
pact form, would be of use aud interest. Some slight aitempts have
been made to revise them ; but the subject is one which deserves much
more labour than the compiler is at present able to bestow upon it.
Should a future edition be required, an efTort will be made to render
the collection more worthy of the occasion, and more useful to the
inquirer. Much materiel, in connection with the subject, remains yet
unnoticed, which should be incorporated with the text ; and .shall be,
whenever a fit occasion offers.

SOUTH-CAROLmA IN THE REVOLUTION.*

OuE nibrick is a long one, but it should not be suffered to
alarm the reader with any apprehensions that the Revolution
ary "War is to be discussed anew ; or that we are even to ex
amine, at length, that subject which gi\'es its title to the work
first designated in the catalogue below. The Revolutionary
History of the United States is no longer a fit theme for gen
eralities ; and the business of the reviewer, in present times,
who proposes to consider it at all, must be confined wholly to
selections from its numerous details. The career and charac
ter of the American Loyalists, it is true, furnish one of the
legitimate provinces of this fruitful history ; but even this is
scarcely our object, except as incidentally bearing upon an
other topic, which, fortunately, belongs to a single locality. —
Soraething, however, it behooves us to say in regard to the
volume of Mr. Sabine, whose work, if not especially devoted
* 1. The American Loyalists or Biographical Sketches of Adher
ents to the British Crown, in the war of the Revolution, alphabetical
ly arranged with a preliminary Historical Essay. By Lorenzo Sa
bine. Boston; Charles C. Little and James Brown. 1847. 2. Me
moirs of the American Revolution, so far as it related to the States of
North and South-Carolina, and Georgia, &c. By William Moultrie.
New-York : 1802. 3. The History of the Revolution of South-Car
olina, from a British province to an Independent State. By David
Ramsay, M.D. Trenton. 1785. 4. Manuscript Memoranda ofthe
details of the Seige of Charleston, supposed to be from the pen of M.
De Bkahm, a Foreign Engineer officer in the city during the siege. —
From the papers of James Ferguson, Esq. Published in the Charles
ton Courier. 1847. 5. Original Journals of the Siege of Charlcbton ;
1

2 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLtTTION.
to the subject which provides the material for. this paper, is,
in truth, the provocation to it. We are not prepared to quar
rel with that taste, or passion for novelty, which, of late, seems
disposed to busy itself in rescuing the memories of the Amer
ican Loyalists from the appropriate obscurity of the past. —
There is, no doubt, something natural, and perhaps necessai'y,
in these researches. However unimportant in themselves,
their results and discoveries constitute a certain portion of our
history, and are essential to the unit}' and completeness of our
records, if not to their authority and value. Pursued with
strict conscientiousness, and a just and always carefully dis
criminating judgment, we can have no objection to any couree
of inquiry which may add to our historical possessions in re
lation to this subject; though we must still be permitted to
regard it as one of those toils, of affection rather than of wis
dom, in which the seeker will be apt to di.=cover much more
than he cares to find, and, however conscientious, much more
than he will be likely to put on record. It is certainly one of
those labours of love, in which discretion keeps largely in the
rear of sympathy ; one of those unwise inquiries vvhich extort
painful and humiliating responses only ; as if the diviner, with
torturing spells, provoked only the anger of his oracle, when
he presumed to fathom all its mysteries. The Loyalists of
being the Manusc ipt Notes of the daily progress of the siege kept
by General .McIntosh and Major Habersham, of Georgia, and an un
known officer. Magnolia Magazine. Charleston: 1842. 6. Origi
nal Correspondence of Col, John Laurens, J. L. Gervais, one of the
Privy Council of South-Carolina, and other persons, during the siege
of Charleston. From inedited papers of the Laurens Family. 7. A
History of the campaigns of 17aO and 1781, in ihe Southern provinces
of North America. By Lieut. Colonel Tarleton, commander of flie
late British Legion. Dublin: 1787. 8. Strictues on Lieut. Colonel
Taeleton's History, &c. By Roderick Mackenzie, late Lieutenant
in the 71st Regiment. London: 1787.

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 3
America were, very few of them, distinguished by remarkable
endowments. Individually, they were not calculated to com
pel consideration in any period, and still less in such stormy
times as always wreck the smaller craft of mediocrity. But
few of them, either by reason of their achievements or abili
ties, can lay cliiini to the honours of biography; and the
misfortunes of still fewer deserve to be regarded, apart from
the errors and offences in which they originated mostly. —
Many of them, doubtless, were very worthy people ; such peo
ple as make the average of good citizens in a quiet, peace-lov
ing community, and in periods of national repose. Some of
them had respectable talents, which would have been valua
ble in smooth-sailing times ; and a fair proportion of them
were probably governed, in their adherence to the crown, by
scruples and principles which must always commend them to
the respect, if not the sympathies, of all justly-minded per
sons. But, saying this, we have said all. We have enume
rated the several classes among them, which deserve tolera
tion in the opinions of posterity. It is only toleration, indeed,
that may be demanded, by even-handed justice, in behalf of
the greater number. Praise is out of the question ; and ptj
can only be challenged for those who suffered and sorrowed,
without having striven, when the struggle would only have
elevated the loyalty of the individual, at the expense of all
social and human feeling. We do not find, as we cast our
eyes, curiously, over the long array of names in this catalogue
of the American Loyalists, that any of them ever attained to
any very high distinctions, either in a civil or military capa
city. One of them, only, appears to have acquired position in
Eui'ope, as a man of science ; and but one or two more, prior
to the revolution, had done themselves honour by their colo
nial services, chiefly upon the frontiers. A few of them, in
deed, proved tbemselv.es clever and active officers of militia

4 SorrTH-CAROLINA IN THE RE'VOLUTION.
during the war, and we may safely affirm, that all of those
¦who merit any memorials with posterity, have already received
all the acknowledgment which posterity is likely to award.
To such •acknowledgment we have no objection. Let the de-
semng have their dues. But, to employ history, as Mr. Lo
renzo Sabine seems to have done, as a sort of universal drag
net ; and to arrest, and to preserve together in the reservoir,
without discrimination, the fish, flesh and fowl, of this mixed
multitude, is to make a "hell-broth" of it, indeed, such aa
the witches of Shakspeare and Middleton might be led to ad
mire and to envy for the various loathesomeness of the ingre
dients. We can scarcely conjecture the motive to such a re
surrection of these dry-bones of history. Mr. Sabine's intro
duction and prehminary discoui-se gives us no sufficient clue
to his object. That he wills to resuscitate, as far as he can,
the names of all those Americans who strove against Ameri
can independence, is all that he vouchsafes to let us know ;
hut, with what professed benefits to the future, or compensa
tion to the past — with what moral object of any sort — he
seems never, himself, to have considered, and does not show
to us. Passages of his book may he instructive — portions of
it are interesting — here and there, we find a snatch of bio
graphy which commends the subject to our memories ; and,
sometimes, we meet with a fact which may reflect a little Hght
on doubtful portions of our history ; but, for the greater num
ber of these pages, the matter is as decidedly worthless as
the contents of a last years almanac. Yet it runs out to a
most enormous measm'e. Here are more than seven hundred
octavo pages, the greater number of which are consumed in
records, the most meagre, of individuals the most obscure ; —
persons who occupy no place in history — whom nobody re-
membei-s for their virtues, and whom nobody cares to remem
ber for their deeds. We tm-n leaf after leaf, and still we hap-

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 5
pen upon such memorials as the following. We open the
book at random to detach these sentences :
" Lambert, George. Was a Lieutenant in the third Batta
lion of New Jersey volunteers."
"Lambert, Peter. Of Charleston, South-Carolina. An
addressor of Sir Henry Clinton, in 1780."
" Lambert, Richard. Deputy Auditor General of South-
Carolina. His estate was confiscated."
This is a sufficient sample, all taken from page 414. Some
times, this comprehensive account is extended to twice or
thrice the number of words or sentences, by the addition of
facts equally insignificant and worthless ; and, very occasion
ally, we have something anecdotical, which tends slightly to
enliven the detail with a show of nawative. Ordinarily,
however, the record is not more elaborate than such as is
usually scrawled upon the grave stone of the village patri
archs — those ' mute inglorious,' who, dying, ' make no sign.'
The absence of materials for the biography, should be con
clusive against any necessity for the attempt. It is a good
rule in such labours, as generally in those of letters,— which
we commend to Mr. Sabine — that, when you have nothing to
write about, you should write nothing. The counsel in this
case is enforced by considerations of higher importance than
those which simply concern the success of the writer. What
benefit to the dead — what advantage to the living — the mere
mention of the name, without any accompanying recollections
of patriot merit or performing courage, by which the subject
might be commended to the study or the sympathy of the
reader ? If the record fails to honour the past, and cannot
interest the future, why make it ? In the case before us, such
a chronicle can have no other efiect than that of hanging on
high — gibbetting for the better acquaintance of posterity —
the unfortunates, for whom their children should desire only

b SOTTTH-CAROLINA IN THE RETOLTrTION.
silence and obscurity ; — making the grandson blush for the
secret of an ancestor, for whom he can probably ofler no ex
cuse ; exposing the descendants to the finger-pointing malice
of envious and slander-loving contemporaries, and stirring
anew, for the disquiet of an innocent generation, all the feuds
and heartburnings of the past ! Could the loyalists be shown,
generally, as in the instance of Count Rumford, and a few
others, as endowed equally with virtues and talents ; resolving
conscientiously, and achieving bravely — neither dishonouring
their principles by a timid shrinking from responsibihty, nor
staining their -valour by bnitality and a wolfish appetite for
blood ; — we should read the history -with interest, and remem
ber the subject with respect. Such a record as that of old
Curwen, made by himself, in his misery and exile, would al
ways prove useful to the student, agreeable to the reader, and
not injurious to the reputation of its subject ; — but such a
tuere catalogue as that which we owe to the laborious and
pains-taking Mr. Sabine — such a wretched skeleton of facts>
so little vital or valuable — can have no other effect than that
of mortifying thousands of the living,^the mistakes and mis
deeds of whose ancestors, they bad fondly fancied, would
have been allowed to rest secure under the sheltering maxim,
which commands us to speak nothing of the dead that shall
not be grateful to their memories. But these meagre memo
rials re-vive simply the odium of the position in which the
subject stood, without offering any details by which his de
fence might be urged, or his character vindicated, in his vir
tues and achievements. What he was or aimed to be — what
he wrought or suffered — all is wanting to the history, except
the simple fact of the false po-sition by which he incurred the
hatred of contemporaries and the scorn of posterity. His
position is, at once, ridiculous and odious — a sort of moral
scarecrow, hung up to grinning infamy, without being permit-

SODTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLOTION, 7
ted the ])00r privilrgfi of showing that his offences -were such
as would even justify this equivocal distinction.
Considered, however, without renunl to the benevolent
maxim which interposes foi' the protection of the dead, we
are constrained to sav, that the present work was unnecessary
on other grounds. The American Loyalists, except as a class,
really left no raoraorials which merit the attention of the his
torian. They, ctrtainly, were not so much in advance, — any
of them, — as respects jjolitical science, social morals, and the
rights of the race, as were the inouveiiieid [larty ; or they
were too keenly sensible to selfish interests to allow their real
opinions sufficient weiglit in determining their policy. We
are necessarily compi^lled, in any estimate which we may think
proper to make of their intellectual merits, to subject them to
the tests of those lights and standards which we now possess,
rather than of those which were common to the period of
their performances. We a.ssume that theie is no living Amer
ican who would be willing to return to the condition of a Bri
tish subject. If then, according to present standards and con
victions, the loyalists of the Americjin revolution, did not claim
so highly for the race, or see with a vision so prophetic, as
their opponents, in what consisted its rights and its pi'(jsp('cts —
or anticipate the grand issues of the struggle to which they
-were hostile ; — it is clear that their lank, in intellectual mat
ters, will not bear comparison with the latter. Either this,
or, seeing quite as correctly, they were yet the victims to in
ferior considerations, the recognition of which, if it tended to
elevate their intellectual claims, could do so only at the ex
pense of their principles and hearts. Many of the loyalists
were hirelings of the British Government. These, in most
cases, sustained government measures. Tlie mo--t distingui^^h
ed among them, were born on British soil. They had no
sympathy with the native population of America, and per-

8 SODTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
haps, could not be expected to have. Generally speaking,
ihe conscientious men of this party were fettered in their opin
ions, rather by their habits than their principles. These were
mostly persons of advanced age. Habits, indeed, with the
aged, are apt always to rise into the rank and importance of
principles. The better minded, and the more honest, among
the loyalists, obeyed the laws of routine and safe precedent,
in the course which they pursued, as harmonizing better with '
that selfish reluctance to strive and struggle, which is the nat
ural infirmity of advancing years. Lacking this selfish biasi
they lacked, equally, those motives of personal ambition,
which, in the case of persons of distinguished talent, among
the natives, taught the individual to look at the estabhshed
condition of things through media, derived rather from what
is essential to the hopes and claims of the future, than from
what belongs to the inherent iu the past. You will scarcely
be able to detach, from the long catalogue of loyalist names
in our possession, any single history, the materials of which,
however well elaborated, could be pureued with interest
through the pages of a single duodecimo. There is no long
array of mutually depending events, and no striking transac
tion — unless in the case of Benedict Arnold — in the life of
any one, whose name we may now recall, that would repay
the reader, or justify the biographer, for groping through the
sheets of such a volume. Where the exception is found to
the genera] proposition, it has been already acknowledged,
and the life has been already written.
In thus generalizing, however, we are not to understood as
objecting to such a small body of biography, as, selecting fi-om
the mass, shall unfold us the lives of such of the loyalists a^
by their known virtues, and unquestionable performances,
might be worthy of perusal, and would do credit to their
memories. These may and should be written, if only for the

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 9
justification of the subject. The age is an indulgent one. We
are not unwilling to believe in the occasional excuse and
plea, which are urged against rebellion in behalf of loyalty.
We know that there is a plea for many. We can accord the
fullest absolution to that virtue which errs in its adherence to
what seems equally the path of duty and of safety ; and
where this adherence is coupled with active virtues — where
the person performs in compliance with his principles — he de
serves that posterity should do him justice. Nay, for that
matter, there is no good reason why we should not possess —
even though they be written in crimson characters, never to
be obliterated — the memoirs of those sturdy wretches who
made themselves famous by their brutalities and butcheries.
If we pui-sue the history of great virtues, in order to win oth
ers by glorious examples, quite as important and necessary is
it that we should preserve the tradition of corresponding
crimes and vices, by which, painting them in just colours of
infamy and shame, we may enforce still more impressively, by
repulsion, those better performances which we aim to incul
cate; — even as the teacher, by examples in bad grammar, ex
ercises the youthful learner, and confirms him, in a knowledge
of the good. But why we should make interminable cata
logues of mere names and dates — of people who made no
sort of figure in life — who were in obscurity as well as in er
ror — is utterly beyond our comprehension. That Mr. Sabine's
book will be found readable in the proportion of one page to
fifty, is quite beyond the range of literary probability. That,
for any ser\'ic6 which it does to history, or any help that it
affords to truth, it deserved such a waste of goodly type and
paper, will hardly be affirmed by any critic who governs his
opinion by the ordinary tests of good taste or utility.
But there are some few of these pages of Mr. Sabine, which
concern us especially. South-Carolina is honoured, by him,
1*

10 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
with numerous entries in this catalogue, a sample of which,
we have already given. This indefatigable worker in the ses
sions of history, has taken care to put the brand on all our
vicious cattle. We can call to mind nobody that escapes
him. For that matter, we ourselves had already put the
brand upon them, by various penalties of amercement, for-
feitare and exile ; but he has helped us to multiply copies of
that record which humanity had prompted us, for some time,
quietly to suppress. It is curious that, while getting most of
his facts, in regard to our loyalists, from our own pages and
records, he sturdily insinuates that we, ourselves, are ignorant
of their existence, and that we brag of our history, as if we
never had produced any but righteous patriots. Of this here
after. The historical essay with which Mr. Sabine introduces his
biographies, is devoted to an inquiry into the origin of the
revolutionary movement in the several provinces — of the re
motely, as well as the immediately, impelhng causes of out
break in each — of the spirit by which it was manifested or
sustained, and the principles which were developed in the
struggle. The paper is written clearly and with force, and
betrays some ingenuity and much industry. It betrays other
qualities, however, which are much less commendable. Its
mistakes are frequent, and are usually the result of that false
medium, through which the writer sees his game, particularly
when his eye ranges in a southerly direction. This is the
common misfortune with New England writers and New
England politicians ; and the viee is one, now so thoroughly
ingrained by habit, that it almost ceases to be censurable as
an immorality, and must be regarded with the indulo-ence
which we show to cases of acknowledged infirmity, and a
chronic incapacity. It is, and has been, from the beginning,
such an exemplary and delightful thing for New England to

SOUTH-OAROlInA in THE REVOLUTION. 11
regard her children as the saints, to whom the possession of
the earth has been finally decreed, that it is, perhaps, not a
thing to be wondered at, if the inheritors of so goodly a faith
and fortune, should naturally assume that they are the pro
prietors of all the good deeds that are done within its bounds.
They have all the talents, all the -virtues, and perform all the
achievements. Even Mr. Webster tells us, that Bunker Hill
was the Revolution ; the rest was " mere leather and prunel
la ;" and nobody in the land of " steady habits" will gainsay
authority so profound. Reading their own historians only,
they are amiable enough to believe all their assurances; and
historians thus honoured with their exclusive confidence, show
themselves quite worthy of this trust when writing ; as if
they never once forgot that they were in possession of the
ear of the entire parish. Fortunate historians in the posses
sion of such a parish ! Fortunate parish in the possession
of such historians ! Mutually fortunate parish and historians
in the possession of one another ! There is but one thing
wanting, evidently, to the happiness of the parties : could
they only provoke such a faith in the surrounding world, as
they so graciously give to one another, the sum of their enjoy
ment would be complete. The great difficulty consists in drug
ging truth, so that she may slumber forever !
When Mr. Sabine approaches South-Carolina, he opens his
batteries with sufficient frankness and audacity. He says :
" The public men, of South-Carolina, of the present gene
ration, claim that her patriotic devotion in the revolution, was
inferior to none, and was superior to most of the states of the
confederacy. Ah I examine the evidence, it was not so. The
population, composed as it wa.s, of emigrants from Switzer
land, Germany, France, Ireland, and the northern colonics of
America, and their descendants, was, of course, deficient in
the necessary degree of homogeneity, or sameness of nature,
to insure any considerable unanimity of political sentiment.
It is true, however, that, individual men took an early, a no-

12 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
ble, and a decided stand against the oppressive measures of
the British ministry. It is equally true, that South-Carolina
was the first state of the thirteen, to form an independent
constitution, and that she ovei'paid her proportion of the ex
penditures of the war in the sum of 1,205,978 dollars. She
sent some gallant whigs to the field, and several wise ones to
the council. But, to use the apt sayings of every day life,
" One swallow does not make a summer," nor " one feather
make a bed ;" and so, a Laurens, father and son, a Middleton,
a Riitledge, Marion, Sumter, and Pickens, do not prove that
the whig leaven was diffused through the mass of her peo
ple." And who ever said that the whig leaven was diffused
through the entire mass of her people, and why should it be
deemed necessary, that such should be the case, when the
question is as to the action of the State ?
It is a proposition of Mr. Sabine's own setting up, that he
bowls down with such admirable dexterity. The publie men
of South-Carolina, claim nothing inconsistent with the records
of their historians ; and these have, in no instance, made any
such idle assertion, as that of the general diffusion of the whig
leaven among the great body of our people. Mr. Sabine tells
us nothing new — certainly nothing that our own writers have
not long since told him — when he speaks of the almost equal
division^ into opposite parties, of the people inhabiting South-
Carolina, during the war of the Revolution ; — and yet, even
with the frank and frequent avowal of this fact, to be found in
all our histories, from that of Moultrie and of Ramsay, to that
of Johnson, and other more recent writers, down to the pre
sent day, our public men are still perfectly justified in the
claim which they assert — " that her patriotic devotion in the
revolution was inferior to none, and was superior to most of
the States of the Confederacy.'' We repeat the assertion,
however unaccountable it may seem to Mr. Sabine, after the
admission akeady made, touching the partial diffusion of the

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 13
'' whig leaven.'' The simple fact, which this gentleman must
yet learn to appreciate, is, that the character of a country does
not depend upon the opinions of the mass, and is not deter
minable by the direction which its mere numbers may please
to take. For this reason, it was by no raeans necessary that
all of the people of South-Carolina should have united in
the common cause or sentiment It is quite enough if there
be a sufficient number to give impulse to the action, and to
determine the conduct and decision of the State ; and the
merit is the greater when this impulse is given to the body
politic, so as to compel its action, by only a certain proportion
of the people, and in sjnte of the active opposition, or the in
ert resistance of mere masses among the rest. So far from
believing, or asserting, the sentiment of her people to have
been unanimous, or nearly so, it is, on the contrary, tbe jsecii-
liar boast of South-Carolina, that, with her population almost
equally divided, in consequence of the very causes that Mr.
Sabine enumerates — arising from the absence oi the degree
of homogeneity so necessary in politics to the common action
— she was yet able to achieve so much — to send into the field
a large proportion of the noblest and ablest captains of the
revolution, and into the councils of the nation so many of the
boldest politicians and wisest statesmen. Her merit consists
in having been able, while contending at home against a pow
erful and bitter faction, to make contributions of strength,
valour, wisdom and patriotism, to the common cause, which
no other State in the Union, though, j)erhaps, better circum
stanced, has ever exceeded. Mr. Sabine is, in some degree,
compelled to make this acknowledgement, but he does it as
costively as possible. He admits the Rutledge's and Marions',
the Laurens's and Sumters', — the chiefs and sages — but doubts
the commonalty; as if officers and leaders, achieving such
successes — winning, in fact, names and reputations which

14 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
stand out, almost alone, in some of the fields of our national
effort — unexampled and alraost unequalled — the partisan war
fare for instance ; — as if the very existence of these chiefs did
not necessarily imply a large, devoted and faithful array of
followers. " One bird does not make the summer, nor one
feather the bed," truly, but, in the employment of these musty
proverbs, it might be just as well to give us due credit for all
our birds and feathers. Yet, if with our few, we achieve so
wondrously — fix the character of the State — give the direction
to its power — place it in the first rank of States, and furnish
many of the names from which the nation derives its highest
reputation — this, too, in the face of such a civil war as no
other State in the Confederacy had to contend with, — we ar
gue from it a higher renown — we claim for it a more unquali
fied eulogy — than can possibly be due to those States, who,
without being able to show a greater or nobler list of great
men and great deeds, were yet free from the disabilities arising
from such great difficulties, as embarrassed the action of
South-Carolina. But there are yet other grounds, still higher,
upon which to rest the claims of South-Carolina, to that lofty
station, which her public men may safely assert for her at any
time. In an argument of this description, and in relation to this
history, it is important that we should look to the degree of
patriotism which prompted the fii-st movements of the several
colonies ; and this patriotism is determinable, not merely by
the show of resolution, and the efforts at resistance which are
made, but by the absence of base and selfish interests as fur
nishing the impelling motive. If, in addition to the facts that
South-Carohna was one of the first of the colonies to move in
support of New England — that she was one of the most frank
and fearless — and that she was one of the greatest sufferers,
by the war, of all the colonies — we show, at the same time,

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 15
that her individual causes of complaint were fewer, and far
less serious, than was the case with most of the colonies, — we
apprehend that we urge an additional and stronger claim to
the public admiration of her patriotism and prompt self-sacri
fice. Let us inquire, with this point in view, in what degree
the impulses which arise from the operation of selfish argu
ments, were at work to suggest and stimulate, equally, to a
resistance of the power of Great Britain, the two colonies of
Massachusetts and South-Carohna ? In the case of the latter,
the oppressions of the crown, which threatened to annihilate
the mercantile and maritime resources of the former, were
almost totally unfelt. As Mr. Sabine himself writes, in his
preliminary essay, the oppressive legislation of the mother
country fell almost exclusively on the northern colonies.
" They forbade the use of waterfalls, the erecting of machi
nery, of looms and spindles, and the working of wood and
iron ; they set the King's arrow upon trees that rotted in the
forest ; they shut out markets for boards and fish, and seized
sugar and molasses, and the vessels in which these articles
were carried ; and they defined the limitless ocean as but a
narrow pathway to such of the lands that it embosoms as
wore the British flag."
None of these things disturbed the interests of Carolina. —
She did not employ machinery, and was no competitor with
British manufacture ; she sent no ships to sea in rivalry with
British commerce ; she lost no vessels by seizure ; the King's
Arrow, on her forest trees, in the boundlessness of her wild
dominion, abridged no man's plenty ; Great Britain readily
took and consumed her raw productions at prices of which
she had no reason to complain. When her shores were in
fested by pirates, British men-of-war were furnished to protect
them ; when the Spaniard and the savage assailed coast or
frontier, British armies and fleets were sent to her assistance.
Originally founded by distinguished nobles, Carolina had al-

16 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
ways been a favourite, first of the lords proprietore, and after
wards of the crown, of which she became the protigi ; and
none of those selfish rivalries of trade, which, from an early
period, embittered the intercourse between New and Old Eng
land, ever arose to disturb the pleasant relations which existed
between this pet province and the mother country. The
Revolution found the sons of nearly all of her leading men
pursuing their studies within the walls of British colleges. —
Yet those sons hurried home, at the firet outbreak, to draw
the sword against this protecting mother ; following the ex
ample, in most instances, of their fathers, in Carolina. Cer
tainly, there were none of those pecuniary considerations,
prompting the revolution in Carolina, which prevailed to unite
the people of New England in a cause which struck directly
at their common intereste. The wrong done to the South
-was of a different complexion. It consisted, simply, in the
denial to the native mind, of its proper position. Great Bri
tain, persisting in the habit of ruling the colony from abroad
outraged the claims of that native intellect, which was now
equal to the necessities of the home government. This was,
perhaps, the very worst of the wrongs which the mother coun
try offered to Carolina. It was a wrong done to its pride and
its ambition, rather than its purse ; and was the true and al
most the only cause of that sympathy, on the part of the
superior classes in Carolina, which made the colony prompt,
among the first, to second the movements of, and resent the
indignities offered to. New England. No wonder that public
opinion should lack unanimity in the South, when its discon
tents should have been confined entirely to the intellectual
and ambitious portion of its population. With this spirit, the
more slavish nature could have no sympathy. The more nar
rowly selfish, to whom the love of gain was the impelling
motive, were naturally hostile to a revolution which threat

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. lY
ened to disturb the quiet progress of a trade, in regard to
which, having interests unhke those of New England, they
had few causes of complaint ; and it was with a prudence
that could plead the continued counsels of common sense,
that the loyalists of Carolina urged it as unreasonable and
unwise to enter into a struggle, in which they could foresee
nothing in prospect, but the prospect of exchanging the tyran
nies, real or imaginary only, of Old England for those of New.
The movement, in the low country of South-Carohna, was
mostly confined to the native planters and professional men
— the exceptions being chiefly among the clergy of the estab
lished church — who constituted the aristocracy of the country.
These, again, were divided in their objects — one portion look
ing to final independence, the other only to a redress of griev
ances. In the City of Charleston, the tradesmen and mechan
ics, who sided with the planters, were natives also. The for
eign settlers, the greater number of whom had been only a
few years in the country, were, with the exception of the Irish>
almost wholly opposed to the movement, for any object. —
They felt no wrong to their interests, they apprehended no
danger to their liberties. The Scotch, a people remarkable
for their loyalty, were naturally with Great Britain. The Ger
man population found no whig arguments equal to the con
clusive fact that George the Third was a Prince of Hanover.
The commercial population, which, with few exceptions, was
confined to Scotch and English settlers, were secretly, but
firmly, opposed to the patriots, and only forbore to speak their
hostility, while the latter were in the ascendant. The great
majority of the addressore of Clinton, belonged to one or other
of these classes. Of these, also, were most of those citizens
of Charleston, who figure in Mr. Sabine's catalogue. The na
tives were comparatively few whom he thus embalms for their
posterity. Of the foreigners, particularly in the interior, few

18 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
of them had been ten years in the country, and their sympa
thies, those of the Irish excepted, were all with a monarchy,
and all with Great Britain.
In this brief array of facts and parties, we are prepared to
see, at a glance, how wanting was the community in those ar
guments — more imposing by far than any influence arising
from community of birth place — which could alone have
brought about a unanimity of the popular action. Such a
unanimity did not exist in any of the colonies. We have
shown why it should be less likely to be found in Carolina
than elsewhere. Her classes were naturally in conflict, and
none of them acknowledged the impelhng influences which
moved New England to rebellion. It was in spite of the open
and secret opposition of most of them — in spite of that want
of harmony in council and feeling, so particularly necessary
to the insurrectionary movement of a small community— in
spite of that meaner impulse, the argumentum ad crumenam
¦ — which is- usually so all-effective when addressed to a mixed
multitude — that the revolutionary party in South-Carolina
engaged in the struggle. We contend that purer patriots
were never found ; that hands cleaner of offence, freer from
the stain of base and selfish motives, never grasped the sword
of war ; never more truly and faithfully carried life, property
and sacred honour, as their pledges, for the prosecution of a
glorious, national purpose. We deny that you have any right
to inquire into their numbers, when compelled to acknowledge
their achievements ; when their achievements neutralize the de
ficiencies in number; and we insist that, as their aims and en
ergies gave the direction to the politics of the State, and their
courage and integrity fixed it firmly in those politics, they are
the only true representatives of the State — which is not to be
estimated by the position or deeds of those who opposed the
designs of its great men, and fought stubbornly against their

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 19
progress. We insist that it is quite unnecessary, in claiming for
her a position as eminent in patriotism as any other of the
States, to show a perfect unanimity among her people, and
the entire diffusion through her masses, of the whig leaven.
It is enough to show that the native population, sustained
usually by the Irish and French settlers, and opposed chiefly
by the Swiss, German, Quaker, English and Scotch, did as
sert, for her, the highest position from the beginning; did ob
tain an ascendancy from the beginning; were among the first
at the beginning, and persevered in it to the end ; through
privations and perils to which but few other States were sub
jected ; contending against odds the most unequal ; fighting,
equally, an enemy within and without — fighting for her sister
States until exhausted — almost deserted by her sister States ;
and, finally, with moderate help from their arms, coming out
of the conflict triumphantly, though bleeding at every pore.
This is, in fact, the whole history, in the briefest summary.
The chronicles will prove it true in everj' syllable. The claims
of Carolina to the distinction which her public men assert,
may be slurred over by ingenious misrepresentation, but she
cannot be defrauded of them. They are to be estimated rela
tively with the difficulties with which she had to contend, the
deficiencies of her numbers, the purity of her purposes, the
rancor of her enemies, the spirit and wisdom of the favourite
sons who swayed her councils and fought her battles, and the
severity and frequency of her fields of fight. Her claims are
necessarily based upon the achievements of those who strove
for her independence, and not upon the hostility of those who
strove against it. It must not be permitted that the former
should be disparaged by looking to the numbers of the latter.
We cannot allow that her fame is to be smutched, because
there were many within her territories with whom her cham
pions were hourly doing battle. We regard it, indeed, as the

20 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
strangest mode of reasoning, to be told by Mr. Sabine — when
we show that, on the 21st April, 1*775, Charles Pinckney,
President of the Provincial Congress, Henry Laurens, Chair
man of the General. Committee, Thomas Lynch, one of the
Delegates to Congress, Benjamin Huger, Wm. Bull, Wm.
Henry Drayton, Christopher Gadsden, and othere, all natives
of Carolina, seized on the armouries of the crown, and pos
sessed themselves of all the armanent and munitions ; that,
as an offset to the merits of this action, and as qualifying the
claims of the State to the distinction that it might command
— there was one
" Ahercrombie, John, of Charleston, South-Carolina, (who
¦was) an addressor of Sir Henry Clinton, in 1780."
Or that one
" Adams, Samuel, of South-Carolina, (was) an addressor
of Sir Henry Clinton, in 1780."
Or that
" Adamson, George, of Charleston, South-Carolina, was an
addressor of Sir Henry Clinton, after the surrender of Charles
ton." Certainly, these names, et id omne genus, all foreigners,
taken from the first leaves of Mr. Sabine's catalogue, cannot
be suffered to interpose between the claims of the State, as a
community, acting through the achnowledged representatives
of ihe native stock, and which perseveres, and finally succeeds
in the assertion of its principles — and substract from the hon
ourable distinction which the latter have won, chiefly by their
conquest over these very opponents. Yet this is the very ar
gument of Mr. Sabine. This is the labour of love -which he
proposes for the exercise of his industry and genius.
When we mention that the siege of Boston, by Washing
ton, was only continued by gunpowder despatched from Caro
lina, which certain Carolinians had just captured from an Eng-

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 21
lish vessel off St. Augustine, — Mr. Sabine leaps up and says —
" Ah yes ! one bird don't make a summer, for, as I read your
history, I find that, at that very time, you had certain foreign
ers in your chief city, dealing in flour and molasses, who were,
in their hearts, hostile to the proceeding, and would rather
have seen this very powder employed to blow Washington
and all his army sky-high, than that he should have besieged
the British forces in Boston for a single instant." " Do you
doubt ?" says he, with a snigger — " look here ; I have been
at a labour of love, in your behalf. I have made out a list
here of all your loyahsts and all your rascals. Here, for ex
ample, are James Blackburn, and Robert Blair, and Henry
Blakenham, and I don't know how many more, among the
B's alone, who were Charleston loyalists and addressors of Sir
Henry Clinton.''
Sagacious Mr. Sabine ? But what of all this enumeration ?
How does it effect the question ? Not a whit ; though the
catalogue of these foreigners, for they were all such, had been
thrice as copious. These people could scarcely have taken
any other position. They were born subjects of the British
King, for whom the community was not responsible. The ar
gument is grievously unjust which should lessen the force of
his suggestion, who, at this day, representing the State of
South-Carolina, and claiming for her the deeds of those sons
by whose devotion she became a State, should be told of cer
tain persons who opposed their achievements, and united them
selves with the foreign enemy, to prevent her from becoming
a State. What were these citizens but allies of the enemy ?
— and, in due proportion to their numbers, the claims of
merit are necessarily increased, on the part of those by
whom they were overcome. We are surely not answera
ble for the conduct and character of those who oppose, but
of those who represent, us. But, to Mr. Sabine's details :

22 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
" The whole number of regulars, enlisted for the contineuT
tal service, from the beginning to the closing of the struggle,
was 231,950 ; of these, I have once remarked, 67,907 were
from Massachusetts ; and I may now add, that every StatCj
south of Pennsylvania, provided but 59,493 ; 8,414 less than
this single State; and that New England — now, I grieve to
say, contemned and reproached — equipped and maintained
110,850, or above half of the number placed at the service
of Congress." * * * "In considering the political con
dition of Virginia and North-Carolina, it was admitted that
these States were not able to provide troops according to their
population, as compared with the States destitute of a peculiar
institution ? The same admission is now made in behalf of
South-Carohna. Yet did 6,660 whig soldiers exhaust her re
sources of men ? Could she furnish only 752 more than Rjode
Island, the smallest State in the Confederacy ; only one-fifth
of the number of Connecticut; only one-half as many as New
Hampshire, then almost an unbroken wilderness ? She did
not ; she could not defend herself against her own tories ;
and, it is hardly an exaggeration to add, that more whigs of
New England were sent to Iter aid, and now lie buried in her
soil, than she sent from it to every scene of strife from, Lex
ington to Yorktown."
The suppressio veri and suggestio falsi, are united in this
passage, in a hardihood of manner which is rarely exampled.
It will probably surprise Mr. Sabine — who, no doubt, believes
all he says, — being willing to believe it, — when we tell him
that New England never had a dozen whig soldiers in the
south at all ! The loose manner in which our early histories
were written, has led to frequent misapprehension of the facts
stated, which results in engrafting the most miserable errors
upon our chronicles. Thus, the common phrases, " troops from
the north" — " a northern army" — has led to the inference —
which the New-England writers, by whom most of our popular
histories have been prepared, readily adopt — that these north
ern troops were from New-England chiefly. But when Moultrie,
Ramsay, and other southern historians speak of an army and

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 23
troops from the north, though they speak with literal accuracy,
they speak loosely — implying only the States north of South-
Carolina; and to those familiar with the organization of the
ai'my in the revolution, for the defence of the several sections,
there can be no difficulty. The southern army was chiefly
composed of contingents drawn from Virginia, Maryland,
North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia. A small, but
excellent body of troops, were added I'rom Delaware ; and,
towards tlie close of the war, when there were no further ap
prehensions from the enemy in the north, and when, in fact,
the fighting had entirely ceased in the south. General Greene
jirocured an auxiliary force from Pennsylvania, which proved
very troublesome to him ; a nuraber of them actually sold
him to the enemy, and were only detected in season to prevent
his intended dehvery. It will be difficult, we think, for Mr.
Sabine, to find any proof that even so many as twelve New
England whigs, ever appeared as soldiers in Carolina. We got a
few officers from New-England, some of whom we should have
done much better without. The two most prominent of these,
were General Lincoln and General Greene. Lincoln was, no
doubt, a very worthy gentleman ; but he was slow and defi
cient in energy. His merits, as ;i military man were very or
dinary. The great merit of Greene consisted in his coolness
and tenacity of purpose. His caution, which was large, like
that of Washington, while it enabled him to keep his army
from mishap, as frequently tended to impair the value of his
successes, — and we find him, accordingly, almost invariably
allowing the trophies of victory to be snatched from his grasp
in the very moment when he has her in his embrace. To the
services of this gentleman, the south is, nevertheless, consider
ably indebted. She has shown no disposition to avoid the
debt But she denies that, with either Lincoln, Gates or
Greene, there came any forces from New-England to the South.

