YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

OP

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

VOL. II

THE

LIFE

or

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS,

SELECTIONS FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

DETAILING EVENTS IN THE AMERICAN REVOLU
TION, THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, AND IN
THE POLITICAL HISTORY OP THE
UNITED STATES.

BY JAEED SPARKS.

IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. II.

B O S TO N :
PUBLISHED BY GRAY & BOWEN.
1832.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1831, By Gray and Bowew,
in the Clerk's office of the District Court of Massachusetts.

BOSTON:
Waitt &. Dow'e Power Press.

CONTENTS OF THE
SECOND VOLUME.

PAGI.
1. Correspondence, Official and Private, re- /
specting a Negotiation with the British
Ministry. 1
II. Correspondence, Official and Private,
CONCERNING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, AND
THE AFFAIRS OF FRANCE. 57
III. Letters and Miscellaneous Papers relat
ing to French affairs. ... 461
1. Observations on Government, applicable to
the Political State of France. - 464
2. Note addressed to the Queen of France, on
the Course to be pursued by the King. 472
3. Plan of a Campaign for France, submitted to
General Lafayette. .... 473
4. Note written for the Count de Montmorin,
containing Suggestions respecting a Change
of Government. ... - 485
5. Letter to the Count de Montmorin, on the
State of Public Affairs. - - - 487
6. Note communicated to the Count de Mont
morin. ..... 489

contents. *
FAGB.
7. Speech composed for the King of France,
¦with some Observations on the Constitu
tion. - - - - - 490
8. Memoir written for the King of France, re
specting the New Constitution. - 512
9. Letter to Count de Montmorin, on providing
Subsistance for Paris. ... 525
10. Letter to the King of France. - - 527
11. Draft of a Manifesto to be made by the King
of France, late Monsieur. - - 530

CORRESPONDENCE

official and private,

RESPECTING A NEGOTIATION WITH THE

BRITISH MINISTRY.

VOL, II.

CORRESPONDENCE,
RESPECTING A NEGOTIATION WITH THE
BRITISH MINISTRY.

H3E0RGE WASHINGTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
New-York, I3th October, 1789.
Sir,
It being important to both countries, that the treaty of ,'
peace between Great Britain and the United States should be f
observed and performed with perfect and mutual good faith,
.and that a treaty of commerce should be concluded by them,
on principles of reciprocal advantage to both, I wish to be as
certained of the sentiments and intentions of the Court of Lon
don on, these interesting subjects-
It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries
made informally, by a private agent; and understanding that
you will soon be in London, I desire you in that capacity, and
on the authority and credit of this letter, to converse with his
Britannic Majesty's Ministers on these points, viz. whether
there be any and what objections to performing those articles in
the treaty, which remain to be performed on his part ; and
whether they incline to a treaty of commerce with the United
States on any and what terms ?
This communication ought regularly to be made to you by

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.

the secretary of state, but that office not being* at present filled,,
my desire of avoiding delays induces me to make it under my
own hand. It is my wish to promote harmony and mutual sat
isfaction between the two countries ; and it would give me great
pleasure to find that the result of your agency, in the business
now committed to you, will conduce to that end.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,
George Washington.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
New-York, October 13th, 1789.
Sir, r
My letter to you, herewith enclosed, will give you the cre
dence necessary to enable you to do the business, which it com
mits to your management, and which I am persuaded you will
readily undertake.
Your inquiries will commence by observing, that, as the pre
sent constitution of government and of the courts established in
pursuance of it, removes the objections heretofore made to
putting the United States in possession of their frontier posts,
it is natural to expect from the assurances of his Majesty and
the national good faith, that no unnecessary delays will take
place. Proceed then to press a speedy performance of the
treaty, respecting that object.
Remind them of the article by which it was agreed, that
negroes belonging to our citizens should not be carried away,
and of the reasonableness of making compensation for them.
Learn with precision, if possible, what they mean to do on this
head. The commerce between the two countries you well under
stand. You are apprized of the sentiments and feelings of the
United States on the present state of it, and you doubtless have
heard, that in the late session of Congress, a very respectable
number of both houses were inclined to a discrimination of du
ties unfavorable to Britain, and that it would have taken place,

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.

bat for conciliatory considerations, and the probability that the
late change in our government and circumstances would lead
to more satisfactory arrangements.
Requestto be informed, therefore, whether they contemplate
a .treaty of commerce with the United States, and on what
principles or terms in general. In treating this subject, let it be
strongly impressed on your mind, that the privilege of carrying
our productions in our vessels to their islands, and of bringing in
return the productions of those islands to our own ports and
markets, is regarded here as of the highest importance ; and you
will he careful not to countenance any idea of our dispensing
with it, in a treaty. Ascertain, if possible, their views on this
point ; for it would not be expedient to commence negotiations
without previously having good reasons to expect a satisfactory
termination of them.
It may also be well for you to take a proper occasion of re
marking, that their omitting to send a minister here, when the
United States sent one to London, did not make an agreeable
impression on this country ; and request to know what would
be their future conduct on similar occasions.
It is in my opinion very important, that we avoid 'errors in
our system of policy respecting Great Britain, and this can on
ly be done by forming a right judgment of their disposition and
views. Hence you will perceive how interesting it is, that you
obtain the information in question, and that the business be so
managed, as that it may receive, every advantage, which abili
ties, address, and delicacy can promise and afford.
I am. Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,
George Washington.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Paris, 22d January, 1790.
Sir,
I received from Major Hosgill, who arrived here on the twen
ty first instant, the two letters which you did me the honor to
2* -,.

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.

write upon the thirteenth of October. I shall, in consequence,
set off for London as soon as I possibly can. When last in
that city, I saw the Duke of Leeds twice at the French Ambas
sador's, and from some slight .circumstances was induced to
believe, that the British court are better disposed towards a con
nexion with the United States, than they were some eighteen
months ago. The principal difficulty will, I imagine, arise from
the personal character of the King, which is that of persever
ance, and from the personal dislike, which he bears to his for
mer subjects. I have the honor to be,, &tc.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THE DUKE OF LEEDS.
Froome's Hotel, Covent Garden, 28th of March, 1790.
Mr Morris had the honor to wait upon his Grace, the Duke
of Leeds, this morning, but had not that of seeing him. He
presents his most respectful compliments, and will be happy to
know the time when it will be most convenient for his Grace to
receive certain communications, which Mr Morris is directed
to make to his Majesty's ministers, by the President of the Uni
ted States of America.

DUKE OF LEEDS TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Whitehall, March 28th, 1790.
The Duke of Leeds presents his compliments to Mr Mor
ris, and will be glad to see him at the office tomorrow, at half
past two.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London April 7th, 1790.

Sir,
I arrived in this city on Saturday evening, the twenty-
seventh of March, and called the next morning on the Duke

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.

of Leeds, minister of foreign affairs. He was not at home ;
I therefore wrote to him a note, a copy whereof is enclosed, as
also his answer received that evening. On Monday, the
twenty-ninth, I waited upon him at Whitehall, and after the
usual compliments presented your letter, telling him that it
would explain the nature of my business. Having read it, he
said with much warmth and gladness in his appearance, < I am
very happy, Mr Morris, to see this, letter, and under the Presi
dent's own hand. I assure you it is very much my wish to
cultivate a friendly and commercial intercourse between the
two countries ; and more, I can answer for that of his Majesty's
servants, that they are of the same opinion.' ' I am happy, my
Lord, to find that such sentiments prevail, for we are too near
neighbors not to be either good friends or dangerous enemies.'
'You are perfectly right, sk ; and certainly it is to be desired
as well for our mutual interests, as for the peace and happiness
of mankind, that we should be upon the best footing.'
I assured him of our sincere disposition to be upon good
terms, and then proceeded to mention those points in the
treaty of peace, which remained to be performed ; and first, I
observed that, by the Constitution of the United States, which
he had certainly read, all obstacles to the recovery of British
debts are removed, and that if any doubts could have remained,
they are now done away by the organization of a federal court,
which has cognizance of causes arising under the treaty.
He said he was happy to receive this information ; that he had
been of opinion, and had written to Mr Adams, that the articles
ought to be performed in the order in which they stood in the
treaty. Not choosing to enter into any discussion of his
conduct in relation to. Mr Adams, I told his Grace that I had
one rule or principle for public and private life, in conformity
to which I had always entertained the idea, that it would con
sist most with the dignity of the United States, first, to perform
all their stipulations, and then to require such performance
irom others ; and thai in effect, if each party were on mutual
covenants to suspend its compliance, expecting that of the

