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AUTHENTIC DETAILS

VALDENSES

" The Waldenses are the middle link which connects
the primitive christians and fathers with the reformed,
and by their means the proof is completely established ;
that salvation by the grace of Christ, felt in the heart
and expressed in the life by the power of the Holy
Ghost, has ever existed, from the time of the Apostles
to this day, and that it is a doctrine marked by the
cross, and distinct from all that religion of mere form
or convenience, or of human invention, which calls
itself Christian, but which wants the spirit of Christ."
Milner's Church History.

-^

* Torrvb ofReru-i^i-nxcuM.

AUTHENTIC DETAILS

VALDENSES,'
IN PIEMONT AND OTHER COUNTl^lES;
WITH ABRIDGED TRANSLATIONS
OF
" L'HISTOIRE DES VAUDOIS," PAR BRESSE,
AND
LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, D'HENRI ARNAUD,
WITH THE ANCIENT YALDENSIAN CATECHISM.
TO WHICH ARE SUBJOINED
ORIGINAL LETTERS, WRITTEN DURING A RESIDENCE AMONG THE
VAUDOIS OF PIEMONT AND WIRTEMBERG, IN 1825.
' lEUusttateD bg lEtcfiingg. ' "^

Vous etes de nos peres que nous ne connaissons pas."
Reply ofa Vaudois peasant to an Englishman.

The profits of tbis publication are intended for the benefit of the Vaudois.

LONDON :
JOHN HATCHARD AND SON, PICCADILLY
1827.

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LONDON :
IBOTSON AND PALMER, PRINTERS, SAVOY STREET, STRAND.

TO
THE RIGHT REVEREND
CHARLES,
LORD BISHOP OF LLANDAFP\
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED BY PERMSSION,
WITH AN EARNEST HOPE,
THAT THE CAUSE OF PURE CHRISTIANITY, AND THE DISTRESS
OF HER PROFESSORS IN A DISTANT COUNTRY,
MAY OBTAIN SOME ADDITIONAL ASSISTANCE FROM ONE MORE
HUMBLE EFFORT TOWARDS THEIR SUPPORT.

CONTENTS.

Page
Historical Details of the past Suflferings of the Val
denses, and of the State of those primitive Christians
in Piemont and other Countries  1
Letters, written during a Residence in Piemont and
Wirtemberg  11
Abridged Translation of the History of the Vaudois.
By J. Bresse, Minister of the Walloon Church . . 77
Ancient Catechism of the Valdenses 
Sketch of the Life of Henri Arnaud  245
La Rentree Glorieuse des Vaudois dans leur Vallees.
Par Henri Arnaud, Pasteur et Colonel. Abridged
and translated into English  255
Sketch of the German Valdenses  393
Peyran's Letters on Bossuet  409

DIRECTIONS FOR PLACING THE PLATES.
To face Page
Tomb of Arnaud, frontispiece.
View of La Tour  14
View of Rora  18
ViewofBobbi  20
View of Tomb of Peyran  , . • 36
View of Balsille  38
View of Schbnberg Church  . 246
View of Arnaud's House, Schbnberg  250
View of interior of ditto  254
View of Masiglia  318
View near Balsille  350
View near Gros Villar  394

HISTORICAL DETAILS

PAST SUFFERINGS OF THE VALDENSES.
AND OF TIIE
STATE OF THESE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS IN PIEDMONT AND
OTHER COUNTRIES.

After the late interesting publications of Allix,
Jones, Gilly, Acland, and other writers, it may
appear at the present time somewhat presump
tuous, as well as unnecessary, to lay before
the public any further details connected with
the history of these excellent and primitive
Christians ; but as some of the Vaudois manu
scripts and works are very scarce, and but
little known in England, more particularly
those of Peyran, Henri Arnaud, and Bresse,
it may be desirable (even under the certainty
of many repetitions) to give some short ex
tracts from these curious documents, if only
with the view and under the hope of keeping

2 INTRODUCTION.
alive in the breasts of the people of this fa
voured isle that charitable zeal, which has
again manifested itself, and is of such vital
importance to the political and religious welfare
of our noble though impoverished protestant
brethren. As the Valdenses most evidently are a part
of the dispersed flock of the original Church
of Christ, it becomes a matter of the highest
interest to trace out their history from the ear
liest periods, and to observe how sedulously
under the severest persecutions they have not
only upheld their faith in its own purity and
truth, but how gloriously they have continued
to resist the growing corruptions of the Romish
faith. Scattered over the face of the earth, we find
almost every where these primitive Christians
under the various denominations given to them
of Cathari, or " the Pure," Paulicians, Petro
busians, Puritans, Leonists, Lollards, Henri
cians, Josephists, Patarines, Fraticelli, Insa-
bati, Piphles, Toulousians, Albigenses, Lom-
bardists, Bulgarians, Bohemian brethren. Bar-
bets, Walloons, &c.
We not only find many colonies of these
people in the eastern and western parts of
Europe, but even in Africa and America, whi
ther they emigrated to escape from oppression
and massacre.

INTRODUCTION. 3
After the most cruel and wanton persecu
tions, we observe this oppressed people reduced
in number by barbarous massacres, and at
length driven out of their own purchased terri
tories, because they would not submit to inno
vations and changes in their established reli
gion ; but in a few years we again find a rem
nant of them under their pastor, Henri Arnaud,
led back into their native country almost in a
miraculous manner to expel their savage op
pressors, thousands of whom fled before this
reduced but noble band of self-taught warriors.
Many refugees took up their abode in the
Rhetian Alps, and a great number, after various
edicts, were allowed to settle in the Duchy of
Wirtemberg, where some of them were visited
by the writer of these pages, for the express
purpose of inquiring into their wants and
privileges. Before the days of Wickliffe, and other re
formers, we can trace the Vaudois by their
sufferings; they were branded and burnt as
heretics, because they would uot conform to
the doctrines of men, and the edicts of the
Roman pontiffs : their steady adherence to
the .principles of their own faith, and obedience
to the will of their Creator, rendered them in
strumental to the reformation, which after
wards took place, and by which, in this coun
try, the pure religion of our ancestors was re-
B 2

4 INTRODUCTION.
stored. It is even probable that this separated
flock of true worshippers are to be the means,
under heavenly guidance, of not only preserv
ing, but also diffusing, the light of the gospel
and its healing beams over the most remote
parts of the earth.
A.D.
251 It would appear that the title of Cathari,
or "the Pu7-e," was first given to the
followers of Novation, a Romish pastor,
who set the example of resisting the
early corruptions of the Papal domi
nion, and that Puritan churches existed
in Italy upwards of 200 years.
590 Nine Bishops rejected the communion
of the Pope, as heretical, and this
schism, we are told by another author,
began even in the year 553. On the
604 death of Pope Gregory, Boniface III.
styled himself " universal Bishop," and
the worship of images became general;
but long before this period, in the fourth
century, Socrates the historian speaks
of the Novations having churches at
Constantinople, Nice, Nicomedia, and
Coticaeus in Phrygia, &c. as well as a
church at Carthage, the doctrines and
discipline of which, we find that Diony
sius, Bishop of Alexandria, and Fabius,
Bishop of Antioch, approved of

INTRODUCTION. O
A.D.
660 Some persons have supposed that the
Valdenses have derived their name from
Petro Valdo, but Reinerius Sacco, an
inquisitor who lived 80 years after Valdo
of Lyons, admits that they flourished
500 years before the time of this cele
brated reformer, i. e. about the year
660. Some of these Valdenses, like
the Novations, we find called Puritans,
or Cathari ; when Paulinus, Bishop of
Aquileeia, and other Italian Bishops, con
demned the decrees of the second Coun-
787 cil of Nice, which had confirraed image
worship.
817 Claude, Bishop of Turin, (and of the
Vallies of Piedmont inhabited by the
Valdenses,) was zealous against this
idolatrous practice, and bears witness
that the gospel was preserved amongst
these mountaineers in its native purity
and glorious light. Genebrand and Ro
renco (Roman Catholic writers) have
owned that the Patarines* and inhabitants

* Patarines, so called from Pataria, a place near Milan,
where those Vaudois who took part with the Bishop of Milan
against the Roman Pontiflf, Nicholas II., held communion
together. See the Sermon of Archbishop Wake, preached
for the rehef of the Vaudois, A.D. 1669, at St. James's
Westminster.

6 INTRODUCTION.
A.D. of Piedmont preserved the opinions of
Claude during the ninth and tenth cen
turies.
1026 Thus before 1026, and 500 years previous
tc^ our own reformation, says Dr. Allix,
we discover a body of men called Pata
rines, Valdenses, or Cathari, whose be
lief was contrary to the doctrines of the
1040 See of Rome. In 1040, the Patarines
were very numerous at Milan, (Voltaire
speaks of them in his General History,
1100 chap. 69.) In 1100, the Valdenses be-
and came well known by the " Noble Ley-
1120 ifon," and another work, entitled " Qual
Cosa Sia PAntichrist."
1140 A little before this year, Everrinus (of
Stamfield, diocese of Cologne) address
ed a letter to the famous St. Bernard,
in which is the following passage : —
" There have lately been some heretics
amongst us, but they were seized by the
people in their zeal and burnt to death,
these people in Germany are called
Cathari; in Flanders, Piphles; and in
France, Tisserands." Towards the mid
dle of the twelfth century, a small body
of these Valdenses, called Puritans and
PauUcians, came from Germany, and
1169 were persecuted in England. Some

INTRODUCTION. 7
A.D. being burnt at Oxford, Gerard their
teacher answered for them, that they
were. Christians, but Henry the Second
ordered them to be branded with an
1166 hot iron, and whipped through the
streets. Thirteen Valdensian families
had certainly emigrated to England
1178 about this period. Gretzer the Jesuit
(who published the book of Reinerius)
admits that the Toulousians and Albi
genses condemned in 1178 were no other
1181 than the Valdenses. In the decree of
Pope Lucius III. against them, they
are called Catharists, Josephists, and
Heretics. Another decree was made
1194 against them in 1194, by Ildefonsus,
King of Arragon : and Bale, in his old
Chronicle of London, mentions " one
1210 burnt to death tainted with the faith of
the Valdenses."
1215 Council of Lateran against Heretics. _
1230 "i Suppression of the Valdensian churches

1350^ in France.
1240 Some further territory in Piedmont was
about this time purchased and paid for
by the Valdenses, to the amount of
6000 ducatoons.
1259 The Patarine Church of Albi (in France)

S INTRODUCTION.
A.D.

whence these Vaudois were called Albi
genses, consisted of 500 members, that
of Concorezzo more than 1500, and of
Bagnolo 200. The Bishop of Vercelli
complained much of these people, whom
he denominated Cathari and Patarines.
The English, at the time they had pos
session of Guienne (in 1210), began to
help the Valdenses, who stood forth to
defend their faith, headed by Walter
and Raymond Lollard. According to
Clark's Martyrology (page 111), wefind
1322 Walter was burnt at Cologne in 1322 :
which was two years before the birth of
Wickliffe.
A cotemporary historian says, that " in
a few years half the people of England
became Lollards." And Newton, in his
Dissertation on the Prophecies, (1 vol.
4to. page 631,) says, " part of the Wal
denses took refuge in Britain." Even
Theo. Beza says, " as for the Valdenses,
I may be permitted to call them the
seed of the primitive and pure Christian
1400 church." In 1400 began the first severe
persecution against the Vaudois, on ac
count of their faith, which may be found
related by Bresse, together with their
subsequent misfortunes, down to the

INTRODUCTION. 9
A.D. era of the treaty of Pigneroio in 1655,
the most interesting details of which
1655 history are translated and abridged in
another part of this work,
1685 The Duke of Savoy, at the instigation
of Louis XlVth, revoked his promises,
and the following year condemned 14,000
Vaudois to the prisons of Turin, the rest
either fled or became Catholics. By
the intercessions of the Protestant
countries, these miserable prisoners were
released, but their numbers by hard
ships and cruelty were reduced to 3000,
who took refuge in Switzerland and
1687 elsewhere, in 1687 ; from whence a
part of them effected that intrepid re
turn into their own Vallies, so well de
scribed by their Colonel and Pastor,
Henri Arnaud, in " La Rentree Glo-
1689-0 rieuse" of 1689-0. Eight years after
they were again exiled to the number
of 3000, in consequence of an article
in the treaty between France and Savoy
1698 in 1698 : these were the same who with
the veteran Arnaud amongst them, took
refuge in Germany, and were solemnly
received as subjects to the Duke of Wir
temberg, with the promise of the free ex-
1699 ercise of their religion for ever.

10 INTRODUCTION.
A.D. 1797 The pension from England, which had
been granted by Cromwell, and con
firmed by Queen Anne, was this year
discontinued.
1799 A body of Vaudois from Wirtemberg
emigrated to America, and joined those
1600, who, in Arnaud's time, had settled
near Philadelphia.
1800 Piedmont fell under the yoke of France.
1814 The King of Sardinia restored to his
throne, refused to grant any privileges
to the Vaudois beyond those they en
joyed before the French revolution.
1825 Present state of the Vaudois, as described
in the Letters now published, &c.

LETTERS

WRITTEN DURING

A RESIDENCE IN PIEDMONT

WIRTEMBERG.

The following Letters were written by an Englishman
to his family, during his residence abroad in 1825, and
contain the result of minute inquiries and observations
in the Valdensian Valleys, and subsequently in the
Duchy of Wirtemberg, whither he was induced to ex
tend his journey by the strong interest excited by the
facts made known to him in Piedmont, in order to
ascertain by personal inquiry the actual situation of
those Vaudois who had taken refuge in Germany.
The Letters were written without the slightest idea of
publication, and are now laid before the public in their
original form, with the omission of the names of indi
viduals, and some other passages relating wholly to
family affairs.

13

LETTER I.
La Tour, Vaudois, 18th June, 1825.
Here we are amid " the vine-covered hills
and glad regions" of La Tour ; for four hours
and a half did we jog along one of the King of
Marmot's dear right lines to Pigneroio, where
we found fresh horses to bring us here in two
hours more. N. B. Pigneroio is on the post
road to Nice, and has a diligence twice a-day
from Turin. While halting I conversed with an
English clergyman, just returned from the tour
of the Protestant Vallies ; he spoke with great
precision and coolness of all he had seen ; and
bore witness to the poverty, high spirit, in
formation, and rectitude of the pastors, and
the engaging appearance of the people. His
statements of their stipends and their sources
corresponded with Mr. Gilly's; and I have since
heard he has seen all the pastors. As we en
tered St. Giovanni the mountain breezes fairly
came to welcome us, and rustling through the
chesnuts, almost made us forget that we were
beneath a noontide sun. We here saw the two
churches built on the opposite sides of a pretty
ravine, and the screen which my Lord Peter
has placed before his hapless brother's mouth —

14 LETTER I.
this is a standing proof of tyranny ; but still
one loves to see consistency, and we find the
same policy which makes the Pope immure fair
ladies behind cancelli at his ceremonies.
Be it known to you that here there are no Alps,
(in the Vaudois country,) but far beyond the
plain below, we saw indeed a most noble frontier
of snow ; and though I do not despair of seeing it
again, yet I am already made acquainted with
the position of nearly all the villages, and the
scenery cannot strictly be called Alpine, how
ever beautiful. I think in better maps than
those I have, you would find the vallies of
Cormayeur and St. Maurice running in parallel
lines, much in the rear of these vallies. La
Tour is flanked by the river and a huge green
hill, covered with vines and corn, mulberries
and chesnuts, and crowned by the ruined tower,
up to which we have scrambled since sunset
to enjoy all that looks peaceful, plentiful, and
happy. The view extends to Bobbi and An
grogna, and through the noblest chesnut woods
over the plain of the Po, Lucerne, St. Gio
vanni, and the other smaller towns in the
valley. No letters (of introduction) having
reached us, I put on a bold face and called on
M. Bert, to request the loan of Gilly's book,
which the landlady had put into my hand on
our arrival, saying the traveller to whom he
lent it had just departed. He was out, so I

LETTER I. 15
made off, but was detained by the civility of
a labourer, and in the mean time Madame B —
appeared, and insisted on my coming in : no
thing could be more obliging; she begged
to make the acquaintance of Madame mon
epouse : she took me to see her silk-worms,
in a room full of shelves, holding many many
thousands : it is now the moment for taking
away the leaves and giving them the wood to
spin on ; and the good lady had been hard at
work with a servant for some hours. The
house (not a presbytery) is something in the
Swiss style, built of stone and wood round two
sides of a farm-yard, and having a double tier
of wooden balconies. The Protestant church
is placed (per force) a mile from the village. —
(Sunday) We attended church this morning,
and were very much pleased with the neat
dress and attention of the people, as well as
the discourse of the pastor. The service was
that of Geneva, and lasts a little more than an
hour ; it is very impressive, though the suc
cession of changes would be thought too rapid
in England, and would rather seem to lessen
the repose of the mind than awaken its atten
tion. This, however, would probably not
be the case with those who were accustomed
to it. The prayers are written and altered at
pleasure by the pastor, to suit peculiar circum
stances. The sermon, from the 12th St. Paul's

16 LETTER I.
epistle to the Roraans, was short and simple,
practical and impressive : not eloquent but
seeming to presuppose considerable information
on the part of the congregation. The following
is the order of service, as dictated to me by M.
Bert. 1st. Lessons from the Bible, and generally
frora the New Testament, read by the regent
(or clerk and schoolmaster,) followed by Oster-
vald's short commentary. 2nd. The Deca
logue, read by the same. 3rd. The confession
by the pastor, much like our own. 4th. Two
or three verses of the Psalms, given out by the
pastor, all the congregation having books with
the notes under the verses. 5th. Prayers by
the pastor, (written or not,) but very impressive
and comprehensive ; and, though short, still
uniting our prayers for all conditions of men,
and that for the church militant, the royal
family being prayed for personally, as in Eng
land, 6th. Sermon. 7th. Prayer for grace.
Sth. Lord's prayer. 9th. Creed of the Apo
stles, by the minister alone. 10th. Singing as
before. Ilth. Benediction. The church and
adjoining presbytery are beautifully situated on
an eminence commanding the valley, and co
vered with noble chesnuts. The latter is not
inhabited by the pastor, as he is allowed to
live in his own house. M. B^rt and his wife
led us to their home, and seemed delighted to

LETTER I. 17
show US civility ; even inviting us to dinner.
He was kind enough to enter into all sorts of
details ; and, instead of conferring a favour,
seemed as if he felt obliged by the interest we
took in his narrative. Nothing can equal the
simplicity of manner of these Vaudois. They
never speak ofthe hardships of their state, but
in answer to direct questions, or by accident,
and even then one would think the subject was
some distant people in a past age. Mr. Sims
has been twice here, the last time for some
months, and has most of the MSS. of M.
Peyran, which he is about to publish in Eng
land : he is spoken of here with great affection.
The MSS. will be the more valuable, as I am told
there are no ecclesiastical writings of the pas
tors. M. Bert showed us the house purchased
for an hospital, with part of the Emperor of
Russia's ten thousand francs, it is calculated
for fourteen beds, as well as rooms for the sur
geon, apothecary's shop, &c. M. Appia, of
this place, has been sent to Germany to solicit
subscriptions to create a permanent fund for
this hospital, &c. and is about this time to goto
London for the same purpose. He is addressed
to Messrs. Doxat, Swiss merchants, and has
no commission to solicit contributions for any
other purpose. The remainder of the Emperor's
money is to assist in rebuilding a church at
Pomaret, and these things go on under the

18 LETTER I.
direction of the Prussian ambassador, who is
esteemed a general benefactor. I have been
fortunate in getting a sight of the three Vau
dois histories — Perrin, Gilles, and Leger, and
have passed some hours in reading Gilles.
To-morrow I am promised the Rentree des Vau
dois, from the great great grandson of Henri
Arnaud, who is to show us his ancestor's com
mission from King William (of England.) M.
Bert's little book, sur I'Etat des Eglises des
Vaudois, was published at Geneva, and has
been already translated into German and Eng
lish. The following anecdote comes from one
of the parties : — about ten days since, a man of
bad character went to the Catholic bishop and
swore to become a Catholic on receiving the
usual sum, and to force his children to mass
if paid also for them : the wife contrived to
convey away two of the children to Turin, and
after suffering much ill treatment, brought the
other two to the pastor, and intreated his inter
ference. The good man kept the children se
veral days in his house, and had many ineffec
tual conversations with the father, who per
sisted in declaring he had sworn and received
part of the money. Determined to get the rest,
the father at last came in a gig, and in spite of
all remonstrance forced his children away.
The poor little creatures (eight and ten years
old) felt the greatest horror at their fate and

LETTER r. 19
begged hard to be concealed, even without
food. For such things there is no remedy ; I
would you could have heard the simple style in
which the story was told, without a complaint.
June 21. Yesterday we went to Rora, a
most lovely ride ; halting to draw ; a poor mil
ler came out of his house, and after offering us
refreshments and hay for our hors.es, in the most
hospitable manner, preceded to question us, and
found we were English — " Vous etes done de
nos freres," said he, "que nous ne connoissons
pas — puisse le ciel benir tous vos voyages." —
He then asked about the floods in Holland,
and expatiated on the bounties of the English
and Dutch. I have since heard, from a pastor,
that these poor people made a collection for
their Dutch benefactors of 3,000 francs ! ! Mr.
H. P. was out, but notto visit his wife seemed
to all the peasants and his servant an impos
sibility : we found her in a very miserable sit
ting room, attending, oue child while the ser
vant was rocking another ; every thing had the
appearance of a poor cottage, but there were
some pretty prints, a guitar case, and an Indian
work-box; and though dressed in coarse attire,
one could not but think the mistress was a
lady. Though she had only been once from
home for a year, and no one ever comes to se
cluded Rora, there was not the slightest em
barrassment, nor did she seem more put out of
c 2

20 LETTER [.
her way than a, lady in London. Good brown
bread and butter and wine were produced, and
the lady entertained us with great simplicity
and naivet6 for about half an hour, when her
husband arrived, having set off" again on the
instant of his arrival at La Tour, on hearing
we were gone to Rora, though he did not even
know our names. He had missed the last Eng
lish traveller, he said, and was determined to
do the honours of his little home to us, for
which object he performed a severe mountain
walk of two hours in one ; he seemed to think
it a matter of course : the romance of Love in
a Cottage is here reality ; and these people,
with their three children, seem to enjoy per
fect felicity and content, and positively to have
no wish beyond their means. Six years ago
he began his career, and conducted his wife to
this retrgat from Geneva, where he had pre
viously studied eight years. We with difficulty
excused ourselves from the offer of a dinner
and bed, made with the ease of a man of fa
shion, and, without the slightest shame at con
fessing that we might not fare so well as at La
Tour. The good pastor would attend us a
short way on our road over the mountains to
Bobbi, and nothing could be more delightful
than his manners and conversation. We passed
the rocks Gianavello (Janavel) defended ; but
though perfectly acquainted with the story, he

LETTER 1. 21
dwelt but little on the valour and sufferings of
the Vaudois, which I have remarked in others.
At Villar we parted and proceeded to Bobbi ;
both places are lovely, particularly the latter,
which has more of marked character than what
we have seen. I met M.  Le Pasteur com
ing out of his garden, in the coarsest dress ; the
slightest apology sufficed, and he was at his
ease, at once the gentleman and man of letters.
His wife, neatly dressed, appeared immediate
ly, and on hearing that there was a lady, he
would not rest a moment without going in
search of her. The conversation was spirited
and general, and Madame showed herself well
read, and possessing both taste and sensibility.
As it was three o'clock, we were not pressed
to dinner; but fruit and cakes were brought by
Madame, as if it was impossible not to give
something. The conversation with the Vaudois
pastors does not turn on the Vaudois, except
at the request of the visitors, and then the in
formation sought is given fully, but simply.
He brought out Leger and showed me the hor
rible prints, and some other things I asked for ;
seemed to know all by heart, but said not a
word of the noble taking of Bobbi by Henri
Arnaud, or of their still more extraordinary
charity under Rostain. Never is an attempt
made to exalt the character of the Vaudois, or
to lower that of their enemies, we parted with

22 LETTER I.
these delightful people with great regret. P 
supped with us, and increased our esteem for
him. With these people conversation never
flags.

HYMNE POUR LA RECOLTE DES COCOM.
Sur I'air du Ps. Sme.
PAR MONSIEUR BERT.

1.
Qu'il est adroit ! cet insecte admirable
Dont le travail toujours inimitable,
Vient nous fournir un tissu precieux,
Fait pour flatter, et les doigts et les yeux !
2.
Le tisserand meme le plus habile.
La fileuse meme la plus agile
Seront toujours chacun dans son metier
Fort audesssous de ce vers ouvrier.
3.
Sans atelier, et sans secours externe,
Uniquement de sa substance interne,
II sait tirer, et conduire a sa fin
Le vetenient le plus beau, le plus fin.

LETTER I. 23
4.
Rien n'est egal a la grande finesse
De ce tissu, sinon I'extreme adresse
Avec laquelle, en moins de quatre jours,
L' insecte a pu s'enfermer pour toujours.
5.
Ses instrumens sont ses pieds et sa bouche,
(Quand il travaille, il defend qu'on le touche) :
Son seul instinct lui sufHt a souhait
Pour faconner un ouvrage parfait.
6.
Mais O prodige ! en croirons nous la chose?
L' insecte meurt, et se metamorphose :
II rescuscite, et sort de son tombeau
En etre aile, pour vivre de nouveau.
7.
Apprends chretien, par cet example insigne,
A mediter sur un sujet plus digne :
Le Dieu qui fit I'insecte industrieux
Attend de toi, ton homage et les vceux.
8.
C'est un present que sa bonte t'envoie
Veritable or pour te combler de joie ;
Montre lui done un coeur reconnaissant,
Et comme lui montre toi bienfaisant.
9.
Le ver a sole est encore un image
Du sort heureux, qui sera ton partage ;

24 LETTER II.
Car au tombeau, tu ne restera pas,
Christ a brise I'aiguillon du trepas.
10.
Un jour aussi tous rayonnant de gloire,
Et sur la mort renportant la victoire
Tu revivra en Jesus ton Sauveur ;
Esp^re en lui, sois son imitateur.

LETTER II.
Milan, June 29th, 1825.
On the 22nd (of June) we went, by invitation,
to visit M. G  and his amiable wife, at An
grogna. The good pastor himself showed us
his two churches, and the lower parts of his
parish, which are very beautiful ; in many
parts covered with chesnut woods ; in others
opening into little glades, waving with corn or
hemp, and having a good range of bold moun
tains in the distance. Madame G. then accom
panied us for a five hours ride up to and along
the ridge of the Vachere, a narrow mountain
separating the Val Perosa from that of Angrogna.
On rising along this ridge, above the chesnuts,
we found ourselves on a bare hill of rough slate,
which the unwearied industry of the peasants
has formed into corn and hemp fields, and, by

LETTER II. 25
irrigation, occasionally into meadows. These
poor people live in miserable huts among the
crags, and some of them, in the summer, go
to little hovels of stone, for the sake of culti
vating the highest land ; these latter consist of
two small chambers, built of loose stone, like
Oxfordshire walls, and roofed with large roof
slates found on the hills ; there is no cement,
liglit and air are admitted by an infinity of
chinks and openings in the roofs and walls. In
some of these huts is a second story, formed by
a floor of loose planks. In these cases, the
ground-floor is occupied by the pig and cow.
The lower cottages are built of the same mate
rials, but with cement, and have generally an
open portico in the centre, where wood is kept,
and where a few stone steps lead to the second
story, consisting of two rooms like the lower
one. In the lower story the floor is of clay ;
the windows are formed of lattices, and in the
very best houses, of paper. There are perhaps
about six houses near the churches, a little su
perior to those I have described ; but the rest of
the two thousand inhabitants of Angrogna live
in the above-mentioned huts. In one we saw
the poor parents of a young man, lately become
a pastor, who must have half starved them
selves to attain this object. The ridge of the
Vachere, though not near so high, reminded
me of Malvern ; on the north are the crags

26 LETTER II.
of Castelluzzo, hills over La Tour, and the
bold heights which form the narrow valley of
the Pre du Tour, beneath corn fields, torrents,
and chesnuts ; on the south, the well-wooded
and fertile valley of Perouse, the vast plain of
the Po, and its winding stream, as far as the
hills towards Marengo, and the superb Su-
perga, a cathedral built above Turin. But this
scene had a superior interest — here the poor
Barbels, as the Vaudois are called, always re
tired on the attacks of their enemies of the
plain, and here some of the noblest feats of
Henri Arnaud's troops were performed — one in
particular, when they attacked the enemy in
their intrenchments, and drove them from their
camp, though six times more numerous than
themselves. I had the hero's Journal of La
Rentree Glorieuse in my pocket, and alraost
expected to see the fell Catinat himself rise
from behind some crag ! But if these moun
tains were once renowned for deeds of arms,
let us not forget the deeds of charity and hos
pitality we witnessed among them. Not a hut
did we pass, but La Sposa (so the mistress is
called) offered us milk and bread ; and often a
distant shout, or a peasant running, was ex
plained by " Volet laite," — " Will you have
some milk ?" — 1 think that the Arab's tent is
scarcely more hospitable than this. We were
shown a little patch of ground, which a poor

LETTER 11. 27
boy in service, where he gets seventy-two
francs a year, had lately bought and given to
his father ; the poor old man was working hard
on the produce of his son's three years' savings,
and was one of our inviters. No animals are
used here in cultivation; manure, hay, corn,
every thing is carried on the backs of these poor
people, and even in the lower village they have
no beasts of burden, and the land is worked by
the hand. When we came down, we found
the cloth laid at the Presbytery, and were en
tertained most hospitably, though not sumptu
ously. M. G.'s little niece prepared our din
ner, which might have done honour to a pro
fessed cook.
After dinner, M. G. produced a large hortus
siccus of his own collection, and not only
explained the names and genera of the plants,
according to Linngeus, but also their medicinal
qualities ; he also showed us many specimens
of natural history, collected by his father, as
well as a series of mountain insects preserved,
and many drawings of rare animals found in
the neighbourhood ; among others, one of the
Loup Cervier, a beast larger than a fox, with
the face of a cat, and most of the attributes of
a wolf — it is peculiar to the Piedmontese moun
tains, and commits such destruction that the
government gives two hundred francs for each.

28 LETTER II.
One caught last year, had killed nine sheep in
one night. The animal's habit is to pierce the
jugular vein, and to suck the blood till its prey
dies. The conversation at M. G.'s, as is often
the case, was general, unless when we made
any particular inquiries, and after spending
eight hours with them, we agreed, we had
very seldom met with people who had so much
to say, and said it so well, as this retired
couple. It may be mentioned to their honour,
that though they are a little more at their ease
than others, they live precisely in the same
simple way ; and M. G. himself cultivates his
garden at La Tour, three-quarters of an hour's
walk from home ; besides all useful things, he
has many rare plants, and seemed perfectly to
understand practical horticulture. On the
23rd, we were detained by rain, but I was
able to pay a visit to M. M. (the oldest of the
pastors) principally with a view of getting an
introduction to his nephew, pastor among the
Vaudois in the kingdom of Wirtemberg. He
gave me much information about them ; their
first establishment was after the peace of
Utrecht, (I think 1678,) when the Vaudois
were expelled from the Valley of Finestrella ;
another party joined them about twenty years
afterwards, on account of continued minor per
secutions in the valleys. They have four or

LETIER II. 29
five parishes between Durlach and Stutgard,
and have named their districts after the villages
of their native valleys.
I found Monsieur M. in the coarsest dress of
a peasant, sitting among books and papers.
He had been teaching (gratis) the children of
some of his flock, and for this purpose gives up
the hours from six to eleven. The subjects of
study were Latin, Italian, and geography. He
is a most delightful old man, with all the fire
of youth in his countenance, and much liveli
ness in his conversation. He is one of the
most learned of the pastors, and among other
things, obtained great honour the other day by
an answer to the Bishop of Pignerolo's pas
toral letter. M. M. is also allowed to be the
finest preacher in the valleys. I had much
difficulty in excusing myself from his pressing
invitation to dinner, and took leave of him with
much regret. It is not the least of the agree-
ables of the Vaudois, that one can, as a
stranger, make these visits to the amiable, and
often learned pastors, and enjoy their conver
sation for several hours, not only without being
considered an intruder, but with thanks, on
their part, for the compliment they conceive
to be paid them. In the afternoon, we called
on M. Arnaud, and returned the Rentr6e
Glorieuse he had lent me. He is the great
great grandson of the hero, and I even fancied I

30 LETTER It.
could trace some resemblance to ^n original
picture. I was disappointed in his not having
kept his promise of sending for the commission
of colouel granted by William of Orange, when
king of England, to Henri Arnaud. I was
fortunate, however, in meeting with young V.,
and had a long and interesting conversation
with him. During the Congress of Verona,
this young man, of most prepossessing appear
ance, was sent to the Duke of Wellington, on
the part of the Vaudois ; but though backed by
the friendship of General M., he never could
obtain an answer to his dispatches ; and after
calling eight days successively, and sending a
peremptory message to announce his departure,
received for answer, that the duke had no com
mands for him. He was more fortunate with
the Emperor Alexander, to whom he had let
ters from the celebrated quaker Allen. These
letters were delivered at night, and the empe
ror's physician reported that he found the
emperor in tears next morning reading them ;
the consequence was, the present which has ena
bled the Vaudois to buy a house for a hospital.
In the evening we went to take leave of the
good B., and all parties felt, I believe, like old
friends. Monsieur B. was unwell, but Madame
and her daughters insisted on walking home
with us, where we found the G.'s, who had
descended from their mountain for the sole

LETTER II. 31
purpose of seeing us again. M. B. showed me
the Bishop of Pignerolo's last pastoral letter,
in which he speaks of the Vaudois as the wan
dering sheep of his flock, whom he wishes to
bring back to his fold ; and talks of the " burn
ing of his aff'ection towards them," &c. &c. ; so
that had one seen the sentences any where
else, one might have taken them for a satire on
the cruelties of the Roman church towards
these people ; nor is his strain of argument
more happy, as he asks, since they acknow
ledge political succession, and own the King
of Sardinia for their true and lawful sovereign,
why do not they act similarly as to the apos
tolic succession, and acknowledge Leo X.
who is the lawful successor of St. Peter ? At
the time we were at La Tour, every family
was busily employed with their silk worms,
from which they derive a good profit, as the
silk is better than that of the plain. The pro
cess of forming the silk lasts about eight days,
and the different changes of the animal, and
its manner of working, are much more curious
than we suppose, from the few specimens we
have in England. The silk, as the worm
makes it, is worth thirty eight or forty francs
for a measure of about nineteen English pounds
weight, and this, when wound, produces an
eleventh of its weight, if the worms have done
tbeir work well. In the churchyard of La Tour

32 LETTER II
are but few grave stones, and these only men
tion the birth, death, and profession of the
dead ; one only I found with an epitaph, the
simplicity of which accords with the character
of the people : —
" Elle formait le bonheur de son epoux, et la conso
lation de sa mere dont elle etait la fille unique."
On the 24th we sallied forth to discover the
mountain road to Perouse, after much trouble
in persuading the people we liked it better than
the carriage way, which nobody seemed to
comprehend. Nothing of the kind could be
more pretty than the scenery, but I cannot
give it a higher epithet ; we wound among low
hills among the woods and glades of an English
park. Parostin is embowered in trees, and
Roche Platte almost washed away by its useful
stream, which turns mills, and irrigates mea
dows. We were not fortunate enough to find
young Rostain at home. St. Germains is a
larger village, almost on the Clusone, and
equally divided between Catholics and Pro
testants. At length we came to a handsome
bridge, and Perouse beyond it ; but there ap
peared also a great road, iron works, and carts,
and we felt at once that we were going again
into an evil world, and so indeed it proved, for
the only inn is a perfect dog-hole, and the
landlord a most consummate scoundrel. In

LETTER III. ' .33
fact, the whole affair was the very reverse of
La Tour, where the Brown Bear afforded
peace, quiet, cleanliness, and civility, not to
mention sundry good dinners. In my next,
you will hear of the Val St. Martin, and Pey
ran ; we have been happy in coming here in
two days from Pigneroio without heat, and the
whole of the time in the vallies was cool.

LETTER III.

Venice, July 6th, 1825.
On the evening of our arrival at Perouse, we
visited M. J  , the successor of Peyran, we
found him like his brethren, cheerful and kind-
hearted; indeed, as a proof of the latter, he
pressed us to take up our abode with him
during our stay in the valley. He has suffered
several severe domestic calamities, and is still
struggling hard to maintain his son at Lausanne ;
at home he has still two daughters, one a pretty
little girl, the other perfectly a young lady, of
sufficient manner and information to pass in
any circle, and tinged too with that interesting
melancholy which is often so engaging. Yet
these people have passed their last twenty
years at Maneigle, a place that would appear
the very antipodes of all refinement ; and it is
D

34 LETTER III.
also twelve years since the mother of the faraily
died. M. J  has a little library, consisting
chiefly of Belles Lettres, among these, several
English authors translated into French: our
History at length. Pope, Swift, and TiUotson,
the last is a favourite author in the vallies.
M. J  , though he does not possess the same
learning or energy as some of the pastors, has
general information and liberal ideas, with ele
gant kindness of manner rather than polite
ness, and all that devotion to his duties, and
patience under privations, which so distinguish
his fraternity. His house is in ruins, and de
lays arise in rebuilding it ; his church is
almost falling, and the government will only
allow of a very inconvenient spot for building
a new one, to which purpose part of the Em
peror Alexander's bounty, is to be applied ;
but the hope that things may turn out better,
stands in place of all complaint. The second
son of the great Peyran had guided us to the
presbytery, and accompanied by him, the pas
tor and his daughter, we went to the cemetery
of Pomaret. Even in death the demons of
oppression and poverty seem to have shaken
their wings over the departed moderator, while
the prelates of Piedmont sleep in marble state,
he can claim no sacred roof, nor even a conse
crated sod. A few pebbles from the next
brook separate his grave from the rest, and on

LETTER HI. 35
a rough bit of slate at its head are scratched
these words : — J. R. L. G. Peyrani, Pasteur
et Moderateur, n6 11 Dec. 1752, mort le 26
Avril 1823. Another rough slate precisely
similar stands near, and marks the grave of his
brother : — S. H. F. Peyrani, Pasteur k Pramol,
n6 le 21 Nov. 1760, mort le 9 Oct. 1822.
These are the only torab stones of Pomaret, and
the last had already so sunk, that it was only
with young Peyran's assistance I could make
out the date. " Around, the rude forefathers
of the village sleep," the stones which were
ranged about their graves were mostly dis
placed, and the rank grass waves high over all,
as if in the triumph of oblivion. Not even a
wall or a rail separates the remains of the dead
from the surrounding corn fields. The French
had all the cemeteries walled, but this one was
neglected, and solicitation from high quarters
would be necessary to obtain such a favour
from the present government. Nature has
indeed favoured this unprotected spot, it is on
a rising ground above the hundred little streams
which pour down from the hills, and surround
ed by magnificent chesnuts and walnuts. It
commands a view of the vallies of Cluson and
Perouse, and the pretty town of Perouse, as
well as the mountains of Pramol and Val St.
Martin. The church is here indeed militant,
D 2

30 LETTER III.
and a pastor can only hope for a soldier's
sepulchre : —
" Thus sleep the good who sink to rest.
By all their country's wishes blest.
When Spring with dewy finger cold.
Returns to deck their hallow'd mold.
She there shall dress a sweeter sod.
Than fancy's feet have ever trod."*
Such is the tomb of Peyran — a scene of
peaceful melancholy not to be forgotten among
Vaudois recollections. On the morrow we
rode up the Val St. Martin, it is narrovv and
rugged, and for some, miles, as all the culti
vated lands were, very high up, it seemed im
possible that its population could be supported;
we now and then passed a pretty grove of
chesnuts, and oftener came to a bold turn of
the Germanaglia. At Perier, we left the lower
road, and ascended rapidly to Maneigle, a most
retired but populous village, placed among a
few corn fields at a great height. Here we
found M. M. (the young student mentioned in
Val Angrogna.) He returned eighteen months
ago from Lausanne, and married a very
pretty little girl from Rora; after the usual
pressing invitation to dinner, we had an agree
able conversation, and found that though well
acquainted, and indeed interested in all that
" Collins' Ode.

t J, S-

LETTER UI. 37
was going on in the world he had so lately
left, M. had left no regrets behind, but was
perfectly happy in his solitary " Cure," and
contented with all around, having lost none of
the spirits and gaiety of his more cheerful life.
Yet this young man has been twelve years at
Lausanne, where for the last two he had held a
Cure ; but there seems an irresistible impulse
of duty which recalls these people to their
vallies, and makes them happy there. Unfor
tunately it was Saturday, and M. M. could not
go on with us. We rode along the mountain to
Massille, his attached parish, an hour and half's
walk distant, and there we dined on our cold
provisions. Young Peyran (still our guide)
found a peasant, who brought us bread and
wine, and would scarcely suffer us to pay for
them. He seemed delighted to see us, and
showed us some papers relative to the emigra
tion in 1733, when his family went to Holland;
and a catalogue of the Vaudois then established
in the different Dutch towns, the total was 450.
We had here another proof of the spirit of
hospitality. A little girl of fourteen, keeping
her father's house in his absence, insisted on
our accepting a bottle of wine, because we
were the friends of Peyran. Hence we had
a severe ride of two hours to Balsille ; the
valley became more bold and wild, the cliffs rose
into mountains, whose summits were probably

38 LETTER III.
about the snow level ; belo>AS they produced
nothing but brushwood. At length the valley
divided, and a vast precipice faced us; half
way up this, was a little corn field of two
acres, probably formed by an ancient ecroule-
ment. Here was the station of H. Arnaud,
where he held out so many months in defiance
of Catinat, who at his head-quarters at Cluses,
disdained even to reconnoitre the poor Barbets.
The little hamlet of Balsille is just below,
and its regent came out and showed us the
points where the French batteries were placed,
the barriere was formed, &c. and the terrible
precipices by which the Vaudois escaped when
unable to resist the cannon. Some little re
mains of their intrenchraents are left, and some
tracks cut for the cannon in the rocks. No
thing but the most positive proof could con
vince one that these things have been, they
seem so marvellous and romantic. We would
gladly have given a few francs to the poor
regent, but on the contrary, he insisted on
" our honouring his house and drinking his
poor wine," which we did, not to offend him,
and when we left him, he had all the air of a
man on whom we had conferred a great favour.
We pursued another route back, along the
stream, and found many pretty points, though
none very marked. We passed the opening of
Val Praie, (long, narrow, and barren,) at the

LETTER III. 39
top of it is the most reraote of the villages,
Praie, where lives M. Peyran, son of the late
pastor at Praraol, or Paramolo. Ffom Praie
is a small road of six hours over the mountain
to Bobbi, which is passable for animals only in
the sumraer.
At Cluses I left my mule and walked up to
Villeseche. M. R. had been told in his morn
ing walk that we had passed up the valley,
and had immediately returned home with the
hope that we should call upon him. His cha
racter differs in some respects from the other
pastors : he has all the lively manners and rapid
enunciation of a Frenchraan, and talked so fast
and on so many subjects, that it was not easy
to come to the point desired, though that
attained, nothing could be more clear than his
explanations. His active disposition prompts
him to attempt more than he is equal to, and
in his thirty-seven years ministry, he has had
many severe illnesses, and reckoned himself
very happy to have escaped last winter with
only six weeks confinement, having suffered
violent rheumatic gout for four to six months
the preceding years. It is hardly possible to
imagine the activity of M. R. He is two
hours distant from most of the frontiers of his
parish, which contains four communes, and I
was amazed at seeing the deep valley he had
to descend, and the steep mountains he had to

40 LETTER nr.
climb, to get to his adjacent chapels, where he
preaches on week days. These are in a most
miserable state of damp, and I have been since
told that it is to these distant calls of duty
that he owes his ill health, and that his energy
never allows him to rest when he can in any
way perform his own duty. I have no space
to tell you of the hospitality of this good man,
which fully equals any I have met with, or his
kindness in walking nearly two miles when I
went away ; he gave me many data I wished
for, and seemed perfectly acquainted with all
the minutiae of both vallies, ecclesiastical and
otherwise. M. R. has nine children, (now nearly all
grown up,) whom he has supported on his
1000 francs, and a very small patrimony of his
own, nay, he has even contrived to send one
son to Lausanne. In this parish I saw the
house of Leger, (the historian,) his family still
inhabit it, but are nearly idiots. From Perouse,
we drove up the valley of Finestrelle to the
little town and fortress, chiefly with a view of
seeing the family of Peyran, for the valley,
as we suspected, afforded little interest, except
that of its having been inhabited by Protestants.
The fortress is said to be impregnable, which I
believe to be humbug ; it serves however as an
excuse for keeping four or five hundred more
men in pay! There is a good road hence to

LETTER III. 41
Brianpn, and thence to Grenoble, the nearest
way, I imagine, from Lyons or Geneva to the
Vaudois. The Moderator Peyran left one
daughter by a first wife, and two sons by a
second. The daughter, now about fifty,* mar
ried M. C. a store-keeper and merchant at
Finestrelle, and in right of her mother's dowry
possesses most of her father's books. These
people having heard that we were coming,
waited dinner an hour and a half, and when at
last we arrived, we found M. C. waiting to
receive us at the little inn. We found at the
house three grown up sons, all of good address,
and the eldest, Bartholomew, the most in
teresting man I have long met with: his talents
and love of study recommended him to his
grandfather, who educated him, and employed
him as a secretary for some years, so that he
was perfectly acquainted with Peyran's papers,
and could with ease have arranged them a,nd
transcribed them. Unfortunately the old man
left all his MSS. to his two sons, as a means of
making their fortune, and as these young men
were without education, they have divided and
dispersed them in various ways. When Mr.
Sims came, the second son collected all he
could find and gave them, and the other son
has sent him some as well as Mad. Concorde ;
but I doubt whether half what Peyran left
* She died in 1825.

42 LETTER III.
can ever be arranged so as to see the light.
Unfortunately Bartholomew C. was not at
home when Mr. Sims carae, and he is the only
man who can without incredible difficulty put
the papers into a legible form. It is much
to be regretted, Mr. Sims was so hasty, and
one cannot acquit the pastors of culpable neg
lect in not taking measures to secure Peyran's
MSS. for the benefit of society and his children,
especially as it was evident what must happen,
B. C. possesses a few detached MSS. given, and
in some cases written for him by his grand
father : he has given me one of twenty-four
closely written pages on different subjects, and a
transcript of a letter on Bossuet, about the same
length ; nor was it possible to make him accept
of any return. I could only sign a promise
to send back the copies, which he would hardly
accept. However, we have a line open by
which we may be of use to these amiable
people, a family doomed to suffer for their reli
gion, for in 1784, M. C's sister, then seven
years old, was carried off from a vineyard by
an armed police, and forced to take the vows
in the Convent of Novara. I saw several of
her letters. In 1804, her death was announced.
Young Bartholomew having gone through the
necessary studies with honour, presented him
self to receive his diploma of surgeon, and
on answering the only question asked, (are

LETTER III. 43
you a Protestant?) was pereraptorily refused
in spite of the new law allowing Protestants
to practise. The Prussian ambassador pro
mised to obtain by interest what was denied
to justice, but unfortunately was obliged to
quit Turin at the time, so the raatter has
dropped. This is the sort of oppression which
is now exercised in various instances ; the go
vernment does not interfere directly ; this is
the third time this young man has been thrown
back when on the point of entering on a pro
mising career ; viz. the peace of 1815 drove
him from the coraraissariat of the French army,
and a bankruptcy frora the house of a mer
chant. It is almost an unbelievable fact, that
Peyran should have taught his youngest son
only to read and write, and his eldest but little
more : he had neither time nor inclination he
said to controul them, and they would, when
old enough, fall into a just way of reasoning,
besides, his eldest daughter would take care of
them. The eldest is going on slowly at Lau
sanne, the second is gaining a precarious ex
istence at Pomaret, among the peasants ; he
is handsome, a,nd I believe amiable, but his
abilities are of a very low class.
It happened that Bartholomew Concorde was
coming to Perouse, and he took me to see the
house of his grandfather, which was not the
presbytery. Here I found his two little

44 LETTER IV.
chambers, his books and his prints just as he
had left them ; the volumes are of every size
and description, but most of the sets are
broken, nor are there many books of value,
four or five of our old folio English divines were
much prized by the old man : it is much to be
regretted that some man of literature did not
visit the Moderator some years before his
death, and advise and give him the means of
writing something worthy of himself, for he
fell into a way of writing small treatises and
letters, and changed from subject to subject
every day and hour.

LETTER IV.

Venice, July Ilth, 1825.
Our little journal having been dispatched in
three letters, I must now add to it these further
observations, which you requested to have, in
order to render more perfect the account of
the Vaudois. First, then, as to the errors
which have crept into Mr. Gilly's book,* errors
* It is hoped that these remarks on Mr. Gilly's excellent
work on the Vaudois will be pardoned, as coming from one
who has the highest opinion of the author, and is fully aware
of the gratitude due to him from the Vaudois for his great
exertions in their behalf.

LETTER IV. 45
which we cannot be surprised at, from the
shortness of his stay in the vallies. I may be
allowed to say, that the spirit in which some
of his remarks and anecdotes are related, is
not that of the pastors, and that in deriving
his information from an energetic young man
living in the world, he has given it to the
world rather in those terms than after the
manner of thinking and speaking universal
among the Vaudois clergy ; there are conse
quently some things which have given great
pain, though they are fully grateful for the ob
ject of the book. The following is the list of.
pastors at this time, some changes having
taken place. We had the pleasure of being-
acquainted with all the pastors whose names
are marked thus*.
*Rora — M. Henri Peyrot.
*La Tour — M. Bert, Moderateur.
Villars— M. Gay.
*Bobbi — M. Muston, Secretaire.
*Angrogna — M. Goant.
*St. Jean— M. Moudon.
Pramol — M. Vinson.
Prarostain — M. Rostain, Jun. son of the
pastor at Villeseche.
St. Gervais —
*Pomaret— M. Jalla.
*Villeseche — M. Rostain, Moderateur adjoint.

46 LETTER IV.
*Maneiffle— M. Monastier.
*Prale— M. Peyran, nephew of the great
Peyran.
It is denied by the pastors that their church
without assistance must fall, inasmuch as it
has never been better protected nor less perse
cuted than at present. The Moderator Pey
ran was never employed by the French, on
the contrary, he was deposed, and the church
government reformed after Napoleon's manner
of presidents or vice-presidents. On the de
parture of the French, Peyran again became
Moderator. It is denied by the pastors who
sent in the registers, that 200 francs per
annum were ever allowed for it, and it is
affirmed, that the emoluments of the pastors
during the French government, though greater
than what they had before, have been since
diminished, what they have lost, is strict im
partiality between Catholic and Protestant,
the power of building or repairing churches
and cemeteries without leave, (now obtained
with difficulty,) and their exemption from the
conscription ; it must however be allowed that
pastors are not really obliged to serve, and the
conscription falls but lightly on their friends
and relations, whereas, under Napoleon, it
often produced the ruin of families.
The commission granted by William the

LETTER TV. 47
Third to Henri Arnaud is now in the possession
of the hero's great grandson, M. Arnaud, of
La Tour. Four of the best informed of the
pastors all agreed in the denial of any epis
copal jurisdiction in their church at any time,*
which assertion will be found supported by the
three most esteemed histories. Some account
of the regents may be interesting as an inter
mediate class of society between laity and
clergy. They are persons of good moral cha
racter and sufficient information, elected in
each parish by the pastor and his elders, and
their office is for life unless in case of misbe
haviour. Their duties are to instruct the
children of their parish in reading, writing, and
arithmetic, and to teach them to understand
the religious books and expositions which are
put into their hands. The schools are open
eight hours a day during eight or ten months
in the year. Besides this, the regents read the
* It is possible this objection may have arisen from a
difference in words only. The first ecclesiastical superin
tendants mentioned both as contemporaries or successors to
the Apostles, were called overseers. — See Haldane's Evi
dence and Authority of the Christian Religion.
The late Mons. Peyran was much attached to the epis
copal church government, and may, in his eagerness, have
confused the state of the Vaudois when forming part of the
Latin church, and consequently being under episcopal go
vernment, with their state after the time of Claude, Bishop of
Turin, as separatists from the Roman Catholic Church, or
rather recusants to its corruptions.

48 LETTER IV.
burial service, (very short and insignificant,)
unless in the case of a head of a family.
During morning service they read the lessons,
(with explanation, generally Ostervald's,) the
coramandraents, and sing the Psalms given
out by the pastors. The evening service, con
sisting of reading the Bible and two printed
prayers, is entirely performed by the re
gents, as well as a similar service twice a
week. They have the care of the church
and the Bible in it, which in several in
stances looked new after thirty or forty years
use. The emoluments of the regents are from
250 to 400 francs a year, and there are minor
schools in those parishes where all the children
cannot come to one. As to the general state
of the people, they may be said to be all poor,
as even those more at ease have so many rela
tions in distress, that they indulge in no super
fluities; nor is there one single beast of burthen
kept for pleasure in all the vallies, except
Mad. Goant's little donkey, which affords her
the milk and exercise necessary for her health.
The universal education, as well as the cate-
chistical exarainations from Christmas to Easter,
leave a power of thinking and a refinement
among the poor unknown in other countries.
As there is no commerce, and little traffic and
barter, so the idea of amassing money is un
known, as is that of shame at their own simpli-

LETTER IV. 49
city and poverty, (which they are well aware
of) Thus pride and avarice may be said not
to exist. As almost all are relations and friends,
a general philanthropy reigns throughout, and
as past sufferings and present content are always
before their eyes, they rejoice at the coming of
a Protestant stranger, to whom they may evince
their feelings of gratitude for the assistance
they have received. I know not any instance
of gratitude more touching than the fact of the
Vaudois having contributed in their churches
2000 francs for the poor Dutch, nor can it be
doubted that the widow's mite was in many
cases really given.
The relief of the poor is simply managed,
besides the poor-box and sacrament money,
those who cannot live at horae during the bad
season, receive from the pastor a certain num
ber of tickets to his richer parishioners, who
feed and lodge their poor neighbours suc
cessively for one day. Crimes are very seldom
committed, and it is only those of the worst
characters, and most abandoned fortunes, who
ever become Catholics, though they are re
warded with 150 or 200 francs. What presses
hard on the Vaudois is, that when they go
into the plains for work, a preference is al
ways given to the Catholics, and often a posi
tive refusal to the Protestants. It is also
very galling that one-fourth should be remitted E

50 LETTER IV.
out of the taxes to the Catholics. The taxes
being levied on the lands, fall very hard on the
little proprietors, the distinction of landlord
and tenant being unknown in the vallies.
As to the state of the church, the oldest
notices of their faith are to be found in the
" Noble Leyfon," written about 1110, and the
other manuscripts which are at Cambridge ;
the confession of faith cited by Gilles de Gilles,
as having been given in 1526, agrees with the
ancient manuscript, and is perfectly consenta
neous with the English Thirty-nine Articles,
as far as it goes, nor does it appear they have
ever swerved from this. It will probably be
the opinion of many that there is somewhat
too much liberty noiv, as the oaths of Geneva
and Lausanne are very lax; the pastors are
totally independent of those churches,* and if
there is any thing like religious difference, it is
buried in the greatest privacy, and sermons are
very seldom preached on doctrinal points.
Peyran had an idea of a union with the An
glican church ; I know not if it was approved
by others. Many certainly wish for a fixed
Liturgy of their own, and disapprove of many
little irregularities which have crept in since
* The churches of Geneva and Lausanne cannot properly
be identified, as if holding the same opinions, the latter
having not long since formally protested against the tenets
of the forraer, as leaning strongly to Socinianism.

LETTER IV. 51
the altering the church government by the
French. Their great simplicity has led them
to leave many things to chance, and their easi
ness of disposition has also led them to allow
of certain of the laity being admitted to the
table of council, which decides on calling a
synod. What is most to be admired in their
church service, seems their singing and the
explanation of the Bible. The clergyman also
learns his sermon, and repeats it by heart ; but
I do not know how the Regents taking so great
a part, can be defended, or the little respect
paid to the dead approved of.
One must know the country to judge of the
sacrifices made by those who go into the
church, and by their friends. They cannot
live at Geneva or Lausanne for less than 1000
francs per annum, are obliged to stay eight
years, and frequently remain ten and twelve :
it is true there are four studentships at Lau
sanne, and one at Geneva, but these are filled
by seniority, and there are now nine Vaudois
at these colleges. The young men have often
tempting offers, and are under no obligation,
but generally prefer returning to their vallies
to their 1000 francs a year, all they can ever
have. I knew one who refused three times this
income. There is not now any great want of Bibles,
but rather of their religious books from Swit-
E 2

52 LETTER IV.
zerland (certain explanations aad hymns they
are accustomed to;) which cost very dear.
Of the clergy, some five may be considered
as learned men, all are well-informed ; the
young men receive an excellent education, in
some points perhaps carried too far. They
study Hebrew for three years. It certainly
must be a severe privation to them to be de
barred from books, and the means of pursuing
any study they like; none seem however to
think it possible to buy a book after their
return. If they have any thing to spare, they
have but too many objects of charity. Their
moral characters are I believe irreproachable,
and their content universal ; they say indeed
they personally wish for no more. All the
pastors either are or have been married, and all
live and dress like peasants, and cultivate their
own gardens : most of those married have large
families. As to their incoraes, their pay is
1000 francs in all, to which the poorest, per
haps three in number, can add about 500 of
his own, the rest have from 2000 to 2600 francs
in all, and the richest has 5000 francs. It is
to be remarked that they all live nearly in the
same style, and the richest reserve their means
for the advancement of their rising families, or
those of their immediate relatives, I do not
mean to vouch for the correctness of the above
sums, but they are the result of all the inquiries

LETTER IV. 53
I could make on so delicate a point. The
amount of their annual receipts from England,
(arising you know from the interest of part of
a charitable collection years ago,) is £292, this
is divided equally among the thirteen pastors.
The receipts from Holland derived in the same
way are 6400 francs per annum, this sum is
divided into pensions for retired pastors, (3 or 400
francs for each,) pensions for widows of pastors,
salaries for regents, and for the minor schools :
subdivisions which go down to fourteen francs
per annum. Nothing can be more unjust then
the withholding Queen Mary and Anne's
bounty from them, which was continued till the
last war, consequently the ministry of George
the Third held themselves bound to pay it.*
On examining the historian, Leger, who
gives a list of the manuscripts, and the way
they were sent to England, as well as the re
ceipt of the Charg6 d'Affaires who received
them, and his assurance that he had lodged
thera at Cambridge, it clearly appears that they
were given up in order to he placed in a state of
security, and not as a present. So that the
Vaudois have a clear right to redeem them still.
If they were given, where was the use of so
exact a catalogue and receipt, and what object
was it to the Vaudois to have a certificate of
their being placed at Cambridge ? The cata-
* The payment has been resumed since this letter was
written.

54 LETTER IV.
logue is evidently forraed not only as an enu
meration of objects, but to make the reference
to the manuscripts easy. The raost useful
thing I can now do, is to give you a clear idea
of what is really wanted in the vallies. The
hospital house is bought, and is to hold thirteen
beds for sick, a doctor and nurses ; a shop is to
be added, and medicine sent out. The doctor
is to visit the sick at home, if pay enough can
be allowed him. There is next a severe want
of three pastors, one at Maneigle, one at Ville
seche, and one at La Tour, to teach the Latin
school, attend the duty at Turin from Christ
mas to Easter, and to be always at hand to
take the duty of any sick pastor. At present,
if a pastor is ill, or a vacancy occurs, the other
twelve do the duty in turn, and frequently walk
five or six hours on the Saturday, and the sarae
back on the Sunday. A school for the educa
tion of the regents would be highly desirable,
also a library for the use of the pastors. But
a college is the grand and eagerly desired
restoration, which would add new vigour and
utility to their church, and it is believed the
government would not oppose it. Now you are
not to suppose it possible to get any pastor to
sit down and state all these things in order to
incite the charity of England, they have great
delicacy in owning their wants, but by asking
first one question and then another at different
times, and places, from different pastors, I

LETTER IV. 5'5
have put the whole together, and made the
following rough calculation according to my
information, and the prices of the country.
What is most iraperiously called for is the
addition of two or three pastors, and the regent's
school. Per annum.
Pounds sterling.
Expenses of hospital for twelve people,
averaging the sick at six all the year
round, and allowing two or three at
tendants, also for medicine in and out
of the hospital  260
For medical men 1000 francs, the com
munes may repair the house ... 40

300

For three pastors at 1000 francs, and 240
francs for lodgings, as there are no
houses which can be given .... 150
Regent's school for eight or ten boys,
being boarded  180
Annual gift to form a library for the
pastors  20
House fit for a college at most would
cost £600, reckoning it very much
dearer than the one bought for the
hospital  25
Five professors proposed (but four might
do), stipend fixed at 1000 francs, say
£50  250

56 LETTER IV. Per annum.
Brought forward  102.5
For twelve boys keep, the parents giving
something, and it not being necessary
to lodge them all  1 50
Furniture and repairs per annum . . 25

Per annum . £1100
The professors would keep the boys on pen
sion. These would be five in number ;
1. Of Divinity,
2. Belles Lettres,
3. Languages,
4. Mathematics,
5. Superintendant and Classical Professor.
It is intended to lodge whatever is subscribed
in England and Germany for the hospital in the
funds of those countries, and should the above
subscription be carried into effect, the same
plan raight be adopted. It is really provoking
when £28,000 would do such an infinity of
good that it reraains unsubscribed, when it
might be collected in London in a single day.
I conceive a very short pamphlet adapted to
this purpose, with a committee of good names,
might effect the business. Though the sums
are so sraall, you may rely on their not being
understated. The pastors would not willingly
accept any augmentation of pay, but they would

LETTEE v. 57
derive great benefit from each receiving a small
sum to give away in their parishes. I forgot
to mention that the population is much in
creasing ; at Rora it has doubled itself, and at
Maneigle increased a third in the last three
years ; perhaps generally an increase of an
eighth or a sixth raay be reckoned for that
time, it is now upwards of 20,000. I am sorry
these little remarks are not arranged in better
order. There is now a Latin school at La
Tour. Whenever there is any young pastor
without a parish, this is the only means of
subsistence for him, till he is called to a cure.
Each boy pays a very small sum for his in
struction.*

LETTER V.