24 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
When Charleston was first assailed,by a British fleet and army,
in June, 1776, though Charies Lee was sent to take command
of her defences, he brought with him no troops. The army
of South-Carolina consisted wholly of native militia, " and of
the regular regiments of the adajcent northern States," the
latter amounting, in all, to about seven or eight hundred men.
When Lincoln was sent to take command, what was the order
given him by Congress ? — " To take command of all their
forces to the southward."* What constituted the regular ar
my of General Gaites, when he moved on Camden, exchang
ing his northern laurels for southern wallows ? — " Fourteen
hundred continental troops, consisting of the Delaware and
Maryland lines."\ — To these were added a similar force of
militia, from Virginia and North-Carolina. The remains of
this army constituted the nucleus of that of General Greene,
for which he received no reinforcements of regulars, except
the legion of Colonel Lee, most of which were Virginia and
Maryland recruits, and a legionary corps, commanded by
General Lawson, also from Virginia.]; From this force of
continentals, and the native militia, under Pickens and others,
the detached command of General Morgan was composed. —
When we have added to this array, a special requisition on
Maryland for seventy-five horse, and an auxiliary force from
Pennsylvania, furnished to Greene at the close of the war, as
already mentioned, we have enumerated all the States north
of South-Carolina, from which levies were ever made in her
defence. We find no proof, any where, that New England
ever supplied the States, south of the Potomac, with any
troops, except when the army was under immediate control
of the commander-in-chief, as at the seige of Yorktown. The
eastern troops, — by which we mean those of New England —
never came farther south, during the whole war, than this
* Ramsay. \ Johnson's Greene. X Ibid.

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 25
point ; and a single passage from the pen of a New England
historian, may suffice as conclusive on this subject
Sparks, in his Life of Wa.shington, vol. i., p. 368, describ
ing the army as under moving orders for Virginia, writes
thus ; " Tlie soldiers — [that is to say, of the Northern army,
moving, /or the first time, to do battle for the South ; — an
army, by the way, which contained several regiments of
Carohna troops, and several Virginia brigades] being mostly
from the Eaitern and Middle Sta.tes, marched with reluc
tance to the southward, and shotoed strong symptoms of dis
content when they jMssed through Pliiladelph'ia. This liad
been foreseen by General Wash'ing ton, a.nd he urged the siqier-
intendant of finance TO advance them a month's pay in
HAliD MONEY !"
He knew, it seems, the most efficacious process fjr resusci
tating the patriotic sympathies of the East, for its suffering
sisters of the South. That self-sacrificing region, whose ser
vices — as Mr. Sabine so pathetically laments — are so ungrate
fully acknowledged now ! We proceed with his very preg
nant paragraph, as it is one that deserves some farther illus
tration. He tells us that, of the 231,958 regulars enlisted
for the continental service, 67,907 were from Massachusetts
alone ; — and — farther — thjit, of the first mentioned number,
" New-England" — " now I grieve to say contemned and re
proached" — "equipped and maintained, 118,350."
Verily, a goodly number, — but what became of them ?
Where did they show themselves ? What did they do ?
The last three years of the war, there were no British aimies
in New-England, and we have shown that there wei-e no
New- England soldiers in the South, where the enemy was to
be found alone. What then became of these men in buck
ram, whose claim to our gratitude is so great, aud so little
2

26 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
recognized and acknowledged ? Let us hear what Sparks
says on this subject, ard he is a New-England authority.
Quoting from Washington's correspondence on the 1st
May, 1781 — the very period when Carolina was mostly over
run by the enemy — " Scarce any State in the Union has at
this hour an eighth part of its quota in the field.^'' Where
v)as this host of New-Englanders ? Again : " Before leaving
Weathersfield, a circular letter was written by General Wash
ington to the governors of the Eastern States, urging them
to fill up their quotas of continental troops with all possible
despatch.''^* Can it be that these 118,350 troops were on
paper only, /or the purpose of getting ihe pay without ihe
performance? This is a point to be referred to hereafter. But
hear what Sparks farther says, of himself, only a page or two
after. " The Eastern ard Middle States in particular,
after the French troops had arrived in the country, and ike
theatre of war had been transferred by the enemy to the
South, relapsid into a state of comparative inactivity and
indifference." These patriotic, self-sacrificing New-Englanders,
118,000 strong! He (Washington) tried all his arts and
entreaties to overcome this apathy, but the money chest being
empty, and the immediate danger withdrawn from their own
homes, — " the recruits cume in so tardily from the States,
that the army (Northern) was never in a condition to author
ize an undertaking of magnitude, without ihe co operation of
a French fleet superior to the British.^''\ Even at the siege
of York, the French forces were nearly equal to the continen
tals, and the Southern militia to the French ; the former
being more than five thousand strong, the militia more than
fotir thousand, and the continentals about seven thousand.
And these continentals, as already stated, contained several
* Sparkf's Washington, vol. i., p. 359. tibid, vol. i., p. 3C2.

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 27
brigades, a fair proportion, of Virginia and Carolina troops.
The storming parties were led by a Frenchman and a South-
Carolinian.* In all anxiety, we ask for this host of New-
Englanders. We dread lest they have perished in battle;
but we look in vain for a sufficiently bloody battle field. We
are half afraid lest their captains played the game of Fal.-taff,
and compromised the sound men and true, for such as were
not fit to be marched through Coventry. It is xery clear
that they have no eneray in New-England, they have no field
of conflict sufficiently desperate by which to insinuate their
general massacre, and it is equally certain that there are only
some seven thousand continentals, all told, from all the States,
to march as far south as Yorktown ; and such of these as
come from the east, are reluctant to go e\cn thus far, unless
they get a little pay in advance, by way of invigorating the
patriotic fury which first prompted them in the revolution.
The truth is, that the whole militia force of New-England
was enrolled nominally in the continental service. They were
all on paper, suppcsed to be forth-coming, but they never
ajipeared, except on the record. This record sufficed for
many things, as the pension list of the United States may
partially attest There was, if we remember rightly — though,
at this moment, we cannot lay our hands on the precise
authorities — some adroit hocicssing, in certain quarters, by
which all the militia of the East was put upon the continental
establishment; — by vvhich clever process, ostensibly liable
to a summons at any moment to the field, they were yet
mostly saved from this danger by the very incapacity of the
government to provide the funds for their support But the
mere enrolling sufficed to establish a claim for compensation
when tbe government did become able to compensate. An
other riiason, by which to account for the great numbers of
* Col. Laurens.

28 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
New-England troops. The militia laws called them out for a
three months' service only. It is the complaint of Washing
ton, that their whole time is consumed in marching to camp>
drawing their rations, and marching back again. During the
first three years of the war, when the States were all in their
bft^t condition, and while New-England itself was in the dan
ger of the invaders, they were necessarily kept somewhat
uneasy ; but even then, their exhibition of force, in actual
array upon the field, was miserably mean, as we read the
history, in comparison with this magnificent show upon the
pay and pension list. As soon as the enemy disappeared
from the New-England territories — though the war originated
with them, and was chiefly vital to them — they sent forth no
soldiers. The tide of battle rolling southwardly, left them in
a condition of comparative security, and their patriotism was
then of a sort to enable them to snap their fingers at the
distresses of the Southern people ; — it is certain that they
snapt nothing more potent in the ears of either friends or
enemies. The South wa^ left to do its own fighting, as it
could, with such forces only, as could be drawn from hurried
conscriptions in Virginia, Georgia, and the two Carolinas.
South-Carolina became the great battle field for the contro
versy, daring the next three years ; and, if the fields might be
allowed to speak for themselves, we should say that we cer
tainly needed no better proof in behalf of the spirit and the
tenacity with which South-Carolina maintained her principles
and -position. But these fields are begrudged us. They
sound quite too nobly in our history to suffer New-England
to be silent on her claims, and are, in fact, the true motives
for that loving labour which seeks to prove, at this day, our
short-comings in the day that tried men's souls. Mr. Sabine
proceeds categorically.

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 29
" Yet, did 6,660 whig soldiers exhaust the resources of
South-Carolina?" It is to be kept in mind that this was the whole number of
South-Carolinians that were put upon the pay list It will
probably be allowed that we had this number in the field, at
least. If so, then it is clear that, if we furnished few, we got
pay for no more th.an we furnished. On this point, some
thing may be said hereafter. To answer the question of Mr.
Sabine. We shall do so as bi-iefly as possible, though it
may seem that our responses are circuitously given. It is
sufficient, then, to say, that, whether many or few, the troops
of South-Carolina, single-handed, drove away the first British
fleet and army — that of Sir Peter Parker — that came against
her, in one of the most bloody battles of the revolution. Her
troops were next employed for the defence of Georgia, and
suffered terribly in the endeavour to storm the redoubts of
Savannah, united with the French, under the Marquis D'Es-
taing. They invaded Florida — they travereed Georgia —
fighting her battles as well as their own — and, for a long
time, the province of South-Carolina had to support both
provinces and keep off the invader. When Charleston finally
fell into the hands of the British, she lost more than three
thousand of her troops by captivity. Believing the State
overcome — for, with all these 118,000 patriotic New-England
ers, Washington did not dare to detail a sufficient force from
his own ai-my to the assistance of the suffering State — one
thousand South-Carolinians, (forming a splendid addition to
the regular army of the North,) joined it, and were accepted
and reviewed by General Arnold, then in command at Phi
ladelphia. Subsequently, the Carolinians who remained at
home, were engaged in a constant succession of conflicts,
carried on at the same moment with the foreign invader, and
a strong and vindictive domestic faction, which, though resi-

30 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
dents, were yet chiefly foreigners, who lacked that necessary
sympathy with the soil which alone teaches the sense of inde"
pendence. In this period, arose that brilliant race of partisan
warrioi's, who have never been surpassed, if equalled, in any
of the States. Here, from the native militia, sprang up
Marion, and Sumter, and Pickens, and Lacy, and Cleveland,
and Adair, and Davie, and Hampton, and Mayham, and
Thomas, and Bratton, and Roebuck, and a host besides,
whose deeds only want an adequate historian. What forces
-won the battles of King's Mountain, and Hanging Rock, and
Blackstocts, and a hundred other places where Marion, Sum
ter and Pickens commanded ? The forces of the Carolinas
chiefly, and, with the exception of the fii-st named, mostly of
^OM^A-Carolina. Yet, these were mihtiamen, and militia
officers ; and it was in the commission of the State only, and
not of Congress, that Moultrie, Marion, Sumter, and most of
the Carolina partisans, obtained their greatest successes. By
what troops were the battles of Eutaw, and Guilford, and
Cowpens, and Camden fought ? A single sentence of Mr.
Sabine, will show the answer which New-England would now
insinuate. It is some grace, in the instance of our author,
that he does not assert that we owe them wholly to New-
England valour.
" The exact question is, then, not where were the battle
grounds of the revolution, but what was the proportion of
men which each of the thirteen States supplied for the con
test." The suggestion is an adroit one. It does not, you will per
ceive, directly insist that the troops of New-England fought
the battles of Eutaw, King's Mountain, Cowpens, &c., but
leaves you to infer this suggestion from the fact already in
sisted upon, that they supplied the great bulk of the Ameri
can army during the war. You are to suppose them here

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 31
thei'e and every where, these intense patriots, rushing in every
quarter which promises them a chance of doing battle with
the oppressor, and leaving their monumental names upon
every field made sacred by valour iu all the States and terri
tories of the Union ! And this easy mode of acquiring
fame, and making records, is but too likely to be successful,
when we find the histories of the country emanating, in so
many forms, chiefly from New-England hands ; — their wri
ters, anxious, like Mr. Sabine, with a laudable regard to the
" local habitation," to shoulder it with all the glory which
maj' be appropriated from other regions ; — which, not mor
bidly eager after such objects, betray rather too decided an
indifference to what is really proper and legitimate in the
ambition of a community.
We leave it to the other States of the South to assert the
truth in their several cases, and for their own defence. We
shall confine ourselves wholly to South-Carolina. We think it
fortunate that we can relieve any anxiety which Mr. Sabine
might feel, lest, in his grasping anxiety to establish for his
parish, the sole glory of the revolution, he might covet and
appropriate some that may properly belong elsewhere. We
beg leave to assure him, then, that, .s-o far as Ihe buttle fields
of South- Carolina are concerned, New-England contributed
just no soldiers at all. We never saw a dozer of her tvliole
hundred and eighteen thousand. Tliey never crossed the
Potomac in our belialf. A corporal's guard ivould cover her
entire contrihnt'ions of men, rank awl file, to ihe glorious
and bloody fields of rcvolulionary deba.te within our limits.
Tbe battles of the South generally, and of South-Carolina
wholly, were fought by Southern troops exclusively, — includ
ing a small contingent which came from Delaware ; and we
have the farther assurance to make, that these battles were
fought by thousands who never dreamed of the pay list.

32 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
which was probably, during all this time, in the keeping of
New-England. No wonder that the account has been so
well kept ; for her troops, the last three yeare of the war, had
ample leisure for making all the entries. South-Carolina,
like North-CaroUna and Virginia, had thousands serving in
the army of the North, and counted necessarily in with that
section. They had thousands more, who fought, as Harry
Smyth, of the Wynd, did, " on their own hook," and were
never enrolled, never asked and never received pay or rations.
New-England is not a region readily to comprehend virtues
so gratuitous, and her writers never insist upon what they do
not understand. It is the misfortune of the South that the
lion does not often write the history of his own career. In
this history, he has left it almost wholly to the jackal.
Mr. Sabine, employing a frequent habit of later days, al
most peculiar to that patriotic region which he esteems to
have found so little gratitude and acknowledgment, for its
services, from the rest of the confederacy, — sneeiingly alludes
to the slave system of the south, under the words "pecufiar
institution"— as a source of our assumed military weakness.
But this military weakness of the south exists only in the
imagination of the abolitionist As we read the history, the
slave institution has never been a source of weakness, and is,
in reality, one of strength. It was a source of strength to
Greek and Roman ; a source of greatness, too, infinitely be
yond mere physical capacity. It has never enfeebled us in
any foreign contest ; though, ]uior to the revolution, in conse
quence of a too little regard to the lessons of history, it was a
source of anxiety and doubt The progress of that conflict
relieved the pubhc mind from all of its apprehensions, and
showed that, in a time of war, it becomes a source of superior
strength, securing the community, at all times, an abundant
agricultural supply — always in course of production — while

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. S3
enabling the entire male white population to engage actively
in the conflict, for which the constant use of weapons and
horses has particularly prepared them. This was the re
markable history during the revolution. South-Carolina actu
ally furnished the food for both armies, not only within her own
borders but those of Georgia, during the last three years of
the war. Her granaries fed equally the whig and tory, the
Briton and the American. Her slaves produced this immense
supply, and, in the majority of cases, were faithful to their
masters. But a small body deserted voluntarily to the Brit
ish, and were uniformed in their service. The greater number
who passed into their possession, and were carried from the
state into West Indian bondage, were victims to the cupidity
of the enemy, and were made captive by force of arms.
While the greater part of the negro population were engaged
in the tillage of the fields, their owners, of both parties, were
struggling in the fields of conflict. And this relation between
the slave and his master was favourable to military strength.
It secured protection for the one who toiled, and sustenance
and food for him who fought. While the slave was peculiar
ly endowed for the staid and uniform employments of agri
culture, the white man of the South was quite as remarkably
constituted for the life of activity and adventure which be
longs to the requirements of war. He was born, we may
almost phrase it, on horseback, and with the rifle in his grasp.
His ordinary exercise made these his familiar companions.
His ordinary amusement was the chase ; and, as a hunter,
horseman, and rifleman, he was almost naturally trained to
war. It is in these possessions, indeed, that we may boast of
a mihtia in the South, such as the woild has never elsewhere
seen. These possessions combine the most powerful elements
and agents of the military — habitual stratagem and adroit
ness in snaring and baffling game — a perfect mastery of the
2*

34 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
horse, and an unequalled excellence in firearms. Exercise in
these is naturally the source of spirit and vigilance, of confi
dence and courage in the field, which ordinary militia never
possess ; and of a pecuUar capacity for guerilla or partisan
warfare, in which the South has especially been distinguished
-whenever her troops have been led by native officers, who
knew how to appreciate and manage them, and who under
stood the business themselves. But we must pass to another
of the fecund paragraphs of Mr. Sabine :
" South-Carolina, with a Northern army to assist her,
could not or would not even preserve her own capital."
We have shown already that the word " Northern" raust
not, as is too frequently the case in New England books, be
misunderstood to mean New-England. Their writers seem
determined to have it so, and charity requires that we should
suppose them always to believe what they themselves assert.
In every instance where the language is employed, we beg leave
to repeat that no troops from New England ever crossed the
State of Virginia. Let us look to the details. What, for
example, was this northern army that came to the help of
Charleston, when threatened by Clinton ? " The North-
Carolina and Virg-inia continentals, amounting to fifteen hun
dred men, two frigates, a twenty-four gun ship, and a sloop
of war were ordered from the northward for the defence of
Charleston. This was all the aid that could be expected
from Congress." But these fifteen hundred troops were not
all available. " Out of a thousand North-Carolina militia,
commanded by General Lillington, whose term of service ex
pired while the siege was pending, no more than three hun
dred could be persuaded to remain within the lines." "Seven
hundred continentals, (Virginians) commanded by General
Woodford, was the only reinforcement which the garrison

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 35
received during the sieger* When the town fell, the whole
number of continentals, including the Carolina contingent
within the State was but " nineteen hundred and seve niy -seven,
yet the return of prisoner was more than five thousand.''''\
So much for this redoubtable ' Northern' army. It is true
that, before the leaguer, and in order to confirm the resolution
of the people to defend the city, they were f>romised from
Congress and other quarters, an additional force of some nine
thousand troops, bnt these only made their appearance after
the fashion of those tardy spirits whom Glendower summon
ed from the vasty deeps. They were pretty much the same
order of soldiers as were enrolled on the New England estab
lishment — never to be seen except at the serving out of ra
tions ; and as Charleston had but a slender supply of provi
sions, falling, at last, from famine, such feeders, with such an
aversion to short commons, could not surely be expected in
such a place. But let us proceed with Mr. Sabine.
" South-Carolina, with a northern army to assist her, could
not, or would not preserve her own capital. When news
reached Connecticut that Gage had sent a force into the
country, and that blood had been shed, Putnam was at work
in his field; leaving his plough in the furrow, he started for
Cambridge, without changing his garments. When Stark
heard the same tidings, he was sawing pine logs, and without
a coat ; shutting down the gate of his mill, he commenced
his journey to Boston in his shirt sleeves. The same spirit
animated the whigs far and near, and the capital of New
England was invested with fifteen thousand men. How
was it at Charleston? That city was the great mart of the
South ; and what Boston still is, the centre of the export and
import trade of a large population. In grandeur, in shipping,
an 1 commerce, Charleston was equal to any city in America.
But its citizens did not rally to save it, and General Lincoln
was compelled to accept terms of capitulation."
* Ramsay. f Ibid,

36 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
How grateful should this contrast be, to one, at least, of
the parties ! What a picturesque dehneation does the author
give us of Putnam setting off for the field of war, without
changing his breeches ! and Stark, in his shirt — Stark-nakedi
we may say — starting off from his mill, on a milling expedi
tion, to Boston, gives us a high idea of the patriotism of every
body in this wondrous region. It is to be regretted that our
author had not asked how long this patriotic fury continued.
At the first flush of an affair, an excitable people may find it
rather pleasant than otherwise ; but as the latent properties of
the subject begin to unfold themselves, the enthusiasm usually
subsides. How was it with these half-clad heroes, and their
fifteen thousand patriots ? Let us see. We quote from
Sparks, as before :
" The enlistments in the new army, (the leaguer of Boston
in progress) went on slowly. The dissatisfaction and cabals
of the officers, the exacting temper and undisciplined habits of
the men, occasioned endless perplexities. General Washington
felt intense anxiety. His patience and fortitude were tried in
the severest manner. A montKs experiment had obtained
only five thousand recruits. At one time he was flattered with
promises, at another almost every gleam of hope was extin
guished, till, at length, when the term of service of the Con
necticut troops was about to expire, it was ascertained that
they would go off in a body, and leave a fearful blank in an
army already deficient in numbers, and weakened by internal
disorders. He appealed to every motive which could stimu-
late their patriotism, pride, or sense of honor, but all in
vain 1 1"
How these hot impatient patriots had cooled off, and in
-what a marvellous short space of time 1 They could not be
persuaded to defend their own homes, though the general-in-
chief was brought seven hundred miles from his Southem
home, to as,sist and lead them ; and there were, in this very
army around Boston, recruits in consi4erable numbers, fr-om

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 37
Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, of -whose presence Mr.
Sabine never says a syllable in his domestic array of fifteen
thousand men.
" The army was soon augmented," (says Sparks,) " by the
companies of riflemen from Virginia, &c. The companies
were filled up with surprising quickness, and, on tlieir arrival
in camp, the number of several of ihem exceeded the 'prescribed
limit." May we not write, after this, in the language of Mr. Sabine,
" the New Englanders, with a southern commander and army
to assist them, would not stay for the recapture of their own
capital, which they had already lost, without an effort, to the
enemy." Were we governed by the sort of temper, and the
sense of justice which governs him, we certainly could employ
no more qualified language.
But there is something more on this subject, which is quite
too good to be lost :
" When General Washington complained to Governor
Trumbull, of Connecticut, ofthe extraordinary conduct ofthe
Connecticut troops, the latter replied" —
And the answer is a rich one, full of significance :
" The pulse of a New England man beats high for liberty;
his engagements in the service he thinks purely voluntary;
therefore, when the time of enlistment is out, he thinks him
self not holden without further erdisiment. This was the
case in the last war. I greatly fear its operation amongst the
soldiers ofthe other colonies, as I am sensible this is the geni
us and spirit of our people."
This jargon was an answer quite as significant as the eager
fury of the first rush of Connecticut into the field. But Sparks
provides a suggestion more to the point, and explains the
phrase " without further enlistment" " Another considera
tion," says he, "had great weight, perhaps greater than all
the rest — the men expected a bounty."
In other words, these fire eating patriots, who rush half

38 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
naked into battle, rather than lose the good and glory ofthe
thing, had struck for higher wages, of which their patriotism
never lost sight entirely. Sparks adds, " A soldier's pay did
not satisfy them," [of course they expected a patriot's pay
also,] " as they could obtain better wages in other employ
ments, without the fatigues and privations of a camp." Yet,
during this time, Carolina was furnishing the powder, from
stores which her sons had captured from the British, by which
Washington was enabled to continue the leaguer of Boston;
and the recruits of riflemen from Virginia and Maryland, were
employed to invade Canada, in the army detached from
Washington's, which was led into the wilderness by Arnold.
Yet who reads these facts in Mr. Sabine's history, or in any
history of New England self-glorification ?
Here we might reasonably pause, satisfied with the suffi
cient commentary already furnished, on this agreeable topic
of eastern self-complacency. But, while our hands are in, we
may just as well, from unquestionable New England authori
ties, endeavor to illustrate still farther the qualities of this
fierce New England patriotism, which Mr. Sabine deplores,
with so lugubrious a visage, has never met its adequate ac
knowledgment. During this very leaguer of Boston, to which
we find Connecticut rushing with such headlong fury, as to leave
her no time to regulate her toilet, we find General Greene
complaining that " several companies had clubbed their mus
kets, in order to march home." As a commentary upon
the alleged myriads of New England contribution to the war,
in the statement of such writers as Mr. Sabine, he says :
" Our situation has been critical. We have no p-irt of the
militia here, and the night after the old troo[)S went away, I
could not have mustered seven hundred men, notwithstanding
the returns of the new enlisted troops amounted to nineteen
hundred and upwards."

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN TIIE REVOLUTION. 39
They served a sufficient purpose on the pay list. Again
he writes — and the comment is upon the patriotism of these
men in buckram :
" The pay and provision of the troops cannot be lowered at
present ; they dor^t feel themselves under a necessity to enter
the service for the support of themselves and families, and,
therefore, would refuse to enlist again."
Shortly after he writes again, and dwells more particularly
on this famous love of country which does not stop to button
its breeches :
" In ray last, I mentioned to you that the troops enlisted
very slotvly in general. I was in hojies then that ours,
(Rhode Island,) would not have deserted the cause of their
country ; but they seem to be so sick of this way of hfe, and
so homesick, that I fear the greater part, a,nd the best of the
troops from our colony will go home. The Connecticut troops
are going home in shoals Ihis day  There
is a great defection among their troops.'" .... " I sent
home some recruiting officers, but they got scarcely a man, and
report thai there are none to 'be had ihere. No public sjnvit
f/revails  Newport, I believe, from the best
intelligence I can get, is determined to observe a strict neu
trality this winter, a,nd in the .•sprinr/ join the strongest party.
I feel f(rr the howjr ofthe colony, which I tidnk in a fair way,
from the conduct of the people at home, and the troops abroad,
to receive a vmund."
But precious little did these patriots, hungering always for
their bounty and month's pay, care for the wounds of honour
of the colony. Greene's next afflictions arise from the indig
nation with which Washington exjuesses himself on the sub
ject of New England patriotism. In labouring to extenuate
its short comings, he shows them up in beautiful colours :
" His Excellency has not had time to make himself ac
quainted with the genius of this people. They are naturally
as brave and spirited as the peasantry of any other country,
but you cannot expect veterans of a raw militia from only a

40 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
few month's service. The common people are exceedingly
avaricious ; the genius of the people are commercial, from
their long intercourse wiih trade. The sentiment of honour,
ihe true characteristic of a soldier, has not yet got the better
of interest  The country round here set no
bounds to their demands for pay, wood, and teaming. It has
given his Excellency a great deal of uneasiness that they
should take ihis opportunity to extort from the neceisities of
the army at such enormous prices."
Simple General, to suppose that patriotism, like pork and
beans, having its value, should not also have its price. Gen
eral Greene, perfectly well acquainted with what he faceti
ously calls '''the genius of the people," devotes letter after
letter to the necessity of giving bounties. But neither Wash
ington nor Congress can be brought to this ; and how should
they think it necessary, with a people fighting for their liber
ties, and in the defence of their own soil and cities ? Enough
it is thought, is conceded them, when their extortionate prices
are yielded for the support of that army which fights their
battles, in putting all their mihtia on the pay list, and in g'v-
ing them the greater number of the general officers of the
army.* * This was another of the capital processes by which New England
fed fat upon her patriotism. Slie filled the commissions of the army
with the most incompetent drivellers in it. " Most of the generals,"
says Greene," belong to the northern governments ;" of major-generals,
New England had, in 1775, 2 ; New- York, 2 ; and Virginia 1— (Chas.
Lee, an Englishman.) In 1776, New England had 5, and Virginia 1 —
(Horatio Gates, another Englishman.) In 1777, New England had 2,
Virginia 1, New Jersey 1, (Lord Stirling ;) Pennsylvania 2, North
Carolina 1, New- York l.and France 4. In 1778, Prussia 1. In 1780,
New England 1, .Vjaryland 1. In 1781, Fi-ance 1. In 1782, New
England 1, South-Carolina 1. Total — New England 11 major-gen
erals: the rest of the sia<«s together 11 ; of these IVlassachusetts had
5, Connecticut 4, and South-Carolina 1. Yet who will pretend to
compare the public services of Ward, Lincoln, Thomas, and Heath, all

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 41
Something more from the Rhode Island General :
" It was noi ihe h'lvtr clasi^cs of people that I meant to
comjjlain of, but ihe rnadtaiils and ueallhu farmers. \A'e
find many articles of iiieiehandize enhanced in price fourtimes
the first cost, and many of them cent jier cent. The farmers
are extortionate -wheiever their situation furnishes them with
an opportunity  The Connecticut troops went off
in spite of all that could be done to prevent it." [The bounty
not being forlhcoming.] "We never have been so weak as
we shall be to-niorrow. Our growing weaker, whil-t the en
emy are growing stronger, renders our situation disagreeable."
" The regiments fill up very slowly here. It is
really discouraging  If the Congress had
given a bounty, <tc."
All agree that the bounty would have been the great pana
cea for the restoration of New England patriotism. Governor
Ward, to whom Greene writes, fully responds to this sugges-
of Massachusetts, with those of Moultrie, Marion, Pickens, Sumter,
and a dozen others of Soutli-Carolina, -svhom the management of New
England contrived to over.'ilaugh,'m ihe elevat.on of her o-wn sons ? A
nearly similar dispioportion ^fems to exist in tbe distribution of tlie ap
pointment of brigadiers. In 177.5, of n ne brigadiers created, New
England secured 7, Virginia 1, and New-York 1. In 1776, New Eng
land had 7, Pennsylvania 3, New- York 2, New Jersey 2, Virginia 3,
N 01 th Carolina 2, South-Carohna 2, Maryland 1, Georgia 1. In 1777.
New England again Iiad 7, New-York 1, Pennsylvania 5, Virginia 4,
Maryland 1 (brevet,) Noi th-Carolina 1. In 1779, North-Carolina 2,
Soutb-v. arolina 1, Maryland 1, Pennsylvania 1. In 1780, Virginia 1-
In 1782, Maryland 1. In 1783, Massachusetts 2, New Jersey 1, Penn
sylvania I, Virginia 1, South-Carolina 1, Georgia 1. These four last
all by brevet. Yet for the la^t three years, the war had been -wholly
confined to the south. "Wheiher the New Englanders furnished the
army and fought the battles, or not. they at least contrived to secure an
ample share of ihe spoils of office. This -was a game at which they
never failed to play with p:ofit, from the days ofthe revolution to ihe
conquest of California. They are always sure to he in at the division
ofthe spoils, if not at the deaih ofthe game.

42 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
tion, and the simple southron, Washington, has no idea of re
sorting to this specific in such a case. Congress, he has often
assured us, " would not give a bounty." And this growling
and grumbling about the impossibility of getting the regi
ments filled, even in this region, which, according to Mr. Sa
bine, overflows with sans culotes eager for battle, is continued
ad nauseam, by all our officers, throughout the entire war.
We could quote passage after passage from Washington's
lettere on the subject, but prefer the confessions of New Eng
land officers themselves. The lack of troops from New Eng
land ; their presumption, incapacity, and constant exactions ;
are the chief causes which prevent Washington from doing
any thing in the face of the enemy.
We turn to another authority, in regard to these matters,
and one which, as between north and south, must be held an
impartial one. The reader is referred to the Pennsylvanian,
Graydon, of whose work a new edition has been presented to
the public* Speaking of General Schuyler, a man sacrificed
to the bigoted prejudices of New England, he says :
" That he should have been displeasing to the Yankees, I
am not at all surprised. He certainly was at no pains to con
ceal the extreme contempt he felt for a set of men who were
both a disgrace to their stations and the cause in which they
acted, &c." " The sordid spirit of gain was the vital principle
of this greater part of the army. The only exception I recol
lect to have seen to these miserably constituted bands of New
England, was the regiment of Glover, from Marblehead.
There was an appearance of discipline in this corps ; the offi
cers seemed to have mixed with the world, and to under
stand what belonged to their stations  But even
in this regiment there were a nuinber of negroes, &c." "Ta-
* Memoirs of his own times ; witii reminiscences of the mi'U and
events of the Revolution. By Alexander Graydon. Philadelphia :
1846.

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 43
king the army in the aggregate," [this was soon after New-
York had fallen into the hands of the British,] "he must
have been a novice or a sanguine calculator, who could sup
pose it capable of sustaining the lofty tone and verbal energy
of Congress. In point of numbers merely, it was deficient ;
though a fact then httle known or suspected. Newspapers
and common report, indeed, made it immensely numerous,
&c." But this was only in the arithmetic of New England. The
fact is that this pretension of the Eastern States to numbers
in the army, would be the most ridiculous thing in the world,
in view of the actual fact, if it were not for the enormous
robbery of the national funds, of which it has been made the
pretext. So reluctant were they to appear in arms, that, at
a later period, they could only meet the demands of Wash
ington by enlisting the captured soldiers of Burgoyne's army,
whom Washington refused to receive.
As Mr. Sabine has given us his picture of the Connecticut
soldiery, under the excitement of patriotic and military im
pulse, and been pleased to do this by way of ungracious con
trast to that of the troops and people of the South, under
similar circumstances, it may not be amiss to hear Graydon's
description of the same class of warriors. The period is that
which was employed by the British in their first demonstra
tions upon New- York :
" Among the military phenomena of this campaign, the
Connecticut light horse ought not to be forgotten. These
consisted of a considerable number of old-fashioned men —
probably farmers and heads of families, as they were general
ly middle aged, and many of them apparently beyond the
mei'idian of life. They were truly irregulai-s ; and whether
their clothing, their equipments, or caparisons were regarded,
it would have been difficult to have discovered any circum
stance of uniformity, though in the features derived from
'local habitation,' they were one and the same. Instead of
carbines aud sabres, they generally carried fowling piecesj

44 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
some of thera very long, and such as, in Pennsylvania, are
used for shooting ducks. Here and there one, 'his youthful
garments well saved,' appeared in a regimental of scarlet, with
a triangular, tarnished, laced hat. In short, so little were they
like modern soldiers, in air or costume, that, dropping the
necessary number of years, they might have been supposed
the idmtical men who had in part composed Pepperill's army
at the taking of Simsbury. Their order of march correspond
ed with their other irregularities. ' It spindled into longitude
immense,' presenting so extended and ill-compacted a flank,
as though they had disdained the adventitious prowess de
rived frora concentration. These singular dragoons were vol-
unteere, who came to make a tender of their services to the
commander-in-chief. But they staid not long at New- York.
As such a body of cavalry had not been counted upon, there
was, in all probability, a want of forage for their jades, which,
in the spirit of ancient knighthood, they absolutely refused to
descend from ; and, as the general had no use for cavaliers in
Lis insular operations, they were dismissed, with suitable ac
knowledgments, for their chivalrous ardor. An unlucky
trooper of this school had, by some means or other, found his
way to Long Island, and was taken by the enemy. The Brit
ish officers made themselves very merry at his expense, and
obliged him to arable about for their entertainment. On
being asked what had been his duty in the rebel array, he an
swered that it was to flank a little, and carry tidings."
Graydon, after this, making liberal allowance for the peo
ple of New England while fighting for their own homes, indi
cating the defence of Bunker Hill as worthy of the bravest
veterans, proceeds as follows :
" I attempt not to assign a cause for the falling off; and
should even be fearful of recognizing it, were there not docu
ments in existence, and hundreds yet alive,* to attest the truth
of my representations. I have, in vain, endeavoured to ac
count for the very few gentlemen and men of the world, that,
at this time, appeared in arms from this country, that might
* The first edition of Graydon's Memoirs was published in 1811.

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 45
be considered as the cradle of the revolution. There were
some, indeed, in the higher ranks, and here and there a young
/man of decent breeding, in the capacity of an aid-de-camp or
brigade major; but anything above the condition of a clown,
in the regiments we came in contact with, was truly a rarity.
Was it that the cause was only popular among the yeoman
ry ? [Greene and others show that the yeomanry raade it
profitable enough to find it popular, but it was only while
selhng to the soldiery, not in harnessing themselves.] Was it
that men of fortune and condition there, as in other parts of
the continent, though evidently raost interested in a contest
whose object was to rescue American property from the grasp
of British avidity, were willing to devolve the fighting upon
the poorer and humbler classes ? Was it, in short, that they
held the language ofthe world, and said —
" Let the guU'd fools the toils of war subdue.
Where Ijleed the many to enrich the few !"
Or was it, that that simple way of thinking, and ill appre-
ci ition of military talent, which had made a drivelhng deacon,
(General Ward,) second in command, was then prevalent
among them ? Whatever was the reason. New England was
far behind the other provinces in the display of an ardent un
equivocal zeal for the cause, in the quality of her oflicers ; and,
notwithstanding that she has since shown herself raore pro
lific of liberal, well-informed, exigent raen, than any other
part of the Union, her soldiery, at the time I am speaking of,
was contemptible in the extreme."
The truth is, governed always by a selfishness of the most
exclusive, narrow-minded and exacting character. New Eng
land lost all interest aud sympathy in tbe revolutionary strug
gle, as soon as the enemy were withdrawn to another quar
ter. She had long before shown a disposition to avoid all
sacrifices, and her enthusiasm was entirely exhausted by the
demonstrations of her Stark and Putnam. The war which
was provoked by herself was by no means grateful to her in
terests, which were entirely commercial ; and the departure of
the British from her own homes, left her free to prosecute her

46 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
selfish interests, which were rather benefitted than injured by
the continuance of a contest, the burden of which was to be
borne only by the Southern and middle colonies. The denseness
of her population enabled her to gather troops more rapidly
together than in the other provinces ; but we have seen with
what rapidity the zeal subsided, which, in the first flush of the
conflict, seemed to promise the most wonderful results. That
the British withdrew from Massachusetts, was due entirely to
the fact that they sought to escape the severities of the cli
mate, in a region, the poverty of which, at that period, prom
ised them little more than constant privations, if not hard
knocks. Their withdrawal, as we know by a thousand proofs,
at once rendered the region which they left comparatively in
different to every thing in the progress of the conflict, but the
possession of the spoils of office and victory ; of which, by the
-way, their subsequent history shows them to have been al
ways considerate. But we have some further hints from the
pen of Mr. Graydon, which the discussion of our present sub
ject does not permit us to disregard. Writing, with reference
to the opinions of the array, while it occupied the heights of
Harlaem, and after the surrender of New-York, Graydon
says: "In so contemptible a light were the New England men
regarded, that it was scarcely held possible to conceive a case
which could be construed into a reprehensible disrespect of
them. Thinking so highly as I now do, of the gentlemen of
this country, the recollection is painful, but the fact must not
be dissembled."
The wretched blunder by which it was resolved to defend
Fort Washington, with a grossly inadequate force, with works
untenable and badly chosen, is thus commented on by our
author : " But suppose Fort Washington tenable, ' what sin
gle purpose,' as it has been observed by General Lee, ' did it
answer to keep it ? Did it cover, did it protect a valuable

eOUTO-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.