8 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
other, all treaties would be illusory. He agreed in this sen-*
timent. Upon which I added, that the United States had now
placed themselves in the situation just mentioned.
And here I took occasion to observe that the Southern States,
which had been much blamed in this country for obstructing
the recovery of British debts, were not liable to all the severity
of censure, which had been thrown upon them. That their
negroes having been taken or seduced away, and the payment
for those negroes having been stipulated by treaty, they had
formed a reliance on such payment for the discharge of debts
contracted with British merchants, both previously and subse
quently to the war. That the suspension of this resource had
occasioned a deficiency of means, so that their conduct had
been dictated by an overruling necessity.
Returning then to the main business, I observed that as we
had now fully performed our part, it was proper' to mention that
two articles remained" to be fulfilled by them, viz. that which
related to the posts, and that regarding a compensation for the
negroes ; unless indeed they had sent out orders respecting
the former, subsequent to the writing of your letter; and I took
the liberty to consider that as a very probable circumstance.
He now became a little embarrassed, and told me that he '
could not exactly say how that matter stood. That as to the
affair of the negroes, he had long wished to have it brought up,
and to have something done, but something or other had always
interfered. He then changed the conversation ; but I brought
it back, and he changed it again. Hence it was apparent that
he could go no farther than general professions and assurances.
I then told him that there was a little circumstance, which
had operated very disagreeably upon the feelings of America,
Here he interrupted me. ' I know what you are going to say 
our not sending a minister — I wished to send you one, but
then I wished to have a man every way equal to the task a
man of abilities, and one agreeable to the people of America •
but it was difficult. ¦ It is a great way off, and many object on
mat score.' I expressed my persuasion, that this country
could not want men well qualified for every office ; and he

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 9
again changed the conversation. Wherefore, as it was not
worth while to discuss the winds and the weather, I observed
that he might probably choose to consider the matter a little,
and to read again the treaty, and compare it with the Ameri
can Constitution. He said that he should, and wished me to
leave your letter, which he would have copied, and return it to
me. I did so, telling him that I should be very glad to have
a speedy answer, and he promised that I should.
Thus, sir, this matter was begun ; but nine days have since
elapsed, and I have heard nothing farther from the Duke of
Leeds. It is true that Easter holidays have intervened, and
that public business is in general suspended during that period.
I shall give them sufficient time to show whether they are as
well disposed as he has declared, and then give him a hint.
Before I saw him I communicated to the French Ambassador,
in confidence, that you had directed me to call for a perform
ance of the treaty. He told me at once that they would not
give up the posts. Perhaps he may be right. I thought it
best to make such communication, because the thing itself
cannot remain a secret ; and by mentioning it to him we are
enabled to say with truth, that in every step relating to the
treaty of peace we have acted confidentially in regard to our
ally. I have the honor to be, &c. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London, 13th April, 1790.
Dear Sir,
My letter of the seventh will have communicated what
passed with the Duke of Leeds respecting the business you
committed to me. I take the liberty to mention here, that from
his countenance and manner on the perusal of your letter, he
seemed to derive from it that sort of pleasure, which a man
feels at the removal of something, which every now and then
brings to his mind disagreeable ideas. I do not exactly see

10 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
from what cause this emotion was produced. By the eagerness
of his subsequent expressions, I conjectured that the critical
situation of Europe had excited some disquietude respecting
the part, which the United States might take in case of a gen
eral war. What strengthened that idea, and perhaps led me to
form it, was that in a chamber to which I was introduced previous
to the audience, there was a large book of maps open at that
part of Poland. But the silence since observed leads to a sus
picion, that his satisfaction was derived from another source. I
am told that in a late debate the ministers committed them
selves by throwing out in pretty clear terms the idea, that some
sort of treaty was on the carpet with America. And if so, the
opening now given must have relieved them from the fear of
future contradiction.
I trouble you, my dear sir, with all this conjecture, because it
is not impossible that circumstances may turn up on your side
of the water, with which it may be useful to compare minutely
what passes here. I am, Sic. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London, 13th April, 1790.
Sir,
This will accompany the duplicate of what I had the honor
to write on the seventh by the packet. 1 am still waiting for
intelligence from the Ministers, who (to judge by appearances)
slumber profoundly upon the application made to them. Yes
terday the two houses of Parliament again entered on business,
after their recess for the Easter holidays ; and Mr Pitt has
announced the budget for next Monday. Some rational con
jectures, as to their dispositions and intentions, may perhaps be
formed from the business of that day. I have the honor to
be, &c. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

Negotiation in England. II
DUKE OF LEEDS TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
, Whitehall, April 28th, 1790.
Sir,
I should not have so long delayed t eturning an answer to
the letter you received from General Washington, which you
had the goodness to communicate to me last month, had I not
heard you were in Holland. I received some time ago a
note from you, which I should soon have acknowledged, but
was at first prevented by a multiplicity of engagements, and
sfhce by illness.
The two subjects contained in General Washington's letter
are indisputably of the highest importance, and I can safely
assure you, that it has ever been the sincere and earnest wish
of this country to fulfil her engagements (contracted by the
treaty of peace) with the United States, in a manner consist
ent with the most scrupulous fidelity.
We cannot but lament every circumstance, which can have
delayed the accomplishment of those engagements, (comprised
in the treaty) to which those States were in the most
solemn manner bound ; and, should the delay in fulfilling them
have rendered their final completion impracticable, we have
no scruple in declaring our object is, to retard the fulfilling
such subsequent parts of the treaty as depend entirely upon
Great Britain, until redress is granted to our subjects upon the
specific points of the treaty itself, or a fair and just compen
sation obtained for the non-performance of those engagements
on the part of the United States.
With respect to a commercial treaty between the two
countries, I can only say, that it is the sincere wish of the
British government to cultivate a real and bond fide system of
friendly intercourse with the United States ; and that every
measure, which can tend really and reciprocally to produce
that object, will be adopted with the utmost satisfaction by
Great Britain.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,
Leeds.

•2 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.

TO THE DUKE OF LEEDS.
Covent Garden, 29th April, 1790.
My Lord,
When I had the honor of an interview with your Grace at
Whitehall, on Monday, the twenty-ninth of last month, I left, at
your request, a letter from the President of the United States
tome, which you promised to return after you should have had
it copied. As your Grace seemed to be particularly pleased
with the contents of that letter, I took the liberty to request
that I might be speedily honored with the communication *%f
your sentiments on the subjects of it. This you were so kind
as to promise. Your subsequent silence led me to apprehend,
that this affair might have been overlooked in the attention to
matters of more apparent moment. I took the liberty there
fore to recall it to your Grace's recollection by a note of the
nineteenth instant, which was delivered at Whitehall, and to
which no reply has been received. '
Permit me now, my Lord, to request that the President's
letter may be returned, and excuse me for expressing at the
same time a wish, that you would enable me to transmit the
evidence of those friendly dispositions towards America, which
you were pleased to express. It flows from the sincere desire
that more perfect harmony may be established between the
two countries, and a solicitude to obviate unpleasant circum
stances. I have the honor to be, &c. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THE DUKE OF LEEDS.