At the risk of repetition, I cannot close our
correspondence on the subject of our most
interesting vallies, without pointing out the
best way of seeing them, for the sake of those
friends whose warm interest for the Vaudois
may induce them to cross the Alps. The ap
proach from Turin is the most easy, as there is
* Since the above was written, a collection has been made
for the hospital, and the money placed in the British Funds,
the interest being remitted to the moderator.

58 LETTER v.
a post road to Pigneroio, and thence a good car
riage road to Perouse and La Tour : but should
I again visit the vallies, I should prefer the
route from Lyons to Grenoble, Brianf on, Fines
trelle, Perouse, and Pigneroio, which is very
beautiful, and a good carriage road, though I
am not sure that there is a post all the way
along it. Finestrelle is the ancient frontier of
the Vaudois country, and is now celebrated for
its strong fort : the valley which extends from
it to Perouse has also the interest of having been
formerly inhabited by Vaudois : the compara
tive state of cultivation and population between
it and those they still possess, is also a con
vincing proof of the great political mistake the
government has made in expelling them.
At Pigneroio is a tolerable second rate Italian
inn and post-house, and those who cannot walk
well, should there procure horses to ride during
their stay in the vallies. At La Tour only an
ass and a mule are to be had for this purpose,
nor are these used to go out of the great road.
At La Tour is a very clean little inn, " the
Bear," kept by a widow and her daughters,
which should be the head-quarters for at least
a week. The comraunes of St. John and Lu
cerne raay be seen from it in one or two days,
and will please frora their high state of cultiva
tion ; uniting the charm of the rich produce of
the plains of the Po with woodlands, backed
by rocks and mountains : they have also the

LETTER v. 59
historical interest of being the scenes of battles
and massacres, as well as treaties and soleran
ratifications of privileges, never held sacred.
From La Tour also the whole valley of Rora
may be seen, by taking the road from the plain
of Lucerne : it is narrow and extremely ro
mantic, nor do I know any thing more perfect
of its kind, than the village at its sumrait,
which unites the most complete retirement to
rudeness of construction, and beauty of sce
nery. Although I was so much interested
with the pastor and his family, I was not the
less moved to find myself on the spot where
the horrible massacre of all the inhabitants had
been committed, by the Marquis Pianessa, and
where the famous Janavel made one of the most
heroic defences in the annals of the Vaudois.
In returning to La Tour over the mountain, we
passed the spot where this extraordinary ac
tion took place, and had a fine view from it of
the whole of the centre valley of the Vaudois
country. The commune of Angrogna will oc
cupy at least one day from La Tour, the first
part of which will be employed in seeing the
beautiful, but confined scenery, near the village
church ; and the latter, in visiting the bold
ridge above, commanding a distant view, and
being itself the field of battle on all those oc
casions when the Vaudois had time to fly from
their persecutors in the vallies to defend their

60 LETTER V.
mountains. The Pr6 du Tour, the grand cita
del of the Vaudois, deraands a day for the ob
servation of its gloomy and wild scenery; the
reraains of the ancient barrier, and the site of
the college, will interest all who have studied
Vaudois history. The crag of Castelluzzo and
its cavern, though now choked up, will pro
bably tempt those who do not fear a severe
walk to explore the heights between La Tour
and Angrogna, but this will be impracticable
to all but good walkers. One morning will be
sufficient to enjoy the scenery of Villar and
Bobbi, (the scenes of the great cruelties in the
massacres) ; and the fort of Mirabouc, though
now dismantled, deserves a visit for the sake
of its history, as well as its scenery.
Nothing can be worse than the inn at Perosa
or Perouse, and in order to see the Val St.
Martin, it would be better to take up one's
quarters at Perrier, though nothing is to be
expected there equal to the little inn at La
Tour. By going round by Pigneroio there is a
good carriage road from La Tour to Perouse,
where mules may be found to carry baggage,
but this route is uninteresting; while the mule
track from LaTour by Roche Platte and St. Ger
mains is very beautiful, the latter is reraarkable
for sorae treacherous attacks in the old wars.
Pomaret will be ever considered one of the most
interesting points by English travellers, from its

LETTER v. 61
having been the residence of Peyran, and the
remains of this learned man and his brother
(who first excited the attention of the Society
of Christian Knowledge to the case of the
Vaudois since the restoration of the King of
Sardinia) rest in its cemetery. One of the
boldest passes of the Val St. Martin is be
tween this place and Perier, so that the day's
journey from La Tour will be replete with in
terest, though somewhat fatiguing. Above
Perrier the scenery is not very remarkable,
but every one must be eager to see the famous
Balsille, where the traces of Arnaud's intrench
ment are clearly visible, and the perils of the
escape of his party will be found not over
stated. About two miles beyond is a water
fall, which I did not see. In returning to Per
rier, another path leads through Masseille, one
of the most retired of the villages, and the
same distance below the former place is Ville
seche. One side of the valley rises upon
rocks, at a great height above the torrent,
and is rendered productive by the alluvial soil
washed from the precipices above. Not far
above Perrier, the wild narrow valley of Praie
branches off", and conducts to the village of that
name, the highest and most remote of all,
where all the severities of an Alpine winter are
felt, and little cultivation can go on during the
very short summer. Hence is a mountain path

62 LETTER VI.
to Bobbi over the heights near fort Mirabouc,
this is practicable for animals all the summer,
and affords a return to La Tour without de
scending the Val St. Martin.

LETTER VI.

Carlsruhe, Sept. I.
As the shortest way of giving you an account
of the state of the Vaudois in Germany, I copy
the following statements, which I drew up for
a particular purpose.
Seven villages in Wirtemberg, together with
one in Hesse Homberg, and two in Darmstadt,
were founded by Henri Arnaud, assisted by
the Dutch Commissioners appointed for that
purpose ; one other was afterwards added ; as
the colonies increased, more villages sprang up
in the neighbourhood, but the same number of
pastors continued, and no more churches were
built ; the population has continually varied
owing to eraigration ; that of the Wirtemberg
villages, according to a census in 1819, was
2330. At the time of colonization, the Duke and
Vaudois Pastors mutually signed Twenty-
three Articles of Reception and Privilege ;

LETTER VI. 63
among them, two assured to the Vaudois the
right of naming their own pastors, and the un
interrupted enjoyment of their religion in every
respect. The Dutch government agreed to
pay three of the pastors that were then ap
pointed, and their school-masters, but did not
extend their bounty to the successors.
England then granted the Royale, for ever,
and Switzerland endowed one Cure, on con
dition of its being served by a Swiss.
When the pastors appointed by the Dutch
died, they were succeeded by Vaudois, to
whom the Duke allowed a gratuity of fifty
florins each, (a florin worth twenty-one pence
English.) The Swiss, on the appointment of a
minister, not of their own nation, withdrew
their bounty, and in consequence that village
was forced into a union with the Lutheran
church. This was hastened by its being thrown
into the Duchy of Baden by the Congress ; I
am told that to the village near Homberg, the
Royale has always been paid, and to that only,
and have reason to believe the generosity of
the Princess has compensated for the loss of
the royal bounty, without allowing the change
to be known. The state of the Wirtemberg pa
rishes is as follows, (vide schedule ;) the royal
bounty was continued to seven pastors marked
with a star, until 1 804, and then ceased ; they
have been unable to ascertain the cause of

64 LETTER VI.
their misfortune, though three petitions were
forwarded to England, one to the Archbishop
of Canterbury in 1813, one to the Regent in
1815, and one to the King in 1820, by means of
the Ambassador at Stutgard.
It is not easy to explain the degree of distress
which the cessation of the royal bounty has
occasioned, the sum appearing so small ; yet it
formed a large proportion of the revenue of the
pastors, and the loss was in no way made up
to them. They have, in fact, been fast sinking
into the utmost penury, till the late changes.*
It is easier to relate its effects in the church ;
parishes were obliged to apply to the govern
ment for the support of their ministers, and a
scanty bounty was given by the king, on the
annual application. The opportunity was seized
to press the Vaudois churches into a union, and
this has been prosecuted for ten years ; on the
death of the Moderator, instead of another be
ing appointed, they were placed under the
superintendance of the Grand Ecclesiastical
Council, who neglected their churches and
pastors' houses, and rather augmented than re
lieved their distress ; a petition to the govern
ment only excited additional vigour in the op
posite party ; by these means, and the increas
ing difficulty of obtaining the annual gifts from
The union with the Lutheran Church.

LETTER VI. 65
the- King of Wirtemberg, the different churches
have been gradually forced into a union. In
1823, those which still held out consented, or
rather, a law was passed by the chambers in
consequence of their continuing to ask for
support. The eff'ect of this is, that the least numerous
parishes have been annexed to the adjoining
Lutheran ones, and the more populous places
still retain their pastors, with the obligation
henceforward to preach and instruct the child
ren in the German language only, and to con
cede to government the right of electing Lu
theran pastors ; thus the two grand articles of
reception are violated. In return for this the
Chambers of Wirtemberg allow annually 130
florins to the remaining pastors ; but as part of
this is paid in corn, the real value is 100 florins
each — whereas they received from England
160 florins, even when one-fifth was deducted as
tax. Owing to these misfortunes, the state of
many of the houses aud churches is very bad,
and in the annexed parishes, the churches are
entirely going to decay. The inhabitants have
been invited to pull them down, which they
have refused to do, (in this case is the church
of Schonberg, once honoured by the eloquence,
and still by the tomb of the venerable Henri
Arnaud.) The parishes have all resisted the
F

OG LETTER VI,
union to the utmost, and have never acknow
ledged it by any promises or acts of their own;
but they.,have been obliged to adopt the Ger
man language in the churches and schools, and
those pastors who could not preach in German,
have had Lutheran vicaires appointed by go
vernment, who will succeed to the cures on
their decease. One parish is indeed entirely
under the charge of a Lutheran vicaire, the
pastor being no more, aud others have been
divided among the neighbouring Lutheran ones.
No Moderator or Doyen having been appointed,
Mr. Moudon may be considered as head of the
church, having been thirty-one years pastor.
With regard to the Royale, the channel of pay
ment was Messrs. Raikes in London, and
Messrs. Goutart of Francfort, and the division
of arrears can be only made in the country on
account of various changes ; all the pastors to
whom they are due are alive, but some moved.
It ought to be considered that these pastors,
when they undertook the churches, considered
their revenue as certain ; the Royale has now
been withheld twenty-one years, but they have
not deserted their charge, though under severe
privation, no equivalent having been given by
the government, as is the case in Piedmont.

LETTER vr. 67
Extrait du livre de la Tr^sorerie cit6 dans Ie
Memorial au Prince Regent en 1815.*
Distribution de 6 mois de la Pension de
£500 livres sterling pour les Vaudois tant en
Piemont qu'en Allemagne. Pour six mois
£250 au moins tax sur

La Liste civile ... 6 5
Droits de Payeur dit , 6 5 0 ^ £50
Tax sur les Terres . 37 10

oJ

500 reste, £200 de cette somme il faut re-
battre la proportion qui revient a 13 Pasteurs
en Pieraont et autant de maitres d'^cole
^129 19*. 8^d. Distribution pour les Pasteurs
et maitres d'6cole des sept Colonies V. en
Allemagne. £=70 + 129/. I9s. 816?. = 199/. 19*. S^J.

Pour chaque Pasteur 6 13 4=46 13 4
Pour chaque Maitre ^£70
d'ecole .... 3 6 8=23 6 8.

:!¦

* This Memorial was signed by all the ministers of the
German Vaudois church.

F 2

a

" Pi

QO
CO

P3

w
-I
IX o
ffi
ha

Schedule of the pee
I ) Palmbach . .
\ Muchelbach .

2 Waldorf .
q S Wembach
¦^ \ Haln . . .
. f Domholzhausen
\ Homberg .
. y Gros Villar
I Petit Villar
r- J Durmenz
^ Schonberg
„ S Pinache .
\ Serres . .

11

o ( Lucern .
\ Boerthal
9 Nordhausen
0 Neugenstadt
Perouse . .

Wumberg

Mr. Euler

Mr. Mr.
Mr.

SENT State of the Churches.
This commune was provided for by the Swiss ; since they
have withdrawn their bounty, it has been united to the
Church of Baden — about five or six years since.

Mr. Moudon,
a vicaire.

Mr. Molly.

Mr. Mullot.
Mr. Geymonat, a

Nephew of Moudon, of St. Jean, Piemont, and lliirty-one
years pastor.
Divided and incorporated with adjoining Lutheran pa
rishes — the pastor, after suffering great privations, is
living at a little Cure at a distance.

Though they protested against the union, they have been^
incorporated with the adjoining Lutheran parishes.
vicaire. United to the Lutheran church, and under the solo charge
of a Lutheran vicaire.

LETTER VI. 69
N,B. In Nos. 5, 7, 9, 10, the pastors reraain,
vicaires (i.e. curates,) being added to those who
cannot preach in the German language. The
Nos. 2, 3, are close to Reinheim, about ten
miles from Darmstadt. No. 4 is at Homberg,
near Francfort. No. 1, three miles from Dur
lach. Nos. 5, 6, and 8, close to Knillingen,
and the rest near to lUingen. They lie dis
persed to the right and left of the road from
Carlsruhe to Stutgard, except those in Darm
stadt and Homberg. The country where the
Wirtemberg colonies were fixed by Arnaud,
must have been then little else than sandy
lands, swampy vallies, and forests ; it appears
to have been brought into cultivation by great
labour, and each village is embosomed in a
mass of fruit trees, while sandy plains extend
around it, and woods more or less distant seem
to exclude it from the rest of the world.
The people have never introduced any raa
nufacture, or sought wealth in foreign coun
tries, consequently they remain precisely the
same little industrious landholders they were ;
no one seems to be richer than his neighbours.
Their situation affords them advantages over
their brethren of Piemont, but they seem not
to have thought of these means of increasing
their wealth ; their houses are built in the
German manner, and they use horses, oxen,
and cows in agriculture. The characters of

70 LETTER VI.
the remaining pastors I believe to be perfectly
Vaudoise. Moudon I have seen the most of,
he much resembles his uncle in Piedmont, and
bears his misfortunes with great cheerfulness ;
yet his case is a severe one, after thirty-one
years he has been allowed as a particular
favour to hold his cure till his son had finished
his studies, and the young man is just admitted
as curate, but no increase of pay has been
allowed them. Though Moudon has never
left his parish for thirty years, yet he is per
fectly informed of the state of Europe, and
quite aware of the great changes taking place
in America. ?Ie much surprised me by relat
ing anecdotes of the late war. Besides being
a Hebrew, Greek, and Latin scholar, he seems
well versed in the Belles Lettres, which form
his chief amusement. Yet his habitation and
dress are not beyond those of the meanest
peasant. The son is a promising young man,
and perfectly content with his lot, though he
has received a learned education, and has been
ten years at the University of Tubingen. A
few days since I paid a second visit to the
Moudons, and the old pastor accompanied me
in search of the tomb of the great Henri Ar
naud. We drove several miles through a
forest, and when apparently in the midst of the
wilds, found a village at the end of a long open
valley, where we slept; the next morning half

LETTER Vl. 71
an hour's walk brought us to Schonberg ; about
thirty houses form the village, all built in the
German style of brick and timber, and appa
rently in pretty good case, though I believe
them to be the very abodes ofthe first settlers.
Fruit-trees shade them on every side, and a
few vineyards arise at the back — corn-fields
are spread around, and below them the mea
dows gradually sink into a swampy brook, low
hills of verdure rise beyond, and forests crown
the most distant. The whole gives one the
idea of cleared lands in America. The church
(of which I have mentioned the state) is built
of wood chiefly, and measures within, only
twelve yards by nine. Immediately in the
front of the pulpit, is a long ornamented flag
stone of rude workmanship — beneath repose
the mortal remains of the venerable hero whose
last retreat was among those very " Sept
exiles qui exercferent leur ministere au Duche
de Wirtemberg" — for whose support he him
self had obtained the royal bounty of England,
for which he thanks Queen Anne in the preface
to La Rentree Glorieuse, mentioning them in
the above words.
In this humble cure did he pass the 12 last
years of his life, and died at 80. The house
which he built and resided in, is opposite the
church, and differs only from the rest in having
a sun-dial, and shelves for bee-hives in the
front. I examined the registry of his whole

72 LETTER VI.
property and its valuation. The whole, in
cluding some teneraents in Piedmont, and even
the most trifling articles, amounted to 2520
florins, or £226. 8*. 2d. There are some curious
items. One Echarpe, half gold, half silk, with
large golden buttons ; (this was his Colonel's
scarf, and has been since seen in Holland.)
Wearing apparel ; one black serge raantle or
gown ; one white worn out Gerraan mantle ;
united value, two florins. A note says, " the
rest of his wearing apparel was so bad, as not
to be worth valuing."' He had four sons, one
of whom succeeded him, and another was a
student of law in London.*
In Arnaud's tirae 1600 Vaudois left Wirtem
berg, and settled near Philadelphia. In 1799,
about 500 left these communes, and bought land
also near Philadelphia, which they cultivated
in comrnon for nine years, when they sold it for
700,000 florins, (seven times the purchase mo
ney,) and retired with their joint stock to a
tract of land in Louisiana, on the banks of the
Mississippi : three years since they were seen
by a Vaudois, who wrote home a very favour
able account of their success.
Think of our good fortune in having got an
edition of La Rentree Glorieuse, by Henri
Arnaud ; it is in very bad condition, but still it
is most valuable.
The following anecdote, showing the suf-
* Vide Extract from the Register of Schbnberg.

LETTER VI. 73
ferings to which the Vaudois are still in these
latter days subject, frotn the oppressive conduct
of the Catholic priests towards them, is related
by an English gentleman, who visited the val
lies of Piedmont, in the year 1825 ; he re
ceived the account from the head of the family
to whom it occurred, and who is a man of the
highest respectability in every point of view ;
and holds at this time a place under govern
ment ; the name and residence of this gentle
man are, from motives of prudence and delicacy
withheld. A little girl, born in the year 1780,
the daughter ofa Vaudois, was brought up un
der the eye of her parents till she was seven
years old, and had been allowed to associate
familiarly with the children of some neigh
bouring Catholics. When she was six years
old, she was often tempted by their bribes to
become a Catholic, and sometimes serious ar
guments took place with them and their priest
upon the subject. The little girl, who was a
clever child, and had been regularly instructed
in her religion, by the pastor, for a long time
kept the promise which had been required of
her, of concealing all that was passing from her
mother ; but at length, alarmed at the threats
of everlasting perdition, she revealed the whole.
The natural consequence of this was a quarrel
between the Catholic and Vaudois families, and
the little girl was soon afterwards removed to a

74 LETTER VI.
village, at some distance, the pastor of which
was her relation.
At the end of the vintage a little supper was
given in the fields ; but when the joyful party
were about to disperse, twenty or thirty armed
men suddenly rushed among them, and forcibly
carried away the poor child, in spite of all
intreaties and resistance ; the only explanation
which could then be obtained was, that the
little girl had voluntarily become a Catholic,
and that neither her friends or her parents had
any right to prevent her being instructed in
that religion. It was afterwards discovered
that the armed men were police men, soldiers,
and servants, employed by the Bishop of Pig
neroio. Petitions were presented in vain on the
subject, and it was not till several years after
wards, that the mother was informed, her child
was in a convent at Novara ; when old enough
she became a novice, and subsequently a nun,
and was then permitted to write to her mother,
but her letters were thought to have been dic
tated. In 1804 or 1805, when she must have
been about twenty-six years of age, the Abbess
wrote to say she had died of a fever; some
suspicions have been entertained that she was
carried to some other place, lest she should
escape by means of the French. The mother
was so much overcorae by this misfortune, that
she could never speak of it without tears, and

LETTER VI. 75
it continued to prey so much upon her mind,
that her health gave way, and she died of a
decline soon after her daughter's death was
announced to her. Before this poor girl took
the veil, it was proposed to her to become the
wife of a young nobleman of good fortune, but
on her refusing to marry a Catholic, no other
option was left her.
While this system of violence is resorted to
by the Catholics, it is remarkable that the
Vaudois pastors in the Piedraontese vallies,
are liable to the most severe penalties for ma
king a convert, and the convert himself may,
by the existing laws, be brought to the stake.
The Protestants are required to pay certain
taxes, from which the Catholics are exempt ;
nor are they even allowed to inclose their bury
ing grounds, or in anyway preserve the graves
of their relations or friends from molestation;
even the remains of their late venerable Mode
rateur Peyran are at this moment, of necessity,
left without protection, the cemetery of Po
maret being no other than an open field. In
speaking of this remarkable person, whose
narae is already well known in England, it is
worthy of observation, that though he was so
wholly engrossed with the love of literature, as
to buy books and raaterials for writing, posi
tively at the expense of the most absolute
necessaries of life ; he allowed the two sons of

76 LETTER VI,
his second marriage to remain almost wholly
without education ; it is true that the intellects
of the youngest in particular were rather below
par, and he is now a labourer ; the son of his
eldest daughter, on the contrary, whose edu
cation had been carefully attended to, became
his secretary ; but with an inconsistency for
which it is difficult to account, he directed
that after his death, his papers should be di
vided between his two sons, who so shared
them that scarcely any two works remained
complete in the hands of either, and many have
been totally lost. A few are still in the pos
session of the grandson of Peyran, Bartolomee
Concorde, the young man already mentioned,
whose education, talents, and good conduct
entitle him to a better lot than his present
existence promises, that of passing his remain
ing days in penury and distress near his native
village. Some manuscripts of Peyran have
through his means fallen into the hands of the
English traveller above alluded to.

ABRIDGED TRANSLATION

THE HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.

J. BRESSE,
JHNISTER OF THE VTALLOON CHURCH.

PREFACE.

' Though I speak with the tongues of men
' and of angels, and have not charity, I am
' become as sounding brass or a tinkling cym-
' bal. And though I have the gift of prophecy
' and understand all mysteries, and all know-
' ledge ; and though I have all faith so that I
' could remove mountains, and have not charity,
' I am nothing : And though I bestow all my
' goods to feed the poor, and though I give my
' body to be burned, and have not charity it
' profiteth me nothing. Charity suffereth long
' and is kind ; charity envieth not, vaunteth
' not itself, is not puffed up, doth not behave
' itself unseemly, seeketh not her own, is not
' easily provoked, thinketh no evil, rejoiceth
' not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth ;
' beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth
' all things, endureth all things. Charity never
' faileth, but whether there be prophecies they
' shall fail, whether there be tongues, they
' shall cease, whether there be knowledge it
' shall vanish away. * * * * * And novv

80 PREFACE.
" abideth faith, hope, and charity, these three,
" but the greatest of these is charity."
But thegreatest of these is charity! What words
are these which I have just quoted ? Christians,
of all countries, of all sects, and of all coramu-
nions ! do you recognize in thera the religion
of your hearts ? You do, or you are but hypo
crites, and no true friends to the gospel.
O ye senseless fanatics ! who have dared
for ages, to divide, inflarae, and overturn the
world ; to arm son against father, and brother
against sister, for the sake of opinions, not
necessary to their happiness, or at best of little
importance. Ye persecutors, who beneath the
veil ofa religion, whose essence is charity, have
believed that homage was to be rendered to
your Creator, by immolating human victims on
his altars, and committing the most horrible
atrocities. Ye, who make religion consist in
vain ceremonies, and the gospel a rampart
for the defence of your base interests, come
forward before the tribunal of charity, and if
it be yet possible, let this admirable sentence
penetrate your hearts. " Now abideth faith,
hope, and charity ; these three, but the great
est of these is charity!" Try every action of
your life by this sentence of the apostle. And
as the pilot has ever before his eyes the cora
pass to direct his course through the ocean,
let this sublime picture of charity be the inva-

PREFACE. 81
riable rule of your actions and opinions, and
the very soul of your whole conduct. Far
from me be those useless distinctions of sects
and parties, by which some would excuse the
sin of intolerance, and the fury of fanaticism :
for me, there exist neither Protestants, nor
Catholics, nor Lutherans, nor Calvinists, nor
Moravians, nor Anabaptists ; I own to no other
title, than that of Christian ; no other religion
than that of Christianity. Every man who
practices its duties is my brother, whatever
may be "his particular opinions. It would be
easy to demonstrate that this reasoning is
derived immediately, from the fundamental
maxiras of the gospel ; and the evils which a
contrary belief have occasioned, prove that it
is of the greatest importance. No true Chris
tian can deny this, since it is confirmed by
every line of his code. But who is a true
Christian ? He who lives in charity ; he who
practises it as did St. Paul. This is the true
touchstone of our religion. He who shrinks
from this test bears it not, is not a Christian.
" He is nothing," to use the words of the
Apostle. It is upon these principles that I beg all that
I have advanced in the history of the Vaudois
may be judged. If I have expressed myself
warmly against their enemies, it is only when
they have violated the first duties of Chris-

82 PREFACE.
tianity ; then I neither wish or ought to spare
them, for truth, in the judgment of an honest
man, is one and immutable. He ought to pur
chase it, to use the words of the gospel, to
publish and defend it, at the price of all he
has in the world. I have nothing to do with
Catholicism, but with the excesses which Ca
tholics have committed. If I have anathema
tized the ministers of the Inquisition, it is
because so execrable an establishment does not
exist under heaven. The sun may well haye
withdrawn his light in horror, when he first
illuminated the dark and bloody walls of this
abominable tribunal ! And they dare to assert
that it is established for the propagation of the
christian faith. What a horrible blasphemy is
this ! We may ask of the most ardent partizans
of the Propaganda,* whether Jesus had re
course to an Inquisition ? if the Apostles used
such a means of extending their doctrine, or
proving the faith of their brethren ? Did the
first preachers " use tortures to force men to
adopt their creed ? Did not Jesus himself say
to those who remained with hira, when others
fled — " And ye ! will ye also go away T"! Is this
the expression of a persecutor? or can the
infernal rules of the Inquisition be founded
upon the feelings which dictated this question ?
* The College of Propaganda fide, in Rome, is synoni-
mous with the Italian Inquisition,
t John, chap. vi. ver. 67.

PREFACE. 83
Nay ! is there in the whole of the sacred Scrip
tures, one single line or word which can excuse
persecution for the sake of religion ? If there
is, let it be produced, and I will on the instant
make full reparation to this host of executioners
and fanatics. But if the precepts of Chris
tianity tend to recoraraend to us the love of
God and of our brethren, it follows that the
Inquisitors and their adherents, have been
Christians in narae only, and that their con
duct has tended to the discredit of true religion
and greatly injured the cause of Christ; for
light and darkness are not more different than
a true Christian, and a bigoted fanatic. I have
more than once remarked, in the course of my
history, that we should rather accuse the In
quisition, than the House of Savoy of the atro
cities committed on the Vaudois. If the latter
deserves censure, it is for want of courage to
oppose the perfidious and criminal instigations
of this bloody tribunal. The frightful tyranny of
Rome, at that time, may be considered as an
excuse ; and our history will show to what
excesses the anti-christian policy of that proud
court was led. And as the picture of such
cruelty is disgusting, it will be pleasing to turn
from it to the mildness which reigns in the
present government, ******
It is for the Vaudois youth that I have under
taken this work, though I trust that those of
G 2

84 PREFACE.
more mature age may find it both interesting
and instructive: it will recall to their minds
anecdotes of their ancestors, which their fathers
have often repeated to them ; and their deepest
feelings must be excited at the recollection of
their forefathers, who have fallen beneath the
axe of fanaticism for the sake of the gospel.
The families of Mondons, Arnauds, Legers, Ja-
navels, and many others still existing will read
with emotion the exploits of their virtuous
ancestors ; their children will pronounce with
reverence these names which have been an
honour to our country ; they will learn to
repeat the most remarkable passages of our
history. Enjoying from their earliest years
the light of the gospel, their zeal will be in
flamed by the sublime sentiments such exam
ples inspire ; and their first ambitious desires
will be to imitate them. How well shall I be
rewarded for my labour, if such be the effect of
this work ; the most ardent wish of my heart
will have been accomplished, and I shall not
have lived in vain.
Here let me repeat what I have said in my
prospectus. The history of the Vaudois occu
pies, perhaps, the most interesting point of
time in Christian history. Confined amidst the
mountains of Piedmont, adjoining Dauphin^,
they have there preserved the Christian doc
trine and worship in evangelical purity and

PREFACE. 85
simplicity, whilst the most profound darkness
covered the rest of Europe. It is from the
Apostles or their immediate successors, that
they have received the gospel, and from that
time their faith has never changed ; it is now
the same as it was before the reformation.
The existence of these few thousand Vaudois
is therefore most interesting to all Christian
nations. Many authors have written before
me, but their works are scarce, and their style
often nearly unintelligible, from their antiquity ;
nor do any of their works contain a complete
history. Those to whom I have alluded in my
prospectus, are Perrin, Gilles, Leger, Arnaud,
and Boyer,
Perrin wrote the " Histoire des Vaudois et
Albigeois," printed at Geneva, 1618, 2 vols,
12 mo. The work only carries down the annals
of the Vaudois to 1601, and it is now extremely
rare ; it contains many valuable documents,
which would be sought for in vain elsewhere,
as the author was allowed to examine the ma
nuscripts of the Synod of the Vallies. He
was a minister of the church at Lyons.
P. Gilles, pastor of the Vaudois church at
La Tour, is the author of " Histoire Ecclesias-
tique des 6gUses reform6es recueillies en quel
ques valines du Piemont autrefois appellees
6gUses Vaudoises," chez de Tournes, 1648, 1
vol. 4to. ; this coraprises the period from 1160

86 PREFACE.
to 1643; containing interesting annals of the
persecutions in the author's time; but the style
is still less agreeable than that of Perrin.
Jean Leger's history is entitled " Histoire
generale des 6glises 6vangeliques de Piemont
ou Vaudoises," printed at Leyden, 1669, 1 vol,
folio, goes as far as A.D. 1664; it is full of
learning and piety, giving many facts to be
found no where else ; and the interest is in
creased from the circumstance of his having
himself taken an important part in the events
he describes. Still he enters into those tire
sorae details, for which the taste of that age
is so rauch to be blamed.
The work of Henri Arnaud is the " Histoire
de la rentree glorieuse de nos ancetres dans
leur patrie," in 1 vol. 8vo. without date. The
event he relates occurred three years after the
expulsion of the Vaudois, that is in 1690.
This is a most precious and interesting little
work, for the author himself was at the head
of his countrymen, and the vivacity and force
of his narrative render it very attractive to the
lovers of truth, though it raust be confessed
that his style, as he says himself, in his dedi
cation to Queen Anne, is wanting in that polish
which is so much adraired in these tiraes. This
work was originally composed in two parts, of
which the latter must have contained an ac
count of the war between Piedraont and France,

PREFACE. 87
in which the Vaudois were actively engaged ;
this last part was unhappily never printed, and
the manuscript remains undiscovered ; any in
formation respecting it would be very impor
tant to the completion of the third part of my
work, Henri Arnaud died in Wirtemberg,
where this manuscript probably would be
found. The last of the Vaudois histories is by Boyer,
under the title of Abr6g6 de I'Histoire des Vau
dois, 1 vol. 12mo., La Haye, 1691 ; it goes
down to 1690, and though written with judg
ment, is defective in many points, both in the
historical parts, and with regard to the doc
trine and manners ofthe Vaudois.
I pass over other histories of the Vaudois, in
English and Dutch, as well as other references
to them in more general works, as for instance,
Gekendorf in his history of the reformation,
Ruchat Basnage, &c. &c. as they are probably
derived from the above sources, and are only
more or less carefully, compiled.* * * * *
Though I must not repeat here the evidences
of the antiquity of the Vaudois, I cannot refrain
from remarking that it is frora the vallies of the
* The author here states his obligations to Mons. Certon
of Rotterdara, pastor of the reformed church, and to some
others, from whom he had received manuscripts. He then
gives some other particulars, not interesting to the general
reader, and proceeds as above. — T.

88 PREFACE.
Vaudois that the first sparks of that reforma
tion have arisen, which has drawn back a great
part of Europe to the purity of the gospel. It
is extremely probable, that Calvin himself was
of Vaudois origin, for there are still several
families of this name in the vallies, from whence
we believe his to have emigrated to Picardy. It
is certain, that in the preface which this great
reformer prefixed to the first French bible ever
published ; he acknowledges himself bound by
the ties of kindred to the translator, one of our
most celebrated " barbes," or pastors, named
Olivetan, which makes it probable that Calvin
had obtained from the Vaudois the doctrine
which he afterwards preached at Geneva, and
elsewhere. It is equally certain, that long
before the reformation there were many per
sons who followed the doctrine of the Vaudois
in Germany, Hungary, Bohemia, &c. ; indeed
the Vaudois of this last country, as well as
those of Alsace, sent their youth into our val
lies to be educated as pastors. It is known
also that the celebrated Lollard who laboured
with such zeal to diffuse the Vaudois doctrines
in England, was not only a native of our val
lies, but preached in them for a length of time
M^ith great success.* We may also assert that
* The Lollard tower in London takes its name from one
of the disciples of Lollard, who in the age of intolerance was
confined there.

PREFACE. 89
it is by means of the Vaudois that the refor
mation was introduced in the United Provinces.
The Vaudois of Provence, Languedoc, and
Dauphin6 also, originally sprang from our val
lies, and when their numbers had increased
greatly at Lyons, they were persecuted by the
Archbishop of that city, Jean de Belle Maison,
about 1180, and retired into Picardy, under
Peter Valdo, where they received the name
of Picards. Here Philip Augustus, king of
France, resolving to extirpate them, caused
300 gentlemen's houses to be razed to the
ground, because the owners had embraced the
tenets of the Vaudois. Forced again to leave
their newly found country, these Picards, or
Vaudois of Lyons, (also called poor of Lyons,)
retired principally into the United Provinces of
Holland, and there spread the knowledge of
the truth. It was in the Low Countries that
the Vaudois first took the name of Walloons, and
that the first confession de foi (articles of belief)
was drawn up by the celebrated martyr Guido
Brez. This confession was first printed in
1561, addressed to Philip II. of Spain, in 1562;
it was confirmed by the synod of An vers, 1585,
and finally adopted by that of Dordt. The
above is sufficient to prove that the Vaudois
church is the parent of all those which have
arisen in Protestant Europe, and particularly
of the' churches of the United Provinces, as

90 PREFACE.
well Dutch as Walloon. Why do the Roman
Catholics and the Protestants mutually hate
each other? Why do they look upon each
other with harshness and severity ? ^It is, be
cause instead of going to the source of their
religion, the gospel itself, they content them
selves with examining those streams, of which
the waters have been rendered irapure, by the
adraixture of huraan opinions : it is because they
appeal to the confessions of faith of the heads
of their sect or party, instead of seeking what
really constitutes the essence of the Christian
faith, and what ought to be the rule of our
faith and practice, by means of the specific
declarations of Jesus Christ and his apostles.
It is because they generally adopt self-interest
for their guide, instead of shielding theraselves
under that universal spirit of charity, without
which there can be no real Christianity, and
because they entirely forget that religion does
not consist in words, but in virtue.
The nature of my employments, and the inte
rest of the great cause which I serve, have often
called forth my reflections on the evils it has been
my task to describe ; and however earnestly I
have searched for reraedies, as well as for the
discovery of their origin, my meditations have
continually brought me back to the same point.
Let it be remerabered that it is a Vaudois who
speaks, a Vaudois, who, like his countrymen.

PREFACE. 91
absolutely recognizes no other religion than
that of Christianity, and who believes that the
unhappy distinctions of Catholics, Lutherans,
Reformed, Calvinists, &c. &c., have done a
thousand times more harm to the cause of the
gospel, than all the raanoeuvres of the wicked
and unbelieving.
The thing is evident as to natural religion,
for in examining history, we find that in no
case has any one ever attempted to prescribe
rules of belief to others, but that each receives
what nature hath taught him, and nothing
more. Nor is there more obscurity in the point, as
to revealed religion ; not that religion of which
opposing sects have given such different de
scriptions, but that which is to be found in the
beautiful lessons of Jesus and his apostles. It
is from these alone, we must judge of Chris
tianity. And every one who is willing to un
dertake this important examination, without
prejudices, will allow that nothing is more
simple, more easy, than Christianity ; and that
the great truths which form its basis, are clear
enough to be within the reach of the most con
fined understandings.
We must therefore conclude that many of
the opinions which have so long sown discord,
and still continue to produce dissensions among
Christians, are by no means founded on points

92 PREFACE
essential to Christianity ; nay, the traces of
several of them are scarcely to be found in the
sacred writings.
What then are the fundamental articles of
our faith, of which the belief is necessary to
the character ofa true Christian? Read the
discourses of Jesus and the apostles to their
converts, and you will have a full answer to
the question. (See the quotations at the end
of the Preface.) These articles of belief are but
few in number, and if every Christian had
religiously observed them, we should not see
so many sects attacking one another, or the
disciples of the mildest of masters, hate, per
secute, and massacre each other, in the most
barbarous manner. Such are the dreadful con
sequences a trifling error may produce in such a
case. Such is the essence of the Christian faith,
and the opinions which have been added to it, are
not only useless, but dangerous. Every Chris
tian must render an account of his belief to
God alone, and it is his duty to found that
belief solely on the express declarations of the
gospel, without attending to the subtleties with
which men have endeavoured to obscure them.
The most crafty theologian cannot find one
single line in the holy scriptures, which could
give to any person or council upon earth, a
right to impose a formula of belief on others.
This pretended right which the court of Rome,

PREFACE. 93
and after it, so many reformed churches have
wished to exercise, is no other than a manifest
usurpation, and not only of the rights of man,
but of God himself, who is our only judge,
since to him alone we must all give an account
of our faith. The gospel is the sole immutable
rule of faith, and the Supreme Being has left
to each person its explication, according to his
talents and advantages ; since it was not his
object, as some have supposed, merely to pro
pose to us such and such truths for our belief, but
to render us more raild, huraane, modest, and
virtuous ; and consequently more happy. It is
for this reason that St. Paul does not hesitate
to place charity, which he calls the union of
all virtues, above faith, which is but a single
act of the mind, without any merit whatever,
unless it influences our sentiments and our
conduct. " And now abideth" (says the apostle)
" faith, hope, and charity, these three, but the
greatest of these is charity."
Such have ever been, and still are the prin
ciples ofthe Christians of our vallies ; the gospel
is their sole and immutable judge ; they have
paid no attention to the sects which have
arisen around them ; nor has any one of them
attempted to irapose upon his brother his own
belief, as the rule of his faith. The words
heresy and orthodoxy are alraost unknown to
them ; nor do they know what a dogma is, for

94 PREFACE,
they find not this word in the holy scriptures,
and their first rule is to adhere closely to them
both in words and deeds.
It is true that the Vaudois have departed
more or less from their former simplicity, since
the reforraation ; they have been forced to use
the books of the reforraed, and to send their
youth to be educated in foreign colleges. They
use, for example, the catechism of Osterwald,
because there is no means of printing others, in
the country ; but I hope once more to bring
to light the catechism which our ancestors used
in the twelfth century, the original of which is
in the library of Cambridge. By substituting
it for that of Osterwald, we should return to
the usages of our ancestors. To complete the
desired change, it would only be necessary to
establish a small college or seminary in the
vallies, for the education of those yvho are
intended for the church. I have now only to
intreat that it may not be taken amiss if I
have laid so little stress on the Reformation.
As a Vaudois I cannot consider it of that
importance, which it is of in the eyes of the
reformed, but I consider it as a revolution of
the greatest interest, both from its civil and re
ligious effects, and that whatever were the in
tentions of sorae ofthe reformers, they merit the
title of benefactors of the human race. We
owe to them in great part, the progress of

PREFACE. 85
science, reason, and philosophy, as well as the
first foundations of civil and political liberty, so
nearly allied to religious independence. With
out them the whole of Europe might still have
groaned beneath the Papal yoke. But though
they merit our gratitude, let not that grati
tude degenerate into idolatry, or allow of their
opinions being placed on an equality with the
gospel. Luther, Calvin, Wickliffe, Zwingle,
CEcolampadius, &c. were but men capable of
being deceived like ourselves. Let us listen
to their lessons, but remember that our sole
legislator is Jesus, and that we are wanting in
respect and gratitude to him, if we take any
other title than that of Christians. Whoever
thou mayest be, reader, into whose hands this
book may fall, let me recommend to you the
interests of the most consoling of all doctrines,
of that doctrine by which we are told that true
religion is this, — " to visit the fatherless and
widows in their affliction, and to keep ourselves
unspotted from the world," Allow rae to exhort
you to search for the knowledge of this divine
religion, only in the sacred writings, which
ought alone to be the rule and invariable cora
pass of our course. Thus you will bring back
all the Christian sects to the standard of the
gospel, and inflame all hearts with that charity
and philanthropy which form the essence of
Christianity. Thus you will render this simple

96 PREFACE.
but useful maxim more dear to all mortals ; —
To do unto others as we would they should do
unto us.
By this means you will destroy all factions,
because each raember of a state will be happy,
that all those who are not enemies of the go
vernment, should thus enjoy the same privileges.
By this means you will contribute to restore to
Christianity all its splendour and its power ;
you will be the benefactors of your family, of
your country, of the world. The wicked raan,
the bigot, and the false devotee, will hate, nay,
even persecute you ; but you have only to
retire beneath the shadow of your own con
science, to render all their machinations abor
tive. The calm satisfaction which this will
afford you, will amply make amends for the
momentary pangs which calumny and injustice
may excite in your breasts, and if ever man
kind shall recognise true merit, it is to you
alone they will erect statues.

Utrecht, Ath October, 1794.

97

NOTES TO PREFACE.
The principal passages where the fundamental truths of
Christianity are expressed with the greatest clearness, are
the following.
Gospel of St. John, chap. iii. ver. 36. ; iv. 25, 26, 29, 39,
42 ; vi. 69 ; x. 24, 26 ; xx. 30, 31 ; xi. 27. Gospel of St.
Luke, chap. xxiv. Acts of the Apostles, chap. ii. 22 ;
iii. 18; iv. 10,12; v. 29, 32 ; viii. 5, 12, 37 ; ix. 20, 22;
X. 42, 43 ; xi. 14 ; xv. 7, 19 ; xvii. 1,9; xviii. 4, 6, 27, 28 ;
xxvi. 22.
There can be no other fundamentally essential articles of
the Christian faith, or any of which the belief is necessary to
the being a good Christian, except those Of which Jesus and
his apostles required the belief from the persons they received
into the bosom of Christianity. All that has been added
since, is nothing more than alloy, as impure in itself, as per
nicious in its eifects.

This Preface has been translated literally, with the omis
sion of one or two passages, of little interest to those igno
rant ofthe author's family and connections.

END OF PREFACE.

H

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.

PART THE FIRST.

CHAPTER I.
DESCRIPTION OF THE VAUDOIS VALLEYS.
The valleys which the Vaudois have raised
into celebrity, lie to the west of Piemont, be
tween the province of Pignerol and Brian^on,
and adjoining on the other side to the ancient
Marquisate of Susa, and that of the Saluces,
Theeapital, LaTour, being about thirty-six miles
from Turin, and fourteen from Pignerol. The ex
tent of the valleys is about twelve Italian miles,
making a square of about twenty-four French
leagues. The valleys are three in number,
Luzern, Perouse, and St. Martin. The former
(in which the chief town is now Catholic,) is
the most beautiful and extensive, and contains
the five parishes of Rora, St. Jean, La Tour,
Villar, and Bobbi, through the three last of
which runs the rapid Pelice, which has its
source near the Pra Alp, and throws itself
into the Po, H 2

100 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
The Valley of Perouse is about twelve miles
long, chiefly mountainous. It is traversed by
the river Cluson, and the villages* on the
Italian side of that river, (Pinache, Rivoire,
Great and Little Doublon, and Villard,) as well
as its chief town Perouse, are entirely inha
bited by Roman Catholics. The Vaudois at
this time possess only Pramol, Pomaret, and
St. Germain.
Between the valleys Luzerne and Perouse, is
the parish Prarustin, comprehending Roche
Platte, and St. Barth6lemi, which belong to
neither of them.
The Valley of St. Martin is scarcely wider
than the bed of the torrent Germanasque,
which runs through it, and extends from the
Valley of Perouse to that of Queiras in Dau-
phin6; it contains the parishes of Pral, Ma-
neille, and Ville S6che, of which the former is so
elevated, as to be covered with snow during nine
months in the year. The other parishes contain
each several small villages, and Perrier, which is
the capital of the whole valley, is now inhabited
by Catholics alone. This valley, which was the
.scene of the heroic defence of Arnaud's band,
is environed by lofty mountains, and rugged
rocks, forming the most formidable natural de
fences ; indeed the only passage into it for
'' All those villages were once Vaudois.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 101
wheels,* is by a bridge, not far from Perouse,
and this pass is so narrow that a few men
might defend it against a large force.
The authors of poems and romances, in giving
their enchanting descriptions of pastoral life,
have excited a deep feeling of regret in sen
sitive minds, that the originals of their pictures
are no where to be found. But I can console
these friends of virtue, by shewing them where
they may find what they have sought in vain in
other parts of the world. And this happy
asylum of innocence is no other than the valley
of St. Martin. I have known there shepherd
esses in every sense of the word, as amiable
and interesting as the heroines of these ro
mances. And if the delightful author of Es
telle and Galat^e had lived among them as I
have done, he might have added many a lively
tint to his portraits, the more charming as it
would have been copied from nature and truth.
But let it not be thought that my shepherdesses
resemble the smart wives and daughters of our
citizens ;-\ then, indeed, they would have little
interest in my eyes. Imagine virtue without
pretensions or vanity, grace v/ithout frivolity,
and amiability devoid of coquetry, and these
set off by that true modesty which their simple
habits inspire, and you have a true picture -of
* The translator saw no wheeled carriage in this valley,
and doubts if one of any description could now be used there.
t He writes at Utrecht.

102 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
my Vaudois heroines. Had I been born a
poet, they should have formed the subject of
my lays. The churches in the Valley of St.
Martin, as well as those of the other valleys,
were formerly much more numerous. In the
whole we have now but thirteen parish churches,
though in the ancient records, examined by
Leger, mention is made of ten other parishes
to which pastors were attached ; these are
now annexed to the thirteen. In the valley
of Cluson or Pragela, which adjoins those of
St. Martin, and Perouse, were no less than six
flourishing Vaudois churches, as late as 1727,
when in consequence of the exchange of terri
tory between France and the House of Savoy,
all those who remained faithful to their reli
gion, were forced into exile.* The Vaudois
were also very numerous in the valleys of
Queiras, Mathias, and Meane, until entirely
extirpated there by Duke Charles Eraraanuel in
1603. As theywere in the Marquisate of Sa
luces, in 1633, where they had many churches.
Five villages, and the town of Luzerne, for
merly attached to the parish church of St.
Jean, have also been taken from them, in the
valley of Luzerne ; indeed, it is known that the
Vaudois had churches in 1560, in Turin, Pig
nerol, and Quiers.
Notwithstanding that the Vaudois have been
* Many hundreds went to Holland.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 103
established in some of the places I have stated
above, from tirae imraemorial, and have had
great possessions in others : they are now
entirely confined within the three valleys raen
tioned in the beginning of this chapter, and
there exists an edict rendering them incapable
of purchasing beyond these limits. It is to be
hoped that their fidelity and attachment to
their sovereign, will be rewarded by a resto
ration to the rights which his other subjects
enjoy, and that the goodness of the reigning
prince, will lead him to consider it a duty, to
reinstate them as soon as circumstances permit,
in the full possession of those privileges which
the claims of nature and society so loudly
deraand. The population of the three valleys may
amount to 16,000 or 17,000 souls,* which would
give about 3000 for the number capable of
bearing arms ; it does not appear, however,
that in the various persecutions our ancestors
had ever more than 1500 men in the field, the
rest being necessary for the defence of their
own territory. By these feeble means has the
God of arraies effected the wonderful events
which I am about to relate; and so extraor
dinary are they, that they might well appear
incredible, did not the most authentic proofs
exist of them.
* Vide population in 1820, about 22,000.

104 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.

CHAPTER II.
NAME OF THE VAUDOIS.
As to the name of the Vaudois, it might be
sufficient to answer from the authority of that
judicious critic, Theodore *Beze,'|' and Coug-
nard,:}: advocate ofthe parliament of Normandy.
That the Vaudois have received their narae from
the valleys they inhabit. The names of Waldense
or Valdense in Italian, and Valdensis in Latin,
are thus derived from the same root, vale, valle,
and vallis, a valley, as Vaudois is derived from
vaux, the word for valley, in their ancient pa
tois. § In the same way the inhabitants of the
plain of the Po are called Piemontese or Pied
montese, Pedemontani, and those of the moun
tains, generally Montagnards. This word Vau
dois, which they first acquired from their geo
graphical situation, they have preserved as a
* Beza, the editor of the famous bible of Geneva, and
friend of Milton.
¦f Portraites des hommes illustres, p. 985.
X Traite touchant la Papesse Jeanne, p. 8.
§ The Vaudois language seems as ancient at least as the
Provencal, and very similar : it would be interesting to trace
their origins and distinctions. Vide French work on the
Provencal poets and troubadours, and Sismondis languages
du midi de I'Europe.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. lOo
token of their religion in all countries, as the
Vaudois of Provence, and of Bohemia, and the
Walloons of the Low Countries. Since the
Reformation the names of Lutheran, Calvinist,
and Reformed, have served to distinguish
all those who rejected the papal doctrines,
and the inhabitants of our valleys, the only
people who have never been affected by these
opinions, have alone retained their original
name of Vaudois. I must, however, observe,
that it is against their own wish that they have
ever received it ; the name of Christian was
too precious in their eyes to have been wil
lingly, on their part, exchanged for any other.
As we find in the letter which they addressed
to Uladislaus, king of Bohemia, they style
themselves " the little flock of Christians,
falsely called Vaudois." It has been pretended
and even by those who have written our his
tory, such as Perrin, and Gilles, that the
name is derived from Peter Valdo, which can
by no means be the case, as it is allowed on all
hands, that this famous reformer of Lyons was
not known before 1175, while we have ancient
MSS. in the Vaudois language, dated 1120,
and 1 100, in the forraer of which are stated the
differences between their church and that of
Rome, and in the latter the word Vaudois is
used as synonymous with virtuous Christian.
In the MS. dated 1100, and entitled La

106 HISTORY' OF THE VAUDOIS.
Noble Leifon, (of which there exist two ori
ginal copies, in ancient Gothic letters, one at
Cambridge, and the other at Geneva,) is this
passage. Que sel se troba alcun bon que voUia amar
Dio et temar Jesu Krist
Que non vollia maudire, ni jura, ni mentir,
Ni avoutrar, ni ancire, ni peure de I'autry
Ni venjarse de li sio ennemie*
Illi dison quel es Vaudes e degne de morir.
Whoever is a good man, and wishes to
love God, and fear Jesus Christ, who will nei
ther speak ill of his neighbour, nor swear,
nor lie ; who will neither commit adultery, nor
kill, nor steal, nor avenge himself of his enemy;
of him they say, he is a Vaudois, and worthy
to die. (of death.)
The opinion of Theodore Bfeze is given in
these words. Some have believed that the
Vaudois had for founder, (of this sect,) a raer
chant of Lyons, called Jean, surnamed Valdo,
in which they are mistaken, since this John
was so surnamed from being one of the first
among the Vaudois.
But not to give more iraportance to these
things than they are worthy of, let it be re
marked, that it is not in the name that they
bear that the Vaudois take a pride. We as
well as our ancestors, esteem ourselves happy
* Ennemio murir, another reading.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 107
and render thanks to God in that he has pre
served in our valleys the evangelical doctrine
in all its purity, without any mixture of hu
man opinions. We rejoice that the Supreme
Being has deigned to choose our country, to
preserve there the torch of truth, and that it
has been the beacon to which other nations
have corae to seek the light that has enlight
ened them.* We are proud of never having
been reformed ; but that it is at our school
that the reforraers have been instructed, as
they themselves avow. We rejoice finally in
this that our valleys are the mother church of
all Reformed and Protestant Churches. These
are our titles ; these are our testimonies.
Every one knows that Luther and Calvin
commenced their labours in 1517 and 1536,
while we have a confession of faith dated
1120.t It is alraost needless to add the testimony
of our enemies ; Pope Pius II. known by the
name of Aneas Sylvius before his election,
and author of a history of Bohemia, printed by
Anthony Bons, in which he says, they (the
Bohemian heretics) have embraced the impious
doctrine of the Vaudois, of that pestilential
faction long ago condemned, whose doctrines
* The Vaudois' state seal bears a candle, with rays, sur
rounded by clouds ; motto, Lux in Tenebris. — T.
¦{ The noble Lei9on, quoted above ; vide extract at the
end of Bresse.

108 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
are, that the Bishop of Rome is not superior to
others ; that there is no purgatory ; that prayers
for the dead are useless ; that worship should
not be rendered to the images of God, and the
saints, &c. &c. To this testimony I must add
that of Claude de Seyssel, bishop of Marseilles,
and afterwards of Turin, celebrated in the
reigns of Louis XL, Charles VIIL, Louis XIL,
and Francis I., in whose reign it was thought
no one could be so likely to bring back the
Vaudois to the Roman Catholic faith, and he
was in consequence made Bishop of Turin.
The following, taken from a book written by
him, expressly against them, shows all that he
could find to complain of in their doctrine.
They (says he of the Vaudois) will receive
only thatwhich is written, in the Old and New
Testaments ; nay, they say that the Roman
pontiffs, and other bishops, have degraded the
sacred text, by their doctrine and false com
ments; they deny the power of absolution,
celebrate no saints' days, and pretend that they
alone possess the true evangelic and apostolic
doctrine ; they despise the indulgences of the
church, detest images, teach the words of the
evangelists and apostles in the vulgar tongue,
and affirm that there is no power which can
forbid the right of contracting marriages, and
say that mass was not celebrated in the time
of the apostles, &c.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 109
CHAPTER III.
ANTIQUITY OF THE VAUDOIS FAITH.
We find in St. Paul's epistle to the Romans,
written from Corinth, chapter xv. verse 24,^
that it was the intention of the apostle to go
into Spain, and to pass through Italy on his
way. Now if St. Paul afterwards performed
this journey, he must necessarily have passed
through the valleys, as they lay on his road to
Spain at that time, and he would have preached
the gospel in them, as he did wherever he
went. From this, it is fair to conjecture that
the Vaudois have received their doctrine from
St. Paul himself; and if this is thought too bold
an assertion, we have reason to suppose that
his doctrine may have reached them during his
lifetime, as it seems to have been propagated
by his followers throughout Italy, before he
left Rome ; for in concluding his epistle from
Rome, to the Hebrews, he says, " Salute all
them that have the rule over you, and all
saints, they of Italy salute you." He does not
say they of Rome, as the number of Christians
rapidly augmented in the capital, and they
were nearly all dispersed by the persecutions
under Nero and Domitian, it is extremely pro
bable that some parties of this host of fugitives

no HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
should have taken refuge among our mountains,
in the time of the immediate successors of the
apostles. But to descend to a period of greater cer
tainty, it is allowed by all that the whole of
Italy embraced Christianity in the tirae of
Constantine,* and therefore the Vaudois doc
trines raay be considered the same as those of
the Universal Church, by which we do not find
any superstitious rites or customs to have been
adopted till the sixth century ; nor are the
dangerous and revolting dogmas of the court of
Rome, and its flagitious practices to be traced
before the end of the eighth. All that belongs
to the doctrine and practice of the modern Ro
man communion was until then unknown, as is
clearly proved by the testimony of Juellus
Daille, Dumoulin, &c., and indirectly by the
partizans of Rome, Baronius, Enuphius, Platina,
&c. These innovations, and particularly the ado
ration of images, f were loudly condemned by
the churches of England, France, Germany,
and the east. Which condemnation was con
firmed by the council convoked by Charle-
* St. Augustine relates, that Constantine sent a band of
troops, after his victory over Maxentius, to destroy the statue
of Jupiter Peninus, in the temple of Mont S. Bernard, (now
the site of the modern convent,) and gave them his golden
thunderbolt as a reward. — T.
t Established by Pope Adrian I. ; vide Storia dei Pontefeci.

HISTOUY OF THE VAUDOIS. Ill
magne,* at Frankfurt-on-the-Main, in 794.
The Bishops of Italy also proclairaed their dis
content in a letter which they addressed, by
means of Photius, to the patriarchs of the
Greek churches. Baronius, who gives this
letter, subjoins the following answer of the
Patriarchs,-)- " We have received a synodal
epistle from Italy, in which the inhabitants
lay to the charge of their bishop an infinity of
crimes and perverseness; among other things,
the tyranny he wishes to exercise over them,
and they call us, with tears, to the defence of
the church." Here again let it be remarked,
that as long as the superior church retained its
purity, the Vaudois did not secede from it. It
was the court of Rome that began with inno
vations, not they. Of this so many proofs
press upon me, that I scarcely know which to
choose. At the end of the eighth, or begin
ning of the ninth century, flourished Claude,
bishop of Turin, whose diocese embraced not
only our valleys, but Dauphin6 and Provence. :}:
He opposed himself so strenuously to the inno-
" Vide Histoire de Charlemagne, by
¦f It should here be remarked, that the Vaudois recognize
for orthodox the decisions of the four first great councils of
the Church, Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalce-
done, the last of which was held in 451 ; and that they recom
mended the reading of the fathers of thefirst five centuries.
t Piemont making then part of France, it did not pass
under the sway of the houseof Savoy till the twelfth century.

112 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
vations of the court of Rome, that his doctrine
has been since called calvinistic by his ene
mies.* Illyricus makes the following mention
of him in his Catalogue Test. Veritatis, lib. 9.
" Claude, Bishop of Turin, lived in the time
of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious, of whom
he was the intimate friend, even before he
became Bishop; he strenuously opposed, (both
by preaching and writing,) the adoration of
images, of relicts, and the cross, invocations to
the saints, pilgrimages, the precedence of the
Pope, &c. He treated the Pope himself with
great severity, loudly condemning the profit
which he made by the poor superstitious people,
whom he drew to Rome on pilgrimages.
In the fragments that remain of this cou
rageous Bishop, which are cited by Leger,
Part I. p. 137, he combats with great .vigour,
the abuses above mentioned, and proves that it
was not his wish to establish any new sect, but
to preserve the doctrines of the apostles in their
original purity. I We cannot, therefore, doubt
* Genebrand Chronic, Liv. 3.
t The title of the Bishop's work, of which fragments are
cited by Leger, is Apologeticum rescriptum Claudii Episcopi
adversus Theodemirum Abbatem. And after a careful ex
amination of these fragments, and some of the Vaudois MSS.
I am inclined to think that the latter are no more than a
development of the former ; for there is the same connection
of ideas, and the arguments are placed in the same order ; so
that the writings of Claude seem to have been the text on
which the Vaudois amplified, which is natural, as the Bishop

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 113
his having used his utmost exertions in his own
diocese, of which our valleys formed a part.
Indeed we have the fullest evidence that the
Vaudois preserved the purity of their faith
during the ninth and tenth centuries. To prove
this fact, it will be sufficient to give a single
quotation from *the missionary Marco Aurelio
Rorenco, Grand Prior of St. Roch, at Turin,
whose work is entitled Narratione delle Intro-
duzione delle heresie nelle valli de Piemonte,
Turin, 1632.* Speaking of the doctrine of
Claude, which this author is pleased to call
heresy, he says — ¦" This doctrine continued in
the valleys all the ninth and tenth centuries;"
and again, " that during the tenth century no
change took place, but the old heresies were
continued." In order to feel the full force of the
above citation, we must call to mind that Ro
renco-]- had been for ten years a missionary,
directly sent out to the Vaudois, with orders to
search into the origin of their doctrine; and
that writing .with the approbation ofthe clergy
of Turin, he was little likely to favour the Vau-
addressed men of education and learning, and had not occa
sion to use so many arguments and explanations as the
Vaudois writers had, who wrote for the illiterate and the
multitude. — Note hy Peyran.
* He also wrote Memorie Historiche, Turin, 1645.
t Rorenco says in another place, that it is impossible to
say with certainty at what period this sect took root in the
valleys.— p. 60 of Nar. del Introd. 1

114 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
dois. In the eleventh century, Lambertus, a
Catholic and friend of Gregory VII. writes
thus : " The court of Rome has so completely
stifled all charity and Christian simplicity, that
almost all good and just men believe that the
reign of Antichrist, of which St. John speaks,
is already commenced." John the Fifth, who
reigned before this period, has been called by
cotemporary writers, the most wicked of men.
In these unhappy times the Vaudois did not
venture, to preach anywhere but in the woods
and highest mountains, except in their most
remote villages, such as Macel and Pral, &c.
In the eleventh century, Berenger, so cele
brated for his knowledge and virtues, was con
demned by two councils, convoked by Pope
Leo IX., and was forced to retract what he
had written against transubstantiation, &c. by
Pope Nicholas. He lost no time, however,
in protesting against this forced recanta
tion, and persevered in his doctrine , till his
death, in 1091. Now the belief of Berenger,
(says an ancient author,) the same as that of
the Vaudois, was so well preserved in the val
leys, that to call a man a Berengerian was the
same as calling him a Vaudois. Peter de Bruys,*
* His disciples after his death, published a book, decla
rative of his reasons for opposing the Roman Catholic
Church; a copy of which, in ancient Gothic characters,
is extant in the library of Cambridge.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 115
a priestof Toulon, whose doctrine was precisely
similar, succeeded Berenger, and preached in
Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphin6, particu
larly at Gap and Embrun, a few hours distance
only from the Vaudois valleys ; his disciples
were called Petrobrusians, and he was mar
tyred at S. Gilles, 1124.
Henry de Bruys, and Arnaud de Bresse now
took up the cause, and extended the Vaudois
doctrines in Lombardy. Of the disciples of
the former, St. Bernard, who wrote in 1120,
bears this testimony, " that they prided them
selves in being the true successors of the
apostles, and conservators of their doctrine,"
Arnaud de Bresse fell a victim to the cruelty
of the Roman clergy in 1155, being first cru
cified and then burnt. He was succeeded by
his zealous disciple Esperon. Rorenco in the
work above cited, says, that we must by the
names of Vaudois, Esperonites, Henricians,
Petrobrusians, Arnaudites, and Apostolicals, un
derstand one and the same sect, which is a
sufficient proof of the identity of the doctrine
of the Vaudois, and that of these zealous
preachers. The celebrated Peter Valdo, a rich
inhabitant of Lyons, openly professed the Vaii-
dois doctrine in 1175. He abandoned all his
possessions, gave himself up entirely to the
promulgation of the gospel, had the bible trans
lated into the vulgar tongue, and instructed the
I 2

116 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
people publicly in the streets, commencing
with the thesis, that we must obey God rather
than man. He refused submission to the Pope
and his bishops ; exposed the scandalous lives
of the monks ; and refuted the doctrine of the
mass, purgatory, adoration of images, and
prayers for the dead. At the instance of
Pope Alexander IIL, Valdo was driven from
Lyons, with most of his disciples. A great
part of them retired either to Lombardy, or (as
an ancient writer observes,) into Cisalpine
Gaul, and among the Alps, where they found a
perfectly secure retreat, (tutissimum refugium.)
That is among the valleys of Pragela, Meane,
Saluces, &c., and we must pay great attention
to this expression, since it appears natural that
these valleys should be their surest place of
refuge, being already peopled with Vaudois,
who professed the same doctrines. Other dis
ciples of Valdo withdrew to Picardy, Germany,
Bohemia, and the Low Countries. I must
here remark, that even those who in contra
diction to the above chain of evidence, assert
that the Vaudois derive their name and doc
trine from Peter Valdo, ^ must allow them to
have been established in the valleys at least
fifty years before the ancient counts of Savoy
obtained the sovereignty of their country ; for
it appears in the history ofthe house of Savoy,
that the first who began to make conquests in

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 117
our country, was Thomas, son of Humbert,
who had previously accompanied Louis, son of
Philip Augustus, king of France, in his expe
dition against the Vaudois and the Albigenses
of Provence. Hence we have every possible
right to the possession of our country, in which
we were established before our sovereigns.