47

country ? Did it prevent the eneray's ships from passing with
impunity' No: but we had been too much in the habit of
evacuating posts, and it was high time to correct the proce
dure. This garrison raust stand, because it had been too fa
shionable to run away ; and Pennsyhania and Maryland
must pay for the retreating alacrity of New England." And
they did pay severely ; fought well, and gleaned nearly a
thousand British victims, under the keen fire of the Maryland
rifles, before the jilace was surrendered. To this passage the
author adds, in a note: " Once for all, let rae be understood
as only alluding in these remark.s, to the bad constitution of
the New England troops, and by no raeans to the people
generally, who have, no doubt, the means of furnishing as good
officers as any other part of the Union. But, from their
shameful inattention to it in this campaign, the Southern offi
cers were warranted in their indignation."
Graydon was, himself, in the action at Fort Washington,
and became a prisoner. He returns to his subject of com
plaint. In a controversy forced upon us like the present,
we deera it only projier to employ his own language: "Be
cause jiosts had been evacuated ; because Long Island, New-
York, King's Bridge, and White Plains, had successively been
found untcnab.e by the concentrated force of the continent,
[New England and the Middle States is to be understood,]
this handful has to apologize to the country for the supposed
disgrace of our arms, and the defective condition of our mih-
tary system. As "the. troops were in higii spirits and would
make a good defence, why e'en let these southern men," says
Generals Putnam and Greene, " take the glory of it them
selves. Whatever be their fate, they will kill a good number
of the enemy ; and desperate expedients are adapted to the
declining state of our affairs. " These, it is true, were dashing
counsels ; nevertheless, to those aci|uainted with the unfriend-

48 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
ly, repulsive temper which prevailed between the southern
and eastern troops, and the selfish, clannish spirit, testified on
all occasions by the latter, there would be nothing very revolt
ing in the imputation of such motives ; in which, also, the
historian in the Annual Register might find a clue to the so
lution of the enigma, why an operation on so large a scale,
should be committed to a colonel." Colonel Magaw was in
trusted with the defence of Fort Washington, having under
him a force of 2500 men. "It was, at any rate, a current
opinion among us who were taken, that we had been sacrificed
to selfish feeling ; nor, upon a cool consideration of all the cir
cumstances, after a lapse of four and thirty years, can I see
full cause to renounce that opinion. I do not befieve — at
least if we had been New England men — that we should have
been left there. If Greene really knew no better at this era,
he was deeply instructed by his error, since whatever was the
character of his subsequent generalship, it never disclosed
symptoms of a rash audacity." To Greene's discretion it had
been left to determine whether Fort Washington should be
kept or abandoned. He decided on the forraer fatal course,
which resulted in the defeat and capture of the garrison, in a
position which was neither well chosen nor properly manned.
Further, to illustrate the ungenerous and selfish character of
the New England influence, the author remarks that it was
never more strikingly shown than in " the partial exchange of
prisoners, continually carried on in favour of the eastern offi
cers, to the cruel discouragement of the southern."
In the desire to help Mr. Sabine in the laudable contrast
which he gives us between the alacrity of the New England
troops, and the reluctance of the southern to seek the enemy,
we have somewhat wandered from our subject. To this sub
ject we now return, calling Mr. Sabine to the stand again, as a
willing witness.

SOUTH- CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 49
" South-Carolina," [remarks this gentleman,] " with a north
ern array to assist her, could not, or would not, even preserve
her own capit'il 1  How was it at Charleston?
That city was the great mart of the south .... the
centre of the export and import trade of a lai-:i;e population.
In grandeur, in splendour of building-:, iu decor.itious, in equi
pages, in shipping; and commerce, Charleston was equal to
any city in Araerica ; but its citizens did not rally to save it,
and General Lincoln was compelled to accept terms of capitu
lation." The grandeur and wealth of Charleston, her shipping and
comraerce, were, in truth, the sources of her weakness. Her
wealth invited the attempts of the most formidable fleet and
army which Great Britain had ever sent .against America;
and her shipping and commerce — her export and import trade
— were in the hands of British and aliens. These were pow
ers, which, in her own bowels, were hostile to her safetv. The
persons who represented these forces, were chiefly those who
subsequently became the addressors of Clinton. They were
mostly foreigners. To this point we have referred already.
But what does Mr. Sabine mean when he says, th,at .South-
Carolina would -not, or could not, maintain her own capital ?
He evidently means you to understand that the place was un
defended — given up to the enemy, at the fir.st summons, with
out striking a blow. " Its citizens did not rally to save it, and
General Lincoln was compelled to accept of terms of capitu
lation." This language certainly forbids the idea of any de
fence — and, by the way, the previous opinion of Washington,
and most of the other officers of the army, was that it could
not be defended, and that the defence was unwisely attempted
— and we should scarcely imagine, from this statement, unless
otherwise informed, that a leaguer of nearly two raonths, was
maintained, by a force less than half the number of the assail
ants, bshind the most trifling field-works, with inferior artil-
3

50 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
lery, by a people sufl;ering from a cruel epidemic, threatened
with famine, and sustaining, day and night, the bombardment
of batteries far superior to their own ! There is no doubt that
Charleston was not as well defended as it might have been ;
but this was rather the fault of the New England general in
command, than that of the citizens ; and no imputation should
be flung upon the valor or patriotism of the people, unless it
eau be shown that the arguments upon which they rest their
defence shall be proved to be valueless. We shall indicate
these arguments, but shall first return to the earlier passages
in the history of the revolution in the south.
Mr. Sabine has given us a vivid picture of Stark and Put
nam scampering ofi' to the leaguer of Boston, under the gush
of patriotic fury, without paying proper attention to the state
of their nether garraents. We have observed that this was
the first scene at the opening of the revolution, and had the
charm of novelty to recommend it. About the same period,
or a little after, Charleston was invaded by a superior force of
the enemy. What, then, was the conduct of the Carohnians?
They certainly showed, at that time, no want of patriotism or
courage. What says Ramsay on this point? "In South-
Carolina, particularly, every exertion had been made to put
the province, and especially its capital, in a respectable posture
of defence." The alarm guns are fired, and " the mihtia of
the country, very generally, obeyed the summons of President
Rutledge, and repaired in great numbers to Charleston."
Ramsay is not a picturesque writer, like Mr. Sabine, or he
would have been at sorae pains to inquire whether Marion,
from St. John's, Berkeley, and Thompson, from St. Matthews,
and a score or more besides, of leading patriots who never
asked for continental pay — certainly never struck for higher
wages — did not leave their corn fields and lumber mills, for
the defence of the capital, without looking to see that their

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 51
best Sunday garments were at hand ! Well, what was the
result ? The capital was defended, the British were beaten
oflj wholly by South-Carolinians, in one of the most sanguin
ary battles of the war ! This was one defence of the capital.
Another occasion followed, when General Lincoln, withdraw
ing all the regular troops away frora South-Carohna, on a
wild-goose chase into Georgia, left its \\hole sea-board open,
and its capital city liable to a coup-dc-main of General Pre-
vost. What, then, was the course of the C;n-olinians ? We
find Moultrie rushing to the rescue, with twelve hundred militia
from one quarter ; and Governor Rutledge, with another body
of native militia, [)i'essing down, for the same object, from
another quarter of the interior; while Lincoln, with similar
speed, was marching from a third direction ; and it is highly
probable that sorae of these peojile, hurried to the danger,
stripped to the buff, as did those fierce fellows. Stark and
Putnam. A second tirae were the British baffled in their at-
terajits, and in neither instance was there a deficient courage
or patriotism show n by the Carolinians in the defence of their
capital. Nor was there any lack of the necessary spint on the
third and last occasion, when the town was finally yielded.
Previous to this, however, the losses of the southern army
were so considerable as materially to impair its strength.
General Ashe, with the Georgia continentals, and fifteen hun
dred North-Carolina militia, was surprised and beaten, and his
troops dispersed by Prevost. This disastrous event was fol
lowed by one still raore disastrous, in the badly-raanaged as
sault upon Savannah, by the combined forces of D'Estaing
and Lincoln, when they were defeated with prodigious loss — •
a loss falling particularly heavy upon the Carolina troops
who alone succeeded in planting their standard upon the en
emy's works — a barren, but an honourable achievement !
With forces greatly diminished by these and other disas-

62 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
tei's, this third attempt of the British upon the city of Charles
ton, found it less prepared than ever for defence.
" Unfortunately for Carolina," [says Ramsay,] " the most
formidable attack was made upon her capital at a time when
she was least able to defend it. In 1776, a vote of her new
government staraped a value on her bills of credit, which, in
1780, could not be affixed to twenty tiraes as much ofthe
same nominal currency. At this important juncture, when
the public service needed the largest supplies, the paper bills
of credit were of the least value. To a want of money was ad
ded a want of men. The militia were exhausted with an un
interrupted continuance of hard duty. The -winter, to others
a tirae of repose, bad been to them a season of most active ex
ertions. The dread of the small-pox, which, after seventeen
years absence, was known to be in Charleston, discouraged
many frora repairing to the defence of the capital. The six
continental regiments on the South-Carolina establishment, in
the year 1777, consisted of two thousand four hundred men;
but in the year 1780, they were so much reduced by death,
desertion, battles, and the expiration of their terms of service,
that they did not exceed eight hundred."
These are some of the principal causes of the weakness of
Charleston at this period ; but they are not dwelt upon with
the needful emphasis. The dread of the fever of the metrop
olis, not less than of the small po.x, was a sufficient reason for
discouraging the militia of the interior ; Charleston being at
that period no such region of salubrity as she now appeai-s.
The familiar comparison of that day likened her, in respect to
the malaria influence, with the pestilential chmate of Batavia.
Besides, a country militia like ours — men accustomed to the
free ranges of the forest — are particularly reluctant to be
cooped up within the walls of a beleaguered city at any time.
Such a restraint would be adverse to every sensation of life of
which they were ever conscious, and would, no doubt render,
them obnoxious to every form of disease, which, whether an
epidemic prevails or not, must seize upon the morbid and dis-

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 53
contented nature. There was yet another consideration, of
even superior force to these, which natur.ally prevented the
people ofthe mountain regions from leaving their own neigh
borhoods for any purpose. Whenever they had done so hither
to, particularly when a British fleet or army was upon the
coast, their absence had been the signal for the rising of the
loyalists and the Indians. But, in fact, with such a comraand
er as Lincoln, there was no deficiency of men. There were,
in fact, too many as it was, within the city. There was no
food for those who occupied it. Lincoln neither saw properly
to the provisions nor to the defences of the city, and it fell by
famine, and not by force.
Our space will not suffer us to do more than advert to the
many causes -which lessened the strength and resources of
Carolina at the a] proach of the enemj', in 1780, to her me
tropolis. Enough, we trust, has been said and shown to dis
prove utterly the false and malicious paragraphs which we
have thought proper fo examine, and to expose the injustice
of any comparison between the acts of a people fiesh for the
struggle, under its first excitements, and as yet totally inex
perienced in suffering; and andher \\hcm this stinagle has
left enfeebled and ohausted^conscious of their weakness and
deficiencies, and failing in that premised assistance frora with
out, -which, in the misfoidine of others, they themselves had
been always ready to bestow. Let the history be written out
i n full, on both sides, with all its facts, -with nothing reserved,
and nothing set down in malice, and we do not fear but that
the deeds and sacrifices of Caiolina, and of the whole South,
will bear honourable ccmparison with those of any part of this
nation. But, for the present, we forego the theme. We pro
pose hereafter to claim the attention of the reader, while we
continue the subject to which we ha^e just made our ap_
preaches — the siege of Charleston, in 1780 — a subject for

54 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
which we find a particular inducement, in the possession of
certain new materials, indicated in our rubric, which have
never yet been spread before the public. We hope to show
from these, that, in spite of native feebleness, bad manage
ment, inferior materiel and deficient personnel, the defence of
the capital of Carolina furnished as noble an instance of manly
courage, and social fortitude and patriotism, as it is the lot of
the historian often to piit on record.

NOTE.

It may assist the reader to appreciate the absurdity of this
fiction of a hundred and eighteen thousand New-Englanders,
ready always for the field, to learn something of the numbers
of the British to whom they were opposed. Within a brief
period, there have been published, in the (N. Y.) Literary
World, certain letters from John Adams. In one of these,
dated as late as Dec, 1809, he says :
" Great Britain, in our revolutionary war, never had in
North America, including ihe Canadas, at any one time, more
than flve and twenty thousand men. During some part of
the war, I thought they had forty thousand ; but upon exam
ining their own most authentic documents and memorials, I
have, long settled, an opinion that they never exceeded twen
ty-five thousand, <kc."
Certainly these ought to have been but a mere mouthful
for these fierce fighting New-Englanders, 118,000 strong,
who should have swallowed them with as much ease and
eagerness, as a French gourmand swallows a fricasee of fi'ogs !
But, Mr. Adams is, perhaps, a little below the mark. We
are enabled, through Sparks, to quote from the official returns

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 55
in the State Paper Office, shovi'ing the numbers of the British
forces in America, during the several years, l777-'8-'9,
1780-'l-'2. By these, the reader will see where the eneray
was; and if he will find out where the 118,000 Yankees
were, at the same time, he will do more than the British ever
did. The italics are ours.
BRITISH FORCES IN AMERICA.

As many of General Washington's movements and plans depended
on what he supposed to be the strengtii of the enemy, a view of the
general state of the British army, at different stages of ihe war, will
conliibute much to a ju-t under.-tan'ling of various parts of his cor
respondence. The following summaries have been copied irom the
original returns in the State Paper Office. The numbers represent
1 troops.

State of

the Ar

my, June 3d, 1777.

.Jersey.
British artillery,
" cavalry,
" infantry,
Hi-'.-.^ian "
Anspach "

-

.38.5 "710
8.3613.300 104.3

New- YorJc.
British infantry,
" artillery,
Hessian infantry.

1.513 20
1778
3311

13799
Btaten Island.
Rhode Island.
Briiish infantry,
" artillery,
Waldeck infantry,
515 11
.330
856
British infantry,
Hessian "
British artillery,
¦
10641496 71
2631
Paulus
Hook.
British infantry,
360
Total of the arintj.
209.5 "i
Foreign Troops in America, June 24th, 1777.
Hessian, 19777
Anspach, 1293
Waldeck, 679
Total, 14749.
56

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.

State of the Army, March 26th,
Philadelphia. New- York.

Briti-h GeiTiian,Provincial,

13078 5202 1250
19530

British, German,Provincial,

3486 3689
3281

1778. Rhode Island.
British, 1610
Geiman, 2116
Provincial, 44

New-York,Stat^-n l.-land,
Paulus Hook,

10456 3770
Total of the army, 33756.
August loth, 1778.
15886 Long Island, 8117
3244 Rhode Island, 5789
456 With Lord Howe's fleet, 572

19586

Total,

14478
34064.

New-York,Long l.-land,
Staten Island,

November 1st, 1778.
- 9568 Paulus Hook,
5630 Providence Island,
972 Rhode Mand,

- 419
- 225
5740

16170 6384
Total, 22554
The diminution since the preceding return was occasioned by
detachments sent lo the Wett Ind.es, Florida, and Halifax.
February 15th, 1779.

New-York, -
Long Island,
Staten Island,
Paulus Hook,
Rhode Island,

9100
5714 1619 387
- 5642

Nova Scotia, 3011
Georgia, 4330
Bermuda, - - 240
Providence Island, 240
7821
Total, 30283.

22462
May 1st,
1779.
New-York, Long Island,
Siaten Island,
Paulus Hook,
Hobtiken,
Rhode Island,
- 9123 6056
- 1344 383
- 264
5644
Halifax, - - - 3677
Georgia, 4794
Wet Florida, - 1703
Bermuda and Providence
Island, - 470
22814
10644
Total, 83458.
SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.

51

New-Yo-k and its
Dependencies.

December 1st, 1779.

British, German,Provincial,

13848
10836 4072
28756

Halifax and
Penobscot,
Georgia,
Wesi Florida,
Bermuda and
Providence Island,

34603930 17b7 636

Neio-Yo7'k.
British, 7711
German, 7451
Provincials, 2162
17324
Fast Florida.
British, 536
German,
Provincials,

Total, 38569.
May 1st, 1780.
South- Garolin.7. 7041 3018 2788

12847

'West Florida. 590 547
316

Nova Scotii

9813

2298 572638

3508

Georgia.

862
1016

Bermuda.
Provincials.

536 1453
Providence Island.
326 130

1878

Total,

38002.

August 1st, 1780.

New-York,
19115
West Florida,
1261
South- Carolina,
6.589
Nova Scotia,
3524
Georgia,
1756
Bermuda,
204
East Florida,
453
Providence Island,
- 118
27913
5107
Total,
33020.
December
1st, 1780.
New- York,
17729
West Florida,
1261
On an Expedition,
2274
Nova Scotia,
3167
South- Carolina,
7384
Bermuda,
387
Georgia,
968
Providence Island,
143
East Florida,
453
4958
28808
Total
,33766.
The whole number of Provincial Forces at this time in the British
army was 8954. 3*
58

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.

May 1st, 1781.

New- York, - - - 12257
On an expedition, ¦ - 1782
under General Leslie, 2278
Arnold, 1553
Philips, 2116
South- Carolina, - - 7254

Georgia, - 887
East Florida, . 438
West Florida, - 1185
Nova Scotia, 3130
Bermuda, - . 366
Providence Island, 128

27240

6134
Total, 33374.

August 15th, 1781

Troops under Cornwallis in Virginia.

British, . 5541 Provincials, 1137
Germans, - - - 2148 On detachments, 607

7689 1744
Total, 9433.
State of the army, September 1st, 1781.
New- York. Virginia. South-Carolina.
British, 5932 - 5544 5024
Germans, 8629 2204 - 1596
Provincials, 2140 1137 - - 3155

16701

8885
9775
Georgia.
British,German,
Provincials,
486 598
Fast Florida. 546
tVest Florida. 374
558
- 211
1084
546
1143
Nova Scotia.
British, 1745
German, 562
Provincials, 1 145
Providence Island.
- 135
Bermuda. 354
3452
June 1st,
, 1782.
Total, 42075.
New-York,South- CaroUr.
East Florida,
Georgia,
Nova Scotia,
la,
- 17229
- 6973 612
1799
- 3610
Bermuda, Providence Is]
West Florida,
Late garrison i
Yorktown,
344
land, 244
852
at 8806
30223
10246
Total, 40469.
SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.

59

From these figures, the reader will note that in 1777, the
British army, stationed in New England, (Rhode Island,)
amounted only to 2,631 men. In March, 1778, the number
-was increased to 3,770 ; in June, it was further increased to
5,789; in November, same year, it was 5,740; in February,
1779, it was 5,642, in May, 5,644 ; in December, same year,
it was nothing. In other words, the increase of British force
was due to the presence of the French, not the Yankees ; the
118,000 never being sufficient in strength to expel this misera
ble force of 5,000 mixed British and Waldeckers. From
February, 1779, we find the British feehng their way South.
There are 4,330 in February, in Georgia ; in May, (same year,)
4,794 ; in December, it is reduced to 3,930 ; and in May,
1780, they appear in South-Carolina. This was when Charles
ton was taken ; and here we find them numbering 12,847 ;
twice as many as were in all New-England, during the three
years preceding. At the same period, there are in Georgia,
1,878. In December, 1780, after the supposed conquest of
the State, the number still is 6,589 in South-Carolina; after
Gates's defeat, (December, same year,) it is increased to
7,384; in May, 1781, it is 7,254; in September, it is again
increased to 9,775 ; and in June, 1782, it is 6,973 ; showing,
at most periods, an average of one-third, or one-fourth, of the
whole force of the British in America.

II.

[From an article in the Southern Quarterly Review, on Kennedy's
novel of "Horse-Shoe Robmson."

At the opening of the twelfth chapter of the novel of
" Horse-Shoe Eobinson," the author gives us a summary of
events in South-Carolina, prior to the revolution, and during
its progress, the cori'ectness of which we more than question-
It has, of late years, been quite tbe practice, in certain quar
ters of the country, to disparage the share which South-Caro
lina took in the assertion of the independence of the colonies.
Her course, in recent politics, has given such offence to parties
throughout the country, that it has seemed good to many and
agreeable to more, to show that hers was always a wrong-
headed region ; perverse, unperforming, and, perhaps, deserv
ing of censure in those very respects in which her sons have
flattered themselves that their claims to deference and regard
were least questionable. In respect to party, it is quite suffi
cient to account for, if not to excuse this hostility, that South-
Carolina has, for many years, refused to seek and to share its
spoils. Among rogues, he is, perhaps, always the most sus
picious character, who rejects his share of the plunder; since
his forbearance, particularly where his scruples are of a virtu
ous nature, are justly offensive to those who do not suffer
from like misgivings of the conscience. But there is another
offence of which South-Carolina has been guilty, and for
which it is not possible for her to make atonement. Some
how, through this very revolution, she has acquired a capital

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 61
of sectional character, which stands second to that of none of
the States upon this continent. Hers have been the bloodiest
battle-fields of the revolution, and it is among her sons that
the chivalrons and ardent spiiits of our country find their
best models of heroism. Her Marion, Sumter, Pickens,
Laurens and others, in the field ; her Rutledges, Lowndes,
Calhouns, in the council ; these are recognized contributions
to the common stock of national character, which challenge
comparison with any region, and defy the claims of most. —
To escape the recognition of these claims is impossible, and
the policy seems now to be to recognize them only at the ex
pense of her people as a whole. They are to be honoured as
examples, rari nani.es in gurgite vasto, where all besides is
vacancy and waste — a dull, monotonous region, either stagna
ting and senseless, or in feverish disturbance from gales and
storms of eccentric passions. Unfortunately, so imperfectly
have our histories been written, with so little research, so lit
tle reflection or philosophy, and with details so partially given,
that it is quite easy to err, with those who never study, and
still more easy to misunderstand and misinterpret with those
who are wilful. The general reliance, at this day, is upon a
class of historians who wrote at a period when the chronicles
were unavailable to their use, except in particular localities ;
and who wrote mostly from the representations of those who
could report indi\idual facts rather than truths — while the
proper history requires the grouping of the several facts, in
just relation to each other, out of which the philosopher
extracts the truth, and the historian properly records it. No
region has suffered more injustice from such imperfect chroni
clers than South-Carolina — than the South at large — and the
evil is naturally increased, when it is found the policy of those
who are themselves hostile, to provide the history. We have
no space now to advert to the variety of causes, amounting to

62 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
an apparent necessity, which results in receiving our books
from tbe North ; but the consequence has been a constant
obscuration of the achievements of our people, the disparage
ment of their claims when stated, and the assumption of the
merits of the performance, on the part of those who, in reali
ty, did but little, or who wrought mischievously.
Now, we must not be understood as imputing any of this
disposition to disparage South-Carolina, past or present, to the
able and amiable writer before us. Mr. Kennedy is one of those
gentlemen whom we highly esteem, as well for his great pri
vate worth, his purity and integrity of character, as for his
endowments as a literary man. But Mr. Kennedy, like many
others, has been misled by the false statements of superficial
or corrupt historians, who are quite too numerous in our coun
try, and who abuse the confidence of the reader, sometimes
through their own ignorance and haste, sometimes through
sectional prejudices, and, not unfrequently, because they aim
to subserve the purposes of party. Following such blind
guides, there are, accordingly, several errors in the summary
which onr author makes, at the opening of the twelfth chap
ter, in reference to South-Carolina. He says, for example :
" It was the misfortune of South-Carolina, during the revo
lutionary war, to possess a numerous party, less attached to
the Union, or more tainted with disaffection, than the inhabi
tants of any of the other States."
We join issue with him upon the fact. In the first place,
the act of the revolution was the incipient state of union, and
attachment to the Union, as we now regard it, was not to be
predicated of a people, or the want of it charged unfavourably
against them, while the Union was yet in an untried condition
— a thing purely in embryo. But this does not affect the
question. We deny that the disaffection was greater in South-
Carolina than in New- York or Pennsylvania. The opinion

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 63
has gro-wn current, in consequence of the greater degree of
virulence with which the civil war prevailed in the former
State, and this was due to the fact that the concentrated fury
of the war fell upon it during the three last years of the strug
gle, the conflict having really ceased in almost all the other
States. The closing events made, naturally, the greatest im
pression ; and the malignity of the struggle was naturally in
creased, in due degree, with the increased efforts of the British,
goaded by desperation, and that bitter feeling which grew
daily more and more active, in correspondence with the grow
ing hopelessness of the cause on the part of the invader. A
small State, with a limited population, and the population, to
a man, in the field, on one side or the other, — for such a peo
ple are never lukewarm — the conflict was invariably urged to
the extremest issues. But there was another reason why it
should be a conflict of intense bitterness, from a reason which
we shall give hereafter. Enough, in this place, to repeat that
the disaffection was not more extensive than in many other
States, but that it was brought into more active exhibition,
in consequence of the causes assigned, and others.
There were popular elements in conflict, in certain parts of
South-Carolina, at that day, which we find hardly anywhera
else ; and she was compelled to endure the evils of a popula
tion which she did not own. To her fields, from 1778 to
1782, came, in herds, the refugees previously expelled from
other States and seeking shelter in Florida. The propinquity
of the latter colony, so soon as the British took foothold in
South-Carolina and Georgia, brought over these two feeble
States a locust swarm of outlaws, who, with locust instinct,
scattered themselves at once abroad, wherever they might
plunder. Let the historian properly inquire into the civil war
of these regions, and he will find that the actual population
was mostly the prey of the intruders, backed by British ar-

64 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
mies. He will wonder, indeed, that, with a population so
really small, and greatly scattered, so much head should be
made for the good cause, and so many successes achieved by
the faithful. The writers of our country, ordinarily, have no
sort of idea of our settlements then : — of their fewness, isola
tion and small resource — and rarely take into consideration
the important fact, that, with Georgia only newly established,
and, as yet, affording no barrier, South-Carolina, in the revo
lution, was simply an agricultural border State, hable to be
overrun, at any moment, by a stealthy invader, taking advan
tage, as the British did, of a long train of circumstances, by
which, including the disastrous affair of Savannah, the surprise
of Colonel Ashe, and other events, her regular troops had been
dissipated and destroyed, leaving her remaining forces of mi
litia yet to be gathered, from remote settlements, and to be
trained by inexperienced captains. Without money, and un
supported by Congress, it was not possible to draw these to a
proper head, in season, for the encounter with Sir Henry Clin
ton. But this hereafter. Enough here to repeat, that the
closing struggles of the war were in South-Carolina wholly,
and in South-Carolina in particular ; that the bloody frequencv
of her battle-fields would show the superior earnestness with
which they were fought; that the final events made the most
fearful impression, and that the war carried its sting in its tail.
The venom and virulence of the conflict were reserved for the
last acts of this long drama, and they took place almost
wholly in South-Carolina, where the last blood of the war was
shed. "Amongst her citizens," says our author, " the disinclina
tion to sever from the mother country was stronger, the spread
of republican principles more limited, and the march of revo
lution slower, than in either of the other colonies, except, per
haps, in the neighbour State of Georgia, where," eta.
This is a singular mixture of truth and error. So far from

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 65
this being the fact, South-Carolina was one of the first colo
nies to precipitate events, as the following statements will suf
ficiently show :
1. The first steps towards a continental union were taken in
South-Carolina, before the measure had been agreed upon hy
any colony south of New-England. This was so far back as
1765, immediately upon the passage of the stamp act.
2. South-Carolina was the first of the colonies that formed
an independent constitution. This was done in March, 1776,
and prior to the recommendation of Congress to that effect.
But, in fact, an independent government had been in exis
tence in the colony from the 6th day of July, 1774. On that
day, a large convention of the people was held, and an unani
mous vote was passed to support Massachusetts in the vindi
cation of her rights. Except nominally, from that moment
the Royal Government ceased to exist within the province. —
The country became, on the instant, singularly popular, being
governed actually by pojular ccmmittees and voluntary asso
ciations, whose authority was rarely resisted.
3. Jn September, 1775, the royal governor convened an
assembly, to provide for public exigencies, when the members
gave him a singular proof of their republican tempers, their
first and only act being the passage of a resolution, approving
and affirming the popular resolutions of the convention ol
Jul}', 1774. Fearful of more repubhcanism, the Governor
immediately dissolved the Assembly.
4. On the 11th Januaiy, 1775, the first revolutionary pro
vincial Congress met, and laid the foundation for the more
regular meeting of the convention of March, 1776, by Avhich
the first constitution of South-Carolina was formed.
5. The convention of 1775 staraped money, established a
Court of Admirality, for the condemnation of British vessels
issued letters of marque and reprisal, and, on the 9th Septem-

66 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
ber, 1775, authorized the commencement of hostilities against
two of the royal vessels, then lying in the harbour, having
previously seized upon the king's forts, the guns of which
were turned upon the ships, compelling their withdrawal.
6. To meet the danger which their patriotism had thus
provoked, the South-Carolinians had raised three regular regi
ments of her own, and these, with her militia, constituted her
means of defence. At this period, the whole white popula
tion in South-Carolina could not have exceeded seventy-five
thousand persons. One would suppose that there was no ev
idence, here, of want of zeal, or deficient courage and republi
canism. They were both soon to be tested.
7. The twenty-eighth of June found a British fleet, of great
strength, and a land army of corresponding force, in hostile
array, before the city of Charleston. Fleet and army were
beaten off, with great loss, by the Carolinians — by native
troops alone, be it remembered, and native oflBcers exclu
sively. This event preceded the declaration of independ;
ence, on the part of the United States — preceded all the con
flicts between the two powers, with the exception of those of
Bunker Hill and Lexington; which, by the way, were in turn
preceded by a civil war in the mountain country of South-
Carolina, where certain Scotch settlements had embodied
themselves a year before, on behalf of the crown ; and where,
after a severe and protracted struggle, they had been put
down. The affair of Fort Moultrie was one of the best fought
battles of the whole revolution. The slaughter on board the
British ships was almost unexampled, exhibiting a mortality
greater in proportion to the numbers engaged than that which
occurred at Trafalgar, while the resistance to the efforts of Sir
Henry CHnton, with the land army, at the east end of the
Island, conducted by native riflemen, under Colonel Thompson,
was such as to paralyze the enemy. This portion of the af-

SOUTH-OAKOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 67
fair has been but little commented upon by our historians ;
yet the fire of Thompson's marksmen, with rifles, and from
two small field-pieces, was such — and the British flotilla, ad
vancing from Long Island upon the eastern end of Sullivan's,
were so raked by the fire — that the men could not be kept to
their guns. The decks were cleared, the flotilla dispersed, the
enterprise abandoned ; yet the force of Clinton consisted of
2,000 British infantry, exclusive of some 600 or 700 marines
and boatmen, supplied from the fleet ; while Thompson's
strength lay in his two cannon, a small redoubt of palmetto
logs, and 700 rifles. Surely, these events are enough to de
cide the republicanism and the zeal of Carolina. But farther :
8. At this very juncture, the emissaries of Great Britain
had brought the savage and the scalping-knife down upon the
frontier population, and several hundred persons, men, women
and children, sunk under their barbarities. To quell these,
joined with the British and loyalists, the whigs had to take the
field, at the opposite extremity of the State, at the same per
ilous juncture. They did so, chastised the savages, drove
them to their mountain fastnesses, while the loyalists fled to
Florida, or promised submission, and implored and received
mercy. These were prodigious exertions for South-Carolina, utterly
unexampled in the case of a State so small of population,
and with its settlements so far asunder, and so much exposed.
The consequence of this vigour and enterprise was a season of
security ; but, in these achievements, Carolina was exhausting
her resources and her strength, incurring a mountainous load
of debt, and diminishing in numbers. Her spirit, always
greater than her strength, led to one result, which operated
injuriously in subsequent periods, as well to her reputation as
to her safety. It prompted friend and foe, alike, to over
rate her strength. The consequence was, that she received

68 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
succour too slowly from Congress to avail for her security,
while it prompted her enemies, when they did attempt her
defences, to do so with forces so overwhelming, as to put it
out of the question to dream of any successful resistance. —
Overrating her strength, still, the historian would exact of her
such performances as not only were not exhibited by any State,
during the revolution, but which it was physically and moral
ly impossible for any country, so situated, to exhibit.
We have shown the career of South-Carolina, up to a cer
tain period, and her escape, thus far, from the power of the
enemy, through her own isolated exertions. She enjoyed a
temporary rest, in consequence. The next demonstration of
the British, which brought her troops into the field, was upon
the still feebler State of Georgia. The united forces of Col
onel Campbell, from New- York, and General Provost, from
Florida, got possession of Savannah and Augusta, at the close
of 1778 ; but, before this, an unfortunate expedition was at
tempted against Florida, under General Howe, which had
totally broken up the Southern army. Sickness, and strife,
and starvation, had thinned down the Carolina regiments to
a shadow, and the one regular Georgia regiment, made cap
tive in various struggles, had perished in the prison ships of
Britain. The defeat of Howe, at Savannah, and subsequent
ly, Ashe's, at Briar Creek, tended still farther to dissipate the
strength of Carolina ; and it was in the hour of her extremest
exhaustion, that, taking advantage of the blundering of Lin
coln, who had command of the Southern aimy after Howe
Provost made a rapid and formidable push for Charles
ton, having under him a force of 2,000 regular troops and
700 Indians and loyalists; while, to oppose him. General
Moultrie had but a thousand militia men. We have spoken,
already, of the result of this expedition ; and, after this sur
vey, we boldly repeat the denial with which we set out, that

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 69
the progress of republicanism and revolution was slower in
South-Carolina than in her sister colonies; nay, we assert that
it was more rapid than in most, and laboured only with this
difficulty, that the physical sircnglli of the Stale bore no sort
of proportion to its sentiment, its spirit, and its zeal. South -
Carolina has been subjected to a trial, both by friends and
foes, which took for its tests rather her spirit than her strength.
Had justice been done to both, respectively, she would have
been succoured seasonably by Congress, and might have been
spared a thousand miseries and losses, which are properly due
to a selfish influence ; which, monopolizing for a single sec
tion most of the resources of the country, has since added to
the abandonment of another, the base and false disparage
ment of its claims, merits and sacrifices. All this history.
North and South, has yet to be written ; when it will be seen
that, if the soldier of the South does not survive on the pen
sion list, it was because he perished in the field, or iu a cap
tivity which the pensioner, well versed in the cautionary max
ims of Falstaff and Hudibras, took precious good care to
avoid. 'I'lie sage military counsel,
" He wlio runs away
Will live to Jight some other day,"
needs only a little revision, to suit this large class of revolu
tionary warriors ; and we may amend it thus,
" He who runs away.
Feeds fat on pensions many a day.''
But he dou'tfeed to fight. Witness the war of 1812 and the
recent one with Mexico, where, still governed, as it would
seem, by the well-conned and profitable maxim, they eschewed
all of the war — but the spoils. Compare the number of New-
Englanders in the war with Mexico,with those who pushed for
California when it was well o\-er, and you have just about the
proportion between the truo fighting men and the simulacra —

70 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
the feeding men on the pension list. But, to return. Our
author writes,
" The audacity with which ProvoSt threatened Charleston,
in the same year, the facility of his march through South-
Carolina, and safety which attended his retreat, told a sad tale
of the supineness of the people of that province."
On the contrary, it spoke quite as well for the inhabitants
of South-Carolina, as did the progress of Ross to Baltimore,
in 1814, when our author himself played an honourable part,
fleshing his maiden sword in defence of his country. The
expeditions were not unlike. Proctor was a dashing partizan
officer, like Ross. He made a dash at Charleston, under pe
culiar circumstances, and was driven off, as Ross was driven
frora Baltimore. Nothing more — nothing less. He did not
succeed ; he was baffled. Both aimed at a coup de main,
hoping to find the people, in both cases, unprepared. In
some degree, they did so. The results, however, were the
same in both cases. It was no reproach to the people of
South-Carolina, or of Maryland, that Provost and Ross were
audacious captains. It might have been a reproach had they
both been successful. As it was, neither succeeded.
But our author's facts are as erroneous as his conclusions.
He speaks of the " facility of Provost's march through South-
Carolina." Why, Provost can scarcely be said to have enter
ed South-Carolina at all 1 His progress was confined to a
march along the the sea-coast, not so far from his flotilla but
that he might have reached it at any moment, with a few
hours' effort, and through a region of swamp country, pene
trated by creeks and water-courses, arms of the sea, occupied
by but few white inhabitants, covered with unbroken and
dense thickets, through which, with moderate skill and cau
tion, he might at any time make his way, without waking up
the country at all. Moultrie, with one-third of his force, and

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 71
those badly armed militia, could only harass and retard, and
not prevent his march. The two armies had sundry skirmishes,
in which the Carolinians showed no supineness. Moultrie re
gained the city, and prepared for defence, having no force but
the militia and the citizens. Negotiations were opened, and,
to gain time for the arrival of Governor Rutledge and Gener
al Lincoln, from the interior, were gravely deliberated upon.
Had the city been taken, there would have been nothing to
surprise, and the reproach would ha\c lain only at the door of
the continental general, who, with the regular forces of the
country, had rambled off into the backwoods of Georgia, as if
purposely to invite the bold enterprise of the British com
mander. The reduction of the city, the year following, was
far less easily effected than that of Philadelphia, New-York,
and other places ; while the inequalities of force were even
greater. We could take up, sentence by sentence, this sum
mary of our author, and show its equal injustice to the zeal,
the republicanism and the courage of South-Carolina, but that
our space and leisure do not allow. We trust that we h,-ive
suggested clues enough for the reoxamination of the whole
history. Summed up in brief, South-Carolina had shown a
zeal and spirit which provoked the Bi-itish government to ex
treme hostility ; the more particularly because her republican
ism was regarded as ingratitude, she having been a favourite
of the British crown. Her strength, as we have said, bore no
proportion to her spirit. Her numerical force was lessened by
the Scotch, German and Quaker settlements of the interior
all of which were loyalist. Her enemies were particularly strong
in consequence of her propinquity to Florida, ivhich colony
had becomx the harbouring place for the refugee tories from
all the Slates. These must not be assumed as any portion of
her population ; yet these poured into South-Carolina, in
hordes, the moment that the regular forces of Great Britain,

72 SOUrH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
within the State, were sufficient to give them security. To
these, South-Carolina had not the physical strength to offer
opposition ; but the moment that these bands became scatter
ed — the moment that one-half of the British regular troops
had been withdrawn — we find the native partizans every
where in activity, and such partisans as they could array in
no other region. But we will not dwell on a history which the
people of the country have by heart, and cherish in their heart
of hearts. South-Carolina cannot be deprived of her battle
fields, and the great domestic names which have helped to
hallow them. Our author, in the rest of his summary, shows
how glad he is to honour them, and to this portion of his
summary, though still marked by erroneous premises and as
sumptions, we care not to object. We shall have occasion, in
other pages, to discuss several of his suggested topics, and
show how grievously they have been misunderstood and
misrepresented. For the present, we must pause. The reader
will understand us, as joining issue with our author in a friend
ly spirit, and with no pui'pose to impute to him a single injus
tice, or wilful or unkind assumption. He is one of our fa
vourites, whom we hold in great respect as an author, and in
great regard as a man. His book, we cordially commend, as
truthful in its spirit, and lively and attractive in its interest.
Our dissent from some of its details must not be construed
into any disposition to decry its genuine claims, or to detract,
in any wise, from its real merits.