Ar T , Covent Garden, 30th April, 1790.
My Lord,
I was honored by your Grace's letter of the 'twenty-eighth
late last evening, and take the earliest oprortunity to acknow
ledge it. Be assured, my Lord, that I regret much the indis-

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 13
position which suspended your answer, and sincerely wish that
it may be speedily removed.
I am happy to be assured by such respectable authority, that
it has ever been the sincere and earnest wish of this country
to fulfil her engagements with the United States in a manner
consistent 'with the most scrupulous fidelity.' This indeed
has never admitted of a question in my mind, because I would
not harbor a doubt of the national faith of Great Britain ; and
I have the pleasure to observe to you, my Lord, that sentiments
of this kind induced the Congress at their last session to
reject, by a considerable majority, some regulations which
might have appeared hostile, and proved injurious to your
commercial interests. I am perfectly convinced from this, and
from many other circumstances, that the United States have a
constant determination to perform in the fullest manner every
stipulation which they have made ; for this is not only in itself
a moral duty peculiarly binding upon every sovereign power,
but it is specially secured by that constitutional compact, which
the people of America have made with each other. Since
both parties therefore have the best dispositions, and are influ
enced by the purest motives, I indulge, my Lord, the hope,
that every obstacle to a complete performance will be speedily
removed. And in this hope, without going into an inquiry
as to the causes of former delay, which might not perhaps
tend towards conciliation, I must entreat of your Grace's
goodness to be informed in what respect, and to what degree,
you consider the final, completion of those engagements, to
which the United States were bound, as having been rendered
impracticable ; for I must own that the idea is new to my
conception. The candor, with which your Grace avows the intention to
retard a fulfilment of such parts of the treaty as depend upon
Great Britain, meets, as it merits, my utmost acknowledgment.
I am very far from questioning the policy, nor will I presume
to doubt the propriety, of a caution which is, I trust, unnecessa
ry, and which might indeed be unpleasant to the feelings of
3 VOL. II.

14 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
Americans, if they could be affected with punctilious senti
ments in the discussion of national interests. But it becomes
my duty to ask of you, my Lord, the nature and extent of the
redress expected for the subjects of his Britannic Majesty,
upon the specific points of the treaty ; and, in the supposed
case that this should have become impracticable, the kind and
the measure of compensation to be required from us, as pre
liminary to the fulfilment of those stipulations which remain to
be performed by you.
I trust that I am mistaken in that part of your Grace's let
ter, which relates to a commercial treaty, because it really
appears to me as expressive only of the wish to cultivate
merely an amicable intercourse, founded on commercial good
faith, and as implying some disinclination to the securing of
that intercourse by the force of treaty. I should be very
unhappy to convey a false interpretation of the sentiments of
this government upon an object of such importance. This
might be prejudicial to both countries, and therefore I shall
indulge the expectation that, if I am wrong, your Grace will
have the goodness to set me right. I have the honor to be, ike.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

Sir,

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, London, May 1st, 1790,

Herewith I have the honor to transmit a duplicate of my last
letter of the thirteenth of April. Not having heard from the
Duke of Leeds I wrote him a note on the nineteenth. To
this I received no reply ; wherefore, on the twenty-ninth, I ad
dressed him again by a letter of which a copy is enclosed.
This was delivered at his office, Whitehall, between eleven and
twelve in the morning of the twenty-ninth, and at half past ten
in the evening the letters were sent to me. You will observe
that his letter is dated the 28th, and of course takes no notice
of that to which it is in fact the answer ; but the style and gen-

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. iS
eral complexion, as well as the circumstances attending the de
livery of it, clearly show that it was not written until the even
ing of the twenty-ninth.
I might in reply have made some strictures upon the infor
mation that I was in Holland, fee. he. I might also have con
trasted the expressions of good faith with the conduct of the
administration, and have observed upon the idea that the Uni
ted States were bound in the most solemn manner, while from
the subsequent parts of his letter it would seem that Great
Britain is not bound at all, or at most but loosely. There is
also a confusion of language, which resembles the stammering
of one^ who endeavors to excuse a misdeed, which he resolves
to commit. Thus on the supposition that completion of the
treaty by us is impossible, he insists that we shall complete it,
or make compensation. The expressions in the last clause are,
if possible, more vague than all the rest, and the reply might
have been proportionately more pointed.
My letter of yesterday contains nothing of what is just stat
ed, although perhaps it ought to have noticed some parts. I
must rely on your kindness, sir, both to interpret favorably
what I have done, and to excuse my omissions. I thought it
best to heap coals of fire on their heads, and thereby either bring
them into our views, or put them most eminently in the wrong.
It was moreover my wish to draw forth specific propositions,
because these will admit of discussion, or else, if manifestly un
just, they may not only be repelled, but they will serve to show
a predetermined breach of faith by them, which will justify
whatever conduct we may afterwards find it proper to adopt.
If, as is not improbable, they should give us no answer, or one
so vague as to mean nothing, I shall pursue, according to cir
cumstances, my object of compelling them to speak plainly, or
refuse absolutely.
It seems pretty clear, that they wish to evade a commercial
treaty, but not peremptorily to reject it ; and, therefore, I have
construed into rejection his Grace's abstruse language, leaving
him the option to give it a different interpretation. I do not

16 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
expect that he will, though he may perhaps write an explana
tory comment, more unintelligible than the text.
I have some reason to believe, that the present administration
intend to keep the posts and withhold payment for the negroes.
If so, they will color their breach of faith by the best pretexts
in their power. I incline to think also, that they consider a
treaty of commerce with America as being absolutely unneces
sary, and that they are persuaded they shall derive all the benefit
from our trade without treaty. It is true that we might lay diem
under restrictions in our ports, but they believe that an attempt
of that sort would be considered by one part of America as
calculated by the other for private emolument, and not for the
general good. The merchants here look on it as almost im
possible for us to do without them ; and it must be acknowledg
ed that past experience, and the present situation of neighboring
countries, go far to justify that opinion. Whether the ministers
shall act according to their own ideas, or consult mercantile
people, they will equally, I think, repel advances from us; and,
therefore, it seems more prudent to lay the foundations of fu
ture advantage, than attempt to grasp at present benefit. I will
not pretend to suggest any measures for the adoption of con
gress, whose wisdom and whose sense of national honor will
certainly lead them to act properly, when the proper moment
shall present itself. It will naturally strike every mind, that
while the legislature of this country continues to invest the ex
ecutive authority with great power respecting the Ameri
can commerce, the administration here will have advantages
in treaty, which can only be balanced by similar confidence on
the part of congress, in the executive of America.
But very much will, I think, depend upon the situation of
France. If appearances there should change, and so much
vigor be infused into the government as would enable it to call
forth the national efforts in support of their interest and honor,
a great revolution would be produced in the opinions here.
From the conduct of the aristocratic hierarchy in the low coun
tries, who are instigated and supported by Prussia, I have lonff

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 17
been thoroughly convinced that the alternative of war, or the
most ignominious terms of peace, would be proposed to the
imperial courts. Counting upon the absolute nullity of France,
and supposing that this country can at any moment intimidate
that into abject submission, Prussia and Poland will, I think, join
thdmselves to Turkey and Sweden against Russia and Austria,
which are both exhausted, and one of them dismembered.
Probably the war will be commenced before this letter reaches
your hands, and then Britain and Holland are to be the um-
ipires,or rather dictators, of peace.
I have taken the liberty to touch thus far upon the general
^system of European politics, as it may tend to show that for the
present, Great Britain will rather keep things in suspense with
us, being herself in a state of suspense as to others. I will not
go into conjectures about the events, which will take place upon
the continent. They will, 1 believe, as is usual, disappoint
the projectors ; but be that as It may, our affairs can derive no
advantages now from what shall happen hereafter. 1 presume
that a dissolution of- parliament will take place shortly, although
many of the best in/ormed people think, or at least say they
think, otherwise. But it is clear to my mind, that the admin
istration will wish to have before them a prospect of seven years'
stability to their system, be that what it may, and they will not
at the moment of a general election expose themselves to criti
cism by any act of doubtful construction! This forms with them
an additional reason for being evasive in regard to us. Perhaps
there never was a moment in which this country felt herself
greater, and consequently it is the most unfavorable moment to
obtain advantageous terms from her in any bargain. But this
appearance is extremely fallacious. Their revenue is not yet
equal to their expenditure ; money is indeed poured in upon them*
from all ;quarters, because of the distracted situation of affairs
among their neighbors, and hence, their stocks have risen great
ly since the peace, so that they can borrow at an interest of
four per cent ; but supposing they should not be obliged to en
gage in the war, still there are two events, either of which would
3*