CHAPTER IV.

ANTIQUITY AND PURITY OF THE VAUDOIS
DOCTRINE, PROVED BY THEIR OWN WRI
TINGS.
As the Vaudois have been accused of being
Manicheans, Arians, and Cathares,* we shall
be but doing our ancestors justice to appeal to
their own writings. In the preface to the
French Bible, which they printed at Neuchatel,
in 1535, the Vaudois render thanks to God that
having received the treasure of the gospel from
the apostles or their immediate successors,
they had always preserved to themselves the
enjoyment of this blessing. In proof of which
it appears by the noble Leif on, dated 1100,
that they had rejected and continued to reject
* From Cathari, white, pure.

118 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
all traditions, nor h-ad ever received other doc
trines than those contained in the Holy Scrip
tures. The treatise on Antichrist, dated 1120,
proves the same point ; as does that against
the invocation of saints, which must have been
written in the sixth century, since it calls
this error a doctrine then in the bud, and we
know that it took its rise at that period. So
in all the confessions of faith given at divers
times, the Vaudois profess to have received
their tenets frora father to son, from the time
of the apostles. Rorenco himself has pre
served one of their petitions to the Duke of
Savoy, dated 1599, in which they say, that it
is not within a few hundred years only that they
have had knowledge ofthe truth, and that no one
could be ignorant of their having taught the same
tenefs for 500 or 600 years, that is, when they
openly declared against the abuses of Rome,
under their Bishop, Claude. The Vaudois of
the valleys Mathias and Meanef made the
same declaration, (nearly in the same words,)
when they were forced in 1603 to quit their
country, for refusing to obey the order of
Charles Emanuel, to abandon their faith,
finally in all their memorials, petitions, and
letters, they have never failed to repeat the
same thing, praying "to be left in the enjoy-
t The Vaudois of these valleys formed one body with those
of Luzerne, Perouse, and St. Martin.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 119
ment of that religion, which they had professed
time immemorial;"* even before the Dukes of
Savoy were princes of Piemont. The authen
ticity of these petitions, &c. is unquestionable,
since they have been printed, together with
the answers to them, by order of the court of
Turin, and are more than 100 in number.
Section II.
Evidence of Protestant Writers.
To the internal evidence of the writings of
the Vaudois themselves, we must now add that
which is to be found in the works of Protestant
authors, and first in those of the celebrated
Theodore B^ze, who thus speaks of them f
" These are the people who have always pre
served the true religion, without allowing any
temptation to pervert them. The Vaudois,"
says he, in another place, " are so called from
their residence among the valleys and fastnesses
of the Alps, and may well be considered as
the remains of the purest primitive Christian
church. Nor has it been possible to draw
them within the pale of the Roman communion,
notwithstanding the horrible persecutions exer
cised against them. At this tirae they have
* The expressions are sempre, al solito, da equi tempo,
immemoriale, conforme all' antico solito, conforme a loro
antiche franchizie. The collection is printed at Turin, 1678.
t Portraits des hommes illustres.

120 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
churches flourishing, as well in doctrine as in
examples of a truly innocent life. I speak
particularly of those of the Alpine valleys, of
whom some are subjects of the king of France,
and others ofthe Duke of Savoy."
Ueidanus* asserts, " that from the most re
mote antiquity they have opposed the Roman
Pontiff, and have always held the purest doc
trine." Esron Rudiger affirms that the Vaudois
existed at least 240 years before John Huss,
which agrees nearly with Bishop Claude.
L'Histoire ecclesiastique des Eglises r6forra6es
de France, printed in 1558, confirms the above
assertions. Amyraut, Drelincourt, Basnage,
Ruchat, Jurieu, Werenfels, and many other
writers of the reformed church, give the same
opinion. Section IIL
Testimony of Roman Catholic Authors.
Among the principal evidences in favour of
the Vaudois, I must here refer, to the large
collection of edicts respecting them, published
by the court of Turin. It is deeraed unneces
sary to recapitulate their dates. The Monk
Belvedere, chief of a mission, sent to convert
the Vaudois in 1630, in his answer to the Col-
* Historia Caroli Quinti Imp. lib. xvi. p. 534.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 121
lege of Propaganda fide,* excuses himself for
not having converted a single person, because
" the valleys of Angrogna have always, and at
every period, been inhabited by heretics." —
Again, Reynerus Sacco, expressly appointed
by the court of Rorae, Inquisitor against the
Vaudois, goes still farther than Belvedere ; and
in a book he published against them, calls
them Leonists, frora one of their ministers
named Leon, who lived in the third century ;
he affirms that no sect was so pernicious to the
church as the Leonists ; and this for three rea
sons: 1st. Because it was the most ancient of
all; some deriving its origin from the time of
Pope Sylvester (the fourth century), and others
from the Apostles theraselves. 2ndly, Because
it was the most extensive, there being scarcely
any country into which it had not penetrated ;
and, 3dly, That instead of inspiring horror as
other sects did, by their frightful blasphemies
against the Divinity, it had a great appearance
of piety; since its members " lived'justly before
men, believed rightly on God, and received
the Apostles' Creed ; but they blasphemed
against the Roman church and clergy." f The
most obstinate opponents of the antiquity of
the Vaudois must give way before the authority
* Relatione al consiglio de Prop. Fid. Turin, 1636.
t Bibliotheque des Peres, de Gretserus Traite contra les
Vaud.

122 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
of Claude de Seyssel, Archbishop of Turin,
who has this passage in his book against us,
printed by privilege of Francis the First of
France : " The sect of Vaudois," says he,
" took its origin from one Leon, a truly reli
gious man, who, in the time of Constantine the
Great, detesting the extreme avarice of Pope
Sylvester, and the lavish expenditure of Con
stantine, preferred living in poverty, with sim
plicity of faith, to the reproach of accepting
a rich benefice with Sylvester. To this Leon
all attached themselves who thought rightly of
their Creed." The sarae author, after having
made useless researches after the commence
ment of the Vaudois sect, concludes with these
remarkable words : " That there must be some
important and efficacious reason why this Vau
dois sect had endured during so many ages.
Again ; all kind of different attempts to extir
pate them have been made at different times,
but they always remained victorious, and ab
solutely invincible, contrary to the expectation
of all,"
The reader will observe that this expression,
" during so many ages," was written by Seys
sel in 1500.
I have already quoted Rorenco, one of the
most zealous of the missionaries sent against
the Vaudois ; his family still remains in the
valleys. One of his descendants bearing the title

HISTORV OF THE VAUDOIS. 123
of Count of La Tour, in his Memorie Historiche,
addressed to the Duke Victor Amadeus, allows
that the Vaudois doctrine was not new, in the
tirae of Claude, many persons having opposed
the Roman See before hira ; he also asserts
that their doctrine remained the same in the
Ilth and 12th centuries. Rorenco will not,
however, allow that the doctrine was derived
from the Apostles, but avows (which nearly
amounts to the same thing) that there is no
ascertaining when it was first received in the
valleys. In fine, Samuel Casini, a Franciscan monk,
says positively, in his work entitled Victoria
Triomphale, printed at Coni, 1510, that "the
errors of the Vaudois consisted in not admitting
the Roman to be the sacred raother church, of
obeying her traditions ; although he could not,
for his own part, deny that they acknowledged
the Christian church, and had always been and
still continued to be members of it,"
Now it seeras to me hardly possible, after
these proofs, that any one should venture to deny
the truly Apostolic succession of the Vaudois
church ; but as some people have supposed that
the Vaudois, after receiving the opinions of the
court of Rome, have subsequently been re
formed, like all those who are called Protest
ants ; let them say when and where the Vau
dois reformation took place ; and let them also

124 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
account for the silence of all historians on such
an event ! But as long as the testiraony above
quoted, of Catholics, Protestants, Vaudois;
nay, of the very edicts of their princes, and
their own petitions and replies, exists, I shall
consider it as proved that the Vaudois church,
having received the Gospel in the earliest days
of Christianity, is the parent of all the reforraed
churches, and has never herself heen reformed.
These truths having been established by such
incontestable proofs, it remains only to give a
sketch of the manners of the Vaudois, and the
discipline of their churches, before we come to
the historical part of my labours.

CHAPTER V-
MANNERS OF THE VAUDOIS.
In religion, theory is nothing without practice,
and of all species of knowledge none requires
less speculation than that of the Gospel. Its
Divine Author has declared, that the religion
which he came to announce to us consists not
in words, but in virtues, which important de
claration at once defines the spirit of Christia
nity, in placing charity even above faith. How
ever this great truth may be forgotten by many
of the Christians of these days, or rendered
nugatory by the pretensions of their teachers,

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 125
it is not the less incontestable at the tribunal
of reason and revelation, ahd let us hope, for
the good of humanity, that it will soon prevail
over the vain phantoms which have been sub
stituted for it throughout the greatest part of
Europe. Yes, indeed ! I delight in believing
that the march of knowledge is a guarantee of
this, and that we are approaching that happy
time when a man will not be required to prove
he is a Christian, merely by repeating, like a
parrot, the articles of belief, which have been
drawn up by the chiefs of the sect to which he
belongs, when it will not suffice alone coldly
to admit some Evangelical truths, but when
those who call themselves Christians will ac
knowledge — " That pure religion is this, to
" visit the fatherless and widows in their afflic-
" tion, and to keep themselves unspotted from
" the world." * It cannot be too often re
peated, that this is real Christianity.
And such have ever been the sentiments of
the Vaudois, never have they been known to
waste, in pernicious disputes or useless discussions,
that time which might have been employed in
good works ; and thus, by a natural conse
quence, they have formed a Christian society
of virtuous conduct and irreproachable morals.
We have above quoted that remarkable pas
sage of the Inquisitor Reynerus Sacco, in
* Epistle of St. James, chap. i. ver. 22.

126 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
which he has borne witness in favour of our
ancestors. We w'ill add the testimony of
Claude de Seyssel, who affirms that, " for their
lives and moral behaviour, the Vaudois are
without reproach before men, and do their
utraost endeavours to keep the commandments
of God." The respectable French historian,
De Thou, says that " the Vaudois keep the
commandments of the decalogue, and allow
among them of no wickedness, detesting per
juries and imprecations, quarrels, seditions,
and all debaucheries, usury, &c. &c."
The Cardinal Baronius bears witness to their
chastity, and Thuanus (also a Catholic histo
rian) adds to this, " that they are such scrupu
lous observers of honour and chastity, that
their neighbours, though of a contrary faith,
intrusted them with the care of their wives and
daughters, to preserve them from the insolence
of the soldiery,"
This occurred in 1560, when the troops of
Count de la Trinit6 were quartered at La Tour,
and the Vaudois had retired to the raountains.
It was then also that a young girl, to escape
the pursuit of a soldier, preferring her honour
to life itself, precipitated herself from the sura
mit of a rock. An English monk, quoted by
Boxhornius, also gives an example ofthe purity
of Vaudois manners, in the answer of a young
woman to the solicitations of her lover ; " God

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 127
forbid, O young man, that I should love thee
so much as to become eternally raiserable for
the gratification of thy wishes."
This adrairable purity is still respected in
the valleys, and, notwithstanding the corrup
tion of the age, we must look through a long
series of years to find one or two females who
have not observed it. Those who have fallen
are become the objects of universal contempt.
The very children point at them, and a whole
life of virtue is scarcely sufficient to obtain for
thera the oblivion of their fault. Compare this
with the manners of other Christian nations.
Let us now turn to Vigneaux, who was well
qualified to judge of Vaudois morals, having
been forty years a pastor among them, and
having made a large collection of their ancient
writings, which he translated : from his work
" On the Lives, morals, and religion of the
Vaudois," I extract the following, *' They are
a people of fidelity in their promises, of irre
proachable lives, and are great enemies to
vice;" and of his own time he adds, " We in
these valleys of Piemont live in peace and con
cord with the others, but we do not connect
ourselves in marriage with the Catholics. For
the rest, our manners and morals are so ap
proved by them, that they prefer taking ser
vants from among us to theraselves ;* and
* Still the case in the valleys in 1825.

128 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
some come from a great distance to choose
nurses for their children, considering them
more faithful than their own."
The order of the French government, in
1592, to M. de Birague, governor of Saluces, to
massacre the Vaudois, drew forth the following-
testimony from one of the council of that town :
" That his raajesty must assuredly have been
misinformed as to these poor people, who were
good men, and did him honourable and faithful
service, living peaceably with their neighbours ;
with whom indeed there was no fault to find,
except their religion." To all these testimonies
there is one other to be added, of still more
weight, namely, that of all the edicts which have
been successively published by the court of Tu
rin against the Vaudois ; in no one is the
smallest reproach to be found on the score
of probity, good faith, or morals. This silence
becomes an invaluable avowal from those who
eagerly sought some pretext to give a colour to
the horrible persecutions they authorized.
Is it not astonishing, after this, to find the
Vaudois calumniated by Albert de Capitaxis,
Rubis, &c. as the first Christians were by the
Pagans? Paradin* and Girard, however, may
be cited in reply. They assert that the Vaudois
were not guilty of any of the horrible crimes of
* Annales de Bourgogne, par Guillaume Paradin, Lyons,
1566.

HISTOUV OF THE VAUDOIS. 129
which they were accused ; but only of having
freely inveighed against the corruption and
vices of the priests and friars, and thus excited
their mortal hatred. * * *
But we may well despise this slander, and
consider what has been the cause of their real
purity of manners. The ecclesiastical discip
line, which has always been in great vigour,
may be assigned as the cause, as it has induced
the continual study of, and meditation upon the
sacred writings. And here I must be pardoned
another extract from an ancient author. " All
the people," says he, " of either sex, and of
whatever age, cease not to learn and teach ;
the labourer at his daily task either teaches his
comrade or learns of him, and the evening is
spent in the same instructions, even without
books. He that has learnt for one week teaches
others for the next, and if any one excuses
himself from want of memory, he is told that
even one word every d-ay will amount to many
sentences at the end of a year, which in many
years will form a fund of knowledge." " I
have heard with ray own ears," says this au
thor, " one of these poor peasants repeat the
whole book of Job by heart, without missing
one word ; and there are others who have the
whole of the New Testament at their fingers'
ends. Do any of them lead an evil life.'' they
are sharply rebuked, according to their discip-
K

130 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
line, and told the Apostles lived not thus, nor
must we who imitate them," Reynerus Sacco
again confirms this by saying, " The Vaudois
know the whole of the New Testament by
heart, and much of the Old, (in their own lan
guage,) nor will they hear any thing else, say
ing, " that all sermons which are not proved
by the Scriptures are unworthy of belief."
This then has been the foundation of Vaudois
morality, they knew no other rule of faith than
the Gospel, and, as far as possible, adapted
their sentiments and conduct to it. The sacred
duty of an historian compels me to allow, that
the effects of huraan frailty have sometimes
shown theraselves araong them. Leger, who
wrote more than a century ago, thus allows
also) that " the Vaudois, his cotemporaries, no
longer possessed that great sanctity and de
tachment from the world which distinguished
their ancestors. But I must add," he continues,
" that, compared with other reformed nations,
there is none which surpass them in zeal for
the word of God and constancy to their faith,
at the peril of their lives and fortunes ; as well
as in siraplicity, innocence, sobriety, and in
dustry. For they abstain from cards, dice,
gambling, and swearing, and have a horror of
drunkenness, and even of dancing. So that if
any one falls into a vicious life, he is esteemed
infamous. Law-suits have been from time

HISTOUY OF THE VAUDOIS. 131
immemorial unknown araong them ; but, ac
cording to Thuanus, the first took place in the
16th century, owing to the litigious disposition
of a young man, who had gained a smattering
of law at the college of Turin, and sued his
neighbour for having suffered some goats to
browse among his cabbages."
However much it may cost me to avow it, I
must in my turn allow that the Vaudois have
degenerated since the days of Leger ; . law-suits
are beginning to become common araong them,
and luxury and card playing are insensibly in
troduced ; nay, there are even sorae families who
live without labour, a thing forraerly unknown.*
The zeal for religion has also cooled in those
parishes adjoining Pieraont. But these blots
in the morals of my compatriots are perhaps
inevitable to human weakness, which cannot
approach perfection : perhaps, too, we are car
ried away by the comraon mania of believing
our ancestors ever better than ourselves. I re
mark this both for Leger and myself
What we can loudly proclaim is, that still in
all Europe there does not exist a people of such
good faith, simplicity, frankness, and kind-
heartedness, as the Vaudois of the present day.
They preserve a respect for religion, a love for
* Qui vivent dans I'oisivete, et donnent paria un exemple
pernicieux. — Perhaps this is translated in too favourable a
sense. ic 2

132 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
their duties, and a purity of opinions and raorals
which may in vain be sought for among other
nations called Christian ; and these virtues are
joined to so much modesty, that they appear
perfectly natural, and never ostentatious. What
a touching and sublime spectacle do these
people present to every kind heart and good
understanding which contemplates them ! They
are good husbands, good fathers, kind friends,
and good citizens, and have always, even in the
inidst of their persecutions, shown the greatest
fidelity to their princes. Nay, even have, after an
interval of a few days only, turned in their de
fence those arms which they had used against
them, in the preservation of their lives and
religion. During the long course of persecutions they
have sustained, notwithstanding the perfidy
with which they were treated, and the horrible
tortures which they underwent, they have never
given way to vengeance, and have contented
themselves with repelling force by force. So
that no instance is to be found, in their history,
of a defenceless enemy having been ill used,
or of their having violated their promises, even
while treated with systematic perfidy. Nor
have they ever shed blood, except when their
absolute safety obliged them. If so many
virtues, so many good qualities, are sometimes
mingled with weaknesses, we must attribute it

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS, 133
to the imperfection of human nature ; observ
ing that it is only some individuals who are
worthy of reproach, and that the mass of so
ciety is (humanly speaking) irreproachable. It
would, perhaps, be possible to clear off these
faint stains, if the ancient ecclesiastical discip
line was again enforced ; and it is in aid of this
object that we have consecrated the next chap
ter to its description. Happy, thrice happy
should I be, if this, or any part of my work,
should tend to draw any of my countrymen
(still more than at present) into the path of life.
If this whole people, by drawing daily nearer
to the Eternal One, should ever render them
selves worthy to have it said of them—" This
is the patience of the faithful, behold them who
keep the commandments of God and the faith
of Jesus."
Note. — Having had the opinion of my friends, the commis
sioners of the Walloon Synod, upon my MS. and this having
been thought too bright a picture of the Vaudois morals by
one of those gentlemen who had never visited the valleys, I
thus replied to one of them : — " I am not surprised that my
picture of the manners of my countrymen should appear to you
too highly coloured. But if you had lived some years among
these excellent people, as I have done, and then in a country
where the corruption of manners is as great as it is here, and
in the towns in Switzerland, you would not think so. For, al
though we may be degenerated from the purity of our ances
tors, I protest to you, that it is only those parishes immediate
ly adjoining to Piemont which have incurred this reproach.
In all the rest, tbeir kindness of heart, frankness, benevo-

134 HISTORY OF THE V^VUDOIS.
lence, and zeal for religion, would enchant you. I have
more than once visited all the parishes, and have resided in
most of them, being acquainted with a great many of their in
habitants; and, by all this experience, I am confirmed in the
belief that there does not exist, in our days, a people in
morals so pure, life so irreproachable, and piety so exemplary,
as the Vaudois."*

CHAPTER VT.
ON THE DISCIPLINE OF THE VAUDOIS
CHURCH.
That the Vaudois have preserved until the
time of the Reformation the doctrines of the
primitive church, as described in the epistles
of the Apostles, has been acknowledged by
Luther, Melancthon, Bucer, and Ecolampa
dius, in the different letters which they ad
dressed to our ancestors. And it was by their
advice that the latter relaxed somewhat from
the ancient severity of ecclesiastical govern
ment, fearing that it might estrange persons
otherwise desirous of embracing their belief;
and others, who having fallen into error, pre
ferred abjuring their creed to exposing them
selves to the shame of public punishment. I
* The author's sister is still living in the valleys, and is the
wife of one of the most exemplary pastors  T.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 135
cannot think, however, thait these changes
have proved advantageous, and Melancthon
himself confesses, he cannot disapprove of the
former strictness, and wishes it had been
adopted in the Protestant churches. It is cer
tain that the total abolition of all discipline
among the latter has been pernicious to good
morals. Let us examine the methods taken
by the Vaudois to preserve them uncorrupted.
PuB'lic Worship, S^c.
The public worship was always celebrated
in the Vaudois language till 1630, when a pes
tilence swept off the whole of the barbes,* then
fifteen in number, with the exception of two,
who were inefficient from age.-f- In consequence,
pastors were invited to come from France and
Geneva ; as these knew neither Vaudois nor
Italian, they preached in French, a custora
which still continues, (though the churches have
long been served by Vaudois,) but though few
families speak French habitually, there is no
one who does not perfectly comprehend it, all
their books being in French ; and consequently
the children always receive their instruction in
that language. They make use of the Swiss
liturgy, not having it in their power to print
one of their own. In the holy sacraraents the
* Barbe, the ancient word for pastor.
t Gilles and Gros, two retired pastors, only remained.

136 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
bread was, until 1630, broken into three parts,
and the water thrice sprinkled in baptism, in
remembrance of the Trinity. The parishioners,
without exception, assembled at the house of
their respective elders, for communion, which
was celebrated four times a year ; when before
Easter, and sometimes before Christraas, each
person was required by his pastor to give his
reasons for his faith, and if one was passed
over, it was esteemed an affront. Oh virtuous
people! why hast thou not persisted in this
laudable custom, so well calculated to perpe
tuate thy happiness, and maintain thy zeal for
religion ? Before the tirae of the plague above
mentioned, the pastors each year were subject
to a visit from the moderator and two members
of the synod, who, after minute inquiries,
made their report to the synod. The foreign
clergy would not submit to this ordinance, and
though it has been since re-established, these
perquisitions have not been made with the
same strictness.
The ancient pastors were also accustomed to
invite the censure of their consistory once a
year, upon any thing they might disapprove;
and, after general consultation, the first of the
elders freely gave his opinion of the conduct of
the pastor. Ecclesiastical punishments were
also severe ; a murderer, adulterer, or lewd
person, could only be reconciled to the church

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS, 137
after having given unequivocal proofs of re
pentance, and a long exclusion from the sacra^
ment. Such persons were also obliged to appear
publicly in the church, (the number of times
being regulated by the extent of guilt,) and
after" sitting on a seat apart, stand up at the end
of the service, while the pastor announced that
a person was permitted to make public repara
tion for his fault. The penitent then implored
aloud the pardon of God, and his brethren, for
having set them so bad an example, and pro-
ipised amendment ; upon which the barbe an
nounced to him the reraission of his sin, on the
part and in the name of the Almighty, and con
cluded by an exhortation to the people. This
custora is authorized, nay, prescribed by the
Gospel, as one of great utility. I must however
repeat, sins of this nature are still extremely
rare in the vallies. Games of hazard were never
permitted, and dancing was so strictly forbidden,
that the wife of a pastor was publicly censured
for having been present at a May-day dance in
Luzerne, though she did not herself take part in
it. " There are also," says Leger, " ordi
nances against blasphemy and swearing ; but
during the twenty- three years I have been mi
nister, and twelve moderator, no one instance
of the kind has ever occurred ; and I am con
vinced in a whole century here one should not
hear the name of God taken in vain. '

138 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
The consistories in each parish are coraposed
of the pastor, the elders, and the deacon : *
no one is admitted araong the elders without a
very strict exaraination; the dignity lasts for
life, unless forfeited by unworthy conduct. In
iraportant cases the heads of farailies are called
in to the assistance of the consistory, who de
cide by the raajority of votes. There were
besides other councils, called colloques,-f- com
posed of the pastors and one or two ancients
from every church, who met once a month in
each valley to take cognizance of those differ
ences which were not finally arranged at the
consistories. From the colloques an appeal
might be made to the synods ; but disputes were
sometimes settled by choosing arbiters, and
exacting a promise of obedience to their deci
sion. By these means was every dispute ter
minated, for it was absolutely forbid, under
any pretence, to have recourse to courts of law.
How consistent these rules were with the
spirit of primitive Christianity may be seen, by
referring to the. sixth chapter of St. Paul's
epistle to the Corinthians.
The synods were the most solemn and gene
ral councils of the Vaudois, and were formerly
held every year, (but now every second year,)
at each parish in turn, excepting the four most
* Who acts as churchwarden. — T.
t Literally parliaments.

HISTORY' OF THE VAUDOIS, 139
remote,* They consist of the pastor and two
elders from every parish, together with a com
missioner from the sovereign, who, however, is
not allowed to speak inthe discussions. -f This
assembly forms a court of dernier resort to all
others, appoints pastors and schoolmasters,
and creates a moderator, adjoint, and secre
tary ; who, under the name of La Table, form
a comraittee for the management of affairs, un
til the meeting of the next synod. But the
synods do not assume the right of interfering in
matters of faith. ;{; Indeed, I find that all the
articles of belief, and declarations of faith by
our ancestors, have been drawn up in special
general assemblies, consisting not only of pas
tors and elders, but also of such heads of
families who could attend. As, for example,
the articles d'union des valines, in 1571.
At the opening of their synods the pastors
preach in turn, and it is then only that the
Catholics permit the members of their church
to attend such sermons, which they do in great
numbers. §
* An ancient Vaudois manuscript, of 1587, asserts that
140 barbes once assisted at a Synod in the valley of Laus, in
the Pragelas.
f L'intendant de la province envoye de la part du go
vernment. I This perfect liberty of conscience is a natural result from
the Vaudois maxims, before stated, and proves them equally
devoid of superstition and fanaticism. — Note by Bresse.
4 Vid. anecdote ofthe elder Moudon of S. Jean

140 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
CHAPTER VII.
OF THE BARBES OR PASTORS.
This narae, which originally signified uncle,
was generally given to those persons treated
with any particular respect and reverence, and
was used to distinguish the pastors, until the
calamity of 1630, raentioned above. . " These
barbes* were," says Leger, " models of all vir
tue, pious, humble, innocent, mild, and peace
able ; as well as diligent, laborious, and vigi
lant in their office ; faithful labourers in the
Lord's vineyard; they consecrated all their
time and talents to the care of souls ; exposing
themselves to reproaches and persecutions, nay,
even death itself in defence of the truth ; de
spising the vanities, luxuries, and honours
which the world offered to them. In a word,
they fulfilled to the utmost every duty of nature
and society." Among them many were mar
ried, others remained single, on account of the
changes of abode then so often necessary to
keep up a correspondence with distant coun
tries; particularly (since the twelfth century)
with Bohemia, Germany, Gascony, Provence,
Dauphin6, Languedoc, England, Calabria, and
Apulia. Our barbes visited each of those
countries in turn, preaching and animating the
* The Catholics use the word Barbets, as a term of re
proach for the Vaudois.

HISTORY OF THE VaUDOIS. 141
courage of their brethren ; and the money
necessary for their journeys and support while
absent, was furnished them from the valleys.
Besides preaching, they occupied themselves
in making copies of the Holy Scriptures, for
the use of their flocks ; many of them studied
medicine and surgery, an occupation the more
laudable as medical men have always been very
scarce in the valleys, only one residing even now
in the valley of St. Martin, and none in that of
Luzerne, except the apothecary ofthe Catholic
town of that name. It is true that the frugal
manner of life among the Vaudois renders their
assistance little necessary ; and well acquainted
as were our ancient barbes with the simples,
with which our country abounds, they found
among them almost all the remedies required.
There were sorae of these venerable men,
who, like the apostles, applied themselves to
mechanical arts, but the most particular object
of their care was the instruction of youth, and
especially those intended for the church. In the
most ancient times, the studies of the latter
were confined to the learning by heart the gos
pels of St. Matthew and St. John, and the
epistles ; with a good part of the writings of
Solomon, David, and the prophets ; after which
on presenting good testimonials, they were ad
mitted into the ecclesiastical order, by the
imposition of hands.*
* Vide Note at the end ofthis chapter.

142 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
Not only the inhabitants of the valleys, but
the youth of distant countries came to have the
instructions of our barbes. For lUyricus,* the
Papist author before quoted, affirras — " I find
that it was common, nay, customary, for Bohe
raians to travel from their country to their Val
densian preceptors in Lombardy, as if to some
school or college for the sake of studying
divinity." The History of Alsace (lib. i.) makes a similar
statement, with regard to the Alsaceans pre
paring themselves for holy orders.
The cavern, which served for the accademia
of our venerable barbes, where they sowed and
cultivated the principles of their pure and
blameless religion, and whence they spread
them through the world, is still in existence ;
it is the cavern of the famous Pr6 du Tour in
the parish of Angrogna. Besides this sacred
college, there was, and still exists in each
parish, one or more schools, where the children
of both sexes are instructed in writing, reading,
arithmetic, and sacred music, -f as well as in the
elements of religion. There are also two latin
* Catalog, test, veritat. cap. 15.
"l" It is much to be regretted that an attempt to put
these schools upon the Lancaster system, has been ren
dered abortive. After the revolt in Piemont, in 1820,
though no Vaudois was engaged in it, the government (attri
buting this event to the increase of knowledge) absolutely
forbad this rapid mode of instruction.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 143
schools, where those destined to the study of
divinity learn Latin, and a little Greek, previous
to their removal to Lausanne or Geneva.
Note. — How different is this instruction from the method
pursued in our days ; it sufficed then to have studied the
Christian religion in the gospel. But now a minister of the
gospel must pass the flower of his youth, in learning sciences
which certainly do not render him a more zealous and vir
tuous Christian, than he would have been had he studied
alone at the school of Jesus. Now, for four or five years he
is to groan beneath the study of languages :* then he goes on
to the study of the belles lettres ; and then to philosophy, of
little use indeed to him, and indeed injurious, as it is taught
at some universities. See here, ten years of labour and
expense! and for what? To gain a knowledge of subjects
which have no connection with the science of happiness.
Ten years, during which, the youth who has devoted himself
to the preaching of the gospel, has scarcely heard mention
made of it; or if he has, only as a necessary part of his
studies ; while he should have made it his principal object.
After this comes theology, which surely ought to consist in
the simple, but fundamental and thorough knowledge of
revelation ; the proofs which establish its truth ; and above
all, the duties which it recommends. Is this the method of
study in the colleges ? By no means. It is not the gospel
which they teach ; it is the various opinions of commen
tators, and heads of sects, on different passages of the sacred
writings. Is ^lis to conform to the spirit of religion? is it
hot, on the contrary, to engage one's self in that pretended
wisdom, that futile science it so much reproves ? Let me be
allowed freely to say, that I consider the manner in which
the Christian religion is taught and learnt in our days, as the
principal obstacle to its progress. The gospel has no need
* Latin, Hebrew, Greek, French, and Italian.

1'44 HISTORY OF THK VAUDOIS.
of all this paraphernalia of science, to affect the feelings or
judgment. It possesses in itself all that is necessary to pro
duce these happy effects. I have only to cast a glance back
upon our good ancestors, when our barbes studied the Bible
alone, to be confirmed in my opinion. Is there now among
the nations regarded as the most enlightened, any example
of a society, which has attained to such a degree of per
fection ? Surely, if the answer is in the negative, we must
not deny the source of the superiority of the ancient Vaudois
over other nations, and even over the Vaudois of the present
day. It is true that the studies of our young divines have
not always been so simple. Logic, together witb Italian,
French, and Latin, were added, but still there was nothing
like the present course of study. I deny not that all these
sciences, (with which it is wished to adorn divines,) may be
very useful in the countries where they are taught ; as
France, Germany, England, Switzerland, and the United
Provinces ; but I believe all this apparatus of learning to be
totally useless in our valleys, and that it is consequently in
vain to condemn so many youths, destined to the priesthood,
to such heavy expense and waste of time;* and every en
lightened person will be aware of the cruelty of awakening
these young men to the pleasures of learning and science,
when on their return to their homes, they must abandon them
from poverty, want of time, and their isolated situation.
For to whom can they communicate their sciences ? to the
Vaudois? they understand the gospel alone, and are indif
ferent as to the rest.
It must be remarked that the object of this note regards
the Vaudois alone, and that it has been added with a view
of drawing their attention to the establishment of a college,
of which the author has drawn up a plan, which will be
added at the end of the history. When it is considered
* £40. a year at least.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 145
what important objects may thus be obtained by a very
small comparative sacrifice of money, it is hoped the bene
factors of the Vaudois will turn their attention to it, and that
some influence mig-ht be exerted by the British government
to obtain the necessary permission, at the court of Turin.
—Vide calculations ofthe expense by a traveller, in 1825,

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.

PART THE SECOND.

INTRODUCTION.
Those who are ignorant that our annals ar^
marked by blood and misery, will be surprised
to find that the history of these virtuous and
simple Vaudois, worthy of the admiration of
mankind, is little else than a series of calamity.
Nor will they be able to reconcile the bar
barity and ferocity, with which they hav6 been
persecuted, with the candour and innocence of
these victims. One word is sufiicient to ex
plain the horrible enigma ; mistaken zeal is
blind to the duties of religion and nature. Can
we call those reasonable beings, who, while
claiming the privileges of the human race,
utterly forgetful of humanity, hiassacre thou
sands of their fellow-creatures in cold blood.
Why is it that the potentates of the earth have
constituted themselves judges of an affair which
regards God alone ? Or who has given them a
L 2

148 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
right to treat as heretics, those who think dif
ferently from theraselves, or to pour out their
blood before the altars of God ?
It was at the end of the fifteenth century
that these scenes commenced ; for previously,
though the victims of secret intrigue, the Vau
dois had suffered no open persecution. It was
reserved to the Inquisition to work their ruin.
A Spanish priest named Dominic, came to
France to preach against the Vaudois of Albi or
Albigenses; and succeeded so well that his
order received the title of the preachers. He
established himself at Toulouse, and thence
dispatched his spies in all directions to make
perquisitions for those suspected of heresy, and
punish thera.* Gregory IX., then Pope, soon
perceived the advantage he might derive from
such missionaries, and authorised the Domi
nicans in France and Spain, and the Francis
cans in Italy, to make inquisition (inquirere)
after heretics ; as well as to try, convict, and
punish them. Such is the origin of the Inqui
sition, a tribunal so execrable, that it threatened
to drown the human race in blood. Its prin
cipal seat was at Rome, and on the model of
* Vide Llorente istoria della Inquisition passim; it is
translated; the statement which this learned Spaniard gives,
who was himself once a chief officer of the holy office, and
has been since entrusted with all its registers, perfectly bears
out the sketch given by Bresse. — T.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS, 149
that, was established at Turin, that famous
council, De Propaganda fide et extirpendis
hereticis, which we shall hereafter call the Pro
paganda. This council began by declaring the
Vaudois unworthy of comraunication with other
Christians, ordered the confiscation of their
property, the demolition of their houses, even
the cutting down of their trees ; sent to all
princes and sovereign lords, to require them to
search for and deliver up such heretics to the
Inquisition ; inflicted heavy penalties on those
who concealed them ; and conferred the third
of their property on the informers, who pointed
out their retreats. But these measures were
too weak ; the court of Rome aimed at the
utter extirpation of this unhappy people, and
committed to its ministers, the power of de
livering over to the secular arm, that is, of
putting to death without mercy, all those they
considered heretics. Nay, these ferocious mis
sionaries pronounced sentence against corpses
which had been buried twenty and thirty years ;
dragged them from their tombs to flaming piles,
and confiscated the possessions of the families
to which they belonged.
A father was forced to give evidence against
a son ; a sister against a brother ; a wife against
her husband ; the bonds of nature, blood and
friendship, were esteemed as nothing to the
objects of the Inquisition ; even those sus-

150 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
pected of heresy were rigorously punished, if
they could not procure witnesses to swear to
their innocence. The accused was ignorant of
the narae of his accuser,nor was he allowed any
advocate, except such as might be chosen by
the Inquisition. One witness alone was suffi
cient for condemnation to the torture, and even
where the crime could not be proved, the vic
tim was never acquitted, but his name was
branded with infamy, and reraained inscribed
on the registers ofthis relentless tribunal.
I content myself with referring my readers
to I'histoire de la religion des eglises r6forraees,
by Basnage, 1725, 4to., where they will dis
cover ample proof that the above statement
is not overcharged ; and find extracts of the
acts of the Inquisition of Toulouse, erected
atgainst the Vaudois and Albigenses.
I cannot however refrain from transcribing
sorae of the articles which have served as rules
to the inquisitors in the persecutions of our
ancestors. Some of the rules followed by the Inquisitors in
their proceedings against the Vaudois.
That no one can be received as a penitent
or adraitted to absolution, if guilty of directly
or indirectly concealing a heretic.
That no one, after having been given over to
the secular power, be permitted to justify him-

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 151
self before the people, lest by his explanations
it should appear to the simple that injustice
had been done hira ; and if he should escape,
the Catholic religion be thereby injured.
That no one conderaned before the people
shall be pardoned, even should he retract, and
promise conversion ; for a sufficient number of
these heretics could never be burnt, if they
were suffered to escape on such pretexts ; be
cause these promises being only drawn from
them by the fear of torments, would not be
observed, and if they should promise conver
sion before the people, and death be then in
flicted, the people might think them unjustly
treated. Therefore it is best never to let them
speak before the people.
That during examinations, the Inquisitor
should always have a book open before him,
appearing to have therein registered, a quan
tity of depositions, and, indeed, the whole life
of the heretic.
Inevitable death must be placed before his
eyes, if he refuses to confess and renounce his
heresy. If he answers — " Ifl must die, then,
I prefer to die in my own faith ;" his execution
must be hurried on as much as possible, and
mercy never shewn.
No attempt should ever be made to convince
heretics by the Scriptures, for they pervert
them with such dexterity, as often to confound

152 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
the most learned men, who attempt to answer
them, and thereby they become more har
dened. A heretic must never be answered catego
rically ; and in an interrogatory several ques
tions should always be given at a time ; so
that in whatever way he may answer, he may
be replied to, to his confusion.
If there are any who protest they never were
guilty of the Vaudois heresy, they must be
admonished, that there are proofs sufiicient to
convict them ; promising them in arabiguous
terms, that they may hope for pardon on a free
confession ; many will then confess, with the
hope of saving their lives.
Such were the Rules of the Inquisition, at
the end of the eleventh century.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 153

CHAPTER I.
THE VAUDOIS QUIT THE VALLEYS IN THE FOUR
TEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES.
We have already stated, that when Valdo and
his disciples were driven from Lyons, towards
the end of the twelfth century, many settled in
our valleys. In consequence about 150 years
afterwards, the population becoming excessive,
many families withdrew to Provence, where
they built Cabrieres, Merindol, Lormarin, and
other villages. Others went to Paysanne, Bio
let, &c., villages in the Marquisate of Saluces ;
and sorae retired to Meane and Mathias, near
Susa, But the most . considerable colonies
formed at this time, sought an asylum in Cala
bria, and Apulia ; where they first built the
town called Borgo d' Oltramontani,* near
Montalto, and fifty years afterwards (on the
increase of new settlers) San Sisto, Vacarisso,
Argentine, and St. Vincent. The Marquis of
Spinello also allowed them at last to build on
his lands, near the sea, the fortified town of
Guardia, which soon became a flourishing
place.
* Foreigner's Town. — T.

154 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
About the year 1400, a persecution arising in
Provence, many Vaudois returned to the val
leys, and thence, accompanied by others of
their brethren, directed their course to Naples,
in the neighbourhood of which they founded
successively the little towns of Moulione, Mon-
tavato. La Celia, and La Motta.
About 100 years after this some Vaudois of
Frassinieres (then making one body with those
of the valleys) went to inhabit the town of Vol-
turara, near those above mentioned, which was
the last considerable emigration at this period.
AU these little colonies were regularly in
structed by pastors, who travelled frora town to
town for that purpose. Our barbes even pos
sessed houses at Florence, Genoa, and Venice,
in which last city were 6000 Vaudois,* There
were even numbers in Rome itself, who lived
in concealment.
Although the Vaudois of Val Louise, and
two other places in Dauphin^, were persecuted
in 1380,-t" this calamity did not extend into
Pieraont till 1400, when all the inhabitants of
Pragela were forced to fly to the highest moun
tains, where about eighty women and children
died of cold. After the massacre of all who fell
into their hands, the persecutors pillaged their
houses, and carried their booty to Susa.
* The barbe Gilles, who visited them, affirms this.
t Under Pope Clement the Seventh.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 155
This persecution was far exceeded in severity
by that in the Valley of Luzerne, excited by
the monkish missionaries in 1476. These men,
notwithstanding the four edicts confirmatory of
the privileges of the Vaudois, published by the
Dukes Louis and Araadeus and Duchess Jo-
lante, from the years 1448 to 1473, procured
bulls of great severity against them, from the
inquisitor, Aquapendente, and Campesio, bishop
of Turin, in 1475. Many Vaudois in conse
quence fell beneath the hands of the execu
tioner, and among them the, barbe Jord-an Ter
tian was burnt at Susa; and Rouzier, Chiamp,
Ambroise, and Hian, also suffered martyrdom
in other places.
In order to add force to the above bull, the
Duchess Jolante issued, in 1476, her L-atin
edict, (still extant,) directing the raagistrates of
Luzerne, Cavour, and Pignerol, to use every
means to bring the Vaudois over to the Catholic
faith ; and, in case of resistance, to execute the
inquisitorial bulls against thera.
In this edict, the Duchess herself gives evi
dence of our antiquity ; I had almost said,
apostolical succession, since the words are,
" to make them enter (venire) into the bosom
ofthe Roman communion," and not re-enter.
Clement the Seventh may be regarded as
the founder of the most monstrous empire
which has ever existed, exciting the flaraes of

156 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
persecution against all those who refused to ac
knowledge him as supreme head of the church.
Innocent the Eighth proceeded upon the same
plan ; taking advantage of the brutal ignorance
of the age, to lay the world at his feet, and to
dictate supreme laws to nations and their so
vereigns.* The bull of the latter Pontiff,!
addressed to Albert de Capitaneis, papal nun
cio at the court of Charles Duke of Savoy, is
too important to pass unnoticed. The Pope
complains that " the followers of that per
nicious and abominable sect of malignants,
called Pauvres de Lyon, or Vaudois, say and
commit many things contrary to orthodox faith,
offensive in the eyes of God and pernicious to
their own souls." In consequence of which,
(and thinking himself obliged by the duties of
his office absolutely to root out this accursed
sect and all contaminated by it,) Innocent,
through his full power, orders " all bishops,
archbishops, vicars, and others possessing ec
clesiastical office, to obey his inquisitor, and
to take up arms with hira against the said Vau
dois, in order to tread them under foot, as ve
nomous serpents, and thus fortify the people
confided to them in the profession of the true
faith." He then recommends to all — " to neg-
* A title frequently used by the Popes is " servant of
servants." t Bearing date, Rome, 1477.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 157
leet nothing, and employ their best endeavours
for such a holy and necessary extermination of
the said heretics." And exhorts all sovereigns
and princes " to take the shield of orthodox
faith, and to lend him and all bishops, &c. &c.
their assistance, to the end that they may ex
terminate and entirely destroy all these exe
crable heretics."
The Roman Pontiff proceeds, " to order all
preachers to preach this crusade, to excite and
inflame the faithful to destroy this pestilence
by force and arms ; to absolve all the crusaders,
contributing by their arms or otherwise to this
holy exterraination, from all ecclesiastical cen
sures and sentences. He grants to all the
crusaders a dispensation for all irregularities.
He recommends to all inquisitors tq make com
position with all those who have goods or pos
sessions unjustly acquired, provided they will
employ them for the extermination ofthe here
tics. And he gives to all persons fighting
against the latter full indulgence and remission
of all the sins they raay have coraraitted ; and
this pardon is to extend even to the moraent
of their death."* He also gives to the crusa
ders " the right to take possession of all goods
of heretics, moveable and immoveable. The
missionaries shall comraand all those in the
service of these heretics to leave them, and to
* Articulo mortis.

158 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
obey our apostolical commands, under pain of
excommunication. All those who have any
debt or promise due to these Vaudois shall hold
themselves as free from it, and discontinue all
commerce with them. All those disobedient
to these comraands shall be deposed from all
their orders, rank, and dignities, whatsoever they
may be ; and the ecclesiastics shall lose their
benefices, the laity their honours, titles, fiefs, and
privileges, becoming infamous, and incapable
hereafter of holding any office or employment."
Such is this series of horrible maxims, sub
versive alike of all justice, humanity, and
religion.* This bull, which was followed by an apostile
from the Legate, almost as long, and signed
by two notaries of Pignerol, authorized by the
Duke of Savoy, to publish it in all his territo
ries ; was the cause of eight hundred thousand
Vaudois being put to death in different parts of
Europe. Leger vouches for this fact ; can any
terms then be sufficiently severe for the cruelty
of this monster Innocent VIII.
To return, the nuncio Capitaneis, furnished
with the Pope's letters patent, having engaged
the Duke of Savoy, the King of France, and
other neighbouring princes to furnish troops for
the extermination of the inhabitants of the val
leys, about 18,000 men were assembled, be-
^ The MS. of this bull is in the library at Cambridge.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 159
sides 5 or 6000 Piemontese volunteers, eager
to obtain both the pillage of the valleys and full
reraission of their sins.
In order to ensure success, this army was
divided into several corps, and attacked at
once Angrogna, Luzerne, Perouse, and St, Mar
tin, as well as Pragela, where, after many
cruelties committed, they were repulsed by
the inhabitants. The chief attack was made in
the Valley of Angrogna, towards Roccal Mag-
nol, where the Vaudois were prepared to re
ceive it ; some of the advanced guard had
armed themselves with a kind of long wooden
cuirass, which defended the men, andfrom which
the arrows rebounded ; and under this living
rampart the second rank made good use of their
long cross-bows, but were on the point of yield
ing to superior nurabers ; when one Revel, in
dignant at the insulting shouts and irapreca
tions of Lenois, who commanded the enemies,
shot him with an arrow, upon which his troops
were struck with a panic and fled. The French
and Savoyards, irritated by this defeat, made
another attack on the side of Angrogna, but
though at first successful, they wiere afterwards
repulsed. One of their captains, Saquet, fall
ing from a rock into the torrent Angrogna, the
spot was called by his name more than a hun
dred years after.
In the attack upon Pral, of 700 men, who

160 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
engaged the Vaudois near Poramiers, one ensign
alone escaped, whom the Vaudois pardoned,
that he might carry the news of this defeat to
the rest of the army. The attacks in other
quarters having had no better success, all open
hostilities ceased, although desultory incursions
were made into the valleys for a year after
wards, which did great mischief, in keeping up
an alarm and preventing the cultivation of the
land. Philip the Seventh, Duke of Savoy, at length
resolved to put an end to the war, and sent a
bishop to treat with the Vaudois, at Pra Ays-
suit; the only condition being, that they should
come to Pignerol, where his court was, to ask
pardon. This was assented to, and the Duke
granted a general pardon, on receiving a sum
of money ; he allowed that he had been ill in
formed ; confirmed their former privileges, and
affirmed that he had not such good, faithful,
and obedient subjects as the Vaudois.
It was on this occasion that Philip VII. de
sired to see the children, it having been re
ported among the vulgar, that the Vaudois
children were born with one eye in the midst
of the forehead, and four rows of black teeth :
a striking instance of the ignorance in which
Piemont was plunged at that time.
The favour of their prince did not, however,
defend the Vaudois from the persecutions of

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 161
the inquisitors, who, from the convent near
Pignerol, took many prisoners, either by force
or stratagem, and seldom allowed them to
escape death. By their intrigues they prevailed
upon Marguerite de Foix, widow of the Mar
quis de Saluces, to drive all the Vaudois from
her territory, in the year 1500. These poor
exiles, after taking refuge for five years in the
valley of Luzerne, and making incessant sup
plications for permission to return, at length
suddenly attacked their enemies sword in hand,
and gained possession of their homes, where
they reraained unmolested during the greatest
part of the sixteenth century.

CHAPTER II.
THE REFORMATION.

Every one knows that the coraraenceraent of
the sixteenth century was marked by the
change in religious opinions throughout Europe
which produced the Reforraation ; nor need I
here specify the names of the reformers, or
enumerate their labours in different countries,
from Luther's public acts, in 1516, to the
assemblage formed by Cranmer in England, of
Bucer the martyr, Fagius, and others, about
the middle of the century.

M

162 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
Our barbes had, in 1526, sent barbe Martin
and others, to hold a conference with the re
formers Zwinglius, (Ecolampadius, and Bucer,
and had returned with many eulogiums on the
constancy and simplicity of the Vaudois. Lu
ther, though at first no friend to the Vaudois,
admitted, upon better information respecting
them, that they were most improperly styled
heretics, and expressed his admiration of the
courage with which they had renounced all hu
man systems, in order to be guided solely by
the light of revelation. Calvin also took a
lively interest in them, and held their doctrines
in high estimation. To the eulogiums of the
reformers were added, however, some rebukes
on what they esteemed errors in church discip
line, and some German ministers returned
with the barbes, to consult on their amendment.
The strictures of the reformers rested on points
of doctrine not specified by our histories ; too
much lenity shown towards feeble persons,
who attended mass from fear of persecution ;
and lastly and principally, " that the Vaudois
had not celebrated their worship with sufficient
publicity for some years."
I must be permitted to say, that even these
reproaches appear to me ill founded. Our an
cestors would have been indeed blamable had
they concealed their faith ; but, on the con
trary, they defended it at the price of their

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 163
property and lives. All that can be said is,
that their external worship was not so regular
as in our days ; because, as a means of secu
rity, they often worshipped God only in caverns
and forests, and in their private houses.
When our barbes had comraunicated to their
brethren the observations of the reformers, an
assembly was convoked to discuss them, at
Angrogna, on the 12th of September, 1532,
which was attended frora every part of the val
leys. The result was a new confession offaith,
though it appears the assembly was not entirely
unanimous, for two pastors and some others
were of opinion (and with reason) that it was
better to adhere to the old confessions, and par
ticularly that of 1100.
I would go farther and say, that these con
fessions of faith, so frequent since the Re
formation, have been pernicious.
Is it not an act of folly or vanity to dare to
forra confessions of faith, other than the Apos
tles' creed? I do not hesitate, therefore, to
blame our Vaudois for having thus departed
from the wise maxims of their forefathers.
The spirit of this document, and the publi
city with which the Vaudois resolved in future
to celebrate divine worship, greatly astonished
their enemies. The raonks, who had been sent
into the valleys to collect the revenues of their
cur6s, and to convert the inhabitants, despaired
M 2

164 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
of their undertdking, and returned in great ill-
humour. But their h-atred to the Vaudois was
too inveterate to allow them to remain idle ;
and having put in force every stratagem, they
at last succeeded in their plots so far as to in
duce Duke Charles to begin a new persecution.

CHAPTER III.

Many Vaudois, to escape the last persecutions,
had withdrawn from their country to Merindol,
Cabrieres, and Lormarin, in Provence, where
they lived undisturbed until 1534 ; when the
bishops of this country, making researches for
heretics, seized these unhappy people, and
finding them to be Piemontese, wrote to the
inquisitor and to the archbishop of Turin, at
whose instigation the Duke consented to ap
point Pantaloon Bressour, lord of Rocheplatte,
director of the war against the Vaudois. Bres
sour, provided with letters patent, went to
examine the Vaudois prisoners in Provence ;
and from them learned not only who were the
barbes who came from the valleys to instruct
them, but the names of almost all the fami
lies there. From this information, he forraed
two lists,, viz. one of declared, the other of

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 16-5
suspected heretics, which he presented to the
inquisitors ; he was soon armed with fresh
powers, by the edict of Quiers, (dated August,
1535,) to seize all whom he knew to be Vau
dois, and to force them to enter into the Ca
tholic faith, or undergo the punishments they
deserved. Civil and military officers, and all
other subjects were enjoined to obey the re
quisition of Bressour for assistance, under a
heavy penalty.
Having chosen 500 men from the Duke's
whole army, this leader attacked the Vaudois,
who had not the slightest suspicion of the vio
lation of the peace, and massacred them with
out any distinction of age or sex, spreading
consternation throughout the valleys. The
following day, as they marched into the Val
de Luzerne, with the intention of continuing
the carnage, our Vaudois suddenly attacked
them in front, rear, and flank, and succeeded
in destroying most of these assassins, the rest
took to flight, abandoning their prisoners and
booty. Perrin (the historian) attributes this
victory, in great measure to the slings, which
the Vaudois used at that time with the greatest
dexterity, and which formed their principal
weapon. Blanche, countess of Luzerne and
Angrogna, complained in vain of this perfidious
invasion : two days afterwards appeared letters
from the Duke, forbidding the inhabitants of

166 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
the valleys to assemble in arras, under a penalty
of one hundred silver marks. Bressour, how
ever, contented himself with seizing those
Vaudois who were mingled araong the Catho
lics in Lower Pieraont, and soon filled his
castle, the prisons and convents at Pignerol,
and the inquisition at Turin, with prisoners.
After they were tried by the inquisitors, vicar,
and assessors, part of them were condemned
to the flames, and the rest to several years im
prisonment. There were sorae indeed whose
fate was never known.
The Duke, seeing that these persecutions
raade no impression, and having remarked that,
in open warfare, " the skin of a Vaudois al
ways cost fifteen or twenty of his best Catho
lics," by his letters, forbid them to be further
molested on any pretence whatever.
My readers will see that he was here ac
tuated by a political motive. Francis the First,
king of France, having demanded a passage for
his army destined for the reconquest of the
Milanese, the Duke thought proper to refuse,
and consequently to employ all his forces to
protect the frontiers. It was therefore neces
sary to engage the Vaudois to defend their
passes, through which the French could have
directly penetrated. However, notwithstand
ing all resistance, the enemy soon forced their
way through Savoy into Piemont; and, after

HISTOBY OF THE VAUDOIS. 167
bearing their part in the sufferings of the war,
the Vaudois remained under the government of
the French for twenty-three years.
They were during that time little disturbed
on account of their faith, although sorae indivi
duals occasionally fell victims to the fanaticism
ofthe inquisition. Catelan Girardet, of St. Jean,
was burnt at Revel in 1535 ; as he was led to
execution he took up two pebbles, and, rubbing
them together, thus addressed his persecutors :
" You hope by your persecutions to destroy our
churches ; you will no more obtain your object
than I can destroy these two stones in my
hands." After which he submitted to his fate
with admirable resignation. In 1536, the barbe
Martin Gonin, of Angrogna, as remarkable for
his learning as for his piety, was seized at Gre
noble, on his return from Geneva, and thrown
into the Isere for his perseverance in the faith.
The Vaudois at this time resolved on publish
ing the Bible, having only the New Testament
and some books of the Old, which were spar
ingly scattered among them. This they accom
plished at the expense of 1500 gold crowns,
paid to the printer at Neuchatel, who under
took the work. The translation was made by
the barbe Robert Olivetan, with the assistance
of his relation the celebrated Calvin. Though
some say, that the version of Lefevre d'Estaples,

168 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
prepared a few years before, served them for a
model; it is certain that this translation of
Olivetan's was used as the basis for almost all
those since published. It was revised and re
printed by the academy of Geneva, in 1588.
We have mentioned the commencement of
the persecutions of the Vaudois in Provence,
in 1534; they were revived in 1540, by the
parliament of Aix citing the inhabitants of Me
rindol to appear before them ; when they re
fused to do so on account of the danger they
would be exposed to, they were condemned to
the loss of their lives and possessions. The
execution of this barbarous sentence was de
ferred till 1545, when Cardinal Tournon ob
tained permission to proceed by force of arms ;
Minier, president of the parliament and lieute
nant of the king, was the principal executioner ;
having marched from Aix on the 16th of April,
he commenced by burning the villages of Pepin,
La Motte, and St. Martin, and massacred all
the inhabitants, sparing neither age nor sex.
On the 17th, he ravaged and burnt Lormarin,
Ville-Laure, Treizemenes, and Genson. On
the 18th, he set fire to Merindol, when he put
to death a child, the only one remaining of its
inhabitants. And, finally, on the 19th, this
monster destroyed the town of Cabrieres, where
800 victims scarcely satiated his thirst for

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 169
blood. The assassins under Minier's command
even extended their cruelties to~1nfants yet un
born, in a manner too shocking to relate.
Those who escaped from this horrible car
nage fled to the valleys and to Geneva ; but,
after sorae years, returned to take possession
of their property. While these scenes were
acting in the south of France, Pope Paul III.
excited the parliament of Turin to similar acts
in the valleys, then under the French dominion.
To a petition for mercy, the only answer re
turned by Francis the First was, that if they
did not conform to the laws of the Roman com
munion he would punish them as obstinate
heretics, since he did not burn such persons in
France to tolerate them among the Alps. They
were then enjoined to send away their barbes
and receive Roman Catholic priests to celebrate
the mass.
The Vaudois replied courageously, that it
was impossible for them to obey such com
raands ; that they were always ready to render
unto Csesar the things which belonged to
Csesar ; but that they would render unto God
what pertained to him, however dearly such
obedience might cost them. No doubt, at an
other time, this would have excited a general
persecution, but Francis had too much to do
to employ his forces against them. The parlia
ment, therefore, contented itself with individual

170 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
persecution, and ordered all judges and raa
gistrates vigorously to assist the officers of the
inquisition, and to coramit to the flames all the
Vaudois who might fall into their hands. In
consequence many suffered, and among thera
one Hector, a bookseller, who was burnt 1555,
in the square of the castle at Turin, and be
haved with great heroism.
Until this time the houses of the barbes had
served for the churches of their flocks ; but
they were now considered as too small, and it
was decided to build temples : * the first erect
ed was St. Laurence, at Angrogna ; but others
were built in val Luzerne and val St. Martin in
the same year, 1556. It was also about this
time that they began to send students to fo
reign universities, which relieved the barbes,
who were much employed now, but also de
creased the number of young divines, as com
paratively only a few could support the ex
pense. The number of pastors having at length
greatly diminished, recourse was had to Swit
zerland to fill up vacancies.
Two commissioners were sent this year, on
the part of the king, to comraand all to go to
mass ; but after a tour in the valleys they were
convinced that their threats and promises were
* Temple is the word always used by the Vaudois for
church.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 171
equally ineffectual, and returned with the in
telligence that the Vaudois were deterrained to
resist to the last extreraity. This information
was transmitted by the parliament to Francis,
whose answer was received the year after, 1557,
and consisted of a peremptory order to all the
Vaudois to receive the mass, under penalty of
confiscation and death ; and to send twelve of
the principal inhabitants and all the pastors
immediately to the prisons of Turin, to receive
the condemnation they deserved. The Vaudois
to this replied much as before, with unshaken
resolution. And though the parliament of Tu
rin cited a great number by name to appear
before them, none presented themselves.
Two barbes perished this year by the hands
of the executioner. Sartoris, who was seized
and burnt at Aosta, and Varaille, who suffered
the same horrible fate at Turin. He was the
son of Varaille who commanded the troops
against the Vaudois in 1488, and had been
a monk and a missionary ; but the arguments
used by his opponents, during his discussions
with them, having at length made a strong im
pression upon his mind, he renounced the
Catholic faith, though he was in the suite of a
nuncio in France, retired to Geneva to com
plete his studies, and then served as pastor the
church of St. Jean, tiU, yielding to an in vita-

172 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
tion to visit the brethren at Busque, he was
seized at Barges on his return.
The intercession of the Protestant princes of
Germany procured repose for the Vaudois till
1559. When peace was signed and Duke Eraanuel
Philibert regained most of his territories, and
concluded a marriage with_ Margaret of France,
sister to King Henry. They at first seemed
favourably disposed to the Vaudois, who now
again fell under the Piemontese dominion.
But the Duke was so pressed by the Pope's
nuncio, the King of Spain, and some Italian
princes and prelates, that a fresh edict was ob
tained from him against our ancestors.