Ill,

We endeavoured, in the last number of this periodical, to
discuss the claims of South-Carolina and New England, on
the score of their separate services in the war of the revolu
tion ; aiming rather to correct existing errors in our popular
histories, and suggest proper clues to future historians, than
to occupy the attention of the reader -with our own narrative.
The limits of a journal such as ours, naturally forbade the
free employment of detail ; and our end was answered, if we
put it in the power of the reader to find the way himself, to
the acquisition of the truth. But we reserved to ourselves
one topic in this great history, for which the possession of a
considerable body of unpublished, and hitherto inedited mate
rial, seemed to furnish a sufficient sanction to our purpose of
detaining the attention of the reader, by a copious array of
facts. This topic was the final leaguer of Charleston, in
which it fell into the hands of the enemy. We have seen
how Mr. Lorenzo Sabine discusses and dismisses the subject.
It will be for ourselves to provide the reader with authorities
at once less diseased by prejudice, and more conclusive as
teachers. In general terms, we indicated the difficulties and
disabihties under which South-Carolina laboured at this junc
ture. We showed that the assailants drew nigh to her for
tresses, when it was least in her power to rally to their
defence. We showed the two formidable pre-vious attempts
which had been made, in separate periods, to effect her over.
throw, and with what manly spirit, vigour and success, she
had, almost single-handed, encountered the invader, and
4

74 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
driven him back from her territory. But in the fall of Geor
gia, by which South-Carohna became a fi'ontier, — and in her
feeble but frequent attempts to succour and to save her still
feebler sister, — we have shown how she crippled her own
strength, and impaired those resources upon which, in the
day of her danger, her only reliance could be placed. The
assault upon Savannah, by the combined troops of Lincoln
and D'Estaing, in which the Carolina troops were the most
successful and the most to suffer ; and the unfortunate sur
prise, by which the brigade of Gerieral Ashe was cut to
pieces, left her with a native force quite too inadequate for
the encounter with that powerful array, with which, on the
third occasion, the British, generals prepared themselves for
the work of conquest. With diminished squadrons, with
disease of an infectious character prevailing within her chief
city, with a valueless currency, and deeply in debt, South-
Carolina was less capable of resisting the assault at this junc
ture, than upon any previous occasion. Her resources had
been exhausted by nearly four yeare of conflict. Her frontier
lay open to the tory and the savage, already active under the
influence of British gold ; her ports were accessible, without
obstruction, from the sea, in every but a single quarter.
Georgia, overrun by the enemy, and completely in his power,
was a sn&cKvt point d^appui for the British operations against
her ; while her proximity to the British West India Islands
rendered it easy to accumulate, with great rapidity, upon her
coasts, their most powerful armaments. Her wealth was a
lure to the cupidity of the enemy ; while the foreign popula
tion within her limits — a very numerous proportion of her
people — furnished an ally to the assailants, within her walls,
which suggested an ever-present necessity to watch and fear.
There were special reasons why the British should concentrate
a11 their powers for her overthrow. Twice had they been

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 75
beaten from her walls, in one instance with circumstances of
the most bitter humiliation ; and they could not but regard
the movement of this province — taking part in a revolution
in which her grievances, if equal in degree, were of a very
different sort from those of which the Northern colonies com
plained — as ungrateful and unnatural. There was much in
the argument, which urged against South-Carolina her indebt
edness to the care and kindness of Great Britain, and her
aUiance with communities, which, at best, only aimed to occupy,
in relation to herself, the position which the mother country
had, with much more propriety and reason, maintained
before. To punish South-Carohna for her alleged ingratitude,
was, from the beginning, one of the leading motives to the
special attempts upon her chief city by the forces of the
enemy. Her weakness and wealth equally invited the effort
now ; and never did Britain, through her generals in Ame
rica, prepare a more formidable and select armament for the
prosecution of her objects, than that which, towards the close
of the year 1799, she assembled for the siege of Charleston
in the harbour of New-York. The troops detailed for this
service consisted of twelve regiments, four flank battalions,
a large detachment of artillery, combining the material for an
immense siege and battering train, and a force of some three
hundred horse. To these, during the progress of the siege,
reinforcements brought considerable increase, making the
assailing army to consist of something like twelve thousand
men. To this force, add that of a fleet of some fifty sail of
vessels of all classes, ranging from the sloop to the man-of-
war, and you have an array, the very enumeration of which —
as opposed to that of a little city upon the Atlantic, such as
Charleston must have been in the days of the revolution —
seems to preclude all idea of resistance. Yet, resistance had
been determined upon, without material, without money.

76 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
without provisions, without credit, without men enough to
man the works — with pestilence within the walls — no succour
from without, and in spite of the almost total disregard of
Congress, (under the great powers of New England absorp
tion,) from whom neither men, nor money, nor munitions,
were to be acquired. The bare statement of the fact is con
clusive of the spirit and patriotism of those to whom the
keeping of the State had been confided, and entirely refutes
the unjust and ungenerous insinuations that the Carolinians
shrunk from the defence of their chief city. But this matter
has been sufficiently considered in preceding pages.
The royal army destined for the reduction of Charleston
was embarked in the fleet of Admiral Arbuthnot, in Decem
ber, 1799. The departure had been delayed until the French
fleet of D'Estaing had disappeared from the Southern coasts.
The passage was a long and tedious one. Touching at Sa
vannah for refreshments, they sailed for North Edisto, and,
landing about thirty miles from Charleston, made their ap
proaches gradually, taking possession of the several islands
which lay between, and, finally, of James Island and Wappoo
Cut. On the approach of this fleet and army, the Assembly
of South-Carolina, which was then in session, delegated the
most ample powers to John Rutledge, the Governor, and such
of his Council as he could conveniently consult in exigency,
by which he was authorized " to do every thing necessary for
the public good" — in other words, in the old Roman phrase,
to see "that the republic sustained no harm." Rutledge,
thus armed, proceeded with due energy to the business of
defence. But his means and appliances were wretchedly
few and feeble. The South-Carolina continentals had, in the
three years of the war already passed, been reduced from six
regiments of twenty-four hundred, to but little more than a
regiment of one-third that number. The force obtained from

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 77
Congress consisted of fifteen hundred Virginia and North-
Carolina continentals, and four small vessels of war, under
Commodore Whipple. The only^hope was in the citizens of
the place besieged, and the country militia. The force might
be three thousand, all told, of whom most of the British sub-
jects were secretly friendly to the invader, and proved of great
service to him during the progress of the siege ; and the
countiy militia were not to be persuaded to the defence of a
beleaguered city, from which there was no escape, and within
whose walls a pestilence was said to rage, of which they had
always entertained a feeling of the profoundest fear and hor
ror. An attempt was made to negotiate for succours with
the Governor of Havana, but it failed ; and, according to
Ramsay, had Sir Henry Clinton pushed forward boldly with
a force so overwhelming as that under his command, he
might have possessed himself of the place in four days after
he approached it. But Sir Henry was one of the cautious
captains of the old school, lacking — as did most of the mili
tary men of that period, as well British as American — of that
first of all soldierly virtues, an active mihtary enterprise. The
age was a fighting one, unquestionably, but its military genius
was not remarkable. There was no fit successor to Eugene
and Marlborough. Certain, Sir Henry Clinton was not a
representative of any, the least of the endowments of these
great men. He felt, rather than forced his way ; and was
content to make himself sure by perseverance, rather than
achieve the same results by bold and brilliant adventure.
We now propose to supersede our own as well as the nar
ratives of the regular historians, by the details afforded by
our several journalists, to whom reference has been already
made in the Ust of authorities which form the caption of this
article. The first of these from whom we propose to draw, is
Monsieur De Brahm, of whom we know little, but who has

78

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.

been described as a man of science, and is supposed to have
been an assistant engineer, a Frenchman, employed in the
¦city during the siege. His first dale, that of Feb. 9, 1780,
mentions the arrival of the English fleet in Stono Inlet.
" Feb. 9. The alarm was fired in Charleston. Feb. 10.
The (British) troops landed." [Be Brahm.]
" Feb. 12. Heard that between forty and fifty sail of the
enemy's ships came in yesterday at North Edisto Inlet, and
¦were landed in force upon John's Island." [Oen. McIntosKs
Journals, d:c^
" Feb. 14. Heard the enemy landed some light ti-oops at
Stono — that our hght horse were ordered, and upon their
march from Sheldon, (our infantry stationed there having
passed some days ago.") \^Gen. Mcintosh^
" Feb. 22. Bacon's Bridge. I did not write you sooner,
as I waited for the return of a party of horse that had gone
out towards the enemy's lines to Stono. . . . Major Jameson
informs me he was within view of the sentries of their pic-
quets posted at the cross roads. . . . He believes there are
not so many at Stono as when they first took post there, that
some of them are returned to John's Island. I have not one
militia man doing duty here. . . . They are patrolling in
their different districts. They declare against going into
town. . . . are afraid of the small pox breaking out when
they are cooped, which they say will be worse to them than
the enemy. . . . The rains have filled our rivere and swamps
so much, that it is alraost impossible for the enemy to drag
their cannon and artillery stores along. I think they cannot
pass this way.' . . . We have a detachment of horse constant
ly waiting on their motions." [^Moultrie to Lincoln!]
" Feb. 23. Major Maham and Capt. Sanders, with a party
of horse, took Capt. McDonald and eight privates yesterday
near their picquet. . . . We are much in want of ammuni
tion — the people about the country have none." \J\Ioultrie to
Lincoln^ "The returns made me this day of the troops under my
command at Bacon's Bridge, were, cavalry of all ranks, 879,
and the infantry under Col. Marion, 227 — totail 606. My

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 79
being so strong in cavalry, kept the enemy pretty close to
their lines." [Moultrie.']
"Feb. 25. Reconnoitered the enemy on James and John's
Islands ; we proceeded to Wappoo Cut, from whence we had
a good view of their whole encampment ; their left on Stono
river, extending their right along the ditch near Wappoo
creek, which I take to be a quarter of a mile : by the stacks
of arms and number of men moving about, I judge them to
be about 1,000 or 1.200 British and Hessians. In Stono
river I saw three galleys, three schooners and some small
boats. . . . One galley lay at the mouth of Wappoo, one at
Fenwicke's lower landing. They have thrown up a work near
' the Cut.' I was informed that 90 flat bottomed boats and
canoes went down Stono, towards ' the Cut,' a few days ago."
[Moultrie to Lincoln.]
" Feb. 26. There are, as yet, no militia at this post. They
refuse to go into the town on account of the small pox. I
most earnestly request you will order me some ammunition ;
as not only the militia want it, but Major Vernier reports
to me that he has not more than four rounds to a man."
[Moultrie to Lincoln.]
" Feb. 28. The eneray are opening the ground near Fort
Johnson. I expect our ships will disturb them before night."
[Lincoln to Moultrie.]
"Feb. 29. Our garrison is at present so weak that I shall
be obliged to send for the light troops the moment that you
have a hundred or two of the militia to join you." [Lincoln
to Moultrie.]
"^ 1st March. Gen. Moultrie writes that the enemy are pre
paring to withdraw frora Stono, and collect their principal
force on James Island. This I can hardly persuade myself to
believe ; neither can I account for their'conduct hitherto, on
any other principle than that which I mentioned before you
h(t town." [Col. John Laurens.]
" lst March. Bacon's Bridge. The enemy have crossed
Wappoo, and are approaching this way. Our horse are re
treating towards us." [Philip^Neyle to Lincoln]
"4th March. Charleston. Last night we were alarmed
by a fire in Tradd street. The troops turned out with great
alacrity, and the fire was soon extinguished. It is said the

80 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
enemy are erecting a bomb tattery. One of these nights, I
suppose, they will give us a salute." [John Lewis Gervais^
" 4th March. Charleston. At half after six this morning,
one of the enemy's frigates sailed close in with the ship's
channel, and fired, at long intervals, about ten shot at one of
our galleys stationed in that quarter, but as she fired at
extreme range and without probabihty of effect, the American
officer did not condescend to return the comphment. The
brigs Notre Dame and Gen. Lincoln lie nearer in shore to
support the galley, and co-operate with her in preventing the
enemy's boats from sounding. After the frigate had passed,
a 50 gun ship, preceded by a pilot boat, ranged the bar in the
same manner, but did not fire. The enemy's ships then
spoke each other, and stood for Stono. The fatigue men at
Fort Johnson are now employed in transporting logs and
plank from the ruins to a spot two or three hundred yards in
the rear. A ship, a brig, and a fleet of small craft, such as
schooners, entered Stono the 2d instant. They probably
were charged with provisions and stores. Mr. Timothy says
he cannot discern whether the enemy's three galleys are in
Wappoo Cut. Our Loree officers say they are. A deserter
from the 7th British regiment, who left the post at Stono
three days since, says that the enemy's principal force is on
James Island — that two brigades, consisting of the 7th, 23d,
33d, and the Hessian Jagere, remain on John's Island — that
there are no more than 40 men in each redoubt at Stono —
that great discontent prevailed in his regiment, and he thinks
there will be great desertions, whenever they are less encircled
with wet ditches. Last night, a httle before 10 o'clock, a fire
broke out in an old workshop in Mr. Warham's yard, Tradd
street. R raged furiously for a short time, but was happily
extinguisTied and prevented from spreading, by the activity of
the Charleston militia. It was an inexpressible satisfaction to
me, to see the troops pai-aded at their alarm posts, with so
much rapidity and order. The North-Carolina militia brigade,
which I had an opportunity particularly of seeing at the com
mencement of the alarm, as I was ordered to conduct one-
half of them to supply the place of the town militia on the
lines, paraded and marched in full numbere vsdth an alacrity
which at once astonished and dehghted me. Gen. Hogan's

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 81
continentals discovered the alertness and steadiness of vete
rans, and seemed to rejoice that they had arrived in the nick
of time. The troops generally regarded the conflagration as
the effect of design, and expected a serious attack. A scat
tering fire of musketry from a few inexperienced sentinels,
and a few shot from the Queen of France, which probably
were directed at spectators on the James Island shore, con
firmed them for a time in this opinion. However, the fire,
which appears to have been accidental, was happily subdued ;
and our troops, after remaining a proper time in order of bat
tle at their alarm posts, were ordered to quarters. The Queen
of France illuminated fore and aft her gun deck, and, prepared
for action, presented a very pretty spectacle on the water. Our
fatigue parties are employed in completing the horn work, in
erecting some new batteries on the south-west face of the
town, and in taking oft' the surface of the marsh, for a proper
width, from right to left on that front. Boats with a proper
foundation of earth and bricks a-midships, for tar barrels, &c.,
are anchored at a proper distance from the shore and each
other ; h iving combustibles on board to be fired at the
enemy's approach in a dark night. Every individual seems
to be inspired with confidence by the preparations which are
making for our defence, and this contributes greatly to suc
cess." [Col. John Laurens.]
" March 7. Bacon's Bridge. By accounts from Major
Vernier and a prisoner taken this morning, the enemy crossed
Wappoo last night at 8 o'clock, with 1,000 grenadiers and
light infantry. The last accounts we have of them, they
were about three miles from Ashley Ferry." [Philip Neyle to
Lincoln.] " March 8 and 9. Seven vessels were sunk near the mouth
of Cooper river, and cables fixed from one to the other, to
prevent the entrance of this river." [Le Brahm.]
"March 10. We had gathered a number of cattle about
Ashley river, some say 500 head, four or five days ago ; the
enemy heard of it, crossed Wappoo with about one thousand
men, took most of the cattle, the drivers, and five or six
militia men. They were at Mr. Legg's, at the ferry house,
and surprised Thomas Farr and Mr. Loyd at breakfast, and
carried them off with Farr's son, a little boy. It is said they

82 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
made Mr. Farr drive the cattle, saying, ' keep up, Mr. Speaker.'
Mr. Abraham Ladson was also taken prisoner. . . . The gal-
lies and vessels of force that lay in Ashley river, are gone this
morning to reinforce the Commodore near Fort Moultrie.
The wind is westerly and the tide low. The river is bare of
armed vessels now. Our works are more perfect. We are
now working on ' the Bay.' We hear nothing of the Virginia
Line  Col. Thomson is forming a camp near Orange
burg, to put a stop to plunderers. . . . When the enemy
retreated with their booty, (the cattle,) our horse took eight
prisoners." [J. L. Gervais.]
Our next extract is from a letter of Peter Timothy, the
editor of the Whig newspaper in Charleston at the time.
His observations were usually made from the steeple of St.
Michael's. He writes to Henry Laurens, and just as he sees.
" 10th March. The 7 men-of-war ofl the bar have not
moved. The springs (tides) are over. The ship on the bar,
(very small,) a small sloop and galley remain there. . . The
enemy laid buoys and erected landmarks yesterday afternoon.
... A frigate and a 20 (g"un) have chased a brig to-day —
but she is of their kidney. ... A two decker is coming up
from Stono. . . . Another still lies at anchor there. ... A
fleet is come out of North Edisto. I reckon 20 sail, all square
rigged and large. There may be more. All our armed ves
sels are collecting in the road. . . . The enemy have no can
non yet mounted on their new works. ... A galley and a
brig are going down channel to see after the buoys, &c. . . .
Head-quarters are at Hutson's. About 20 sail of vessels are
there. A schooner is come to the fleet from Stono. . . . Be
sides the men-of-war off the bar, there are three large tran
sports which have lightened the respective two deckers to
which they were assigned. . . . Believe some land forces will
go on board our armed ships."
Our armed vessels consisted of the Bricole, 44, the Provi
dence and Boston, each of 32 guns, the Queen of France, 38,
L'A\enture and Truite, each 26, Ranger and "brig Lincoln,

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 88
each of 20, and the Notre Dame of 16. They were com
manded by Commodore Whipple.
" 10th March. I was on board the ' Providence' yesterday,
where I was posted with a few marines, as the enemy were
making dispositions with their fleet for passing the bar. Ten
sail anchored the day before yesterday in a position for em
bracing the first favourable opportunity to enter. Three
appear to be two deckers. According to Mr. Timothy, they
had their yards d pic, and three transports were employed in
lightening them. The rest were frigates. Yesterday the
wind was favourable for entering. The sea was very placid,
and upon a signal given, the whole unmoored and came to
sail ; but, whether the wind was too light, or they did not
choose to . venture, as the height of the springs (tides) was
past, I can't determine, but they came-to, after a Httle manoeuv
ring. They had, in the meantime, found means to estabhsh
a large white buoy on the bar. The galky was towing down
to interrupt them — the boats of the fleet, (American,) a gun
boat, &c., were ordered down to cut away all clear ; but a
reinforcement of two galleys and a large ship appeared from
the southward, and all the boats of the enemy's fleet seemed
to be in motion. Evening came on and put an end to further
operations. Our Commodore (Whipple) will now have a
reinforcement of ships and galleys, as the enemy's present
design seems to be to penetrate by the harbour. This morn
ing the wind is -w^esterly, and I think there is but little pros
pect of the enemy's getting over the bar. If they do, they
will probably meet with a second edition of Sir Peter Parker's
adventures, with large additions and improvements. I am
bound to mv station, and am obliged to scribble in the great
est hurry. Col. Gervais will inform you of the enemy's forag
ing party and the capture of our speaker." [Col. John Lau
rens^ " 1 1th March. Heard cannon all this day, as we rid along
the road, which makes us impatient. [Heard] that Gen.
Moultrie, who commanded the horse at Bacon's Bridge, was
taken sick, and Gen. Huger sent to' take command in his
room. It consisted of Bland's, Baylie's, Pulaski's and Horry's

84 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
corps, with some volunteers — altogether about 250. Came
to Charleston in the evening, and put up at Mrs. Minis's,
though disagreeable on account of some British persons quar
tered at her house. Hogan's brigade arrived in town 3d
inst." [Journal of Oen. Mcintosh, cfec]
The complaint fi'om which Moultrie suffered, was the
gout — a not unmilitary disorder, since it never suffers a sol
dier to run.
" 1 2th March. Found the enemy had possession of James
Island, since the latter end of February, and were now erect
ing a work upon Bunker Hill, behind Fort Johnson. We
saw their fleet, transports, store-ships, merchantmen, &c., in
Stono river, Wappoo Cut, fi'om Ferguson's house, in Tradd
street; and some men-of-war over the bar. Our horee skir
mished near Ashley Ferey." [McIntosKs Journal^
Tarleton writes :
" The army immediately took possession of John's Island
and Stono Ferry. James Island, Perronneau's landing, Wap
poo Cut, and other adjacent places were soon after obtained ;
and by a bridge thrown over the canal, the necessary com
munications were secured, and the advanced part of the
King's army occupied the bank of Ashley river, opposite to
Charleston." " 13th March. The enemy took possession of the land on
Ashley river opposite the town, constructed a battery near the
mouth of Wappoo, on the prolongation of Tradd street."
[Be Brahm.]
" 1 3th March. The enemy burnt Fenwicke's house on
Wappoo Neck, (made a pest house for the small-pox,) and
erected a battery of three or four (six) heavy cannon — dis
tance  yards from the town. I was ordered to take
the command of the South-Carolina country mihtia." [Mc
intosh.] " 1 3th March. Yesterday morning presented to our view
an astonishing instance of the enemy's industry and labour,
in a battery with five embrazures at the western point of
Wappoo, close by Fenwicke's landing, which in no shape
could be said to exist at sunset the preceding evening. A

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 85
galley stationed there discovered them a little after sunrise,
and by firing sorae ineffectual shot hastened the mounting of
a brass 32 pounder. The Notre Dame and Batard (?) galley
soon after came up the river. The latter fired several shots,
and had them returned, and with the same effect — which is
none. Our Lady (Notre Dame) however, fared worse ; four
shot being fired at her, one of which riddled her in the fore-
chains, which occasioned her to cut and run. All our vessels
are since come down. The Queen of France and Truite had
been three days before sent down to the road to strengthen
the line of battle. The enemy's shipping are anchored close
to the ship channel. One of the two deckers is getting her
guns taken out ; so that, in all probability, we shall have it
hot enough next springs, (tides,) which begin on Friday or
Saturday." [Thomas Wells, Jun., to Henry Laurens^
We extract from a journal of Timothy, comprised in a
letter to Henry Laurens.
" 13th March. In my last I acquainted you that I saw a
fleet of transports coming out of Edisto. The same day 19
ships and 1 brig of that fleet entered Stono, (without troops,)
most of which are now behind Hutson's house. Two other
ships, with a brig, a schooner, and a sloop of the same fleet,
came to the fleet off our bar. Yesterday, 4 more ships came
out of Edisto, 3 of which anchored off Stono, aud the 4th
came off' the bar ; where the fleet now consists of 3 two
deckers, 2 frigates, 2 20 gun ships, the Germaine, a galley, a
small sloop, aud six transport-cats, which serve as lighters to
the two deckers. At Hutson's there are 35 sail, of which 15
are ships and 4 brigs. Besides, there must be about 15 other
square-rigged vessels in different parts of Stono river. Fri
day, (as I suspected, the day before, the movement of a body,)
about noon, a considerable number of the enemy appeared
at Lining's plantation at Wappoo. In the afternoon they
had a camp all the way from the back of Hervey's. Sunday
morning, by daylight, they had a battery at Wappoo, with
six embrazures facing our westward works. By 7 o'clock,
they had a heavy cannon mounted. The Lee and Bretigny
gallies being placed- in that quarter the day before, they fired
upon the work, but it was wasting ammunition. By the 11th,

86 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
the Notre Dame having got up also, the enemy fired at her —
the fourth shot hit and went through her ; the 3d fell into
the marsh, between Cumming's and the hospital, was taken
up, and weighed 32 lbs. The 5th fell near the sugar house.
The Notre l3ame was obliged to remove ; the galleys followed
in the afternoon, and one of them was fired at. This was yes
terday afternoon, 4 o'clock. Immediately after, upwards of
200 pioneers went to work, uncovered, completed that face of
the battery, and an entrenchment northerly of it. They also
laid abbatis round the lines at Hutson's. This afternoon, the
generals, &c., visited the battery (Sir Henry there.) This
morning (13th) I saw them relieve their guards, when 100
marched away towards Hervey's. At 9, 250 went from the
battery on fatigue duty ; they have been all day employed in
fetching pickets at some distance, with which they are enclos
ing the back of the battery. They are giving it extension by
a face to the creek. (They began to work as soon as our
gallies came off yesterday.) There has been a grand caval
cade of generals, &c., at Wappoo. They staid some hours
on the end of the wharf, till a cutter came down, surveyed
and sounded tbe mouth, and found it unobstructed, when
they all went off with an appearance of satisfaction which
their countenances did not indicate before. James Simpson,
Esq., was among them (?)." [Timothy.]
" 14th March. The British fleet has probably renounced
the idea of passing the bar till the next spring tides. They
continue in their stations. The enemy's operations on the
land side plainly indicate their intention to carry on a siege
in form. In the course of the night of the eleventh, they
erected a battery with six embrazures, near the mouth of
Wappoo Cut, and mounted a twenty-four pounder the next
day. They fired it, to try the range, and the shot dropt at
the edge of the bank at Cumming's Point. Our galhes inter
rupted their work on the 12th, by firing now and then. The
Notre Dame, by a mistake of orders, and ignorant of her
danger, sailed up Ashley river, and anchored directly opposite
to the battery. The eneray fired several well-directed shot at
her — the last struck her upper works, but luckily did no ma
terial damage, and missed the crew. Upon this, the captain
took the hint to change his station. The enemy's transports

SOUTH-OAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 87
from North Edisto are all anchored in Stono river. Sir
Henry Clinton's plan seems to be to establish his place of
arms and magazines at Wappoo, and either force the passes
of Ashley river, or avoid them by making a circuitous march
by way of or above Bacon's Bridge. We continue to strength
en our works and prepare for his approaches. The garrison
of Fort Moultrie and a number of negroes are employed in
improving that post, and the Commodore is contriving an
obstacle which will delay the passage of the enemy's ships,
and subject them to such a cross fire as I hope they will not
survive." [Col. John Laurens^
" 14th March. The enemy erected another battery of two
heavy cannon, south side of Ashley river, about Hervey's,
above the other, and a bomb battery upon a rising ground
between the two gun batteries. The latter never played."
[Mcintosh.] " 15th March. A colonel's command, kept for some time
at Ashley ferry, this side, were withdrawn this day, and
marched down to Gibbs's, about one and a half miles from
our Unes, where we had a picquet before. Only 25 men, for
a look out, left at the ferry," [Mcintosh.]
" 16th March. The Ught infantry of Hogan's brigade
ordered to relieve the command at Gibbs's. Twelve sail of
shipping seen off the bar," [Mcintosh.]
"1 7th March. My family, servants, -horses, &c., were
moved yesterday to new quarters, Mr. Lowndes's house, where
Gen. Hogan lodged, near Ferguson's ; and early this morning
went to it myself" [Mcintosh.]
" 18th March. The enemy's ships off the bar disappeared —
being stormy last night." [Mcintosh.]
" 18th March. Charleston. I am happy to say that to
this day we may still convey letters to you. The enemy
have made but little progress since you left us. They are
still fortifying themselves at James Island, They have with
drawn their post at Stono, and levelled their works at that
place. Our horse keeps still at or near Bacon's Bridge. Their
fleet is still off the bar, waiting, I suppose, for the spring tide
to-morrow or next day. This day has been rainy, and this
evening the wind is inclined to north-west; but should they
come in, I still tliink chances are in our favour. Their fleet

88 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION,
consists of the Raisonable, of 64 guns, (which they don't
mean to bring in,) the Renown, of 50 ; the Roebuck, of 44 ;
Captain Hammond and Admiral Arbuthnot on board the
Blonde of 32 ; the Perseus of 28, and another of 20. It is
said the Raleigh joined them yesterday. Now, I think our
vessels, supported by Fort Moultrie, are more than equal. We
have the two continental vessels, the Truite, the Bricole and
the Adventure, besides four gallies ; for they have all left
Ashley river, which is defended by two batteries at Coming's
Point, one of which mounts three 26 pounders and 4 eigh-
teens. Yesterday, the enemy were at work near Old Town,
and we at Coming's Point, The forts upon the bay are
nearly finished. Col. Cambray goes on briskly at Fort Moul
trie making a glacis, A few militia are coming in. Col.
Garden brought in 100 two days ago. But the enemy have
crossed a body of three or fotu- hundred men from Georgia,
at the Two Sisters, and some horse from Port Royal, which,
it is said, are at Sheldon, I suppose they are three regiments
of new levies which were left at Ebenezer. The 7th inst.,
Gen, Williamson was encamped near Augusta, With the
Georgia militia, he may have some 7 or 800 men. After he
hears of the enemy's movement from Ebenezer, I make no
doubt he will mOve after them. The tories are partly routed.
Several have been brought to gaol. Yesterday, their Col.
Anderson was brought in by one Captain Richards, who took
him near the Salkehatchie, with four of my negroes. They
are all six now in the hands of our friends. Col. Pickens has
been down with a party of horse scouring the country. Bal-
entine, who attempted to go over to the eneray, was hanged
last Thursday. Andereon, I expect, will follow. A special
court is appointed for the trial. We are still hoping for the
Virginia Une, Sometimes they are near, sometimes at a dis
tance. As for General Scott, I believe he never will come."
[J Lewis Gervais to IT. Laurens.]
"19th March, The enemy's ships appeared again off the
bar, being fine weather," [Mcintosh.]
" 20th March, This morning, the enemy's ships (seven of
them) got over our bar, and are now in Five Fathom Hole,
Perhaps they may begin their attack to-morrow, I hope we
shall give a good account of them. The enemy (land forces)

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION, 89
still remain at Wappoo. We hear they are to march to
day this way," [Moultrie.]
" 20th March. This morning, the enemy's shipping (men-
of-war) came over the bar. Eight, from 20 to 50 guns,"
[Mcintosh.] " 20th March. The crisis of our fate approaches pretty
near  This morning, soon after five, signals were
made. At six, the admiral's flag was shifted to the Raison
able, and all the men-of-war, except the now admiral's ship,
loosed their topsails. They were all under way in five min
utes ; and at half past seven every one safe anchored within
the bar, without meeting the least accident. Since that, five
of the transports, which have the heavy ship's cannon on board,
and an armed brig, are come in, and some of the lighters are
alongside of the Renown and Roebuck. After these, another
frigate came in from sea, and anchored near the admiral.
These, too, I suppose, will come in with to-morrow morning's
tide. I am sorry that the buoys and landmarks were not cut
away when in our power. I am sony, also, that our opposi
tion was not made at the entrance of the bay, where the large
ships entered divested of our (their) guns. I dare say, i-f a
French fleet should appear off our bar, the English would
make [at this point] their principal opposition. But I be
lieve it is not the lot of many naval officers to alter any plan
they have formed, to adapt it to occasional circumstances !"
[Peter Timothy.]
The hit here was at Commodore Whipple, who seems to
have been entirely incompetent to the occasion,
" 21st March. The English fleet passed the bar, and an
chored in Five Fathom Hole." [Pe Brahm.]
" Our ships, the Providence of 30, the Boston 32, the
Queen of France 1 8, the Ranger 20 guns, continentals ; with
 24, the Polacre — guns, French, and the Bricole, (a
state ship of 28 guns,) were stationed near Fort Moultrie with
two armed brigs, to intercept the British fleet there ; but this
day were ordered, and came up to Charlestown, in order to
take their guns and sailors for our batteries, as also the gal
lies, and to sink some of them in the channel of Cooper river,
before the town," [Mcintosh.] ¦

90 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
" 21st March. The enemy have got in ten of their men-of-
war, one of 52, two of 44, and seven frigates and 20 gun-
ships. We have seven ships and three galleys to oppose
them. If they will lay any time before the fort, I will engage
we beat them." [Moulti-ie.]
" 22d March. Very busy landing the cannon, &c., from
the shipping, making traverses, &c. Fine weather." [Mc
intosh.] " 22d March AD our ships and gallies are ordered up to
town, their guns taken out, placed in the batteries, and man
ned by the sailors ; by which means we have a reinforcement
on shore of 1,200 men, which adds greatly to our strength.
We are to sink some ships, to stop the channel from the Ex
change over to the marsh. . , , Commodore Whipple
did not choose to risk an engagement with the British fleet,
I think he was right in the first instance, when stationed just
within the bar to prevent the British fleet frora coraing over,
as that was a dangerous place ; but his second position, when
he was to lay a little above Fort Moultrie, within point blank
shot of the fort, with his ships across to rake the channel — in
that situation it would have been impossible for them to pass
without losing some of their ships, I scarcely think they
would have attempted it." [Moultrie.]
Our next quotation, of the same date with the preceding, is
from an anonymous correspondent. His letters appear, un
signed, among the manuscripts of Henry Laurens. We de
tach only such portions as relate to the facts before us,
" On 22d March, Monday, the enemy got all their shipping
over the bar, and this evening we expect they will pass Fort
Moultrie, and make a very heavy attack upon the town in con
junction with their land forces from James Island, Yesterday
our four continental frigates, with some armed vessels belong
ing to this State, (having had previously their station under
the guns of Fort Moultrie) came up to town, in order, it is
said, to place their guns and raen in the batteries on the Bay,
having discovered that they could not possibly withstand the
eneray's naval force. The acquisition of their guns and men
will be very great. I apprehend our ships will retreat up

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 91
Cooper river. Our troops are in high spirits, but the great
misfortune is that we have too few of them. The Virginia
Line, which we have so long expected, have not yet made
their appearance, and I am much afraid they will come too
late. Col. John Laurens, who, while our ships lay at Sulli
van's Island, had the command ofthe marines, is now station
ed with his men iu a battery near Fort Moultrie, where he is
deterrained to give the British troops the first salute, and
where I expect to join him to-morrow as a volunteer. As
soon as the enemy passes the fort we shall proceed up to town,
as the principal and only opposition will be raade here, there
being no retreat for us if the enemy should succeed." [Anony
mous.] "March 22d. Charleston. You guessed right. The ship
ping of the eneray got over the bar on Monday morning in
part, and in the evening the remainder; one of them a 64 gun
ship. This was not expected. It is a little surprising that we
should have been in possession of this country a century, and
at this day only know that a vessel of such a draft of water
could corae in, after destroying the beacons and blackening
the church.* This success of the enemy made it necessary to
adopt different plans. The shipping have left their station
near Fort Moultrie, and is come to town yesterday evening.
The guns are taking out to be placed in the batteries, to be
worked by the seamen ; this gives us an addition of eleven or
twelve hundred men. Several hundreds of the North-Caro
linian's time is out in three or four days. Propositions have
been made to them of a large bounty, and the greater part
have agreed to stay three months longer. A battery is erect
ing near Liberty Tree, at the old Indian fort, which will com
mand Town Creek, and it is said the Bricole is to be sunk in
it — if the enemy leaves us time to do it. Traverses are ma
king to cover our lines frora the fire of the shipping. In a
few days, perhaps to-morrow raorning, the matter will be very
serious. Fort Moultrie, if they stop there, I ma.ke no doubt
* St. Michael's steeple, which had been always employed as a bea
con. It was blackened when the British fleet appeared, but the Bri
tish alleged that the black made it more conspicuous thaa ever as a
beacon.