18 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
overturn the fabric of their prosperity. If France establishes
a solid system of finance, then capitalists will prefer five per cent
with her, to four per cent from Britain ; for, all othertfnngs be
ing equal, there is no shadow of comparison between the re
sources of the two countries. If France commits a bankrupt
cy, the disorders consequent thereon will doubtless be violent,
but the storm once passed, she would be able to make greater
exertions by her annual resources, than Britain could compass
by every possible anticipation of credit. There is a middle
situation between sinking and swimming, in which the French
finances may flounder on for some time to come, but even this
state of wretchedness will produce rather evil than good to
Great Britain ; for she has already reaped all the harvest, which d
could be gathered from the distress of her neighbors, and must
necessarily lose the benefits of the famous commercial treaty,
in proportion as the resources of her customer are cut off.-
Under the various contingencies, which present themselves
to my contemplation, and there are many which I will not trou
ble you with the perusal of, it appears clearly, that the favorable
moment for us to treat is- not yet come, .It is indeed, the mo
ment for this country, and they seem determined to let it pass
away. I must again entreat your indulgence, sir, for this long
and desultory letter. Accept, I pray you, the assurances of
that respect with which I have the honor to be, &c.
GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London, May 2d, 1790.
Dear Sir,
You will find enclosed the copy of what I took the liberty
to trouble you with on the thirteenth of last month. On Satur
day, the seventeenth^ I dined in company with Mr Fox. The
state of French politics formed, of course, a large part of the
conversation. The situation of other countries was then pass-

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLANfj. 19
ed in review, and it became a question how far Britain might
be engaged in the affairs of sthe continent. At length I took
an opportunity to ask , what system the administration had
adopted respecting"* America. He told me that he could not
tell, but he believed they had none, and would in all probabi
lity be governed by events. That„he did not believe Mr Pitt
would trouble his head' about the matter, but would probably
leave'-it to Lord Hawkesbury and Mr Gre'nville, who are both
of thenr indisposed to us ; whereas Pitt himself is, he supposes,
rather friendly than otherwise. Mr Fox said further, that he
and Burke are now almost alone in their opinion, that we
sMbuld be permitted to trade in our own bottoms to their
islands, and that this opinion loses ground daily ; though for
his own part he persists in it.
I find that the ministers apply for information respecting
America, and particularly American commerce, to a Mr Irvin,
who long resided in America, and is now in the customs ; a
mighty sour sort of creature, and one who seems to have a
mortal aversion for us. I met him at dinner one day,, and he
took pains to let me know, that he was doing all he could to
prevent any encouragement from being given to our exports,
by the corn bill, which is now on the carpet.. He declared
that he would, by the force of starvation, oblige the people of
Britain to raise corn enough for their own consumption, and
that even the supply of the West India Islands ought to be
provided in this country.
You will readily perceive, sir, from this rude sketch of influ
ential characters, that there is but little disposition for treating
with us at present* I am, &c. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

20 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London, 29th May, 1790,
Sir,
I do myself the honor to inclose a copy of my letter of the
first instant. On the night of the fourth there was a hot press
here, which has continued ever since,.'and the declared object
is to compel Spain to atone for an insult offered to 'Great
Britain, by capturing two vessels in Nootka Sound. Permit
me to mention, incidentally, that it would not. be amiss for the
American captain, who was a witness of the whole transac
tion, to publish a faithful narrative.
The general opinion here is, that Spain will1 submit, and that
Spain only is the object of this armament. But I hold a very
different faith. If Spain submits, she may as well give up her
American dominions ; for the position advanced here is, that
nations have a right to take possession of any territory unoccu
pied. Now, without noticing the inconsistency between this
assertion, and those which preceded the war of 1755, when
France built Fort du Quesne upon ground unoccupied by
British subjects, it cannot escape the most cursory' observation,
that the British, sitting down in the vicinity of Spanish settle
ments, wilf establish such a system of contraband traffic as
must ruin the commerce of Cadiz, and the revenue now
derivedfrom it by the1 Spanish monarch.
In former letters I have communicated in some measure my
ideas Upon the second opinion. I shall not therefore recapitu-^
late them, but only in general notice, that the: armament against
Spain, should Spain shrink from'the contest, will undoubtedly
be sent to the Baltic, with decisive effect. You will observe
also that the ministers count upon the nullity of France, of
which I shall say a word presently.
In consequence of the orders for impressing seamen, a num
ber of Americans were taken, and the applications made for
their relief were in some instances ineffectual. On the morn
ing of the twelfth, Mr Cutting called to inform me, that he was

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 21
appointed agent to several of the American masters of ships.
I gave him my advice as to the best mode of proceeding, and
particularly urged him to authenticate all the facts by affida
vits, assuring him that if he was unsuccessful, I would endea
vor to obtain the assistance of such persons as I might be
acquainted with. On the seventeenth, Mr Paine called to tell
me, that he had conversed on the same subject with Mr Burke,
who had asked him if there was any minister, consul, or other
agent of the United States, who could properly make applica
tion to the government, to which he had replied in the nega
tive ; but said, that I was here, who had been a member of
Congress, and was therefore the fittest person to step forward.
In consequence of what passed thereupon between them, he
urged me to take the matter up, which I promised to do. On
the eighteenth I wrote to the Duke of Leeds, requesting an
interview. He desired me to come at three o'clock the next
day ; but his note was delivered after the hour was passed,
and, very shortly after it, came another note, giving me an
appointment for the twentieth.
Upon entering his closet he apologized for not answering
my letters. I told him that I had in my turn an apology to
make for troubling him with an affair, on which I was not au
thorized to speak. He said I had misunderstood one part of
his letter to me, for th,at he certainly meant to express a
willingness to enter into a treaty of commerce. I replied, that
as to my letter. I supposed he would answer it at his leisure,
and therefore, we would wave the discussion. That my
present object was to mention the conduct of their press-
gangs, who had taken many American seamen, and had en
tered American! vessels with as. little ceremony as., those
belonging to Britain. 'I believe, my Lord, this isrthe only
instance in which we are not treated as aliens.' He acknow
ledged that it was wrong, and would speak to Lord Chatham
on the subject. I told him that many disagreeable circum-
ces had already happened,, and that there was reason to ex
pect many more, in a general impress through the British

22 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
dominions. That masters of vessels, on their return to Ameri
ca, would excite much heat; 'and that, my Lord, combined
with other circumstances, may perhaps occasion very msa-
°TC6clt)lG 6 VCIltS*
° He then repeated his assurances of good will, and express
ed an anxious wish to prevent all disagreement; observing at
the same time, that there was much difficulty in distin
guishing seamen of the two countries. I acknowledged the
inconveniences to which they might be subjected by the pre
tence of British seamen to be Americans, and wished there
fore that some plan might be adopted, which, founded on good
faith, might at the same time prevent the concealment of
British sailors, and protect the Americans from insult. As a
means of accomplishing that end, I suggested, the idea of cer
tificates of citizenship to be given by the admiralty courts
in America to our seamen. He seemed much. pleased, and
willing at once to adopt it ; but I desired him to consult first
the King's servants in that particular department ; and having
again reminded him that I spoke without authority, took my
leave ; but at his request, promised to visit him again the next
day. The morning of the twenty-first I found him sitting with Mr
Pitt, to whom he presented me. The first, point we took up
was that of the impress. Mr Pitt expressed his approbation
of the plan I had proposed to the Duke, but observed that it
was liable to abuse, notwithstanding every precaution Which
the admiralty offices in America could take. I acknowledged
that it was, but observed, that even setting aside the great polit
ical interests of both countries, it was for the commercial inter
est of Britain rather to wink at such abuse ; for that if they
should be involved in a war with the House of Bourbon, our
commerce with Britain must be in American bottoms ; be
cause a war premium of insurance would give a decided
preference to the manufacturers of other countries in our
markets ; but that no wages would induce American seamen
to come within the British dominions, if they were thereby