CHAPTER IV.

This edict, dated Nice, 1560, was appointed
to be carried into execution by Raconis, the
inquisitor-general, and Thomas Jacomel, and
the provost-general of justice, under the direc
tion of Philip of Savoy, lord of Raconis, and
George Coste, Count de la Trinit^.
These delegates commenced their task at
Carignan, where they burnt a man and his wife

HISTORY' OF THE VAUDOIS. 173
for refusing the mass ; but the other Vaudois,
deterraining to remain faithful to their religion,
retired into the French territory. The com
missioners, after committing some excesses by
the way, attacked the parishes of Mathias and
Meane, which they cruelly ravaged, and ac
tually burnt the pastor on a slow fire.
The Vaudois, favoured by some of the
nobles, again petitioned the Duchess to have
compassion on their situation; which petition
the court forwarded to the Pope. The answer
was as follows : " That the Pontiff would by
no means consent to -any discussion respecting
the articles of faith ; that every person must
submit blindly to all the ordinances of the Pa
pal chair ; and that mild treatment having
proved useless, recourse must now be had to
vigorous raeasures, and to force of arms if ne
cessary." In the mean time a desultory species of war
fare was carried on, during which, attacks were
made on Villar and Pinache, and a desperate
assault on St. Germain by a troop of 300 rob
bers, kept in the pay of the monks of Pignerol.
After the answer of the Pontiff, Anthony
Pousserin, commander ofthe order of S. Anto
nio di Fossano, made a tour through the val
leys, preaching to the Vaudois and exhorting
them to receive the mass, and disraiss the barbes.
Petitions were again vainly sent in, and find-

174 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
ing there was no hope of peace, the Vaudois,
after holding a council-general of the heads of
families, celebrated a public fast, and removed
the feeble and old, as well as most of their
goods, to the houses in most elevated situations.
The army at length appeared in Noveraber,
1561, under the comraand of the Count de la
Trinit6. It was at this time that the Catholic inhabi
tants of La Tour sent their wives and daughters
for protection to the Vaudois on the mountains,
as before mentioned, with a request that they
would take care of them as long as the army re
mained *dt La Tour.
The Count having garrisoned the chief towns
in the valleys, and made successive attacks in
different quarters of the passes, which all proved
futile, pretended an eager desire to treat ; and
for that purpose it was arranged at Angrogna,
that deputies should be sent to the Duke, and
a truce agreed upon in the interim. The Count,
indeed, asserted in the most barefaced manner,
that the recent attacks were made without his
knowledge . N o sooner were the deputies depart
ed than the Count required the inhabitants of two
hamlets to surrender their arms ; thus surprised
they obeyed, and retired to Angrogna. An old
man of 103 was massacred, having been found
concealed ; and his grand-daughter, to escape
the affronts of the soldiers, threw herself down

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 175
a precipice. After ravaging the Val de Luzerne,
the Count promised to withdraw his troops on
payment of 8000 crowns. He hesitated not,
however, to remain after the payment of this
sum. After committing some ravages and
great cruelties, the army was ordered into the
plains below the valleys.*
About this time the deputies returned with
the edict ofthe Duke, dated 10th of January,
in which he declares, that having considered
all the privileges and immunities of the Vau
dois, he now confirms them by this present
edict, and commands all officers, civil and mili
tary, to observe them to the letter. -[-
It now seemed that the utmost wishes of the
Vaudois were accomplished ; but, nevertheless,
on the 7 th of February the army re-entered the
val Luzerne, and after a general attack upon
Angrogna, which was repulsed, burnt many
hundred houses and barns, carrying away what
they could. The Vaudois this night took pos
session of the strong post of Pr6 du Tour,
abandoning their position at Angrogna, which
was seized some days after by the Count, and
a regular attack made upon 'them from it, as
well as ffom the side of val Perouse and val St.
* One Geimet was absolutely put to death by the wounds
inflicted by quantities of the scarabeus stercorarius, confined
under a vessel placed on his stomach.
t Cited in the second page ofthe original collection.

176 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
Martin. These three simultaneous attacks all
failed, with great loss to the enemy. The
Vaudois, who had only two men killed and as
many wounded, terminated the day by thanks
givings to God, who had thus preserved them
from total destruction.
After the entire destruction of the village of
Rora, the Count retired to recruit his army ;
but, in the middle of March, again took posses
sion of Angrogna, with forces amounting to six
or seven thousand men.
The Count de la Trinit6 next called upon
the inhabitants of Taillar6 to give up their
arms, promising not to molest them if they did.
They had the weakness to consent, and the
very next night a large division of the enemy
massacred all they could find in the village,
and proceeded to take up a position for a third
attack on the Pre du Tour, supported by a
strong body, which made a simultaneous attack
from Angrogna.
On the arrival of those who had gone by
Taillare at a narrow pass, near Pre du Tour,
they were for some time held in check by only
six Vaudois, three of whom occupied the pass,
while the others rolled down rocks and stones
from above, until a reinforcement came up and
forced the enemy to retreat. The attempt from
Angrogna was equally unsuccessful, and the ene
my was even pursued to the castle of La Tour.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 177
It would have been easy to have killed many
more of the fugitives, had not the barbes, with
the ardent benevolence of true Christians,
given strict orders to act only on the defen
sive, and on all occasions to spare the effusion
of blood.
On this memorable occasion the Vaudois had
but four killed and wounded, which the enemy
has never contradicted, though the behaviour
of the defenders of Pr6 du Tour made a great
impression on them ; one officer declaring, that
in no war had he ever seen soldiers so dis
mayed as when they were led against the
Vaudois ; and another, bringing the remains of
his company to the Count, absolutely re
fused again to engage in such expeditions. It
must be remarked, that among the reinforce
ments of the Count were ten companies of in
fantry and some other troops, all composed of
picked men, sent by the King of France at the
request of the Duke.
These successes, added to the illness of the
Count de la Trinite, and the intercessions of
the Duchess Marguerite, induced the Duke
again to offer peace, and demand deputies from
the Vaudois, whose noble firmness is recorded
by Daubigne, a French historian. Chassin-
court, who was appointed to meet them, rudely
demanded, " How dare such wretches as you
treat with a prince against whom you have

178 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
made war? or how can such poor ignorant
shepherds, who deserve a gibbet for your folly,
have the assurance to contest religious points
with a great prince, advised by men of learn
ing and authorized in his belief by the whole
world?" " Sir," replied the most aged ofthe deputies,
" it is the goodness of our prince who has called
us, which gives us the assurance to appear be
fore him. Our resistance has been just, since
it was compulsory, and God has approved it
bythe wonderful assistance he has afforded us:
nor have we fought for worldly wealth, but
purely for conscience sake ; and that when we
found our prince endeavouring to put an end to
the true service of God, and actuated not by his
own will (as we charitably believe) but by that
of others, while executing with regret the com
mands of the Pope. With respect to the sim
plicity, with which you reproach us, God hath
blessed it, since the most humble instruments
are often the most agreeable to him, and he
can elevate the most ignoble for his own good
purposes : the counsels of the Spirit are suffi
ciently wise, the hearts He excites sufficiently
courageous, and the arras which He strengthens
vigorous enough. We are ignorant, and affect
no other eloquence than to pray with faith. As
to the death you threaten us with, the word of
our Sovereign is dearer than our lives ; at all

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 179
events, he who has the fear of God in his heart
fears not death."
Chassincourt is said to have been so struck
with this reply, that he changed his faith, and
many were led by it to interest themselves for
the Vaudois, so that peace was granted them
by an edict, dated Cavour, June, 1565, in
which their privileges, &c. were all confirmed,
and not only the free exercise of their religion
permitted, but communication and commerce
with the states of his highness. In conse
quence, the Vaudois again took possession of
their villages, houses, and lands ; owing their
restoration, in great measure, to Philip de
Savoy, lord of Raconis.
Many families were, however, entirely ruined,
and more reduced to the greatest distress. The
pastors of Geneva generously undertook to so
licit subscriptions for them among the reformed
churches ; and the celebrated Calvin distin
guished himself by his zeal and charity ; so
that they received considerable assistance from
the Palatinate, Wirtemberg, Baden, Stras
bourg, and the Swiss and Proven^fal Pro
testants.

N 2

180 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.

CHAPTER V.
Notwithstanding the above mentioned for
mal treaty of Cavour, signed on the part of the
Duke Emanuel Philibert, by his cousin, Philip
de Savoy, and by the principal people in the
valleys, for the Vaudois ; notwithstanding the
many solemn promises, (so often repeated,) that
they should not be again disturbed, another
edict appeared, bearing date at Turin, June
10th, 1565, (only five days afterwards,) which
authorised the seventh persecution.
It merits notice, from the false principles
and fanaticism which it displays ; independent
of the reckless perfidy to which it owes its
existence. After a short prearable, it runs
thus : — " And seeing that the support of such
a sect would excite the anger of God against
us ; and that public tranquillity and repose
cannot exist in a country where there are two
kinds of religion ; and being resolved to main
tain the ancient Catholic faith, &c. Never
theless, not wishing to have recourse to rigour
against our subjects, but to use clemency and
humanity; We, by the advice of our good
council, publish this our irrevocable order. —
That all those who will not live according to the

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 181
said Holy Catholic faith, do quit our states,
within two months from the publication thereof;
in which case we permit them to dispose of
their possessions and goods. But all those
who disobey this order, continue to dogmatise,
or sell the forbidden books of this sect, will
incur the penalty of death, and the confiscation
of all their property."
To every virtuous and honourable man, who
reflects on this edict, it must appear subver
sive bf every principle of nature, religion, and
of policy, even without considering the perfidy
of it.
This frightful tyranny owes its origin to the
Inquisition, the very name of which makes me
shudder with horror.
Sebastian Gratiol, a colonel of Militia, had,
by intrigues, obtained the office of Governor of
the valleys, and was eager to gratify his hatred
of the Vaudois, which had been excited by the
dishonour of having been their prisoner, though
he was well treated. His first act of vengeance
was the persecution of Gilles de Gilles,* Hum
bert, and Lentule, all barbes, of whom the lat
ter was forced into exile, and the first dragged
to Turin, where every means was used to in
duce him to desert his faith, in vain.
The persecution also extended to Lower Pie
mont, where the fiscal general, Barberi, con-
* He wrote a History of the Vaudois.

182 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
ducted it. Coni was the first town which
suffered; and here the Vaudois had already
endured much, for seven years preceding, since
the peace of 1559; for during the war they
were employed against the French. All who
remained faithful to their religion, were now
either driven into banishraent, or imprisoned ;
those alone remaining in possession of their
goods who received the mass. The village of
Carville, where great numbers of Vaudois lived,
was treated in the same way ; and all who
resisted condemned to the galleys. Imprison
ments, and numberless horrible cruelties, took
place also in other districts, wherever Vaudois
were to be found. As soon as intelligence of
these persecutions was received in Germany,
the Electors of Saxony and of the Palatinate,
united in complaining to the Duke of Savoy of
his conduct ; and in consequence the most
solemn assurances were given to their envoy,
that the Vaudois should no longer be harassed.
But no sooner had he departed, than Castro
caro recommenced his severities ; and among
others, ordered all those ofthe valley of Luzerne,
not natives, to depart in twenty-four hours,
under pain of death. Such was the fanaticisra
of the time, that not the slightest scruple was
made of breaking faith with those whom they
were pleased to call heretics. The Elector of
Palatine, indignant at such conduct, wrote

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 183
again, very energetically to the Duke of Savoy,
in 1566, expressing his bitter coraplaints, and
exculpating the Vaudois from the calumnies
spread against thera.* The demands of the
generous Frederic, added to those of the
duchess herself, at last procured them repose
until 1571.

CHAPTER VT.
In 1570, another decree was published, for
bidding the Vaudois to assemble together, un
der a fine of one hundred crowns ; their refusal
of obedience to this order, which so clearly
violated their privileges, greatly irritated Cas
trocaro, who was particularly enraged at the
recent construction of the fort of Mirabouc, on
which depended the only issue of the val Lu
zerne towards France, and would undoubtedly
have proceeded to great extremities against the
inhabitants of Bobbi, had he been allowed.
Strict searches were also raade after some of
the Vaudois, who were accused of having as
sisted the Protestants in France ; until Charles
the Ninth requested the Duke of Savoy to
forgive them, as he had already done his own
Protestant subjects.
" A copy of this letter is to be found in Leger.

184 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
In 1571, at a general assembly ofthe heads
of families, six articles, called " the articles of
the union of the valleys," were drawn up ; the
object of which was to bind themselves by stUl
more soleran ties to persevere in their religious
faith, and in obedience to their prince, when
his orders were not contrary to their conscience.
The news ofthe massacre df St. Bartholoraew,
in that same year, gave them the utmost dis
quietude, and the more so, as Castrocaro raani
fested his intention to inflict the same punish
ment on all the French refugees he could find ;
until he received the Duke's order to desist.
A sudden attack was made about this tirae
by order of the parliament of Pignerol, upon
St. Germain, in val Perouse, by Charles de
Birague, an officer in the French service ; but
he was repulsed, after taking five Vaudois
prisoners, who were hanged by the Papists.
Peace was soon after concluded ; and in
consequence of Henry the Third passing
through Turin, on his way from Poland, to take
possession of the crown of France, the town of
Pignerol and the valley of Perouse were re
stored to the Duke of Savoy, from whose ter
ritory they had been separated by Francis the
First.

HISTORY OF TUE VAUDOIS. 185

CHAPTER VII,
Before we proceed further it is necessary to
give some account of the Vaudois of the raar-
quisate of Saluces, who chiefly inhabit the
valley of the Po, the raost northern part of the
marquisate, and only separated frora the val
de Luzerne by raount Viso, at the foot of
which that noble river takes its source. We
have already mentioned the colonies sent here
frora the valleys at the beginning of the four
teenth century ; these increased into numerous
flourishing churches, among which those of
Praviglielm, Biolet, Bietonet, and Dronier were
the principal ones, in 1561 ; when they had no
less than nine barbes distributed among these
and other towns.
They had experienced only partial persecutions
till 1572, when, (being then under the French
government,) after the dreadful day of St. Bar
tholomew, M. Birague, governor of the mar
quisate, received an order to put the chief
Vaudois to death, and particularly those whose
names were transcribed in an accompanying
list. On referring to the council, after much
discussion, the archdeacon remarked, that false
reports could alone have changed the senti
ments of the king, who had before commanded

186 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS,
that his Protestant subjects should be treated
with lenity ; and he advised that a representa
tion of their good conduct should be sent back,
with a request for further orders. The courier
charged with this despatch met another, bearing
an edict revoking the former one, and requiring
only that the Vaudois should not be allowed
the public exercise of their religion. In conse
quence, many who had fled returned, and were
reinstated in their possessions.
All persecution was then suspended till 1588,
when the Duke of Savoy took possession of
their country, and, in 1597, exhorted the Vau
dois to receive the mass by every means in his
power; they replied firmly, but dutifully, like
peaceful subjects, and the threatened persecu
tion was suspended till 1601. When Charles
Emanuel became absolute master of the mar
quisate, in exchange for Bresse : he published
an edict, commanding that every Vaudois, who
did not declare his intention of receiving the
mass in fifteen days, should leave the country
within two months, and never return, under
pain of confiscation and death. Let the com
passionate imagine the distress of these unfor
tunate Vaudois, when they found that nothing-
could diminish the rigour of this decree ; they
were forced to abandon all their property and
retire, some to France, and others to Geneva
and the valleys. Those of the church of Pra-

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 187
viglielm were alone flattered with the hopes of
an exception in their favour ; yet they too were
forced to fly suddenly, leaving their wives and
children ; but some time afterwards, upon a
threat of retaliation if any harm happened to
them, they were allowed to return. They re
mained till 1633, visited occasionally by a pas
tor from the valleys, in the greatest secresy ;
when, on the reception of an order (from Duke
Victor Amadeus, similar to the one issued by
Emanuel Philibert in 1565,) they too were
driven into perpetual banishment, and thus
perished the last trace of the Vaudois church
in the marquisate of Saluces, where it had
flourished for three centuries.

CHAPTER VIII.
Charles Emanuel having succeeded his fa
ther Emanuel Philibert, Castrocaro, gover
nor of the valleys, was, for his many enormities,
irriprisoned for life; and, in 1582, the young
prince issued an edict, confirming the ancient
privileges and usages of the Vaudois ; a list of
them is included in this document of the dates
of these former edicts, being 1448, 1452, 1466,
1473, 1499, 1509, aU, it will be observed, pre
ceding the Reforraation, For some years the

188 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
Vaudois enjoyed some repose ; but Charles
Emanuel, being afterwards occupied by the
war in Provence, the French army, under Les-
dequiere, entered the valleys in 1592 ; and,
after some resistance, possessed himself of the
town of Perouse, and the castles of La Tour,
Mirabouc, Cavour, &c. During which time
the Vaudois, having taken arms, sent a depu
tation to the court to inquire what they should
do, and were recommended to submit to the
enemy, as there were not forces sufficient to
oppose him effectually. The campaign was
concluded on the return of the Duke, and, after
an engagement at Salabertran, each army re
tired to its respective country. In 1593,
Charles Emanuel retook some of the forts,
and took up a position near Luzerne, on the
southern bank of the Pelice, while the enemy
occupied the opposite side. A truce was then
concluded till 1594, when the Duke took Bri-
queiras ; and, in 1595, Cavour, and Mirabouc,
the only remaining forts in the hands of the
French ; on this occasion the inhabitants of the
valleys assembled at Villar, to felicitate him on
his victories, and received the most flattering
assurances of his protection. Indeed, the pre
ceding year, an edict granting them full pardon
for their submission to the French had ap
peared. This did not, however, prevent the
Roman Catholic clergy from persecuting all

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 189
who fell into their hands. One Coupin, an
elder, was seized at Aste, and dying in prison,
his body was publicly burnt.
Such acts did not satisfy the enemies of the
Vaudois, who, in 1602, succeeded in obtaining
from the Duke a public repeal of former immu
nities. The principal clauses in this edict
were : — That the Vaudois should not perform
any religious act beyond the limits of the val
leys Luzerne, Perouse, and St. Martin, on pain
of death : — that they should maintain there
neither public nor private schools : — that no
marriage should take place between those of
different communions : — that no Catholic should
assist at the Vaudois worship : — that no Vau
dois should dissuade others from attending
mass, or reply to the missionaries sent for their
conversion : — that all Vaudois should be inca
pable of holding any public employment what
ever : — that no Catholic, under pain of confis
cation, should sell or hire to a Vaudois either
goods or lands.
It will be observed that this edict, under
the appearance of preventing the extension of
heresy, acted as a severe persecution on those
of the marquisate of Saluces, as well as of Bri-
queiras, Fenil, Campillon, Bubiana, and the
town of Luzerne.

190 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.

CHAPTER IX.
In consequence ofthis edict, the Count Charles,
lord of Luzerne, the governor of Turin, and the
archbishop of Broglia, arrived at Luzerne, as
coraraissioners for its execution, accompanied
by numbers of monks and Jesuits : having or
dered the heads of families before them, they
commanded all who would not receive the mass
to quit the town. Very few were weak enough
to comply with this condition. At Bubiana,
Campillon, and Fenil, where they next pro
ceeded, they made no raore proselytes, and
ordered all Vaudois to depart within five days,
under pain of confiscation and death. From
these towns some of the chief people were sent
to Turin, where Val°' Boule was presented to
the prince, and pressed by him to receive the
mass ; but, on refusal, was dismissed with
kindness. The others promised all that was
asked of them, and soon repented of having
done so. At Perouse the archbishop had no
better success than elsewhere, and the governor
of Turin falling into disgrace, the Count of
Luzerne was pressed to use his influence in
favour of the Vaudois. By his means the edict
of Nice was obtained from the Duke, in 1603 ;
by which the religious exercises of the Vaudois

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 191
were freely permitted within the valleys, and
they were allowed to trade with the Catholics
and to hold public employments.
Nothing of importance occurred till 1613,
when, inconsequence ofthe war in Montferrat,
all the subjects of the Duke, and particularly
the Vaudois, were summoned to defend the
frontiers. The next year the same thing hap
pened, (war having been declared against the
king of Spain,) and the post of Verceil was
committed to the guard of Vaudois. These
duties were so well performed as to obtain the
marked approbation of the prince, and the as
surance that he would not forget their services.
The poor ignorant Catholics, among whom
they marched in these wars, were so prejudiced
against them that they fled at their approach,
believing thera to be heathens, and that they
had one eye in the forehead, and four rows of
black teeth, with which they used to devour
their own children, &c. &c.* Those who had
the courage to stay in their houses, trerabled at
the very sight of a Vaudois,
In the year 1622 a decree appeared, by which
the inhabitants of St. Jean were ordered to shut
up the church, built there a few years before, and
a payraent of six thousand ducats required from
* In 1825, a Catholic priest, educated at the episcopal
college of Lugano, asked his Protestant guest if he had
been baptised. — That guest was the Translator.

192 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
the three valleys. At the same period Pope
Gregory XV. granted to the Duke the tenth
of all ecclesiastical revenues. In gratitude for
this bounty, raore vigorous measures were taken
against the poor Vaudois. Those of Praviglielm
were banished by the prefect of Saluces ; and
a great number in the valley of Barcelona, de
pendent on the Cardinal de Savoy, were
driven thence in 1625, and fled into the south
of France, or Piemontese valleys. Although
the decree only mentioned the church of St.
Jean, a regiment of infantry, in the val de
Perouse, forced the inhabitants to demolish six
of their churches, and then made a perfidious
attack on St. Germain.
The report of this treatment having spread
into foreign countries, an ambassador extraor
dinary from Great Britain arrived at Turin, in
1627, to intercede for the Vaudois. He re
ceived a promise that they should not be any
longer molested, and returned in October,
having recommended them to the protection of
some of the nobility. The following year, the
French army having shown a disposition to at
tack the frontiers, the passes were placed under
the defence of the Vaudois ; who so well de
fended thera, that no enemy penetrated into
Piemont. A convent of capuchin raonks was
this year founded at Luzerne, by two of the
noble faraily of Rorenco, lords of that place

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 193
and La Tour, which has since taken a great
part in our history.
In 1629, another ambassador came from
England, named Carlisle, who earnestly inter
ceded for the Vaudois, and obtained the most
honourable testimonies in their favour. But
though the court was well disposed towards
them, the implacable clergy always found
means to evade its benevolent purposes. One
of their contrivances was, to disperse a great
number of monks through the valleys ; but
these, upon reference to the court, were at this
time withdrawn.
The Vaudois were also this year again called
upon to defend the frontiers against a threatened
attack, on the part of the French ; but a truce
having been concluded, it was not till 1630 that
the enemy actually advanced by Susa and re
duced Pignerol. The inhabitants of the valleys,
after some hesitation, consented to submit, on
being summoned to do so by Marshal Schom
berg ; but on condition that no one should be
forced to bear arms against the Duke. A vio
lent plague, this year, made great ravages, and
most of the pastors fell victims to it. Charles
Emanuel also died about the same time, and
Victor Amadeus I. having succeeded him, peace
was signed between Piemont, Spain, and
France, by the articles of which the town of

194 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
Pignerol and the val St. Martin were retained
by the latter.
From this tirae till the death of Victor Ama
deus the First, in 1637, tranquillity remained
nearly uninterrupted, except by the violent
writings of Rorenco, and the monk Belvedere,
which were subequently refuted by Gilles,
pastor of La Tour, and author of the history of
the Vaudois,*

CHAPTER X.
r
Before we enter upon the dreadful tragedy
which took place in the valleys during the re
gency of the Duchess Christina, sister to the
king of France, (which succeeded the reign of
Victor Amadeus ;) it is necessary to call the
attention of the reader to the state of the val
leys at this period. For years, the continual
partial and individual persecutions had held
them in a state of alarm, even in the midst of
peace, and now they had suffered most severely
by pestilence, and were reduced to want or
poverty by the great scarcity of provisions
which succeeded it. After a calm of thirteen
years, under the regency, what must have
been their dismay to hear that councils, for the
* Printed at Geneva, 1644.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 195
propagation of the faith and extirpation of
heresy, had been established in all Catholic
countries, after the raodel of that at Rome ; and
that one was now instituted at Turin, in 1650.
This establishment was divided into two bo
dies of supporters ; the archbishop being the
head of the male, and the Marchioness di Pia-
nezza of the female, devotees.
The eagerness of the ladies engaged in this
pious enterprise can hardly be imagined, they
sent forth spies to promote dissensions in pri;-
vate families, offered money to new converts,
and even penetrated into the prisons to make
proselytes. To support their expenses, they
went round even to the shops and inns to col
lect contributions. The secular arm also as
sisted them, if required, in their labours to
deserve the plenary indulgence for all their sins
granted them by the court of Rome.
The council of men formed still greater de
signs, in the execution of which they were in
defatigable, and sent spies and missionaries
into the valleys, who were always at hand to
excite quarrels, rebellion against church dis
cipline, and even to carry off women and chil
dren from the Vaudois, and attack the pastors.
They cited the principal people to appear be
fore the tribunal at Turin, whence they scarcely
ever escaped without having been iraprisoned,
ill treated, or nearly ruined ; nay, often were
o 2

196 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
they condemned to confiscation and banish
ment. Such were the means used by the Pro
paganda to harass the Vaudois. An unfortu
nate accident happened in 1653, which gave
them more power of doing mischief. A convent
of monks had been some years established at
Villar, when an infamous traitor, whom they
had engaged in their service, undertook to ex
cite the Vaudois to expel these missionaries ;
having persuaded the wife of the pastor Manget
to further the plan, she had influence enough
to induce her husband, and two others of the
name of Pellene, to call an assembly, where
this subject was discussed, and the project of
Manget highly disapproved of and censured.
The wife of Manget made a false report of the
decision to the two young Pellenes, who suc
ceeded that very evening in driving out the
monks and setting fire to the convent. It may
well be supposed that the inquisitors did not .
lose so favourable an opportunity ; and the fact
having been represented in the blackest colours
to the Duchess Regent, they obtained five or
six thousand men, under the command of Count
Tedesco, who marched immediately with or
ders to surprise and burn down the town of
Villar. In the mean time Leger, then moderator of
the valleys, with the principal members of his
own and the neighbouring churches, repaired

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 197
to. the chief magistrate at -Luzerne, and pro
testing the innocence of the assembly, and
even the parish of Villar, offered to bring the
offenders to justice. The Count Tedesco never
theless proceeded to Villar, and made his at
tack ; but a storm of rain prevented the mus
kets of his soldiers from going off, and the
Vaudois then having given every where the
alarm, the approach of darkness induced hira
to return to Luzerne without having accom
plished his purpose.
The Propaganda being thus defeated, had
recourse, in 1654, to a still more sanguinary plot
for the destruction of the Vaudois, by means
of the French array under Marshal Granc6.
The court of Savoy had offered to provide
this army with winter quarters in our valleys,
at a much less sum than had been demanded
elsewhere, in consequence, the troops appeared
before Pignerol, demanding their quarters ; in
the mean time, the monks and other agents of
the Propaganda had artfully persuaded the
Vaudois, that it was contrary to the intention
of the Duchess, that these troops had entered
her states, and excited them to take up arms.
The main body of these forces was already be
fore the fort of La Tour, and all the inhabitants
of the val de Luzerne were drawn up to oppose
them, when Leger, the moderator, throwing
himself at the feet of the Marshal, explained
the trick played upon hira, and requested he

198 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS,
would suspend hostilities until a written order
could arrive from the Duchess Regent for the
cantonment of the troops. This was assented
to, and on the arrival of the order, on the mor
row, the army quietly took possession of their
quarters. This plot was afterwards more fully proved
by two officers in De Granc6's army,* and its
details were lodged with the other MSS, by
Leger, in the Cambridge library,
A year had scarcely elapsed when another
motive was added to the zealous labours of the
propaganda, which was the wish of establish
ing in the valleys those Irish whom Cromwell
had banished in consequence of the massacres
they had committed among their Protestant
countrymen. This eager desire to obtain possession of the
valleys, and all that the Vaudois possessed in
them, excited a series of intrigues, which ended
in an order to Gastaldo, auditor of Luzerne, to
enjoin and comraand the Vaudois inhabitants
of Briqueiras, S, Second, Bubiana, Fenil,
Carapillon, Luzerne, St. Jean, and La Tour,
to abandon those places within three days, or
receive the mass, under pain of death and con
fiscation of their property.
What makes this step still more cruel and
unjust, if possible, is, that it took place in the
winter of 1654, when Charles Emanuel II.
' One named De Petit Bourg.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 199
had, by an edict of Srd December, just con
firmed all their privileges, &c.* In this, and
in the one of the preceding year, they were
mentioned as faithful and obedient subjects ;
nay raore, at the very time the lawyers were
employed in verifying the original charters, the
last decree was about to be enrolled, and the
sum of money exacted on these occasions had
long been paid.
It will easily be iraagined that no time was
lost in sending deputies to Turin, and trying
every means to obtain a mitigation of this
dreadful sentence. These deputies were araused
by an affected deliberation on their petition,
and were referred soraetimes from the Duke to
his mother, sometimes from the Duchess to the
Marquis di Pianezza, and from him to the Pro
paganda, till they received information on the
16th of April (though they were promised a final
audience on the 17th) that the Marquis was al
ready at Luzerne with his forces, and that they
had better provide for their own safety.
Thus, by a series of base treachery, dupli
city, and cruelty, was the way prepared for
those dreadful massacres, which have cast so
foul a stain on the reign of Charles Emanuel
the Second.-)-
* This seems to have been necessary every new reign,
these confirmations being personal acts ofthe sovereign. — T^
t Which excited the compassionate muse- of Milton. — T.

200 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.

CHAPTER XI.
It was on the 17th of April, 1655, that the
Marquis di Pianezza entered the valleys with
an army of 15,000 men, coraposed ofthe troops
ofthe Duke, four French regiments, one Ger
man corps, and 1200 Irish.
On the 18th, this array ravaged the parishes
of St. Jean and La Tour. On the 19th, they
even attacked them in quarters to which the
order of Gastaldo (to abandon their possessions)
did not extend ; the enemy was repulsed, not
withstanding his immense superiority of num
bers ; and, on the 20th, vainly attempted to
burn the church of St. Jean.
In consequence of this spirited resistance,
Pianezza had recourse to the most infamous
treachery. Having sent to demand a confer
ence, he protested to the deputies that his
only object was to enforce the order which had
been given by Gastaldo, and that the parishes
not falling within it might rest secure of peace,
if, in sign of their obedience, they would permit a
regiraent of infantry and two troops of cavalry to
be quartered in their territory for two or three
days. The deputies who, unsuspicious of treason.
judged of the Marquis by theraselves, assented,

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 201
though M. J. Leger and some other pastors
greatly suspected the measure.
The before mentioned troops no sooner en
tered, than they seized the strong points round
each village, and (regardless of entreaties that
they would remain in the lower villages) pressed
forward to the highest positions. Meanwhile.
they were followed by the whole array, in divi
sions, which raarched in different directions
against Angrogna, Villar, and Bobbi, and upon
the last bulwark of defence, the Prh du
Tour ; this last force laid the country they
passed through waste by fire and sword ; and
in consequence, the error being now perceived,
most of those who inhabited the right of the
Val de Luzerne, passed the mountains in the
night, and took refuge in the Val de Perouse.
The inhabitants of the other side of the valley
were almost all obliged to remain, having no
means of retreat,* the passage being com
pletely closed against them. The enemy after
gaining entire possession of the valleys, pre
tended to have no intention of remaining there
more than a few days, and exhorted the Vau
dois to recall their fugitive brethren, which
sorae had the weakness to do, trusting to the
assurance given them that no harm should
befall them. Such was the situation of affairs
* Behind the mountains in their rear was a Catholic
countrv.

202 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
when, on the 24th of April, the signal was
given from a hill near La Tour, called Cas-
tellas, for a general massacre, which extended
through the whole valley, and began at the
same instant ; neither age nor sex were spared ;
every refineraent of cruelty which the malice of
demons could invent was put in practice. The
very mention of these horrors excites too much
disgust to allow of a detail of them. Violation,
mutilation, and impalement were mere com
mon atrocities ; many were roasted by slow
fires ; others cut in pieces while alive, or drag
ged by mules, with ropes passed through their
wounds ; some were blown up by gunpowder
placed in the ears and mouth ; many rolled off
the rocks, with their hands bound between
their legs, araong precipices, where they were
abandoned to a lingering death ; children were
carried on pikes, and women .... But
let us not dwell longer on these infernal bar
barities.* They are detailed in Leger, and
the names of many of the sufferers, and the
evidence of eye witnesses there recorded. f
The nuraber who perished in the Val Luzerne
alone, amounted to 250, besides children and
others, whose names have not been collected,
and the men who fell sword in hand ; for
* The translator has spared the feeling^ of the reader by
omitting many of the horrors mentioned by Bresse.
t Leger, chap. ix. second part.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 203
nearly all the victims of these cruelties were
women, children, and old people. But the
mere recital of the numbers destroyed, cannot
suffice to give an idea of the miseries endured,
we must add the horrors encountered by the
survivors, wandering in utter destitution among
the mountains, in terror and want, after wit
nessing the murder and outrages committed on
their dearest relatives and friends.
Will it be believed, that the Marquis di Pia
nezza, shortly afterwards published, in the
name of the government, a manifesto, justifying
these barbarities, and even declaring that the
Vaudois had deserved greater punishment.
In addition to this, appeared an edict under
the name of Charles Emanuel II. , dated 23rd
May, 1655, one month after the massacre, by
which he condemns to exile all the principal
persons of the Vaudois, setting a price on their
heads, " because they had rebelled against his
suprerae authority, and opposed in arras the
forces of the Marquis di Pianezza."
Such is in general the blindness of those who
raisunderstand the true spirit of the gospel,
that after having violated its clearest precepts,
there is no sort of artifice which they do not
use in order to give a colour to their crimes.

204 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.

CHAPTER XII.
The very day on which this massacre was per
petrated, in various parts of the Val de Lu
zerne, the Count Christophe, Seigneur de
Rora, a member of the Propaganda, sent 400
or 500 men to surprise Rora, and put all the
Vaudois they should find there to the sword;
although they were included in the promise of
Pianezza, " that no harm should befall them."
This band of assassins had reached the summit
of Mont Rumraer, from whence they were
about to rush down upon Rora, when they were
perceived by Joshua Janavel, who had retired
there for refuge. With only seven others he
took up an advantageous position, and falling
upon the enemy with great spirit, forced them
to retire ; killing no less than fifty in the pur
suit. On the news ofthis defeat, the Marquis
sent to say that these troops had not acted
under his orders, and were robbers, whose
destruction he was pleased to hear of. On
the very next day, Pianezza, notwithstanding,
sent 600 men to make another attack, by the
hill of Cassulet. Janavel was again fortunate
enough to discover them from a distance, and
assembled twelve men, arraed with pistols and

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 205
cutlasses, muskets, or slings. This feeble force
he divided, and placing a party in three places
of ambush, once more repulsed the eneray,
who retired with the loss of sixty men.
The Marquis di Pianezza had again the ef
frontery after this, to send a raessage by Count
Christophe to his vassals, to assure them that
the late attack was made by mistake, and
owing to a false report ; and on the following-
day, a third party, of 900 men, was detached
for the destruction of Rora. The intrepid
Janavel attacked them at Damasser, and drove
them back upon Bianpr^, where, owing to a
perfect knowledge of the mountains, the Vau
dois attacked them in their march, and con
verted their retreat into a shameful flight, in
which great numbers perished, owing chiefly to
the cattle and other plunder they were endea
vouring to carry off with them. The Marquis
now became furious, and assembling all the
troops within distance, ordered no less than
8,000 men, for the destruction of a village
composed of only twenty-five families. Three
divisions were forraed, and a rendezvous given,
at which they arrived two hours too late, ex
cept the corps of Captain Mario, who, thinking
his force sufficient, formed his men into two
divisions, and attacked the Vaudois near Rum
mer. These brave men had the good fortune
to take up a position where their flanks and

206 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
rear were well covered, and made so vigorous
a resistance, that the enemy again retired,
leaving sixty on the field, besides others who
perished in their flight. Mario himself fell
into a chasm, from whence he was extricated
with great difficulty; and when languishing
under a painful illness at Luzerne, he declared
that he already felt the fires of hell within him,
in consequence of the people, houses, and
churches, which he had caused to be burned.
He died amidst agonies of pain and remorse.
To return to the heroic party of Janavel,
which consisted of only seventeen persons,
they soon discovered another division of the
eneray on the side of Villar, climbing the
mountains to attack them in the rear, and
imraediately seized on an advantageous posi
tion. The advanced guard, sent to reconnoitre,
mistook them for their own people, and ap
proached so near, that on firing, the Vaudois
each brought down his man, which struck so
much terror into the survivors, that they fled
back to the main body, and spread such a
panic among them, that the whole army com
menced a retreat. The Vaudois again followed
and killed great numbers ; after which they
assembled to thank God for the memorable
deliverance he had granted them.
Three days after this event, the Marquis di
Pianezza, ashamed of such ill success, sent

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 207
another message to Rora, enjoining every one
to go to mass within twenty-four hours, if they
wished to avoid immediate sentence of death,
and prevent their lands being laid waste, and
their houses razed to the ground.
Rather death than the mass, was the unani
mous reply of the inhabitants.
It may well be imagined that the Marquis
was not satisfied with it. He now ordered
10,000 men to march to the reduction of Rora,
and divided thera into three corps, one of
which took the road from Luzerne, and the
others by Bagnol and Villar. Janavel hesitated
not to attack the last of these divisions, and
succeeded in killing great numbers, when being
informed that the other divisions had gained
the post where the twenty-five families of Rora
had taken refuge, and seeing himself overcome
by nurabers, he escaped with his brave com
panions, into Val Queiras, taking with him his
son, who was only seven years old.
It is needless to harrow the feelings of my
readers with a detail of the dreadful fate of
Rora ; suffice it to say, that none of the horrid
tortures to which their countrymen were con
demned on the 24th of April, were omitted
here ; nearly all the victims were old or infirm,
women, and children. And lest any stragglers
should ever return to their once beautiful home.

208 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
the houses were all burnt, and no vestige of
cultivation left around them.
Yet even this was not enough to glut the
vengeance of Pianezza ; Janavel had escaped —
and the Marquis did not hesitate to use the
most unworthy means of getting him into his
power. He wrote to him, urging him to
renounce his heresy, as the only raeans of
obtaining raercy for hiraself, and his wife, and
his daughters, who had been taken prisoners.
In case of non compliance, he was threatened
that they should be condemned to the flames,
and that so high a price should be put on his
head, that he could not escape ; in case of his
capture no torture should be spared to punish
his rebellion. Janavel's simple reply was, that
" no tortures were horrible enough to induce
him to abjure his faith, which the threats of the
Marquis only served to confirm ; and as to my
wife and daughters," he adds, " Providence
will not abandon them ; if you are permitted to
put them to death, the flames will only destroy
their bodies, while their pure souls will soon
accuse you before the throne of the God of the
universe."

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 209

CHAPTER XIII.
Janavel returned from Dauphin6, after having
remained there a short time, and collected the
Vaudois who had also taken refuge in that pro
vince. He made another attack, in hopes of
taking some prisoners, whom he might exchange
for his wife and daughters, but being unsuc
cessful, he proceeded to join Captain Jayer,
who had put hiraself at the head of those who
had escaped the massacres. They very soon
after took the town of St. Second, by assault,
and put the Irish garrison of 800 men to the
sword, as a punishment for the barbarity with
which they had acted on the 24th of April.
The Piemontese by their own avowal, lost from
500 to 600 men, in this action ; but the Vau
dois had only seven killed and six wounded.
The houses and churches were burnt, aud
some booty retaken ; but the woraen, children,
and old people, were not insulted.
After sorae other successes, in which great
numbers of the enemy fell, and many severe
combats, Janavel found himself posted at An
grogna, with 300 men, while the rest of his
troops were engaged in an expedition to the
Val Pragela ; the enemy here attacked him

210 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
3000 strong, but he defended himself, in a
good position, from morning till two o'clock in
the afternoon, when they retired, losing 500
men in the retreat. Jayer now coming up, the
pursuit was pressed farther, most unfortunately,
for Janavel received a severe wound, and Jayer,
misled by treachery, was surrounded, and lost
his life, together with 150 brave men, one only
escaped, who returned with the melancholy
news in the night.
Notwithstanding the consternation which this
disaster occasioned, the Vaudois, under the
coraraand of Jacques Jayer and Laurens, now
amounting only to 550 men, courageously
marched from La Vachere to raeet the eneray,
who attacked them with 6000 men ; but were re
pulsed, with the loss of more than 200, and of
the Vaudois only two were killed, one of whom
was Captain Bertin.
The beginning of July was marked by the
arrival of the moderator, J, Leger, who had
made a long journey, with the hope of interest
ing the French and other Protestants for his
countrymen. Colonel Andrion, of Geneva,
also joined thera with one of his captains, and a
soldier ; he had served already with honour in
France and Sweden, and now came to assist
the cause of the unfortunate Vaudois,
Having pointed out some negligence in their
manner of encamping, and sent out picquets.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 211
this officer received intelligence of an intended
attack, which must have destroyed the little
force of the Vaudois, had it been made unex
pectedly : after a most severe combat of ten
hours, when Les Barricades was the only post
they could make good against the enemy, they
at last obtained a victory; in great measure by
rolling down fragments of rock, when their
ammunition was expended.
The enemy lost nearly 400 in killed and
wounded ; and to add to the pleasure occasioned
by this success, Mons. Descombier, a French
officer, who had served with great distinction,
arrived on the 17th July, with some other
French Protestants. He was imrfiediately
elected commander in chief, and a corps formed
of from sixty to eighty French gentleraen, un
der the command of M. Feautier.
These circumstances filled the Vaudois with
the most lively hope, and an attack upon La
Tour was resolved on ; on the 19th they
marched there by day-light, and would cer
tainly have got possession of the town, if Mons.
Descombier had not been dissuaded from the
assault, by the French soldiers he had sent to
reconnoitre. On their report of the strength of
the place, he sounded a retreat; but captains
Belin and Peyronel resolved to proceed, and,
making a vigorous attack, pierced the wall, and
entered the town, when the citadel imme-
p 2

212 HISTORY" OF THE VAUDOIS.
diately offered to capitulate. At this moment
troops poured in from Luzerne, upon their rear,
when captain Janavel (now for the first time in
the field since his wound) sounded a retreat,
and brought off the party with the loss of only
one man.
Besides the engagements above mentioned,
there were raany others, in which the Vaudois
obtained advantages ; indeed they universally
behaved with such heroisra, that M. Descora-
bier declared they fought like lions.*
A very short time after the attack on La
Tour, the court of Turin published a truce,
which was not broken till the peace. We shall
pursue the negociations after a few remarks,
which appear necessary at this point of our
history.

CHAPTER XV.

The news of the severity with which the Vau
dois had been treated having now been spread
throughout Europe, had awakened the sympa
thy of all the Protestant powers ; the British
ambassadors extraordinary have already been
mentioned, and we must not here omit, that,
on the publication of Gastaldo's proclaraation,
in 1655, the Swiss cantons interfered in a
* Bresse here gives the names of those who most distin
guished themselves.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 213
similar manner. The only reply to the state
ment ofthe fidelity, &c. ofthe Vaudois, being
a coraplaintof their great insolence, particularly
as manifested on Christmas day, 1654 ; thus
grounding their conduct on some ridiculous
masquerading which took place on that day,
and which was afterwards allowed by Gastaldo
himself to have been conducted by Catholics.
So much for the reasons given for driving the
Vaudois frora their ancient possessions beyond
the three valleys. The further order for the
massacre has been (it will be remembered)
justified by their self-defence on that occasion,
when attacked, even within the bounds assigned
for their allowed possessions.
On receiving the news of the massacres, the
Swiss cantons proclaimed a solemn fast, wrote
the most affecting and pressing letters to other
powers, and made a general collection for their
unhappy brethren ; deputing at the same time
Colonel de Wits to press their intercession at
the court of Turin. This envoy was referred by
the court to the Marquis de Pianezza; and,
after a vigorous representation of the injustice
of the court towards the Vaudois, he returned
without having gained- his point.
The cantons resolved nevertheless to send
another solemn embassy, and wrote pressing
letters to the United Provinces, and to the pro-

214 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
tector of England,* entreating these powers to
assist them in the defence of their innocent and
most undeservedly persecuted brethren, ,
Mons. de Wits arrived at Turin for the second
time, in the beginning of July, (the period of the
successes before raentioned,) closely followed by
four other Swiss envoys. His object was eluded
by the court ; and the reply given was, that the
king of France having offered himself as media
tor for these rebels, the affair could not be
taken out of his hands. The four other envoys
arrived on the 24th, and were graciously re
ceived ; they presented a memorial, j ustifying
the Vaudois, and bitterly coraplaining of the
cruelties exercised towards them; even using
the words " so cruelly oppressed." After raany
pressing entreaties for an accommodation of
differences, a Mons. Gresi, counsellor of state,
was sent to the envoys with papers, tending to
calumniate the Vaudois, and justify their per
secutors ; they were allowed, (notwithstanding
the transactions with the king of France,) to go
to the valleys, for the purpose of examining
into their present state. The next day they
accordingly went to Pignerol, then in the
hands of the French, and were soon met by
the French ambassador, M. Servient, the Count
Truchis, the senator Perraquin, the prefect
* See copies in Leger.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 215
Ressau, the prior M. A. Rorenco, and some
other agents of the Duke, as well as the depu
ties from the valleys, at the head of whom was
M. J. Leger, the moderator.*
Under the auspices of these gentlemen nego
ciations of peace were entered into on the 3rd
of August, 165,5.

CHAPTER XVI.
On the 18th of August, articles of peace were
finally concluded. In the intermediate time,
Mons. de Wits had received letters from the
English envoy extraordinary, Morland, re
questing hira to delay the conclusion of the
treaty, hoping hiraself to arrive in time to take
part in the business.
The details of the negociations can hardly at
this time excite rauch interest ; the agents of
the Duke were most imperious in their de
mands, choosing always to treat the Vaudois
like obstinate rebels, and notwithstanding the
protestations of these oppressed people, the
treaty was entitled a " patente de grace ;" and
in the prearable they were represented as
" culpable in having taken up arras," and said
* Afterwards, in his banishraent, he wrote his valuable
History.

216 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
to be pardoned by the " sovereign clemency"
of their prince.
The Vaudois, by the second article, were re
quired to give up possession and the right of
habitation in the villages beyond the Pelice ;
that is, in Luzerne, Luzernette, Fenil, Cam
pillon, Bubiana, Briqueiras, &c. (It will be re
collected that they were established in all these
places long before the house of Savoy possessed
any authority in Piemont.) An exchange of
prisoners was agreed to, but many there were
who never returned to their homes, and many
children were detained. The fifteenth article
is singular, as marking the spirit of justice dealt
to them, when the non violation of a right is
esteemed a favour. " No person of the pre
tended reformed religion shall be forced to
embrace the Roman Catholic apostolic faith :
children shall not be taken away from their
parents during their minority ; that is, the boys
before the age of twelve, the girls before that
often." A secret article respecting the demoli
tion of the fort at La Tour was eluded by the
court.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 217

CHAPTER XVII.
Of all the potentates who interested themselves
for the Vaudois, Oliver Cromwell showed the
greatest zeal. He is known to have said, that
nothing ever so affected him as the news of the
massacres of the 24th of April ; and to have
declared to the Duke of Savoy, " that if he
did not discontinue his persecutions, he avould
cause a fleet to sail over the Alps to defend the
Vaudois." It is certain, that as soon as he heard of the
horrors of April and May, 1655, he ordered a
general fast, and collection for the Vaudois,
throughout England, Ireland, and Scotland, to
which he personally subscribed 2000/. He also
wrote to many princes in their favour, particu
larly to the kings of Denmark, Sweden, and to
the States General of the United Provinces,
and sent Morland as his envoy extraordinary to
the court of Turin, charged also to deliver a
letter to the king of France on the same
subject. In answer to this, Cromwell was assured
that the French troops had been employed
without the orders of their court, which greatly
disapproved of their interference ; and was well

218 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
content with the fidelity of the French Pro
testants, Morland, on his presentation at the court of
Turin, made a most eloquent and ardent appeal
to the Duke, boldly stating the horrible out
rages which had been committed, and the in
nocence of the sufferers. He was well informed
of all the facts frora M. J. Leger, whora he had
met at Lyons. Yet the court, in the answer
to Cromwell's letter, dared to express its sur
prise, " that the malice of men had presumed
so to misrepresent the mild and paternal casti
gation of the rebels," as to excite the odium of
the other courts of Europe.
Besides Morland, Mr. Douning and Mr. Pell
were sent from England to assist at the nego
ciations ; but on finding that the treaty was
already concluded, while they had been consult
ing with the Swiss Protestants, they returned
to England and Sir Samuel Morland to Geneva.
It was owing to the absence of these gentle
men, as well as that of the Dutch ambassador,
that the terms granted to the Vaudois were so
unfavourable. Morland, having been informed of the miser
able poverty to which almost all the Vaudois
were reduced, the want of provisions, and par
ticularly the inability of the pastors to support
themselves or to obtain a salary, made such
representations as to induce Cromwell to make

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 219
an order in council, dated Whitehall, May 18th,
1658,* stating, " That report having been raade
to us by our coramissioner and comraittee for
the affairs of the poor Vaudois churches, upon
the information relative to the state of the said
valleys, given them by Sir S. Morland, &c. &c.
it is ordered that the money, which reraains
from a collection made for them, shall be ap
plied as an annual stipend, as under:"
To M. J. Leger, who has always supported £.
the interests of the valleys . . . .100
To eight ministers in the territory of Savoy 320
To three ditto in the territory of France . 30
To one head schoolraaster  20
To thirteen other schoolmasters ... 69
To four students of theology and medicine 40
To a physician and surgeon  35
Annual amount , . Sterling £614
These annual stipends, thus derived from the
residue of the subscriptions left in England,
which amounted to upwards of 12,000/.'|- were
paid very regularly until the restoration of
Charles the Second ; when that prince declar-
* Three years after tbe first mission of Morland, conse
quently a large sum had been paid out of the collection, for
present use. Of this large sum, it has been asserted, that
the government of Geneva possessed themselves of a great
part, to repair their fortifications. — T.
t Jones says, 38,24 H. Is. &d.-—T.

220 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
ing that he had nothing to do with the orders of
an usurper, or the payraent of his debts, the
valleys were entirely deprived of thera. It is
needless to make any observation on this injus
tice — injustice not only to the Vaudois, but to
the British nation, whose humane generosity
was thus defeated in its purpose, and whose
contributions were seized without a shadow of
reason.

CHAPTER XVIII.

We have now the agreeable task of record
ing the bounties of the United Provinces,
ever celebrated for their philanthropy. No
sooner had they received information of the
disaster in the valleys, than they wrote to the
courts of England, France, and Turin, as well
as to the Swiss cantons, and deputed M. Van
Ommeren, a deputy of the States General, to
confer with the Swiss cantons, and to carry
their joint coraplaints to the Duke of Savoy.
In the mean while a general fast, and the order
for collections in every town and village, se
conded the zeal of the governraent, and Am
sterdam was distinguished by its generous con
tributions, which furnished our ancestors with
the means of rebuilding their houses, and
churches, and recultivating their land.

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 221
From the Swiss cantons M. Van Ommeren
went to Geneva, to confer with the British
envoys, Morland, Pell, and Douning; and
thence to Paris, where he urged the king to
take into consideration the complaints of the
Vaudois against the treaty of Pignerol, just
concluded, and in which he had appeared in
the character of a mediator, by means of his
minister M. Servient. A person of confidence
(M. de Bais, marechal de camp) was in con
sequence sent to inquire into the truth of the
facts. He obtained at a meeting ofthe princi
pal Vaudois, at La Tour, in March, 1656, a
justificatory recital of the complaints of the
valleys, a letter to the king of France, and
another to M. Le Serdigences, governor of
Dauphin6, with which he sought redress at the
court of Turin ; but his object was defeated by
the agents of the Propaganda, who so contrived
to disguise the truth, that he seemed suddenly
to have lost all that insight into the atfiars of the
Vaudois, which he had obtained by his visit to
the valleys. The king of France was, however,
so touched by the letter of the Vaudois that he
was about again to intercede, when the in
trigues of the same agents had the effect of
convincing him that the statements ofthe Vau
dois were without foundation.

222 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.

CHAPTER XIX.
Charles Gustavus, king of Sweden, replied
with great warmth to the letter which Cromwell
addressed to him in favour of the Vaudois,
testifying the horror he felt at such cruelties,
and his desire to support the cause of the Gos
pel with the same energy as the Protector.
This king also wrote to the court of Turin,
earnestly to request that the Vaudois might
not be disturbed in their possessions and privi
leges ; and soon after desired that M. J. Leger
should be sent to him, that he might receive
from him all necessary details, and take effi
cient measures for the re-establishment of the
Vaudois. A preraature death unfortunately put
a stop to his benevolent intentions.
The elector Palatine acted sirailarly in writ
ing to Turin.
Frederick William, elector of Brandenburg,
interested himself in the raost lively manner,
corresponding with the other Protestant courts
on the subject, and offering a general collection.
The landgrave, Williara, of Hesse Cassel,
exhibited the same spirit of charity, and acted
with equal energy.
The republic of Geneva showed great interest

HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS, 223
in the affair, and indeed every one of the re
formed churches of Europe wrote the most
touching letters, evincing their great interest
and compassion for their brethren ofthe valleys.
So many proofs of the kindness and respect
shown to our ancestors, by the most wise and
enlightened governments, would suffice for the
eulogium of this unfortunate people, were not
the details of their own conduct araply suffi
cient to place them in their true light ; nor can
the unrestrained malevolence, to which they
have been exposed, withhold from thera the
adrairation and esteera of all good raen.

The Vaudois had scarcely began to enjoy
the repose which was granted thera, when their
implacable enemies had again recourse to the
same system of intrigues, which had so often
been resorted to against them. But, for the rao
ment, we will not follow them any farther, lest
the minds of ray readers should be wearied
with this tale of suffering, they require to be
relieved for a time from the contemplation of
these dark plots of malevolence and fanaticism,
before they return to the scenes which we
have yet to lay before them.

Alas ! a cloud of misfortune seems to have hung over all
the Vaudois historians: — Gilles de Gilles was persecuted,
as we have seen above ; the indefatigable J. Leger (the same

224 HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
moderator already mentioned) fini.shed his great work in
exile, and died in Holland ; and our author, the virtuous
Bresse, after experiencing the most cruel injustice at Geneva,
was forced by circumstances to establish himself at Utrecht,
where he died before the publication of the last part of his
work, which it had been the project of his life to accomplish,
and to which he had devoted himself since the sixteenth
year of his age. — Note by the Translator .

APPENDIX.*

CONFESSION OF FAITH,
PCBlrSHED BY THE VAUDOtS, IN 1120.

ORIGINAL.
1. Nos cres^n e firmament tenfen tot quant se
contin en li doze articles del Syrabolo lo qual
es dict de gli apostol, tenent esser heresia tota
cosa laqual se discorda, e non es convenent k li
doze articles. TRANSLATION.
1. We believe and firraly hold all that is
contained in the twelve articles of the creed of
the apostles ; (Lat. syrabolura apostolorum.)
esteeming as heresy every thing which differs
from, and is not agreeable to the twelve arti
cles, (i. e. ofthe Apostles' creed.)
* A fragment of the Noble Leifon, is here omitted, it
having been already published in Mr. Gilly's work. — T.
Q.

226 CONFESSION OF FAITH.
2. Nos cresfen un Dio, Paire, Fil, e Sant
Esperit. 2. We believe in one God, Father, Son, and
Holy Spirit.
3. Nos recont^n par sanctas scripturas canon
icas, li hbres de la sancta biblia.
3. We recognise as holy and canonical Scrip
tures, the books of the Holy Bible, (Here
follow the names of the books of the Old Tes
tament.) Ara s'ensegon li libres apochryphis li quel
non son pas rec6opu de li hebreos, mas nos li
legen, (enaima dis Hierome al prologe de li
proverbi) per I'enseignement del poble, non pas
per conferraar I'authorita de las doctrinas ee
clesiasticas, enayrai.
Then follow the apocryphal books, not re
ceived by the Hebrews, but we read thera, as
Jerome says in the prologue, (preface) to the
Proverbs, " for the instruction of the people,
and not to confirm the authority of the doc
trines of the church;" as follows. (Here are
enumerated the books of the Apocrypha.)
Ara s'ensegon le libres del Novel Testament.
Then follow the books of the New Testa
ment.* * All the books of the Bible are placed in the usual order
of the Vulgate.

CONFESSION OF FAITH. 227
4. Los libres sobre dict enseignan m^o que
l^s un Dio tot poissant, tot savi, e tot bon, lo
qual per la sua bonta a fait totas las cosas.
Car el a forma Adam a la soa iraagena e sera-
blenf a, ma que per I'invidia del diavol, e per la
disobedien^a del dit Adam, lo pecca es intra al
mond, e que nos sen peccadors en Adam e per
Adam. 4. The above-mentioned books teach, that
there is one God, all powerful, all wise, and all
good ; who through his goodness has made all
things. For he formed Adara in his own
image and likeness : but by the envy of the
devil, and the disobedience of the same Adam,
sin is entered into the world : we are sinners
in Adam and by Adam.

5. Que Krist es ista promts k li paire, li qual
an rec^opu la ley, ai^o que per la ley connoys-
s^nt lor peccas, e la non justicia, e la lor non
abastanf a, desiresson I'avfenament de Krist, per
satisfar per li lor pecc^, e acomplir la ley per
lui meseime.
5. That Christ is that promise to the (our)
fathers, who received the law ; so that by the
law, having a just idea of their sins, and their
want of justice and insufficiency, they desired
the coming of Christ to make satisfaction for
their sins, and accomplish the law in himself*
* By means of himself.
q2

228 CONFESSION OF FAITH.
6. Que Krist fes n^ al temp ordonna de Dio
lo seo paire, sofes a saber, k I'hora que tota eni-
quita abondie, e non pas per las bonas obras
solament. Car tuit eran peccadors, ma a^o
qu61 nos f(6 gratia e misericordia, enaima veri-
tadier. 6. That Christ was born at the tirae ordained
by God his father ; that is to say, • at the mo
ment when all unrighteousness abounded, and
not for good works only : for all were sinners.
But that he may show us favour and mercy, as
the true one.

7. Que Krist ^s la nostra vita, e pais, e jus
ticia, e pastor, e avocat, e hostia, e preire, lo
qual ^s mort per la salut de tuti li cresfent, e
resuscita per la nostra justification.
7. That Christ is our life, our peace, and
justice, and shepherd, and advocate, and obla
tion, and priest ;* who died for the salvation of
all believers, and rose again for our justifi
cation.

8. E serablablemfent nos tenen firmament
non esser alcun autre mediator e avocat en
apres Dio paire, si non J6su Krist ; ma que la
vergena Maria ^s ista sancta, humil e plena de
gratia. E enaimi cresen de tuit li autre sanct,
* Offerer up of prayers.

CONFESSION OF FAITH. 229
quilli speran en li ciel ia resurrection de lor
corps al judici.
8. And in like manner we maintain, that
there is no other mediator and advocate with
God the Father, than Jesus Christ ; but that
the Virgin Mary, was holy, hurable, and full of
grace. And so we believe of all the other
saints, who expect* in heaven the resurrection
of their bodies to judgment.

9. Item nos cresfen en aprfes aquesta vita
esser tant solament duoi loc, un de li salva,
loqual appellen per nom Paradis, e I'autre de li
darana loqual appellfen Enfern deneg^nt al pos-
tot a qual purgatori seuraa de I'Ante-Krist e
enfeint contra la verita.
9. Also, we believe that after this life there
are but two places ; one of the saved, which
we call Paradise, and the other of the damned,
which we call Hell ; denying that purgatory
dreamed of by Antichrist, and feigned con
trary to the truth.

10. Item, nos havfen totavia cresii esser
abomination, non parlivol devant Dio, totas las
cosas abrobas de li homes, enaima son las
festas e las vigilas de li sanct, e I'aigua la qual
dison benieta e se abstenir alcuns jorns de la
* Await for, hope for.

230 CONFESSION OF FAITH.
earn, e de li autres manjars e las semeillants
cosas, e principalment las raessas.
10. Also, we have always believed to be
aborainations, not to be ipientioned before God,
all those things invented by men, such as are
the feasts and vigils of the saints ; water,*
which is caUed blessed ; and the abstaining on
certain days from flesh and other eatables ;
and sirailar things ; but principally the mass.

11. Nos aborainfen li abrobamfent human,
enaima Ante-Kristian per liqual sen contorba
e que prejudican ct la liberty de I'esperit.
1 1 . We abominate huraan inventions, as
being antichristian, by which we are disturbed,
and which prejudice the liberty ofthe spirit.