92 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
will make a vaUant defence. Col. Laurens, I am told, came
up last night, and is gone to Fort Moultrie this morning."
[John Lewis Gervais^
" 23d March. The same as yesterday, at work ; and the
enemy busy at their works, south side Ashley river. Very
cold, windy, rainy, and stormy, Gallies came through Wap
poo Cut. One sub,, one serjeant, one corporal, aud twenty-
five privates, ordered to reheve Ashley ferry, last time,"
[Mcintosh^. "About the middle of March," says Tarleton, "Gen, Pat
terson crossed the Savannah river, and on his march towards
the Combahee, through swamps and difficult passes, had fre
quent skirmishes with the militia of the country,"
" 23d March, In the afternoon (Tuesday) the shipping
came up to town. Col. Laurens on board, for the purpose, as
is said, of placing their men and guns in the batteries ; and in
the evening Col, Ternant arrived  Col. Ternant
seems to be of opinion that, if we are tolerably active, the en
emy will find it a very tedious affair to subdue this town."
[Moses Young to H. Laurens.]
Col. Ternant had been despatched to Havana with the hope
of obtaining assistance for the defence of Charleston. We
have before us a copy of his letter to Lincoln, informing him
of the cause which rendered his mission fruitless. It is dated
March 23, 1780,
" 23d March, General LilUngton, with his North Carolina
militia, all went home, except about one hundred and seventy
volunteers of them, who agreed to stay under the command
of Col. Lytle, Major Habersham appointed their major.
Cold, clear weather." [Mcintosh.]
"24th March. Charleston. The absolute impracticability
of our shipping being adequate to the defence of the channel
between Sullivan's and Morris's Islands, has produced a rein
forcement of 150 pieces of artillery, and 1,100 seamen to the
garrison. With these additions, we are at least 4,500 strong
exclusive of negro labourers and assistants to the artillery,
which make full 1,000 more. About 500 of these may be at

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION, 93
Fort Moultrie. Allowing that three or four hundred of the
North-Carolina militia should go, I am very confident our
force will considerably exceed 4,000. The Unes of Savannah
were not so strong, and pretty nearly as extensive as ours, and
we have fully double their number to defend our works. We
have in to-wn about 250 pieces of artillery, of different bores,
and abundance of ammunition. Should that run scai'ce, the
enemy will, in some degree, assist us with theirs. That is to
say we can return thera. We have a prospect of a reinforce
ment of 1,200 veterans of the Virginia Line being here in ten
days, who, even if we should at that time be blockaded, may
as effectually assist us as if they were within the Unes, These
considerations give ample room for expectations of a glorious
and successful defence, , . , In a situation Uke ours, we
are apt to form conjectures of future operations on the part of
the enemy. Take the trouble, then, to attend to some of
mine. Their force on the south of Ashley river I apprehend
is about 5,000 men. The corps under the command of Brig
adier-General Patterson, from Georgia, consists of the 7 1st, a
battalion of Hessiatis, the South-Carolina, North-Carolina, and
Georgia loyalists, perhaps amounting in the whole to 1,000
or 1,200 raen. We will estimate their whole effective land
force at 6,000 men. Their shipping inside of our bar is the
Renown 50, Roebuck 44, Romulus 44, Blonde 36, Raleigh
32, three other frigates of 28, with the Camilla and Perseus
20 gun ships. These, with two gallies and some attending
store-ships or transports are just now in Five Fathom Hole,
About forty sail of transports are now in Stono river. Two
gallep, one of them the Congress, taken in Georgia, are nOw
in the mouth of Wappoo Creek, within pistol shot of Ashley
river. The crews of the ten men-of-war and four gallies I
thinkmay be 3,000 raen ; to which you may add a few hun
dred that raay be drawn frora the transports to assist in the
batteries. We will then estiraate their whole efficient num
bers at 9,000. Their works on James Island and the Main
will require all the sailors they can get from the transports
and near 1,000 of their land forces ; 5,000 of the latter are to
be detached for other services. What these are to be, must
claim our attention. Some movements took place yesterday,
and signal guns were fired last night. A party of light infan-

94 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
try were yesterday forenoon at the Church (?) Bridge, a little
below Ashley Ferry ; two or three gallies or gun boats from
Georgia, were (perhaps now are) at Jackson borough, doubt
less with a view to facilitate the corps under Patterson in
crossing. The detachment from the main body may be to
reinforce the corps at Bacon's Bridge ; thence to proceed on
' the Neck,' or, as they have most of their horse in that corps,
to forage the country. The latter appears to me raost prob
able ; they are full as averee to hunger (?) as we are, and this
is certainly the best as well as the safest game they can play.
Our horse are, indeed, thereabouts, but nothing more can be
expected frora them than obliging the enemy to keep pretty
close together. The gallies remaining so open to our view,
appears to me calculated to excite a jealousy in us for our left
flank, and to draw off our attention from some very different
manoeuvres. The passage from James Island to HaddriU's
Point is now entirely open. Boats are said to be collected
behind Fort Johnson. The first southern or S. E. wind will
bring such of their shipping as they may choose past Fort
Moultrie. Under their protection, (though, indeed, it is not
required, yet their apprehensions may suggest otherwise,) the'
passage of 2,000 men may be effected, and those of Patterson,
'by a circuit of forty miles from Dorchester, may join them.
The town will then have only one avenue, and that a hazard
ous one, and Fort Moultrie will be entirely blockaded. In
deed, I am almost fully convinced that something Uke what I
have now suggested is their plan of operations," [John Wells,
Jun]
"24th March, Charleston, 12 o'clock, (midnight.) I be
lieve it was on Wednesday raorning that I wrote to you last.
The position of the English fleet the day before underwent
very Uttle alteration that day. Our armed vessels that were
ordered up, in consequence of the 64 gun ship having got
over the bar, did not all get up ; no less than four of them
got ashore ! Till ten o'clock that day, I never saw a British
soldier at either of the Horry's, but now they appeared in
plenty at both. In the course of the day they began and fin
ished a redoubt, near Lining's Landing, and began another at
Elias Horry's landing, called Old Town, This day reckoned
the shipping as high as Hutson's house, and they amounted to

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 95
57, near 40 of them ships. The Bricole and all our gallies'
cannon were landed to be mounted in town. Advice was re
ceived that fifty of our militia were surprised in a tavern near
Salkehatchie Bridge ; some were shot, some bayoneted, some
are missing, and the enemy got fifteen horses. Report was
also received that Cornet Hart and his brother, of Horry's
light horse, being out with a party, and meeting with some of
the enemy, rode off to them, Thursday, 23rf March. The
64 gun ship, in the morning early, cast off her lighter, and
swayed up her main yard, 9 o'clock, a number of tents are
taken out of T, Horry's and carried beyond E. Horry's house.
The redoubt, begun at the latter's landing last night, was com
pleted by 10 this morning; half past 10, Lord Cornwallis and
a Hessian general, with the usual attendants, with spy glasses,
&c., viewed the several works and seemed to pay particular
attention to Gibbes's place next to Williams's; 15 wagons, 10
without bodies, I suppose to carry boats, went from Lining's
to the brick yard landing, but I could never perceive their re
turn. A ship and a brig came in to the fleet this day, and a
Providence man-of-war yesterday  4 P.M. The
two British galUes in Wappoo came down to the mouth of
that creek before the battery there. One of them mounts 4
guns in the waist, 2 in the prow, and 1 in the stern ; the other
(the largest) has two prow guns, 1 in the stern, and only two
small ones in her waist. I expected they would have slipped
up Ashley river in the night, where they might have covered
the landing on this side, at what place they pleased ; but they
had not moved this morning. This day the continental frigate
landed thirty guns, and we shall also have the use of her sea
men. Other vessels are unrigging, &c., to be made a proper
use of from the market wharf across to the marsh. Friday,
2ith March. This morning the North-CaroUna militia laid
down their arms ! their time being expired, and several of our
speculators, who have amassed thousands, are very much in
disposed.* It has been very foggy at sea all day. I had only
one view of the fleet at eight in the morning, and shall subjoin
their position, which was not altered this evening. Their gal-
* The imputation here is, that they feigned sickness, in order to be
sent out of the city with their treasures. — Ed.

96 SOUTH-OAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION,
lies lie where they were last night, I don't know of a signal
the adrairal has raade. It not being foggy on the land side,
observed the enemy bringing down and laying hurdles often
or twelve feet in length, and two or three feet narrower (less
in breadth) upon the marsh at Lining's landing and causeway,
to pass over to a point of Horry's land, whence the enemy are
supposed to intend to cross to Gibbes's place. Several boats
full of soldiers, and sorae bulky articles, carae down from
Wappoo to the brick yard landing, from whence tl^ soldiers
marched to Lining's, Many tories* have been down to-day
to view the batteries erected at Wappoo and this town.
Reckoned the vessels again to-day, as high as Hutson's house
in Stono river, and thev amounted to 67, besides several down
the river." [P. Timothy.]
" 25th March, Our armed vessels before Fort Moultrie, re
turned to town ; their cannon were transplanted into the land
batteries." [PeBrahm.]
" 25th March. Fired at the eneray's galUes in Wappoo
Creek from our batteries. There were three of them seen.
Cold, clear weather." [Mcintosh.]
" 25th March. I have to acquaint you that a third galley
(which got through ' the Cut' yesterday,) joined the two
othere to day, which were before at the entrance of Wappoo
Creek. That the one which was with the fleet left them this
morning, and went into Stono this evening. That two more
large frigates, yellow sides, having 26 guns in their batteries,
and the famous Galatea, of 20 guns, having arrived off this bar
and anchored there, together with an arraed sloop of 10 guns,
and 3 large transports, all of which, I suppose, will come in
tomorrow. That the gaUies' boats have this afternoon been
employed in sounding, and have come quite into Ashley river,
were fired at from Cumming's Point Battery. That the en
emy have done nothing to-day on the land side that I could
discover, but increase the number of piles of hurdles at Lining's
causeway, to that of the United American States (13,) and col
lect boards and plank at E. Horry's barn, Old Town landing.
That I have reckoned the enemy's shipping again to-day,
t Distinguished by their costume from the British and Hessian line
forces.

SOUTH-OAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 97
wherever in view, and find their number araounts to 121, viz ;
in Stono river, back of Hutson's house, 73 ; lower down that
river, 6 ; just within the entrance, gone thitherto-day, 1 gal
ley, 3 sloops, (the Providence-man, one that came in this
morning, and one that joined thera in going,) 4 ; in Wappoo
Creek, just at the entrance into Ashley river, 3 gallies, 1
schooner, 4 ; at the brick yard landing, in said creek, 2
schooners ; within and off the bar, 32 ; total, 121. Of which,
the vessels of war are (reckoning only their batteries) — 1 of
50 guns ; (the ship all along taken for a 64, fiom the dispro
portion in her size to that of the 44's. Captain Engs, who
has seen her, says it is the Renown, which is remarkably
large.) 2 of 44; frigates of 26, generally called 32 ; 4 20
gun ships ; the Gerraaine, of 16 or 18 small guns; 2 brigs,
one of 16, the other, 1 believe, the Keppel, of like force, came
in to-day; 1 armed sloop, of 10, also arrived to-day ; 4 gal
Ues, 1 ¦ of 7, 1 of 5, 1 of 4, and 1 of 1 1 guns. One of our
vessels, the Notre Dame, has been sunk this evening ; the
other vessels are not yet ready. They are the Bricole, the
Truite, the Queen of France, the ships James and Thomas,
We generally begin things too late, or are too long about
them. I" [Timothy.]
" 25th March. We have made traverses to the right of
our lines, and a battery of six guns is finished near Liberty
Tree, which commands Town Creek. To-day we have begun
a battery near Coramin's Creek, which will command a
point of land at Cannon's (?) place. Since the continental
vessels are come up and the guns taken out and placed in our
batteries, we are certainly strong — particularly as the seamen
will be sufficient to man the different batteries, and the troops
will be all employed for the defence of the Unes. But, un
luckily, many of the North-CaroUna militia's times expired
yesterday. We offered a bounty of 300 dollars and a suit of
clothes to those who will continue for 3 months longer. It is
said two or three hundred have engaged to remain, but the
greater number are going away, which is not to be wondered
at when General Lillington will not stay himself. I think, in
our present situation, it would be justifiable to detain them
till the relief arrived. We have no accounts yet from the
Virginia Line. I am sure the enemy have been very gene-
6

98 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
reus. They have given us time enough. However, I make
no doubt, the first fair wind we shall be at it from all quar
ters," [John Lewis Gervais^
" 25th March. Your' prediction with respect to the en
trance of the British fleet proved exactly true. Their ships
passed the bar without accident or difficulty at the time men
tioned in your letter, and moored safely in Five Fathom Hole,
where they still remain. Whether the pilots have enveloped
the passage of the bar in mystery, to increase their own
importance, or contented themselves with such a knowledge
of it as barely suited their purposes, is uncertain ; but it
appears that their accounts of it hitherto have greatly exag
gerated the difficulties of it, I believe I mentioned to you
that the Commodore had formed his Une of battle between
Fort Moultrie and the middle grounds ; and that he was
forming an obstruction in the narrowest part of the channel
in his front. This, if it had been so effected as to bring up
the leading ships of the enemy, would have thrown the whole
into confusion, and prolonged the duration of a cross fire upon
them which would have been insupportable. Although the
greatest exertions were used by active and intelligent officers
of the navy, the unconquerable elements foiled them. I'he
chain was not stretched and moored so as to be capable of
any resistance, before the enemy's fleet was anchored in Five
Fathom Hole, It then was evident that the British, having
a far superior naval force, would, with a leading wind and
tide, pass the fire of Fort Moultrie, break through our line of
battle, and then come-to immediately, having our ships
between them and the fort. In this_ case, the fire of the latter
became useless. Our ships could not move without faUing
aboard of the enemy, and must, aftei having been bloodily
cannonaded, have fallen a sacrifice. The number of ships
and additional soldiers (who would immediately have entered
into their service) would have been a most important rein
forcement to them. These matters being considered, the
general called a council of war on board the Comraodore ;
the result of which was that the ships should, as soon as
possible, retire from their station near the fort and proceed to
Charlestown — their guns taken out and disposed in different
batteries, to be manned by the sailors under the command of

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 99
their respective officers. The Bricole, the Truite, the Queen
of France, the Notre Dame, and some smaller hulks, to be
sunk across the channel of Cooper river, from the Exchange
Batteiy to Schultz's Folly, which is the narrowest part and
best defended. These several hulks to form points of support
for a boom made of cables and spars, to be stretched across.
I was of opinion, and still am, that an obstruction might be
formed, without sacrificing so many ships — but the gentlemen
of the navy know best. The general, I am in hopes, will
cause a battery to be constructeil on the southern point of
Schultz's Folly — the ground will admit of it, and we still
have time. This, with the boom, and the batteries frora
Broughton's bastion to the Exchange, will exclude the enemy's
ships from Cooper river. As long as this is the case, the
enemy cannot complete their investiture. We have an open
ing to receive succours, refreshments, (fee, and even for retreat,
in case of the last necessity. The Boston, Pro-vidence, Ranger,
and galleys are to lie dismantled by the waUs — their guns
and crews, with those of the other ships, have made our
batteries very ¦ formidable, , , , The engineers have been
working very diUgently on the right of our lines. A very
respectable battery is raised on the foundation of the old In
dian fort at Mazyck's, called Liberty Battery, in honour of the
tree which formerly stood there. Immense traverses, or i-ather
par a dos, (literally back-shields,) are constructed, which
make our militia men feel bold. . . . The wind is westerly,
and the enemy's ships remain in Five Fathom Hole, We
have a ten inch mortar at Fort Moultrie, which, if it does not
destroy, -will at least frighten and disconcert some of them in
their progress. Their army seems to be busied in establish
ing communications and strengthening the position of Wap
poo Neck. Two galleys appear in the creek under cover of
their battery, but no show has yet been made of passing
Ashley river." [Col John Laurens^
We must not lose sight of the pregnant remark of Mr,
- Timothy — " We generally begin things too late, or are too
long about ihem." Undoubtedly the monstrous error was in
not opposing the physical obstructions to the passage of the

100 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION,
enemy's fleet, holding them in check, while the cross fires of
Fort Moultrie and our own shipping had full play upon them'
But, too readily deluded with the idea that the greater vessels
of the British could not effect, and would not even attempt
the entrance, the Comraodore made himself easy until the
whole line of the eneray were within the bar, " It was then
too late to do any thing, but sink the vessels as a chevaux de
frieze, the most wretched use to which they could be put-
Floating masses of timber, linked with chains, and anchored
across the passage, might have been constructed while the
eneray were fixing their buoys. On this subject, Tarleton
writes thus :
" The Americans had a considerable marine force in Charles
ton harbour, from which powerful assistance to their defences
and great destruction to the approach of the British fleet
might be equally apprehended. . . . These, at first, adopted
the plan of disputing the passage up the channel, by mooring
with their gallies at a narrow pass between Sullivan's Island
and the middle ground, in which station they could have
raked the British squadron on its approach to Fort Moultrie ;
but this design was abandoned for a less judicious one. . . ,
Without yielding any assistance to the fortification on Sulli
van's Island, the ships were sunk to block up the passage of
Cooper river," [Tart don's Campaigns^
The reasoning of Col. Laurens is quite correct, when you
once admit the monstrous supineness which left the proper
moment for providing the obstruction of the channel to escape
unemployed. "26th March. The army moved to the front Unes — the
North-Carolina regulars on the right, the Virginia next, then
Lytles' corps and South-Carolina regulars.' General Moultrie
ordered to have the direction of the batteries and artillery."
[Mcintosh^ " 26th March. The enemy are throwing up works at the
mouth of Wappoo, on the north side, and at different places

SOUTH-OABOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION, 101
for about two miles near the bank of the Ashley ; I suppose
to cover their stores, rather than to annoy us from them.
Their grenadiers, light troops, and two or three regiments
are moving up. By our last accounts, they were near Dray
ton Hall. . . . We anxiously wish the arrival of Gen. Wood
ford and the expected reinforcements." [Gen. Lincoln ¦ to
Henry Laurensi]
" 26th March. Nothing important has occurred since I had
the pleasure of writing to you yesterday. The wind has not
enough of easting in it for the purpose of the British fleet,
and it continues in its former station. No report from our
out-posts, from whence we conclude, that matters are in statu
quo on the land side. We have begun to sink the obstruc
tions in Cooper river. The Notre Dame, scuttled near
Schultz's Folly, lies as well as we could possibly wish, and
will make a fine point of support. The reinforcement of sai
lors is an immense acquisition. It is true that they were a
Uttle riotous and disorderly before they were quartered, as
seamen generally regard themselves as licensed on shore ; but
now that they are stationed under the conduct of their own
officers, proper discipline will be maintained, , , , General
Lincoln gives me the command of a handsome battalion of
light infartry. The project of the Janizaries has been fre
quently urged since you departed, and supported by new
arguments arising from our circumstances ; but as the House
of Assembly, in their wisdom, pronounced that it was pre
mature when proposed to them, and that it ought to be
adopted only in the last extremity, the Privy Council, in
their wisdom, declared that the seasonable moment was
passed, and that the plan ought to be renounced altogether.
However, we shall succeed in spite of their languor, and our
independence will be established in spite of the avarice, the
prejudice and the pusillanimity which oppose" [illegible,]
[Col. John Laurens^
" 26th March. The enemy are advancing slowly. The
head of their army is about John Cattel's ; but I imagine
they intend crossing over to Gibbs's place with their main
body They are busily employed on the opposite shore in
making fascines and other things. I suppose it will be a day
or two yet, before they appear before our lines. They have

102 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
their gallies at the mouth of Wappoo Creek, quite open to us."
[Moultrie.] "27th March. A council of general and field officers held
this morning at head-quarters, Tradd-street, for their opinions
upon the propriety of evacuating Fort Moultrie. They were
all of opinion (except Col. Parker's officers) that it should not
be evacuated.
" Note. — This is the first council of war called since I was in
town. Col. Hamilton and Dr. Smith taken by Col, Wash
ington at Stono, The Colonel (Washington) killed some
and sent more of the enemy's prisoners into town. Some
boats went up Ashley river in the night from Wappoo Cut,"
[Mcintosh.] Tarleton writes :
" 27th March. A body of the continental calvary, consist
ing of Washington's and Bland's Ught horse, and Pulaski's
hussars, carried off Lt. Col. Hamilton, of the North-Carolina
Pro-vincial Regiment, with some other prisoners, and owing to
the imprudence of the officer who commanded the advanced
guard of the British dragoons, sent in pursuit, was on the
point of gaining advantage over that corps. The error was
rectified, and the affair ended with equal loss to both parties,"
Tarleton shows himself peculiar in his choice of language
for this affair. Ramsay briefly reports it thus :
"His (Tarleton's) next rencounter was on the 27th, -with
Lt. Col. Washington, at the head of his regular corps of
horse, between the ferry on Ashley river and Rantowle's
bridge on Stono, The Americans had the advantage, took
seven prisoners, and drove back the cavalry of the British
legion ; but, for want of infantry, durst not pursue them,"
" 28th March, The enemy crossed Ashley river in force,
two miles above the ferry, and drove our small pickets, sta
tioned on this side, down." [Mcintosh.]
" 29th March. The English army crossed Ashley river
twelve railes above the town." [De Brahm.]
" 29th March. We are informed to-day that the en^piy,
or at least a picket of them, have crossed Ashley river at
Drayton Hall. This shows that they have found it difficult

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 103
or dangerous to cross it lower ; and will prolong the time
before we are invested ; and, in all probabihty, give time to
the Virginia line to come in. I am told that Col. Laurens is
gone to disjmte the ground with them inch by inch, and
thereby to retard their advances. The wind has been fair for
the shipping these two or three ^ays ; but they lie still at
Five Fathom Hole, no doubt waiting first for the arrival of
their troops on 'the Neck.' But from their past conduct, I
believe it will be a tedious siege. In my opinion, General
CUnton (nor the Admiral) will not risk all upon one die. We
are told our provisions will hold out very well, and I assure
you, our garrison, including the militia, are in high spirits,
and wish to defend the place to the last extremity. Our
works go on spiritedly, although our number of negroes are
diminished. I wish our friends about Georgetown would
send us a reinforcement to work on the fortifications. The
night before last, the garrison was alarmed about 10 o'clock
at night. Some boats came over Ashley river from Old
Town towards Gibbs's place up the path,* but they soon
went back again. I believe it was rather a feint to keep our
forces near town. It is possible they were apprehensive we
should defend the passes above Ashley ferry. At this last
place we had a small post. It is said now that they crossed
at Ashley ferry, Williman's plantation and Drayton Hall,"
[John L. Gervais^
" 30th March. This morning I have heard nothing new.
Last night we have been quiet. I wish we may continue so
three or four days longer, in hopes that the Virginians will
come in that tirae. A party of our horse has taken prisoner
Col. Hamilton of the OaroUna levies, one Doctor and seven
privates at Governor Rutledge's house on the Stono. If they
had come twenty minutes sooner, they would have catched
Sir Henry Clinton. But a few days before that, they had a
little advantage over our raiUtia horse. They killed three,
one Swinton, of St. Paul's Parish, Jos. Smith, a brother to
Mrs. Farr, and one Farrell, overseer to Mr. Bee. Mr. Melli-
champe was dangerously wounded, and they took five or six
* Idiomatic — meaning the main path from the city through the forest
precincts. — Ed.

104 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
prisonere. Capt. Roger Saunders was sent with a flag to
Gen. Patterson, who commanded the troops that came from
Savannah river, said to be about one thousand, who treated
him very rudely. He told him it was unmilitaiy to come in
the rear of his army, and he deserved to be hanged. Saun-
dere replied, he did not think it unmilitary, for he could not
know where his front or his rear was ; that, to be sure, he
(Pattereon) had the power to hang him, but he was not
afraid to be hanged. He then said he must go to head
quarters, where he would be treated better than he deseived.
fie was detained three days. Merlin Wilkinson and another
gentleman went with him under the sanction of the flag. He
(Patterson) said he should detain them, as they were not
mentioned in the flag. Capt. Saunders told him it had been
the custom of the Southern army, on either side, these two
years ; and if it was intended to alter the custom, he should
have firet given notice of it. Howe\-er,-they have detained
them — it isthoughtmostly because they had two fine horses."
" 30th March, The advanced guard of the enemy came
within two miles of Charleston, when a party of 200 men,
iinder Col. Laurens, (and a Uttle while after two field pieces,)
were sent against them, who, after a skirmish of some houre,
returned, towards sunset. The fortificatious of Charleston
were, at this time, very incomplete. All the negroes in town
were impressed, who, together with the parties detailed from
the garrison, were employed upon the works," [Pe Brahm.]
" 30th March. The enemy came down as far as Gibbs's,
from whence thev skirraished with and drove our light infan
trv, who continued skirraishing with them all the day in \'iew
of our Unes, each retreating and advancing alternately in ex
cellent order. Lieut. Col. Laurens, who commanded, was
reinforced in the evening by ^lajor Low and ninety men, with
two field pieces. Our officer and men, stimulated in view of
both armies and many ladies, vied with each other in acts of
firmness and gallantry ; particularly regaining an old breast
work the enemy took possession of in the evening, after our
peojile were retreating regularly to the garrison, A mere
point of honour, without ad\antage! and afterwards left it
about dark, retreating \ery orderly into the garrison. Our
loss — Capt, Bowman killed. Major Hyrne and seven privates

SOUTH-OAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 10 5
wounded. The enemy must have lost many. Their view
seemingly was to draw our men over the river into the woods.
They were all this day ferrying their troops over from Wap
poo Neck to Gibbs's." [Mcintosh.]
" 30th March, Capt. Elphinstone of the navy having sta
tioned the gallies to protect the boats on their passage with
the troops to the Neck, twelve miles above Charleston, the
main body of the forces moved from their ground, embarked
and crossed the river on the 29th of March, without opposi
tion. On the following day. Sir Henry Clinton ordered the
light infantry and yagers, supported % the grenadiers, and
the other corps and regiments, to gain the principal road, and
move on towards the lines of the enemy. A few scattered
parties of the Americans skirmished with the head of the
column, and after wounding the Earl of Caithness, acting
aid-de-camp to the commander-in-chief, and a few private
men, fell back to their fortifications. The royal army, with
out further molestation, took a position across the Neck, about
a mile and a half from Charleston, and effectually invested it
between the rivers Ashley and Cooper." [Tarleton.]
" 3 Ist March. At day break, we observed that the enemy
had opened his trenches." [Pe Brahm.]
" 31st March, The garrison busily employed throwing up
works, mounting cannon, &c., all day. The enemy first
broke ground this night at a considerable distance — say 10 to
1200 yards. Fine weather. Gen. Scott arrived without
troops." [Mcintosh.]
" 31st March. The enemy were upon the Neck about 10
or 12 o'clock yesterday morning. Col. Laurens was at Gibbs's,
and began a skirmish with them, retreating towards the rope
walk. The enemy had a field piece. A reinforcement was
sent to him, and two field pieces, and then he drove the
enemy back out of the little breast-work above Kirkland's,
In the evening he returned to town. Major Hyrne was
wounded, in the beginning of the skirmish, in the face ; the
wound not dangerous. One Capt. Bowman, of the North-
CaroUna troops, was killed in the afternoon with a cannon
ball, and we had seven privates wounded, one only dangerous
ly, through the thigh. We brought off all the wounded and
the body of Captain Bowman, Several of the enemy were
5*

106 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION,
killed. Two of them some of our people stripped. The
wind is westerly this morning. I hope it will continue so the
whole day, I wish some of those brave Virginia veterans
would come in time to reinforce our garrison — we certainly
want a few more men." [John Lewis Gervais.]
" 31st March, The British began to cross Ashley river the
day before yesterday morning, at a mile's distance above the
ferry. The next day they advanced, having boats collected
at the landing place, opposite Gibbs's, for the purpose of
crossing their artillery, &c. My battaUon of Ught infantry
had been posted at the old advanced work near Strickland's,
to watch the motions of the enemy, and prevent too sudden
an approach. As soon as I received notice of their advance,
I went forward with my Major (Hyrne) to reconnoitre them.
We went rather too near, for single horsemen, to the yagers,
who fired from behind trees on each side of the road. The
Major was unfortunately wounded in the cheek, which will
deprive us of the services of a valuable officer during the
siege ; but as the bones are not injured, the surgeon appre
hends no danger. The violence of the blow dismounted him,
and I had barely time to cover his retreat and drive off his
horse. The Hessian seized, the Major's hat, but did not enjoy
the trophy long, being killed in the skirmish which ensued,
and the trophy was recovered. My corps was drawn up in
the rear of the old entrenchment above mentioned, and two
platoons were posted in proper places for checking the pro
gress of their horse, should they advance, and for the security
of our flanks. They advanced a field piece in the road, and
filed off parties of infantry and cavalry to our right and left,
with a view of turning us ; but finding that they were likely
to be exposed, they desisted. The General, (Lincoln,) in the
meantime, informed [me] by Col, Ternant, that it was not his
intention we should engage seriously — that the object of our
beino- advanced was answered — and that he wished me to
withdraw the infantry by degrees. After some scattering fire
between the advance marksmen on each side, I withdrew
the corps by platoons, alternately, to a position near the lines,
and remained there till the afternoon. Having advanced
patrols of marksmen, I had, upon the first appearance of the
British, requested a couple of field pieces ; but as it did not

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION, 107
enter into the General's plan to engage seriously, and as, in
fact, there was no valuable purpose to be answered, he did not
send them at that time," [Col. John Laurens.]
"31st March. Learne4 that Col. Laurens with his light
infantry had a skirmish with the enemy on the Neck. His
party consisted of about 130 men ; was reinforced by Col,
Ternant with 120 more, and drove the enemy, who fired
about a dozen cannon shot, one of which killed Capt. Bow
man, of Gen. Hogan's brigade. We had six men wounded
in the affair, besides Major Hyrne, who fell from his horse,
and left his hat on the field. This was afterwards taken from
the head of a dead yager, when the enemy retreated. Col,
Laurens did not return any cannon shot," [Journal of Moses
Young.] " 1st April. Fine weather. Our troops employed as yes
terday. All quiet on both sides. Charleston mihtia ordered
from the Bay to the right of the Unes — first time," [Mc
intosh.] " 1st and 2d April. The eneray's works were a Uttle
extended, and ours augmented." [Pe Brahm.]
" 1st and 2d April. Col. Neville arrived from Woodford's
brigade, with despatches for the General. , , . Friday night,
about 10 o'clock, a deserter from the enemy swam across
Wappoo, which occasioned an alarm in our lines, and spread
through the town. The deserter says that Sir H. Clinton
was wounded in the hand, and General Leslie raortally, on
the 30th inst. ; that the enemy's main body was on the
Neck ; says that Mr. Farr is treated with great contempt by
the British officers, who oblige hira to work with the fatigue
parties. Another deserter says Clinton is wounded in the
hand, and Cornwallis in the head ; that he has heard several
of the British officers say they almost despair of being able
to take Charlestown." [Moses Young.]
" 2d April. The enemy very busy on Saturday night with
boats in Ashley river, supposed to be sending stores and pro
visions from James's Island to the array on the Neck. Same
night they opened their trenches at the distance of about
1000 yards from our lines. Another deserter says they have
sixteen 26 pounders ready to mount there." [Moses Young.]
" 2d April, Foggy morning — the enemy very busy the

108 SOUTH-OAEOLINA IN 'THE EEVOLUTION.
two last nights throwing up their works and entrenchments,
which are seen this morning very plain from our Unes, One
redoubt is nearly opposite our nine gun battery on the right
of the horn-work, and another a little to the left of the horn-
work, about 1000 yards distant. Their shipping Ue off the
bar very quiet. Our allowance of beef shortened, and sugar
ordered in lieu thereof. Guard altered, &c." [Mcintosh.]
" 2d April. On the night of the 1st to the 2d inst., the
enemy erected three works, about half a mile from our Unes,
We fired a few shot at them, I believe, with very little effect,"
[John Lewis Gervais.]
" 3d April, This morning another work appeared to their
right, towards Ashley river, about Cannon's place. A deserter
came in, also, who reports that the day of the skirmish. Lord
Sinclair was mortally wounded." [John Lewis Gervais.]
" 3d April. This morning, the battery (F) was discovered
upon a height at Hampstead ; a battery of four pieces was
constructed on our right to oppose that of the enemy ; fi-om
which, as from all the others, a continual firing of shot and
bombs was kept up the following night along the lines." [Pe
Brahm.] " 3d April. Though our cannon have been continually
playing upon the enemy since Friday night, it does not seem
to retard their works ; they are busily employed day and
night in completing the two redoubts above mentioned, and
erecting another on our left, nearly opposite battery No, 4,
about the same distance with the others from our line," [Mc
intosh.] " 3d April, Mr. Seagrove arrived on Monday, with an
account that Gen. Woodford's brigade was at Camden, on
Wednesday, the 29th March, and would be within 40 miles
of town on Monday evening," [Moses Young.]
" Capt. Whipple dined with Col, Laurens, and proposed
that he should be authorized to take an exact account of the
quality and quantity of provisions in Charlestown, for which
purpose he would take with him the pursers of the fleet;
offered to lay a bet that we had not salt provisions for 40
days. 38 of his own crew now in the hospital; 2 of them
died yesterday." [Moses Young.]

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION, 109
" 3d April. The enemy are now before our Unes, and
throwing up works very fast. They have four redoubts
abreast finished ; one at the broad road at Watson's ; one at
Hampstead, where St. Edmond Head's house stood ; and one
between these two; another they have on our left near Cum
ing's point. I suppose, to-night, they will have one where
Taggart's house stood. We began to cannonade them yes
terday, and shall continue every day. Their batteries are not
yet opened ; but I suppose to-morrow or next day they will
begin. Then you will hear a great deal of noise, but there
is very little danger from this sort of fighting. I hope the
obstructions laid across our river, before the Exchange, will
deter their shipping from coming up. We have established a
hospital at Cainhoy Meeting House, for all those who are not
able to do duty to repair to. I forgot to mention to you that
the women walk out from town to the Unes with all the com
posure imaginable, to see us cannonade the enemy ; but I
fancy when the enemy begin, they will make themselves
pretty scarce. We had a skirmish with the enemy on their
approach to our lines. Col. Laurens commanded a corps of
light troops, and fought them two or three hours. Several
were killed and wounded on both sides, and was obliged to
retire within the lines. Major Hyrne was wounded in this
skirmish." [Moultrie.]
" 4th April, This morning discovered to us the enemy's
battery very much injured," [Pe Brahm.]
" 4th Apiil. Several deserters came in to us within this
three or four days past, who say that on Thursday last the
enemy had upwards of twenty men killed and wounded —
among the last was Lord St. Clair and a Lt. Col. ; and that
they were bringing their heavy cannon on the Neck. The
cannonading fi-om our batteries continues day and night.
Two ten-inch and one seven-inch mortar are removed from
the Bay to play upon them. They are all this day hard at
work, finishing their batteries, redoubts, and throwing up
lines of communication, A sortie, to be commanded by Gen,
Scott, Col. Clark, Lt. Col. Laurens, &c,, was intended, but was
not put into execution. Fine weather. The continental ship
Ranger and the French ship cannonaded the enemy's works

110 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE fiEVOLUTION.
on our right, from Town Creek, which was returned by two
24 pounders from their field pieces. Wolf-pits begun, and
additional works in the gorge of the horn work." [Mcintosh.]
"4th April. This morning another work apjieared at the
enemy's left, at Hampstead, on a rising piece of ground. This
obliged us to make a traverse opposite to it to secure our new
lines near Liberty Tree. Our continental frigate, the Ranger,
was sent up Town Creek to cannonade this work, but she made
very bad shots. The enemy fired at her with field pieces,
with more skill, hit her two or three times and obUged her to
sheer off. Now an expedition was determined on, to send
three armed vessels to take them (the British) en reverse,
whilst a detachment of the garrison, under command of Col.
Laurens, were to endeavour to take possession of this work
and destroy it. During the afternoon we kept a brisk fire at
their works and threw a few shells at them. But the wind
being contrary, the vessels were not got up after sunset, which
I am afraid will frustrate the intended expedition altogether ;
at least it will render it more precarious to-morrow. Luckily
the enemy's shipping is not come up yet. The wind has been
westerly all day." [John Lewis Gervais.]
4th ApriL Tuesday morning, (4th,) the Ranger was order
ed up Cooper river to discover the situation of the enemy's
batteiy on Hampstead Hill, upon which depended the propri
ety of a sally frora our lines (against that work) of 500 men,
who were held in readiness to act as soon as a certain signal
should be raade by Captain Simpson. When he got within
the reach of the eneray he began to fire, and a very heavy
cannonade coraraenced from our Unes. This was continued
until the Ranger received a shot in her bow from a field-piece
brought to the side of the river by the British troops. She
then returned, and Major Clarkson, who was sent in her by
the General, reported that the enemy's work on Hampstead
Hill was enclosed ; the intended sortie was laid aside. The
cannonade was renewed from our lines and continued without
intermission all Tuesday, principally directed against the
Hampstead batteiy, which was very much damaged, and the
embrazures, 7 in number, destroyed. We kept up the fire
during the night, and prevented the eneray from bringing
their guns to that place, as asserted by two deserters who

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. Ill
came in about an hour before day. Mr. Dervil, a sensible
officer of our navy, is of opinion that the enemy only mean to
amuse us on the Neck, until they land their troops from Wap
poo under our batteries on Ashley river, where he thinks we
are weakest. 800 Charlestown militia within the Unes; about
300 from the countiy. General Williamson at Augusta with a
very trifle of men. Col. Thompson raising men — has got 20.
Col, Kershaw sent about 35 troops to town," [Moses Young.]
"5th April, Last night the fire of our batteries was kept
up as heretofore. The enetny's galley (G) approached the
town and fired upon it all night. We began to dig wells in
our fort and to close up the gorge of the horn-work," [Pe
Brahm.] "5th April. Last night we fired a great deal, all night, and
threw several shells at the enemy's works ; and saw, this
morning, it had greatly damaged their work at Hampstead
and had prevented them from erecting any new works. About
7 o'clock this morning, Thonaas Horry, attending the negroes
©n tbe public works, received a contusion frora a spent musket
ball, from the works on their right, in his right shoulder. It
was the first shot fired against the town. He thought at first
it had only cut the cape of his great coat, but on inspection it
had drawn blood, was greatly swelled in the afternoon, and
his arm grown very stiff. The enemy fired a few shots after
wards, without doing any damage. The negroes were a
Uttle frightened at first, but they continued at their work.
During the day we fired a few cannon shot at them, and
threw some shells right into their works. Last night three
deserters came in, who say our cannon did not kill many."
[John Lewis Gervais.]
"5th April, Last night the enemy carried on their ap
proaches to Hampstead Hill, upon which they erected a bat
tery for twelve cannon, and a mortar battery a Uttle in the
rear of it; although we were annoying them with our cannon
and mortars. The eneray's batteries on Wappoo Neck, and
four of their gallies which came out of Wappoo Creek into
the stream of Ashley river for the purpose, cannonaded the
west side of the town briskly all night, without any other
damage than shattering some houses, kilUng two horses at
my quarters, and killing one man in King-street," [Mcintosh.]