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 23
liable to be impressed. Mr Pitt replied to this, that the
degree of risk, and consequently the rate of insurance, must
depend upon the kind of war. Not taking any direct notice
of this expression, I observed, that notwithstanding the wretch
ed state of the French Government, there still existed much
force in that country, and that the power of commanding
human labor must also exist somewhere ; so that if the gov
ernment would not arm their fleets, there would still be many
privateers, and that in effect, the slenderest naval efforts must
involve merchant vessels in considerable danger.
Returning then to the consideration of the principal point,
we discussed the means of carrying the plan with effect, and
for that purpose I recommended that his majesty's servants
should order all their marine officers to admit as evidence
of being American seamen, the certificate to that effect oi the
admiralty in America, containing in it a proper description of
the person, &c. ; but without excluding, however, other evi
dence; and observed, that, in consequence of the communica
tion, if such orders were given, the executive authority in
America, without the aid of the legislature, by directions to
the several admiralties, might carry the plan into effect, so
far as relates to those seamen who should apply for certifi
cates. I am induced to believe that this measure, if adopted,
will not only answer the desired end, but be productive of
other good consequences in America, which I will not now
trouble you with the detail of.
This affair being so far adjusted, we proceeded to new matters,
and they both assured me that I had misapprehended the Duke's
letter in regard to a treaty of commerce. I answered cooly, that
it was very easy to rectify the mistake, but it appeared idle to
form a new treaty until the parties should be thoroughly satisfied
with that already existing. Mr Pitt then took up the conver
sation and said, that the delay of compliance on *our part had
rendered that compliance less effectual, and that cases must
certainly exist where great injury had been sustained by the
delay. To this I replied that delay is always a kind of breach,

24 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
since as long as it lasts it is the non-performance of stipulations.
I proceeded then to a more exact investigation of the question.
And first, as I knew them to be annoyed with many applications
for redress by those who had, and thrise who pretended to have suf
fered, I attempted to show what I really believe to be the fact,
viz. that the injury was ffiiich smaller than Was imagined, be
cause among the various classes of American debtors, those
only should be considered who had the ability, and not the will,
to pay at the peace, and were now deprived of the ability.
These I supposed to be not numerous ; and as to others, I stat
ed interest as the natural compensation for delay of payment,
observing that it was impossible to go into ah examination of all
the incidental evils.
In the second place, I desired him to consider, that we in
turn complained, that the British government had not, as they
Ought, paid for the slaves Who Were taken away. That we
felt for the situation they Were in, of being obliged eitheri to' break
faith with the slaves whom they had seduced by the offer of
freedom, or to violate the stipulations they had made with us
upon that subject. That we Were Willing, therefore1, to wave
our literal claims ; but had every right to insist on compensa
tion ; and that it would not be difficult for the planters to show,
that they had sustained ah annual loss from the want of men to'
cultivate their lands, and, thereby produce the means of paying
their debts. Mr Pitt exclaimed at this, as if it were an ex
aggerated statement. I at once acknowledged my belief that
in this", as in all similar cases, there might be some exaggeration
oil both sides ; ' but, sir, what I have said tends to show thatthese
complaints and inquiries are excellent, if the parties mean to
keep asunder ; if they wish to come together, all such matter
should be kept out of sight, and each side perform now, as'
well as the actual situation of things will' permit.' Mr Pitt thert
made many professions of an earnest desire to cultivate the
best understanding, &c. he. On the whole, he thought it
might be best to consider the subject generally, and to see if
on general ground, some compensation would not be mutually

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 21
anade. I immediately replied, ' If I understand you, Mr Pitt,
you wish to make a new treaty, instead of complying with the
old one.' He admitted this to be in seme sort his idea, I said,
that even on that ground I did not see what better could be
done, than to .perform the old one. ' As to the compensation for
negroes taken away, it is too trifling an object far you to dis
pute, so that nothing remains but the posts ; I suppose, there
fore, that you wish to retain those posts.' ' Why, .perhaps we
may.' ' They are not worth the keeping, for it miist cost you
a great deal of money, and produce no benefit. The only rea
son you can have to desire them, is to secure the fur trade, and
that will centre in this country, let who will carry it on in Ame
rica.' I. gave him the reasons for this opinion, which J am sure
is well founded, but I will not trouble you with them. His an
swer was well turned. ' If you consider these posts as a trivial
¦object, there is the less reason for requiring them.' ' Pardon
me, sir, I only state the retaining of them as useless to you, but
this matter 'is to be considered in a different point of light.
Those who made the peace acted wisely in separating the pos
sessions of the two countries by so wide a water. It is essen
tial to preserve this boundary, if you wish to live in amity with
.us. Near neighbors are seldom good ones, for the quarrels among
borderers frequently bring on wars. It is, therefore,, essential
•for both parties that you should give them up; but as to us it
js of particular importance, because our national honor is inter
ested. You hold them with the avowed intention of forcing us
io comply with such conditions as you may impose.' ' Why,
sir, as to the consideration of national honor, we can retort the
observation, and say our honor is concerned in your delay 01
performance of .the treaty.' 'No, sir, your natural and proper
course was to comply fully on your part, and if then we had re
fused a compUance, you might rightfully have Issued letters of
marque and reprisal to such of your subjects as were injured
•by our refusal. But the conduct you have pursued naturally
¦excites resentment in every American bosom. We do not think
at worth while to go to war with you for these posts ; but we
VOL. II. 3

26 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
know our rights, and will avail ourselves of them, when time
and circumstances may suit.'
Mr Pitt asked me if I had powers to treat. I told him I
had not, and that we could not appoint any person as minister,
they had so much neglected the former appointment. He ask
ed me whether we would appoint a minister if they did. I told
him that I could almost promise that we should, but was not
authorized to give any positive assurance. The question then
was, how to communicate on this subject. I suggested, that
since much time might be unnecessarily consumed by reason
of the distance and uncertainty of communication, it would per
haps be expedient for them to appoint a minister, and delay
his departure until we should have made a similar appoint
ment. Mr Pitt said they might communicate to you their in
tention to appoint, he. I told him, that his communication
might encounter some little difficulty, because you could not
properly hear anything from the British Consuls, these being
characters unacknowledged in America. His pride was a lit
tle touched at this. ' I should suppose, Mr Morris, that atten
tion might as well be paid to what they say, as that the Duke of
Leeds and I should hold the present conversation with you.'
' By no means, sir, I never should have thought of asking a con
ference with his Grace, if I had not possessed a letter from the
President of the United States, which you know, my Lord, I
left with you, and which I dare say you have communicated to
Mr Pitt.' He had. Mr Pitt said they could in like manner
write a letter to one of their consuls. ' Yes, sir, and the letter
will be attended to, but not the consul, who is in no respect differ
ent from any other British subject ; and this is the circumstance
which I wished you to regard.' He said in reply to this, that
etiquette ought not to be pushed so far as to injure business,
and keep the countries asunder. I assured him that the rulers
of America had too much understanding to care for etiquette ;
but prayed him at the same time to recollect, that they {the'
British,) had hitherto kept us at a distance, instead of making
advances. That you had gone quite as far as they had any

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 27
reason to expect, in writing the letter just mentioned, but that
from what had passed in consequence of it, and which, as he
might naturally suppose, I had transmitted, we could not but
consider them as wishing to avoid an intercourse. He took up
this point, and expressed again his hope that I would -remove
such an idea, assuring me that they were disposed to cultivate
a connexion, &c. he. To this I replied, that any written com
munications which his Grace of Leeds might make should be
duly transmitted ; but I did not like to write mere conversation,
because it might be misconceived ; and disagreeable questions
afterwards arise, whereas written things remain and speak for
themselves. They agreed to the propriety of this sentiment.
I observed further, that our disposition towards a good un
derstanding was evidenced, not only by your letter, but also by
the decision of a majority of the House of Representatives,
against laying extraordinary restrictions on British vessels in
our ports. Mr Pitt said, that instead of restrictions, we ought
to give them particular privileges, in return for those which we
enjoy here. I assured him that I knew of nonej except that of
being impressed, a privilege which of all others we least wished
to partake of. The Duke of Leeds observed, in the same
style of jocularity, that we were at least treated in that respect
as the most favored nation, seeing that we were treated like
themselves. But Mr Pitt said seriously, that they had cer
tainly evidenced good will towards us, by what they had done
respecting our commerce. 1 replied, therefore, with like se
riousness, that their regulations had been dictated by a view to
their own interest ; and therefore, as we felt no favor, we own
ed no obligation. The subject being now pretty well exhaust
ed, they promised to consult together, and give me the result
of their deliberations. This I am yet to receive ; but I learn
that Mr Greenville has this day consulted some persons skilled
in the fur trade, and that from his conversation it seemed
probable that they would give up the posts. My information
is good.
I have already said that the Ministers here count upon the