12. Nos cresfen que li sacrament son signal
de la cosa sancta o forma visibla, tenent esser
bon que li fidel uzan alcune vees d'aquisti dict
signal o forma visibla si la se p6 far. Ma
emperfo nos cresfen e tenfen que li predict fidel
non esser fait salfs, non recebfent li predict
signal, quand non han lo loc ni lo raodo de pofer
usar de li predict signal.
12. We believe that the sacraraents are signs
of the holy thing, or (its) visible forra ; and we
hold it to be good that the faithful use the
aforesaid signs, or visible forms, sometimes, if
* Holy water.

CONFESSION OF FAITH. 231
it be possible. But with this we believe and
hold, that the aforesaid faithful may be saved,
not receiving (or having received) the aforesaid
signs, when they have not the opportunity nor
the means to make use of them.

13. Nos non aven conegu autre sacrament
que lo baptisme e la eucharlstia.
13. We have not knowledge of other sacra
ments than baptism and the eucharist.

14. Nos devfen honor a la potest^ secular, en
subjection, en obedieni^a, en promtessa, e en
pagam^nt. 14. We ought to honour the secular power,
by our submission, obedience, alacrity and
contributions.

232 CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS.

CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS,
COMPOSED BY THE BARBES IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY.*
D. If thou wert asked who thou art? An
swer, R. A creature of God, rational and mortal.
D, For what hath God created thee ?
R. That I might know him, and worship
him, and be saved by his grace.
D. On what ground does thy salvation rest?
R. On three substantial virtues, necessarily
belonging to salvation.
D. Which are they?
R. Faith, hope, charity.
D. By what means dost thou prove it to be so?
R. The Apostle writes to the Corinthians in
the first epistle, thirteenth chapter, " And now
abideth faith, hope, and charity, these three."
D. What is faith?
R. According to the Apostle in the eleventh
* The translator has not added the Vaudois words, as the
language is similar to the last specimen, being of the same
date; the language of the noble Leigon is evidently of a
much more ancient period. He has endeavoured to render
his version more literal thau that of M. Bresse, at the
expense of elegance, but it is hoped not of clearness.

CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS. 233
chapter ofthe epistle to the Hebrews, " Faith
is the substance of things hoped for, the evi
dence of things not seen."
D. How many kinds of faith are there ?
R. Two ; dead and living.
D, What is living faith?
R. That which works by charity.
D. What is dead faith ?
R. According to St. James, (Epist. Gen.
chap. 2.) " Faith ifit hath not works is dead !"
Indeed faith without works is idle.* A dead
faith is to believe there is a God, and (to act as
if one did) not believe in God,
SECTION II.
D. Of what faith art thou ?
R. Of-the true Catholic and Apostolic faith,
D. Which is that ?
R. It is that which by the .council'!' of the
Apostles is divided into twelve articles.
D. Which is that ?
R. I believe in God, the Father Almighty,
&c. &c. (the rest ofthe Apostles' creed.)
D. By what art thou enabled to know that
thou believest in God ?
R. I know his coramandraents and keep
them. By this.
* Ocio9a, which Bresse translates inutile, useless.
f Perhaps by the counsel, opinion, advice, of the Apostles.

234 CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS.
D. How many coraraandments of God are
there ?
R. Ten ; as is shewn in Exodus and Deu
teronomy. D. Which are these?
R. O Israel, hearken unto thy Lord ! hearken
not to a strange God before me. Make not for
thyself any graven image, nor any likeness of
any thing that is in heaven, &c. &c.
D. On what do all these commandments
hang? R. On two great coraraandments, which are
to love God above all things, and one's neigh
bour as one's self. SECTION III.
D. What is the foundation of these com
raandraents, by which every one ought to enter
into life ; without which foundation the cora
mandraents cannot be worthily kept nor accora
plished ?
R. The Lord Jesus Christ ; of whom the
Apostle says, 1 Corinthians, chap. iii. " For
other foundation can no man lay, than that is
laid, which is Jesus Christ."
D. By what can man come to this foundation?
R. By faith; St. Peter saying,* "Beholdl
lay in Sion a chief corner-stone, elect, precious ;
* 1 Gen. Epis. chap. ii.

CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS. 235
and he that believeth on Him shall not be con
founded." And the Lord says, " He who be
lieveth in me hath eternal life."
D. In what way can you know that you
believe ?
R. In that I* acknowledge Him, Himself, as
very God and very raan, who was born and
suffered, &c. &c. for ray redemption, justifi
cation, &c. In that I love Him Himself, and
desire to fulfil his comraandraents.
D. By what means does one arrive at
the essential virtues, viz* faith, hope, and
charity ?
R. By the gifts of the Holy Spirit.
D. Dost thou believe in the Holy Spirit?
R. I believe in Him ;-l- for the Holy Spirit
proceeding from the Father and the Son, is one
person of the Trinity ; and as to Divinity, is
equal to the Father and the Son.
D. Believest thou God the Father, God the
Son, and God the Holy Spirit, to be three in
person, (three persons,) then thou hast three
gods ?
R. There are not three, (gods)
D. Yet thou hast named three.
R. That is by reason^ of the difference of the
persons, not by reason of the essence of the
* I know him himself for.
t In this, i. e. in this dogma.
I On account of the difference of persons, not of essences.

236 CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS.
divinity, for as there are three in person, (three
persons) so there is one in essence.
SECTION IV.
D. In what raanner do you adore and wor
ship that God in whora you believe ?
i R. I adore him with the adoration of internal
and external service, (worship or service.) Ex
ternally by bending of knees, holding up of
hands, inclinations, (of the body,) by hyrans
and spiritual songs, by fasts, and by invocation.*
Internally, by dutiful affection, by a will equally
adapted to all things which please him. But I
worship him by faith, hope, and charity, in his
coraraandments. -|-
D. Dost thou adore any other thing, and
worship it as God ?
R. No.
D. Why?
R. On account of his commandment, which
distinctly says, " Thou shalt adore the Lord
thy God, and him only shalt thou serve."
Again, " My glory will I not give to others."
And again, " I live, saith the Lord, and every
knee shall bow down before-me." And Jesus
Christ says, " They shall be true worshippers,
who worship the Father in spirit and in truth."
And the angel will not be worshipped by St.
John, nor Peter by Cornelius.
* i. e. prayer, praying aloud.
t In keeping his commandments.

CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS. 237
D. In what manner dost thou pray?
R. I pray by (with) the prayer taught by the
Son of God, saying, " Our Father, which art
in heaven," &c.
D. What is the other substantial virtue ne
cessarily belonging to salvation ?
R. It is charity.
D. What is charity ?
R. It is a gift of the Holy Spirit, by which
the soul is reforraed in its desires, illuminated
by faith, and by which I believe all those
things which should be believed, and hope
for all that should be hoped for.*
SECTION V.
D. Dost thou believe in the holy church ?
R. No,"!" for it is composed of creatures, but
I believe of it, itself.
D. What do you then believe of the holy
church ?
R. I consider it as of two kinds ; one as to
its being, and the other as to its ministry. As
to its being, the Holy CatholicJ Church con
sists of all the elect of God, from the beginning
to the end, (of the world,) in the grace of God,
by the merit of Christ ; collected by the Holy
Spirit, and before ordained to life eternal ; the
* Vide St. Paul, 1 Corinthians, chap. xiii.
¦\ i. e. its existence, as before of dead faith ; it, but not in it.
I Catholic, i. e. universal.

238 CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS.
number and the names of whom are known
alone to Him who hath elected (chosen) them.
The church, as considering its true ministry,
consists of the ministers of Christ, with the
people subject to thera, using their ministry by
faith, hope, and charity.
D. By what oughtest thou to know the
church of Christ ?
R. By ministers consistent with it, and peo
ple participating with the ministers in the
truth. D . But how mayest thou know the ministers ?
R. By a true understanding of the faith,
sound doctrine, a life of good exaraple ; by
preaching the gospel, and proper administration
of the sacraments.
D. How knowest thou false ministers ?
R. By their fruits, blindness, evil workings,
(bad conduct,) perverse doctrine, and improper
administration ofthe sacraments.
D. How knowest thou their blindness ?
R. When they know not the truths neces
sary to salvation, and observe human traditions,
in like manner as the commandments of God ;
of whom is that said by Isaiah, which Christ
hath spoken in the fifteenth chapter of Mat
thew. " This people honoureth me with their
lips, but their heart is far frora me. But in
vain do they worship me, teaching for doctrines
the commandments of men."

CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS. 239
D. How are their evil workings known ?
R. By their manifest sins of which the
Apostle speaks, Romans i, they which do such
things, shall not obtain the kingdom of God.
D. How is perverse doctrine known ?
R. When the instruction is contrary to faith
and hope, as idolatry of many kinds, coraraitted
in the worship of the creature,* rational and
irrational, sensible, visible, or invisible. For
one ought to worship the Father alone, with
his Son, and the Holy Spirit, and no other,
nor any creature whatever. But the contrary
is the case when worship is rendered to raan,
to the work of his hands, his words, or his
authority, as when men believe blindly, that
they are just towards God, by false religion,
and avaricious simony of priests.
SECTION VI.
D. How is the improper administration of
the sacraments known ?
R. When the priests do not hearken to the
meaning of Christ, nor acknowledge (recognise)
his intention in the sacraments, and say, that
grace and truth are included in exterior cere
monies alone ; and lead raen to receive the
said sacraments without the truth of faith,
hope, and charity. The Lord puts his own on
their guard against such false prophets, say
ing, " beware of false prophets." Also, " take
* Worship done to any creature, &c.

240 CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS.
heed of the pharisees, that is of the leaven of
their doctrine." Also, " Believe thera not,
neither follow after them." And the Apostle,
in 2 Corinthians, chap. vi. " Be not unequally
yoked with unbelievers, for what fellowship
hath righteousness with unrighteousness ? and
what coraraunion hath light with darknejs ?
what concord hath Christ with Belial ? or what
part hath he that believeth with an infidel ?
and what agreement hath the temple of God
with idols ? wherefore come out from among
thera." D. How dost thou know the people which
are not of a truth in the (true) church ? ^
R. By public sin, and erroneous faith. We
should fly such, to shun corruption by the
same. D. How raany ministerial functions are there ?
R. Two ; the word, and the sacrament.*
D. How many sacraments are there ?
R. Two ; Baptism, and the Eucharist.
SECTION VIL
D. What is the third virtue necessary to
salvation ?
R. Hope.
D. What is hope?
R. The certaiu expectation of grace and of
future glory.
* i. e. preaching and administration of the sacraments.

CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS. 241
D. On what account does one expect grace ?
(favour, mercy.)
R. On account of the mediator, Jesus Christ,
of whom St. John says, " Grace is come through
Jesus Christ." Also, " We regard his glory
full of grace and truth." And " We have all
received of his abundance."*
D. What is this grace ?
R. It is rederaption, remission of sins, justi
fication, adoption, and sanctification.
D. Through what do we hope for this grace
in Christ?
R. Through living faith, -f and true repent
ance. Christ saying, " Repent ye, and believe
the gospel."
D. From what does hope proceed ?
R. From the gift of God and his promises, of
which the Apostle says, " He is powerful to
accomplish whatever thing he promises," since
he himself hath promised, if any one will know
him, and will repent and have hope, he will
have mercy on him, and pardon and justify, &c.
D. What things turn away (people) from this
hope? R. A dead faith, the seduction of antichrist,
to others than Christ ; that is, to the saints and
to his (antichrist's) power and authority ; words,
benedictions, sacraments, relics of the dead,
the dream and fiction of purgatory. Teaching
¦^ See biblical words. f Viva fe, lively faith.
R

242 CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS.
that we have this hope, by means which are
directly contrary to the truth, and the com
mandment of God, as idolatry of many kinds,
depraved simony, &c.
Abandoning the fountain of living water, the
gift of grace, to run unto cracked cisterns.
Honouring and worshipping the creature as the
Creator ; doing service to it with prayers, fasts,
sacrifices, gifts, offerings, pilgriraages, invo
cations, &c. Being confident of thus acquiring
grace, which no one has to give, but God alone
in Christ.* Thus they labour vainly, losing
wealth and life ; not the present life only, but
the life to come. Of which thing it is said,
The hopes of the wicked shall perish.
SECTION VIII.
D. What sayest thou of the blessed Virgin
Mary, for she is full of grace, as the angel hath
testified ?
R. The blessed Virgin Mary was and is full
of grace, as to her own want (of it), but not as to
the comraunication of it to others. For her
Son alone is full of grace, as to the communi
cation of it to others, as it is said of the same,
" We all received grace through the grace of
his abundance. "t
D . Dost thou not believe the communion of
saints ?
* By Christ. f See biblical words.

CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS. 243
R. I believe that the communion of the
saints is twofold, substantial and ministerial.
They coramunicate as substantial (beings) by
the Holy Spirit, and by the merit of Jesus
Christ, in God. But they communicate as
ministerial, or serving the church, by the minis
try properly exercised, such as by words, by
sacraments, and by prayers. I believe both
these communions of the saints. The first
only in God, and Jesus Christ, and the Holy
Spirit ; the other in the Church of Christ.
D. In what does eternal life consist ?
R. In a living and efficacious* faith and per
severance in the sarae. The Saviour says,
John xvii, 3, " And this is Ufe eternal, that they
might know thee, the only true God, and Jesus
Christ whom thou hast sent." And he who
shall persevere in this to the end, he shall be
saved. Amen. * Operative, producing works.

END OF THE CATECHISM OF THE VAUDOIS,

R 2

SKETCH

THE LIFE OF HENRI ARNAUD,

SKETCH

THE LIFE OF HENRI ARNAUD.

The family of Arnaud, or Arnold, was origin
ally of La Tour, where Henri Arnaud was born
in 1641, and educated in the Latin school
there ; as he was intended for the church, he
probably went to Basle, Geneva, or Lau
sanne ; but afterwards, on account of the
troubles in the valleys, he seems to have given
up the idea of the church, and entered into the
service of William of Orange, where he at
tained the rank of captain, as well as other
favours. Previous to the year 1686, it ap
pears he returned to his studies and took
orders. Whether he was induced to do so by
the Vaudois, or the reformed church in the Ne
therlands, or whether it was for the purpose of
assisting his exiled countrymen, I have no
means of knowing. He appears, however, to
have had at this time great influeiice, both with
the Prince of Orange and the Dutch govern-

248 LIFE OF HENRI ARNAUD.
ment ; the former, as king of England, having
given him the commission of colonel, still pre
served by his descendants at La Tour, as well as
supplies for his expedition against the Duke of
Savoy; and the latter, having intrusted him
with large sums of money for his exiled coun
trymen, and made him joint comraissioner to
arrange their settlement in Wirtemberg.
His exertions in these great affairs are re
corded in his own " Rentr6e Glorieuse," and
in the Memoirs of the Wirtemberg Vaudois,
published in Germany. When, in consequence
of the change of politics on the part of the Duke
of Savoy, the Vaudois gained their possessions
on condition of sending 1000 men to ravage
the French frontier : Arnaud was naraed to the
coramand by Marlborough and Eugene ; for the
Duke of Savoy seems to have been submissive
to the latter, in every respect. The plan of
attack from Pieraont was formed, and after
reconnoitering Turin, Eugene led his army
through the passes of Savoy into France, while
Marlborough continued in the Netherlands.
The Vaudois were placed on the outposts of
Eugene's army, and when a sufficient body of
troops had been drawn off from the Rhine to
oppose this attack from Pieraont, Eugene ra
pidly withdrew by the Tyrol, leaving Arnaud
and his Vaudois to raask his retreat ; and by
frequent attacks frora the mountains, at differ-

LIFE OF HENRI ARNAUD. 249
ent points, to detain the French troops in the
south. He effected this object with such suc
cess, that the allied array had again united in
the Low Countries ere Eugene's absence from
Savoy was known; and thus Arnaud raaterially
contributed to the victories of Hochstett and
Blenheim. Notwithstanding this great benefit, the Duke
of Savoy listened to those who asserted that
Arnaud wished to excite the Vaudois to rebel
lion, and to the formation of a republic. The
defence, that he was only acting as senior
pastor, in settling their differences and arrang
ing the rebuilding their houses and division of
their possessions, (a business rendered very
perplexing by the return of many supposed
dead, who waited till a prospect of quiet pos
session favoured their return,) was of no avail ;
his friends could no longer defend or conceal
him ; a high price was set upon his head, and
he fled in disguise, never more to return to the
valleys. Notwithstanding pressing invitations from
Williara III. Queen Anne, and Prince Eugene,
to reside at their courts, and the raost flatter
ing promises of honourable provision, he pre
ferred the humbler task of pastor to all that
courts or princes could offer ; and as soon as
he had settled the affairs of the Wirtemberg
colonies, he took up his abode in the midst of

250 LIFE OF HENRI ARNAUD.
them, in the village of Schonberg, where he
fulfilled the duties of his office for the remain
ing twelve years of his life ; in this seclusion
he wrote " La Rentr6e Glorieuse," and some
other memoirs, which have never been printed.
It is observable, in his preface, he makes no
mention of his extraordinary history, or claims
any merit for his benevolent ex;er tions. His
will (registered at Schonberg) shows that he
still possessed his paternal lands at La Tour,
and had pensions from William III. Queen
Anne, and the Duke of Wirtemberg ; but whe
ther these pensions were paid, appears more than
doubtful, since it is evident he lived and died in
poverty, for the valuation of his effects, of every
description, upon his decease, did not exceed
2520 florins, (226/. 8*. 2d.) and his household
furniture and clothes seem to have been scarce
ly worth valuation.
His house and grave still exist ; but the
church that contains his mortal remains will
not long stand ; as a raeraorial of his last exer
tions for the good of his people.
Eraigrations have reduced the nuraber of
Vaudois residents in Schonberg to about forty
only ; and, by the recent changes in the church,
the privilege of having a minister of their own
has been refused to them, on the plea of there
being a Lutheran church two miles distant.
Nay! the inhabitants of Schonberg have been

LIFE OF HENRI ARNAUD. 251
invited to pull down their church, and the
allowance for its repair has been discontinued.
But they have refused the temptation, though
miserably poor, and have undertaken them
selves to support the temple where the bones
of Arnaud repose. It is built of mud, brick,
and timber, as well as the house he lived in.
When the timbers give way, which must soon
take place, it will no longer be in the power of
the poor villagers to repair it.

Extract from the Register of the Parish Church
of Schonberg, in Wirtemberg, taken in August,
1825. TRANSLATION.
Actum, No. 29,  An. 1722.
Inventory and division of property according to
the royal ordinance.
Property of different descriptions, in the same
parish and elsewhere, devised by the Herr
Henri Arnaud, deceased, reformed minister
ofthe same.
Inheritors, being children of the first marriage.
(Madame Reni Rebaudi, widow of the late H. A.)
1. Miss Margaret, now wife to Mons. Joseph
Rostain, burgess of La Tour, in Piemont.
2. Herr Scipio Arnaud, the present reforraed
minister of the parish of Schonberg.

252 LIFE OF HENRI ARNAUD.
3. Herr Jean Vincent Arnaud, minister of An
grogna, in Piemont.
4. Miss Elizabeth, now wife of John Philip
Rolb, ecclesiastical coUector of Bretten.
5. Mr. Wilhelm, juris studiosum, residing in
London, in England.
Children of the second marriage — none.
EFFECTS.
The late minister's silver utensils and trinkets.
Florins.
Nine silver spoons and six silver forks 48 0 0
One metal spoon  8 30 0
One needle case — nadel biixele . 10 30 0
One small spoon and fork, and gob
let weighing 9i oz. ...,1100
One echarpe, half gold half silk, with
large golden buttons, weighing 42
oz  15 0 0
The late minister's clothes and apparel.
One black serge gown . . . ")
One white worn-out German gown3
N. B. The rest of his apparel was so old and
bad as not to be worth valuing.
One old pair of double pistols . "i
One bad old musket .... 3
One old saddle — one woman's saddle 2 0 0
Beds and bedding N.B. These are also
Barrels and wood specified and valued
Agricultural implements at length.

LIFE OF HENRI ARNAUD. 253
Florins.
One old chaise and harness ... 4 0 0
One old cow and one young one
Six beehives
Corn, &c.
Land here and in the valleys * * * *
Monies to receive.
From one Pindar  32 0 0
Pension from England of 122 florins
per annum, two years being due 244 0 0
Nothing is estiraated on this, but as there is
also a reasonable hope of receiving it, it re
mains to be divided among the heirs.
Pension from the Duke of Wirtem
berg 25 florins per annura, one half
year being due  12 30 0
Ten sheffel of corn per ann. allowed
by the Duke, half a year due . . 7 30 0
Also two ayraer of wine per ann, from
said Duke, one now due ... 8 0 0
The valuation of his entire property
of every kind , . . florins 2520 48 3
This sum is equal to 226/. 8*. 2d. English,
and his lands and tenements at La Tour are
comprised in it. A florin is equal to about
twenty-one pence English.

STP- HEKR A.RJNAUD

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LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE
DES VAUDOIS
DANS LEUR VALLEES.
PAR
HENRI ARNAUD,
Pasteur et Colonel.
ABRIDGED AND TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH.

The translator of La Rentree Glorieuse is aware that much
apology is necessary, for the apparent negligence of language
in which he has executed his task; such, however, is the
uncouth structure of the original, that it seemed hardly pos
sible to attempt any elegance or correctness of style, without
deviating from the actual nieaning ofthe words before him.

DEDICATION,* TO THE
MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCESS,
ANN, QUEEN OF GREAT BRITAIN,
DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, &C, &C.
********** ***«

PREFACE.
Public renown, as well as private and official
documents, have borne witness in so faithful
and extraordinary a manner, before all Europe,
to the wonderful valour shown by the Vaudois,
in the last war between the King of France
and the Duke of Savoy, that it would seem
manifest that the power of the Almighty must
have been with them.****-)" France, not con
tent with having driven out her most faithful
subjects, those called by the Romanists the
Reformed Church, sought to induce her neigh-
* This dedication is long, and uninteresting in these days.
t The Preface goes on to give a short history of the Vau
dois down to the time of the edict of Nantes, and then gives
the following accountof the expulsion, in 1686. S

258 PREFACE.
bours to do the same. The Duke of Savoy
resisted the importunities of Louis XIV. until
his ambassador intimated that 14,000 men
were ready for this service ; but that if they
were employed to expel the heretics, his mas
ter would occupy the valleys as his own ter
ritory.* Moved by this artful threat, the
Duke immediately issued orders to the Vaudois
to destroy their churches, to baptize their
children according to the Catholic rite, and go
to mass.
All petitions were vain, and after useless
attempts to soften the heart of their prince, the
Vaudois resolved to adhere to their religion, as
their ancestors had done, in spite of every at
tempt upon their liberties and lives ; and in
consequence put themselves in a state of de
fence, which obliged the Duke to accept the
offer of the French troops, who, under the
command of Mons, de Catinat, attacked them
on the 23rd of April, 1686, As the French
were eager to have the honour of the first onset,
they had also here the honour of being well
beaten ; for they were dislodged from their
posts, and sought safety in flight, passing the
Cluson as they could, in confusion, and re
tiring upon Pignerol.
* This is no new principle in Catholicism, and Louis might
refer to the numerous bulls which gave the goods and chattels
of heretics to their conquerors. — T.

PREFACE. 269
The numbers of killed and wounded were
concealed, but it was soon known that four
regiments of the line and two of dragoons had
greatly suffered. When the French were driven
from their posts above St. Germain, Mons.
de Villeveille took refuge in a church, and
Mons. Arnaud then coming up with a small
detachment, ordered the roof to be stripped off",
and the tiles thrown upon those within ; but
night coming on, M. de Villeveille with the
greatest part of the troops made their escape.
As the Vaudois had beaten the French the
first day, they had the honour of giving a no
less decided check to the Piemontese troops
on the second, at Angrogna. But instead of
being elated by these victories, by an unhappy
fatality, (altogether extraordinary in these in
trepid people, whose fathers had successfully
carried on thirty-two wars for the sake of their
religion,) they became suddenly so dispirited,
that on the third day they surrendered at dis
cretion to the Duke.
This prince, triumphing in their dastardly
conduct, plunged them into the thirteen prisons
of Turin ; and thus were the flames of war ex
tinguished, not by the blood of the Vaudois,
but by their unexpected submission.
These unhappy creatures had scarcely sub
mitted ere they became aware of their error ;
no less than 14,000 were imprisoned ; qf these
s 2

260 PREFACE.
10,000 perished miserably of cold, hunger,
&c. &c. a greater number than would have
fallen in the most cruel war. The number
of deaths, however incredible it may appear,
is certainly correct, since 14,000 certainly
entered, and only 3,000 survived to be released.
This remnant of the Vaudois, after escaping
the barbarity of governors and gaolers, (though
obliged to fly their country,) afterwards proved
the seed appointed by God to preserve and re
plant the truth extinguished in the valleys, and
form the subject of this history, from the time
they took refuge in Switzerland until the peace
concluded with their prince. But doubtless,
reader, you will find it difficult to conceive
why so many colonies of the Vaudois remain
settled in foreign countries, I will therefore
inform you, that the Duke of Savoy, having
made peace with the Vaudois, continued to
delude them with fair promises as long as he
had occasion for their services, but thought
himself no longer required to keep any mea
sures with them, as soon as he could dispense
with their assistance. The circumstance of
their having taken an oath of fidelity before
Count Martiano, governor of Pignerol, pro
mised to aff'ord them all perfect tranquillity ;
but, incredible as it may appear, this governor,
at the very same moment, had iri his pocket
an order for the banishment of a great part of

PREFACE, 261
them. The Duke thinking that he could not
in honour openly drive out from his territory
those who rendered him such important ser
vices, sought a pretext for weakening them,
and published an order for all those who were
not themselves natives of the valleys to depart
within two months, on pain of death. Such
was the inhuman recompense given by a power
ful prince to his faithful subjects ; who, after
driving off" his enemies, materally contributed
to prevent his expulsion from the throne.
Beware then, ye who read this history, never
more to trust the promises or flatteries of Pa
pists, since there is nothing sacred or solemn
that they will not trample under foot to serve
their ambition or interest. Think ! that for a
thousand years and more, they have continued
to deceive true Christianity ; let these consi
derations be clarions loud enough to pierce
your ears, and to remind you in whom you
place your confidence.
The Duke absolutely insisting upon the exe
cution of his cruel edict, these persons who
had for the most part been established forty or
fifty years in the valleys, as well as the inha
bitants of the country beyond the Cluson, or
Valley of Perouse, were not only banished
from the Vaudois territories, by the cession of
Pignerol, but also from his other states. He
then affected to soothe their sufferings, by pro-

262 PREFACE,
mising them provisions through Savoy ; but no
sooner had these poor exiles (about 3000 in
number) began their march, than they were
overtaken by couriers on the Mount Cenis,
•^who required to see their order for forage, and
took it from them : who could have supposed,
that to save a morsel of bread to a prince, it
would be taken from those who had not spared
their blood in his service !
These, reader, are the Vaudois, who are
now dispersed in foreign countries,* and took
refuge in the praiseworthy cantons of Switzei'-
land, where they were supported by private
charity, and by contributions made for them in
England and Holland,
Thus did they subsist till M, Valkenier, en
voy of the States General of Zurich, procured
for them (by dint of extraordinary zeal and
exertion) lands and privileges, under some of
the German princes, in whose dominions they
have founded colonies.
The greatest number in the duchy of Wirtem
berg, the others in the states of Baden, Hesse
Darmstadt, and Hanau, forming in all fourteen
Vaudois churches ; which, with the reformed
church in the French colony of Constadt, in
the duchy of Wirtemberg, together compose a
synod. t Of the ministers of these churches,
"^ Vide Sketch ofthe Vaudois in Wirtemberg.
t Vide Arnaud's Life.

PREFACE, 263
seven, with their schoolmasters, are paid by
his Britannic majesty, who also, in his royal
generosity, continues to honour M. Arnaud
with a pension to bring up his family; four
ministers are paid by the States General, and
the rest by their adopted sovereigns and their
own churches. Thus kindly favoured by the
princes, under whose mild laws they have
taken shelter, they live peaceably, praying
God for the preservation of their benefactors,
^Q ********

THE
REMARKABLE HISTORY
OF
THE WAR OF THE VAUDOIS,

THElK RE-ESTABLISHMENT IN THEIK COUNTRY,
IN 1690.

The history which it is proposed to write, is
so admirable in all its circumstances, that a
naked exposition of the events would affbrd
wherewithal to satisfy the reader, without the
assistance of art or ornament ; it is sufficient to
relate them with order and fidelity. This, how
ever, has not been done by several persons,
who actuated by the desire of gain, have been
induced to give to the public hasty mutilated
accounts, far from the truth of this one, which
has been compiled from the memoirs of those
who had the chief direction of-the affairs of the
" Vaudois." This is the name of that handful
of people who inhabit the valleys of Piemont,
as Mons, Jean Leger has proved in the first
part of his great history, written thirty years
since, the appellation is derived from the nature

266 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
of their country, which proves that they were
so called in the middle of the 12th century;
consequently before the time of that Valdo,
from whose reform it has falsely been derived.
They have never been without difficulties, par
ticularly in the cause of religion, often have
they been brought before ecclesiastical tribu
nals, and more often attacked by force of arms ;
but it must be owned, that of thirty-two wars
which they have valorously sustained, the last
has been the most violent and deplorable ;
since it ended in their being torn from their
dwellings, which had never been effected in
the former convulsions, though their numbers
had been thinned by massacres. Besides the
lives lost in war, they never made a peace that
did not cost them the banishment of many of
their people, and the diminution of their rights
and privileges. I shall not here speak of those
powers who treated them so ill, but content
myself with saying, they individually excused
themselves by throwing the blame on each
other : several public documents and one mani
festo speak sufficiently to this point.
As it is precisely of the return of these exiles
that I undertake to write, I shall not enlarge
upon their expulsion, which has already been
published, by a judicious author, who has not
only shown the unexampled cruelties exercised
(contrary to the promise of their prince) upon

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 267
14,000 Vaudois, of whom only 3000, resembling
spectres rather than men, remained, whom his
royal highness of Savoy permitted to retire to
Switzerland, by virtue of a treaty concluded
with the Protestant cantons ; he has also well
described the affecting arrival of these moving
skeletons at Geneva, and the charitable eager
ness of the inhabitants to relieve them : I am,
therefore, indebted to him for relieving me
from the painful task of describing this heart
rending scene. We will now follow them into
the Protestant cantons, where being all arrived
in February 1 687, they were supported by their
deliverers, and for the most part dispersed in
the canton of Berne ; here they might have
been contented with their lot, had not the de
sire of returning to their country incessantly
agitated their minds : in fact, considering life of
no value if passed where they had not received
it, they determined to return at all risks.
For this purpose they made three attempts ;
and though only the last succeeded, I will
say a few words respecting the other two. As
for the first experiment, as it was made at
hazard, without leaders, almost without arms,
or the measures necessary for such an enter
prise, it is not surprising that the plan failed at
Lausanne, when the bailiff of that town pre
vented their embarkation, and ordered them in

268 LA RENTREE OLORIUESE.
the name of their excellencies of Berne to se
parate and return.
If this first, attempt passed without exciting
much attention, it was not the same with the
second, which having been concerted with pru
dence, carried them much farther.
The first thing these good people did was to
send three men to reconnoitre the country ; who
had orders to discover the bye paths, to trace the
roads over the highest mountains, in order to
pass rivers at their sources, and also to do
their utmost to engage those who lived near
the valleys, to bake bread and place it secretly
in places on which they should agree. It is
well to remark, that, in the valleys, it is cus
tomary to bake the bread to the same degree
of hardness us sea biscuit, which preserves it
for a length of time.
The three travellers were successful in going,
but not equally so in returning, for two of them
were actually watched and taken as robbers,
because they did not follow the usual roads. On
being questioned, they answered that they traf
ficked in lace, and knowing it was made in the
district, they went from one place to another to
buy it. Although this excuse seemed plausible,
they were nevertheless searched ; some sheets
of paper were found on them which excited
suspicion, these were placed before the fire, to

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 269
see if this process would not discover some
writing that might criminate the travellers, but
none appeared ; they then placed lace before
them, to try if they understood the merchandise
they pretended to traffic in ; this little artifice
had nearly proved their ruin, one of them
offering six crowns for a piece that was not worth
three. The wardor and the inhabitants who were
present, confirmed in the idea that they were
spies rather than merchants, took their money
and threw them into prison ; being then inter
rogated according to all the forms of law, they
persisted in their first declaration ; and one
who had been a pedlar in Languedoc, having
said he could bring good proofs from that pro
vince, particularly from Montpelier and Lunel,
they sent for a man who had often been in
those parts ; this man declared all the prisoner
had said was true, and they were in conse
quence released at the end of eight days ; but
their money, amounting to ten crowns, was
not restored to thern.
The report made by these three men having
appeared favourable to the interests of the
Vaudois, inasmuch as their country was inha
bited by strangers, and as several roads were
deemed practicable, till then thought impas
sable, a council was held, in which it was de
termined to make a second attempt, by the
Valais and Mont St. Bernard. The ren-

270 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
dezvous was fixed in the plain of Bex, a vil
lage at the extremity of the canton of Berne,
and within a league of St. Maurice.
They hoped to arrive at the place appointed
without being perceived ; but though they
marched by night, and by various roads, they
could not conceal their movements from the
governments of Berne and Zurich, or from the
town of Geneva, where their design was dis
covered by the desertion of some sixty Vaudois,
who served in the garrison, and who had re
tired into the Pays de Vaud. There is also
reason to think that the mutual information,
given by these three towns to each other, re
specting this new project, was the reason the
Vaudois were not met in time by a boat which
they had engaged to convey arms to Villeneuve,
a little town on the Lake of Geneva, at the
entrance of the Valais. On hearing ofthis new
enterprise, the Savoyards and Valaisans lit
their signals, put themselves in a posture of
defence, and placed a strong guard on the
bridge of St. Maurice, by which they were
obliged to pass, at least, unless they crossed
the Rhone below, which they could not do
without boats. While these poor people, who
amounted to a body of 6 or 700 men, were
considering what measures they should take,
in a conjuncture so critical, M. Frederick Tor-
man, bailiff and governor of Aigle, assembled

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 271
them in the temple,*' where he gave them an
excellent discourse, exhorting them to zeal and
patience, and adroitly pointing out thatthere was
temerity and even folly in persisting in an en
terprise already discovered ; and having thus a
little composed their minds, M. Arnaud, their
pastor and commander, followed it up, by ex
pounding this verse of the 12th of St, Luke,
" Fear not, little flock."
The generous bailiff conducted them to Aigle,
where he distributed bread, and ordered the
best lodgings in the town for them, reserving
to himself the care of the principal officers,
particularly the aforesaid Sieur Arnaud ; and to
crown all, lent two hundred dollars to assist
the return of those who came from the distant
extremities of Switzerland : all this kindness
made them feel more sensibly the cruelty of
the inhabitants of Vevey, who, by order of the
council of the town, not only refused to lodge
them either in the town or neighbourhood ;
but, under pain of rigorous punishments, forbad
their being supplied with provisions. One
poor widow alone, in defiance of the prohibition
and at the risk of her having her house razed
to the ground, ventured to carry them some
supplies into a meadow, where they were en
camped. Though this inhumanity on the part of the
'^ The word still in use in the valleys for church.

272 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
gentlemen of Vevey was only in obedience to
the superior orders, dictated by policy, which
had in view the expulsion of the Vaudois from
the frontier ; it would be difficult not to consider
as a dispensation of Providence the circum
stance of the town having been entirely de
stroyed by fire shortly afterwards, while the
poor widow's house remained unhurt, though
situated in the very centre.
The failure of this second enterprise, in June,
1688, was doubly prejudicial to the Vaudois;
the Duke of Savoy having learnt by it, that
though foiled in it, they would not fail to make
others, as soon as a favourable opportunity
offered. Not satisfied with the militia guards
placed on all the roads, and chiefly in the en
virons of Geneva, and at St. Julien, Lancy,
Tremblieres, Chene, Bellerive, and his terri
tory along the eastern side of the Lake, he
sent into the Chablais two regiments of infan
try, 2000 strong, commanded by two men of
birth and merit : the Comte de Berne, of the
house of Rossillon, was colonel of the Chablais
regiment ; and the Marquis de Coudr6e, of the
house of Alinges, colonel of that of Monferrat,
and was besides adjutant-general. They were
followed by some dragoons, which gave um
brage to the town of Geneva. The second evil
which resulted to the Vaudois from their failure
was, that their prince having made it a subject

La rentree glorieuse.- 273
of quarrel with their excellencies of Berne,
accusing them of want of faith, and of having
fav-oured the project of an irruption into his
territory ; they were so offended with re
proaches so contrary to that strict honour and
fidelity with which they observe their treaties;
that they began to look coldly on the Vaudois, and
to think of ordering them from their frontiers,
and by this conduct to remove (in the eyes of
the Duke) every suspicion of intelligence be
tween them. Their excellencies of Zurich
conceiving a like indignation against the Vau
dois, convoked an assembly of the Protestant
cantons at Arrau, to which the most consider
able of the Vaudois were summoned ; two of
those who had taken refuge in the canton of
Berne, and as many from Neuchatel, B41e,
Schaffhonsen, and St, Gall. In this assembly
they received orders to quit the cantons al
together ; but as two months had elapsed
since the failure of their second enterprise,
during which period they had been supplied as
usual with provisions, and their excellencies
of Berne had offered them the islands on the
lakes of Neuchatel and Morat to inhabit and
cultivate, they were totally unprepared for such
orders. It was proposed to them to go to Bran
denburg, but this they resisted on the plea of the
great distance, which only the more convinced
the Bernois how much they had their native

274 LA rentree glorieuse.
country at heart ; and to conquer an obstinacy
these gentlemen deemed dangerous, they were
ordered to leave the canton by a fixed day.
They obeyed, and took their route by the
capital of Berne ; where they had the pleasure
to find that the severity exercised towards
them was merely the effect of state policy, for
besides much individual kindness, the secre
tary of the town distributed money among thera
when they embarked on the Aar, to take up
their abode in Zurich and Schaffhonsen, until
some favourable opportunity of proceeding fur
ther might offer.
Wirtemberg was not very distant, and was
reckoned fertile in vineyards and pasturage :
they appointed three deputies to address the
Duke Frederick Charles, (then regent, uncle
and guardian of his present reigning highness,
Duke Eberhard Louis,) who met with a favour
able reception, lands being even offered them ;
but the Vaudois, whose object was to remain
in a body, would not accede to the condition
of being separated, and supplicated from Zu
rich and Schaffhonsen the permission to remain
in those cantons during the winter. This was
granted them through the intercession of some
of the other cantons. The large collections
made for them in England and Holland contri
buted to this favour ; from the last-named
country ninety-two thousand crowns were de-

la rentree glorieuse. 275
spatched, and his serene highness the Prince of
Orange, afterwards king of England, sent Mons,
de Converant to distribute it with exact eco
nomy. Thus were the poor exiles furnished
with the means of subsistence, but it remained
to find them a fixed residence : after many
projects, some of which would have sent them
to the New World, they accepted the generous
off"ers of the late Elector of Brandenburg, to
establish themselves in his dutchy.
Many, however, on the representations of
some who had visited the country, were dis
mayed at the obstacles which the language,
climate, and distance presented ; this was
deemed fastidious and obstinate, particularly
by the Swiss ; who, after many harangues,
forced them to take an oath that they would
go wherever they were ordered. But though
Mons. Arnaud himself signed this act, he
nevertheless protested against it as a forced
assent. In consequence of this, about 800,
men, women, and children, took their depar
ture ; and as these were considered the most
prudent, every facility was afforded them on
their journey. At Frankfort on the Maine they
were received by Mons. Choudens, deputed by
the Duke of Brandenburg to escort them to
Berlin, where they met with a most gracious
reception from the Elector, whose memory will
t2

276 la rentree glorieuse.
be for ever held dear for his benevolence to
these poor refugees. To commemorate this
worthy act, a print was engraved by the cele
brated Forneiser, of B4le, and presented to his
successor, the first king of Prussia, with a
suitable discourse.
To return to the Vaudois whom we left in
Switzeriand ; they had need of all their reso
lution to withstand the coldness with which
they were treated, and at last found themselves
obliged to separate, and provide for themselves
according to their inclination or ability : some
were dispersed in the Grisons, others on the
frontiers of Wirtemberg, and those parts of the
Palatinate assigned to them by order of the
Elector Philip William de Neubourg, who was
glad of this means of repeopling his country, so
often desolated by war. These poor wanderers
seemed now provided for ; but having always
other views, Mons. Arnaud gladly profited by
this little interval of peace, and accompanied
by a Vaudois captain, named Batiste Besson,
of St. Jean, went to Holland to communicate
their design to the Prince of Orange, after
wards king of England, and to some other great
people, who had at heart the interests of the
Vaudois : this prince, of glorious memory, in
an audience with Mons. Arnaud, praised the
zeal of this minister, and exhorted him to keep

la rentree glorieuse. 277
his little troop together, to have patience, and
not lose courage ; he also gave him money for
his journey back.
Providence, who preserved this little flock
in order to make them a wonderful example of
divine power, appeared to deny them another
country, that they might afterwards return to
their own. Hardly had they begun to establish
themselves, when the quarrels between the
Duke of Orleans and the Duke of Neubourg
(become Elector Palatine) obliged them to seek
safety in flight, not daring to run the risk of
falling a prey to the French, whose fury they
had already sufficiently experienced. Without
being dazzled therefore by the privileges, of
which the Elector Palatine offered to put them
in possession, or by the offers of the Duke of
Wirtemberg, who agreed to employ the effec
tive, and support the rest, they determined to
give up all these advantages to escape from
their enemies, and after much uncertainty
where to bend their steps, they decided on re
turning to Switzerland, as if inspired by God,
who, it may not be improper here to observe, in
conducting these people back to their inherit
ance, permitted that the French, who had
driven them out, should be the means of paving
the way for their return. This new calamity,
which occurred just as they had surmounted
the difficulties which alwavs attend the first

278 LA rentree glorieuse.
settling in a new country, (added to the distress
of leaving their crops to be gathered by their
enemies) happily so touched the hearts of the
inhabitants of the cantons as to efface from
their memory all past dissatisfaction, and they
received this remnant of the Vaudois with open
arms. Behold them again dispersed in differ
ent parts of Protestant Switzerland, living by
the labour of their hands, and always honestly;
for it is a thing to be remarked to their credit,
that, during all the time of their exile, there
was never any complaint made against them of
bad conduct or improper behaviour, excepting
at Zurich, where one soldier carried away the
gun of his master, which coming to the know
ledge of some of the chiefs, the said gun was
immediately restored to the owner.
With time for reflection came the conviction
that they had too long forgotten their country,
and that God had permitted their misfortunes
to make them feel they would never have repose
elsewhere than at home, and they determined
to return at all hazards. This resolution was
fortified by the encouraging accounts they
received from the spies whom they had sent
more than a year before, and from whom they
learnt that the Duke of Savoy had withdrawn
his troops from the other side of the mountains,
since the spring of 1689. Besides this, the
happy and glorious Revolution in England was

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 279
the seal that impressed on their hearts the re
solution not to give way. They saw that the
Prince of Orange, who had assured them of his
august protection, was now raised to the throne
of Great Britain, and flattered themselves that
the antipathy which naturally existed between
him and the king of France, his zeal for the
Protestant religion, and the obligations he was
under to the potentates who had favoured his
advancement to the throne, could not fail to
produce a war with France. This happened
indeed soon after, and afforded occupation
enough to Louis the Fourteenth, who, entangled
in such weighty affairs, overlooked or despised,
without doubt, the trifling concerns of the
Vaudois. This appeared to be the moment to
throw off the mask, and as these poor exiles well
knew that their first attempts had failed, be
cause they had not kept them sufficiently se
cret, their leaders now took infinite care to
conceal their new scheme, in order that the
passage through Savoy might not be closed, or
the Bernois be able to intercept them. It was
also necessary, to prevent the latter from in
curring any blame for having appeared to
connive at their departure : they took their
measures so well, and conducted the affair so
secretly, that all their people began the march
without knowing to what place they were go
ing : their rendezvous was in a large forest in

280 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
the Pays de Vaud, called the wood of Nion,
between Nion and Rolle ; a place very proper
for their purpose, as they could there remain
concealed, and easily obtain provisions from
the many neighbouring towns : besides having
immediate access to the lake, on which they
could embark at night without being perceived.
The most part happily arrived at this ren
dezvous, and waited only for those who were
to come from the Grisons and Wirtemberg, and
who, having farther to go, ran more risk of
being discovered, and in fact were so ; for it
happened that the Count de Cassati, the Spa
nish envoy, observing some movements which
seemed suspicious, gave information to the
Count de Govon, envoy of the Duke of Savoy,
who made such exact inquiries, that he dis
covered these unfortunate persons, to the num
ber of 122, including some strangers, who,
though not in the plot, shared the fate of the
others. Not only was their money, amounting
to 500 crowns, taken from them, but they were
pillaged, insulted, and exposed to all sorts of
cruelties, and sent to Turin. In their way
through several Catholic countries they were
cruelly used, out of enmity to their religion,
especially in the canton of Friburg, where one
Bastie, a physician, was left for dead in con
sequence of the blows he received, of which
he bore the marks all his life.^ At last they

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 281
were confined in the prisons of Turin, where
they languished miserably for several months,
during which four of tbem died ; who, as it
happened, remarkably enough, were all four
named Daniel, which gave occasion to our
Vaudois to allude to the history of Daniel and
the other three Hebrews, who were thrown
into the furnace. However, the comparison
would have been more just had these four mo
dern Daniels come forth safe and sound from
their dungeon, as those of old from the furnace.
Let us leave these unfortunate prisoners,
waiting their deliverance, of which we shall
speak when we come to the surprising denoue
ment of this history. Those who expected
them, tired of waiting and fearing discovery,
thought now only of passing the lake, to the
number of from 8 to 900 : and indeed it was
time, for it began to be whispered that there
were people hid in the wood of Nion. This re
port, which seemed so adverse, proved by
divine grace most favourable to them ; for
wagers were laid in the adjacent places, that
the Vaudois were about some new enterprise,
and curiosity induced several persons to tran
sport themselves in boats to the places where
it was said they were.
The Vaudois, who had but four little
boats, which was far from enough to carry
over their whole number, with the celerity

282 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
the occasion demanded, seized the boats of
those whom curiosity had led there, and thus
obtained the addition of fourteen or fifteen.
Monsieur Arnaud, who at this time was called
Monsieur de la Tour, having said prayers, they
embarked between nine and ten o'clock in
the night of Friday the 16th of August, 1689.
There had been a general fast the preceding
day, in the whole of Protestant Switzerland,
and the devotions thereto belonging, were not
yet finished; which contributed not a little to
their passing the lake. However, they did not
escape "without experiencing a piece of trea
chery of the blackest kind. A man named
Prangin, son of the late Monsieur de Baltazar,
who had bought an estate near Nion, after
having, on his knees, joined in the prayer
which Monsieur Arnaud made, ran the rest
of the night, (like a Judas,) to Geneva, and
disclosed what he had seen to the envoy of
France ; who immediately went to Lyons, to
order a certain number of Dragoons, to march
against this troop of Vaudois. Their first pas
sage was without accident; and if the wind
which arose, separated their boats, it was appa
rently so ordered, that they might fall in with
one from Geneva, which contained eighteen of
their people : but on sending back the boats for
those who remained, they had the misfortune
to see but three return, the boatmen of the

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 283
others having taken to flight, though they were
paid before hand ; thus were they obliged to
leave 200 men on the shores of Switzerland, it
being necessary to march in all haste from a
place so replete with danger. They had be
sides the mortification to see the three boats
which had remained faithful, take back several
good men, who would go no farther without arms,
and to learn that several others who had left
Lausanne the night of the 15th had been taken,
and were released too late for their embark
ation. I shall not enter into the motives which
induced the boatmen to behave as above-men
tioned ; apparently the fear of losing their lives
in Savoy, if taken, and ill used in Switzerland,
when sent back, contributed much to it ; but I
must remark a singular fact : one named S ig
nat, a refugee from Tonneins, in Guienne, a
zealous man, established at Nion as boatman,
offered to pass the Vaudois for nothing, which
he did ; but having disembarked with his cargo,
to take leave of his friends, the other boatmen
went off with his boat. He called after them
in vain, and as he durst not return home on
foot, lest if caught by the Savoyards, it might
cost him his life, he accepted the offer of the
Vaudois, to give him a good house instead of a
boat if he would join their cause.
I can imagine the impatience of the reader to
learn what became of the little band of Van-

284 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
dois, in an enemy's country. They disem
barked between Nernier and Ivoyre,- two towns
of the Chablais, with the intention of marching
sword in hand to recover their country, and of
re-establishing there the true Church of Jesus
Christ. The acts of valour they performed, to
achieve that which appears impossible for so
small a number to have accomplished, are so ex
traordinary, that in order to relate them more
regularly and clearly, I shall faithfully detail
the events of each day as they occurred.
First Day. — Monsieur Arnaud having with
fourteen others, first set foot on the eastern
shore of the lake, posted good sentinels on
all sides, and marshalled his men in line as
they landed ; which done, he formed them into
a regiment, of which one named Bourgeons
of Neuchatel, was to have had the command ;
however, he did not arrive in time, for reasons
which need not be here mentioned, as enough
will be heard of him hereafter.
This regiment was divided into nineteen
companies, of which six were composed of
strangers, nearly all from Languedoc and Dau
phine ; the thirteen others of the Vaudois com
munities.
Angrogna had three companies, Capts. Buffe,
Franche, and Bertin.
St. Jean, two  , Capts. Bellion and Besson.
La Tour, one  , Capt, Jean Frache.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 285
Villar, one company, Capt. Pelene.
Bobbi, two  , Capts. Martinat and Moudon.
Prarustin, one  , Capt. Odin.
St. Germain and Pramol, one  , Capt. Robert.
Macel, one  , Capt. Trone Poulat.
Prales, one  , Capt. Peirot.
The six foreign companies were commanded
by Capts. Martin, Privat, Lucas, Turel, Tron-
frede, and Chien. Several who did not choose
to be inroUed in these companies, formed a
company of volunteers. The whole were formed
into three divisions ; viz. the advanced guard,
main body, and rear guard, after the order of
regular troops, which they always observed on
their march ; they had besides Monsieur Ar
naud, who may be called their patriarch; two
ministers, Mons, Chyon, formerly minister of
the church of Pont, in Dauphin^, and Mons,
Montoux, of Pragelas, who had been in his
own country minister of the church at Cham-
bons, and afterwards at Coire, in the Grisons ;
where he had left his family, to follow the
fortunes of his countrymen.
Their safety being thus provided for, they
solemnly invoked the protection of Heaven, to
favour their enterprise ; after which the above-
named minister, Chyon, went to the nearest
village to procure a guide, but a Savoyard
cavalier, who had perceived our people on the
borders of the lake, had already given the

286 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
alarm, and the minister was taken prisoner, and
sent to Chambery, where he remained till the
peace between the Duke of Savoy and the
Vaudois. The cavalier just mentioned having
advanced pistol in hand, towards our people,
Mons. Arnaud, with the Sieur Turel and six
fusileers, went towards him, but he faced
about so quick, that he avoided only by flight
a shot that was fired after him. A general
alarm being thus given, no time was to be lost,
and some officers, with twelve fusileers, were
sent to Ivoyre, to persuade the inhabitants to
lay down their arms, and affbrd them a free
passage ; to which, (dreading the consequence
of a refusal,) they consented, for in this case
they were threatened with fire and sword ; but
they lit their (alarm) signal, which would have
proved their destruction^ if happily for them
they had not contrived to convince the Vau
dois it had been done by some children ; and
they were pardoned, on condition that the com
mandant and another,* should serve as guides ;
these men were, however, sent back home after
a march of half a league. The Vaudois after
wards took with them as hostages, two gentle
men of the country, but these also they soon
released, wishing to avoid all harshness and
cruelty as long as no resistance was made.
They observed this rule so exactly, that even
* Literally the warder of the castle.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 287
the peasants and priests came out to see them
pass, and often made vows for them, calling
out " God speed you." The Cur6 (or Catholic
minister) of Filii even opened his cellar for
their refreshment, and would not receive any
money. Soon afterwards they were met by four
Savoyard gentlemen, armed, who demanded
of the officers, by whose order, and for what
purpose they were in arms; and displeased
by the firmness of their reply, commanded
them to lay down their arms. But no sooner
had they spoken the words, than perceiving
the approach of the main body, they changed
their tone, and having ordered some peasants
who were with them to retire, they would have
themselves made their escape if the Vaudois
had not prevented them, by making them dis
mount, and march as prisoners at the head of
the regiment, as a punishment for their teme
rity. From the top of a hill the Vaudois per
ceived about 200 armed peasants near a wood,
and fearing an ambuscade, they detached a
party to disperse them, Mons, Gropel, serjt.
maj. and Mons. Mouche, commandant of Boege,
who commanded the peasantry, made but little
resistance, and their arms and ammunition
having been destroyed, some were taken as
guides, with a menace, that they would be
hung upon the nearest tree, if they played false.
One of the above mentioned leaders was also

288 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
taken, that he might bear testimony no damage
was committed on the march, and passing near
his house, he offered to give refreshment, which
was not accepted.
Judging that now every place would be
found under arms, it was deemed expedient to
make one of the gentlemen spoken of above,
write as follows : —
" An expedition is arrived here, composed of
2000 men, who have begged us to accompany
them, to bear testimony of their conduct ; we
can assure you they behave perfectly well, pay
for all they take, and require only free passage.
We therefore request you not to sound the
Tocsin, or raise an alarm, but to withdraw
your people if under arms."
This letter, signed by all the gentlemen,
and sent to the town of Viu, produced a
kind of emulation on the way, who should
give them most readily what was wanted ;
indeed orders had been issued to the pea
sants, to furnish our travellers with carts
for their baggage ; but as there are always
some who transgress orders, one peasant fired
on a Vaudois soldier, but missed, and the sol
dier took him prisoner ! another soldier killed
an armed peasant, and amongst some who fled,
seized one of the Dominican Monks, called
Hermits of the Oiiarons, or as commonly pro
nounced, Voirons; he had a dagger under his

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 289
gown, but he afterwards made himself very
useful. At nightfall they halted near Viu Vil-
lete du Foucigni, from whence they procured
bread and wine, which they paid for, and one of
the gentlemen not being able to walk any far
ther, was sent back : after two hours halt they
proceeded, having made one of the hostages
write another note, to be sent to the town of
St. Joyre, where they arrived in half an hour,
and all the inhabitants came out to receive
them, even the magistrates had a cask of wine
placed in the streets for the soldiers, some of
whom feared to taste it, lest it should have
been poisoned; they arrived soon after at a
little ascent, where they halted, the place was
called Carman ; it was midnight, and though
it rained a little, they reposed themselves, after
their long march, during the remainder of the
night, in order to be in better condition to pass
the bridge of Marni, which they feared might
be broken up ; it was here that having taken
the brothers George, they released the two
hostages taken at Boege.
Second Day, August 17M.— Having found the
bridge of Marni in good repair, they passed it
without resistance, and entered an agreeable
valley, which the inhabitants had abandoned.
By ten o'clock they arrived near Cluse, a
pretty fortified town, situated on the banks of
the Arve, which they were obliged to ford.
u

290 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
The inhabitants in arms, lined the ditches, and
the peasants descending the mountain, made it
resound with their cries of abuse, against the
Vaudois ; who in spite of a heavy rain which
annoyed them much, advanced within gun-shot,
determined to force a passage. At this time
Mons. de Fora having overheard some persons
say, it would be advisable to kill the hostages,
in case of resistance, and fearing for his own
safety, begged permission to write to the Go
vernors of the town, which was granted him.
He represented to them the danger of refusing
admission to people who had done no kind of
harm in any place through which they had
passed ; this note was carried into the town
just as three of the principal persons were
coming out to capitulate, two were retained by
the Vaudois, who at their request, sent back
one of their own people with the other, who
being asked for the watch-word, fiercely re
plied, it was at the point of his sword. The
townspeople soon saw the affair was serious,
and allowed them to proceed and to be sup
plied with provisions on paying for them. The
inhabitants armed, were ranged in line on both
sides the streets ; and while our troops passed
through the town, Mons. de la Rochette the
governor, asked some of the officers to dinner,
which they refused, but as soon as they were
out of the town, at their desire, he sent them a

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 291
barrel of wine, and bread in plenty, for which
Mons, de la Tour paid five louis d'ors, which
seemed to satisfy the inhabitants very much.
As they were refreshing themselves, they
perceived some children running towards Sa-
lenche, and suspecting they were sent to give
information of their advance, they made them
turn back. When the Vaudois were about to
recommence their march, Mons, de la Rochette
and another, desired to return, on pretence of
attending mass, but they would not allow them,
and observing soon after, a servant of this said
gentleman's amongst the troops, they searched
him, and found upon him letters from the elder
La Rochette to the governors of Salenche,
exhorting them to take arms, promising that
while they attacked the Vaudois in front, the
people of Cluse would not fail to charge them
in the rear.
In the expectation then of an attack, they
defiled through a long narrow valley, in the
middle of which was a village and castle,
named Maglan, but the peasants who were
under arms, contented themselves with looking
on, Mons, de Loche, the owner of the castle,
after loading the officers with caresses, found
himself obliged to march with them ; to console
him, they made his curt accompany him, and
in order that it might be difficult to count their
numbers, they affected to march in confusion. u 2

292 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
Salenche is a mercantile town, and capital
of the district of Foucigni. To arrive at this
place it was necessary to pass a wooden bridge,
with houses upon it, a quarter of a league
from the town, within a hundred yards of
this bridge ; the officers, expecting the passage
to be disputed, formed their men in divisions,
in one of which they placed their hostages,
with orders (more intended to alarm than to be
obeyed) that they should be shot, if the Savoy
ards fired. While these arrangements were
making, they sent three captains, with an
escort of six soldiers, to demand a passage
through the town, who fell in with six of the
principal people of the place, and took one of
them, the others faced about, and came straight
to us ; Mons. Cartan, first syndic, being one of
them, having replied that the passage de
manded, was too great a favour to grant with
out assembling a council. We consented to
half an hour's delay for this purpose, menacing
at the expiration of that time, to force the
bridge, which we were about to attack,
when the said gentlemen returned, saying,
the period was much too short for so im
portant a deliberation, and were about to
return again, when the Vaudois made two
of them dismount, and very civilly requested
of them to augment the number of hostages;
this compUment was not to their taste; the

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 293
Vaudois might then have forced the bridge, but
willing if possible to prevent the unnecessary
effusion of blood, they listened to the request
of the last hostages, to permit one of them to
return into the town, and bring back an answer
good or bad ; but instead of seeing them again,
they heard the tocsin sound, and saw 600
armed men range themselves near the bridge.
As our troops were preparing to charge, they
perceived four capuchins coming out of the
town, as negociators, and having been civilly
received, they proposed a free passage, on con
dition that the hostages and their horses should
be released, offering to give up two others of
distinction in their place, which was agreed to ;
but when they discovered that the promised
hostages, instead of two sindics, as they called
them, were two poor wretches of the lowest
order, Mons, Arnaud, indignant at the shame
ful manner in which they endeavoured to de
ceive him, advanced towards th^ capuchins,
who, reading in his countenance that he meant
to detain them, took to their heels, and so
quickly did they tuck up their frocks and run,
that two only of them were caught, who were
added to the number of hostages. It must be
remarked to their honour, that they were after
wards of great use, their intreaties for the
permission to pass through towns and villages,
being generally so efficacious, that the Vaudois
could not but the more wonder at the influence

294 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
these good fathers held over those of their
religion. To return, the capitulation being
now of no avail, they marched a detachment
over the bridge, without opposition, and after
wards flanked it with a guard of forty soldiers,
to secure the passage of the rest, which being
effected, they drew up in order of battle,
twenty steps from the hedges, behind which the
inhabitants were entrenched, but did not fire,
lest their town should be burnt by the Vaudois,
who in consequence marched quietly on, and
at last reached the village of Cablau, where
they established themselves for the night, but
found nothing either to eat or drink, or even
fire to dry themselves, which would have been
the more acceptable, as it had rained all day ;
but for this rain even, these poor people had
cause to be thankful, as it no doubt prevented
the enemy from pursuing them.
Third Day, Monday \2th. — If the Vaudois
were not oil this day harassed by the move
ments and opposition of the inhabitants of
Cluse, Maglan, and Salenche, they were
greatly alarmed on hearing that they had a
rough and difficult journey before them, having
two very steep mountains to climb and de
scend, therefore they bought some wine in a
village, through which they passed early in the
morning. On starting, they sounded two trum
pets, instead of drums, which would have beeu
inconvenient to carry, and discharged their

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 295
muskets, to reload them; the rain still con
tinued ; they passed through several villages,
and a town called Beaufort or Migeves, in which
the inhabitants were under arms, but did not
molest them. They then gained the summit of
the mountain, where they rested on account of
the rain ; here they found a great many cattle,
which it was customary to keep there during
the summer, but neither these or the dairies
did they touch, greatly to the surprise of the
hostages, who were incommoded by this frugal
life, and at last persuaded our people, that with
regard to provisions, it was the custom of sol
diers to take whatever they found. This ad
vice, or rather reproach, from those who were
in the interests of the country, and their ex
ample, added to the hunger which our Vaudois
were suffering, and to the deserted state in
which they found the chalets, induced them to
break the rule laid down, and to help them
selves to bread, milk, cheese, and all the
eatables they could find, which they would
have paid for, had they seen the- owners. At
length, after severe toil, they arrived at the
summit of the second mountain, called " Haute
Luce," of which the very appearance is alarm
ing, and the ascent always difficult, and
more than usually so at this time, on ac
count of the rain and snow, as well as of
the thick fog with which it was covered.