112 BOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
"5th April. Very little firing from our lines on Wednes
day (5th), In the evening the enemy sent 2 gaUeys about
two-thirds across Ashley river, and began to cannonade about
8 o'clock, being very dark. Their object seemed to be our
battery, No. 1, on Coming's Point, where the 3d South-Caro
lina regiment is posted. Their shot were 24 and 32 pound
ers, and struck the following houses in town, viz : Mr. Fergu
son's, the General's, Alexander Rose's, Col. Meri'idan's, Mr.
Lowndes's, the Magazine, Mr. Shubrick's, Mr. McQueen's, a
small house in King-street, near Mr, Wills's, Mr. Demong's, a
house in Horlbeck's alley, one near Mr. Gervais's 
Mr. Morrow, of the militia grenadiers, was killed by a 24
pounder, as he stood at his own door in King-street, and one
of Capt. Warley's men wounded in the shoulder, A few shot
were returned by Capt, Pines, from battery No. 2 on Com
ing's Point." [Moses Young.]
" 5th April. Last Wednesday night, 6th April, the enemy
detached 50 horse and 500 foot, to surprise our cavalry at Mid
dleton's place ; they went by way of Dr, Garden's and came
out at Tom Smith's ; entered Col, Washington's encampment
with fixed bayonets, found the fires burning, but no troops.
The Colonel had taken the precaution to remove to the 23
Mile House, being apprehensive the enemy had received infor
mation of his situation from two deserters who left him the
night before. The British, being disappointed, commenced
their retreat, and Col. Washington sent a party of his horse
after them, who picked up three of the enemy's rear guard."
[Moses Young.]
" 6th April, The fire of the batteries and the works con
tinued as before. To-day the reinforcements ueder General
Woodford arrived," [Pe Brahm.]
" 6th April, The enemy approached fi'om their centre re
doubt, and erected a battery of five guns opposite, upon the
angle between our batteries No. 11 and 12, Our cannon and
mortars played briskly and were well directed, all last night
and this day ; and were doubly retorted upon us during the
night from their gaUies and batteries upon Wappoo Neck, as
before, "Gen, Woodford, with his brigade, came into the garrison
from Addison's ferry, over Cooper river ; and some North-Car-

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 113
olina militia under the command of Colonel Harrington,"
[Mcintosh.] " 6th April. Thursday, (6,) Capt. Crawley's galley was
mantled with 2 guns, and in the night the enemy's gallies
again cannonaded us. The same night the enemy raised a
covert way betwen their works on the Neck, as they did also
some nights ago at Wappoo." [Moses Young.]
"6th April. Friday, at 10 o'clock. General Woodford's
brigade arrived in Charleston, consisting of about a thousand
men,* very fine looking troops, the sight of whom made an
amazing alteration in the countenances of the citizens, who had
almost despaired of their arrival. In the afternoon,.the lines
were manned, and a feu de joie was fired from 13 pieces of
cannon, followed by three huzzas from the troops. The Charles
ton mihtia were ordered from the right of our lines to take
post on South Bay ; the Virginia troops supplied their place.
The eneray have not yet been able to mount a single gun on
the Neck. The inhabitants very busy in throwing up banks
of earth against their dwellinghouses to secure them from the
British shot. The wind fair for the enemy's shipping. Col.
Laurens surprised that the British Admiral does not make
use of the present opportunity. . . . Two horses belong
ing to Gen. Mcintosh's aids, killed last Thursday night. Capt.
Warley tells me that a few of the 3d regiment of South-Car
ohna, are in the small-pox on board the Hospital Ship ; only
five or six of the officers of that regiment have had the dis
order. The enemy strong in works at Wappoo, which. Colonel
Laurens says, is naturally very defensible, and they have been
at great labour to preserve their communication between the
army on the Neck and stores on James Island. The late rein
forcement from the Northward, ( Virginia, be it remembered,)
have had the small-pox. Mr. Owen's wound healed up, but
very painful. His late fatigue on the lines has hurt him
much." [Moses Young.]
"6th April. Last night about 9 o'clock, the enemy began
to cannonade the town from four or five gallies and their bat
teries at Wappoo Cnt. They wounded one man of the 3d
regiment at the battery at Coming's Point. The widow
* About 70O says Moultrie. —[Ed.

t
114 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
Pinckney's house, Mrs, Elfe's, the corner of King-street, Tho
mas Shubrick's, upon the ' Green,' Col, Skirving's, near the
Governor's, received a shot each, and one 32lb. ball fell in the
Governor's yard. The bullets whistled thick by my house,
but I received no damage." [John Lewis Gervais.]
" 7th April, Last night the enemy erected another work
near Ashley river. About 11 o'clock they began a heavy
cannonade from the same quarter as last night. They fired
at least a hundred shot. They killed one man in King-street,
a carpenter named Morrow, just as he was going out of his
house. Several houses were damaged by 24 and 32lb. shot;
among them, Mr. Ferguson's ; next to him. Gen. Mcintosh's
quarters, in which he had two horees killed ; Mr. Lowndes's
house — he was at the lines; Daniel Horry's houses entrn-
bridges {?) ; Capt. Stuart's, Leno.x's, Thomas Fuller's, and
several others in King-street. The firing continued till about
3 o'clock this morning. My house has again escaped," [John
Lewis Gervais^
" 7th April, Very Uttle fire from our batteries last night,
arid none on the part of the eneray. The enemy has pro
longed the right of the first parallel. All our workmen em
ployed in digging wells." [De Brahm^
" 7th April. This afternoon twelve sail of the enemy's
shipping passed Fort Moultrie, under a very hea-vy cannonade
from the fort, which was smartly returned from each of the
ships as they passed singly. One of them, a large store ship,
ran aground in the Cove, and was blown up by her own people.
One fifty and two forty-four gun ships, four frigates, two ships
supposed to be transports, a scbooner and a sloop, anchored
under Fort Johnson. Ships remained in Five Fathom Hole.
The damage done the shipping is uncertain ; but not a man
hurt in. the fort." [Mcintosh^
" 7th April, The Virginians are now landing at Gadsden's
wharf, , , , No doubt you heard the firing yesterday.
It was the British men-of-war, passing Fort Moultrie. They
are now lying by Fort Johnson, The fort has damaged them
a little and obliged them to' burn one got on shore. We can
not tell whether it is a man-of-war or a store ship, but we see
the jieoplo frora the fort are very busy in picking up their
plunder," [Moultrie.]

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 115
" 7th Aprih At - half-past 3 o'clock, the British fleet got
under weigh, the Admiral in the Roebuck was the headmost
ship, and the Renown brought up the rear ; the Romulus with
four frigates and two smaUer vessels in a line in the centre.
Each of the ships gave the fort a broadside, and one of the
frigates had her foretopmast carried away by a shot frora the
fort, which saluted them in very quick succession, so that in a
few minutes both fort and passing ships were enveloped in
smoke. No other visible damage done to the enemy, and in
about three-quarters of an hour from their weighing, they
cast anchor again under Fort Johnson, thence extending
towards Hog Island. The Roebuck was afterwards obliged to
come upon a careen. A vessel, supposed to be a store ship,
got aground about a mile and a half from the fort, upon which
Col. Pinckney sent to HaddriU's Point a couple of field pieces,
which played upon her so quickly that the hands were obUged
to take to their boats and then set her on fire.
" TJiis afternoon. Gen. Woodford's brigade arrived in very-
good time, for yesterday the time of the North-Carolina mih
tia expired, and they refused to do any farther duty." [John
Lewis Gervais^
" 8th April. Last night the enemy commenced a battery
of six pieces. All our workmen employed in making tra
verses. A quarter of an hour before sunset, the British fleet
passed Fort Moultrie under a heavy fire on both sides, and
anchored in a line near Fort Johnson. No person killed or
wounded in Fort Moultrie. The fleet consisted of the foUow--
ing vessels— one of 50 guns, two. of 40, four frigates ; two
vessels armed ' en fiuie,' and two other smaller ones. One of
those armed en flute, grounded on a bank called ' the Green.' "
[De Brahm.]
" 8th April. The cannonade frora the garrison is continued
night and day, to retard the enemy's works ; they are, not
withstanding, constantly employed carrying on their approaches
and finishing their batteries ; and their batteries over Ashley
river, and their galUes from Wappoo Creek, pay us in kind, es
pecially at night. The Charlestown militia are ordered from
the right of the lines to the South Bay, as formerly. Gen,
Hogan takes their place in the Unes ; Gen, Woodford on his
left, &c," [Mcintosh.]

116 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION,
" 8th April, Gen. Lincoln received no report from Fort
Moultrie, until the afternoon of Sunday, when Major Pinckney
carae up and informed that not a single man had been hurt,
and but about ten of the enemy's shot struck any part ofthe
works. . , , Sunday afternoon, Capt. Crawley's galley
advanced upon the headmost ship belonging to the enemy,
and gave her several shot, which were returned very briskly
from the ship. The galley then retired-," [Moses lloung^
The British had now gone through all the preliminaries of
investment. A single passage or two from Tarleton, wiU suf
fice to connect events in the chain of our narrative,
" The General and his engineers having fixed upon the point
and mode of attack, a large working party broke ground, un
der cover of an advanced detachment, on the night ofthe 1st
of April. Two large redoubts were thrown up within 800
yards of the American lines, and were not discovered before
daybreak, when the fire from the town had very inconsiderable
effect. The next evening another redoubt was added, and for
five successive days and nights, the labour of artificers and
soldiers was directed to the construction of batteries, which,
on the 8th (April) were completed with artillery 
The Roebuck, Richmond, Romulus, Blonde, Virginia, Raleigh,
Sandwich and Renown, weighed about one o'clock, and ex
hibited a magnificent and satisfactory spectiicleto the royaUsts,
by steadily effecting their passage, under the fire ofthe Amer
ican batteries, with the trifling loss of 27 men, killed and
wounded. The Aeetus, a store-ship, grounded and was burnt,
, . , . The frigates, now taking a position under James
Island, blocked up the harbour, and Charlestown was debarred
from all communication with the country, except in that quar
ter which faced the river. Cooper." [Campaigns!]
" 9th April. The vessel which grounded was abandoned
and burnt by the crew last night. This morning the com
mencement of a battery (L) appeared in front of our left.
Our workmen employed as heretofore." [De Brahm!]
'•9th Ajiril. The enemy last night carried on their ap
preaches from their left redoubt, and threw up a battery for
ten cannon against the angle of our advanced redoubt, or half
moon batteiy, and the redan No 7, Cannonading as usual,

eOUTH-OAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION, ll7
and some at their shipping at Fort Johnson, without effect,"
[Mcintosh.] '¦ 9th April. A continued series of fatigues, hard duty and
want of rest, incident to a besieged garrison, has been our lot
in a very high degree for these last ten days past 
The three Virginia regiments arrived here a few days ago,
and wear the appearance, of what they are in reality — hardy
veterans. A salvo from 13 pieces of artillery and a loud
hurra, apprised the besieging army of this reinforcement. In
deed, they were sufficiently, apprised of it by the vessels, elev
en in number, coming down Cooper river with them. An op
portunity was upfortunately given, by marching the whole
corps, in regular order, to their encampments, to ascertain their
precise number ; which, not according with the expectations
almost universally entertained, may have been the occasion of
several desertions which happened the same night. . , Extreme
caution marks the conduct of Sir Harry, Even at Wappoo,
there are lines of communication between his works. . . .
To speak freely of our works, they cannot be considered in any
other light than patch work, — no regular system can be traced.
The enemy have discovered much judgment in the position
they have taken ; for, till they had demonstrated the truth of
the epithet given above, by fire, and our guns being brought
to bear on their works, it would have [been] deemed heresy
to have suggested this idea. Nothing could be more evident
than that a strong battery would be erected at Hampstead
HUl ; yet, when it struck our sight in the morning, only two
guns could be brought to bear. The error, or fault, had been
attended to the day before, and a battery of three guns were
then set about, 100 yards to the westward ofthe Indian Fort.
These five guns have been almost incessantly employed, and
have re};arded this work of the enemy very considerably. In
deed, they have found more trouble there than any where
else. Sorae shells have been thrown exceedingly well into
it, , , , As far as I can learn, there are covered ways or
Unes of communication between all the British works on the
Neck. They will summon, I apprehend, in a day or two.
The answer is obvious. On the next night a bombardment
will commence, and an incessant cannonade from all quarters,

118 SOUTH-CAEOLlNA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
usher in the dawn of the important day. , , . A sortie
was in contemplation a few days since. The Hampstead bat
tery was the object. Two ships were to co-operate with Gen.
Scott, who had the command. But, I think, very fortunately,
the wind veering to the westward, prevented it being attempt-
ted. A very large body of troops (British) were within ten
minutes run to reinforce the party, (working at Hampstead,)
which could not be, of itself, less than 350. Judge then of
the probable issue, more especially, when you are informed
[that] the sallyers were not volunteers or picked troops, but
even some of our Charlestown militia were draughted for the
service, , . . With respect to the issue of the siege, it
would be presumptuous to give an opinion about it. What
ever side success favom-s, I am perfectly confident we wiU
merit it. A blockade, regular approaches, and slow cautious
movements, will be most favourable to the enemy, and they
cannot but know it. An assault, even if successfiil, wUl cost
them too dear, to be attempted." [Thomas Wells, Jr.]
" 6th April, The present state of suspense is a state of
hope, and well founded hope, considering the slow progress of
the enemy ; for, although they broke ground the night of the
1st inst,, and commenced at once with the first parallel, which
they have supported with redoubts, there appear to be only
two works destined for batteries ; one on our right, the other
on our left ; in a very imperfect state, and with unfinished com
munications. In the meantime, the Virginia [force] has arrived ;
the remainder of Scott's levies are at hand ; our works are
daily improving and strengthening ; in addition to our abba
tis, we have covered the whole front with wolf-traps which will
remain an excellent defence against storm, after they have
cleared away our abbatis by an incessant fire of artillery . Om'
obstructions in Cooper river are completed, which prevent the
enemy from accomplishing the investiture. A body of North-
OaroUna militia, marching to our assistance, is ordered to halt
at Cainhoy. Col. Malmedy is sent to take the command,
and with an engineer to establish such posts as shall be neces
sary for the security of oiir communication. The ground is
very favourable to our purpose, and has been already recon
noitred by Col, de Cambray. . . . The enemy's gallies.

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION, 119
under cover of their ships, now ride at anchor near the ruins
of Fort Johnson, If they attempt to force our obstructions,
they will be bloodily handled. GalUes and other armed ves
sels lie within to prevent their detaching boats to cut the boom.
If they attempt to go up Ashley river, the navigation is in
tricate, and they will run the gauntlet of a great many batte
ries, firing shot and shell, without being at all advanced ; for
I am persuaded they will not attempt to anchor within reach
of our cannon." [ Col. John Laurens.]
" 10th April, The works of the enemy more advanced. —
Our negroes employed in making a battery of five pieces in
the redoubt (M) and the soldiers on fatigue in making tra
verses. This evening a parley -was received from the enemy,
demanding the surrender of the town. It was refused." [De
Brahm!] " 10th April. Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot
sent in a flag summoning the garrison and town to surrender.
To which Gen. Lincoln immediately, and without consulting
any one, sent them for answer that his duty and inclination
led him to hold out to the last extremity. This evening, Capt,
John Gilbank kiUed by accident in Bottar's (?) batteiy."
McIniosh!\ See Moultrie for the summons and the answer. Tarleton de
scribes the defences of Charleston, on the land side, as consisting
" Of a chain of redoubts, lines and batteries, extending
from one river to the other, and furnished with eighty cannon
and mortars ; the front works of each flank, strengthened by
swamps, originating from the neighbouring rivers, and tending
towards the centre, through which they were connected by a
canal passing from one to the other. Between these outward
impediments and the redoubts were two strong rows of abba
tis ; the trees being buried slanting in the earth, with their
branches facing outwards, formed a fraise work against the
assailants ; and these were farther secured by a ditch double
picketed. In the centre, the natural defences were inferior
to those on the flanks. To remedy this defect, and to cover
the principal gate, a horn work of masonry had been construc
ted, which, being closed during the seige, formed a kind of
citadel, , , , Ships, with cheveaux de frieze, connected

120 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
by spars and booms, were employed to block up the channels,
and piles and pickets were fixed in the ground at all the
landing places to prevent any debarkation frora boats. The
whole extent was Ukewise covered by batteries forraed of earth
and palmetto wood, judiciously placed, and mounted with
heavy cannon." [Campaigns, c&c]
"lltli April. Our batteries kept up a great deal of fire
last night. The enemy had repaired his batteries and mount
ed sorae cannon. Finished the battery (M) in the redoubt.
Our workmen employed in raaking traverses and strengthen
ing the profiles of sorae works. This evening Major Gilbank
was accidentally killed in making some experiments with
shells." [De Brahm!]
" 1 1th April. The enemy use double diligence now in
completing their works and mounting their cannon; whilst
we ply them with our cannon and mortars as usual ; and
they, from their gallies and batteries west side of Ashley river,
in return." [Mcintosh!]
Tarleton says : " On the rejection of the summons, the
batteries were opened, and soon obtained a superiority over
those of the town. In a note, he says, they were opened the
next day after the rejection of the demand for surrender.
"12th April. Very little firing last night. The enemy
had more cannon mounted. The workmen employed as be
fore. Our sailors employed in elevating the parapet near
' Exchange battery,' (0,) and making embrasures to it. At 12
o'clock, M., three shallops passed Fort Moultrie and joined the
fleet, although fired upon all the time by the fort." [De
Brahm!] " 12th April. The same as yesterday on both sides. It is
said several flat-bottomed boats were hauled on land, by
the enemy, across ' the Neck,' from Ashley to Cooper river.
This day. Gen. Lincoln sent for the general officers to his mar
quee, and presented a letter to them directed to Gov. Rut
ledge, — which they all signed, signifying their opinion, in
support of the General's (already given) that the Governor,
and part of the Council, at least, ought to leave the garrison,
for many substantial reasons." [Mcintosh!]
" 13th April. Very little firing last night. This morning,

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 121
the enemy's battery (F) was finished ; those marked (I) and
(L) not quite. The trenches (A and B) extended. This
morning, at 9 o'clock, the enemy opened his batteries, firing.
bombs, carcasses, red hot balls, which was returned with all
our force from the batteries. This lasted about two hours,
when the firing abated on both sides, till about 5 o'clock,
when all the fire was on the side of the enemy. We had
one 18 pounder dismounted, and two houses burnt. Our
workmen employed as before." [De Brahm.]
" 13th April. On Thursday, (13th,) about 9 o'clock in the
morning, the enemy opened their batteries against the town.
About 12 o'clock, I left it with the Governor, Col, Pinckney
and Daniel Huger ; it having been deterrained, some days be
fore, that we should leave Charlestown, to preserve the execu
tive authority of the State, in case the town should be entirely
blockaded. Gen, Gadsden is chosen Lt, Governor, and re
mains in Charleston with flve of the Privy Council, raore to
satisfy the citizens than [because of] the propriety of the
measure. When we left town, a child of Myer Moses, with
its nurse, at Ansonboro'', were killed, and one man of Gen,
Hogan's brigade who would stay upon the ramparts as a bra
vado. The corner house where Mrs. Ball lived, and Daniel
Legar6's house, were burning when we left town. The fir^
took by accident ; some negroes were boiling pitch, and when
the cannonade began they left the pitch, which took fire. In
the afiernoon, it is reported Myer Moses's house was burnt,
either by a carcass or the bursting of a shell." [John Lewis
Oervais.] " 13th April. All the general officers were called by Gen.
Lincoln to his quarters this morning, where he gave us the
flrst idea of the state of the garrison, the men, provisions,
stores, artiUery, &c., in it ; the Uttle hopes he had of any suc
cour of consequence, and the opinion of the engineers respect
ing our fortifications, — that they were only field worte, or
lines, and could hold out but few days more. With every in
formation he could obtain of the numbers, strength of the
enemy, <fec., he was compelled to take up tbe idea of evacua
ting the garrison: — when, without hesitation, I gave it as my
own opinion, that as we were so unfortunate as to suffer our
selves to be penned up in the town, and cut off from all re-

122 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
sources, — in such circumstances, we should not lose an hour
longer, in atterapting to get the continental troops, at least,
oul>— while we had one side open yet over Cooper river — upon
whose safety, the salvation, not only of this State, but some
others, will (may probably) depend. The General said he
only desired (and which, I think, all the gentlemen seemed
to acquiesce in now) that we should consider maturely of the
expediency and practicability of such a measure, by the time
he would send for us again ; and the cannonade, mentioned
this morning, from the enemy, beginning, broke up the coun
cil abruptly. Gov. Rutledge and part of his council went
over to Cooper river about 12 o'clock this day. Between 9
and 10 this morning, the enemy opened all their guns and
mortar batteries at once, (being the firet time they fired upon
the town, or our lines upon the front,) and continued a furious
cannonade and bombarding, with little intermission till mid
night ; their batteries from Wappoo playing upon the left
flank of our lines and the town, at the same time, and their
galUes from Wappoo Creek, during the night, as usual;
which we returned smartly from our Unes, and we presume
with good effect, A sergeant and private from North-Caroli
na killed, and some women and children in town ; the houses
were much damaged and two were burned down near General
Moultrie's, Ansonboro, by carcasses, of vi'hich they threw sev
eral from ten inch mortars. Their cannon are chiefly 24
pounders, opposite our lines, and 36 pounders upon Wappoo ;
their mortars from 5^ to (ten) thirteen inches. One embra-
zure at redan No. 7, destroyed ; and also a 26 pounder in the
latter dismounted, with some other smaller damages." [Mc
intosh!] " 14th April. A slow fire was kept up on both sides last
night. The approaches of the enemy a little advanced. The
enemy's galUes (9) fired all night. He commenced another
battery (N) opposite the town, on the banks of Ashley river."
[De !Brahm!\
" 14th April, The enemy are approaching fast upon the
right, and keep up an incessant fire from the small arms, can
non and mortars. A sergeant of North-CaroUna killed by a
cannon ball ; also two matrosses of South-Carolina, and one

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION, 123
of militia artillery (town) by two of our cannon going off
while they were loading them, Capt. Hill says our horse
were surprised this day at Monk's Corner." [Mcintosh.]
" This was a shameful surprise," says Moultrie. See Tarle
ton's account of it ; the effect of this disaster was to cut off
all supplies from the garrison, and to enable the British to
close effectually the only remaining outlet by Cooper river.
"15th April. Fire from the batteries and works as before.
The enemy had a bomb battery (P). Their second parallel
commenced and manned by the chasseurs, who kept up a con
tinued fire upon our lines." [De Brahm.]
" 15th April. The enemy continue approaching fast on
our right. Our mortars are ordered to the right to annoy
them. A continual fire of small arras, cannon and mortars
from the eneray. A batteiy of two guns opened by the ene-
emy at Stiles's place on James's Island, which played con
stantly on the town ; distance across, 82 chain. Many of the
enemy's boats hauled over the Neck into Town Creek. Two
of them, mounted with brass cannon, came down the creek
this morning, and fired at the Ranger and Adventure," [Mc
intosh.] " 15th April, We have accounts as late as the 16th, which
was Saturday at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. The enemy con
tinued the cannonade, but did very little damage. There was
no other house burnt, and only two men killed, of Woodford's
brigade, and one Lt. Campbell of the Georgia battalion," —
[John Lewis Gervais!]
Tarleton writes :
" Soon after the middle of April, the second parallel was
carried within 450 yards of the enemy's main works, new bat
teries were constructed, and all the communications were se
cured," [Campaigns!]
" 16th April, In addition to his usual fire, the enemy open
ed his new battery (N). Last night we extended from our
redoubt (M) a counter-mine with a small parallel (C) whence
we could return the fire of the enemy's musketry. This eve
ning one of our gallies ascended Cooper river to a place where

124 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
she enfiladed the English camp for several hours ; which was
briskly answered by field pieces from the camp." [De
Brahm.
" 16th April, Two 18 pounders, a quantity of provisions
and other valuable articles, were got out of the wreck of the
vessel near Fort Moultrie. It is said the enemy attempted to
land on Hobcaw Neck from two gun-boats, but were prevent
ed by Col. Malmedy (Captain Theus). Canaonading, <fec.,
on both sides, all day and night, as usuaL The New church
steeple struck by a 24 lb. ball from James's Island battery.
Pitt's arm broke off, &c. Major Hogg, with detachment of
 men, ordered over this night to Lempriere's Point." —
[Mcintosh.] The statue of Wm. Pitt stood in the centre of the space
between St, Michael's Church and the Court House, Ac
cording to the tradition we remember to have heard, a shell
struck the steeple of St, Michael's, took off the arm of the
statue, and opened for itself a grave in the street, in which
several men might have been buried,
" l7th April, The enemy enfiladed the town on all sides
last night, and then threw a great quantity of bombs, some
times from 15 to 20 at once. We worked upon our counter
mine (C). We received intelligence from our detachment at
Lempriere's, that 1000 or 1500 of the enemy, under Gen.
Lord Cornwallis, had passed Monk's Corner, Strawberry,
Bonneau's Ferry and Wappetaw, and actually arrived within
six miles of the said post. This morning the eneray's second
parallel was prolonged towards our left, supplied with bags of
earth and full of chasseurs." [De Brahm.]
"I7th April. Au inhabitant ofthe town killed, and a
woman wounded, in bed together. The approaches continued
to the right. The enemy advanced their bomb batteries to
within 800 yards of our line." [Mcintosh.]
" 18th April. The enemy continues approaching fast,' and
firing from their cannon, mortal's and small arms. We
advanced a small breast-work, nearly fronting the square
redoubt, for riflemen, to annoy the enemy in their approach
es. Mr. Ph, Neyle, aid-de-camp to Gen, Moultrie, killed by

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 125
a cannon ball ; two men killed by small arms, and three
wounded by a shell ; a soldier of Col. Neville's had an arm
shot off by our own cannon, while he was sentry outside the
abbatis ; also, two Frenchmen wounded — one lost a leg, and
the other an arm. A twelve pounder burst in the horn-
work, by which two men were much hurt. The enemy do
not now throw large shells as they have done, but showers
of small ones from their mortars and howitzers, which prove
very mischievous, especially on our right, where one man was
killed, and two wounded, of the North-Carolinians, We hear
that our cavalry under Gen, Huger were surprised near
Monk's Corner, and have been totally defeated ; that we lost
between 20 and 30 kiUed and wounded ; among the former,
Major Vernier of Pulaski's legion — and 150 horses. About
forty of the Virginians got in last night over Cooper river,
A large party of the enemy marched up the country, crossed
Wan do river, and took post at the church, Hobcaw Neck.
Gen, Scott, vrith the light infantry, crossed over Cooper river
to Lempriere's before day this morning, in order to keep open
the communication, if possible, as any fi-esh provisions we
got was from that quarter — (with private orders to secm-e
Wappetaw, an advantageous bridge, for the retreat of the
army, &c.) Lt, Cols, Webster, Tarleton and Robertson are
said to have commanded the enemy's party who surprised
our horse on the 14th inst., and gone over Cooper and 'Wando
river afterwards; they say 700 infantry and 300 horse."
[Mcintosh.] The account of the surprise of the American horse greatly
exaggerated the evil. The surprise was a wretched one,
and resulted in the temporary dispersion of the command.
The chief loss fell upon Pulaski's horse, commanded by
Vernier. The effect upon the fortunes of Cbarleston, and the
spirits of the besieged, was particularly unfortunate.
" 18th April. Fire from the batteries as heretofore, and a
shower of musketry aU day. This day, like the last, very
rainy." [De Brahm.]
" 19th April. Fire from the batteries as heretofore. This
evening three of the enemy's gallies descended from Wappoo,

126 SOUTH-OAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION,
down Ashley river to the fleet, under a heavy fire from onr
batteries ; one lost her main-mast. This night the communi
cation [D] is made from the battery of the French sailors (Q)
to the town." [De Brahm.]
" 19th April, The enemy continued their approaches to
our right, within 250 yards of the front of the square re
doubt ; and began an approach from the left battery towards
our advanced redoubt, or half moon battery, and moved
some of their mortars into the latter, A considerable party
of them showed themselves before our post at Lempriere's
this morning, but soon retreated upon giving them some
cannon shot. Our party there was too small to pm-sue them.
Gen. Scott mounted some men upon his own and other offi
cers' horses, to reconnoitre them and get intelligence ; and
then, being sent for, set off for town to a council of war,
which met this morning at Gen, Moultrie's quartere, having
attempted it repeatedly before at Gen, Lincoln's, but as often
interrupted so much that we could come to no determination,
or do any business — (also to accommodate Col, Lamey, who
was sicki) Besides the general officers at this council. Col,
Lamey and Col, Beekman were called to it to represent the
engineer and artillery departments ; and Col. Simons, as com
mandant of the town military ; when the subject first pro
posed th be considered upon the 13th inst,, and several times
since at our meetings, was again offered by Gen. Lincoln, and
the returns of the army commissaries, provisions, &c., laid be
fore the council, -with charge of the greatest secrecy in that,
as well as any determination that may be taken. Some gen
tlemen seemed still inclined to evacuation, notwithstanding the
difficulty appeared much greater now, than when formerly
(first) mentioned, which was my opinion also, and I proposed
leaving the militia for the guai'ds, &c,, in garrison, untU the
continental troops left the city, but was carried against us by
arguments of Col, Lamey, and for offering terms of capitula
tion. In the midst of our conference, the Lieut, Governor,
Gadsden, happened to corae in — whether by accident or de
sign, is not known — and Gen. Lincoln proposed that he might
be allowed to sit as one ofthe council. He appeared surprised
and displeased that we had entertaineii a thought of capi
tulation, or evacuating the garrison, and he acknowledged

SOUTH-OABOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 127
himself entirely ignorant of the state of provisions, &c., be
fore ; but said he would consult his council, and promised that
if it was determined by us to capitulate, he would send such
articles as they required for the citizens o( Charlestown, in an
hour or two.
" Adjourned in the evening to Gen. Lincoln's quarters, when
Col. Lamey representing the insufficiency of our fortifications,
(if they were worthy of being called so,) the improbability of
holding out many days longer, and the impracticability of
making our retreat good, as the enemy were now situated,
carried it for offering (trying first) terms of honourable capit
ulation first. The Lieut. Governor, v.ith four of his council,
Messrs. Ferguson, Hutson, Cattle, and Dr. Ramsay, coming in
a little after, used the council very rudely ; the Lieut. Gov
ernor declaring he would protest against our proceedings, that
the militia were willing to live upon rice alone, rather than
give up the town upon any terms, and that even the old women
were so accustomed to the enemy's shot now, that they trav
elled the streets without fear or dread ; but if we were deter
mined to capitulate, he had his terms in his pocket, ready.
Mr. Ferguson, on the other hand, said, the inhabitants of the
town observed several days (some tiine) ago, the boats col
lected together to carry oft' the continental troops, but that
they would keep a good watch upon us, (the army,) and if it
¦was ever attempted, he would be among the first who would
open the gates for the enemy, and assist them in attacking us
before we got aboard. After the Lieut. Governor and Coun
sellors were gone some time, Col. C. C, Pinckney came in
abruptly upon the council, and forgetting his usual politeness,
addressed Gen. Lincoln in great warmth and much the same
strain as the Lieut. Governor had done, adding, that those
who were for business required no council, and that he came
over on purpose from Fort Moultrie, to prevent any terms
being offered the enemy, or evacuating the garrison ; and ad
dressing himself to Col. Lamey, charged the engineer depart
ment with being the sole authors and promoters of any pro
posals, &c. I was, myself, so much hurt by the repeated
insults given to the commanding officer in so public a manner,
and obliquely to us all through him, that I could not help
declaring, as it was thought impracticable to get the conti-

128 SOUTH-OAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION,
nental troops out, I was for holding the garrison to the last
extremity ; which was at once agreed to, except by Colonel
Lamey, who said we were already come to tie last extremity,
or if we were not of that opinion, desired to know what we
called the last extremity. But it was carried without other
opposition to hold out, and -we parted this night. I desired a
letter signed by Gen. Moultrie and myself on the I7th, might
be destroyed, which was done before us." [Mcintosh.]
The success of the defenders of tbe post of Lempriere, in
driving off the party .of Britisb that first showed itself in the
neighbourhood, was perhaps a misfortune. It was a premature
exhibition of strength which taught him caution, and saved
him a disaster. On this point, Tarleton ought to be an au
thority. He writes :
" A detachment of continentals from Charlestown, toot pos
session of Lamprey's Point, a peninsula on the east side of
Cooper river. Col. Webster with the principal part of his
command, marclied towards the Neek, (which the Americans
had fortified with indefatigable ardour, since their arrival,) and
in all probability would have ventured an attempt to dislodge
them, if a masked battery of eighteen pounders had not, for
tunately for the English, opened npon a reeonnoitering party ;
which circumstance, together with the flank fire of a galley
and an armed vessel, demonstrated the impracticability of the
design." [Campaigns.]
The council described above, was necessarily a stormy one.
The citizens might well be indignant that, after being buoyed
up with the assurances of the adequacy of their defences, the
sufficiency of their provisions and material for defence and
siege, they should be told, when too late to remove their
effects and families, yet at the very beginning of the bom
bardment, that defence was impossible. Of what calibre could
the general and his engineers have been, who could blunder
in this fashion ? We have seen what Whipple said about the
scarcity of provisions — what Timothy said about the shiggish"
ness of all proceedings, and what Mcintosh says of the neglect

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 129
to call a council of war, until it became necessary to say that
the defences were worthless, and the provisions inadequate to
the wants of the garrison. Gen, Moultrie, according to a pri
vate letter of Mr, Gervais, was the only general officer who
objected to capitulation. It was probably from him that the
Lieut, Governor (Gadsden) and C, C, Pinckney received a
hint of what was in progress, " This step, it is added," says
Gervais, " had occasioned great discontent as well among the
regulars as miUtia, who wish to defend the place to the last
extremity — are in high spirits, and so resolved as to offer to
receive only half rations a day, if necessary."
" 20th April, Fire from the batteries, as usual. This
evening the ravelin (H) commenced in front of the Horn wall."
[DeBrahm.1 " 20th April. This morning fourteen sail of shipping ap
peared off the bar, said to be a reinforcement to Gen, Clinton,
having a fine day, cold and windy. Two of our magazines
blown up by shells on Gibbs's battery, on the right ; only one
man hurt, but much other damage. This day Gen, Lincoln
called a council of war again ; same members as yesterday,
and the same subjects debated on. Col, Lamey still insisted
upon the impossibility of holding out the garrison much long
er; and a retreat seeming to him impracticable, proposed
that honourable terms of capitulation should first be offered,
which possibly might be accepted by Gen. Clinton ; or, if it
did not succeed, that we might then attempt a retreat, if we
thought it could be accomplished. The opposition now ex
pected from the citizens of the town in evacuating it, in addi
tion to the former obstacles we had in consideration, viz: a
large party of foot and horse upon Wando Neck, and a num
ber ofthe enemy's boats hauled across Charleston Neck from
Ashley into Cooper river, &c., induced the whole council to
come into the Colonel's proposal, and make the trial, I
requested to be the last in giving our votes, upon which we
parted, " The enemy's approach continues on our left ; their mor
tars moved from the left battery into their approaches. An
18 pounder dismounted in Capt, Bottard's battery, on our
6*

130 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
right. Four of the enemy's galUes that lay in Wappoo creek,
and came into Ashley river almost every night since 4th inst.,
went down about 9 o'clock this night to their shipping and
Fort Johnson, under a very heavy filing from all our batteries,
west and south of the town. The enemy retreated from Hob
caw across Wappoo bridge, <fec." [Mcintosh.]
" 21st April. Fire from the batteries as usual. This morn
ing the enemy had commenced two batteries (R and S) near
their second parallel," [DeBrahm.]
" 21st April, A flag sent from us to Gen. CUnton, re
quiring a truce for six hours, to consider upon terms of capit
ulation ; which is granted, and afterwards prolonged by mes
sengers. " The articles proposed and sent by Gen, Lincoln, were
made out by himself and Col. Ternant, without his general
officers ; but they were called in the evening to Gen, Lincoln's
tent, to consider upon Gen. CUnton and Admiral Arbuthnot's
reply, which, after some houre spent in finding copy of the
articles we sent out, was unanimously agreed to be a rejection
of the whole, and that a messenger should be sent out to in
form them that they might begin firing again when they
pleased. Which they did immediately, about nine at night,
witli greater \irulence and fury than ever ; and continued it
without intermission till dayUght, and was returned smartly
from the garrison,
" The enemy opened two embrazures against our battery
No. 4. A twelve pounder dismounted in redan No. 7, The
killed and wounded lately are so many, that they cannot be
ascertained. Col, Tinning, of North-CaroUna, with his regi
ment of militia, about 200, came over from Lempriere's, and
joined my brigade," [Mcintosh.]
Moultrie tells us that the council called by Lincoln, con
templated the propriety of evacuating the town by the troops ;
but it was found they had put off the question to a period
when it Avas no longer an open one. The officere consulted
were of opinion, that evacuation was unadvisable, " because
of the opposition made to it by the civil authority and the
inhabitants, and because, even if they could succeed in defeat-

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION, 131
ing a large body of the enemy posted in their way, they had
not a sufficiency of boats to cross the Santee before they might
be overtaken by the whole British army," A capituation was
recommended in preference. In other words, lest the enemy
should take us vi et armis, we will surrender. Whether,
without cavalry, in which the British were not strong, they
could have got to the Santee, is another question.
" 22d April. Fire from the batteries as usual, and more
from the musketry than ever. This morning (21) a parley
was sent the enemy, and the answer returned about 9 o'clock
in the evening," [De Brahm.]
" 22d April, Our ration this day ordered to be reduced to
f lb, of beef. Lieut. Col. Laurens, with his Ught infantry, to
return from Lempriere's to town, and resume his former post.
The enemy keep up a heavy cannonade, and approach fast on
our left, in front ofthe advanced redoubt, or half moon battery.
Three men wounded, &c. They made several boyaux from
their Second parallel." [Mcintosh.]
From the manuscript journal of an unknown officer, who
calls himself a Subaltern, we have the following only partially
legible paragraph :
" Sent for by  to come to town without baggage.
Arrived in the evening. Heavy firing from both sides. The
approaches towards our works carried on briskly by the enemy.
Much execution done by their sheUs, which are thrown upon
eveiy part of our lines. The number killed and wounded
difficult to be ascertained. From the 21st it was allowed
there were fifteen lost each day from the continentals 
Alarm this night ; the enemy approaching to our gate and
appearing in column, as if intending a storm, A heavy can
nonade from our Unes, The soldiers on the right beginning
to fire, it ran through the ranks, and for a few minutes, one
continued roar from the cannon and small arms. Sergeant
 , of Parker's, kiUed by a sheU this day," [Subaltern.]
" 2 2d April, Approaches continued ofl our left in front of
the advanced redoubt. The enemy kept up a heavy cannon
ade. Three men wounded." [Moultrie.]