28 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
nullity of France. They do not however expect that she will!
violate her treaty with Spain, and therefore they are rather;,
I believe,, in hopes that Spain will' submit to such terms as:
they may impose. How far they may be bound to aid Prussia-
Seems as yet to be doubtful'; but for my own part I believe,,
that a war is inevitable, and I act on that ground. If it does:
not take place, they will, I think, desire such things of us, in ar
treaty of commerce, as we shall' not be disposed to grant; but
if it does happen, then they will give us a good price for our
neutrality ; and Spain, f think, will do so too ; wherefore this-
appears to be a favorable moment for treating with that court:
about the Mississippi.
Before I close this letter, already too long; I must entreat
permission to make one or two explanatory observations. It:
is evident that the conduct of this government towards us, from
the time of my first interview with the Duke of Leeds, has de
pended on the contingencies of war or peace with the neigh
boring powers ; and they have kept things in suspense accord
ingly. When, therefore, they came a little forward, it proved?
to me their apprehension of a rupture; I have some reason*
to think, that they are in greater danger than- they are them
selves aware of, and I have much cause to- suspect that they-
meditate a blow in Flanders, in which it is not improbablo that
they will be foiled and disappointed: Believing, therefore-,,
that I knew their motives, it only remained to- square my eon-
duct and conversation accordingly. And here you- will con
sider, that the characteristic of this nation is pride ; whence it
follows, that if they are brought to sacrifice a little of this self-
importance, they will readily add some other sacrifices. I
kept therefore a little aloof, and did not, as I might have done,,
obtain an assurance that they would appoint a minister if you>
would. On the contrary, it now stands on such ground that
they must write a letter, making the first advance, which you*
of course will be- in possession of. And to that effect I warn
ed them against sending a message by one of their consuls. I
amy &c_ GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS>.

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 29
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London, July 3d, 1790.
Sir,
This letter will accompany copies of those, which I had the
honor to write on the first, and twenty-ninth of May. I have
heard nothing since from the Duke of Leeds. On the tenth
of June the King prorogued the parliament, which was dis
solved on the eleventh. The election will be completed in
about ten days, and then the ministers will feel themselves
more at liberty to avow their intentions, than they are at pres
ent. They will have a great majority, though perhaps weaker
by half a dozen, than in the last house ; but the immense pat
ronage, which must result from a war, will soon overbalance
that difference.
I was told on the tenth, that the Duke of Leeds is to leave
the office of secretary of foreign affairs, and is to be succeed
ed by Lord Hawkesbury, formerly Charles Jenkinson. He is
an able man, strongly opposed to America, and it is said from
inclination ; but perhaps it is from the desire to please his roy
al master. Such an appointment would look like a bar to
any friendly communication with us ; but I incline to think
otherwise. He will at least be an efficient minister, and what
ever he agrees to will go smoothly through the cabinet;
whereas the present man is evidently afraid of committing him
self, by saying or doing anything positive.
On the seventeenth of June I learnt a conversation, which
had recently passed with Mr Greenville about the posts, from
the complexion of which I conclude that they are nearly de
termined to give them up. In the course of that conversation,
(in which the minister was collecting information from a gen
tleman acquainted with the country and its trade,) he said that
the Americans had made some overtures, fo? a commercial
treaty, which might, perhaps, take place ; and that he wished
to.be prepared, in case that matter should be brought forward,
which appeared however to be uncertain.
4*

30 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
He mentioned at the same time, but merely as matter of
common report, that the Spaniards had agreed to give us the
navigation of the Mississippi. I am therefore confirmed in my
opinion, that, if they get engaged in a war, they will be glad to
form a friendly connexion with us. And as to the contingen
cy of war, I was informed on the twenty-first, of June, that
about three weeks before that period, they had sent an express
over land to India, probably with instructions to prepare for, if
not to commence hostilities. This, added to many other cir
cumstances, leaves but little room to doubt of their intentions.
Prussia has been arming and negotiating, and seems as if de
sirous to gain time, till this country can act.
The fleet which lay at Spithead had sailed some days
since for Torbay, and is to be joined, it is said, by a Dutch
squadron, which came forward in the quality of an ally to
Great Britain. The idea of calling upon an ally to assist
a British against a Spanish fleet seems to be a little extraordi- <
nary. But it would not be extraordinary, that a Dutch squad
ron should go into the Baltic, and assist the Swedes against
Russia. We are now so near the moment when the curtain is to be
drawn up, that I will not trouble you with my conjectures
about the scenes which are to be displayed. France, I
am persuaded, will not remain an idle spectator. I am, Sic.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS'.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.-
~ ^. New York, July 7th, 1790'.
Dear Sir,
This letter will be short ; the intention of it being little more
than to acknowledge the receipt of your several favors from
London, dated the 7th and 13th of April, and 1st and 2d of May,
on the business which had been entrusted to you of a public

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 31
nature ; and of your other letters of the 12th of April, and the
3d of May, which more immediately relate to my private re
quests. Permit me to thank you, my good sir, for the attention you
have given to the latter ; and, as far as your communications
with the British Government had gone, to assure you of my
entire approbation of your conduct respecting the former. I
shall await the answer, which your address of the 30th of April
will extort (if silence be not resolved on) from the Duke of
Leeds, before I write more fully to you on that head. I am, &c,
George Washington.

THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE, TO GOUVERNEUR
MORRIS.
New York, August 12th, 1790.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of May the 29th to the President of the United
States has been duly received. You have placed their propo
sition of exchanging a minister on proper ground. It must
certainly come from them, and come in unequivocal form.
With those who respect their own dignity so much, ours must
not be counted- at nought. On their own proposal, formerly,
to exchange a minister, we sent them one. They have taken
no notice of that, and talk of agreeing to exchange one now,
as if the idea were new. Besides, what they are saying to
you, they are talking to us through Quebec; but so infor
mally, that they may disavow it when they please. It would
only oblige them to make the fortune of the poor Major, whom
they would pretend to sacrifice. Through him, they talk of a
minister, a treaty of commerce, and alliance. If the object of
the latter be honorable, it is useless ; if dishonorable, inadmis
sible. These tamperregs prove, that they view a war as very
possible ; and some symptoms indicate designs against the

32 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
Spanish possessions adjoining us. The consequences of their
acquiring all the country on our frontier, from the St Croix to
the St Mary's, are too obvious to you, to need developement.
You will readily see the dangers which would then environ us.
We wish you, therefore, to intimate to them, that we cannot
be indifferent to enterprises of this kind. That we should
contemplate a change of neighbors with extreme uneasiness ;
and that a due balance on our borders is not less desirable to
us, than a balance of power in Europe has always appeared to
them. We wish to be neutral, and we will be so, if they will
execute the treaty fairly, and attempt no conquests adjoining
us. The first condition is just ; the second imposes no hard
ship on them. They cannnot complain, that the other domin
ions of Spain would be so narrow as not to leave them room
enough for conquest. If the war takes place, we would really
wish to be quieted on these two points, offering in return an
honorable neutrality. More than this, they are not to expect.
It will be proper that these ideas be conveyed, in delicate and
friendly terms ; but that they be conveyed, if the war takes
place ; for it is in that case alone, and not till it be begun, that
we would wish our dispositions to be known. But in no case,
need they think of our accepting any equivalent for the posts.
I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem,
Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Thomas Jefferson.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
London, August 16th, 1790.
Sir,
I had the honor to write to you on the third of July, of
which letter I now enclose a copy. I have patiently waited
since that period for the answer, which had been promised on
the twenty-first of May, to my letter of the thirtieth of April.
Had any circumstance turned up, which would in my opinion
have justified a new application, it should have been made •
but this has not been the case.