296 LA RENTREE GLORIUESE,
At the top was a deserted barn, where they
found some milk and other trifles for their sup
port, and luckily fell in with some peasants to
supply the want of guides, as theirs, in the fog,
believing themselves in the clouds, declared
they had lost all knowledge of the paths ; this
they soon after found out to be a pretence, and
that they maliciously contrived to lead the
Vaudois through the most frightful passes, to
allow time for the Savoyards to come up and
destroy them ; and in consequence, Mons,
Arnaud threatened in earnest to have these
treacherous guides hanged. If the zealous
leader of this little troop knew how to alarm
those who raeant to deceive, he endeavoured
no less by good and holy exhortations to raise
the courage of those under his care, and who
seemed now on the point of sinking under an
accumulation of evils, increased by the alraost
unbearable fatigue of effecting a passage
through a pass cut in the rock, like a ladder,
where twenty persons raight easily have de
stroyed 20,000. They descended with greater
difficulty ; and in a sitting posture, slid down
precipices without other light than what was
afforded thera by the snow, and arrived late in
the night at St. Nicholas de Verose, a miserable
hamlet, composed merely of some shepherds'
huts. In this place, sunk as it were in a de
serted cold abyss, they were obliged to halt.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 297
without finding even the means of making a
fire ; so that to provide themselves with this
comfort, they unroofed the cabins,* and thus
exposed themselves to a rain which lasted all
night. Fourth day, Tuesday, 2Qth. — Impatience to
quit this miserable post before daylight caused
two accidents ; Capt, Meynier, a Vaudois, and
good soldier, was wounded in both thighs by a
ball, fired by chance in the dark ; and, secondly,
a report having been spread that 200 Savoyards
had slipped in amongst the corps, with the design
of attacking the Vaudois, a soldier, mistaking »'
for one of them the Sieur Bailiff, (a refugee
from Lausanne, who had left his establishraent
there, to join our travellers,) discharged his
cross-bow at him, and would have taken his
life if the captain had not begged for time to
say his prayers, having already received a
thrust with the soldier's bayonet, which only
pierced his doublet. It was here also that the
Sieur Chien, one of the captains, discouraged
by so many fatigues, which his constitution
could no longer support, deserted, taking with
hira a fine horse, from a place where they had
left six others. In the morning they ascended
or rather climbed, with the snow up to their
knees, and the rain pouring on them, one of the
* The cottages here are even now roofed with wooden
shingles. — T.

298 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
rudest points ofthe mountain called Bon Homme.
Knowing that the year before, on the news of
their first attempts, strong ramparts and en
trenchments had been made in this place, with
embrasures, in so advantageous a position, that
thirty men might not only have stopt, but en
tirely have destroyed them ; they marched in
the expectation of a bloody engagement ; but
the Eternal, who was always with this troop
of his faithful people, permitted that they
should find these entrenchments vacant, and
without even a guard ; for, tired of watching
so long in vain, they had retired — a mercy for
which the Vaudois offered up thanksgiving to
God upon the spot. After a long descent
through the snow, they bought a barrel of wine
to drink on the road ; but perceiving that the
rear guard delayed to follow, some shots were
fired, which caused them to leave the wine
(the occasion of the delay) and hasten with all
speed to their stations. In the valley which
they came to, it was necessary to cross the
Isere frequently ; they marched for some time
two abreast, expecting resistance, and their
danger was the more eminent in this narrow -
defile, nearly filled up by a river, at the tirae
overflowed, as they perceived the heights above
thera to be in possession of arraed peasants.
These however, to the very agreeable surprise
of the Vaudois, contented themselves with

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, 299
looking at them. These peasants, having ob
served that their presence had not given any
alarm to our Vaudois, returned as hard as they
could run to their hamlets and sounded the
tocsin. In a moment was heard a horrible peal
from all the bells round. This, however, did
not prevent the Vaudois from proceeding to a
bridge they expected to find ; they discovered
that it was barricaded with strong rafters, and
trees crossed one over the other, and guarded
by peasants, some armed with scythes, some
with rauskets, sorae with forks. As soon as
the Vaudois showed a disposition to attack
them, Mons, de la Val d 'Isere, lord of this
valley, came to parley, that is to say, to grant
a passage, the peasants themselves, and even
the cur6 himself helping to clear the bridge.
As for Mons. Le Comte, as soon as he had
finished his embassy, he rode off at fuUgallop,
so afraid was he of being added to the hostages ;
who, whenever they saw sorae one of distinc
tion, usually said to Mons. Arnaud, " there is
a good bird for our cage." They passed the
little village of Sez without coraraitting any
disorder, although its bells had sounded loudly,
and the inhabitants had taken arras ; and, above
all, they were aware that the above-naraed
lord was there shut up in his castle. They
encaraped very near this town, where they ob
tained as rauch provision as they wished : for

300 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
bread they paid two sous a pound, excepting
Mons, Arnaud, who paid voluntarily three sous,
and they had such plenty, that some of the
peasants came and bought bread of the soldiers.
Fifth day, Wednesday, 2\st. — The march be
gan before daylight, still along the Val d'Isere,
where the hamlets were all deserted, Atthe
village of St, Foi they halted, here they again
found inhabitants, procured provisions, and
were treated with cordiality ; some persons
even came to meet them, praising their design
of returning to their own country, and urging
them to stay all night, promising, if they did,
to bake bread, kill cattle, and furnish wine to
refresh the troops. These flattering speeches
would probably have induced the Vaudois to
consent to the proposal, had not Mons, Arnaud,
then with the rear guard, advanced to inquire
the cause of the delay ; and as he always dis
trusted the caresses of an eneray, he ordered
the troops to march on, and take with them the
smooth-tongued gentry, who doubtless intended
their destruction. Their road now lay through
a narrow ravine between two high raountains,
covered with thick underwood ; nothing could
have been raore easy than to have defended this
pass ; by raerely taking away the rafters of the
little bridge, it would have been impossible for
our troops to have forced a passage, however
they arrived safe at Villar Rougy, where the ad-

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 301
vanced guard seized a cur^ and some peasants,
who were trying to make their escape. On
leaving this frightful valley, they perceived
numbers of the peasants who had abandoned
their houses and retired to the opposite side of
the river ; they next came to Eutigne, a hamlet
situated in a Uttle plain, surrounded by moun
tains. The inhabitants had taken refuge on the
heights, where they were seen in arms. At
night the Vaudois encamped in a field near the
village of Laval, and found provisions in the
deserted houses. One of the principal persons
of the place lodged the officers ; and here
Mons. Arnaud and his colleague Mons. Mon
toux, after having passed eight successive days
and nights almost without food or sleep, lay
down for three hours, after having supped. It
may be supposed that neither bed nor supper
were ever more welcome.
Sixth day, Thursday, 22d.- — We passed the
village of Tigne and released some of our hos
tages ; others escaped, doubtless by bribing
their guards ; we took the precaution of re
placing them by two priests and a lawyer, and
then began the ascent of Mount Tisserand, or
La Maurienne, more properly Iserand, from
whence is derived the name of the river Isere.
During the halt, we divided the companies
and appointed some additional officers. We
had afterwards to traverse some very difficult

302 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
paths among the Alps, in some of the val
leys there was abundance of cattle, and
the owners regaled our travellers from their
dairies, at the same time giving them to under
stand, their passage would be disputed at the
foot of Mount Cenis, where a large body of
troops awaited their arrival. This news, instead
of alarming them, gave them fresh courage ;
under the conviction that the fate of their
arms depended solely on God, and trusting
through his support to obtain a passage ; they
courageously descended the mountain of Mau
rienne, and traversing the district of the same
name, passed the hamlet of Bonneval, and
marched straight to Besas, where the inha
bitants were understood to be very ill disposed,
and in fact their violence and raenaces obliged
the Vaudois to avenge themselves, by seizing-
some mules and carrying away with them the
cur6, the warder, and six peasants, who, for
their greater mortification, were bound toge
ther ; they here passed the river and encamped
near a little deserted hamlet, where it rained
upon thera all night.
Seventh day, Friday, 2'dd. — In passing through
Lannevillard they took a cur6 and some pea
sants ; but released the former when they came
to Mount Cenis, considering hira too fat and
too old to accomplish the ascent. Fearing
lest their march should be made known by

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 303
means of the post-house on the summit, a de
tachment was sent forward to seize all the
horses ; and as they returned with this booty
(of which they had possessed themselves in
self-defence) they fell in with some laden
mules, and, tempted by the opportunity, seized
them also, and found that they were conveying
the luggage of the Cardinal Angelo Ranuzzi ;
who, being on his return from hi.'^ nunciate in
France, had sent them by this road, while he
was himself making all speed another way to
Rome ; in order to assist at the conclave which
elevated Alexander the Eighth to the papal
chair. The muleteers having coraplained to the
officers, they commanded that the '^hole of
the property should be instantly restored to the
owner, lest the reputation for good discipline,
on which they so much prided themselves,
should in any degree suffer ; therefore, if any
article was lost, the officers declare it to have
been without their knowledge, except indeed
in the single instance of a watch of singular
construction, made after the model of the clock
at Strasburg, and which was not discovered
till too late to restore it : they also aver that
they did not read any of the papers belonging
to the said cardinal, who upon hearing of this
accident, on his arrival at Fano, and conclud
ing that all the memoirs of his nunciate, as
well as his private papers, had fallen into the

304 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
hands of people who would turn them to their
own advantage, was so much mortified, that it
may be said to have caused his death, by in
ducing him to give up all hopes of succeeding
to the pontificate, a dignity he was in fact,
from various causes, peculiarly well calculated
to fill ; he is said, however, to have exhibited
some degree of weakness in his conduct, rela
tive to the misunderstandings between the king
of France and Pope Innocent the Eleventh ;
and also on his death bed, when he frequently
exclairaed, " Oh ! my papers, my papers !" *
Many reports have been circulated respecting
these papers; amongst others, that the Duke
of Savo^' purchased thera of the Vaudois, and
sent thera to the court of France ; where, by
this raeans, an intrigue was discovered between
the Cardinal Ranuzzi and several of the French
ecclesiastics, ten of whora were in consequence
said to have been thrown into the prison of
Vincennes ; however, being well aware that
these stories were only invented to blacken
their character, the Vaudois trouble themselves
very little about these papers, only repeating
once more, that they never had them, or ever
saw them ; and the watch, above mentioned,
fell subsequently into the hands of Mons. Mon
toux, and was taken with his equipage by the
troops of the Duke of Savoy, when he was
* " O ! le mie carte, le mie carte.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 805
made prisoner, an event which will be spoken
of in its place. The sufferings experienced by
the Vaudois in crossing the great and little
Mont Cenis, are hardly to be described, hav
ing with infinite toil reached the latter, they
found in the barns peasants armed with hal
berts and poles shod with iron, two of whom
they seized. Soon afterwards, they lost their
way, either through the treachery of the
guide or in consequence of the fog ; and the
ground being a foot deep in snow, they
descended the mountain of Tourliers, rather by
a precipice than a road. To complete their
misfortunes, darkness having surprised them,
many who were sinking under fatigue got sepa
rated from the rest, and passed the night in
wandering about, while the main body happily
reached the valley of Jaillon, where they found
at least dry wood for fires.
Eighth day, — At daybreak, on the 24th, the
stragglers having rejoined the main body, it
was decided to march by Chaumont, above
Susa ; and a party having been sent out to re
connoitre, discovered on the mountain a con
siderable number of French soldiers and pea
sants rolling down pieces of rock into the val
ley, which being very narrow, and the river
Jaillon very rapid, our position appeared evi
dently a very dangerous one. But the advanced
guard, having been reinforced with 100 men.

306 I.A RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
marched forwards with intrepid courage, and
when within fifty yards of the enemy. Captain
Pelene, wjth an escort, advanced to treat for a
passage; two cur^s were sent with him, in
hopes of their facilitating the business; but, on
the contrary, they escaped, and at their insti
gation, Capt. Pelene and his men were seized,
bound, and gagged, only one excepted, who
found the strength of Samson in his hair, bywhich
they had seized him. The enemy then making
an attack with their rausketry and grenades,
and throwing and rolling down stones frora
their advantageous position, obliged the ad
vanced guard to retire under shelter of the
rocks, and at last to defile through a wood of
chesnuts on the right side of the river, which
they forded with difficulty : it was here that
the Sieur Caffarel, of Bobbi, was taken pri
soner by the dragoons, after being wounded by
one of his own men, who mistook him for an
enemy, he being at the time dressed in the
clothes of a soldier he had just killed. Those
who had passed the river, finding they were
not pursued, returned, and rejoined the raain
body, and it was then considered advisable to
endeavour to regain the heights, to avoid the
danger of being surrounded in the valley. The
ascent could only be accomplished by climb
ing, often on the hands as well as feet, and the
difficulty of it may be iraagined, since the hos-

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, 307
tages entreated to be shot rather than be forced
to undergo such fatigue : and though the Vau
dois did reach this summit, the undertaking cost
them dear, several of their people being lost in
the wood, and among them captains Lucas
and Privet, who were never more heard of, and
also two excellent surgeons, one of whom,
named Melanet, remained hidden four days in
the trunk of a tree, with several others, sub
sisting on a small quantity of water. They
were at last taken prisoners and conveyed,
bound hand and foot, to the prisons of the
senate at Turin, where they lingered in a dun
geon for nine months. It was usual to send
those taken on the territory of Savoy to the
prisons of that country ; while such as were
captured on French ground were sent to Gre
noble and from thence to the galleys, where
those on whom death has not taken pity still
remain, although offers of ransom or exchange
have been made. Among these latter unfor
tunate persons was the other surgeon, Mons.
Jean Muston, of St. Jean, whose constancy and
firmness under such protracted sufferings de
mand a place in this history.
This defeat, which enfeebled the little flock,
and cost them much booty as well as many
brave men, did not discourage them, but sup
ported by the conviction, that neither strength,
address, nor numbers are required to carry into
X 2

308 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
effect the wonderful plans of God, they put
their trust in his help, and prepared for fresh
exertions in the ascent of the mountain of
Tourliers. Having waited two hours after the
trumpets had been sounded as a signal to the
stragglers, and fearing the eneray's troops
might gain tirae to dispute their passage, they
marched with such haste, that poor Meinier, of
Rodoret, who had been accidentally wounded
by one of his own raen, and had fallen asleep
from fatigue on a rock, was left behind ; two
of the hostages also escaped, one of whom was
wounded or killed in his flight. When they
had reached the summit of the mountain, they
perceived through the fog 200 arraed men,
marching towards thera, with druras beating.
The coramanding officer sent word he did not
mean to oppose the passage of the Vaudois,
provided they would take a route a little above
hira, in which case he even offered them pro
visions ; but if, on the contrary, they were
determined to open theraselves a road through
his post, he deraanded eight hours to consider
what was to be done. Though they were aware
this officer was not entirely to be trusted, they
thought it better to accept the route proposed
to them, rather than try to force one which
was well guarded, they therefore took the right
hand road ; but soon perceived that they were
followed by the same troops, under cover of

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 309
the night. From this manoeuvre, the Vaudois
clearly saw it was the intention of the enemy
to engage them between two fires, when they
attempted to force the passage of the bridge of
Salabertran, upon the river Doire, which
seemed an infallible way of destroying a hand
ful of men, worn out with fatigue and privations
of every kind . They therefore sent a message
to demand why these troops continued to ad
vance, apparently in opposition to their word ;
to which they replied, that they had no inten
tion of violating it, and pretended to retire;
the Vaudois believing they had done so in
good earnest, continued their march in close
order, across extensive plains and through
woods ; as they approached a hamlet, about a
league from Salabertran, they inquired of a
peasant whether provisions could be procured
for money, to which he coldly replied, " Go,
they will give you all you want, they have pre
pared a good supper for you." These words,
pronounced seriously, but archly, led them to
suspect something wrong ; however they pro
ceeded with unshaken courage, after a halt of
a few minutes, during which they refreshed
themselves with some wine, which they had
ordered the peasants to bring thera; half a
league from the bridge, they discovered thirty-
six fires at different distances along the valley,
which showed them at once the position of the

310 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
enemy ; a quarter of an hour afterwards the
advanced guard fell into an arabuscade, but the
troops which formed it retired as soon as they
had discharged their pieces, leaving five dead.
An engagement now appearing inevitable, the
Vaudois assembled to prayers ; and having re
connoitred the ground on each side, advanced
almost to the bridge, the enemy, who were
entrenched on the other side, called out " Qui
vive?" to which they replied very sincerely,
" Amis," that was, provided they were allowed
to pass ; but the others, who desired no friends
at that price, called out " Tue, tue," and
opened a fire during a good quarter of an hour,
of two thousand shots at each discharge ;
Mons. de la Tour from the first ordered all his
men to lie flat down on the ground, by which
means one raan only was wounded ; and one of
the hostages, a Savoyard nobleraan, who had
grown old in arms, declared he had never seen
so heavy a fire take so little effect; but what
was still more remarkable, Mons. de la Tour,
with Capt, Mondon, of Bobbi, a brave officer,
(who is still alive,) with only two refugees, not
only made head against two companies who
attacked the Vaudois in the rear, but repulsed
thera. Our men seeing themselves thus placed
between two fires, and that every exertion must
be made, called out " The bridge is carried," al
though itwas not, which so animated the soldiers

LA [lENTREE GLORIEUSE. 311
that they threw themselves upon it, and forcing
it sword in hand, made their way into the en
trenchments of the enemy, whom they pursued
so closely as to seize them by the hair. The
shock was tremendous, the sabres of the Vau
dois struck fire against the steel of the French,
who could only use their muskets to parry the
blows ; at last the victory was so complete,
that the Marquis de Larrey, who commanded
the French, and was dangerously wounded in
the arm, exclaimed (swearing after the French
manner) "Is it possible I should lose the
battle and my honour ? Sauve qui peut." He
then retreated with several other wounded offi
cers to Brianifon, where not thinking himself
in safety, he took the road to Embrun in a
litter. The engagement lasted near two hours,
and the enemy were thrown into such disorder,
that raany were mixed with the Vaudois and
thus killed. The watchword of the Vaudois
being Angrogna, the enemies, in trying to re
peat it, replied to the " Qui vive," only
" Grogne," so that this word alone cost above
200 of them their lives ; at last the field of battle
remained covered with dead ; many companies
were reduced to seven or eight raen, all their
officers having been killed, and all the baggage
and aramunition fell into the hands of the vic
torious Vaudois. Mons. Arnaud ordered them
to break open thirteen railitary chests, and

312 LA RENTREE GLORIEtSE.
throw into the river the booty they could not
carry, after providing theraselves with as much
powder and ball as each man could convey,
and setting fire to the rest, which made so ter
rific an explosion among the mountains that it
was heard at Brianfon. At the same time the
trumpets were sounded, and every man throw
ing up his hat, made the air resound with this
exclamation of joy, " Thanks be given to the
Eternal God of armies, who has granted us the
victory," What ! could a handful of men force 2900
soldiers frora their entrenchraents, when of
those soldiers nineteen corapanies were cora
posed of regular troops, and the reraainder of
militia and peasants, besides the troops in their
rear already raentioned? The thing appears
so little probable, that to believe it one must
have seen it ; or rather one must bear firmly in
mind that the hand of God not only fought for
thera but blinded the French ; otherwise it is
irapossible that a nation so clear sighted, and
so skilful in the art of war, should have failed
to perceive, that by breaking up the bridge,
which was only of wood, they must have in
stantly stopt the progress of the Vaudois, for
the river was so swollen, that it was not ford
able. Astonishing as this victory appears, the
trifling loss sustained by the victors is no less
so; from ten to twelve only were wounded,

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, 313
and fourteen or fifteen killed, half of whom fell
by the fire of their own rear guard. Of thirty-
nine hostages only six reraained, one cur6
being killed, and the rest having made their
escape during the engagement. . Although after
such an action, they stood more in need of
repose than ever, having previously marched
for three days and nights without intermission,
almost without even eating or drinking, they still
thought it prudent to advance and employ the
remainder of this glorious night in climbing by
moonlight the raountain of Sei, in the direction
of Pragela, This was, however, attended with
the greatest difficulty, for the raen fell at
every step from sleep and exhaustion, and
doubtless many must have perished had not the
rear guard taken the greatest care to wake
those they found on the ground, and obliged
them to proceed.
Ninth Day, Sunday 2%th. — At the dawn of
day, they formed themselves on the top of the
said mountain of Sei, where they waited for
those who had dropped into the rear; after
which Mons. de la Tour having assembled the
whole army, made them observe that they were
already within sight of their own native raoun
tains, the summits of which he pointed out, and
exhorted them to thank God for having so
miraculously preserved them. He made a prayer
which animated them afresh, and having thus

314 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
given thanks to God, they descended into the val
ley of Pragela, and crossed the Clusone, where
they encamped opposite the church of the ham
let of laTraverse, and bought some provisions, in
spite of the first refusal of the inhabitants, who
were, notwithstanding, brothers by the tie of the
same religion. Here they had the pleasure to learn ,
that while it was acknowledged they had lost
but fourteen men in the late action, their ene
mies had left twelve captains on the field, be
sides other officers, and 600 men ; but at the
same time, they had the mortification of learn
ing that thirty-six of their own men who had .
been taken near the Jaillon, and eighty others
at the foot of Mont Sei had been sent, bound
and gagged to Grenoble, Though it was Sun
day, no mass was celebrated in all the Valley
of, Pragela, for all the priests, thinking more
of their safety than of their duty, had taken to
flight. The son too, of the coramandant of the
place, had hastily forraed a corapany, which he
coraraanded ; all their exploits consisted in
taking prisoners four Vaudois, who lost their
way in the woods ; these raen hoping to secure
better treatment, advised his not advancing,
if he did not wish to be cut to pieces ; for this
advice, and thinking the four Vaudois would
guarantee him from harra should he fall in with
the raain body, he promised. to do them no
injury; but no sooner did he think himself out

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 315
of danger, than these poor creatures were sent
to Grenoble.
As the Vaudois troops were preparing to
march about three o'clock, p. m, towards the
Valley of St. Martin, they saw some dragoons
on the side of Cestrieres, advancing towards
the valley ; but when these perceived the Vau
dois steadily advancing, they retired. We
passed the night in the village of Jaussaud,
the highest point on the Col de Pis, and ob
tained a few provisions, on paying for them
very dearly, but not as many as were wanted ;
which caused the Vaudois to reproach the in
habitants with their inhumanity, so inconsistent
with their former intimacy ; they excused
themselves, however, by saying, they should
be ruined, if it was known they had favoured
them in the sraallest degree, and it was after
wards discovered that the priest had told the
peasants that if they did not take all the Vau
dois they could, they would deserve to be burnt
in their houses.
Tenth Day, Monday 2Qth. — The troops began
their march late, and when near the foot of the
Col de Pis, they saw the troops of H. R, H,
drawn up in order of battle, in the plain of
Bouchar, at the lower part of the pass. They
halted to say prayers, which Mons, Arnaud
pronounced aloud with great devotion ; that
done, to raake theraselves raasters of this pass.

316 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
they divided their line into three detachments,
which marched in three columns, two on the
flanks, and the third directly in advance.
The Savoyards seeing the resolution with
which they marched, sent an officer, who made
signs he wished to corae to a parley, but as
they would not hear him, he took to flight,
together with the whole body, leaving their
baggage to the mercy of the Vaudois, who
would have pursued them, but for a heavy fog;
they fired but three muskets after them, each
of which took effect, and brought down a man.
They then continued the descent, and halted at
the foot of Mont Geras, near one of the huts
where the shepherds make cheese ; they seized
six soldiers of H. R. H, whora they killed, after
desiring thera to say their prayers, which they
knew so little how to do, that they asked how.
They carried with thera from this place near
600 sheep, and some shepherds, but restored
the greatest part on receiving a sraall sura of
money. Night and rain coraing suddenly upon
them, they were obliged to descend one of the
most tremendous paths that can be iraagined,
by the light of torches, till they arrived at a
roofless barn, above the Col de Dalraian, in
and about which, they passed the night, not in
sleep, but occupied in drying themselves by
some little fires.
Eleventh Day, Tuesday 27th. — They arrived

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 317
at Balsille, the first hamlet in the Valley of St.
Martin, and discovered here that twenty sol
diers had deserted; what was the more sur
prising in this defection was, that it happened
at the very time when they first set foot on the
land they had laboured so hard to attain. As
in the above-mentioned hamlet they did not
find as was expected any armed force, a little
time was given for repose and refreshraent.
They killed the sheep they had brought with
thera, which some ate with a little bread,
and some without being able to obtain any,
it having been refused to them in Pragela.
As they were thus refreshing themselves as
they could, a soldier perceived some troops
approaching by the Col de Pis, and called to
arms; the party seeing this movement, and
mistaking them for their own people, made a
sign with a handkerchief, that they were the
troops of H. R. H. They were immediately
attacked, taken, and disarraed, and proved to
be forty-six men of the militia of Cavour, sent
under the command of a serjeant, to guard the
pass. A council of war having been held upon
them in a meadow, they were exhorted to say
their prayers, and led to the bridge of Balsille,
where they were killed and thrown into the
river ; the Vaudois passed the night at Macel,
where they found bread and other eatables,
which the peasants had not had time to bury.

318 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
Twelfth Day, Wednesday 28th. — Our travel
lers having nearly reached the end of their
career, marched towards Prais, and being ar
rived at the top of La Couline, they formed two
troops, one of which proceeded by Rodoret,
the other by Fontaines ; that is to say, one
took the mountain road, the other that which
led through the valley, in order to discover
whether there were any soldiers to oppose
them ; but they raet only some Savoyards, on
whom they laid violent hands. Having learnt that
the Marquis de Parelle, (the lieut. general com
manding the Ducal troops, appointed to guard
the Col de Lapier,) was at Perrier, the detach
raent which went by Rodoret joined the other
at Prais, where they burnt a chapel, which had
been built only three years, and having had the
pleasure of finding the teraple in the haralet of
Guigou, which was the church of Prais, stand
ing, they stripped it of all that appertained to
the worship of Rorae, and then sung in it the
74th Psalm, " Oh God, wherefore art thou
absent," . . . &c. Monsieur Arnaud to make
himself heard by those also who were outside,
.got upon a bench in the doorway, and the
129th Psalra, " Many a time have they fought
against rae," being, sung, he preached on both
these psalras. It is here worthy of reraark,
that God perraitted that the first service heard
by the Vaudois, on their return to their valleys.

''*lli

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 319
should be performed in that temple, of which
Mons. Leidet was rainister, who for singing-
psalms under a rock, and preaching pubUcly
the true faith, lost his life on a gibbet, by order
of the court, in the fort of St. Michel, near
Luzerne, in the year 1686.
Thirteenth Day, August 29th. — Mons. Ar
naud having made public prayers, they pre
pared to pass the Col de Julien, in order to
descend into the valley of Luzerne, when
meeting with a horse near la Ferrouillarie,
they guessed that the eneray were not far off,
and soon after saw a serjeant of H. R. H.'s
guards, with a peasant for a guide ; they were
taken, and the guide put to death. The serjeant
to avoid the sarae fate, proraised to discover all
he knew, and said he had been sent into the'
valley of St. Martin, to reconnoitre the state
of the Vaudois ; that there were 200 of his
Majesty's guards waiting for thera, well en
trenched on the Col de Julien ; and that a
regiraent of guards had been sent for, seventeen
days before, from Nice, to come to the defence
of the valleys, which was three days before the
Vaudois set out. Upon this inforraation, they
divided as usual into three bodies, one taking
the right, the other the left, and the third,
which was the principal, the centre. The
right division having reached a wood above,
were preparing to halt, but finding thera-

320 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
selves discovered by a sentinel of the enemy,
they lost no time in taking up a position before
the Savoyard troops could have time to occupy
it ; these carae up with the intention of disputing
the post, but as soon as they perceived the
Vaudois had been too quick for thera, they
retired under favour of some heavy clouds, cry
ing out, " Venez, venez, Barbets du Diable,* we
have seized all the posts, and are 3000 strong ;"
adding by way of gasconade, " let Mons. le Che
valier be told to take care of his posts." And
as the Vaudois approached, the sentinel kept
caUing out, " qui vive, if you do not answer, I
fire;" but not one shot was fired, so afraid
were they of the Vaudois, who in their eager
ness to come to an engagement, determined
to attack these boasters even in their en
trenchments, where they thought themselves
so secure. As soon as they saw them
selves attacked in good earnest, and on all
sides, after firing for half an hour, they dis
gracefully abandoned their posts ; leaving be
hind them baggage, and aramunition, and even
the clothes of their coraraander, in the hands
of the Vaudois : who on their part lost only one
man, named Joshie Mandom, a good soldier,
who died of his wounds, at les Pausettes, the
next day, and was buried under a rock. The
fugitives retreated in such haste to the convent
* Barbets, a name of reproach given the Vaudois.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 321
of Villar, that they did not even give inforraa
tion to the inhabitants of Serre de Cruel, of
Aiguille, or Bobbi. The Col de JuUen thus
taken, the Vaudois pushed on to a place called
Les Passarelles de Julien, where they kUled
thirty-one raore soldiers and three horses, one
of whora belonged to the coramanding officer,
whose pistols were still in the holsters. They
passed the night near Aiguille, where they
were much incomraoded by the rain, which
favoured the escape of the serjeant spoken of
above, who found raeans to get loose, and
escaped by sliding and rolling down to the bot
tom of the mountain.
Fourteerith day, 30th Aug. — The weather
having cleared, they marched at daybreak ; the
day was passed in pursuit of the eneray, who
fled at the approach of the Vaudois till they
reached Bobbi, (a town in the plain, on the
river, and at the foot of Mount Julien,) and
fearing even there an attack, they passed on
still farther, which the Vaudois having ob
served, thought proper to refresh themselves,
and took up their quarters in some barns within
gun-shot of Bobbi.
Fifteenth day, Sist Aug. — They separated
into two bodies, and pursued the fugitives into
Bobbi, which they entered as masters, putting
to the sword all the prisoners they took. The
inhabitants of this town abandoned every thing
Y

322 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
and fled by the bridge, without waiting for a
single shot; here it must be owned to the
shame ofthe Vaudois, that instead of following
the enemy, they amused themselves with pil
laging and sacking the town. The other divi
sion of the Vaudois behaved better, they
brought in twelve soldiers, whora it was thought
necessary to put to death, excepting one, caUed
Jean Gras, who with his father and son-in-law
were spared, because a Vaudois captain, who
knew hira, interceded for hira ; saying, if he
had never done thera any good, he had at least
never done thera any harra. If the Vaudois in
this manner put to death those who fell into
their hands, it must be remembered they had
no prisons to keep them in, to carry them with
them was impossible, for they had occasion for
all their number ; and to send them back was
to publish to the world their sraall force, their
march, and in fact every thing on which their
success depended : they had reason -to perceive
the necessity of this forced line of conduct, by
the consequences which resulted from the re
lease of Le Gras and his father, which were of
great injury to them ; however, these two un
grateful men received some time afterwards the
just punishraent of their perfidy.
Sixteenth day, Sunday, \st Sept. — The Vau
dois remained all day at Bobbi, where Mons.
Montoux and Mons. Arnaud performed service

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 323
in the open air, and the latter preached on the
sixteenth chapter of St. Luke, " The law and
" the prophets were until John, since that time
" the kingdom of God is preached, and every
" raan presseth into it." Afterwards they re
mained assembled, to make several rules and
orders : the first business was the oath of fide
lity, which Mons. Arnaud read aloud in the
following form : " God, by his divine grace,
" having happily reconducted us to the inherit-
" ance of our fathers, there to establish the pure
" service of our holy religion, by continuing and
" finishing the great enterprise which he has hi-
" therto so graciously favoured : — rwe pastors,
" captains, and other officers, swear and promise,
" before the face of the living God, and upon the
" damnation of our souls, to observe union and
" order, and neither to separate or disunite
" while God grants us life, even should we have
" the misfortune to be reduced to three or four ;
" not to parley or treat with our enemies, those
" of Piemont as well as France, without the
" consent of all our council of war ; to put to-
" gether the booty which we have or raay make,
" and to use it for the wants of our people ou
" extraordinary occasions. We, soldiers, pro-
" mise and swear before God to-day, to obey
" the orders of all our officers, and swear obe-
" dience to thera, even to the last drop of our
" blood; and to place the prisoners and booty
y 2

324 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
" at their disposal. Further, it is ordered that
" all officers and soldiers shall be forbid, under
" heavy penalties, to search, either during or
" after any action, any of the dead, wounded,
" or prisoners, excepting those officers or sol-
" diers especially appointed for this purpose,
" The officers are enjoined to see that all the
" soldiers keep their arras and appointments in
" order ; and above all, to punish very severely
" any who blaspheme God, or swear. And to
" the intent that the union, which is the soul
" of our affairs, should remain inviolable, the
" officers shall swear fidelity to the soldiers,
" and the soldiers to the officers, promising
" altogether to our Lord and Saviour Jesus
" Christ, to deliver, if possible, our brothers
" from the cruel woraan of Babylon, and with
" thera, to re-establish and raaintain his king-
" dora till death, and observe all our Uves with
" good faith this present ordinance," This
being read, they all took the oath by raising
their hands towards heaven ; and after this an
account was taken of the plunder, which was
given in charge to four treasurers, and two
secretaries ; and they ended the day by taking
down the bell frora the Catholic church at
Bobbi and hiding it under sorae stones, where
the enemies found it sorae tirae after, when
"they were fortifying Bobbi.
Seventeenth day, Monday, Sept. 2. — After as-

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, 325
sembling for prayers, they marched to attack
Villar, in two detachments, the principal one
keeping the road, while the other raarched
above the vineyards, to raake an attack on the
side of Rospard ; but they raade a great raistake
in leaving the wounded and baggage at La
Corabe, where they narrowly escaped falling
into the hands of the enemy. Those who
guarded the pass, on seeing the Vaudois, fled
towards La Combe du Valguichard, and those
in the village of Villar retired to its convent. The
Vaudois, on finding themselves thus masters of
the village, burnt some houses to avoid being
surprised ; and as they were annoyed by the
firing from the convent, Mons, Arnaud devised
their rolling large barrels before thera, under
shelter of which they could approach nearer ;
by this means they got into the houses oppo
site, and fired through holes which they made
in the walls upon those who were firing froni
the steeple, at which tirae three lives were lost.
Having learnt from sorae prisoners that the
besieged had no provisions, they found it ex
pedient to turn the attack into a blockade, and
to cut off" all supplies, for which purpose they
attacked a corapany of soldiers, who were con
voying fourteen baggage mules, and took them.
The mules and provisions were divided araongst
the corapanies : a guard was posted at Ros
pard, and sentinels at Pertuzel, The besieged

326 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
soon after raade a desperate sortie, sword in
hand, but the Vaudois received them so gal
lantly, they were forced to retire to the con
vent in such haste,- that they dragged in by the
feet the body of their coraraander, the Baron
de Choiiate, who had been kdled, and whose
hat and wig were found in the street.
Eighteenth day, drd Sept. — The sentinel of
Pertuzel raade a signal that succours were ad
vancing to the besieged, at the sarae tirae they
left the convent, and were escapinginto the wood,
where the Vaudois followed and shot several
of them ; but this pursuit favoured the entrance
of Mons. de Parelle, for though a detachment
of Vaudois had run with all haste to the bridge
of Rospard, they could not make eff'ectual re
sistance, but were surrounded, and many of
thera kdled. They were now separated into
two corps, divided by the eneray, (who were
in great nurabers, and coraposed of veteran
soldiers,) and thought it prudent to econoraize
their small nuraber, and risk nothing ; so the
division in Villar abandoned that place and
took the road to Bobbi ; the other, consisting
of only eighty raen, escaped different ways,
and almost miraculously rejoined their com
panions on Mount Vendelin, above Angrogna.
Mons. Arnaud, who, with six soldiers, three
times gave himself up for lost, and said prayers
accordingly, joined them there ; Mons. Mon-

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 327
toux was not so fortunate, he was taken pri
soner by the peasants of Cruzzel, and sent to
the prison of Turin, where he remained till
peace was concluded.
Nineteenth day, Ath Sept. — The raain body,
who had returned to their old quarters near
Bobbi, sent a reinforcement to Mons, Arnaud.
Twentieth day, 5th Sept. — This detachraent
received a raessage from Mons. Arnaud, to say
he would meet them as soon as he could with
safety ; and having learnt, from a prisoner, that
there were some raules a little lower down,
laden with provisions and guarded by only one
raan, Mons. Arnaud and six of his men went
down and seized them , destroying what part they
did not want : this supply was very seasonable,
and they provided themselves with ammunition
soon after, from a quantity the enemy had left
behind. Iwenty-first day, Qth Sept. — The first capture
they made were two men, who, having been exa
mined, were put to death. The captains gave
strict orders no one should be killed flying, if
possible, (fearing extremely they might destroy
some of their own religion ;) but taken alive,
to be questioned ; and this very day they met
with a woman, who in the preceding war had
powerfully assisted the Vaudois, and now be
friended them as much as she dared, in secret.
Being married to a Savoyard, she had been

328 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
persuaded to change her reUgion, at least in
appearance; they promised quarter to her
husband, in return for bread and other assist
ance, given by stealth.
This Vaudois detachment, perceiving they
were observed by the enemy, who were trying
to surround them, retired in haste to the hill of
La Vachere, where they found a few stragglers,
who were taken prisoners, one of whora was
spared, because he was a good surgeon, which
there was great want of. Two hundred men ar
rived from Bobbi, as a further reinforcement to
Mons. Arnaud, who began to return thanks to
God, when he was interrupted, by being told
the eneray was trying to take possession of a
post above La Vachere. To prevent this, he
sent off a party, who raade such expedition, that
they not only gained the post in the very face
of the eneray, but killed raore than 100 of
them, without any loss on their side. Soon
after carae in a detachraent, who had passed
two days without eating ; they were all now
so short of provisions themselves, they could
only give these a bit of bread each, as large as
a walnut. The same day, after an engage
ment on Mount Vachere, which lasted seveu
hours, they at last retreated under cover of
a fog to a small hamlet, a league off, called
Turin, where they regaled themselves with
some raw cabbages, not daring to make a fire

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 329
for fear of discovering their position to the
enemy ; who, in fact, Vere encamped within a
quarter of a league from the same spot, and
had sustained a great loss both in men and
officers, while the Vaudois had only three killed
and three wounded.
Twenty-second day, 1th Sept. — They retired
towards Le Perrier, but by such difficult paths
that one false step would have been certain
death : they paased through several hamlets
without finding any thing but apples to eat,
and were so enfeebled by hunger, that they
durst not attack a party of the eneray who re
trenched themselves in a convent ; they there
fore contented themselves with detaching eight
men to Prais, to see if the eneray were there,
and to endeavour to procure provisions.
Twenty-third and twenty-fourth days, 8th and
9th Sept. — A good report having been brought,
they went to Prais, where they found a favour
able opportunity of resting two days, to recover
the fatigue and hunger they had undergone.
Mons. Arnaud, having administered the sacra
ment to the men ofthe Val de St. Martin, went
with a detachraent to Bobbi, to do the sarae
there, taking with hira, to the assistance of the
wounded, the surgeon who had been raade
prisoner. Twenty'^fth day, \Q)th Sept. — They detached
a party to Balsille, to fetch the arms they had

330 LA RENTREE GLORIUESE.
hidden there ; who on their return, passing by
Macel, perceived a great sraoke, which, on
examination, proved to proceed from the ham
lets near Perrier, which the eneray had set
fire to, previous to raaking his retreat. A
party was sent on to observe them, but owing
to a most wonderful heavy rain, fifteen men
only reached Perrier, where there was left a
guard ; which, on seeing this little troop, shame
fully took to flight, leaving the fifteen Vaudois
to enter the camp as victors, who afterwards
returned to Prais.
Twenty -sixth day, Wednesday, ilth Sept. — A
detachment of 120 men marched to the bridge
of Pomaret, called Macel, where the enemy
was in force, and took possession of the
post, with the assistance of a party of twelve
more of their men, who had attacked and car
ried a small fort on the rocks above. Two of
the prisoners, who were French, informed
thera of the advance of the troops of the king
of France towards the Valley of Pragela, and
return to join the raain body. The lives of
these two Frenchraen were spared (as they had
begged for quarter, and were not persecutors)
on condition that one should serve as a soldier,
and that the other, who was allowed to return,
should reraain in their interest.
Twenty -seventh day, \2th Sept. — The men who
were sent to ascertain the truth of the French-

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 331
men's assertion confirmed the fact of the French
troops, to the nuraber of 8000, having been three
days encaraped at the bridge of Salabertran ;
but also brought word, that on the report that
Cazal was invested by the Spaniards, they had
retired in that direction. They had no sooner
received this good news than an express arrived
from the party at Bobbi, to demand instant
succour, as a large body of the enemy's cavalry
as well as infantry had pursued one of their
detachraents, and were in possession of Bobbi.
A council of war was held, and it was decided
to send eighty raen to Angrogna, to force the
enemy to quit Bobbi : these were detached
and slept on the Mont Lazara.
Twenty -eighth day, YSth Sept. — This detach
ment marched before daylight, and reached
the convent of Angrogna before daybreak. By
the light of the moon they discovered some pea
sants whom they made prisoners, and from
whom they learnt that 300 men had arrived the
day before at the convent, and that there was
sorae cavalry at St. Germain ; upon which they
did not think it prudent to advance, but passed
the night in some barns above Angrogna.
Twenty-ninth day, \Ath Sept. — ^They prepared
to march, according to their orders, to the re
Uef of those near Bobbi, when they met four
soldiers, bringing them directions to burn all
the hamlets in the vicinity of Angrogna ; and

332 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
at the sarae tirae they perceived a body of 500
raen on the raountain. They in consequence
hastened to gain possession of the heights, but
the enemy being aware of their intention,
gained the post first. The Vaudois, however,
advanced, in spite of a heavy fire frora the
eneray, to another post on the left; and, after
an hour's fighting, the eneray retired with loss,
and the party rested for the night at Infernette,
where they unroofed sorae cottages to obtain
fuel. Thirtieth day, 15th Sept. — The detachraent
finding it impossible to penetrate to Luzerne,
returned and rejoined their main body, which
had been putting the vineyards under contribu
tion, and in the course of the day seized sorae
provisions and took sorae prisoners, who were
put to death.
Thirty-first day, IQth Sept. — The Marquis de
Parelle, after burning Villeseche, which the
Vaudois had just left, retired to Poraaret,
where he fortified hiraself, and sent sorae com
panies to Riouclaret and the summit of the
Zarra, for the sarae purpose. To distress the
Vaudois, who were gathering in the harvest in
the Valley of St. Martin, he ordered the corn,
&c. tobe burnt in that direction ; but asthe
Vaudois had a flying camp well guarded, this
did not raaterially affect thera, and they col
lected a great deal of corn ofvarious kinds. A

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 333
great annoyance occurred to thera in the de
fection of one of their captains, Turel ; this
raan, apparently thinking their affairs desperate,
or perhaps unequal to withstand longer the
continued fatigue, decaraped so adroitly, that
no one suspected hira, taking with hira a bro
ther and cousin, both officers, and two privates
of his company. If he abandoned the cause
from the fear of a death which could only have
been glorious to him, he shortly after found
one as ignorainious as itwas terrible; for being
taken at Embrun, he was sent to Grenoble,
and after seeing twelve others hung by his side,
he expired on the wheel. If our Vaudois in
the Val de St. Martin had reason to be satisfied
with their progress, they were not easy with
respect to the fate of their brethren in the Val
Luzerne, whora they had been unable to join ;
and as no doubt the reader is desirous to hear
the adventures of this little troop, the begin
ning of the second part will satisfy his cu
riosity.

334

PART THE SECOND.

The little corps, consisting of eighty raen,
which had unhappily left the raain body on the
eighteenth day, accomplished during this tirae,
such extraordinary things, that it may be well
said, God employs often the sraallest force to
overturn the greatest ; particularly when it is
considered, that their nurabers were rather
dirainished than increased. On the third they
encaraped above La Tour, where they suffered
much from hunger, having only some plums,
and a few nuts to eat ; they were also greatly
distressed by a false report which had reached
them, that all their corapanions were lost, or
had delivered themselves up to the governor of
Pignerol ; this news, which appeared but too
probable, did not shake their courage, but on
the 7th of September, overcorae by hunger,
they resolved to run all risks to obtain sorae
provisions, and fifty of thera went into Queiras,
and succeeded in carrying off some sheep and
cattle, which were a great resource to them.
They soon after received refreshment of a

LA RENTREE GLORlfeUSE. 335
spiritual kind, and partook of the holy sacra
ment in a meadow at Serre de Cruel, adminis
tered by Mons. Arnaud ; at which time several
persons who had given up their religion during
the late persecutions, were again received into
the church, on making the expiations required
in such cases. From thence they descended
several times to Villar, and to prevent the
royal troops from posting themselves there, they
set fire more than once to the convent ; but as
it took no effect, owing to the thickness of the
walls, they deterrained on sapping them, in
which they succeeded. Theyhad numberless lit
tle encounters with the enemy, which terminated
generally to their advantage ; till the cavalry
having arrived, they were obliged to retire from
the plain. An engagement took place during
their retreat, in which they lost but one raan,
while the enemy had a great number killed and
wounded ; and though the Savoyard troops
had so sraall a number to contend with, yet
they apparently feared them, for they en
trenched themselves strongly at Bobbi, of
which they had now possession, and hardly
ever sallied forth ; so that the Vaudois, with a
flying camp, beat the country round without
opposition. One day they had an affair at
Rora, where they killed thirty men, and threw
down the church, within sight of the fort of St.
Michel, the garrison there not interfering :

336 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
another day, the enemies prepared an ambus
cade at la Cercena, which the Vaudois per
ceiving from Serre de Cruel, attacked thera
without delay, and obtained the victory; the
same success attended several other skirmishes.
As they could no longer reraain, or even ven
ture down into the open country, on account of
the cavalry, they endeavoured to deprive the
eneray of the means of subsistence on the night
of the 12th, by setting fire to all the barns
round Bobbi, which were full of forage. The
13th of October the enemy, with the intention
of provisioning fort Mirabouc, sent a detach
ment to attack the Vaudois, who retired to
Pausettes, where they were engaged nearly 'all
the day, keeping always the advantage ; in the
meantime the main body of the enemy con
veyed their supplies into Mirabouc, and on
their way demolished every thing that could
afford assistance to the Vaudois ; unroofed the
houses, and dug up the gardens, in hopes of
destroying thera by being exposed to cold as
well as hunger, which raust have happened,
if God had not interfered for their preservation.
These poor people were now obliged to retire
to holes in the rocks, which served thera for
barracks. During a little respite, they forti
fied theraselves as well as they could ; the
eneray eraployed this tirae in securing thera
selves still farther at Bobbi ; not content with

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 337
that, they sent a party of sixty every night to
Cibaud, above Bobbi, where they surrounded
themselves with an immense ditch. The Vau
dois, who were now reduced to only sixty raen
in this valley, determined to attack them at
night ; they surprised thera so corapletely that
they killed thirty-four, and the rest escaped in
confusion to Bobbi ; those who were entrenched
there, were seized with such a panic, that they
demolished their fortifications, burnt the town,
so as to leave not one stone upon another for
the Vaudois, and retreated. The following is
the account, word for word, which they sent to
Turin, of this affair at Cibaud : — " The in
habitants of Luzerne cannot stand before our
troops, and are scattered about in divisions ;
they annoy our out-posts from tirae to tirae,
but fly if they find them on the watch ; how
ever, lately having* found a guard asleep, they
killed thirteen, and the officer, who was very
young, had only time enough to escape with
four or five others wounded." The end ofthe
next week the enemy collected all their force,
and even banditti, peasants, and all they could
get together; as the Vaudois imagined, with a
view to force them frora the Aiguille; the
main body marched to the Combe de Ferriere,
a large detachraent towards Cercena, and
another advanced towards les Pausettes, which
the Vaudois abandoned, and placed themselves

338 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
on the rocks of the Aiguille, sending a little
boy to inform their brothers in the Val St.
Martin, that if they could not come to their
relief the Col de Julien must be abandoned, an
apprehension but too well founded, for the
officers who had the coraraand, far frora keeping
a guard on the Col de Julien, very iraproperly
abandoned the Aiguille ; had they done their
duty, the eneray could never have gained pos
session of it. Thus was every thing left in the
power of the eneray, who entered the next
raorning, as the Vaudois were preparing to
drive the few cattle they had there; unfortu
nately the shepherd who had the care of their
sheep, not knowing what had passed, drove
them to the Aiguille, so that they also fell into
the hands of the enemy. An officer having
found araong other things in one of the huts,
an exact journal of the march of the Vaudois,
up to the 17th of October, carried it to the court
of Turin. This journal, after having passed
through various hands, fell at last into those of
a man of letters, at Geneva, who having recog
nized the hand-writing to be that of the Sieur
Paul Renaudin, a native of Bobbi, (and who
from a student became a soldier, and is now a
minister in one of the valleys,) made a present
of it to the good old Joshua Janavel, a few
days before his death. This excellent man
shed a flood of tears on reading the account of

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 339
what these poor people had achieved, and
reflecting how far they yet appeared from any
prospect of better tiraes. To return to those
who had abandoned the Aiguille, God assisted
their escape by surrounding their enemies with
a thick fog, so that their retreat was not at first
perceived, but it being afterwards conjectured
they had abandoned the Aiguille raerely to
take up a fresh position on the Col d&JulieB, a
detachraent was sent to prevent their effecting
this movement. This in fact they had never
contemplated, for they employed the night in
traversing a most terrific and precipitous part
of the Alp of Sabiague, whera they were
obliged to crawl on through dense clouds, feel
ing their way with their hands, which fatigued
them beyond measure, and put ttiem into such
confusion, that some of them in the dark took
the road to the Val St. Martin, and others, that
leading to Angrogna. At length they were so
much dispersed and weakened that all oppo-^:
sition to the enemy being for the moment at an
end, they remained all day in a tolerably advan
tageous position, on the mountain, where, how
ever, they suffered dreadfully from fatigue, not
daring to make any fires, or even to place
themselves in the sun, for fear of discovery.
Night was hailed with as rauch joy by the poor
Vaudois as the day would have been under other
circumstances, and they availed themselves of
z2

340 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
it to begin their retreat, foreseeing the proba
bility of an attack the following day ; as it was,
the eneray were so near them that they were
alarmed by the noise of sorae stones which
rolled down,, as the Vaudois passed, and they
fired three shots at randora, but the Vaudois
not taking any notice, continued their raarch,
and eluding further observation, passed on hap
pily to Bastier. I say happily because this
passage was very narrow, and had always been
guarded, so that the pass being unprotected,
they considered its being unoccupied as a
visible act of divine favour ; indeed it was little
short of a miracle, that while the eneray were
surrounding the Aiguille, and searching for
them in every direction, they should have
escaped to Cercena, and thence by the bridge
of Pagan and la Corabe Guichard to Fragnon,
where they halted, till the enemy having infor
mation that a corapany of Vaudois, under the
coraraand of Capt. Buffe, were ravaging An
grogna, proceeded to attack them. Our other
detachraent then ventured to move to la Combe
de Ferriere, in search of chesnuts for food,
which were of great assistance to thera, as they
were destitute of all other provisions. After
this expedition they gained a little advantage
over a body of the enemy by means of an
ambuscade, and then returned to PAiguille to
see in what manner the enemy had treated it.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 341
Here they collected a good raany chesnuts,
and sorae bits of bread, left by the late occu
pants, and fell in with raany of their com
panions who had been long missing, and for
tunately carae this way in the hope of rejoining
their comrades.
The eneray aware that the Vaudois had been
driven out of Rodoret, the sarae day that they
had also been obliged to abandon 1' Aiguille,
considered thera as exterminated, and indeed
their situation appeared hopeless with 10,000
French troops against thera on one side, and
12,000 Pieraontese on the other ; but a party
of Vaudois being observed returning frora the
Combe Guichard, the enemy were so surpris
ed at their appearance, that they retired to
the post they came from. Fresh mortifications,
however, daily befel them ; nine or ten French
refugees, notwithstanding the solemn oath they
had taken at Bobbi, deserted ; it is true these
men tried in some way to compensate for this
treachery by sending the Vaudois eighty goats
they had found at Prais, of which two were
given to each corapany, but the rest unfortu
nately fell into the eneray's hands. The enemy
perceiving that the Vaudois always found out
sorae raeans of escape, resolved to have recourse
to artifice, they sent accordingly a serjeant to
say that Mons. de Haye, one ofthe Pieraontese
generals, desired a conference. The serjeant

342 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
was accorapanied by John Gras, one of the
deserters above raentioned, who kept a little in
the rear, but the serjeant having called to him
to corae forward, which he did with some
hesitation, he was taken prisoner. His father
carae to Marbee to see him, and was spared on
account of his age, but sent back with a note,
to say, if Mons. de Haye wished a conference
they were ready to meet him the following
Tuesday, at the Pieuse de Peirela, provided he
was attended by one soldier only without arms ;
the next day the serjeant carae to ask if they
were ready to fulfil their engagement, (though
they suspected it was only a device to entrap
sorae of their leaders, and by that raeans oblige
thera to release John Gras, who as a traitor
was only fit for the enemy,) they replied they
were ready, but should place soldiers at all the
bridges, to prevent surprises. On the day
appointed, the Vaudois went as arranged,
although they heard a detachment was lying
in arabush, but Mons. de Haye never carae,
and they returned, unable to discover this
general's intention, who sent the following
note by Gras's father. " If you have nothing
to say to rae I have still less to say to you, but
send us back John Gras, who has been de
tained in breach of all faith." They replied,
" If you had come to the spot appointed, as
we did, we should have spoken with you, there-

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 343
fore the fault rests with yourself, and not with
us, who have been so often deceived, that we
cannot do otherwise than raistrust our enemies,
but are always ready to hold a conference if
yoii will come to the place appointed." No
notice was taken of the latter part of Mons. de
Haye's note; and they could not be blamed
for want of confidence on this occasion.
The enemy were now in possession of all the
heights, without being able to discover where
the Vaudois were hidden ; this provoked them
so much that they determined to use the most
vigorous measures to bring the business to a
conclusion, and posted peasants to be upon the
watch near Mirabouc; they at last discovered
them at Essert, and fell upon them, while they
sent a messenger to the detachment at Bobbi,
to say the barbets were found, and might be
had cheap. These poor people gave them
selves up for lost, but determined to sell their
lives dearly, and retired to a ruined building,
where firing through loopholes, which they had
raade for the purpose, they defended them
selves valiantly all day. The enemy perceiving
they could make no irapression upon thera then,
atterapted to surround the building, but our
brave Vaudois anticipating their design, pre
vented their effecting their object, by raaking
a timely and vigorous sortie. In the evening
the enemy received reinforceraents frora Bobbi,

344 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
but fortunately the darkness of the night fa
voured the Vaudois, who had but one raan
wounded, whose narae was Francois Martinat;
this poor fellow the next day fell into the hands
of the enemy, and even then defended himself
so bravely, that his gun failing him, he fought
with his bayonet till a sabre took off his head ;
this was the same man who so adroitly ma
naged the attack at Cibaud, and his death gave
great joy to the eneray, as raay be seen by
the following extract frora an account sent to
Turin, ] 1th Deceraber, 1689. " I have already
raentioned that the interview with the barbets
ended in nothing, there reraain only about forty
in the valley of Luzerne, who are worn out
with the fatigues of the war and have sorae in
clination to surrender, particularly since one of
the leaders was lately taken, a brave raan, who
was the same that surprised and destroyed the
guard stationed above Bobbi. There reraain
400 raen on the heights of Luzerne, in a village
called La Balsille, where the French have
judged proper to leave thera at rest," &c.
To return to the poor little detachraent of
Vaudois which we left under cover ofthe night; '
the enemy took every precaution to prevent
their escape, hoping to destroy them in thp
morning ; but they found means to slip out in
three or four small divisions, and fortunate
ly arrived, some at the Combe Guichard,

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, 345
others at Balmadant, and at Cumien above
Villar, in which places they remained closely
concealed. Their greatest misfortune now was
to find themselves separated frora each other ;
but God was graciously pleased to unite them
again as they wandered in search of chesnuts,
near Malpertus. After another engagement
with the enemy, in which they had one man
killed and a second taken prisoner, they hid
themselves near Balmadant ; but ignorant how
to proceed or to find subsistence, and fearing
that they should be snowed up, the only reraedy
seeraed to be to disperse again in various
directions ; they all considered their destruc
tion certain, and nothing reraained to thera but
their trust in God, when they were found by
their brethren of the Valley of St. Martin.
Twelve raen, however, were raissing, whose
adventures surpass all that have yet been re
lated. These raen were hid near Essert, afraid
of stirring, lest their track in the snow should
be discovered. At length hunger obliged them
to run every risk, and one Sunday, during a
heavy snow, they ventured out in search of
"some corn or flour, intending to seek a hiding
place in the Balme de la Biara, a very advan
tageous position ; the following day their foot
steps were observed and tracked by the pea
sants, who followed thera, to the nuraber of
125 ; had these peasants been one quarter of

346 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
an hour sooner, they would certainly have sur
rounded our Vaudois in the Balme ; but here
they were so vigorously repulsed, that at the
first fifteen shots thirteen peasants were wound
ed, and (as they afterwards owned) twelve
kiUed on the spot, A result truly astonishing,
when it is considered that twelve men, half
dead with cold and hunger, were opposed to 125,
without even having a raan wounded on their
own side. To avoid perishing with cold, they
left the Balrae de la Biara two days afterwards,
intending to retire to la Lanze, in the Val St.
Guichard, where they were prepared to winter,
deterrained, in case of attack, to dispute their
lives to the last drop of their blood, upon the
point of some rock. Thus raarching with their
minds filled with the courage of despair, they
providentially raet with a party of their brethren
frora St. Martin, who were in quest of thera ;
little expecting this raeeting, their confused
imaginations led them at first to suppose they
were encountering enemies, and throwing down
their knapsacks, they retired behind a house
to defend themselves, and shot one of their
friends before they discovered their mistake ;
tears of joy were, however, soon shed on both
sides, and they passed the Col de Julien toge
ther on their way to La Balsille, where they
rejoined the raain body : this, after being
harassed on all sides by the French and Pie-

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 347
montese, had been forced to retire frora Prais
and Rodoret and take up a strong position on
the rocks above La Balsille.
On the 16th October, the Marquis de Pa
relle set fire to the country as far as Perrier ;
on the 22nd he burnt some places near Bal
sille ; and the same day the French entered
the Valley of St. Martin, to the nuraber of
2000. A Vaudois party was sent out to harass
their raarch ; but found theraselves obliged to
retire, and at last to rejoin their companions at
Rodoret ; where a council of war was held, at
wliich there was much difference of opinion : —
to prevent the ill consequences that might fol
low, Mons. Arnaud assembled the disputants
to prayer, and then, after strongly urging the
necessity of unaniraity at such an iraportant
crisis, gave his reasons why he considered that
no position could be so advantageous as that of
Balsille, which was uaniraously agreed to, and
they began their raarch two hours before day
light, when it was so dark, that in order to
distinguish their guides they raade them put
white cloths over their shoulders : the road
they were obliged to take was so interrupted
by precipices, that they were often obliged to
crawl along on their hands and feet, and every
man having enough to do to take care of him
self, the hostages found raeans to escape. To
prove how clearly Providence watched over

348 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
them, two wounded men passed this road safely
on horseback : those who have never seen such
kind of places, cannot forra any idea of the
danger and difficulty attached to thera, and
those who have will take this raarch for a fic
tion, however, that which is here related is
the siraple truth. And it raay be further added,
that when the Vaudois afterwards saw by day
light, which often happened, the places they
had passed by night, they shuddered at the
idea of the dangers they had escaped. At last
they arrived at the fort of Balsille, so called
frora the strength of its situation, where they
deterrained to entrench theraselves, and not
again to expose the troops to the fatigue of
clirabing frora raountain to mountain, as they
had hitherto done. They made covered ways,
ditches, and walls ; the huts in which they
lived were scooped out of the earth, and sur
rounded by drains to keep out the water.
Mons. Arnaud preached twice every Sunday,
and once on Thursday, and said prayers every
morning and evening, during which they all
fell devoutly on their knees with their faces on
the ground. After raorning prayers, they every
day worked by turns at the fortifications, which
consisted of raraparts, forraed by terraces raised
one above another, to the number of sixteen,
so that each one was defended by the one imrae
diately above it; they raounted guard every

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 349
night, to protect the entrance into La Balsille,
the bridge, and a mill. This mill had no mill
stone, and Poulat, a native of the place, said
they had thrown it into the river more than
three years before, thinking it might be of use
at sorae future time ; they succeeded in getting
it out, and in making the mill usable. Besides
this mill they were also in possession of another,
half a league further off, called the mill of Ma
cel. The enemy having reached Rodoret, were
greatly surprised to find the Vaudois gone, and
no trace of them to be seen except the remains
of their little stock of provisions ; and suppos
ing them to have moved on to Prais, the French
advanced to that place, where they remained
some days, while the troops of the Duke of
Savoy were employed in cutting off the com
munication with the Val Luzerne, by taking
possession of the Col de Julien. The French,
commanded by Mons. de L'Ombraille, seized all
the advanced posts of the Val St. Martin, and
thus surrounded the Vaudois, who, to secure
La Balsille, had posted a guard at Passet;
here the enemies surprised and repulsed
them, having ascended the mountain under co
ver of a dense fog ; and from this advantageous
position they determined to attack La Balsille.
On Friday, the 29th of October, for this pur
pose, several detachraents were posted in the
wood, where they reraained from that tirae