132 SOUTfl-OAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
" 23d April, Fire from the batteries as usuaL The enemy
extended the saps of his second parallel," [DeBrahm.]
" 23d April. The enemy's approaches continually carrying
on upon our right and left ; those on our right within twenty
yards of our dam. A mortar moved from the right of Col.
Parker's encampment. About 8 at night, two deserters from
the enemy. They confirm the report of a considerable rein
forcement (Lord Cornwallis with 2,500 men) from New- York ;
that they detached ten companies of Ught infantry to go over
to HaddriU's Point ; and say the enemy lost a number of
men lately by our shells." [Mcintosh.]
Tarleton -writes :
" A considerable corps of troops recently arrived from New-
York, enabled Sir Henry Clinton to strengthen the detach
ment under Webster. The importance of the command, and
the critical situation of the enemy, induced him to request
Lieut. Gen. Earl Cornwallis to direct the fiiture operations of
the army on the east side of Cooper river. The intention of
Gen. Lincoln, in fortifying Lempriere's Point, seems to have
been counteracted by the arrival of Lord CornwalUs with ad
ditional troops, as it was evacuated soon after that event,"
[Campaigns.] " 24th April, Fire from the batteries as usual. This morn
ing at day break, a party of 200 men, under Col. Henderson,
made a sortie upon the enemy's works, which caused a gene
ral fire of musketry on both sides. The party retm-ned in a
little while with 12 prisoners. Our loss was one captain and
one soldier killed," [De Brahm.]
" 24th AprU. A party of 200 men, detached from the
Virginians and South-CaroUnians, under the command of
Lieut. Col. Henderson, sallied out at dayUght this morning,
opposite the ' half moon,' or advanced battery, upon the
enemy's approaches, and completely surprised them in their
trenches. About 15 of them wem kiUed with the bayonet in
their ditches, and 12 prisonei's brought off, seven of whom
were wounded. The enemy attempted to support them, but
were obUged to retreat upon our giving them some rounds of
grape shot. The prisoners say Major Hall, of the 74th regi
ment, commanded them, but no officer was to be found.

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION, 133
Capt, Moultrie killed, and two privates wounded, upon our
side, in our retreat. The whole was done in a few minutes,
without our party's firing a single gun, and in the greatest
order. It is said Col. C. C. Pinckney and Lieut, Col. Laurens
assured Gen, Lincoln they could supply the garrison with
plenty of beef from Lempriere's Point ; upon which the com-
missaiy was ordered to issue a full allowance again, as before
the order of the 22d ; but, unfortunately, the first and only
cattle butchered at Lempriere's for the use of the garrison,
were altogether spoiled and useless, through neglect or mis
management, before they came over. These gentlemen are
said, also, to have some days past promised to keep the com
munication open on the Cooper river side, and besides beef,
to send a sufficient number of negroes over to town for the
works, which were much wanted,  •, (Kelley's,) Lieut,
Col, Laurens with the hght infantiy, and Col, C, C, Pinckney
with the greater part (or almost the whole) of the fii'st South-
Carolina regiment, came into garrison this morning from Lem
priere's, and ordered into the hom-works, and to mount the
post guard. Major Harris and 75 of his regiment, North-
Carolina miUtia, ordered to Lempriere's, under the direction
of Col, Malmedy, w'ho, with Major Hogg, is left to command
that post ; and Lieut. Col. Scott, with — — of the South-
Carolina regiment, and about  militia, to command at
Fort Moultrie. Col, Parker, of the Virginians, killed about
eight this evening, by a rifle ball, while looking over the para
pet in the half-moon battery ; two privates killed also, and
seven wounded, with others not known ; having kept an in
cessant fire of cannon, mortars and small arms on botb sides,"
[Mcintosh.] Col. Laurens came in from Lempriere's, and Col, Pinckney
from Fort Moultrie, bringing with him the greater part of the
1st South-Carolina regiment, which had been stationed at the
latter post. A small body of troops was left to hold the fort
which might very well have been abandoned entirely. The
passage of the enemy's fleet had rendered it of Uttle use, and
the garrison was only exposed to capture. Garrison and guUg
should have both been transferred to the city defences, as soon

134 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
as the British fleet had passed into the harbour. The journal
of the unknown Subaltern, on the 24th, contains the follow
ing :
" 24th April, At daybreak. Col, Henderson, Major Ste"
phenson, and 200 men from Generals Woodford and Scott's
brigade, made a sortie on the enemy in the trenches. The
assault was conducted with spirit and success. Our men
attacked with the bayonet, kiUed about twenty, wounded near
as many, and took twelve prisoners. The enemy were disco
vered this night working near om- half-moon batteiy. Col.
Richard Parker, having reconnoitered them, returned to the
batteiy to direct the fire, when the Yagers (Hessian) sending
a platoon of rifles into the embrazure, * * * shot the
Colonel * * * he died immediately * * * His
character is so well known, it need not be said how much he
is regretted, Capt. Moultrie (Thomas) killed at the sortie,
Lempriere's Ferry evacuated by Col. Malmedy ; retreat disor
derly. Lost Lieut, Worsham, of Russell's regiraent, and
twenty privates of the Virginia line, who were left as a party
to cover the embarkation of the rest. He and the party
taken coming down the river Pinckney's regiment, which
was stationed at Fort Moultrie, called to the garrison ; three
companies of * * * being left to defend that post, with
some militia," [Subaltern.]
" 25th April, As usual. Last night Col. Parker, of the
Virginia line, was killed by a musket shot." [De Brahm.]
" 25th April. Between 12 and 1 this morning, a heavy
fire of cannon and musketiy fi-om our advanced redoubt, and
the right of our lines, occasioned (it is said) by the enemy's
advancing in column. It is certain they gave several huzzas,
and abused us — caUing us bloody dogs — being upon duty
myself, and upon the lines all the night ; but whether they
were out of their trenches is not so clear. It was forty or
fifty minutes before I could put a stop to the waste of am
munition, until we could make sure of a proper object. The
eneray returned the fire smartly, and threw several light balls
and carcasses into the town. About 2 o'clock this afternoon.
Lord CornwalUs, with about 3000 men, took possession of
Mt, Pleasant, HaddriU's Point, ha-ving crossed from Charles-

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 136
town Neck over Cooper river, to — — , last night. Three
men wounded," [Mcintosh.]
" 26th April, As usual. The enemy commenced his
third parallel. Troops from a vessel and 4 gallies landed at
Mount Pleasant, and took possession of a battery of one
piece, losing one gaUey in this affair." [De Brahm.]
" 26th April. The small ship. Lord George Germaine, and
a sloop, joined the enemy's fleet neAr Fort Johnson, after
passing Fort Moultrie, at a great distance, with Uttle or no
damage. Some of the enemy's ships remain below, in Five
Fathom Hole, and it was said two of 74 guns lay off the bar.
The Vigilant, Captain Brett, at Beaufort, The enemy pretty
quiet yesterday and last night. We suppose they are bring
ing cannon into their thu-d parallel. They are seen strength
ening their approaches, and in possession of Mount Pleasant,
Brigadier General Duportail arrived from Philadelphia, which
he left the 3d inst, ; he says there was no prospect of our
getting any reinforcement soon from our grand army, Con
gress ha-ving only proposed to General Washington (then at
Morristown) the sending the Maryland Une, One man killed ;
Captain Goodwin, of 3d South-Carolina, and one private,
wounded. Theenemybegan their third parallel," [Mcintosh.]
Our subaltern's journal, on this day (26th) contains the
following :
" 26th April, Much mischief done daily by the shells,
Lieut, Philips, of Col, Russell's regiment, killed in the half-
moon by a sheU. Mr, Peter Lord, of the militia, killed at the
same time. Circumstances begin now to grow somewhat
alarming, from the allowance of provision being curtailed.
Strict search made in the houses of the inhabitants for this
article. Some discovered, but inadequate to the supplies
necessary. Soldiery, notwithstanding the many inconve
niences and fatigues thus suffered, are in high spirits."
Moultrie, on the same day, writes : " As soon as General
Duportail came into garrison, and looked at the enemy, and
at our works, he declared that they were not tenable, and
that the British might have taken the town ten days ago.

136 SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
He wished to leave the garrison immediately ; but General
Lincoln would not allow him, because it would dispirit the
troops." A council of war was called, to consider this un
pleasant opinion of Duportail. Here it was proposed again
that the place should be evacuated, and the continental troops
privately withdrawn. But, says Moultrie, " when the citizens
were informed upon what the council were deliberating, some
of them came into council and expressed themselves very
warmly, declaring to Lincoln, that if he attempted to with
draw his troops they would cut up his boats and open the
gates to the enemy. This put a stop to all thoughts of an
evacuation," 27th April. De Brahm only repoi-ts " as usual," Mcin
tosh gives a full report of the events of the day, his details
being confirmed, as is generally the case, by Moultrie, who
seems, indeed, to have freely used this journal of Mcintosh,
" 27th April. Last night. Col. Malmedy, with his detach
ment, at Lempriere's Ferry, retreated in great confusion across
the river, after spiking-up four eighteen-poundei-s they left
behind. About 1 in the afternoon, four of the enemy's gal
lies, an armed sloop and a frigate, moved down the river, and
anchored opposite and near, the mouth of Hog Island, after
a very faint opposition from the cannon of Fort Moultrie,
One of the galfies got aground, and was lost. Five militia
men of James Island (Capt, Stiles,) deserted last night in a
boat. One private killed and five wounded. Tar barrels
ordered to be fixed before our Unes every evening, and burn
all night, to prevent a surprise, as the enemy are close to the
canal, and keep up almost a continued running fire of small
arms, night and day, upon us. A picquet, of a field officer
and 100 men, of my miUtia brigade, ordered every evening
to Gadsden's old house, to support a small guard of a ser
geant and 12 regulars, upon the wharf, in case of an attack
by the enemy's boats upon that quarter. Major Pinckney
ordered out on same duty." \^^
" 28th April. As usual. Last night our post at Lem-

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 137
priere's was evacuated, and taken possession of by the enemy
to-day. It was not until this moment that Charlestown was
completely invested ; the EngUsh having possession [now] of
James Island, Wappoo, Charleston Neck, Hobcaw Point, and
his fleet anchored in the roadstead before the town," [De
Brahm.] " 28th April. Two deserters from the enemy, at Hobcaw,
brought over by our troops. We saw the British flag flying
at our late post, Lempriere's. Major Low and several supe-
numerary officers quitted the garrison over Cooper river. The
enemy very busy throwing up their third parallel, within a
few yards of our canal, which is most plain is above 100
yards from our breastwork.
" Our fatigue hard at work, enclosing the horn work. The
few negroes remaining in town are obUged to be pressed daily,
and kept under guard, as the masters, as well as the slaves,
were unwilUng they should work. Two privates killed ;
Lieut. Campaign, of North-Carolina, and two privates, wound
ed," [Mcintosh.]
A letter of this date, (28th April,) from John Lewis Ger
vais, at Georgetown, which is now before us, embodies a Uvely
summary of events in Charleston, as they would be Ukely to
traverse the country on the wings of rumour. We only quote
fi-om this letter those portions which relate to the seeming or
promised resources in other parts of the State,
" During the course of this week, we are in hopes we shall
have 1500 or 2000 men on the other side of the Santee, , , ,
By our last advices. Gen. Caswell was, with 1000 men, near
Col. Thomson. Gen. Williamson was expected last Sunday
at Orangeburg, with 900 men — say 600, General Caswell's
second division was said to be at Camden ; Col. Thomson was
at Orangeburg with 200 men ; and 400 Virginia continen
tals — I believe Gen. Scott's brigade — were said to be at Nel
son's Ferry, and our horse at that place and at Murray's Ferry,
They are all ordered to rendezvous at Lanneau's Ferry, with
all the miUtia that can be coUected from Pedee, and Richard
son's former brigade — for he resigned long ago. We hope to

138 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION,
throw a supply of provisions this week into Charleston, o'
rice, corn, flour and pork, by way of Fort Moultrie."
In the evening he writes with a changed aspect. " Vessels
were to sail this morning with provisions for Fort Moultrie, . .
but if our advices be true ... all coraraunication must be at
an end," Here follows a summary of particulars already in
our possession. He continues :
" Light horse are expected here to-day to refit, for they are
not yet in a condition to face the enemy. They lost a num
ber of saddles, pistols and swords, besides horses ; yet Col.
Washington will not allow it to have been a surprise. Col,
White now commands all the horse. Major Vanderhorst,
formerly in the first regiment, arrived yesterday from Colonel
Thorason, where he saw a letter from General Williamson,
giving an account that Colonel Pickens had been down with
a party within five miles of Savannah, and had killed about
sixty negroes in arms, and sorae white men with them, among
whom were two overseers of Gov, Wright  It appears
that Gen, Williamson was at home, and that the news of his
approach was premature  In some places the enemy
have behaved very well to the inhabitants ; in othei-s, very ill.
Some houses they plundered because there was nobody at
home ; others have been plundered because they were at
home. It is said that Charles Pinckney's family h-ave been
plundered of all their plate, linen and provisions. Mrs, But
ler, wife to the Major, had everything taken from her. He
and John Deas hid in the swamp and got off. Gen. Huger,
and his aid, John Izard, were in the swamp from Friday
morning, the 'day our horse were routed, till Monday, Gen.
Huger is gone to his plantation in St. Mathews, very sick. It
was a long fast. . . , Col. John Harleston is taken prisoner
at his own house."
" 29th April. As usual. The eneray's third parallel al
most finished, and battery (T) commenced, as likewise a re
doubt (V) on our side," [De Brahm.]
" 29th April. The enemy's third parallel nearly finished,
and redoubt begun towards the middle of it, opposite the
gate, and another towards our left. Our hands began a re-

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 139
tired redoubt on the right of the horn work. Gen, Lincoln
informed the general officere, privately, that he intended the
horn work as a place of retreat for the whole army, in case
they were driven from the lines, I observed to him the im
possibility of those who were stationed at the South Bay and
Ashley Ferry retreating there, in such case ; to which he re
plied, that we might secure ourselves as best we could, A
heavy bombardment from the enemy during the night, and
small arms never ceasing, A deserter from them says, they
are preparing a bridge to throw over the canal, Capt. Tem-
pleton, of 4th Georgia regiment, wounded by shell ['of which
he died,' Moultrie!] Tattoo ordered not to beat. Colonel
Malmedy ordered to deUver a wi-itten report of the evacuation
of Hobcaw, etc."
" 30th April. As usual, [De Brahm.] General Lincoln
received a letter from Governor Rutledge, upon which he
congratulates the army, in general orders, for hearing of a
large reinforcement, that may open our communication again
to the country, etc. The deserter yesterday, tells us the huz
zas were from the enemy's working party, who thought we
were sallying. The engineere, they say, ordered them, when
that happened, to give three cheers, and fall back upon their
covering party, who, not having been apprised of it, received
them as enemies, in consequence of which a considerable
number of them were killed and wounded. He confirms the
account of their receiving a considerable reinforcement fi-om
New- York, and says the last detachment to Hobcaw amounts
to above two thousand ; that they expect their shipping up
to town every night, and are preparing a large nuniber of
fascines 'to fill up the canal. Severe firing of cannon, mortars
and small arms, continued on both sides. Lieut. Campaign
and Ensign Hall, of the North-Carolinians, wounded badly,
and Lieut, PhiUps, of the Virginians, Privates killed and
wounded not known, there are so many. J^" I think it is
this day that General Lincoln called the general officers to
gether, at his quarters, that General Du Portail, who had
viewed our fortifications, might give us his opinion respecting
them, and the state of the siege, which was, in substance,
much the same as Col. Laniey repeatedly expressed before —

140 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
viz : that our works could only be called field lines, and could
hold out but a very fe-w days, etc." [Mcintosh.]
May 1. De Brahm writes of the three first days of May,
that all goes on " as usual." " Our hospital ship taken by
the EngUsh, and carried higher up the river."
" May 1. Our fatigue employed in erecting another redoubt
on the left of the hom work, and completing. These new
works intended for a retreat, in case of necessity. . The enemy
appear to be about another battery, their third parallel, oppo
site No. 12, on our right. Five men deserted last night from
the galUes, which yet remain in Wappoo Creek ; lie many
risks they ran in the attempt is astonishing. A very smart
bombardment kept up during this day. Capt. Mumford, of
North-CaroUna, wounded by a musket ball, and Mr. P. Lord,
a volunteer, [in the continental artillery,] killed yesterday by
a sheU." [Mcintosh.]
Moultrie, on the same day, gives us quite a lively picture
of the exhaustion and exposure consequent upon the inces
sant duties of the besieged, " Mr. Lord and Mr. Basquin,
two volunteers, were sleeping npon a mattrass together, when
Mr, Lord was killed by a shell falUng upon him ; and Mr,
Basquin, at the same time, had the hair of his head burnt,
yet did not wake 'till he was called upon. The fatigue in
the advanced redoubt was so great, that, for want of sleep,
many faces were so swelled they coidd scarcely see out of
their eyes, I was obliged to relieve Major Mitchell, the com
manding officer. They were constantly on the look-out for
the shells, that were continually falling among them. It was
by far the most dangerous post on the Unes, On my visit to
this battery, not having been there for a day or two, I took
the usu^ way of going in, which was a bridge that crossed
our ditch, quite exposed to the enemy. In the meantime,
they had advanced their works within 70 or 80 yards of the

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 141
bridge, which I did not know of. As soon as I had stepped
upon the bridge, an uncommon number of bullets whistled
about me. On looking to my right, I could just see the heads
of twelve or fifteen men, firing upon me from behind a breast
work, I moved on and got in. When Major Mitchell saw
me, he asked me by which way I came in. When I told him
' over the bridge,' he was astonished, and said, 'It is a thous
and to one, sir, that you were not killed. We have a covered
way to go out and in,' I stayed in this battery about a quar
ter of an hour, to give the necessary orders ; in which time
we were constantly skipping about, to get out of the way of
the shells thrown ifi-om their howitzers. They were not more
than one hundred yards from our works, and throwing their
shells in bushels in our front and left flanks." John Lewis
Gervais, writing fi-om Georgetown on the 1st May, says, " I
believe there are about 800 stands of arras here ; but more
than that number will be wanted to arm the South-CaroUna
and some of our own militia. If we had arms enough, I
certainly should be of opinion to arm as many blacks as were
willing to engage." This opinion of one of the Privy Coun
cil of South-Carolina, at a moment of greatest peril, shows
no such fear of our " pecuUar institution " as our Eastern
brethren constantly intimate that we entertain. At that time
the danger would have arisen from the great number of the
slaves being of the African race — a race peculiarly brutish
and capricious. The negroes of the South, now, are almost
wholly natives of the country. The opinions of Gervais were
entertained by many others, and the measure was recom
mended by General Greene, But they were not an efficient
race in battle. The British uniformed some three hundred
of them, and found no profit in it. Besides, they were most
needed for agricultural purposes, by both parties. The negro
labourer of CaroUna fed the troops of both armies, as well in

142 SOUTH-CAROUNA IN THE REVOLUTION.
Georgia as CaroUna, during the last three years of the war.
Thomas Bee -writes from Newbern, N. C, (May 1) —
" The Legislature now sitting seem anxious to give us every
assistance. They have resolved to raise and forward 6000
men to the assistance of our State ; but this will be a work
of time. I have suggested to the Governor, that 1 or 2000,
pushed on in three or four weeks, wiU be of the greatest con
sequence ; and he thinks he wiU be able to effect this in that
period. Accounts fi-om the northward mention the Maryland
line, under General SmaUwood, about 1600 men, as having
crossed Chesapeake Bay, on their way to South- Carolina."
" 2d May. Last night the enemy made a ditch on the
right, to drain our canal. A number of men killed and
wounded the last three or four days, which cannot be ascer
tained. " A general monthly return ordered to be made, -with ac
count of the MUed, wounded and deserted since 1st April.
" A nine-pounder buret in battery No. 12, and a quantity
of fixed ammunition blown up in batteries Nos. 10 and 12,
" It is said the enemy throw shells at us, charged with rice
and sugar.
'• Lieut. Col. Smith, of town militia, with a party to press
negroes for the works, if possible." [Mcintosh!]
According to tradition, it was not rice and sugar with
which the shells of the British were thus ironically charged,
but wheat flour and molasses. An inscription addressed it
" to the Yankee officere in Charleston,'' [our Eastern brethren
must remember that " Yankee," in the European mouth, ap
plied to all the Americans — Lincoln and Whipple were
probably the only two of Yankee nurture that were in the
city,] and courteously informed them that it contained a
supply of the commodities of which they were supposed -
to stand most in need. The spirit of the garrison was
still good. They could still jest above the volcano. Hav
ing ascertained that the sheU was sent them from a bat
tery manned by a force entirely Scottish, they emptied the

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 143
shell of its contents, and, filUng it with lard and sulphur,
threw it back to their courteous assailants, with the same in
scription which originally accompanied it. Garden says, "It
was understood, after the siege, that the note was received,
but not with that good humour that might have been expect
ed, had it been considered as a jeu d^esprit, resulting from
justifiable retaUation."
"They were misinformed," says Moultrie, "if they supposed
us in want of rice and sugar," Of the latter article, indeed,
the allowance was exceedingly Uberal, and furnished to the
troops in such quantities, by way of supplying the want of
other articles, that one of their favourite arauseraents was to
pursue the spent hot shot of the enemy, in order, by flinging
the sugar upon the ball, to convert it into candy.
On this date, (2d May,) Gervais writes frora Georgetown :
" We had an alarm here yesterday. It was said the enemy
were at Diirand's, on Wambaw, It seems a party of 25
men had been on Santee, near Dupre's Ferry, Gen. Caswell
is at Lanneau's, with continentals and militia, 800 or 900
men ; a force sufficient, I am sure, if properly disposed, to
prevent 2 or 3000 from crossing that river; and this place
may be secured till Charleston falls,"
" 3d May. Cannonading, bombarding, and continual firing
with small arms, as usual, on both sides. Our citizens em
ployed fetching pickets, etc." [Mcintosh.]
" 4th May. Our rations reduced to 6 oz. meat, and bad
enough. Coffee and sugar allowed the soldiers, with their
rice. The enemy appear to have possession of our battery,
on the end of Gadsden Bridge, leading to Fort Moultrie. Fire
fi-om, the enemy's cannon slack, but they do not spare sheUs
or small arms. Our hospital ship carried away," [Mcintosh.]
De Brahm again includes the events of three days, in his
memoranda — the 4th, 5th and 6th, " The enemy," says he,
" employed in making three batteries (W, X, Y) upon his
third paraUel, and we to make two redoubts, (Z, U,)"

144 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
6th May. " From all appearance," says Moultrie, " Fort
Moultrie is in the hands of the enemy. A British flag is seen
flying on the staff." The subaltern officer, unknown, whose
journal may now be employed to supply the place of that of
Gen, Mcintosh, (which closed with the item of the fourth of
May,) confirms the intelligence. He says :
" 5th May. Fort Moultrie surrendered to the British forces.
This fort, by many people, was deemed impregnable ; yet the
want of provision, and the weakness of the garrison, obliged
it to surrender — greatest part of the garrison which was post
ed there being ordered to reinforce the town, Lt. Col. Scott,
of South-Carolina, commanded the fort at the surrender. This
affair damped the spirits of the citizens, though not of the
army, AU communication between the city and country was
now cut off, and the garrison and citizens entirely dependent
on their own stores, which were exhausted to a few days short
allowance. Some days before this accident. Col. Malmedy,
having no command, and being somewhat disagreeable to the
garrison, in consequence of the affair at Lempriere's, was ad
vised to quit the town while there was a probabihty of a pas
sage. He set out in a boat, accompanied by Edward Rut
ledge, Esq., late a member of Congress, who had served till
this time of the siege with reputation, as Captain in the
Charlestown artillery. There were also [in the boat] two men
of suspected charactere. They were taken by the enemy.
Upon landing, Malmedy attempted to escape. Meeting with
a negro, he desired him to pUot him clear of the British camp.
The negro, intending to do the enemy a favour, conducted
him close to their Unes, which Malmedy perceiving, drew on
him, and cut him several times. The negro closed with him,
and drawing a knife, wounded him so * * that we hear
he is since dead. The average of the killed, each day, amount
ed to fifteen, by shot, shells, etc."
Fort Moultrie was given up without firing a gun. Indeed,
resistance was now idle. Tarleton writes that, in pm-suance
of intelUgence which gave the Admiral a full knowledge of
the condition of the post, " he landed a body of seamen and

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION 145
marines, under the command of Capt. Hudson, to attempt
the fort by storm, on the west and north-west faces, whilst the
ships of the squadron battered it in front. The garrison,
consisting of continentals and militia, to the amount of 200
men, seeing the imminent danger to which they were exposed,
and sensible of the impossibility of relief, accepted of the
terms offered by a summons on the 7th May, and by capitu^
lation surrendered themselves prisoners of wai-." But the
fact is, the supplies were cut off. Good fight might have
been made ; but the blockade was complete, and the garrison
must have perished by starvation,
" 6th May, This day Sir Henry Clinton sent proposals of
surrender to us, beginning with a preamble, that it proceeded
from his humanity and desire to spare the effusion of blood.
Council of general and field officers, called. Governor and
Council also to be consulted." [Subaltern.]
" Gth May, The besieging party finished their third paral
lel, which they had carried close to the canal, and by a sap
pushed to the dam which supplied it with water on the right,
drained it in several parts to the bottom. On the 6th and
7th of May, the artillery was mounted in the batteries of this
parallel, and the traverses and communications were perfectly
completed. Thus enclosed on every side, and driven to its
last defences. Sir Henry CUnton, wishing to preserve Charles
town from destruction, and to prevent that effusion of blood
which raust be the inevitable consequence of a storm, opened
a correspondence on the 8th with General Lincoln, for the
purpose of a surrender." [Tarleton,.]
The 7th May was distinguished by a disaster — tbe partial
destruction of the principal magazine of the garrison, by the
bursting of a sheU, This magazine stood behind St, Philip's
Church. Moultrie had the powder removed (100,000 lbs.)
to the north-east corner of the Exchange, where it was bricked
up, and where it remained undiscovered by the British, during
the long period wBle they held the city.

146 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION,
" 7th May, Negotiations continued. Various conjectures
concerning the acceptance or rejection of our proposals." [Su
baltern.] " 7th May, As usual. This morning, at 8 o'clock. Fort
Moultrie capitulated. A sixty gun ship joined the English
fleet." [De Brahm.]
" 7th May. The conditions demanded by the American
commander being deemed higher than he had a right to ex
pect from his present situation, they were rejected, and hos
tilities renewed." [Tarleton.]
" 8th May. As usual. Another redoubt ( C ) was com
menced last night, in rear of our left line. This morning the
enemy sent a parley again to demand the town. The truce
was prolonged throughout the whole day. In a council of
war, composed of all the officers of the general staff, it was
resolved by a majority of votes to propose a capitulation,"
[De Brahm.]
" 8th May. A second summons from Sir Henry Clinton,
informing us of the fall of Fort Moultrie, and that the re
mains of our cavalry were cut to pieces the day before yes
terday. The embrazures of the enemy's batteries of third
parallel opened last night. Our meat quite out ; rice, sugar
and coffee served out," [Moultrie.]
" 8th May, Truce continued till 8 o'clock in, the evening.
Our proposals were rejected, and hostilities commenced at the
time above mentioned. * •* * Although it was * * *
that the- subsistence of the garrison must depend entirely
upon what rice was concealed in town by the inhabitants, for
private (use), and this quantity known to be but smaU, yet
some persons were clear for opposition, and insisted upon such
terms as they were certain would not be com pUed with, yet
ignorant of the most distant means of succour or resource.
These people, consisting chiefly of those who were possessed
of property in the town, joined only by two continental land,
and one naval officer, outweighed the council and renewed
the fire." [Subaltern.]
The fire was not renewed before the 9th of May, though
our Subaltern, in a sentence which we omit, describes it as
having followed the same day, and being continued, without

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 147
intermission, the whole night. There are several small con
tradictions among our several journalists, in their dates, ari
sing, no doubt, from their making the record the day after the
event, and forgetting to antedate. When the fight was re
sumed, we are told that it began with three vigorous cheers
from the batteries of the besieged ; though Moultrie mentions
that while tbe flags were passing between the two armies, the
mUitia, assuming the affair to be quite settled, retired to the
town, leaving the works wholly undefended.
" 9th May. The enemy had cannon mounted in the bat
tery of his third parallel. Note. — That it was for the pur
pose of mounting these cannon that the English proposed the
truce, I do not pretend to say ; but this much is certain, that,
had it not been for the truce, it would have been a very labo
rious and dangerous job, and almost impracticable." [De
Brahm!] That the British presumed to add to their works or equip
ment, during a state of truce, was contrary to all military
rule, and should have justified an instant resumption of the
fire of the garrison. That the thing was so managed, argues
a most gross remissness and indifference in the officers of the
garrison. We have this fact from no other authority.
" 9th May. The two commanders not agreeing upon the
terms of capitulation, the siege commenced this evening at 9
o'clock, with greater warmth than ever." [De Brahm!]
" 9th May, Hostilities continued. Orders for the purchasing
commissary to seize every steer and cow in town, for the use
of the garrison,
" Warm fire from the enemy this day. Their approaches
are now so near as to do certain execution with their mus
ketry. Above twenty men killed this day. Soldiere more
active than the commissary, drive the cavalry into the range
of the shells, where some are killed, which they soon divide :
an agreeable repast, after some days' want of meat. Since
the approaches of the enemy became so alarming, tar barrels

148 SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
were lighted every night near the abbatis, in order to discover
their advances, should they attempt to storm. * * * *
Whispered this night that the inhabitants of the town (mili
tia) were framing a petition to Gen. Lincoln, begging of him
to accept the terms offered by Gen. CUnton ; at the same time
many of them refused to do farther duty. The allowance of
provisions consisted now of a little coffee, sugar and rice."
[Subaltern.] " 9th May. The batteries on the third parallel were then
opened, and by the superiority of the fire, both of artillery
and small arms, the British troops were enabled to gain the
counterscarp of the outwork which flanked the canal, which
they likewise passed, and then pushed on their approaches
directly for the ditch of the place." [Tarleton.]
" 9th May, When the enemy's third parallel was comple
ted, we had sand bags placed upon the top of our lines, for
the riflemen to fire through. The sand bags were about two
feet long and one foot thick ; we laid down, firet, two of them,
three or four inches one from the other, and a third was laid
upon the top of the two, which made a loop-hole for the rifle
men. The British followed our example. Many men were
kUled and wounded through these holes," [Moultrie.]
The Americans were in the habit of drawing the fire of
entire companies, by simply elevating a hat upon a sword or
bayonet, above the parapets, when, so near were the assail
ants, so vigilant, and such good shots — particularly the Ger
man yagere — that it would be instantly riddled with bullets.
But the struggle was drawing to a close. The rejection of
the terms offered by Clinton left both parties fi-ee to com
mence the conflict by 8 o'clock in the evening. Moultrie
says : " We remained near an hour silent, all calm and ready^
each waiting for the other to begin. At length we fired the
firet gun, and immediately followed a tremendous cannonade.
About 180 or 200 pieces of heavy cannon were discharged
at the same moment. The mortars from both sides threw out
an immense nuraber of shells. It was a glorious sight to see

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION, 149
them, like meteors, crossing each other and bureting in the
air. It appeared as if the stare were tumbling down. The
fire was incessant, almost the whole night, cannon balls whiz
zing and shells hissing continually amongst us ; great guns
bursting and wounded men groaning along the Unes. It was
a dreadful night. It was our last great effort, but availed us
nothing,'' " May 10, As usual," says De Brahm, Our Subaltern is
more communicative.
" MiUtia abandon the lines, and cannot be prevailed upon
to join. Cannon entirely deserted. Two pieces in the half-
moon dismounted, and one unfit for use. This battery unable
to make ****** Circumstances alarming. Capt.
Valentine Peyton, firing a cannon which was deserted, and in
front of which the enemy were working uncovered — shot
through the head — died almost immediately, much lamented.
Adjutant Ferrell killed by a shell. At 4 o'clock this after
noon a flag was sent from us, to desire a negotiation with the
enemy. The militia were now convinced they were deceived
in their conjectures of the quantity of provision and other
stores, and sincerely desired the acceptation of terms."
"May 11, As usual. The enemy's trenches were extend
ed under the abbatis of the advanced battery (F). This af
ternoon a parley was sent to the enemy, to propose fresh
terms of capitulation," [De Brahm.]
"May 11. The negotiation continued. The soldiere not
served with provisions. People of the town flock to the
Unes," [Subaltern.]
"May 12. The terms were accepted, and the English
army took possession of the town. The English have worked
very hard upon the fortifications. All that I can learn is that
they have strengthened the profiles of the lines — that they
have constructed a fort at Hampstead, very nearly upon the
plan herewith marked with dotted lines, and some redoubts
more advanced. They have also commenced a battery upon
Shute'-s Folly ; but the foundation is scarcely raised." [De
Brahm.]

150 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
" May 1 2. Capitulation agreed on. Detachment of gren-
adjei-s takes possession of the horn work at 3 o'clock. Our
troops march out and pile up their arms ; they return, and
are dismissed to their tents. The enemy's guards take pos
session of the town." [Subaltern.]
" On the 11th May we capitulated, and on the morning of
the 12th we marched out and gave up the town," Moultrie
thus describes the last scene in this eventful drama — the stir-
render — the humiliating denouement :
" About 11 o'clock, A,M., on the 12 th of May, we marched
out between 1500 and 1600 continental troops, (leaving five
or six hundred sick and wounded in the hospitals,) without
the horn work on our left, and piled our arms ; and the offi
cere marched the men back to the barracks, where a British
guard was placed over them. The British then asked where
our second division was? They were told these were all the
continentals we had, except the sick and wounded. They
were astonished, and said we had made a gallant defence,
Capt, Rochfort had marched in, -with a detachment of the
artiUery, to receive the returns of our artillery stores. While
we were in the horn work together, in convereation, he said,
' Sir, you have made a gallant defence ; but you had a great
many rascals among you,' (and mentioned names,) ' who came
out every night, and gave us information of what was passing
in your garrison,' The mUitia marched out the same day,
and deUvered up their arras at the sarae place. The conti
nental officers went into town, to their quartere, where they
remained a few days, to collect their baggage and sign their
paroles, then were sent over to HaddriU's Point, The next
day the militia were ordered to parade near Lynch's pasture,
and to bring all their arms with them — guns, swords, pistols,
etc. — and those that did not strictly comply were threatened
with having the grenadiere turned in among them. This
threat brought out the aged, the timid, the disaffected and the
infirra, many of them who had never appeared during the
whole siege, which sweUed the miUtia prisonere to at least
three times the number of men we ever had upon duty, I
saw the column march out, and was surprised to see it so

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 151
large ; but many of them we had excused, from age and in
firmities — however, they would do to enrol on a conqueror';
list." " 13th May. At 12 this day ordered from the lines — th>
officers to empty houses and the soldiers to the barracks. B3
the articles of capitulation, we understood that the officers
were to wear their swords ; yet the enemy affirra that, al
though it was allowed us to retain, yet we should not wear
them, and insisted that it was the true spirit of the article.
We were obliged to lay them down — that is, to keep them
out of sight. No provisions this day. [Subaltern.]
From the Santee, John Lewis Gervais writes on the 13th :
" Yesterday we received an account of Fort Moultrie having
surrendered — the garrison are prisoners of war. They con
sisted only of 150 men, thirty or forty of whom were sick.
Col. Scott commanded. The privates of the militia are ad
mitted on parole. I saw William Kershaw, a brother of
Joseph, yesterday — he was in that garrison, which consisted,
the greatest part, of miUtia. He was going to Camden on
foot. The fort surrendered last Sunday, A number of sea
men and marines had landed, and taken possession of the
western battery. Last Tuesday night, to Wednesday, there
was a prodigious cannonade. We have since learnt that
another truce had taken place on Tuesday, for four hours,
between the garrison in Charleston and Gen, Clinton ; but
not agreeing upon the terms, they opened their batteries
again, about 10 o'clock at night, and we heard the firing dis
tinctly all Wednesday, Yesterday a party of horse and foot
came opposite to Lempriere's Feriy, left a picquet, and marched
off. Their route is not known. If the North-CaroUna rein
forcements do not come in soon, the garrison of Charleston
must fall into the enemy's hands. Nothing can save them
but a sufficient force to march down to St, Thomas, We
hear nothing of the Virginia State regiments and Colonel
Armand's corps [chiefly foreigners]. Congress have, at last,
ordered the Maryland Une, the Delaware regiment, and Major
Lee's corps, to the southward ; but they will come too late.
A good many of our horses have been recovered from the
disaster last Saturday. The plan vvas for Colonel White to

152 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
march from Georgetown on Thursday evening, with the
cavalry, and to take 300 foot from Col. Beaufort, of the Vir
ginia, to endeavour to surprise a body of the enemy at Wam
baw, The agreement was made with Col, Beaufort, Col.
"White crossed the river, but did not meet -with the infantiy ;
on the contrary, received a note from Col. Beaufort, that he
could not send them, and wishing him success. Upon this,
Col. White determined, nevertheless, to go near the enemy,
as they might fall in with some of their parties. He went
as far as Elias Ball's, at Wambaw, and took one officer and
thirteen privates, and then retreated towards Lanneau's Ferry,
at which place, he says, the enemy came so suddenly upon
him as occasioned a complete rout. The enemy also reco
vered their prisonere. Our loss is one major of brigade,
Medows, (?) one captain, and about twenty men ; but the
greatest is 50 or 60 horees, Tt seems. Col, White had ordered
one-half of the horees to be fed, whilst the other half should
cover them ; but they had their bridles out of their mouths,
and some people say many of the horses were not saddled.
Col. Horry's regiment crossed at Dupuy's, safe, - Upon the
whole, it is an unlucky affair, * * * * ^jjg enemy
certainly behaved very ill at Mepkin — broke open every
trunk, and carried off every thing they could -without a cart,
took from poor Roderick what little money he had, his watch,
shirt, stockings, and even the shoes from his wife's feet. At
the widow Broughton's, they also plundered every thing
belonging to her and Col, Isaac Motte's wife — took even all
the children's clothing, Mrs, Mofite took a little baby into
her lap and begged to have its clothes ; to which they re
plied, ' they wished they had the father — they would rip out
his d — d rebel heart.' Col, Motte has lost everything he had,
except a few negroes that are left. Col, M, is with us * *
he bears his misfortunes with great fortitude, I am soriy to
inform you that  piloted the enemy to Lanneau's,
and was very busy. He spoke in a very improper manner to
young Screven, a cousin of his, who was a volunteer with
Gol, White, was wounded and taken prisoner, but made his
escape," This letter affords us a sufficient idea of that want of co-

'sdUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE DEVOLUTION, 163
operation between the several detachments of the Americans
scattered through the country, by which their efforts were
rendered useless, and which subjected them to the fate which
finally awaited all of them. Col, Beaufort, who refuses his
support to the cavalry under White, to whom he is neverthe
less civil enough to desire every success, was the same person
-who suffered his whole command to be cut to pieces by Tarle
ton, at the Waxhaws, bv a feebleness and mismanagement
almost unexampled in military history. Of Colonel White,
we need only quote what Johnson somewhere says of him,
that he never failed to obtain leave of absence, whenever he
desired it. He was a totally incompetent person to wear
sword and epaulet. For the surprise at Lanneau's, he de
served to be cashiered and shot ; and a few such examples, at
this period, would have compelled the resignation of the in
competent and imbecile, and secured good officers in their
places, and that vigilance and habitual state of preparation,
the lack of which is the great sin and deficiency of a militia
force. Of the affair at Lanneau's, Col, Tarleton gives the
following account :
" The American cavalry began to assemble on the north of
the Santee river, toward the latter end of April, under the
protection of two Virginia regiments of infantry and the mili
tia of Carolina. Col, White had broughtsome dragoons from
the northward, [from Virginia, not from New-England,] and
had collected those who had escaped from Monk's Corner,
He was soon after joined by a detachment from Georgetown,
and by Col. Horry's regiment of light horse. On the 6th
May, he crossed the Santee at Dupuy's Ferry, Fortune fa
voured his first attempt. He suddenly surrounded an officer
and seventeen dragoons, who were foraging at Ball's planta
tion, and made them prisoners. From thence he directed his
march towards Lenew's (Lanneau's) Ferry, with an intention
to recross the river, under the protection of 200 continental
infantry, ordered by Col, Buford to meet the cavalry at that
7*

164 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION,
place, [Which did not come,] Lt. Col, Tarleton, without
any knowledge of the misfortune which had happened to the
detachment of light infantry cavalry, was proceeding, on the
same day, with a patrol of 150 dragoons, to gain intelligence
at Lenew's Feriy, of the force and motions of the enemy.
On the road, the British were overtaken by a loyal American,
who had been a witness to the success which had attended
Col, White in the morning, but had luckily escaped his power.
The description of the troops, the assurances of their intention
to pass the river at Lenew's, and the hope of retaking the
prisoners, stimulated Tarleton to push on his patrol with the
greatest expedition. At the sarae tirae, the distance of Lord
Cornwallis's camp, the fatigue of the march, the heat of the
weather, and the sight of their infantry on the opposite bank,
threw the Americans quite off their guard. At 3 o'clock in
the afternoon, the advanced guard of the EngUsh arrived in
presence of their videttes. Tarleton, instantly forming his
troops, ordered them to charge the enemy^s grand guard, and
to pursue them into the main body. The corps being totally
surprised, resistance and slaughter soon ceased. Five officers
and 36 men were killed and wounded; 7 officers and 60 dra
goons were taken prisoners ; and the whole party of the light
infantry were rescued, as the boat was pushing off, to convey
them to the opposite shore. All the horees, arms and accou
trements of the Americans, were captured."
"May 14th. This day passed disagreeably. * * * *
Ordered to attend for paroles at different times, when there
was always something to prevent their being filled. Officers
and men, of the continental Une, ordered to parade at the
barracks, at 12 this day, to be reviewed by. Gen. LesUe, or an
officer appointed by him. The above order postponed * *
* ¦* to-morrow morning." [Subaltern.]
14th May. We have seen with what determination the
North-CaroUnians were to push forward four or six thousand
troops to South-Carolina. .A letter of this date, from Richard
Nassau Stephens, dated at Bath, N. C, says: " I thank you
for the intelligence, although the news is disagreeable ; and
what, I think, makes it much more so, is the supineness of

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 166
this State, whose legislative body, instead of pushing forward
to remove the evil from their neighbouring State, which, in
fact, was keeping destruction out of their own, were disputing
who should be the greatest man, the governor or an idol of
their own creation. I dare say you are no stranger to the
proceedings of this late assembly, which, I think, verifies the
old adage : ' after the steed is stolen, shut the stable door.'
I am sorry I cannot give you any intelligence of the nerrthern
(Virginia, Maryland and Delaware) troops. ... I think that
Charleston (if ever) must fall before the men can be raised
from this State for her assistance."
" I5th May. Troops paraded according to order this day.
Gen. LesUe attended. The enemy very much surprised at the
smallness of our numbers. While the men were on parade
at the barracks, the ai-senal where we used to keep our fixed
ammunition — where our arms, and the pistols and swords of
the mUitia were deposited this day by the enemy — was blown
up accidentally. As near as we could learn, two hundred
lives were lost — one-half, the enemy's guard and artillery,
with three officers ; the other, the inhabitants who resided
near, and the lunatics and negroes that were chained in gaol
for trifling misdemeanours. Some * * * men of the
enemy imagined it was perpetrated by our party ; but the
more sensible are certain it was occasioned by the forcing of
one of the guns which they were laying in the store, as most
of our soldiers' guns, when delivered, were loaded, and one
had fired in the same place yesterday, by being too roughly
handled in a removal. Contiguous to this arsenal, there was
a magazine which contained thirty thousand weight of pow
der, which it was expected would take fire. The inhabitants
were much alarmed, and both they and the British who were
quartered at that end of the town removed their effects.
During the confusion which this fire occasioned, both * * *
who were on parade, were strongly guarded by a detachment
of Hessians, However, when the danger abated and peace
was restored, Gen. Leslie returned, made some apologies for
our detention from quarters, and we, as prisoners, were glad

15"6 SOUTH-CAKOLlNA IN THE EEVOLUTION,
to be released. During the confusion, the British much
alarmed. Patrols in the streets till the fire was extinguished.
Their whole garrison under arms," [Subaltern.]
This terrible explosion was, in some degree, due to the
Americans, We have it from an aged relative, who saw her
father return fi-om the lines with some of his comrades, who,
being ordered to deposit his arms at the arsenal, deliberately
thrust into his musket all the cartridges which remained in his
cartouch box, eight or nine in number. His example wis
followed by his companions, and the feeUng of vexation which
prompted this proceeding was that of many more. The amis
were thrown recklessly upon the heap, and probably many of
them were on cock at the mora ent. The consequences might
have been predicted. Moultrie thus describes the event,
though he accounts for it in another way. No doubt nume
rous concurrent circumstances brought about the result.
" When the British received their arms, they put them in
wagons and carried them to a store-house, where we had de
posited our fixed ammunition (about 4,000 pounds) ; and
although they were informed by some of our officers that the
arms were loaded, and several of them went off before the
explosion took place, yet, in taking them out of the wagons,
they threw them so carelessly into the store, that some at last
set fire to the powder, which blew up the whole guard of
men, and many officers that were standing by — their carcases,
legs and arms were seen in the air, and scattered over several
parts of the town. One man was dashed with violence against
the steeple ofthe new Independent Church, (Gilman's,) which
was a great distance from the explosion, and left the marks of
his body there for several days. The houses in the town re
ceived a great shock, and the window sashes rattled as if they
would tumble out of the frames. Most of our militia men
were still together. After delivering up their arms, they went
in a body to assist in exting-uishing the fire, that had commu
nicated itself to the neighbouring houses; and while they
were working they were under the most dreadful apprehension

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTIOif. 157
lest the magazine should take fire, as the work-house and
others that were next to it were in a blaze. At last some
timid person cried out that ' the magazine was on fire,' This
gave the alarm. Every one took fright, both British and
Americans, and instantly broke from the work, running away
as fast as possible through the streets, throwing down and
tumbUng ov'er each other, while others coming, tumbled over
them, in endeavouring to get as far as possible from the ex
pected explosion, I have heard some of them say that,
though confoundedly frightened at the time, they could not
help from laughing to see the confiision and tumbling, ....
I was then in a house adjoining St, Michael's Church, with
some company, I advised the going out of the house and
walking to South Bay, because I was apprehensive, from the
great shock which was felt in the houses, from the explosion
of 4,000 pounds of powder, that, should the magazine blow
up, which had 10,000 pounds in it, many of the houses in
to-wn would be thrown do-wn, A British officer askea me hdw
much powder was in the magazine I told him, ' Sir,' said
he, ' if it takes -fire, it will blow your town to hell,' I replied,
' It will give a hell of a blast.' The British were very much
alarmed at the explosion. The troops were turned out under
arms and formed. Some of the British and Hessians sup
posed it was designed by us. I was abused and taken up by
a Hessian officer. He was vei-y angry, and said, ' You, Gen.
Moultrie, you rebels have done this on purpose, as they did
at New- York,' , ... If they had considered a momeTit, they
would have found that it was almost impossible for the maga
zine to take fire from the adjacent houses. It was enclosed
with a high brick wall ; the magazine itself was built of brick,
and was bomb-proof."
With a single farther item, we conclude the journal of a
¦Subaltei-n, who was probably transferred to HaddriU's Point
-with the rest of the prisoners of war :
" letli May. General, field, commissioned, and other offi
cers, ordered to attend for their paroles, but put Off till to
morrow. Officers almost tired out with attendance !"
Thus, then, ended this protracted struggle. Of the charac-

158 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION,
ter of the issue throughout, Moultrie expresses no opinions.
His work, in this respect, is particularly meagre, Ramsay
has already told us, in quotations previously made, of the
incompetency of South-Carolina to such a struggle, at the
period when it begun. His chief subject of complaint is,
that Lincoln was deceived as to the degree of support which
he anticipated from without. We shall endeavour to show
that other troops might have been had, had they been re
quired ; that more soldiers would only have increased the
misfortunes of the garrison, and precipitated the day of the
city's downfall ; and that it is to the miserable incapacity and
ignorance of those to whom the defence was entrusted, the
engineers and other officere, that the whole misfortune is at
tributable, Ramsay thus describes the final causes which
precipitated the capitulation at last :
" During the siege, a few secret friends of royal govern
ment fomented and encouraged a mutinous disposition among
the citizens, and successfully worked upon the fears of the
timid. When it was generally known that there was an in
sufficiency of animal provision in the garrison, and that the
town was completely surrounded, these men openly urged the
necessity of an immediate surrender. The measure of peti
tioning [Gen. Lincoln] received its first and warmest support
from the disaffected, to whom all capitulations were equal, as
they meant to become British subjects. These had the ad
dress to strengthen themselves by the timid, and even by
some of the bravest and best citizens, who believed that far
ther resistance was vain,"
And farther resistance was vain, when the garrison and
people had exhausted their provisions, when the British lea
guer was completed, and when the French General, Duportail,
looking at the wretched works which were thrown up as de
fences, showed the greatest anxiety to get out of them as
soon as possible, declaring them to be wholly untenable.

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION, 169
What must be the effect of such declarations upon the citi
zens — what was the effect upon the officers ? We are, as the
reader perceives, in possession of papers which Ramsay had
never seen. What does Gen. Mcintosh tell us ? That the
first council of war to which he was summoned was one in
which Lincoln, having suffered the enemy almost entirely to
close him within their meshes, coolly invites the officers to an
evacuation. Who resisted this ? The citizens — and well they
might, since, up to this moment, every confidence had been
expressed that the works were tenable, and that the place
could be successfully defended. Yet, before a gun was fired,
we find Commodore Whipple offering to bet that the salt
meat of the garrison was deficient, and proposing to inquire
into the quantity in store. All this time, the proper authori
ties assure us of araple supplies. By whose neglect was this
deficiency ? Ample time for its remedy, abundant resources
for supply were to be had in the surrounding country ; yet
no attempt was made to procure them. Let us hear what
Tarleton says of this defence :
" The garrison, under the orders of Major Gen, Lincoln,
was composed of ten weak continental and state regiments ;
of militia drawn from the Carolinas and Virginia, and of in
habitants of the town ; amounting, in the whole, to near six
thousand men, exclusive of the sailors,* The body of regu
lar troops destined for this service, though assisted by the
militia and by the inhabitants, was scarcely adequate to the
defence of such extensive fortifications, and could have been
more usefully employed in the field, where judicious opera
tions, assisted by the resources to be found in the country,
and by the approaching heat of the season, would have pro
tected the greatest part of the fertile province of South-Caro
Una, would have soon overbalanced the present superiority of
the British forces, and would have effectually prevented the
co-operation of the royal army and navy,"
-* The British return ot prisoners, exclusive of sailors, makes the
number only 4,704.

160 south-cAeolina in Ihb eevolution.
Roderick Mackenzie, the bitter analyst of Tarleton, though
differing with the latter in opinion, thiis - testifies involuntarily
in favour of his reasoning, while he gives the relative strength
of the two armies very fairly : " It caniiot, by any means, be
admitted that six thousand American troops, indifferently dis
ciplined, should, in any situation, be able to counteract the
measures of a British force, consisting of ten thousand."
Tarleton speaks reasonably, and the argument of Mackenzie
is conclusive. The works were not only worthless, but too
extensive for the number of troops. But we have said that
the nuraber of troops, if increased, would certainly have in
creased the evil. Under the circumstances they certainly
would, by increasing the number of consumers. There were
too many mouths already for the suppUes in store, and nobody
talks of suiTendering, among those by whom the citizens are
represented, until the food begins to fail equally for garrison
and people. Troops could have been had. Look at Col.
Beaufort and Gen. Caswell, who, with their respective brigades,
are specially kept in the open field. We have seen what
Gervais says of these forces. Besides, there were the troops
at Orangeburg, under WiUiamson, and othere in small and
useless detachments, scattered about the country, and which
could have been brought to Charleston before the post at
Haddrill'swas surrendered — in other words, before the navi-
¦gation of Cooper river was closed up. " Before this time,"
says Tarleton, — that is, before the middle of April, and when
the second parallel of the British had not been begun — " the
Americans had joined a body of militia to three regiments of
continental cavalry, and the whole was entrusted to Brigadier
General Huger, This corps held possession of the forks and
passes of Cooper river, and maintained a communication wiih
Charlestown, by which supplies of men, arms, ammunition
and provisions might be conveyed to the garrison during the

south-caeolina in the eevolution. 161
siege" We would not have had the cavalry abandon this
object ; but this very body of miUtia might have been trans
ferred to the garrison, as well as the troops under Caswell,
WiUiamson and Beaufort. These were all left, to be cut up
in detail by the British, as soon as they could detach a suffi
cient force from the leaguer of the city. There were troops
enough for the defence of Charleston ; but, unfortunately,
other uses and objects were contemplated for them. The
commanding general attempted too much — not only to defend
the city, but to keep afloat an adequate force in the country,
as well for its control, as for the purpose of forming the nu
cleus of an army, in the event of the conquest of the garri
son. This was unnecessary, since such a concentration of
force, within the city, as would have sufficed for its defence,
and the defeat of the British, would also have concluded all
their chances of making progress in the country. The coun
try was taught too much to look to the city, as the great
point of struggle, and, consequently, to exaggerate the impor
tance of the result, whether that were safety or overthrow.
But let us return to our extracts. We are nearly at the close
of them. Our next quotation is from John Lewis Gervais,
dated 16th May.
" We have received information that Charlestown and the
garrison surrendered last Friday. It comes from so many
quartere, that it admits of no doubt. It seems that the con
tinentals marched out with the honours of war, and then laid
down their arms. They are to be exchanged for Burgoyne's
army. The country militia are to be allowed four days' pro
visions, to return to their homes, and to remain there on pa
role. The inhabitants of Charlestown are allowed thirty-six
hours to remove their effects ; and we suppose those that will
take the oath, to remain. This is what we can collect from
different quarters. One man thatleft the Sandwich (ship) on
Saturday, says the shipping sailed up to town that day. The
country will now be left open to them. We have no army

162 south-caeolina in the eevolution,
to oppose them. It is reported that they have detached 2,000
men, to march towards Camden, We have no troops but
Gen, Caswell's brigade and Col, Beaufort's, and the shattered
remains of our horse. Col, Pickens will join us to-morrow,
with 300 men of the Ninety-Six reigiment, the only one that
has turned out cleverly. But they come too late, and when
they hear the fate of the town I am afraid they will not stay
long, I foresee a retreat to North-CaroUna,"
Tarleton thus sums up the terms of capitulation alluded to
above :
" By the articles of capitulation, the garrison were allowed
some of the honours of war. They were to march out of
the town, at an hour appointed for the purpose, to the ground
between the works of tne place and the canal, where they
were to deposit their arms ; but the drums were not to beat
a British march, [' we marched out with the Turk's march.'
Moultrie.] or the colours to be uncased. The continental
troops and seamen were to keep their baggage, and to remain
prisoners of war until they were exchanged. The militia
were to be permitted to return to their respective homes, as
prisoners on parole ; and, while they adhered to their parole,
were not to be molested by the British troops, in person or
property. The citizens, of all descriptions, to be considered
as prisoners on parole, and to hold their property on the same
terms with the militia. The officers of the army and navy to
retain their servants, swords, pistols and baggage, unsearched.
They were permitted to sell their horses, but not to remove
ihem out of Charleston."
It is not denied that they might shoot them ; but we do
not hear that any of the captives followed the example of Sir
PhiUp Sidney, who shot his horse, in France, when the Grand
Monarque insisted upon buying him. But what are we to
say of that exaction of the conqueror, which insisted upon
placing all the citizens, of whatever description, including
non-combatants, upon the same footing with the miUtia, pla
cing them on parole, and holding them through their proper-

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 163
ty ? But this is not the place, nor have we the room, to
discuss the conditions of surrender. We pass to a letter of
the same date, (May 16,) from Richard Henry Lee, of Vir
ginia. "In ten minutes after our house was formed, (which, unfor
tunately, was not until the 9th,) I moved for a bill to embody
miUtia for the relief of South-Carolina, and one will pass to
morrow, for sending, with all possible expedition, 2500 men
to your assistance. We have given such large pay in tobacco,
and other encourageraents, that I hope the nuraber will soon
be obtained ; and they are to go off as fast as a battalion is
collected. Should they not come in tirae to save Charles
ton — which yet I hopCT— they may be in time, with others,
to control the farther operations of the enemy. The Mary
land line of continental troops is coming on, and part are
already arrived at Petersburg, where our government has been
making every necessary exertion to facilitate their speedy pro
gress to the scene of action. Col, Porterfield, with our last
State regiment, about 500 raen, and Major Nelson, with 60
horse, left Petersburg about 10 days ago, for Charleston, and
at the same time went on from thence Col, Armand with his
corps. We have about 300 good men remaining at Wil
liamsburg, who will march south in a day or two. Yesterday
our house voted that the governor should spare all the arras
from the stores, that could be done, and this in consequence
of a requisition from North-Carolina, fur arras to put into the
hands of their miUtia. By this, the governor is authorized
to supply the arms wanted in North-CaroUna — which, I think,
he wiU imraediately do — and leave us enough to arm the
militia going south, and yet provide our eastern frontier with
proper defence, which, next to the reUef of Charleston, is our
diligent object. To this is to be added, that our enemies are
now stimulating an active war upon our western frontier,
which calls for immediate defence, and which prevents so full
and strong aid, as our wishes incline us to, from being sent to
South-Carolina." This last sentence indicates another of the peculiar diffi
culties and causes of embarrassment at the South, which

164 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
prevailed in infinitely less degree at the North. A wild for
est frontier, swarming with savages, whom the British had
subsidized, and against whom it tasked all the rangers of the
country to maintain their ground. A letter of Gov. Nash,
dated Newbern, 19th May, shows him still in ignorance of
the faU of Charleston, an event that took place just seven
days before. On the 22d he is better insti-ucted, and he ex
presses his surprise that some plan of communication had
not been adopted, for the transmission of intelligence, " at a
time like this, when the fate of countries is at stake ;" as if
it was not quite as much his concern — he being the governor
of a State imraediately interested — as that of anybody else.
But what's everybody's business is the business of none.
None does it, af all events. There are other letters in the
collection before us, which relate to the progress of the Bri
tish arms, and the various endeavours made by the contigu
ous (Southern) States, to oppose and embarrass their advance,
But their introduction will carry us over a surface quite too
extensive for the pages of a review, and can serve only in
iUustration of the several epochs and stages of the revolu
tionary war in CaroUna, We conclude our extracts, there
fore, with a paragrajih from a letter of Col. John Laurens to
his father, dated May 26th, 1780, which seems an appropri
ate finish to our quotations, and furnishes the only passage,
fi-om the voluminous papere before us, which affords any degree
of sanction to the wholesale charges made by Mr, Lorenzo
Sabine against the patriotism of the Charlestonians. It is
contained in a sentence which we itaUcise, and upon which
we shall comment hereafter,
" Disappointed in my expectations of accompanying Col,
Ternant, I have barely a moment to inform you that I am as
well as the humiUating circumstances of captivity -will suffer
me to be. That gentleman will give you a minute relation

SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION, 165
of our misfortunes, and their causes. Some of the latter, and
the principal ones, indeed, you pointed out before your depar
ture. Besides the force of the enemy, without, we had to
struggle, at home, against incapacity in some very important
persons, treasonable neglect of duty in the staff departments,
and an almost general disaffection of the citizens. It will
appear very extraordinary that simple field entrenchments
have supported a siege of six weeks — a space in which the
best fortified towns of Europe generally yield ; but the dura
tion of it must rather be attributed to the natural tardiness
and excessive caution of the English, than to the vigour or
skill of our opposition."
The opinions of Col. Laurens, which we have italicised,
must be received with much allowance. Col. Lauren* was
one of the most remarkable and well-endowed of all the
young men of his times — bold, ardent, generous — the " Bay
ard of the army," as he was affectionately styled by his con
temporaries ; but the very ardency of his temper was apt to
mislead his judgraent, in a matter and at a moment like the
present. That he was in great error, in ascribing almost
general disaffection to the citizens of Charleston, is in our
power to show, from other documents as well as those before
us. But, read with a due regard to their full meaning, those
which we have compiled in the present review are quite am
ple for the purpose. Disappointed in all his hopes and anti
cipations — mortified by the position of captive — with his
pride humbled by defeat, and his soul stung by the conscious
ness that his native city groaned beneath the lordly tread of
foreign footsteps — Col. Laurens naturally denounced the imbe-
ciUty and lack of patriotism in the numbers who were found
wanting to the new faith of the great movement party. He
naturally exaggerated their numbers in his mortification, and
quite as naturally disparaged the spirit of those who remained
faithful through the whole. We know that, of the five thous-

166

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.

and troops by which Charleston was defended — including
thus the contingents of no less than three States beside —
at least one thousand five hundred of the troops were Caro
linian. Here, for example, is an extract from the British
return, made of those who had actually borne arms through
out the siege :
South-CaroUna artillery, ... 62
Charleston battaUon, - - 146
1st Regiment South-Carolinians, - - 176
2d " " " - . - 195
3d " " " - . 208
1st BattaUon Charleston Militia, - - 312
2d " " " - 446
•  1545
These we find as diligently employed, during the siege, as
any other portion of the troops — as frequently in perilous
service — as much exposed — as prompt when sorties were
made, and suffering quite as much as any other bodies of men
engaged in the defence. By what more decisive mode of
exposition shaU we arrive at their feeUngs and desires, than
by the fact that, on two memorable occasions, headed by the
civil authorities, consisting wholly of natives of Charleston
and the neighbourhood, they thrust between the commanding
general of the city and the enemy, and insist upon his
continuance of the defence, long after his officere had de
clared the city to be indefensible. But we are reminded of
their inferior numbers. It is not denied that their numbere
are inferior. It is not denied that a large proportion of the
citizens of Charleston, as well as the State, were hostile to
the revolution, and to any transfer of authority from the
Crown of Great Britain, The greater part of the trade of
Charleston was in the hands of British merchants, chiefly
Scotch by birth — men always distinguished for the tenacity

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION, 167
of their loyalty. These were not merely lukewarm in regard
to the revolution, but positively hostile to it. At first, as is
the custom with the commercial population, they remained
in quiet, watchful of events. The first movements of the
popular party in South-Carolina had been so warm and vio
lent as to render them cautious. The successes which fol
lowed the firsficonflicts in which the Carolinians were engaged,
tended still farther to make them careful in conceaUng their
sentiments ; and it was only when the State was threatened
by an overwhelming force — when her resources were particu
larly low — when her troops were cut up by a two years
struggle in Georgia and on the frontiers — for Georgia was the
battle-field which opened the way to Carolina, and the forces
of the latter were wasted in fruitless contests in the sparsely
settled regions of her Southern sister, whom her fields had
yet to supply with provisions all the while;;;— it was then, when
in her worst condition, and the enemy upon her in all his.
strength, that the loyalty of the foreign merchants of Charles
ton to the British monarch found courage to manifest itself,
and take open part against the movement. On the subject
of the strength and feeling of this party, the native Caro
linians — with whom the whig movement wholly originated,
and who were chiefly professional men and planters — entirely
deceived themselves. They neither guessed their feeling or
their numbers. They took for granted that those who did
not openly declare against them were for them, and they
tliemselves, by their resolution and activity, were enabled to
supply the deficiency of numbers. No such deficiency ap
peared, as we have seen, at the first blush of the revolution.
When, in 1776, the battle of Fort Moultrie was fought, there
was no lack of troops in Charleston. When the British took
Savannah, Carolina could send her forces into Georgia, to
grapple with the enemy, -wljp had proved too much for the

168 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
younger State. Subsequently, her troops, even drawn from
the Charleston militia, could march to Savannah, and emulate
and surpass the best achievements of the French forces under
D'Estaign, losing some of her best blood upon that iU-man-
aged field of carnage. But her resom-ces were not inexhausti
ble. She had been playing the losing game in all these con
flicts. Her troops had been wasted in repeated marches, cut
up in detail, broken by frequent surprises, under inexperienced
militia commandere, until the final formid;ible leaguer of the
British found her overwhelmed with debt, without money,
men, or means of subsistence. Undoubtedly, there were
hundreds who preferred to fly, -with their possessions, to a
place of safety, rather than peril them on their patriotism.
This is a comraon history, known to aU regions. In a sparsely
settled country, like that of the rich parishes of South-Caro
lina, in those days, a single example of this sort would show
as conspicuously as the flight of a regiment in other places.
When Moultrie or Lam-ens were told of the disappearance of
some well-known planter, who had stolen off, with his house
hold goods and gods, the effect was a loathing and revulsion,
which produced unquaUfied denunciation, the more bitter and
extreme from their own personal knowledge of the fugitive.
A high-spirited and noble gentleman -will dwell upon such a
defection with prolonged bitterness, where a simple adherence
to the laws of duty would fail to provoke attention, and would
certainly coraraand no eulogies. That Cataline should destroy
his country is monstrous ; but that Cato should be true to it,
is only a matter of couree. We contend that a fair propor
tion of the citizens of Charleston and the immediate neigh
bourhood were as true to the faith which they professed, as
true to the patriotism which prompted them unselfishly to
revolution, and as firm and courageous in their maintenance
of their pledges, as any people ia the country, and that there

SOUTH-OAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION. 169
is nothing in the details of this siege, regarded from the pro
per points of view, with all the circumstances in sight neces
sary for a proper judgment, which should make them shrink
from the investigation of the world. That six thousand inex
perienced troops should be able to contend with nearly twice
their number of British regulars, commanded by professional
soldiers, is scarcely to be expected ; that they should so con
tend, when their engineers knew not how to plan their de
fences, and when their general failed to satisfy himself of the
adequate provision for their maintenance, and for nearly two
months, is perhaps quite as much due to their steadiness and
courage as to the patient forbearance of their enemy.
But why had you no more troops, demands the enquirer.
Surely, says Mr, Sabine, " she could furnish more than Rhode
Island, the smallest State in the confederacy ?" She did fur
nish more ; but, thousands of them fought as Henry of the
Wynd did, " on their own hook," and without caring to have
their names recorded for pay and pension on the pay-rolls of
the Federal Government,
We have endeavoured to indicate the various scenes of
conflict in which the powers of South-CaroUna were expended.
We adopt, from Johnson, the summary of her remaining re
sources, at the approach of the army of Sir Henry Clinton :
" Howe's unfortunate expedition against Florida, had to
tally broken up the southern army. The CaroUna regiments
were thinned down by sickness to a mere handful. The
northern regiments (Virginia and North-CaroUna, not New-
England) that had been sent on with Howe and Armstrong,
liad also melted away, chiefly by the expiration of their
term of enlistment ; and the Georgia regiment had nearly
all been made prisoners at different times, and perished in
the prison ships. The quiet possession of Georgia, also gave -
snch countenance to the loyalists and Indians, as to secure a
powerful co-operation to the enemy from that auarter. Of
8

110 SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
the loyahsts, great numbere had fled from North-Carolina,
South-CaroUna and Georgia, and taken refuge in Florida and
the Indian nation. These now began to collect from aU
quarters, under the cover of Provost's army, and either to
add to the strength of the enemy, or, united in formidable
bodies, to hunt down and distress the whigs ; so that many
of them were forced in their turn, to desert their plantations,
and transport their families beyond the mountains."
Here we have a sufficient summary of the causes which
prevented the adequate accumulation of the country miUtia,
for the assistance of Charleston. On each previous occasion,
when the British had made their descent in force upon the
South, it had been a signal for the rising of the loyalists and
the Indians. Great Britain had been better able to subsidize
tbe capricious savages than the feeble colonies ; and -with the
Apalachian ridges as a region of retreat, and Florida as a
hive and harbouring place for the loyaUsts, from which we
had no means of expelUng them, our seas being entirely in
the hands of the enemy, — it needed but the signal trumpet
of Britain to bring down upon the unprotected frontier a ter
rible -visitation from scalping knife and rifle. With this expe
rience in mind, it was with a natural reluctance that the ran
ger left the precincts of his homestead. He knew not at
what moment the war whoop would ring the knell of the
dear ones in his blazing cabin. Besides, there was an enemy
more potent than the British in Charleston — the small-pox —
of whose presence he had been advised, and whose fearful
ravages he dreaded more than the weapons of any foe. Very
few of the colonists had ever had this terrible disorder. None
of their slaves were secure against it. It was a foe that
would haunt them to their hearthstones, seize upon their wives
and little ones, which no fortress could wall out, and no rifle
shot bring down. When Mi-. Sabine shall again endeavour
to draw an offensive comparison between the patriotism of

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION, l7l
Connecticut and Carolina, he will be pleased to bring toge
ther the array of circumstances in which their cases respec
tively disagreed. He will be so good as to remember that
the ardour of Connecticut, shown at the beginning of the
revolution, was scarcely superior to that of CaroUna at the
same time ; and that the fall of Charleston only took place
after years of bloody and harassing warfare, when the regi
ments of CaroUna had been cut up by repeated conflicts,
chiefly on the soil of neighbouring States, and when pesti
lence of the most fearful kind stood at the entrance of her
habitations, threatening away the very champions who would
otherwise have rejoiced in her defence. No such condition
of things attended the first demonstration of Connecticut
patriotism, to which Mr. Sabine invites our attention. She
was fresh for the conflict — had not suffered yet from the ex
haustion and the ravages of war. Warfare was commended
by novelty, and patriotism was somewhat warmed by physical
excitement. The leaguer of Boston was one which secured
a plenty of provisions, and involved no hard fighting; and the
only circumstance that drove away the patriotic legions of
Connecticut, seems to have been the result of a certain cos-
tiveness on the part of Congress, " which had declared
against bounties," We must not forget the metaphysics of
Gov. Trumbull : " The pulse of a New-England man beats
high for liberty," but, as Sparks says, " a soldier's pay did
not satisfy them, as they could obtain better wages in other
employments." Fancy, as an echo to all this, the dulcet
voice of Lorenzo Sabine, crying ever and anon, — all New-
England listening with complaisance, — " but the patriotismj
Gov. Trumbull— -the patriotism, Mr. Sparks ! Don't forget
that Stark hurried stark-naked to the field ; and Putnam
went without his jacket." But Stark was made a general,
and Putnam a general ; and the pay of lumber-cutter Starkj

172 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE REVOLUTION.
and ploughman Putnam, was much better, as generals, than
the most sanguine hope would ever find it to be in their for
mer humble avocations, New-England continued to have
her fair proportion of the officers in this war ; and if the mere
masses of the army went off, it is to the credit of the gen
erals that all of them held on to the latest syllable of re
corded time.
But it would be a great mistake to say or to suppose that
the country troops of Carolina did not muster for the defence
of the city, and were not wiUing, in considerable numbere, to
do so. They were late, and for that reason have been
accounted tardy and unwiUing. Let us look a Uttle at the
fact. The population of South-Carolina, at this period, con
sisted probably of less than fifty thousand white persons, to
something like sixty thousand slaves. One would think that
six thousand troops was a very fair proportion in a population
of fifty thousand. But these were scattered over an im
mense tract of forest country, in small groups or commu
nities, connected by obscure pathways, — roads which were
rather Mazed than cut, and broken by immense swamps and
thickets. Intelligence was received slowly. The sense of
danger was remote. The people were not easily assured of
the absolute fact, and mere rumour was naturally not much
regarded. We have seen that ten or twelve days were neces
sary, even by express, and in times of exigency, to convey
tidings from Charleston to Newbern, The intelUgence of the
battle of Lexington, expressed all the way, was twelve days
coming from Alexandria, in Virginia, to Charleston ; and
this was a great thoroughfare. But, to penetrate the State
with inteUigence ; to seek out every remote settlement on the
borders of an Indian country ; to beat through woods and
fastnesses for the scattered cottage or the rising hamlet ; to
travel miles, for days, seeking the single settler, required

SOUTH-CAEOLINA IN THE REVOLUTION. 173
numbere of expresses, and was a work of time. Once ap
prised of the necessity, the forest-born and bred naturally
revolted at the idea of being tasked to go to the defence of
a place in which he was to be cooped up by an enemy, and
which is naturally sickly — probably to exchange this abode
for a worse, in the gloomy dungeons of a prison-ship. But
when he surmounts these objections, he is to remember the
condition of his wife and little ones. Shall he leave them to
the tender mercies of the savage, within sight of whose
smoke he lives, or to the doubtful humanity of the outlaw
and the plunderer, who caUs himself a loyaUst only that he
may the better pureue his nefarious occupation. He would
be less than human himself could he leave them jn such
dangerous proximity, without the usual protection of his own
and the rifle of his neighboure. They, too, are summoned
away like himself; and he demands and insists that before
he obeys the summons to the distant city, he shall first put
his young ones and their dam in a place of safety. He
hurries with them across the mountains into North-CaroUna
and Virginia, and then reappears with his trusty rifle. This
occasions delay. Hundreds thus, who seemed indifferent to
the fate of Charleston, yet reappeared under patriotic leaders,
and, with competent captains, Uke Marion, Sumter, Pickens,
Davie, and others, in whom they confided, maintained such
conflicts as Connecticut had not seen for many a day.
It must be admitted that our forest population are dilatory
in their movements. All agricultural people are of this
character. They differ fi-om the citizens, from those who
dweU in active business communities, in respects that derive
heir controlling infiuence from inevitable laws of nature
While the merchant has to watch aU the fluctuations and
caprices of trade, and the manufacturer all the vaiiations of
fashion in thfe community, the agriculturist obeys only the
8*

174 SOUTH-CAROLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION.
natural, gradual and successive progresses of the seasons.
The influences of his life are pacific. They never hurry him.
His life is one of musing, and he is slow to action, which is
the habitual life of the dense community, where the very
density compels a constant activity and watchfulness to avoid
starvation, and where the incessant daily attrition of rival
minds produces sharpness, eagerness and rapidity in the
movements and objects of the mind. Even the hunter is
one whose course is rather steady than swift. He has to
circumvent a prey whose habits undergo no caprices, and his
wants are too few to stimulate his enterprise. Our population
¦were, at the beginning of the war, always caught napping.
Their movements were slow, and they never seemed to appre
hend an exigency. All of the successes of the British in
CaroUna, seem to have arisen from two things, — the tardiness
of our movements, and the absence of the necessary caution
which prevents surprise. It was only after repeated disas
ters, arising from carelessness and sluggishness of movement,
that our partisans were able to impress upon their followers
the necessity of being at once quick and vigilant. But on
this head we need not dweU. The subsequent histories of
Marion, Sumter and Pickens, show how little was wanting to
convert our miUtia into the best guerilla troops in the world.
Good officere, whom they knew, who had their confidence,
soon furnished an adequate amount of proof to silence all
cavil at the expense of the valour and patriotism of CaroUna,
in a fair comparison with any of the States of the Union.
Without pretending that Charleston should not have been
defended, we do say that the management of the defence was
exceedingly unhappy. In the firet place, the preparations for
the siege, as we have seen, were not really made till the last
moment. The Unes were worthless ; the engineere employed
do not seem to have known their business, nor the commander

SOUTH-OAEOLINA IN THE EEVOLUTION, 175
to have exercised the ordinary degree of energy under the
circumstances in which he was found. One of the firet mis
takes which seems to have been made, was that which related
to the inaccessibility of the harbour to large ships of war.
On this conviction, without inquiry or explanation, the parties
rely who have the town in their keeping. They calculate
that, with the fort (Moultrie) on one hand, their own little
fleet in front, and certain physical obstructions thrown between,
to retard the passage of the enemy, while the fort and the
fleet within shall do the necessary amount of cannonading —
and it will be impossible for the British to reach the city_
The plan was a good one. Floating batteries, constructed of
ranging timber, of successive layers, with empty air-tight
casks let down into the sections, grappled by chains together,
and anchored directly in the channel, might have afforded the
necessary obstructions. The manufacture of such chevaux de
frise is exceedingly simple, and called for very little time. In
our day, we should probably fill the open sections between
the timbere with cotton bags, build a battery of cotton bags
upon the rafts, and plant a few pieces of heavy cannon upon
them. These, however, employed as obstructions simply, and
moored between the advancing enemy and the city, imme
diately in the channel, would have sufficed, in giving all the
time necessary for the shore and fleet .batteries to have blown
the British out of the water. But everything is put off, until,
suddenly, the big ships, the 64's of the enemy, get over the
bar, and scare Com, WTiipple out of all his conceit. The
obstructions are not in readiness, and the place is abandoned,
while the fleet, consisting of some excellent vessels, are de
graded to the work of hulks, and sunk as obstructions to a
river which might be tapped at both extremities. Well — the
entrance of tbe British fleet is aecm-ely effected, with the big

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