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 33
You will have seen the declaration, and counter declaration,
of the Spanish and British courts, exchanged at Madrid the
twenty-fourth of last month. These leave the material ground
of controversy in its original state, and the armaments go on
with unremitting diligence. The event seems to turn upon
the ability and inclination of France, whose condition is far
from desirable ; but I shall not attempt to describe it, because
I have no doubt that Mr Short, being on the spot, will transmit
much better information than I can pretend to. The poor
king of Hungary, pressed by Prussia, and distracted by the
interior commotions of his various dominions, and unsupported
by France, has been obliged to accede to terms of pacification,
by no means desirable. This leaves Britain and her friends
more at liberty to press the other powers. The proceedings
of the congress have of course been very secret, and if they
had not, a mere private individual in this country could nol
acquire an early knowledge of them. There is, however, one
circumstance which, let things terminate as they may, will, I
conceive, have considerable consequences. The king of Prus
sia has endeavored to obtain from Poland the cession of Thorn
and Dantzic. These countries are, you know, already sur
rounded by his dominions, except towards the sea; and if he
had succeeded, or Should succeed, he will not only become at
once a naval power, but will hold in his hand the key to the
great granary of Europe. This, at a period when from jhe
extension of commerce and manufactures in other countries,
the want of bread is often feared, and sometimes felt, will give
him immense advantages both in peace and war, besides those
of rendering his dominions more compact, and of increasing
his revenue. It is, I think, hardly possible that Britain and
Holland should have wished for his success, and if his failure
should be owing to their resistance, it may at no distant period
give rise to new connexions and alliances in the north. In
the Baltic they have been very busy. The seasons give but
little time there for any other naval war, than that which man
must wage with the elements. They make therefore the best,

34 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
or, if you please, the worst use of their time. Little, however,
has been effected, except the havoc of the human race, which
is not over numerous in that quarter. The king of Sweden,
with infinite gallantry, places himself in situations where he
can gain little, and may lose all. Hitherto he has extricated
himself by downright fighting, and as it is too late for effectual
interference from England or Holland, probably both sides,
having sung Te Deum, will take breath, and may, perhaps, be
content to try what negotiation can do next winter.
I have little doubt but that the ministry here would have
agreed to comply with the treaty of peace, had they found
themselves engaged in a war, which they have been upon the
brink of for some months ; and I presume, that in proportion
as the clouds shall disperse, they will be less tractable. I have
taken patience, and remained here, though I had many private
reasons for going to the continent; but as I believed that by
being on the spot, I might be useful, especially if a favorable
occasion should offer, I thought it my duty to stay.
From some circumstances, too slight to be worth mention
ing, I incline to think that such occasion is not far distant ; but
never, perhaps, were the affairs of Europe in a situation which
admitted so li*tl« of forming any solid opinion ; and this from
the spreading of what is called the French disease, in other
words, revolt. Hungary, part of Germany, Italy, and Savoy,
with France and Flanders, are already in different stages of
that disease. Poland is constitutionally afflicted with it. In
Sweden and Holland slight circumstances would bring for
ward seeds, which have long been sown, and no man can tell
or even guess how far it may extend, or what may be the
-consequences. This country is free from the contagion, and
likely to continue so. Indeed the English seem in some re
spects to have changed sentiments and manners*with the French.
They are as far gone in loyalty as their neighbors in repub
licanism. Happy America, where alone, I verily believe, both
freedom and virtue have their real and substantial existence.

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 35
I wait with anxious expectation to hear what congress may
have done in relation to this country, as well as upon the im
portant subject of finance ; for that also would have no small
influence on the British cabinet. Having long been in the habit
of contemplating public credit as the most certain and abundant
national resource, they will naturally, and indeed necessarily,
take up their opinion of us on that ground. And if at the same
time their mercantile interest should feel that we have a govern
ment, it might produce a general conviction that we are not to be
trifled with. Incidental circumstances among foreign nations
may give us momentary advantages, and doubtless it is the du
ty of all public servants to watch those moments, and turn them
to the best account. But it is by the solidity of our domestic
system alone, that we can become permanently and intrinsical
ly respectable. Consequently, it is by that alone, that we can
hope for permanent and useful connexions. And although we
ought not from such considerations to become supine or inat
tentive to the measures of the greater maritime powers, which
would indeed be very imprudent, yet we may certainly repose
with greater confidence on the good faith of others, when they
see, and above all when they feel the value of our friendship.
I pray your kind excuse, sir, for giving vent to these ideas,
which are as much the sentiments of my heart as the dictates
of my understanding. As conclusions of reason, they have nat
urally been adopted by every thinking man in America ; but
he must come out of it, perhaps, if he would have their impor
tance deeply impressed by the impulsion of daily experience.
I am, he. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London, August 30th, 1790.

Dear Sir,
It may perhaps be proper to mention one or two things,
in relation to the objects treated of in my letters of last

36 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
January. And first, of a commerce with the French Islands.
Nothing has, I believe, been donein France, which may be
favorable to our views ; but the commotions in the Islands
themselves will, I presume, operate like liberal regulations of
police, and probably the colonists will eventually demand as a
right, what some time since they would have accepted as a favor.
I am led to believe that we should not be over anxious on this
subject just now, because circumstances will perhaps serve us
better than we can serve ourselves.
My predictions respecting the Turk have been so far veri
fied, as that he has got rid of one of his enemies upon tolerable
terms, for he loses no dominion worth a contest. How far
the intercessions now making to the Empress of Russia will
produce the desired effect, seems not to be clearly ascertained.
If a squadron of Dutch or English ships had arrived in the
Baltic last May, it is more than probable that the peace of the
north would have been restored ; but there are many events
which would enable the Empress of Russia to carry on suc
cessful operations against both the Turk and the Swede.
The armies of the former, which opposed those of the Empe
ror, cannot suddenly be transported to the quarter where they
are now wanted ; neither will the expense of them cease dur
ing the campaign. It appears to me that the season is too
far advanced for anything Prussia can do, let the inclination of
the king be what it may ; and Sweden, unprotected by naval
superiority, is exposed to the land force of its enemy,
without much chance either of aid or diversion. Finland,
which will probably be the object of the Czarina, cannot main
tain forces needful to defend it, if the sea communication be
cut off. Therefore the whole Prussian army, could it be
transported thither, would be worse than useless. And thus
the withdrawing of Austria from the war will have less influ
ence than might have been expected.
The people of Flanders seem to be given up, after having
been used to distress the House of Austria. Heaven knows
what desperation may prompt them to ; but it appears to me

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 37
that a wise conduct on the part of France would have acquir
ed for her the dominion of that country ; and if ever that
should happen, France having at the same time a good con
stitution, the consequence of this island is gone. Antwerp
seems intended by nature for the emporium of European
commerce, and the navigation of the Scheldt would undoubt
edly be opened if it belonged to a great naval power. That
river and the Thames being nearly opposite to each other,
mutual visits might be expected, and in these the superiority
at land must at length prove decisive.
The situation of France, however, seems at first sight to
preclude all effort. The national bank, which was in contem
plation, has never taken effect. After deliberating about it and
about it, the . thing dropped, and they expected to have made
out with their new paper currency (the assignats ;) but my
predictions on that subject seem to be verified. Still, how
ever, the . situation of their finances is not desperate. But
their Assemblee is -losing ground daily in the public opinion.
The army, long encouraged in licentious conduct, is now in
revolt. All the bands of society are loosened, and authority
is gone. Unless they are soon involved iu a foreign war, it is
impossible to conjecture what events will take place. For
some time past the ministers have been threatened with the
Lanterne, and they would gladly get out of office. The
great difficulty is, to find successors, or rather substitutes.
• Lafayette has been contriving an intermediate ministry to last
for a few months, till, by the dissolution of the assembly, who,
you know, passed a self-denying ordinance, a set could be taken
from among the present members or that body. But this will
prove a bad business ; for if the intermediaries are not able,
then they will make things worse ; and if they are, they will
not give up their places.
We are in hourly expectation of hearing the decision of the
Assemblee Upon the family compact. The Spanish Ambassa
dor has required, in pointed terms, a compliance on the part
of France. This, I have good reason to believe* was in con-
VOL. II. 4