350 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
until Sunday, all the while exposed to a heavy
snow, from which they suffered much, and
many men had their feet frozen. During these
three days of blockade they sent several offers
to the Vaudois, which were all rejected, and
they resolved to set fire to a part of La Balsille ;
but the two first men who advanced to execute
this order were killed, and the third wounded.
On the following day they effected their pur
pose, with the loss of sixty men, whUe the
Vaudois did not lose one.
On the evening of Sunday, 31st October,
they retired upon Macel ; eight days after hav
ing abandoned Rodoret, and to prevent the
Vaudois penetrating to Pragela, they posted a
guard upon the Col de Clapier ; but this force
was soon after attacked and defeated, with the
loss of only one officer. Captain Gardiel, who
died for want of proper attention to his wounds.
A few days afterwards, a wretch, who had
changed his religion some years before, came
with two others to visit a relation at La Bal
sille, and had the baseness to tell Mons. de
Salignac, who was at Bobbi with his detach
ment, that the mill at Macel was not guarded,
and that he might there catch some Vaudois
when they went to grind their corn ; Salignac
and this traitor having given this information to
Mons. de L'Ombraille, he imnlediately ordered
500 raen to march upon this grand expedition

^^'

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 351
of destroying a mill. They only fell in with a
few. stragglers ofthe Vaudois, raaking bread in
a neighbouring village, they chased thera all
round the hamlet, but succeeded only in killing
two French refugees, who were sick, and taking
another prisoner ; this poor fellow they obliged
to carry the heads of his countrymen on a pole
to -Perouse, where they hung him and stuck his
head upon a pole, that every one who passed
might say, such is the end of the barbets!
This man, in his last raoraents, prayed with such
fervour, that the magistrate of the place, though
a Roman CathoUc, beggedhisdifeofMons.de
L'Ombraille, who, in reply, threatened to hang
him also. The firraness and resolution of the
poor raan at the place of execution interested
all the spectators in his favouri: in answer to
various questions which were put to him, he
declared that the Vaudois were well provided
with corn, bread, salt] and gunpowder ; being
asked where they got their salt, he replied,
without betraying either his friends or his con
science, from saltpetre : he declared he felt
happy to die in such a cause ; and that for
every Vaudois who fell God would raise up 500
more — a prophecy which was completely ful
filled some months afterwards. Although the
French in general have often discovered rather
a propensity to desert, yet it must be owned
there have been some of thera araong the Van-

352 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
dois who have shewn great steadiness and cou
rage ; as, for example, the one whose fate we
have just related. And we must also raention
with praise and gratitude the name of Le Sieur
Francois, a native of Vinan in the Cevennes,
and Captain Sicut, of the English and Dutch
Protestant troops in that place ; he was well
known and esteeraed by Mons. Arnaud, and
his correct and accurate stateraents have con
tributed not a little to the formation of these
Memoirs. Whether from the lateness of the season, or
the mortification resulting from other causes,
the enemy razed to the ground and then aban
doned Macel, Salse, Fontaines, Rodoret, and
Prais, after carrying away the corn, and every
thing which could contribute to the subsistence
of the Vaudois, and calling out to them to
wait till Easter, retired to Maneille and Perier,
where they firmly entrenched theraselves.
This cowardly retreat gave the Vaudois, who
who were still 400 strong, tirae to breathe ;
and though their persecutors had threatened to
return, nothing could daunt the little flock,'
who trusted in that providence who had hi
therto so wonderfully sustained and preserved
thera, both frora famine and frora the hands of
the enemy. They had arrived at La Balsille
without provision even for the next day ; but
they had subsisted on vegetables and corn

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, 353
without salt and butter, untd, by rebuilding
the mill, they were able to make bread. Well
might it be said, that the Alraighty had declared
himself in their favour, since, on their arrival
in the Valleys of St. Martin and Luzerne, they
had been permitted to find provisions of all
sorts in abundance ; and that the corn, which
had not been sown at the proper season, was
preserved under the snow all winter till the
raonth of May, when the Vaudois reaped it
and found it perfectly good. Had it been ga
thered up and put into barns, as usual, it
would have been burnt by the enemy, but
in this manner was it preserved for the suste
nance of those to whom God had destined it.
This miraculous circumstance occurred at Ro
doret and Prais, where the Vaudois had been
on the point of beginning the harvest when they
were interrupted by the arrival of the French
troops. During this calm they frequently sent out
detachments in search of provisions, and one
day, as they went to the village of Bourset for
this purpose, the syndic told them the inha
bitants would rather grant them a contribution
than be exposed to their frequent visits ; that if
they would send three or four captains with an
escort, they would settle this matter together,
hinting at the same time that they had good
news to communicate ; the Vaudois, not dis-
A A

354 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
trusting this wicked apostate, on the appointed
day sent a captain, called Michael Bertin, with
some soldiers, to Bourset, The French, to
whom this same syndic had sent advice of this
projected visit, had garrisoned the village with
200 raen, who fell upon the Vaudois, kiUed the
captain and wounded two of his men. This
black piece of treachery of the syndic cost the
enemy very dear, nor did the traitor himself
derive from it rauch satisfaction, and still less pro
fit, for the garrison of Bourset having afterwards
appeared upon the Col de Clapier, hoping to
surprise about twenty Vaudois who were sta
tioned there, they were theraselves attacked by
a detachment of them, who killed sixty of their
raen, and then proceeded to burn all the houses
round Bourset, and all the village of La
Tronch6e. Towards the end of January the
Vaudois fell in with a party charged with dis
patches to the governor of fort Mirabouc, and
killed one man, to whose care they were in
trusted : these letters informed them of what
was passing in the world, and gave them other
intelUgence, which proved of such importance
to their preservation, that it seeraed as if this
rencontre was an especial act of Providential
care ; and it was particularly noticed, that in
fact each party had taken on that day a dif
ferent route from the one recommended to them,
with a view to avoid false directions.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, 355
In February there arrived at La Balsille a
man called Parander, and some others, bring
ing a note from the Chevalier Vereellis,, who-
commanded the fortress of La Tour, to Jean
Puy, brother-in-law to David Mondon, who
had been carried prisoner to Turin. This was
discovered to be merely an artifice on the part
of the commandant, to inform himself of the
state of the Vaudois, their numbers, and whe
ther they were well provisioned. The note
contained a request that the said Jean Puy
would visit the writer at Turin, the command
ant promising him a safe conduct : this propo
sal it was not thought fit to comply with ; but
it led to several letters, (not interesting to the
general reader,) which were followed by others,
from some of Mr. Arnaud's relations, earnestly
entreating him to surrender ; and also, by a
letter from a person of distinction to him and
the other officers generally, to the same effect.
Soon after these fruitless attempts , at negocia
tion, a detachment from La Balsille penetrated
as far as St. Germain, and made a successful
attack on a party of the enemy, sent out in
quest of provisions, in which 1 20 of them were
killed, and a supply of cattle, taken, which
was most acceptable, particularly to the sick,
whq stood in great need of meat. At this time
the- Sieur Droume, a Swiss refugee, arrived ,at
Balsille, from Switzerland, with the melan-
A A 2

356 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
choly information, that the Vaudois remaining
in that country had been driven from thence,
and obliged to take refuge in Wirtemberg.
He departed iraraediately, as he had promised
to return by Easter, being provided with a
passport from Turin, which a deserter of the
narae of Rosaro, of Pragela, had lent him;
which, however, did not prevent his being
taken prisoner at Susa, and sent to Turin.
On the 22nd of March, the enemy advanced
from Macel close to Balsille, and stuck up poles
with papers on them, addressed to several
French refugees, inviting them to surrender on
the following terms: — "We, Retournat and
Jaques Causse, inform you, that the king will
pardon all Frenchraen, who corae and surren
der, as we have done : you will have liberty of
conscience and passports, if you choose to re
turn : we find ourselves well off in the regiraent
de Plessis : profit by this advice. Jaques
Causse." Others were addressed to individuals,
in this forra : " My dear friends, Clapier, David,
and Etienne, you are hereby informed that the
king grants an amnesty to all his subjects, who
lay down their arms, as we have done. We
are in the regiment of Plessis : profit by the
opportunity." All these snares proved fruitless!.'
The 17th, the Sieurs Parander and Richard
arrived at La Balsille, with fresh propositions
on the part ofthe Marquis de Parelle, to which

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 357
the council of war saw fit to send an answer,
to the following purport, enclosed in a letter to
the Marquis, praying him to represent to his
Royal Highness ;
First, That his subjects in the valleys had
been in possession of lands there from time
immemorial, which lands were bequeathed to
them by their ancestors.
Secondly, That at all times they had paid
such imposts and duties as his Royal Highness
had thought fitting to impose.
Thirdly, That they had always paid implicit
obedience to his Royal Highness's commands.
Fourthly, That before the expulsion they
had lived peaceably in their own houses, and
that there was not so much as one crirainal
process against any one of them ; and yet, al
though they had not given any cause of offence,
they were driven out and dispersed, after hav
ing been imprisoned and persecuted ; does it
therefore appear strange that these people
should wish to return to their homes ? It is
not the intention of the Vaudois to spill blood,
unless in self-defence ; if they retain possession
of their land, it is to prove themselves, as be
fore, good and faithful subjects to bis Royal
Highness, the lawful prince that God has given
them. We therefore hurably entreat your Ex
cellency to afford us the protection ofj your
support in these our just pretensions, and if
you wdl honour us with a reply, the two men

358 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
employed to carry this wiU faithfully deliver it
to us : hoping we shaU be dealt with in good
faith on this occasion, as, on our part, it is our
pride and custom to deal with others, we re
main with respect, &c. &c. &c. Signed, on
behalf of the whole comraunity, Henri Ar
naud. P. S. We are particularly obliged to your
Excellency for the kindness shown to our pri
soners, and beg the continuance of your good
offices towards thera.
A letter, soraewhat to the sarae effect, was
also written at this tirae to the Chevalier de
Vereellis. It will be perceived, that the farther we ad
vance in this history the more our hopes of
success diminished. The French, who had all
winter threatened the Vaudois with an attack
in the spring, were observed on Sunday, the
last day of April, 1690, defiling through the
bottom of the valley, by the Col de Clapier
and by the Col de Pis, accorapanied by 1400
peasants to clear away the snow and bring
thera provisions, their intention being evidently
to surround the Vaudois, who had happily
taken the precaution to throw up entrenchments,
with apertures to fire through, high enough to
comraand the eneray on the opposite hill ; each
corapany was also well provided with large
stones, with which to regale those who at
tempted the ascent.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 359
Before we proceed, the reader may like to
have a description of the situation of the castle,*
in which they were thus about to be besieged.
It was situated on the top of a very steep rock,
which was formed as it were into three tiers
or levels, on the highest part of which was a
sraall flat space, where they had forraed a kind
of barrack in the earth ; and where there are
three springs. The approach to the rock is ex
tremely difficult, except on the side of a rivulet
which bathes the foot of the castle; but as
Mons. Arnaud perceived this to be the only
assailaTale point, he took particular care to for
tify it, assisting with his own hands in planting
palisades, and raising parapets with trees,
which they had supplied themselves with from
the wood adjoining, and disposing these trees,
(each being strengthened with large heaps of
stones,) so that the branches and boughs were
turned towards the eneray, and the trunks to
wards their own entrenchraents. In the mean
while, the French supposing their numbers
must ensure them success against so small a
force, made the necessary preparations for an
attack. On the Monday their dragoons were
placed in the wood to the left of the castle, and
afterwards crossed the river, some troops were
also posted in ambuscade along its banks, but
many were killed by the fire from the fort.
The main body advanced to the cottages 6i La
* i. e. fortified position.

360 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
Balsille, but were forced to retire, leaving many
killed and wounded. An engineer, after having
examined the fort with a telescope, decided that
the attack sliould be raade on the right ; their
numbers amounted to 22,000 men, of whom
10,000 were French and 12,000 Piemontese.*
Mons. de Catinat ordered a detachment of 500
French to advance to the attack of the first bas
tion, and they atfirst imagined they had merely
to pull away the trees in order to clear themselves
a passage, but they were much surprised to
find that these sarae trees, being fastened with
iraraense stones, were in fact as if rooted to the
spot ; and as the Vaudois all the time kept up
such a heavy and effective fire, notwithstanding
a continual snow, the greatest part of these
chosen troops were killed, and the rest thrown
into disorder. The Vaudois then sallied forth
and destroyed all but about ten or twelve, who
escaped as they could, and carried to Mons.
de Catinat the news of their defeat; he retired
first to Clos and then to Perouse. Mons. de
Parat, who coraraanded the detachment, was
found severely wounded, between two rocks, and
being taken prisoner, was conveyed to that very
place, pointing to which only a few hours be
fore, he had said to his soldiers, "My children,
we must sleep in those barracks to-night." The
Pieraontese, \tho had been that day only spec-
* This must have been the number of the whole of the
troops occupying tbe valley. — T.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 361
tators of the bravery of the Vaudois iand of the
defeat of the French, retired to Salse; what is
raost interesting in this bloody day is, that the
Vaudois had not one man either killed or
wounded. The next day, the first thing they
did after prayers was to cut off" the heads of
the dead and stick them on the palisades, to
show the enemy they would keep no terms
with thera and did not fear them.
They then told Mons. de Parat, that as it
was necessary he should have a surgeon to
dress his wounds, he must send for one; be
cause the one whom the Vaudois had, as it
were miraculously, found at Angrogna in Sep
tember of the last year, had died a few days
befbre ; and in consequence he wrote a note to
desire his principal surgeon might be sent to
him ; this note was carried by a boy, who stuck
it on a pole, not far from the French camp ; it
had the desired effect, for the surgeon came
soon after, bringing with hira all necessary
reraedies ; and, when in the fort, the Vaudois
obliged him to remain and attend to their own
sick. Upon Mons. Parat was found the order
from Mons. de Catinat for the attack, which
had succeeded so ill.*
On Thursday Mons. Arnaud preached, ac
cording to custom, and the sermon was so af
fecting that he could not refrain from tears ;
* A copy of which is to be found in tbe original of this
work.

362 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
and his little flock, seeing his eraotion, shed
tears also. He had touched upon the justice
to be observed in the division of booty ; and
had no sooner concluded than each raan brought
all that he had taken from the enemy : these
spoils consisted of arms, clothes, linen, &c.
and were for the greatest part sold, and pro
duced enough to allow of something being
given to each soldier : — what reraained was
divided araong the poorest.*
The curious raay perhaps like an account of
the charms or preservatives that were found on
searching the bodies of the French, and which
they fancied were to preserve them from all
wounds, &c, &c. only one was in raanuscript,
in this forra, " -j- Agra -|- Batorae.f," Others
were printed on little squares of paper, as
follows :
" Piscina Christus quse nobis sit cibus Borrus
P." 1690.

" Ecce cru f cem Domini nostri Jesu Christus,
fugite partes adversae vici leo De tribu Juda ra
dix David AUel. AUel. ex St. Anton. De Pad.
homo natus est In ea Jesus Maria Franciscus
sint mihi salus."

" Christus vincit f Christus regnat f Christus
imperat -|- Christus ab omni malo me defendat
* A long letter is here omitted, which gives the account
of the same attack, sent to Turin.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 363
f Christus, Rex in pace venit Deus, Homo-
factus est verbum, Carofactum est Jesus, Na-
zarenus Rex Judeorum. Qui verbum carofac
tum est, &c, R. Habitavit in nobis nascens
ex Maria Virgine per ineffabilem pietatem, et
misericordiam suam piissimam, et angelorum,
sanctorura que omnium maxime Apostolorum,
et Evangelistarum raorura Joannis et Mathei,
Marci et Lucae, Antoni Vbaldi Bernardi, Mar-
garetae et Catharinae ipsum quseso ut dignetur
me liberare, et preservare ab omni infestatione,
Sathanse et ab omnibus incantationibus ligatu-
ris, Signaturis et facturis ministrorum ejus,
qui cum Patre et Spiritu Sancto vivit et regnat
in saeeula saeculorum. Amen."

" Oratio contra omnes tum maleficorum tum
Daemonum incursus," That is to say, a prayer
against those who use the arts of devils. At
the bottom of this one was the approbation of
the inquisitor of Turin, " Fr, Bartholomeus
Racca de Palermo, Inqu, Taurini vidit, per-
mittitque ut imprimatur,"
The French, some days afterwards, sent ten
Louis d'ors to Mons, de Parat, who in conse
quence had a sort of hut constructed for himself
and his surgeon, which cost four crowns ; the
rest of the money he would have given to
Mons. Arnaud, who refused it. He wished
also to ransora hiraself, but was answered on

364 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
the part of the council of war, that they did
not want money, but were wilUng to exchange
him for some prisoners at Turin ; upon which
he gave them to understand, that Mons, de
Feuquieres, at that time French arabassador
there, was his particular friend. Several days
elapsed without any reply, either because his
countrymen wished to show they considered
Mons, de Parat of little importance to them, or
were thinking of other things. But it was soon
after evident that Mons, de Catinat was me
ditating a coraplete revenge for the affront he
had received; and as to his disgrace he had
fully experienced the valour of the Vaudois, he
did not think it expedient to expose his life a
second time, as well as his hopes of becoming
a French marshal, at the risk of a defeat ; he,
therefore intrusted the conduct of the enter
prise to Mons, de Feuquieres, At the expira
tion of a week from their retreat, the French
returned to the charge in good earnest, and
laid siege to La Balsille, which they took at
the end of fourteen days ; but by some extra
ordinary circumstance, which never can be
sufficiently wondered at, they did not take the
besieged prisoners, which was the sole object
they had in view.
All happened as follows: on the 10th of
May, the French advanced in five divisions,
the better to surround the Vaudois; one of

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 365
these encamped at Passet, one at the foot of
the mountain, another in the Clos d'Almian,
a fourth a little higher up, and the fifth in
the wood towards the Chateau de Guigne-
vert ; towards nightfall they advanced- near the
cottages of La Balsille and the river, where
they threw up a redoubt, from whence they
kept up a continued fire ; but only two Vaudois
were wounded, who died a few days after
wards. The besiegers obliged all the soldiers,
who were not on guard, to collect bundles of
faggots, which forraed a good foundation for
their parapets, &c, the fort was thus soon sur
rounded, and every foot of ground gained was
protected by a strong bulwark : if they per
ceived the hat only of a Vaudois, they fired
a hundred musket shots,. and that without risk,
for they were also protected by sacks full of
wool. At the expiration of some days, they
sommoned the besieged to surrender, and at
the same time hoisted the white flag at the foot
of the fort; from which a soldier was dis
patched to inquire more particularly what was
wanted. To this they replied, that it was very
surprising that such a handful of men should
presume to make war against such a great king
as the king of France ; that if they would sur
render, they should be supplied with passports
to enable them to retire, and that each man
should receive 500 louis d'ors ; that though they '
might cause the death of many a brave man, in

366 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
the end they must all perish themselves. The
French availed themselves of this opportunity
to send Mons. de Parat some provisions and
medicines. At the same time he wrote to an
officer naraed Chartogne, that money would
not purchase his liberty, and that his Royal
Highness must be asked to release the Sieurs
Montoux and Bostie, ministers ; Malonet, sur
geon ; and Martines, armourer. His friend
sent him word in reply, that he hoped to give
him an account of his coraraission on the mor
row, when he should have spoken with the
Marquis de Feuquieres, who was then visiting
the out-posts ; but on the coramanding officer's
return to his quarters, he would not listen to
the proposition of Mons, Chartogne, either be
cause he did not choose to hazard a refusal
from his Royal Highness, or for other reasons.
He wrote a letter to this effect, offering raoney
to the Vaudois; adding, " These gentlemen
had better look to themselves and avoid extre
mities, for I have orders not to relinquish this
enterprise till it is accomplished, and they
may receive now what will not be granted them
when once the cannon have fired." This the
Sieur Chartogne sent with a few lines to Mons,
de Parat, to say he might rely on the Marquis
doing every thing for him in his power, and. in
the meantime he sent hira four pounds of beef
and a sheet of paper. The Vaudois raade a
reply worthy of their usual firmness, which

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, 367
none who know them can consider as rash or
as boasting.
Reply of the Vaudois to the Marquis de
Feuquieres : — " Gentlemen, though you ima
gine us to be very poor, we do not want
money for the ransom of Mons. de Parat, our
prisoner ; we permit you to send him rations
for four or five days, that we may not have the
trouble of going up and down every day. In
answer to all your proposals, not being sub
jects ofthe king of France, nor that king mas
ter of this country, we cannot make any treaty
with you. We now occupy the inheritance
which our fathers bequeathed to us since time
immemorial ; and hope, by the aid of Him who
is God of armies, to live and die here, if there
should be only ten of us left : if your cannon
thunder, our rocks will not be dismayed, and
we shall hear the report." If the Vaudois had
distinguished themselves by their courage and
valour, they had no less occasion for all their
resolution and vigilance during the siege, for
they could not allow themselves any rest, and
scarcely anight passed without a sortie, in one
of which they had to regret the loss of Joseph
Pelene, who was unfortunately killed by one
of his own men ; but they made several sorties
in quest of provisions, which generally ended
favourably. Mons. de Feuquieres perceiving
that the continual fire of his musketry ended in

368 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
nothing but the expenditure of ammunition,
planted his cannon on the Guignevert, and
having once more displayed first the white flag
and then a red one, to shew that no quarter
was to be expected, he prepared every thing
for a general assault. Before day break on the
13th of May, he ordered sorae of his troops to
advance to distract the attention of the Vau
dois by feigned movements, while he caused
parapets to be erected on a rock above the
wood of the Clos d'Almian, and from these his
men fired with falconets, but they only wounded
one man.
The 14th was the day of the grand attack,
and though Mons, de Catinat and Mons, de
L'OrabraiUe had boasted that the Vaudois
should be taken, without its costing a pound of
powder ; they kept up so sharp a fire, frora an
early hour in the morning, that by noon they
had expended 124 shots of twelve and fourteen
pounds weight. This caused iraraense breaches
in the walls, which were only calculated to
resist musketry ; the enemy, encouraged by
this success, now made an assault in three dif
ferent places. The Vaudois were soon obliged
to abandon the lower part, but without any
loss, one man only being wounded ; they
retired to the retrenchraent called Cheval la
Bruxe, where they had also some huts, to
reach which they had to pass a spot exposed to

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 369
the fire of the enemy, from a redoubt near the
torrent, but happily a fog favoured them. They
had made it known to Mons, de Parat, that if
the place was forced they should be obliged to
kill him ; to which he replied, that he should
forgive thera his death : in fact soon after, his
guard having left hira, a soldier, who retired
one of the last, shot hira through the head ;
such was his end, and not as it has been sorae
times represented, A Vaudois soldier having
incautiously returned to fetch some of his
things, was made prisoner with some of the
sick and wounded. While the enemy were
minutely exaraining every fresh position which
was abandoned by the besieged, the latter
thought of nothing but howto make good their
escape; the iraraense fires kept burning in the
French encarapraent, seemed to preclude all
hope of their being able to retire undercover of
the night, and well were they aware that the
hand of God alone could deliver them in this
hour of peril, as he had already done from so
many former dangers. But at the very raoraent
when a most cruel death seemed to be pre
paring for them, a fog arose before dark^ thus
assisting to lengthen the night, which at that
season was in itself too^ short for their purpose,
Capt, Poulat, who was a native of La Balsille,
offered to be their guide, and they resolved to
march, under the protection of God, and the
B B

370 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
direction of this brave man, who had a perfect
knowledge of the country, and having accu
rately observed the situation of the eneray's
fires, he declared the only chance of escape to
be across a frightful precipitous ravine. They
followed hira down this chasm, some sliding on
their backs, others scrambling with one knee
on the ground, holding by the branches of trees,
occasionally resting, and then feeling their way
with their hands or feet. Poulat made thera
take off their shoes that they raight the better
perceive whether they placed their feet on any
thing capable of supporting thfem. In this
raanner they passed close to one of the French
outposts, and a Vaudois soldier in trying to
assist hiraself with his hands, let fall a sraall
kettle, which in rolling over sorae stones, raade
noise enough to disturb a sentinel, who cried
out " Qui vive ;" but this kettle happily not
being of the race of those feigned by the poets
to have spoken, and to have delivered oraeles
in the forest of Dodona, returned no answer,
and the sentinel took no further notice. Mean
while the Vaudois continued to gain ground ;
they ascended the raountain of Guignevert,
in the direction of Salse, and two hours after
dayUght they were still clirabing the mountain
by steps, which they cut for themselves in the
,snow. The French, who were encamped at
Lantiga, discovered them at a distance, on the

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 371
morning of the 13th, and sent a detachment in
pursuit of them, but they descended by the
Pausettes of La Salse, on the other side of the
mountain, where they stopped to rest and
refresh themselves. They did the same at Ro
doret, and had no sooner prepared to march,
than perceiving the detachment of the enemy
rapidly advancing towards them, they, instantly
retreated up to the very suramit of Galmon, a
mountain between Prais and Rodoret, where
they remained two hours ; this time was em
ployed in making a review of their force, and
having separated the wounded and disabled
from the rest ; they sent them with the surgeon
of the late Mons. de Parat, guarded by those
who were only slightly wounded, into a ravine
called the valley, after which the main body
descended rapidly towards Prais, and remained
till night, concealed in the wood of Serrelemi,
when they proceeded under cover of a thick
fog, to the Casage Major. Here they were
greatly disappointed not to find a drop of water
to boil their soup, but Providence in compas
sion to them, sent them rain, which was at this
time as great a relief as on former occasions it
had proved an addition to their distress. On
Friday, the 16th, having carefuUy put out their
fires, for fear of discovery, the eneray being
supposed to be either at Rodoret, or on the
Galraon ; they advanced through the raist, but
B B 2

372 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
when it cleared away they occasionally lay
down flat on the ground, to avoid being seen
by any sentinels who raight be on the Galraon,
till they lost sight of the raountain, and passing
the Roche Blanche, frora whence the fine raar
ble is taken, they arrived at Fayet about mid
night, rauch fatigued by the harassing raarch
they had raade, over such a dangerous tract of
country. The next day, the 17th, finding the enemy
were on their track, they marched towards
Pramol, and hoping to obtain provisions at
Angrogna, detached a party in search of sup
plies, which they happily met with in the village
of Rua, where the inhabitants had entrenched
theraselves in the church-yard, but were soon
corapelled to yield. Mons. de Vignaux, who
coraraanded the place, on giving up his sword,
shewed Mons. Arnaud the positive order he
had received not to abandon his post ; he also
inforraed him that the Duke of Savoy had only
till the Tuesday following, to decide whether
he would remain on the side of France, or
erabrace that of the allies. Besides the com
manding officer, three lieutenants were taken
prisoners, and fifty-seven men killed in this
attack, and the enemy had the additional mor
tification of seeing the village burnt. The
Vaudois had only three raen killed, and as
many wounded.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 373
On Sunday the 18th, they ascended the
mountain of Angrogna, and those who were
first had no sooner gained the top than the
inhabitants gave the alarm, which obliged the
Vaudois to retrace their steps, in search of a
resting-place on sorae other part of the raouri-
tain. But on their arrival at a neighbouring
haralet they were no less astonished than de
lighted to find Messrs. Parander and Bertin,
who were come as envoys frora the Baron de
Palavicino, to announce to thera peace on the
part ofthe Duke of Savoy, offering at the same
tirae to furnish them instantly with provisions ;
and no sooner had they reached Pra-del-Tourne
than two other persons came to inforra them
that the Chevalier de Vereellis, governor of the
fort of La Tour, desired to speak with some of
their officers ; to which they replied, that if he
would corae the following raorning to the' spot
where they then were, he would find thera ;
they also requested a surgeon raight be sent to
visit the three lieutenants who had been
wounded at Praraol.
Let us leave these poor fugitives for a mo
ment to their joy and exultation at having
peace offered to them, and let us allow them to
breathe in- the hope of a terraination to their
misfortunes, while we turn to observe the con-
siernation of the French, who could but ill
digest their disappointment at finding the birds

374 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
flown, after all the trouble they experienced
in taking their nest. As the conquest which
Mons. de Feuquieres had sought for, was not
the possession of La Balsille, but the capture
of its garrison, (an exploit by which he expected
to exult even over Mons. de Catinat hiraself,)
his disappointraent upon entering the last re
cesses of the fort, to find only raiserable
huts and points of rocks, which frora their
shape and size had given the raountain the
appellation of Quatre dents, may be better
imagined than described. It was a thunder
stroke to hira to find hiraself thus deprived of
the title of " conqueror of the barbets," which
had been destined for him beforehand, as will
be found by an intercepted letter from the
governor of Pignerol.*
To return to our Vaudois, whom we left in
the agreeable expectation of a perfect and
secure peace with their sovereign ; the Che
valier de Vereellis did not come, though ex
pected, and the booty was sold and divided ;
they reraained, however, till the 24th, without
bread. A Vaudois soldier happening to kill a
partridge, gave it to Mons. Arnaud, who
having had it broiled, gave a bit to Mons.
de Vignaux, and the other three prisoners, say
ing, to-day you must eat partridge without
* This letter and some others being uninteresting are
omitted.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 375
bread, to-morrow, perhaps, it will be bread
without partridge, which often happened after
wards. While they were under this difficulty
in procuring food, they had the comfort to ob
serve Messrs. Parander and Bertin return with
an order that they should send forty or fifty
men to the farm of Mons. Gautier, brother-in-
law of Mons. Arnaud, but as they were sent by
night, this direction gave rise to sorae suspicion,
for which reason Mons. Arnaud gave orders
that the two captains who had the command
of the expedition, should only permit five raen
to enter the house at a time, while the others
kept guard outside, and that when these five
had taken their load of bread, they should send
ten others, and so on till all were supplied,
which was done without any opposition, and
the bread arrived safe. The French were now
the only remaining eneraies of the Vaudois, and
on the 22d, they sent out two detachraents
against them ; the Vaudois did the same, and
had the good fortune to make an attack so
opportunely upon one of these divisions, that
they carried off sixty or seventy guns and raus
kets, with as many doublets. These Vaudois
troops having joined each other, they marched
up higher towards Balmadant the following day,"
and as they were eating soup, made of violets
and wild sorrel, perceived the French ad
vancing, whom they fell upon, and continued

376 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
skirmishing with the whole of the day. The
French, still enraged at their escape from La
Balsille, had sents out detachraents on all sides
to exterminate them if possible. Mons. de
Elerambant not knowing that the Duke of
Savoy was becorae the friend of the Vaudois^
was taken prisoner, with all his detachraent, at
La Tour, which he had entered in search of
refreshments. Some four or five days passed
without any event, except the return of a
detachraent of the Vaudois, which arrived in
time to hear a letter read from the Marquis de
Palavicino to the governor of Mirabouc, and
which contained, among other things, instruc
tions to him to allow a free passage to the
Vaudois, seeing that H. R. H. was become
their friend, and had broken with France. The
3d of June they had the satisfaction to see the
return of another detachment of sixty strong,
which had been sent into the Valley of Perouse,
to meet fifty men, who it was reported wished
to join the Vaudois ; their delight was greater
as they had given thera up for lost ; this de
tachraent on its raarch had two soldiers killed
at the bridge of Pomaret, who were found to
be carrying 700 gun flints to the enemy : the
charms which it was thought one of these men
had made use of, to render hiraself bullet proof,
rendered his death still raore dreadful, indeed
itwas found difficult to kill hira, for no bayonet

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 377
would pierce him until it was fixed in the
ground by the hilt ; he begged very hard for
his life, and in the hope of obtaining it, made
known the spot where he had buried a quantity
of tin,' but the diabolical charms with which it
was supposed he had provided himself, ren
dered him in their eyes so unworthy of life,
that his entreaties were of no avail.
On reaching Perouse they only found twelve
men instead of fifty ready to join thera, and
marching always by night to escape observation,
they received at Clapier intelligence of the loss
of La Balsille, and hid theraselves for several
days in the woods, while they persuaded sorae
peasants to bring thera provisions, and at last
happily rejoined their corarades.
June the 4th. The French having learnt
that the Vaudois were at Pal raad or near Vil
lar, raarched all night, in the hope of sur
prising them, but the dawn of day having
betrayed them, the Vaudois were prepared on
their arrival to give them a warm reception ;
tbey fought nearly the whole of the day, with
the loss only of two men killed, and two
wounded, but the French did riot escape so
cheaply, though the precise nuraber of their
killed was not known. The Vaudois received
soon afterwards, a confirmation of the news
that H. R. H. had declared war with France.
-The French who were in the valleys ignorant of

378 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
this transported their sick and wounded to La
Tour, where they were all raade prisoners, and
carried to Saluces. The railitia of H. R, H,
having abandoned ViUar and Bobbi, Mons,
Arnaud was desired to take possession of those
places, and an intiraation was given hira that
he would find provisions. But the Savoyards
had only left such a portion as they could not
transport, and had even let the wine run out of
the barrels.
The Vaudois now released Mons, de Vignaux
and the other prisoners, on their word of
honour, that the two rainisters and others
should be sent back to thera, and great was
their delight when they saw those four persons
return a few days afterwards, together with
David Mondon and Capt, Pelene, and twenty
others, from the prisons of Turin ; particularly
when these latter declared that H, R, H. had
assured them that he should not prevent their
preaching, even at Turin, and said many other
obliging things ; they received an order a few
days after, to send fifty men to Crussol for
bread, which they did, but having the sarae
order on La Tour for flour ; the commissary
there, not having yet recovered rauch good
will towards thera, refused it, though he had in
his possession more than 100 sacks of flour,
and above 2000 of corn, H. R, H, gave orders
to his troops to blow up the fort of La Tour,

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, 379
but the mines made for this purpose all proved
false, and it was suspected the engineer was in
the pay of France, A Vaudois soldier, who is
still alive, rejoined them at Bobbi, whose ad
ventures are reraarkable enough to deserve a
place here ; having been slightly wounded du
ring the siege at Balsille, and being without
medical aid, he obtained permission of Mons.
Arnaud to accompany three others who had
undertaken the hazardous task of fetching pro
visions to sell to those in the fort; his com
panions passed the river Cluson, at this tirae
much swollen, but this poor fellow could not
get through on account of his wound, and
wandered about hiding hiraself during the day
and passing from bush to bush, and rock to
rock, living only on violets and other wild
herbs, during seventeen days. In this time his
wound healed, and at last to the joy of the
poor starved wretch, he perceived two young
wolves, who made off as soon as they were
observed, hunger urged hira to the chase, and
having, stunned one by a blow on the head, he
caught it, and ate it with a good appetite,
though raw; when satisfied he found he had
strength enough to get to Bobbi, which was
not far off, where he arrived, bringing with hira
the head ofthe cub he had feasted on.
This recalls an anecdote in Mons. Leger's
history, which he relates during the war, or

380 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
rather massacre of 1655. Bianqui, then syndic
of Luzerne, who though a papist, always showed
great horror at these atrocities, seeing after the
battle of La Vachere the number of dead and
wounded, exclairaed, " Altre volte li lupi man-
giavano li barbetti, raa il tempo e venuto che
li barbetti mangiano i lupi," These words
cost the poor syndic dear, for the governor of
Luzerne was so shocked at thera, that he abso
lutely frightened the syndic to death With
raenaces and reproaches ; and now to the very
letter, had a barbet eaten a wolf.
Monsieur de Palavicino, who coraraanded
H. R, H.'s troops, having deterrained to fall
upon the French in the Val Queiras, sent
orders to the Vaudois to prepare a large de
tachment to attack them on one side, while he
did the sarae on the other. Wishing for nothing
better than an opportunity of signalizing their
fideUty to their sovereign, they iraraediately
sent 300 men on this service ; they carried the
plan into effect, and defeated the French,
though with the loss of Capt. Griz and five
men, besides three or four wounded ; they
returned to Bobbi the next day but one, with
a good deal of booty, sorae of which was
divided araongst the corapanies, and the rest
presented to his royal highness.
The Chevcflier de Vereellis, already men
tioned, having come to visit the Vaudois, was

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 381
deputed, with Mons. Arnaud, to coofer.with
Mons. de Palavicino, about, several things
which related to the common ,welfa,re; the
baron told him that with a reinforcement of
2000 men which he expected, they should
soon succeed, without troubliug the peasants,
or pillaging them any raore, provided they
remained quiet. The same day, all the inha
bitants of La Tour who had changed their
religion, came to Bobbi to join the Vaudois.
The following days they had a good deal, of
skirmishing with the French, , until a courier
was taken, and Mons. Arnaud was ordered to
carry his despatches, to H, R.H. During his
absence the Vaudeus enjoyed some repose at
Bobbi, where they were well provisioned ; but
these temporal coraforts did not prevent their
having some uneasiness as to their spiritn9,l
ones, until the return of Mons. Arnaud, the
firgt days of July, 1690, whp brought the
agreeable confirmation of their sovereign's good
intentions towards them, and ofthe very chris
tian like discourse he had held to the prisoners
on restoring thera to liberty, whieh was tp
this effect.
" You have but one God and one prince to
serve ; serve God and your prince faithfully :
till now we have been enemies, henceforth we
must be good friends; others have been,. the
cause of your misfortune, but if now, as you

382 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
ought, you expose your lives for ray service, I
will expose raine also for yours, and while I
have a raorsel of bread you shall have your
share." His Royal Highness then spoke the more
seriously, as he was in the height of his anger
against France, We shall not enter into his
reasons, which had nothing to do with the
Vaudois, but only observe in conclusion ; that
God in a wonderful raanner, not only separated
those two powers, but caused them to turn
against each other the very arms which had
been designed for the destruction of the Vau
dois, and in the very moraent when their ex
termination seemed inevitable, thus worked
their deliverance.
Having now arrived at the establishment of
peace, we must lea^C^e the Vaudois to enjoy the
fruit of their labours, while we proceed to give
a sketch of what happened to Mons, Bour
geois and his detachment, who from having
arrived too late at the place of rendezvous,
either for want of boats, or from some other
circurastance, were prevented joining our ex
pedition in the first instance. No sooner were
they apprised of the progress we had made,
than they became anxious to follow, and Mons,
Bourgeois, stung by the imputations which had
been cast upon his courage, declared himself
willing to undertake the command, but very

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE, 383
imprudently not having taken any pains to
conceal their intended departure, it was anti
cipated in Savoy and Dauphin6 long before it
took place. Money having been taken frora
the Dutch contributions, (which may be called
an abuse of a charity,) and thirty-three boats,
with a supply of arras, having been provid
ed ; the whole party, in nuraber about 1000,
composerd, in addition to the Vaudois, of idle
persons of all descriptions, erabarked near
Vevay, at noon, on the Ilth of Septeraber, and
landed at St, Gingolphe with very little oppo
sition. The troops were immediately divided
into nineteen companies^ viz, thirteen French
refugees, three Swiss, two Vaudois, and one
of grenadiers, called by the Savoyards Lu-
zernois. After some skirmishes, in which the peasants
made no great resistance, they marched in a slow
and disorderly manner to Tagninge, in Fouci
gni ; and in consequence of their delay found
the passes guarded ; a disappointment which
served only to increase the insubordination and
disunion which existed among them, aad which
led to the determination of retreating, on the
17th of September, and 'abandoning their ex
pedition. After a difficult march of seven days,
leave was obtained for them from Geneva to
pass the lake, and boats were provided ; but,
on their erabarkation, the booty they had ob-

384 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
tained in Savoy appeared so great, that the
government of Geneva obliged them to release
ten or twelve prisoners they had taken, and in
sisted on their restoring all the horses, and
other property taken away, to the right owners.
An example which was strictly followed in the
canton of Vaud ; and the Bernois commanded
all those who had entered the Chablais in arms,
on the 1 1th of Septeraber, to quit their territory
within eight days. After being iraprisoned all
the winter, Mons. Bourgeois was condemned
for disobedience of orders, in undertaking the
expedition, and was beheaded at Nion, on the
12th March. Thus ended this disastrous en
terprise. The present age is so perverted by a spirit of
incredulity, vanity, and pride, that scarcely
one person in ten would believe the extraordi
nary means by which the Reformation was
brought about in England, Germany, Holland,
&c. the liberty of Switzerland established, and
the independence of Geneva preserved, and
would consider the details as fabulous stories.
Foreseeing, therefore, that the facts here related
may to many appear incredible, I wish to add
some remarks as to the clear evidence of their
truth. The simplicity of the narrative shows
that its design was neither to amuse nor to
deceive, and the facts contained in it can yet
be attested by many living witnesses of differ-

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 385
ent nations ; when, therefore, O reader, you
read of events which your imagination can
scarcely reach, be not less reasonable than our
honest Vaudois, who taking credit to them
selves only for their sufferings and inexpres
sible labours, attribute every thing that is
astonishing and extraordinary to the arm of the
Eternal, and for his glory. God, to show his
almighty power and superintending care, did
not make use of a consummate warripr, but, of
a poor minister, who never before waged war,
except with Satan. You have seen this raan,
under celestial guidance, force a passage
through every obstacle, and carry away pri
soners raen of every rank in society, as wit
nesses of the wonders effected by a true faith
and the good order he preserved.
By what means, unless by the peculiar fa
vour of God, did this same Arnaud escape fall
ing into the hands of the Swiss Catholics, who
sought to lay hold of him, that he raight suffer
ajt Constance like John Huss and Jerorae of
Prague, who were burnt alive for sustaining
the true religion of Jesus Christ? Is it not
rairaculous that a small band of men, of whora
many had never before handled a firelock,
shquld force the bridge of Salabertran, guarded
by 2500 men, kUl 600 of them, with only a loss
of fifteen, half of whom fell owing to the want
of skill of their comrades ? Is it not as clear
c c

386 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
as the light of day that it was by special per
mission that the Roman Catholics, who for
three years had inhabited the houses of the
Vaudois, should all fly on their approach, as
well as the troops who ought to have defended
them? Is there any one of such weak intellect as
not to discover, that it must have been God
alone who could have inspired such a small
party, without money and a thousand other
requisites, courageously to undertake a war
against the king of France, who then raade all
Europe tremble? and who but God hiraself
could protect thera and cause thera gloriously
to succeed, in spite of every effort used by two
mighty powers to exterminate them .''
Who can be so unreasonable as not to attri
bute it to divine Providence, that the Vaudois
should be enabled to gather in their harvest in
the depth of winter, at the tirae their eneraies,
unable to subdue them by force of arras, were
taking every means to destroy them by faraine?
Can any one be weak enough to suppose,
that, without divine protection, 367 Vaudois,
shut up for eight raonths in La Balsille, sleep
ing on the earth, and subsisting only upon
bread and herbs, in sraall quantities, could force
10,000 French and 12,000 Piemontese to retire
with loss ; and that, after defending themselves
during a second siege, they could have so
happily escaped the fury of the French ; who,

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 387
still enraged at the obstinate resistance they
met with from such a handful of men, had re
solved to condemn them to be hung, and ac
tually brought executioners and ropes for that
purpose ?
Weak as human nature is, every one must
allow that the Almighty God fought for the
Vaudois, assisting them whenever they were
on the point of failing, and opening the eyes of
their prince, and inducing him to seek their
assistance against their joint enemy, after re
storing them to their homes and own inherit
ance, as well as to their pure mode of worship.
Does it not surpass imagination, that although
these people were more than eighteen tiraes
engaged in battle during the efforts they raade
to penetrate into their valleys, they lost only
thirty of their number ; while their enemies
lost 10,000 men, without effecting the object
they had in view?
After so many wonderful achievements, is it
not clear the arms of the enemy were blessed
only by the false benedictions of Rorae, while
theirs were strengthened by the protection of
the great God and King of kings ?
Open the eyes of your understanding all ye
that are blinded wilfully, and consider with
coolness and impartiality the divine mysteries
contained in this History; and let all Chris
tians^, after due reflection, unanimously allow
c c 2

388 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE.
that God has raade choice of the Vaudois as
the elect of his faithful flock, to deraonstrate
by prodigies beyond the course of nature, or
natural strength of raan, that they live in that
religion in which he would have all the re
deemed to live, to serve and honour him.
Amen.*

ROUTE OF THE VAUDOIS.
They crossed the Lake of Geneva and landed
opposite Nion, between Nernier and Ivoyre,
passed the village of ViU Villete and St. Joyre,
the height of Carman, the bridge of Marni,
towns of Clitse and of Salenches, villages of Cab
lau, and Beaufort, or Migeves, mount of Haute
Luce, haralet of St. Nicholas, mount of Bon
Homme, crossed the river Isere, haralet of Sez,
St. Foi, and Villar Rougy, of Eutigne, Laval,
Tigne, raount Tisserand, haralet of Bonneval, of
Besas and Lannevillard, mount Cenis, mount
Tourliers, the valley of Jaillon, by Chaumont
above Susa, the bridge of Salabertran, mount
Sei, the valley of Pragela, and so on.
* Several ofthe writers on the Revelations have considered
the Vaudois as the witnesses mentioned in the Ilth chapter
of the Apocalypse. — See new translation of the Apocalypse
by Dean Woodhouse, chap. 1 1. p. 298. ; also chap. 14. v. 9.
Dr. Gill on the Revelations, chap. 11, Mosheim's Ecclesi
astical History cent. 7, part 2, chap. 2, sec. 2. Also a
Sermon preached by Dr. Gill, in 1720, in Great Eastcheap.

389

APPENDIX.

SOME ACCOUNT OF THE VAUDOIS SINCE ARNAUD'S
TIME.*
EXTRACTED FKOM PEYRAn's WORK.
After the treaty of 1690, concluded by Ar
naud, the Vaudois had raany opportunities of
showing their courage and loyalty, in the wars
carried on by the Dukes of Savoy,t and in
consequence their privileges were constantly
confirmed. So that with the exception of the
expulsion of the three thousand who formed
the colonies in Germany, which are mentioned
in Arnaud's Preface, perfect liberty of con
science was enjoyed by them during the whole
of the eighteenth century. The Protestant
powers continued their protection, and parti
cularly England ; for a pension was granted by
that country to the pastors, under William and
Mary, which was naraed the English royal
* The reader is referred to Arnaud's Preface for a history
of that portion of time intervening between the treaty, at
which M. Bresse's History terrainates, and the expedition of
Arnaud. t See Burnet's history of his own tiraes, year 1690, fol.
edit. 2 vol. pp. 100—111.

390 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
subsidy ; and this being found insufficient, in
1770 a general collection was raade, the in
terest of which was paid under the name of the
English national subsidy. From these two
sums the pastors received their incomes,
araounting to 40/, or 50/, those of the raost la
borious parishes receiving the largest payraent.
The interest of the Dutch collections was ap
plied to the salaries of schoolraasters, widows
of pastors, and retired pastors. And in Swit
zerland studentships were established at the
universities of Geneva, Lausanne, and Basle,
for the young Vaudois intended for the rai
nistry. In this state the Vaudois affairs remained till
after the French revolution, when, owing to
the distresses in Holland, a dirainution took
place in the payments from that country ; and
in 1797, the English royal subsidy suddenly
stopped, and has been since discontinued.*
In consequence the French government as
signed certain suras frora the treasury of Turin,
as an increase to the diminished stipends of the
' By means of the dishonesty of the royal almoner's secre
tary, who drew for the money from the Treasury, and per
suaded the almoner to give a receipt without receiving one
from the Vaudois, which last he said could not be got on
account of the war : the succeeding almoner, not receiving
the receipts from the Vaudois, ceased to obtain the money.
By the exertions of the Rev. W. S. Gilly and the Vaudois
coramittee, the payments are re-established this year, 1826.

LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE. 391
pastors, which raised their incoraes to upwards
of 60/, per annum, at the, same time ordering
their church government to be remodelled ac
cording to the system of Napoleon in France.
This act produced very Uttle alteration, ex
cept the cessation of the authority of moderator
and the appointment of two ministers to nearly
the same functions.
The most important change was, that the
Vaudois were in all respects put upon a level
with the Catholics, and enjoyed every right of
Piemontese subjects.
In 1814, the house of Savoy was restored to
the throne, and the sums drawn from the trea
sury of Turin were stopped. Victor Emanuel,
moved by the distress of the pastors, generously
granted them a sum of 21/. each; and thus
they enjoy the same revenues as they did be
fore the revolution. And Victor Eraanuel, in
being the first of his house who has wished to
place the Vaudois ou a level with the Catholics,
in this point has acquired a new title to their
attachment and fidelity.
In 1821, not one of them was found araong
the revolted.
It raust however be adraitted, that though
this raonarch and his successor, Charles Felix,
at present on the throne, have always received
the Vaudois deputies with kindness, and though

392 LA RENTREE GLORIEUSE,
they are now adraitted to the enjoyraent of the
sarae laws as their fellow subjects, no Vaudois
can rise in the array above a sub-lieutenant ;
nor, in civil offices, beyond a notary, secretary,
apothecary, or surgeon,
**************

^ ^^

Mil

/ ^-^-

^^^mj

'"i"^ I

A SKETCH

OF

THE HISTORY

THE GERMAN VALDENSES.

A SHORT SKETCH

HISTORY

THE GERMAN VALDENSES,
Which may be found at length in the following German
Works :
Waldenser Chronick, printed in 1655, probably at Berne.
Die Geschichte der Waldenser, Zurich, 1798, by Moser.
Kurzer Abriss der Geschichte der Wurtembergescher Wal-
detiser, by Andreas Keller, minister, Tubingen, 1796.
Original Briefe, or Original Letters, in the library at
Heidelberg.

1655 After the treaty of Pignerol, in 1655, (at
which period the history of Bresse ter
rainates,) the affairs of the Vaudois re-
1685 raained much in the same state till 1685,
when the Duke of Savoy was induced
by Louis the Fourteenth to revoke all his
proraises, by a new edict. This edict
coraraanded the demolition of their
churches, and the immediate banish
ment of all pastoi;g and schoolmasters.

396 SKETCH OF THE
forbad the education of children in the
Vaudois faith, and prohibited the public
and private exercise of their religion.
Louis the Fourteenth not only pressed
1686 this measure onthe Duke ; but, in 1686,
according to a former promise, sent
14,000 men, under the Marquis de Ca
tinat, to join the Piemontese army,
then marching to enforce the obedience
ofthe Vaudois.
Catinat,* who led the attack, was re
pulsed ; but, after two other engage
ments, the Vaudois sued for peace. The
Duke determined upon punishing them
severely, and condemned 14,000 persons
to the prisons of Turin. The reraainder
either subraitted to the mass or fled.
By the intercession of the Elector of
Brandenburg and the Swiss cantons,
the Duke was at length induced to per
rait those who would not change their
religion to leave the country unraolested.
The prisons were consequently opened,
but only 3000 persons issued from them ;
the other 1 1 ,000 had perished by heat,
cold, hunger, and thirst, during their
imprisonment. The 3000, immediately
on their release, marched into Switzer
land ; where two thirds remained, and
• * See Burnet's history of his own times, fol. edit. p. 456.

GERMAN VALDENSES. 397
the rest proceeded to Brandenburg, by
invitation frora the Elector Frederic
William, by whom they were received
with the greatest kindness. Sorae of
the descendants of these very people are
now settled at Buckholtz, near Berlin,
enjoying all the rights of Prussian sub
jects, and having their church supplied
with ministers from the French Pro
testant refugees, who settled in great
nurabers in Prussia after the revocation
ofthe edict of Nantes.
The 2000 reraaining in Switzerland gave
great uneasiness to the cantons, by their
plans for returning in arras to their
country, which induced the great Swiss
council to apply to the Gerraan princes
for land, they themselves offering to
contribute to the expense of establishing
Vaudois colonies.
Subscriptions having been raised in the
Swiss cantons, the United Provinces,
Brandenburg, and England, for the imrae
diate support of the exiles : application
was first raad« to the Duke of Wirtera-
berg, whose dutchy had lost one fourth
of its population in the thirty years war.
The negociation proceeded slowly, for as
the Wirterabergers were strict Luthe-

398 SKETCH OF THE
rans, they raised endless difficulties, on
the score of religion and politics.
Several questions were referred to the
universities. Sorae idea of the want of
charity and tediousness of these proceed
ings raay be formed frora the fact, that
a book was written in the university of
Tubingen, on the extreme danger of re
ceiving people who had no written con
fession of faith ; and to one of the
questions sent to the legal faculties at
Tubingen, they replied, " That the Vau
dois could not be allowed the free exer
cise of their religion in any place incor
porated with the ducal territory, but
might enjoy it in one dependent on the
Duke," " Non de territoris Wirtembur-
gis sed in terris," &c.
1687 In the year 1687, 200 raen were allowed
to assist in the harvest, and though a
Swiss coraraission the next year raade
little impression on the Duke, an em
bassy from the States General effected
the establishment of 200 Vaudois near
Malbrun. These unfortunate people
were obliged to return to Switzerland in
1688 the auturan of the sarae year, 1688, in
consequence of an attack made by the
French army on Baden and Wirtemberg.

GERMAN VALDENSES. 399
After passing the winter among the Swiss can
tons, about 1000 marched into Wirtemberg in
spring, wherethey were but ill received, although
they agreed to purchase all their provisions be
yond the limits of the dutchy ; " Lest,"'to quote
the words ofthe demand, " any scarcity should
be felt by his Highness's subjects, for the sake
of a handful of Calvinistical sojourners."
At this time, and for many months preced
ing, serious thoughts had been entertained of
sending the Vaudois to the Cape of Good
Hope ; a plan to which many showed repug
nance, but some assented. In a letter, still
extant, from one of their pastors, Bilderbeck,
is this passage, " A letter from the Hague,
bearing date May 31st, 1688, informs, me that
Messrs. the States General have destined the
sum of 39,000 livres for the transport of the
Vaudois to the Cape of Good Hope." Dated
Cologne; June 3rd, 1688.
Why this idea was abandoned does not ap
pear from the reraaining records : it was pro
bably met by unwillingness on the part of those
who designed to return sword in hand to their
valleys. Some of the above-raentioned settlers in
Wirtemberg joined their compatriots in this
undertaking, and eighty of them were seized in
the attempt to do so, in the canton of Uri, and
sent in chains to Turin.

400 SKETCH OF THE
1690 The history of the expedition is written
by Henri Arnaud, down to the treaty
with the Duke of Savoy. In conse
quence of a total change in politics, in
1690, that prince united with the era
peror and the kings of England and
Spain against Louis the Fourteenth ;
and, on this occasion, wrote directly to
the duke of Orleans, declaring that he
had sacrificed these Vaudois to the court
of France, contrary to every rule of
sound policy. He also set at liberty the
prisoners who had been conderaned to
death, allowed 1200 of his Vaudois sub
jects to receive English pay, (that they
might serve in the war,) and permitted
the rest to return to their homes in the
valleys. The allied powers were eager
to make use of the Vaudois, conceiving
them to be j ustly irritated against France ;
their interested and philanthropic views
both promoting charity towards the
Vaudois who behaved with such bravery
in the war, that England and the States
General again pressed on the duke of
Wirtemberg for concessions towards
them. In consequence, in the year 1694,
the free exercise of their religion and
customs was granted them in the do
minions of Wirtemberg.

GERMAN VALDENSES. 401
The exertions of Messrs. Cox and Valkenier,
the English and Dutch envoys at Berne, had
previously obtained leave that the wives and
children of those Vaudois who had returned to
the valleys, in order to judge of the possibility
of residing there, should reraain in Wirtemberg,
their subsistence being paid for beforehand.
These men found their country in such a
state of utter devastation, that they gave up
the idea of reraaining and returned to their fa
milies. After a series of disappointments, too
tedious to detail, a prince of the house of Wir
temberg, Frederic Augustus, came forward as
a protector to the poor exiles, and took such
active raeasures for the establishraent of a co
lony at Gochsheim, that he laid the first stone
of the new Augustadt in 1698, and obtained
from his brother, Duke Eberhard Louis, ar
ticles of reception. Unhappily, when these
were published, they were found to require a
written confession of faith, and a great delay
and dispute took place on that account, though
the Vaudois endeavoured to show from Leger's
history (then just published) what their doc
trine was. In the raidst of this new dilemma,
occasioned by the unyielding spirit of the Lu
therans, the Duke of Savoy concluded a peace
with France ; in conformity to which, he com
manded the inhabitants of the valleys of St.
D D

402 SKETCH OF THE
Martin and Perouse, as well as the parishes of
St. Barthelemi, Prarustin, and Roche Platte,
formerly subjects of France, to leave his terri
tory. This part of the ducal dominions, always
inhabited by Vaudois, (long before the house
of Savoy gained any part of Piemont,) had
been ceded to France in the former part of the
reign of Louis XIV. and was now returned to
Savoy upon the above condition.
It appears from Arnaud's preface, that the
Duke ordered only those not born in the valleys
to leave his dominions. All statements concur
in asserting that 3000 Vaudois were thus forced
into exile, and that they subraitted to their fate
without resistance, and arrived in the greatest
raisery at Geneva, where they were relieved.
Until sorae plan could be deterrained on, they
were dispersed araong the Swiss cantons for
the winter, and in the raean tirae extensive
collections were raade for their support through
put Protestant Europe. Arnaud was hiraself
one of the 3000 re-exiled ; and, in 1698, was
one of the three deputies sent to discuss the
points of reception with the privy council of
the Duke of Wirtemberg. The English and
Dutch envoys at Berne were also ordered by
their courts to press the subject with the Duke,
and urge the examples of the Elector of Bran
denburg, the Landgraves of Hesse Cassel,

GERALAN VALDENSES. 403
Darmstadt, and Homberg, as well as the
Counts of Hanau, Ysenburg, Sec. who had al
ready received Vaudois colonies. The next
year, 1699, William of England, the elector of
Brandenburg, and the states general again re
newed the most pressing solicitations, and took
upon theraselves to guarantee the Duke frora
all expense on account of the Vaudois, re
quiring only from him land and building ma
terials in the rough.
In the raeantirae the difficulties on the score
of doctrine were gradually overcorae; the
situations fixed on for the colonies were raarked
out in the spring near Malbrun, and raoney
was advanced by the coraraissioners of sub
scriptions in England, Holland, and Switzer
land, to enable the Vaudois to buy provisions,
until they could bring the land which had long-
lain waste into cultivation. The colonies now
received the names they have at this day, and
in June the Duke issued a regular edict, which
was followed bythe concessions-brief in Sep
teraber. (1699.) This act contains twenty-
three articles of privilege and protection, for
which the Vaudois were entirely obliged to
the unremitting zeal of Williara of England,
and the states general. For the raost part the
government kept faith with them, but some of
the articles have fallen into disuse, and others
have been entirely broken ; some of the raost
D D 2

404 SKETCH OF THE
important araong thera during the last fifty
years. The government of the Vaudois was settled in
the hands of a syndic, six counsellors, a secre
tary, and a serjeant ; because the point of their
forraing an integral part of the Wirteraberg do
minions, being always opposed, a separate
form of government was necessary for them,
dependent solely on the Duke. Their church
governraent was arranged exactly on the plan
of that in the valleys, with a raoderator, conn
ed, called la table, &c., together with occa
sional synods. The nurabers in each parish
having been estiraated, the total was found to
araount to 1600, which shows how many must
have proceeded to Holland and other countries.
The distress of these poor exiles during the
first year, was most severe ; they had no
houses but the remains of some old forts,
thrown up during the war ; the land was
covered with weeds, swaraps, and brushwood,
nor was it in any parts good originally ; bricks
were to be raade, stones and wood collected
and prepared for building, wells sunk, marshes
drained, &c. All this too was to be done by a
people worn by suffering, encurabered with
children, and sick, and having expended the
whole of their private means. To add to their
distress all the strong and vigorous, the inge
nious and best educated had gone to the colo-

GEUjMAN VALDENSES. 405
nies established in the former years of theii-
exile. Those in Wirtemberg were the poorest
and raost helpless ofthe whole.
In an original letter, stiU existing at Heidel
berg, Mons. Fabrice thus describes their situ
ation : — " Was it not," says he, " for the
charity of the States' General of Holland, they
would actually perish for want; about 272
have been appointed to the bailiwick of Mos-
bach, near Bretten, to clear and cultivate the
lands assigned to thera. These bare nothing
but weeds and wild herbs, on which these
miserable people support life, the alms which
we send them not sufficing for so many. Work
ing frora raorning till night to clear the land,
which is as yet entirely unproductive, eating
nothing but roots and herbs half boiled, and
drinking nothing but water, they strive not to
be chargeable to any one. * * * * I have
seen thera with ray own eyes, when I passed
over their desert, during my visitation of the
churches of the bailiwick : we distributed 100
sacks of corn, and sorae raoney to the sick and
feeble." Mons. Fabrice was probably a rainister and
an officer of the Lutheran Consistory. The
country alluded to is now occupied by the
Vaudois of great and little Villar, and the land
is in raost parts so bad as to be kept in culti
vation only by the greatest industry. A poor

406 SKETCH OF THE
>voraan of Gros ViUar, is now in the habit ot
walking to the weekly market of Carlsruhe, a
distance of fifteen miles, to carry the eggs and
poultry of the village there for sale.
To return to the articles of the concessions-
brief, no provision was made for the incidental
expences of repairs of churches, schools, &c.,
so that these from tirae to time reduced the
parishes to the greatest poverty, and exhausted
the deposits laid by for the use of the poor.
Had the Vaudois been at first adraitted in
stead of being kept eleven years in suspense,
they would never have been reduced either
individually or collectively, to their present
distress. Poverty has prevented the holding of
synods, and dissolved, in great raeasure, the
bond of union between the parishes, as well as
that between the people and their pastors,
while instruction failing from the same causes,
has induced raany to allow their children to
remain in ignorance, or to go to the Gerraan
schools ; by this they have gradually been
losing their knowledge of the French language,
in which their serraons have been preached till
very lately.
Under these circurastances it is not to be
wondered at, that the German Vaudois should
fall short of the purity, intelligence, and edu
cation of their brethren in Piemont.
By the recent commands of the Wirtemberg

GERiMAN VALDENSL.S. 407
government, all serraons are in Gerraan, and
the schoolraasters teach in that language only-
The resolution of the government to bring the
Vaudois into their own church estabUshraent,
with whatever reason formed, and with what
ever consistency acted upon, must in a few
years succeed in its object : the Vaudois
church will be no more in Wirtemberg, (as is
already the case in Baden,) nor can the pas
tors from their intiraate connection with the
Lutheran church, consistently receive hence
forward the portion of the English royal
bounty due to thera.
It is hoped that the charitable Englishraan
will consider the case of those few surviving
pastors, who accepted their cures in reliance
on the bounty of England as proraised by her
sovereigns, who when that bounty ceased,
(from the unfortunate causes lately investigated
by the Vaudois comraittee in London,) instead
of deserting their posts, persisted for twenty
years in poverty and in raisery to perforra their
duties, and support their church against en
croachments and anarchy. Although their an
nual receipt was sraall it sufficed when added
to their other means, for their simple wants
and the loss of it has plunged them for half their
lives, in poverty, which would be justly cora
plained of by the meanest peasant in England.
They are now old and infirm, and sorae have

408 SKETCH OF GERMAN VALDENSES.
had half their wretched pittance taken frora
them to provide for Lutheran curates, because
they themselves were unable to obey the order
to preach in German. It is for these veteran
ministers that the feelings of Englishmen should
be awakened, raore particularly because their
long and patient sufferings have been endured
on account of the non perforraance of the pro-
raises of England given at first by Williara IIL,
repeated by Queen Anne, and latterly again
pronounced by our late revered raonarch.

PEYRAN'S
LETTERS ON BOSSUET.

The Roman Catholics of these kingdoms haviug endea
voured to persuade the people that their unchangeable
religion is changed, the two following letters of Peyran,
containing observations on the similar stratagem, first put in
practice against the Protestants in France, 150 years ago, by
the celebrated Bossuet, may be interesting to those who are
willing to be both candid and charitable, though not at the
expence of truth.

411

LETTER THE FIRST.
Sir,
Not having read the answer of our brother
Mondon to the pastoral letter of the Lord
Bishop of Pignerol, I cannot tell you whether
what has been said by the former respecting
Bossuet is foreign from the purpose or not. I
do not even know for what reason he has
spoken of him at all, either good or bad; but
this I know that this Bishop of Meaux, this
pretended Father of the Church, need not be
treated with rauch delicacy by a Protestant,
after the infaraous manner in which he behaved
towards our brethren of the reforraed religion in
France, during the reign of Louis XIV., which
prince becarae a bigot, in consequence of the
propensity which he had for pleasure, a pro
pensity to which he delivered himself up with
out restraint ; and a fault which he thought he
could redeem by forcing his Protestant subjects
to embrace the Catholic religion, by seduction,
and violence ; means most likely to discredit
the raost numerous conversions, and to reflect

412 LETTER I.
infamy and conterapt upon those who recora
mended such measures ; araong whom cer
tainly was the artful Bossuet. It is not by
the Protestants alone, that it has been asserted,
that this bishop himself was raarried, and that
St. Hyacinth, well known by the share he had
in the pleasantry of Matanarius was his son_
This, however, I will not positively -affirra ; be
cause I do not think the proofs produced of
these facts sufficiently authenticated. But I
will boldly assert that there existed in Paris
a faraily of great consideration, from which
have sprung persons of distinguished merit,
who have positively stated that there had been
a private contract of raarriage between Bos
suet, when a young raan, and a deraoiselle
des Vieux : that this lady sacrificed her affec
tion for hira, and her situation in life to the
elevation which the eloquence of her lover
might procure for him in the church : that she
consented never to avail herself of this con
tract : that Bossuet, thus ceasing to be her
husband, took orders : and that after the death
of the prelate, the family already raentioned,
had the adjustment of the matrimonial cora
pacts. The sarae faraily declare that this lady
strictly preserved the dangerous secret in her
possession, and that she always reraained the
friend of the bishop. He gave her the raeans
of buying the little estate of Mauleon, within

LETTER I. 413
five leagues of Paris, from whence she took
the name of Mauleon, and lived nearly to the
age of 100. Voltaire pretends that Bossuet
entertained philosophical sentiraents, at va
riance with his theology. If this be true, it
would only the raore clearly prove the crafty
raind of this too celebrated prelate, who did
not by many degrees deserve the reputation he
acquired. Never did any man discover in hira
a shadow of good faith. With respect to the
solidity, which the Catholics attribute to his
writings, I have been unable to discover it,
whatever effort of iraagination I have made for
that purpose. Solidity in the writings of the
Bishop of Meaux ! I have discovered in read
ing his works, a great degree of delicacy,
especially when art and dissimulation were
required. It is certain that he was thoroughly
conversant with every turn of the most refined
duplicity, and it requires more than moderate
skill to be aware of his artifices. His disputes
with the rainister Claude have shewn his cha
racter in its true light ; and one may judge by
the narrative of these disputes, what was the
solidity of his doctrine ; and from thence may
learn how far he could carry chicanery; of
what degree of sophistry he was capable ; how
well he understood the art of disputatious
trifling; how he could carry boldness to the
excess, not to say irapudence, of denying or

414 LETTER I.
disguising truths the most evident. If that be
solidity, we cannot deny Bossuet the praise of it.
His exposition of the Catholic doctrine,
which he gave only to take Protestants by sur
prise, is nothing but one long tissue of dis
simulation and fraud, as La Bastide, Noguier,
Jurien, and many others have clearly demon
strated. How is it possible to attribute solidity
to this prelate, when even in his favourite work
nothing can be foynd corapatible with what is
called solidity ? This name cannot be given to
what raust only pass for an -drtful snare, spread
with dexterity to entrap the siraplicity of the
ignorant. The. Bishops of France theraselves
satirised it most severely, for in ranking this
book with the abridged raethods of Father
Mairabourg, (the raost headlong and impetuous
man who ever busied himself in writing,) and
of Father Veron, author of the lowest and raost
sharaeful chicanery ever thought of since re
ligion becarae the subject of dispute ; they did
not show much esteera either for the author or
his opinions. To place the exposition of the
celebrated Bossuet on a level with this absurd
quibbling, (which every one considered as the
production of the most raalignant and lowest
sophistry,) was not giving a very advantageous
testimony in its favour, or one likely to do him
honour. In doing so, they have given a de
cided contradiction to all those who have

LETTER I. 415
attributed solidity to his works. Who could
help observing a revolting disregard of truth in
his " Histoire des variations," so full of pue
rilities, sophisms, and false views, for which he
was sharply attacked both by French Pro
testants, and by foreigners, such as Kendorf,
Basnage, and Burnet. A raan, who with an
utter disrega.rd of truth writes with levity of
mind against what he actually knows to be the
real state of the case, as ^oes the Bishop of
Meaux, can never give to his works the sterling
and noble character of solidity. This quality
can be combined neither with falsehood nor
error. A man of ability, even a great man raay
be involuntarily deceived, and the works of
such a raan raay, notwithstanding some mis
takes, be solid. Falsehood and error may be
decked with all the ornaments of fallacious
rhetoric, but real solidity belongs exclusively
to truth. We raust, however, do justice to
Bossuet, and confess that he has shewn the
force of his judgraent on occasions on which
we cannot avoid being overpowered by it. In
the fine discourse which this prelate delivered
at the opening of the asserably in 1682, frora
the text, " How goodly are thy tents, O
Jacob," Numbers, xxiv. 5 ; he takes occasion
in the invocation at the end of his exordiura,
addressing hiraself to the Almighty, and im
ploring his grace, to quote to Him the autho-

416 LETTER I.
rity of St. Gregory, to convince Hi^n of the
truth of what he says. Here is, without doubt,
a striking specimen of the sublime, the solid,
and the judicious! To prove a thing to God
by the testimony of a man ; to cite the fathers,
in order to persuade him ; to urge to him that
the thing ought to be so, because St. Gregory
said it. To exhibit this effort of rhetoric in a
place so reraarkable, at a conjuncture so ex
traordinary, was certainly doing what no one
had ever thought of doing before, or will ever
be induced to imitate. What could those bril
Uant lights, his brethren, the clergy of the
Gallican church think of it? Had they not
here a striking proof of the claim which this
pretended father of the church has to the
character of solidity as a teacher? I will not
deny that this great prelate possessed sorae rare
talents. He knew how to persecute in the
most cruel manner, and at the same time to
deny with raost revolting assurance, that there
was any persecution. He knew how to unite
in the business of conversion, fraud with vio
lence, to close every inlet by which one ray of
truth raight reach the world. In order to stop
their raouths against himself he opposed all
those who ventured to say what they thought
adapted to undeceive the people. He had ever
at hand a veil of darkness to be thrown over
the purest light of truth, whether in doctrine

LETTER I. 417
or in history. He knew how to make use of
the orders of the higher powers for the discora
fiture of his adversaries, when arguraent failed
him. He was an assiduous courtier, and a
pastor but little troubled with pastoral anxie
ties. Such are the rare qualities which distin
guished the bishop of Meaux.
As you may not be acquainted with M.
Bossuet's " Exposition of the Doctrine of the
Catholic Church," upon the subjects of con
troversy, I will observe to you, that this trea
tise appeared three different tiraes, and every
tirae in a different state. The first edition came
to hand in 1669, the second in 1671 : from a
forraer impression, which had been withdrawn ;
M. Bossuet inserted in this the articles of the
eucharist, of tradition, of the authority of the
church, and of the Pope, which all together
form the most extensive and iraportant part of
his treatise. At length a third appeared ;
which the printer calls the first edition, though
it was in fact the second ; it is in this second,
principally, that we find Bossuet has changed
raany passages, both of the first edition and of
the raanuscript copy, which he had circulated
among the Protestants of France.
It ought not to appear strange that a person
writing on the subject of religion should correct
and recorrect his work, especially if on a matter
of controversy ; because in such a case it is neces-
E E

418 LETTER I.
sary not only to establish one's own belief, but to
answer the arguraents of one's opponent; which
requires a perfect knowledge of the principles
and dograas of each. But if it be true that the
Roraan church is an uniforra plan of doctrine,
as Bossuet wished it to be believed ; if his
treatise were raerely an exposition of faith, as
the title professes, and as he gave it out from
the first, it does not seem that any contrivance
or address was required. Nothing was neces
sary but to declare at once simply and openly
what was believed, and the manner in which it
was believed ; and for this purpose the most
natural and least laboured style would have
been the best. I ara going. Sir, to point out
to you the differences between the first and
second editions ; because I ara convinced no
thing is more apt to shew the real sentiraents
of an author than the different views he appears
to take of the sarae things at different tiraes.
A man may begin with axioras and infer con
clusions; he raay draw out a long chain of
reasoning, enlivened by striking figures ; he
raay be curious in the choice of terms ; he may
employ sometiraes those which are equivocal
and undeterrained; yet, after all, one word
escaping frora hira unawares refutes more, it
is said, than the whole book can prove : and
the very care which he may take to recall that
word discovers stdl more.

LETTER I. 419
First, In the beginning of the first edition, M.
Bossuet declares, that he intends to state the
doctrine of the Roraan church siraply ; se
parating the questions which she has already
decided from those which do not belong to
faith. Thus saying openly, that all those which
are not proposed in his treatise have no refer
ence to faith : and that granted, the Protestants
are at once relieved from a great nuraber of
doctrines and practices of the Roman church,
which M. Bossuet does not propose at all, or
separates from those he does propose. In the
last edition, Bossuet withdraws this declara
tion, and says quite another thing : he raeans,
he says, to declare (to the Protestants) the
sentiments of the Roman church, and to dis
tinguish them from those which have been
falsely iraputed to it.
Secondly, In the first, speaking of the
worship of saints, he had said, that the ho
nour paid by the Roraish church to the
saints is religious, yet it is reUgious only
because it gives thera honour with reference
to God. He proves even, that so far frora
its being necessary to denjr thera honour,
because it is reUgious, it would, on the con
trary, be blameable if it were not religious. In
the last edition, perceiving that he had said too
much, and proved too rauch ; and not being
able to retract all he said, he turns the subject
E e2

420 letter I.
into a raatter of doubt, as if after reconsidering
the subject. " If the honour," says he, " which
the church pays to the Holy Virgin and to the
saints can be called religious, it is because it
necessarily refers itself to God."
Thirdly, In the first, when the Protestants
establish as a fact, that no trace of the worship
of the saints is to be found in the first three
centuries ; himself says, with respect to con
fining one's self within those ages, " It is a
settled point, that in those three" centuries, the
church, more occupied in suffering than in
writing, has left many things to be cleared up,
both with respect to its doctrine and practice."
In the last he passes a sponge over these words,
however happily turned. He thought it was
acknowledging a fact too favourable to the Pro
testants, to admit that not only the worship of
the saints, but raany other dogmas and cus
toras, cannot be found in any part of the writ
ings of the three first centuries, since there
have been many Roman Catholics who have
raade the sarae assertion.
He perceived also, without doubt, that the
reason he had chosen to give for this silence
was in fact but a very feeble pretext ; because,
notwithstanding the sufferings of the church in
those early periods, there exists a sufficient
nuraber of large voluraes, written by various
great men of those three first centuries ; such

letter [. 421
as Justin Martyr, Tertullian, St. Cyprian,
Origen, aiid several others before and after
thera ; for though Tertullian and Origen held
some erroneous opinions, (or what have been
subsequently considered as such,) that would
not have prevented their ability of making
sorae mention of the worship of saints, had
it been true that they saw it practised in their
times. Fourthly, In the first, having brought for
ward all the various ways in which one may
imagine the saints to hear our prayers ; " or be
it," adds he, " that by sorae other raeans raore
incoraprehensible and raore unknown, God
causes us to receive the fruit of the prayers
which we address to these blessed spirits :"
which in this place means in plain terms that,
whether the saints hear our prayers or do not,
God will not fail to reward the devotion paid
to the saints ; whch is the doctrine of Hugo de
St. Victor, an author of the 12th century. In
the last, M. Bossuet again passes a sponge
over this opinion, which shewed not only too
much uncertainty respecting the foundation of
a religious worship, but a sort of inconsistency
in addressing prayers to saints, if one could
suppose that those prayers were not heard.
Fifthly, In the first edition, speaking of
images, he inserts these words : " That the Ro
man church does not so much honour the image

422 LETTER I.
of an apostle or a martyr, as it honours the
apostle or the raartyr in presence of the
iraage :" for that raeans that no honour was in
fact paid to the iraage itself, or very little ; but
this does not say enough according to the Ro
raan Pontifical and the Council of Trent, and
still less according to the general custora of the
Roman church. For which reason, in the last
edition, M. Bossuet says a little raore strongly,
" When we pay honour to the image of an apostle
or a raartyr, our intention is not so rauch to ho
nour the image as to honour the apostle or the
raartyr in the presence of the image."
Sixthly, In the first edition, in the conclu
sion of the article upon the worship of saints,
he says, " There is nothing so unjust as to ob
ject against the church, that it makes piety
wholly to consist in this species of devotion ;
because, on the contrary, it does not impose
any obligation on individuals to adopt this
practice. I have already remarked," he adds,
" the words of the Council of Trent, which
contents itself with calUng it good and useful,
without teaching that it is either necessary or
required." Therefore it appears clearly that
the church only condemns those who avoid it
from contempt, out of the spirit of dissension
or revolt. That was saying plainly that the
worship of the saints might be dispensed with,
since the church does not enforce any obligation

LETTER 1. 423
to practise it. But in the last edition Bossuet
altered the whole of this passage, for on the
one hand, he leaves out these two propositions,
that " The church does not impose any obliga
tion to practise the worship of saints ; and that
the worship of saints is not a custom necessary
or commanded :" as if he did not wish to say
the sarae thing, at least so clearly or so posi
tively as he had done before, but to leave it in
a more indefinite shape ; and, on the other
hand, instead of saying as before, that the
church condemns only those who reject this
custom out of contempt or frora a spirit of dis
sension ; he puts, " If it is not frora conterapt
or error." So that, supposing the Protestants
to be in error, as the Roraan church supposes,
this last edition would replace thera under the
anatheraa from which the first had saved thera.
Seventhly, In the first, at the conclusion of
what he says upon justification, he had added,
that it was not necessary to know any thing
more to form a solid Christian : which dis-
¦encurabered reUgion frora a great nuraber of
distinctions, decisions of canons, and anathe
raas of councils. Because this prelate put
aside all those doctrines, concluding that those
which he had noticed would be sufficient: in
the last, he changes this opinion into one quite
different, and says only that his doctrine was
sufficient to teach Christians that they ought to

424 LETTER I.
give to God, through Jesus Christ, all the
glory of their salvation. It is thus that this
prelate often changed the latter part without
having altered the beginning. You may
judge. Sir, how far any reasoning can be well
grounded, from which different conclusions are
without hesitation drawn frora the sarae pro
positions. Eighthly, In the first edition, at the end of
the article upon indulgences, he asserts that
" this subject belongs principally to discipline:"
words very reraarkable ; because the things
relating to discipline raay be taken away or
changed according to circumstances of time and
place. In the last, he no longer says that in
dulgences themselves belong to discipline, but
raerely the raanner of dispensing them.
Ninthly, In the first, speaking of the raass,
he says, " It raay reasonably be called a sacri
fice;" which is as much as to say, that it is
not necessary to give it that narae. In the last,
he changes this deterraination into a very dif
ferent one ; for he says, strongly, " that no
thing is wanting to the mass to constitute it a
true sacrifice :" which are two very different
consequences deduced from the same doctrine ;
and what the prelate advances in this place, as
a proof that the mass is a true sacrifice, does
not in fact prove it any better than it proves
that it may be called one.

LETTER I. 425
Tenthly, Now I come to the conclusion of
Bossuet, (omitting for your ease several articles,)
In the first edition, this prelate says, that " the
foundations of salvation are the adoration of one
only God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and
reliance on one only Saviour," &c. In the last,-
he retracts this definitive proposition, perceiv
ing probably that, by admitting these facts, he
was acknowledging that we were in possession
of the fundaraental grounds of salvation ; since
the whole of our doctrine reduces itself to these
two points, and we adrait nothing that is con
trary to them. It is easy to see that Bossuet
had in his treatise two principal ends in view ;
one to insinuate plausibly into the minds of his
readers the doctrine of his church, by exte
nuating as rauch as he could the most revolting
parts of it ; and the other, to corabat the doc
trine of the Protestants, upon two points in
particular, with respect to which he thought
he could raise the greatest difficulties against
them, viz, the real presence of the body of
Jesus Christ at the eucharist, and the authority
ofthe church. It is easy however to perceive,
that it is only upon the subject of the positive
doctrine of the Roman church that he has hesi
tated, altered, and realtered, effaced, added,
and in short, raade all the changes which I
have pointed out to you,
Frora whence. Sir, can this sort of variation

426 LETTER I.
arise in an exposition of faith ? For one cannot
deny that this prelate was an enlightened man,
capable of expressing hiraself with great facility
and nicety, or that he was not as thoroughly
acquainted not only with the doctrine of his
own church ; but with that of the Protestants,
when he published his first edition, as he was
when he published the last.
All these difficulties can only arise from the
nature of the dogmas upon which he wrote,
which having no certain foundation, do not
hold sufficiently together, and have not the re
lation one to another which the different parts
of a doctrine ought to have. 1st, We are to
believe what the church believes, because we
believe that the church cannot err. That is
very soon said ; but when it is necessary to
explain what the church believes, upon what
motives and what principles she founds her
belief, the raind tossed about in uncertainty
knows not where to fix ; the light of reason
draws one way, the authority of the church
another ; the writer says raore or less than he
intended, or differently frora what the Council
of Trent, the doctors, or general custora re
quire should be said. In such a case, an au
thor must write, efface, replace, in the en
deavour to satisfy every body ; and this is what
happened to Bossuet : but after all it is not
easy for a man to satisfy himself with what he

LETTER I. 427
proposes to others. This would justify Vol
taire in having said, that the phdosophical opi
nions of this prelate were very different from
his theological ones.
You may easily discover. Sir, by reading the
treatise of Bossuet, in the shape in which'he
put it in the last edition, that (with the excep
tion of what he appears evidently to have
sought to explain away in the worship of saints
and images, in the article of satisfaction, in the
sacrifice of the mass, and the authority of the
Pope) the difference between his exposition
and the comraon doctrine of the church of Rorae
consists principally in Bossuet's having enve
loped the most difficult parts of the subject in
vague and general terms, and suppressed a
great number of other doctrines received among
those of his own communion.
From the high station he occupied in his
church, Bossuet could, if it were necessary to
explain himself more exactly upon all these
differences, have given to his expressions a co
lour which might more or less agree with the
tenets of the church, and also in what concerns
the doctrines which he appeared to give up :
and what he actually did after the dragoon cru
sade, of which he was an ardent promoter,*
* This refers to M, Louvoy's proposal to the king, to send
the dragoons to live at free quarters upon the Protestants,
which was acted upon at the revocation of the edict of Nantes,

428 LETTER I.
But I will not, Sir, leave you in any doubt
about the prelate's want of good faith. Bossuet
says then that the Protestants shall not be
forced to invoke the saints if they do not choose
it, provided they do not conderan those who
do invoke thera ; that what had been called till
that time adoration or worship of images, is
properly only an honour paid to religious per
sons, a help for the instruction of the people ;
that works and satisfactions are only an appli
cation of the merits of Jesus Christ ; the mass
only a display * of the sacrifice of his death ;
transubstantiation nothing but a word or ex
pression which implies, after all, only the real
presence of the body of Jesus Christ in the sa
crament, which we ourselves believe : that for
the sake of peace the cup might be given to the
people : that, provided a primacy in the per
son of the Pope is acknowledged, for the sake
of order and unity, the rights which he clairas
A. D. 1685, of vvhich there is a terrible account given by
Bishop Burnet, (who was an eye-witness of the miseries it
occasioned,) in his History of his own Times. Last edit.
Svo. vol. iii. pag. 69—76. Oxford, 1823. In p. 73, note a,
is a curious narrative of Speaker Onslow's mentioning what
it was which gave rise to this cruelty. Burnet has also a
passage in his critique upon the History of the Variations,
Art 7, concerning this crusade, and the encourageraent of it
by the bishops, as well as their flattery of the king for it ;
which he contrasts with the contrary conduct of Martin, the
apostle of France, as he calls him.
* Or illustration — Fr. explication.

LETTER I. 429
beyond are only things which are disputed
about in schools, but do not belong to faith,
&c. &c.
On the other hand, the form of profession of
faith, or the formulary of the profession of faith
of the Council of Trent, says in as raany words ;
" That it is necessary to believe and receive all
the traditions, all the justifications and all the
practices of the Roraish church," which com
prehends in general all of them that we know
and all that we do not know. It says still
more expressly again : " that it is necessary to
invoke the saints, venerate their relics, to have
images of Jesus Christ, of the Virgin, and of
all the saints, render to them the honour and
veneration due to them ; to believe seven true
sacraments, all that the Council has said and
decreed upon justification, and consequently
the raerit of works, satisfactions, purgatory,
and all the doctrine of indulgences, the conver
sion of the whole substance of the bread into
the body of Jesus Christ, and the conversion
of the whole substance of the wine into his
blood ; which is called transubstantiation : Je
sus Christ entire in the one and the other sa
craraent, under one and the sarae kind : the
Roraish church, raistress of all the churches ;
to swear a true obedience to the Roraan Pontiff,
and receive generally all other things which are
taught by the councils, and particulary by the

430 LETTER I.
sacred Council of Trent." This comprehends
generally any thing which they please, and
which has been the subject of dispute. This
is what it formally exacts of those who present
themselves before the parish priest, the bishop,
or the great council.
Corapare, Sir, these articles of faith with
the style of Bossuet's treatise, and judge whe
ther this prelate vvas sincere, and whether the
doctrine of his " Exposition" is one and the
sarae with the doctrine of the Council, Who
ever does not perceive the difference is blind,
and has eyes in his head in order not to see.
What can be thought of a prelate who disguises
the doctrine of his church, except that he in
tended to lay a snare for the unwary ? and how
can one esteera a raan who eraploys deceit in
an affair of such iraportance as religion. A
Father Brasset is to be preferred to hira. Per
haps I raay shew to you, another tirae, the ob
ject ofthe work of this too celebrated prelate.
I am, &c.

431

LETTER THE SECOND.
Sir,
I PROMISED at the end of my forraer letter to
shew you the design M. Bossuet had in view
when he corapiled his " Exposition de la doc
trine Catholique," and in order to do so, shall
avail rayself of two works by two celebrated
Englishmen ; one of them Dr. Burnet, Bishop
of Salisbury, the title of whose book is, "The
Letter to the last Assembly of the Church of
France." (held 1682.) 
* The other, by Dr. Wake, (whora his rare raerit
raised afterwards to the Archbishoprick of
Canterbury,) who wrote his " Exposition of the
Doctrine ofthe Church of England," a " Defence
ofthe Exposition," and a "Second Defence of
the Exposition ;." which works have furnished
me with a raultitude of curious particulars con
cerning the end M. Bpssuet had in view in
writing his faraous " Exposition of the Catholic
faith," It is universally known that after the peacef
* A fourth edition, in which these excellent works are
published in quarto, bears date " London, 1688, printed
for R. Chiswell."
t A. D. 1659.

432 LETTER II.
of the Pyrenees, they had deterrained in
France to extinguish the Protestant religion,
and sorae of their censors have even acknow
ledged that it was one of the secret conditions of
that treaty ; but the difficulty consisted in ac
coraplishing this design without exciting a civil
war, or alarraing the Protestant 'powers. The
politicians took excellent raeasures for gra
dually weakening the reforraed party in France,
and for laying asleep or raaking a division
among the foreign powers, who were of the
same coraraunion ; and you are not ignorant
with what success. Their triuraph would have
been more coraplete, if the theologians era
ployed to support the cause of Rorae had
succeeded as well as the makers of the pro
posals, and the inventors of edicts. But itwas
not from a deficiency of ability that in the out
set they persuaded no one. The first person
who tried to give a tone to these controversies
vvas the famous Arnaud, a doctor of the Sor
bonne. This great man, a philosopher, a ma
thematician, learned in the fathers, and
tolerably well read in the Scriptures, one of
the first writers of his age, and who had gained
considerable victories over adversaries in his
own communion, had only one story to tell in
writing against the Protestants, repeating in
different forms in his " Perpetuity de la foi
de I'EgUse Catholique touchant I'Eucharist^e,"

LETTER II. 433
that as transubstantiation is now the received
doctrine of the church, it follows that it must
always have been so, because it was not pro
bable that Christians would unanimously have
agreed to change their opinions ; and if they
had done so, that it would be possible to fix
upon the precise time when the universal
church varied upon this point, or when and
how each particular church corrupted the an
cient doctrine,
M, Aubertin had brought forward so many
proofs of the actual belief of the holy fathers,
that it is astonishing a metaphysical argument
should have acquired so rauch celebrity, and
have received such universal applause frora
the Roraan church.
The Protestants raight easily have overthrown
these chiraerical trophies, they had only to
point out that according to this mode of reason
ing, no error could be introduced into the world,
or adopted by a numerous society. The origin
of idolatry is still disputed, and the question
not yet decided. Is it, therefore, to be inferred,
that idolatry is not a pernicious error ; and
that it must have existed from the beginning
of the world, because the precise time is not
known, in which the worship of the heavenly
bodies was introduced, nor who was the first
hero that was deified? Yet it would be ar
guing quite as justly as M. Arnaud. F F

434 LETTER II.
With respect to the universal agreement
of Christians, which M. Arnaud asserted,
they clearly proved to him that the eastern
churches, which Rome calls schisraatic, did
not agree with her in opinion upon the eucha
rist; and that if they had any idea of a real
presence, they approached much nearer to the
consubstantiation of the Lutherans, than to
transubstantiation. It was in vain that M. Ar
naud brought forward attestations of some
Greek priests, to shew they embraced upon
that point the hypothesis of Rome, for it was
proved against him that these attestations had
been obtained by bribery. The Englishman
Wheler, who was travelling in Greece at that
time, assures them that he conversed with
several papas, whora M, de Nointel, M, Ar
naud's nephew, had endeavoured to bribe ; and
the sarae thing raay be seen in the Miscellanea
of another Englishraan, Sraith.
The reply which was raade to M. Arnaud
was more than sufficient ; yet, as the super
stitions of Christian Rorae are not so ancient
as those of paganisra, the reforraed, by dint of
researches, discovered the origin of the raon
strous dograa of transubstantiation. They have
shewn how the energetic expressions of the
fathers, respecting the Eucharist, gave rise
during the dark ages, to the obscure idea of
sorae incoraprehensible union or change. They

LETTER II. 435
have even pointed out the authors of two oppo
site opinions ; a figurative, and a literal one.
That is to say, consubstantiation, or the union of
the bread and body of Christ, which doctrine
John of Daraascus began to preach in the east, •
in the year 728 ; and transubstantiation, or
the change of the substance of the one into
the other ; which the raonk Paschasius Rath-
bert, first pubUshed in the Latin Church, in
818. Thus all the advantage which the Roraan
Catholics of France gained from this dispute,
was to see their strong hold levelled to the
ground by M. Claude, who, although an elo
quent and ingenious person, would have been
unable to cope with M. Arnaud on many other
subjects. The Roraan church perceived by this defeat,
that she ran the risk of losing all credit with
ingenuous rainds, if dograas began to be dis
cussed. She therefore had recourse to chica
nery, and entrenched herself in forraalities, in
prescriptions, in the plea that these were
points on which discussion was not to be
allowed : upon which pretences she pronounced
her adversaries worthy of condemnation, with
out its being necessary to examine which party
was actually right or wrong. M. Nicola took
upon himself to raanage this part of the con
troversy, and, in his " Prejug^s legitiraes," ex-
F F 2

436 LETTER II.
pressed hiraself against the reforraed, with all the
artifice and eloquence which raight have been
expected from a disciple and friend of the great
Arnaud. The Jansenists, to whose party these gentle
men belonged, had been defeated at Rome,
and in France, in the celebrated dispute of the
five propositions ; and had taken as their strong
hold the assertion that the five conderaned
propositions were not in the Augustine of Jan
senius : it followed clearly frora this that nei
ther the Pope nor his councils were infallible
in point of fact, since they could conderan
persons as heretical who were not so, by im
puting to thera opinions which they had never
taught, and which were not found in their
books. Not only the Jansenists saw the inference
which raight be drawn frora this, and advanced
several raaxiras, which destroyed the authority
of the church and its infallibility ; but the
Protestants of France iraraediately perceived
this contradiction of doctrine between the au
thor " des Prejug6s," and his friends or dis
ciples, and did not lose this opportunity of
erabroiling them with each other, Pajon did
this with an acuteness and force of argument
which silenced M, Nicola, At the sarae time
Claude answered Nicola in a direct manner, by
shewing that the excess of corruption to which

LETTER II, 437
the doctrine and the worship of the church of
Rorae had arisen, obliged the fathers of the
Protestants frora thenceforward to exaraine re
ligion, and consequently to separate theraselves
from a society which would oblige thera, under
pain of daranation, to receive a belief and a
practice contrary to the Gospel.
This was sufficient to make the Catholics
repent of having given this turn to the con
troversy. But as this was their last retreat,
they did not wish to abandon it ; and, therefore,
contrived to bring forward their " Prejug6s"
under different forras ; and to propose them
with as much assurance as if they had never
been refuted. Their defeated arguments pleas
ed the assembly of the clergy of France in
1682, so much, that they coraposed frora them
sixteen methods of prescription, upon the plan
of which, theywere, to endeavour to convert the
reforraed. These gentlemen went still farther ;
they thought their arguments so convincing,
that they requested of the king that he would
order a copy to be sent to all the consistories
of the Protestants ; iraagining that there would
be sorae of the ministers and elders who would
suffer themselves to be dazzled by these illu
sions, or frightened into subraission by the
raenaces ofthe pastoral advertiseraent. " If you
still refuse to obey us, as your last erroj will be
worse than the first, so will your last punish-

438 LETTER II.
ment be worse than the first." " Sic erunt
novissima vuestra pejora prioribus." But all
this was of no avail. Pajon iraraediately made
reraarks upon this advertisement, and address
ed a letter to the clergy, in which fewer figures
of rhetoric are perceptible, but more good
sense and solidity. The famous Jurieu, per
ceiving that the greatest part of the French
ministers were not in a situation to defend
theraselves, took the trouble of exaraining the
little book of the French prelates. At last
Jurieu answered thera, by way of recrimina
tion, in his " Prejug6s legitimes" against Po
pery ; proposed by him to the number of
liineteen ; which are so raany raethods, of which
the least plausible has raore force than all those
ofthe clergy.
All these systeras were in vogue when the
work of Bossuet raade its appearance. The
new turn which he gave the controversy sur
prised the Protestants raore than all the sub
tilties which the theologians of France had
hitherto invented. He was a prelate of re
putation, preceptor of the dauphin, who had
never taken any part in the disputes about
grace, and therefore was not distrusted either
by Jesuit or Jansenist ; either by Rorae or by
the Gallican church. They savv him, I say,
publish a work furnished with nuraerous testi
raonies of approbation, in which he endea-

LETTER II. 439
voured to soften down what was most revolting
in the hypothesis of his sect, to bury in obli
vion the gross abuses, and to extinguish the
greater part of the disputes of the school.
It was difficult to suppose that a raan, sup
ported by all that was raost powerful in a cora
raunion of which he seemed to be the oracle,
would write only to deceive his fellow-citizens ;
or that he could imagine a simple exposition of
the doctrines of his church, to be capable of
bringing back into its bosom those who had left
it after long hesitation, and who continued in
their separation in spite of all that they had been
made to suffer. It is not to the antipodes that
the dogmas of Rome are taught. Our knowledge
of them does not arise frora the uncertain ac
counts of ignorant or ill informed travellers. Its
cereraonies and devotions are practised before
our eyes : the writings of their theologians are
sold every where ; and the reforraers themselves
had most of them been either bishops, priests,
or raonks, so that neither they, nor their dis
ciples could be ignorant of the tenets of the
Roraan church. Besides their ministers. had no
interest in disguising their opinions, for there
is rauch raore for ecclesiastics to gain in her
coraraunion than in any other society.
This reflection raay raake us doubt the since
rity of M. Bossuet, who declared in the begin
ning of his work, that his design was to give a

440 LETTER II.
true notion of the sentiraents of the Catholic
church, and to separate thera frora those which
have been falsely iraputed to it. The reformed,
brought up in a religion which inspires sin
cerity ; and besides disposed to desire a recon
ciliation, from the hope of its putting an end to
their sufferings, thought, and with reason, that
this charge of the bishops was only a pretext
for getting rid of their creed, which caused
them the more pain. In addition to the ruraour,
which had been circulated for sorae years
among the people, of an accoraraodation be
tween the two religions, and of which divers
plans had been laid before sorae rainisters ;
Bossuet and his imitators, from tirae to tirae
let many general proraises of reforraation escape
frora thera, if they would reconcile theraselves
to the church.
If it has since appeared, that there was not a
shadow of sincerity in all the advances which
the Roraan Catholics raade, and that even then
enlightened persons could discover that these
were mere illusions ; surely the reformed are
to be commended for not believing them, and
their adversaries conderaned for trifling with all
that is most sacred, in order to deceive the
simple. To ascertain whether Bossuet was one of
these deceivers, (as the Protestants have ac
cused him of being, and have even proved him

LETTER II. 441
to have been, by showing the opposition which
existed between the opinions he professed and
those of the other teachers of his coraraunion,)
it will not be without advantage to know the
history of his book ; because, by the raanner
in which a design is conducted and managed,
we see what is the end proposed.
Marshal Turenne, who had perceived for a
long tirae that his religion was an invincible
obstacle to his advanceraent, and who had the
low and raean ambition of becoming Constable,
would have been very glad to be able to con
form to the Roman Catholic religion ; but the
gross practices of that church are so revolting
to those who have been brought up in other
principles, that the prince could not prevail
upon hiraself to join a society which imposed
such ridiculous superstitions on its devotees.
To remove this scruple, Bossuet composed a
work in which he endeavoured to show that
these sarae devotions were not essential to the
Catholic doctrine ; and that you raight live and
die in its coraraunion without practising thera.
This work, or rather the caresses and libera
lities of Louis, having raade M. de Turenne
change his religion, the prelate flattered himself
that it might produce the sarae effect upon
others of the reforraed, and resolved to publish
it in 1671 ; after having' let the manuscript cir
culate for four years, after having added to it

442 LETTER II.
divers sections, as those of the eucharist, of
tradition, of the authority of the church and of
the Pope ; and after having obtained the ap
probation of the archbishops of Rheims and of
Touis, and of that of certain bishops.
At that time, as they still retained the simpli
city of considering the Sorbonne as the deposi
tory of the Gallican theology, Bossuet wished
to obtain its approbation, but he could not suc
ceed ; for having sent his " Exposition," as
soon as it was printed, to some of the doctors
of the Sorbonne ; instead of approving it, they
raarked several passages, as either contrary or
little favourable to the doctrines of their church.
This edition was iraraediately suppressed and
another substituted, in which the passages ob
jected to by the Sorbonnists were altered.
This was done with the greatest possible se
crecy, but notwithstanding Messrs. Naguier
and de la Bastide reraarked the changes
which Bossuet had made in his work ; they
also objected to him, that the true Roman Ca
tholics were not satisfied with these temporizing
opinions, and that one of them had corapleted
a refutation of his book before any Protestant
had printed a reply ; though he was forbidden
to publish it.
Although Bossuet had sufficient influence to
suppress the direct answers which those of his
coraraunion would have raade him, he could

LETTER 11. 443
not prevent the raalcontents from taking an in
direct method of saying (and often too) what
they thought of it. The Jesuits, with their
raonks, like the inventors of superstitious ira-
positions, which enriched thera, did not pardon
him. The famous Father Maimbourg, in his
History of Lutheranisra, drew the picture of
this prelate, and raade a critique of his " Ex
position," under the narae of Cardinal Con
tarini, and says plainly, that those accora
raodating and temporizing methods in religion,
adopted in the pretended " Expositions de
Foi," which suppress, or only mention in am
biguous or softened terms, a part of the doc
trines of the church, satisfy neither party, who
complain equally of such trifling in a thing so
delicate as that offaith.
Father Cresset gave M. Bossuet still harder
blows, in his work, entitled " De la veritable
Devotion envers la Sainte Vierge," printed at
Paris in 1679, with the king's privilege, by
the permission of the archbishop and the con
sent of his provincial, and three Jesuits, in
spectors of the works of the society. A pre
ceptor of M. le Dauphin was an adversary
requiring some circumspection. He could not
be attacked directly without risk. But M.
Widenseldt, intendant of the prince of Swar-
zenberg, having published, " Monita salutaria

444 LETTER II.
B. Virginis ; Avis salutaires de la bienheureuse
Vierge Marie k ses Divots indiscrets;" a publi
cation which made a great deal of noise, espe
cially after the bishop of Tournay had recom
raended it in a pastoral to his flock, as a work
of solid piety, -and well calculated to prevent
the excesses to which superstition leads ; Fa
ther Cresset boldly affirmed that this work had
given offence to good Catholics ; that the
learned of all nations refuted it ; that the Holy
See conderaned it ; and that the bishops forbid
it to be printed or read, as containing positions
suspected of heresy and irapiety, which tended
to destroy piety and devotion to the Mother of
God, and in general the invocation of saints
and the worship of images : and all this be
cause the German gentleman had adopted the
sentiments of Bossuet upon these articles.
Nearly ten years after Messrs. Naguifer
and de la Bastide had refuted M. Bossuet
without his making any reply ; he published,
instead of a forraal answer, a new edition of
his little book, with an advertiseraent at the
beginning, nearly half as large as the work itself
You may suppose. Sir, that the composition of
fifty or sixty pages, 12mo. was a less arduous
enterprise than the taking of Troy ; but though
the tirae was long, it was a good deal for Bos
suet to do, to be able in that tirae to procure

LETTER II. 445
the determination of the Pope,* and the court
of Rome to approve a work entirely contrary to
their maxims. It seeras that the secret end of
this work had been discovered to thera, and
assurance given that, as soon as the reformed
should be converted, either by persuasion or
force, every thing should be revoked, which
had the appearance of relaxation to those who
were not in the secret. Frora being ignorant
of this intrigue, sorae Catholics, worthy of a
better religion, were ill used. M. Imbert,
doctor in divinity, having taken upon him to
say to the people, who were going to the adora
tion of the cross on Good-Friday, in the year
1683, that the Catholics worshipped Jesus
Christ crucified, before the cross, and that they
worshipped nothing of what they saw : the
vicar of the parish imraediately cried out, " It
is the wood, the wood." " No, no," replied
M. Imbert ; " it is Jesus Christ and not the
wood." There was no occasion for more to
bring him into trouble. He was cited before
the tribunal of the archbishop of Bourdeaux,
and when he thought to defend himself by the
authority of Bossuet and his " Exposition ;"
* It is remarkable, that nine years passed before this
book could obtain the Pope's approbation. Clement X. re
fused it positively. Maclaine's translat. of Mosh. Ecc. Hist.
vol. V. sect. 2, p. 1, c. 1, p. 1.26, Not."- Where references
are given to books from which the fullest account of the dis
pute may be obtained. Innocent X. licensed it in 1689.

446 LETTER II.
they urged, by way of reply, what was ob
jected against this book, that it explained
things away ; but that the sense of the church
was contrary. After which he was suspended
from all ecclesiastical functions. The accused
appealed, as from an abuse, to the parliaraent
at Guiennes, and vvrote to M. Bossuet, im
ploring his protection against the archbishop,
who threatened him with perpetual imprison
ment and fetters.
M. de Wille, priest and dean of Saint Mary
de Malines, having explained the infallibility
ofthe Pope according to M, Bossuet's ideas, un
derwent numberless persecutions. He pleaded
that he had only followed this prelate's autho
rity, and that his " Exposition" did not require
more frora an orthodox Catholic. But this did
not prevent the university of Louvain from de
claring that this proposition, " The Pope is
only the first bishop," is scandalous and per
nicious. In the raean tirae the reforraed were not for
getful of M. Bossuet. As soon as his adver
tiseraent raade its appearance, M. de la Bastide
refuted it. M. Jurieu soon after wrote " A
Preservative against a Change of Religion," in
opposition to the Exposition of this bishop ;
but all these works, as well as those which
were written against his Treatise upon the
Coraraunion, in both kinds, reraained unan-

LETTER 11. 447
swered. This prelate, who saw himself roughly
handled, waited prudently for the booted apo
logists (the dragoons) who were soon to reduce
his adversaries to silence.
When Mr. Wake published his " Exposition
ofthe Doctrine ofthe Church of England," M.
Bossuet denied that any Roman Catholic had
written or wished to write against him, or that
the Sorbonne had refused their approbation of
his book ; and denied also having read the
book of Father Cresset, or even having heard
it spoken of
Mr. Wake showed in the defence, which he
wrote of his " Exposition," in 1686, with how
little sincerity M. Bossuet denied the most
evident facts with regard to Father Cresset.
One may fairly say^ that this prelate carried
his audacity to a height which well deserved an
epithet I dare not give it. Can any one believe
that M. Bossuet had never heard of a thick
volume, written expressly against " Les Avis
salutaires de la Sainte Vierge," after the bishop
of Tournay's pastoral letter, approving of this
work, had made so many disputes in France ?
Can one imagine that M. Bossuet could be
ignorant that the opinions of this Jesuit were
contrary to those contained in his " Exposi
tion;" after M. de la Bastide had objected this
to him in his reply to his advertisement ; after
M. Jurieu, the author " Des Reflexions gene-

448 LETTER II.
rales sur son Exposition," had made long ex
tracts in his " Preservatif," frora the book
" De la veritable Devotion ;'' after M. Arnaud
had turned Father Cresset into ridicule, in his
reply to the "Preservatif;" after M. Imbert,
in his letter to this bishop, had offered to refute
the " Preservatif," provided that they would
engage he should not suffer for it, and that they
would allow hira to speak his opinion freely ; in
short, after he hiraself had answered raany
parts of the " Preservatif," in his Treatise upon
the Coraraunion, under both kinds ?
If you add to all this. Sir, what M. Bossuet
dared to advance, in his pastoral letter, con
cerning the dragoon persecution. " I am not
surprised," says he, " my dear brothers, that
you have returned in crowds, and with so
much readiness, to the church. No one of you
has suffered violence either in his person or
effects. Far from having suffered torments,
you have not even heard of them ; and I receive
the same accounts frora other bishops."
Corapare, Sir, this notorious falsehood with
the apology made by Bossuet for this same
persecution to one of his friends, signed with
his own hand, and the original of which an
author offered at the sarae time to show, and
you will be obliged to acknowledge that a raan
must push Catholicism very far before he can
contradict himself so grossly. What an idea does

LETTER II. 449
such an instance of dissiraulation give us of the
character of a person unfortunately too cele
brated, and how is it possible to esteera hira?
But we need not spend more time in dis
covering the mystery of the Exposition. Bos
suet himself let out the secret unawares, con
fessing that he had weighed all his words, and
had taken pains to deceive the siraple. You
will easily perceive this, when you read the
following sentence in his advertiseraent. In
the meantime they laboured at the Italian version
with all the accuracy which so important a matter
required, in which a single word ill rendered might
spoil the whole work.
Although one raust be stupid indeed to
look upon these pious frauds as sincere, and
worthy of a bishop ; nevertheless, M. Bossuet
was so rauch alarmed, lest it should be iraa
gined that he had a design to araend anything,
or any abuse, or to labour in good earnest for
the reforraation of his church, that he after
wards gave incontestable proofs of the hatred
which he had always borne the Protestants,
and which he thought proper to conceal be
neath an assumed mildness, till the dragoon
mission. It was in his Histoire des Variations,
that he pulled off the mask, and by the abuse
and calumny with which he loaded the reform
ers, and all the Protestant churches, he shewed
what he really was, and gave an exaraple of
G G

450 LETTER II.
the m-anner in which he himself deserved to be
treated. If this prelate advanced falsehoods, he might
console himself that his approvers did not act
with more integrity than hiraself; for whoever
has read the works of the Cardinals Capisucchi
and Bona, will perceive that they have taught
a doctrine very different frora that of the Ex
position Catholique, concerning the invocation
of saints, and the worship of iraages.
Mr. Wake, in answer to an apologist of
Bossuet's, says, " Of the reraarkable things
which I should scruple to conceal from you, I
will only mention in this place two of the raost
iraportant ; one concerning the division of Pres
byterians and Episcopalians, and the other the
death of Charles I.
First. With respect to the first of these
articles, he confesses that several of those who
had been driven from the kingdom by the per
secution of Mary, became prepossessed in
favour of the form of discipline which they
saw at Geneva ; but that this spirit of schism
was fomented by the Roman Catholics, who
mingled amongst thera, pretending to be of
their nuraber ; and in support of this information
he refers his readers to 
It was in 1568, that the Puritans began to
make a noise, and their principal chiefs were
concealed papists, as appeared from a letter

LETTER II. 451
which fell from the pocket of Heath. Mr.
Wake refers to Archbishop BramhaU, in a
letter* of his to Archbishop Usher.
The Roman Catholics had colleges in Italy,
France, Germany, and Spain, where they
educated young men in the sciences, and
mechanic arts, and instructed thera twice a
week, to dispute for and against the Presby
terians, Independents, and Anabaptists ; after
which they sent them to England to act the
part they were best fitted for. A Jesuit of St.
Omer, (Fox Firenbrand,) confessed that there
had been fathers belonging to that society con
cealed for more than twenty years amongst the
Quakers. In 1625, (Mercure Francois,) the Jesuits
published a book, entitled Mysteria Politica,
with a view of breaking the league, which
several princes in Europe had formed against
the house of Austria. It contained eight let
ters, equally abusive of France, of England,
the Venetians, the Dutch, and the Swiss. Irt
the last of these letters, the author, who coun
terfeited the Protestants, has omitted nothing
which he thought likely to give a contemptible
* The letter, dated July 20th, 1654, but from what place
is not mentioned, (probably Paris,) from BramhaU, then
Bishop of Derry, to Archbishop Usher, is printed at the end
of Parr's Life of Usher, fol. Lond. 1686. No. 293. p. 64.
GG 2

452 LETTER II.
idea of King Jaraes, and to sow divisions be
tween that prince, his son, and the princess
Palatine, the lords of parliaraent, the clergy
of the church of England, and the puritan
rainisters. Second . Concerning the civil war in England,
and the melancholy death of Charles I. Mr.
Wake honestly acknowledges that the fear of
seeing popery re-established raade the people
take arras, who since the reformation, have had
a great aversion for this superstitious worship ;
but he maintains that the Roman Catholics
were the first authors of the troubles. This
accusation was brought against them by M.
du Moulin, Doctor in divinity, and Chaplain to
Charles II. , very soon after the restoration of
that prince to the throne; and not content
with having brought forward many proofs of it
in his answer to the Philanax Anglicus, he
offers to prove it judicially. Many persons
were still living who were ready to depose that
they had seen a consultation of the cardinals
and doctors of the Sorbonne, in which it was
declared, that it was allowable for the English
Catholics to drive the king On to his ruin, in
order to try to change the reUgion with the
governraent of the country. The Roraan Ca
tholics, instead of accepting the challenge, raade
use of Charles II.'s authority, to prevent Doc-

LETTER II. 453
tor du Moulin frora pressing the decision of
this trial. The book, however, and the accu
sation remained unanswered. Seventeen years
afterwards Du Moulin renewed his challenge
in a second edition of his work, and he died
without any one's having ventured to refute
him. These are the proofs which Mr. Wake
produces. First. At the beginning of the troubles, the
king was aware that the fanatics were excited
by the Catholics. Their maxiras he declares
in his manifesto against the Scotch rebels are
those, of the Jesuits ; the sermons delivered by
their preachers, are in the style of Bekan, whose
very phrases they have borrowed. The wretched
arguments contained in their seditious libels,
are copied from Bellarmine and Suarez. The
means which they employ to gain proselytes,
are mere fables and Jesuitical inventions, forged
tales, false prophecies, pretended inspirations,
women's visions, &c.
Second. In the year 1640, a scherae was
made known to the Archbishop of Canterbury,
in which the Pope, the Cardinal de Richlieu,
and several English Roman Catholics were
concerned, but most of all the Jesuits, the
object of which was to excite a sedition in the
church, which was soon after effected. This is an
undoubted fact, fully detailed in the histories of
those tiraes, the justificatory papers of which

454 LETTER II.
are found in the collection of * * * * *
vol. 3, p. 1310.
Third. Sir WUliam BosweU* was at that
time, arabassador to Charles, at the Hague ;
this conspiracy was raade known to hira there,
(Life of Usher,) and he was informed that the
Roraish clergy seduced the English, with the
hope of establishing the Presbyterian form of
governraent amongst thera; that indulgences
had been granted from Rome, and dispensations
from the Pope, with the approbation of the
college of Cardinals, permitting the clergy to
instruct their pupils how to dispute against
episcopacy and the English liturgy ; and, that
in the space of two years, raore than sixty
priests or raonks had gone over from France to
England, in order to preach the Scotch for
mulary, and to endeavour to destroy the
bishops, whom they looked upon as the chief
support of the crown.
Fourth. Archbishop BramhaU, who was in
France soraetirae after the death of the king,
was there inforraed how the affair had been con
trived in 1646. Above 100 Roraish ecclesi
astics crossed the sea, and having enrolled
theraselves in the parliaraentary array, they
* Sir William Boswell's letter is in the same life of Usher,
No. 17 of the additional letters from the Cotton MSS.,
dated Hague, Jan. 12th, 1640, to the M.R. William Laud,
late Archbishop of Canterbury.

LETTER II, 455
engaged in a correspondence with the Catho
lics who served under the king, for the sake
of coraraunicating to them all that passed,
which they did almost every day. The fol
lowing year, having deliberated amongst them
selves whether for the advantage of their
affairs, it would not be right to put the king
and the prince to death, they concluded in the
affirraative. But some priests and regular
clergy were of opinion, that it would be better
to consult the universities, and amongst others,
that of the Sorbonne ; which answered, that
for the good of religion, and the interests of the
church, it was allowable to change the govern
ment, especially in an heretical kingdom, and.
that so they raight get rid of the king with a
good conscience.
Fifth, Le Pere Salomonet in his history of
the troubles of England, printed in France, with
the king's permission, relates, that the par
liament had in its service two companies of
Roman Catholic Walloons, and that after the
battle of Edgehill, several Catholic priests were
found amongst the dead of their array.
If after these proofs, sir, you consider the
principles of the two religions, and the practice
of those who profess them, you will have no
difficulty in discovering the real authors of the
death of Charles I. The reforraed send no
pastors to Vienna, to Italy, or Spain, to excite

456 LETTER II.
seditions there, or to beset the princes, and
induce them to violate the privileges of their
subjects. Both the doctrines and discipline of
these people, alike incline thera to a quiet life.
All their rainisters raay marry, and as this state
of life is most suited to grave and sedate cha
racters, few of them remain unmarried. Those
who are engaged in ties so binding, seldom
think of making disturbances, or of rambling
abroad ; whereas those who serve the Roman ,
Catholic church, are free from all engageraents
of that nature, except with a mistress, which
they raay break through when they please, and
which they seldora fail to do when preferraent
presents itself, or their superiors call thera
elsewhere. Besides the conspiracies of the Roman Ca
tholics against Elizabeth and King Jaraes,
(without mentioning Henry IV., and so raany
other princes,) increase the preconceived sus
picions, that the priests and monks were the
first authors of the overthrow of Charles I.
Would they scruple to do any thing against a
king who loved thera not, and who died in the
firra profession of the Protestant faith ; since
we have seen thera sacrifice the repose and
reputation of his two sons, the last of whora,
James II. , professed himself of their commu
nion, when he came to the throne. After such
an important step, it seems that the church of

LETTER II. ¦ 457
Rome had reason to be satisfied, and she ought
to have thought of nothing but to make her
past cruelties forgotten, by a more raoderate
and gentle conduct. You know, sir, how far
the Jesuits instigated this too easy prince, and
his retractations are undoubted proofs of the
infractions to which they excited hira.
The Protestants accuse the Roman Catholic
church of idolatry, and of having recourse to
other Saviours than Jesus Christ. The pal
liating party, (amongst whom was Bossuet,)
have exclaimed against this as an atrocious
calumny, and have insisted that a religious
adoration ought to be performed to God only,
and that we are saved by the merits of Jesus
Christ alone. Thereupon what have the re
formed done ? They have proved that they do
invoke the saints ; that they do pray to them as
well as to the cross, tp iraages, and to relics, a
worship in all respects similar to that by which
the pagans reverenced their heroes, their in
ferior gods, their statues, and their idols.
That they think divine justice may be appeased
by satisfactions, indulgences, vows, and pil
grimages. That according to them, the merit
of these actions, and of those of their saints,
joined to the raerits of Jesus Christ, procure
the reconciliation of sinners with God, They
have proved to thera that these are the doc-

458 LETTER II.
trines taught by their theologians, their popes,
and their councils, not only in the large
volumes which are written for the learned,
but also in their catechisras, their hours, and
other books of devotion, intended for the use
of the people. They have added, that this
was not the practice of some of the laity only,
and of a few ignorant and superstitious monks,
but of all the Roman Catholic church, in its
rituals, its breviaries, its missals, and other
piiblic offices ; and that she has never con
demned any one of those who have carried
superstition to the excess which the palliating
party have pretended to blame. But very
far from having had a design to reform these
abuses, she has persecuted all those who were
suspected of having a design to abolish them,
as the Jansenists, and the Quietists, though
at heart these were cowardly or insincere
persons, Mr, Wake observes what Daille allows, that
the Roman Catholics believe all the funda
mental points taught by the reformed,
M. Bossuet has been wrong and very wrong,
in pretending to justify his church, and to
prove its purity, since this confession only
serves to fix the state of the question between
the two parties ; and that the object now is
not to examine whether the fundamental doc-

LETTER II. 459
trines of the Protestants are true, since they
are received by both sides ; but to ascertain
whether what the Roman Catholics teach in
addition, are articles necessary to salvation, as
they pretend them to be, or whether that
addition does not overthrow those truths, which
by both parties are held as divine, and ought
to be rejected for that reason conformably to
the practice of the reformed.
I will not repeat to you, sir, all the good and
excellent things which Mr, Wake has said upon
the endeavour of the church of Rome, (which
has always sought to set the reformed at va
riance with each other,) to persuade those
who are ill informed upon the subject, that
the church of England agrees with her in
many more points than the other Protestant
churches. First. The invocation of saints, says Mr,
Wake, in the narae of his church, is an extra
vagant practice wantonly invented, and so far
from being founded upon Scripture, is contrary
to it in many senses. It is true, that in conformity
with a custom, as innocent as it is ancient, we
make mention at the holy table of saints de
parted in the coraraunion of the church, thank
ing God for the good he has done thera, and
praying hira to give us grace to follow their
example; but this respect which we bear to

460 LETTER II.
their memory does not prevent us from con
demning a practice which M. Bossuet seeras
to have oraitted, and which shocks us ex
treraely, which is, that the Roman CathoUcs
recoraraend to God the offering of the Eu
charist, through the raerits of the saints whose
relics lie under the altar, as if Jesus Christ
whom they pretend to offer in sacrifice needed
the recommendation of St. Matilda, or St.
Potentiana, to become acceptable to his father.
Second. The church of England does not
hold confirmatfon to be a sacraraent, nor that
the use of the Chrism, although of great anti
quity, is of apostolic institution ; for which
reason she does not use it, but as the laying on
of hands is a very 'ancient custom, derived
from the Apostles, the English have preserved
it, and according to their discipline, the bishops
alone have the right of adrainistering it. The
officiating prelate addresses a prayer to God,
to beg that he will strengthen with his Holy
Spirit the person on whora he lays his hands ;
that . he will defend hira against temptations ;
and that he will give hira grace to fulfil the
conditions of his baptism ; all of which, he for
whom the officiating bishop prays, ratifies and
confirms by his own proraise.
Third. Neither are orders a sacrament, ac
cording to the English church, because they

LETTER II. 461
are not common to all christians ; but this
church holds that nobody ought to intrude into
the functions of the ministry, without ordi
nation, and it belongs to the bishop only to
give it. She admits of distinction in orders,
though she has none below the rank of deacon,
because Scripture mentions no other ; she,
nevertheless, allows they are ancient.
Fourth. Concerning the question whether
any one can secure his salvation in the Romish
church. The English believe, that as this
church maintains all the fundamental doctrines
of Christianity, those who live within her pale,
with a disposition to gain instruction, to reject
all pernicious errors, and to make profession of
all the salutary truths which they discover,
may be saved by the grace of God, faith in
Jesus Christ, and a general repentance, which
places their errors in the nuraber of their un
known sins : but that this charitable conces
sion may not be abused, the expositor (Wake)
adds the following restrictions.
First. That it is more difficult to be saved
in the coraraunion of this church since the re
formation than before, because its errors were
neither so well known, nor so solidly refuted,
which rendered ignorance more invincible and
more excusable.
Second. That those who live araong Pro-

462 LETTER II.
testants, and in a country where they have the
opportunity of learning and making public pro
fession of the truth, are more to be condemned
than the others ; and.
Third. That the priests are more so than the
laity. In a word, the Protestants hope that good
people in the church of Rome raay be saved,
but they have no certainty that they ought to
be ; while on the contrary, they are assured of
the salvation of those who live in a christian
raanner in their coraraunion. They do not
know whether God will condemn the Roman
Catholics for the errors which they have pro
fessed, mistaking them for truths ; but they
are certain that those, who being convinced of
the superstitions of the religion of the Pope
forsake the Protestants through motives of
interest or ambition, and defend the tyrannical
dograas and idolatrous worship of Rome against
their conscience, fall into a crirae which does
not deserve pardon.
With respect to idolatry, the homilies of the
church of England, as well as all the English
doctors who lived under Edward VI. and
Elizabeth, accuse the Romish church of it.
The Catholics object to her ; that the
learned men of this kingdom changed their
opinion under James I., and began to assert

LEITER II. 463
that the Roman Catholic church was not idol
atrous, but those gentlemen were so unfor
tunate in their proofs, that of six authors
whom they quote. Archbishop Laud, Drs.
Jackson, Field, Heylin, Hararaond, and Thorn
dike, there is not a single one who has not said
the contrary.
The Presbyterians would not say Anatheraa
to St. Ignatius, to St. Clement, to St. Poly
carp, to St. Ireneus, to St. Cyprian, and to all
the church of the second, the third, and a good
part of the first century. At the end of this
defence of Mr. Wake's are several curious
documents. First. A parallel between the old and new
popery. Secondly, An extract from the sentiraents of
Father Cresset, and of Cardinal Bona, upon
devotion to the Virgin Mary,
Thirdly. The letter of M. Imbert to Bos
suet. Fourthly. The letter of St, Chrysostom to
Caesarius, with the preface of M. Bigot, which
was suppressed at Paris, in 1680; and a dis
sertation of Mr, Wake's upon Applinarius,
You may gather from all the circumstances
which I have related concerning M. Bossuet,
what confidence we may place in his good
faith. What would this be had I repre-

464 LETTEfi Jt!^'
sentfe^ hira to yoti.as"TOe enemy of Fenelon,
persecuting him, seek!i|g liis ruin-, only from a
prihciple of lo\^ jealousy, and in order to gra
tify an ambition which could not bear a rival.
But I have said' enough about this tnan, who
has obtained more, celebrity than he has
deserved. ••'
. " I ara, &c.

TH END.

LONDON
IBOTSON AND PALMER, PUtNTERS, SAVOY STREET, SI R.AN

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