38 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
cert with the French administration. If it were possible to an
swer for such a body as the Assemblee, and so placed as they
are, I would pronounce in favor of their adherence to the terms
of that compact. If so, the tone of the British ministry may
be a little lowered* In the mean time, both the Spanish and
English fleets are out, and were approaching towards each other.
Probably each side means only to terrify at present ; but Spain
will not recede any farther, except in the last necessity.
In a day or two I expect to learn something of their inten
tions here respecting us ; and if I do not hear from them, I shall
make a final address to bis Grace of Leeds.
It is very flattering to me, Sir, that you are so kind as to ap
prove of my communications wjth the ministers of this country,
so far as they had gone in the beginning of May. I earnestly
hope that my subsequent conduct may meet the same favora
ble interpretation. This you may rely on, that if in any case
Igo wrong, it will be from an error of judgment. I am, &c.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THE DUKE OF LEEDS.
London, September 10th, 1790.
My Lord,
At the close of a conversation with your Grace, and the Right
Honorable Mr Pitt, on the twenty-first of May last, I was told
that you would confer together, and transmit a reply to the let
ter, which I had the honor of addressing to jour Grace on the
thirtieth of April. In expectation of that reply, I have pa*
tiently waited in this city to the present hour, though called by
many affairs to the continent. But my departure cannot be
much longer delayed, and therefore it becomes necessary to
intrude once more On your Grace's attention.
I was led to believe, my Lord, that a friendly connexion
might have taken place between this country and that of which
I have the honor to be a citizen. How far it might be us&?

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 39
ful to Great Brftain, I presume not to conjecture ; being per
fectly convinced, from the wisdom and extensive information of
his Majesty's ministers, that the best rule for private judgment
must be derived from their conduct. But, my Lord, I candidly
own, that such connexion appears to be of great consequence
to America ; and therefore the hope of becoming instrumental
in the accomplishment of it was most pleasing ; nor am I asham
ed to avow my concern at the disappointment.
Your Grace will readily recollect the purport of the letter, which
you did me the honor to write on the twenty-eighth of April,
and that mine of the thirtieth entreated a communication of the
nature and extent of that redress, which his Majesty's ministers
expected upon the specific points of the treaty of peace, and the
kind and measure of compensation they would require in case, as
had been supposed, the1 specific performance on our part were
now impracticable. Months having elapsed in silence, your Grace
will, I hope, pardon me for observing that the pointed avowal of
a determination to withhold performance, unless upon certain
conditions, the communication of which is withheld, might be
construed into unconditional refusal. Your personal integrity
and honor, my Lord, the acknowledged justice of his Majesty,
and the pride of British faith, prohibit me from harboring that
idea. But it may perhaps be entertained by my countrymen,
and if it should, it may lead to measures, which in their conse
quences may eventually induce the two nations to seek rather
the means of reciprocal injury, than of mutual advantage. I
humbly hope that this may never happen. The sentiment of
America has long been conciliatory, and Ishould feel inexpressi
ble satisfaction if your Grace would supply me with the means
of restoring activity to her friendly dispositions.
I have the honor to be, &c. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

40 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
DUKE OF LEEDS TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Whitehall, September 10th, 1790.
Sir,
I have just received the honor of your letter of this day's
date. I well remember the nature of the conversation you allude
to, as well as the particular points upon which the two coun
tries mutually complain of a non-observance of treaty. Each
party may perhaps have reason for complaint. I can assure you,
Sir, I sincerely lament it. I am not entering into a ministerial
discussion upon the subject of our hot being already further' ad
vanced, in what we are both interested in, a real bond fide in
tercourse of friendship, but am only acknowledging, confidential
ly, my own private opinion, and what it has not been hitherto in
my power to remedy.
I shall, I trust, be enabled very soon to address myself
upon a new subject to General Washington ; and in the mean
time, shall be very happy to see you, Sir, before your departure
for America. I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient
humble servant,
Leeds.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
London, September lSth, 1790.
Sir,
I had the honor to address you on the sixteenth of August,
and stated as nearly as I could the situation of Russia and Swe
den. This situation has produced a very natural effect. Swe
den being unsupported by her allies, and Russia having nothing
to gain by farther fighting, but a part of the Finland deserts,
not worth fighting for, they have struck a bargain of peace
immediately, without the interference of any one else. This
leaves the Russian and Turk to pursue their game single hand
ed. The ministers of Britain are by no means wellpleased,
that they were not consulted by the Swedes ; and I think it
probable, that if Russia makes peace with the Turks, it will be

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND, 41
without the mediation of Prussia or England. For, as things
are situated, it seems impossible for those powers to do the
Empress any mischief before next spring.
The National Assembly of France have also adopted, as a
national compact, the old family compact with Spain, and they
are arming as fast as their disjointed condition will admit. At
the same time, the general opinion of this country seemed to be,
that the ministry would obtain very honorable terms from Spain,
whereas the ministers themselves were, as I believe, much em
barrassed as to the line of conduct which they should pursue.
To support the high tone in which they first opened, would
probably bring on a bloody war for an empty sound. To re
cede, would expose them to severe animadversion at home,
and a loss of reputation abroad. These circumstances appear
ing to me favorable, I wrote the letter of the tenth instant, of
which a copy is. enclosed. It is calculated first, to operate up
on an administration, which I believed to be divided in regard
to America, and a sovereign who hates the very name, while
he prides himself upon his piety and moral fame. Secondly,
it was intended as a ground of future justification for any meas
ures, which congress might think proper to adopt ; and thirdly,
it had, I own, a special view to the nature of this government
and people ; for if they do eventually get engaged in war, and
feel a little from our coldness, and if, in addition thereto, the
commercial men find any ground of complaint, it will make
them so eager to rectify their mistake, as to give us considera
ble advantages.
In answer to this letter I received his cf the same date, a
copy of which is likewise enclosed. This was written in his
own hand writing, and as it is said therein to be not ministeri
al, but confidential, we must so consider it. Consequently it
is not a public paper. The inference to be drawn from it is,
that the council could not agree as yet upon the answer to be
given. Hence 1 concluded, that those who, pursuing the in
terests of Great Britain, wish to be on the best terms with
America, are outnumbered by those, whose sour prejudices and
4*

42 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
hot resentment render them averse to every intercourse, except
that which may immediately subserve a selfish policy. These
men do not yet know America. Perhaps America does not
yet know herself. They believe that British credit is essential
to our commerce. Useful, it certainly is, at present ; but let
our public credit be well established and supported, and in a
very few years our commercial resources will astonish the
world. We are yet but in the seeding time of national pros
perity, and it will be well not to mortgage the crop before it is
gathered. Excuse, I pray Sir* this digression. The matter
of it is not wholly inapplicable.
I waited upon the Duke of Leeds by appointment on the
fifteenth instant, and I saw at once by his countenance, that he
felt obliged to act an awkward part. I waited, therefore, for
him to hegin the conversation, which he did by saying he un
derstood I was going to America. I told him he had mistaken
my letter, for that by the continent I meant the* continent of
Europe. After some pause he said, that he hoped soon to fix
upon a minister to America. That they had a person in contem
plation, who was not however absolutely agreed on. I did not
ask who it was. After a farther pause he said, that in order to
save time, and obviate difficulties, the intention was to send
over a gentleman with a common letter of recommendation, but
having letters of credence in his pocket. I expressed my per
fect approbation of this expedient. He told me that he was
earnestly desirous of a real bond fide connexion, not merely by
the words of a treaty, but in reality. I met these by similar
professions, but took care to confine them to a commercial in
tercourse for mutual benefit on liberal terms.
He told me, that as to the two points of the treaty, there
were still difficulties. He wished they could be got out of the
, way. He then hesitated a little, and dropped the conversation.
Having waited some time for him to resume it, and being, con
vinced by his silence that it was intended to hold a conference
and say nothing, I determined to -try for information in a differ
ent way. I began, therefore, by expressing with an air of se-

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 43
rlous concern my conviction, that their detention of the western
posts would form an insurmountable barrier against a treaty with
us. Knowing so well as he did the nature of popular govern
ments, he would not be surprised, that some in America should
oppose a treaty with Britain from serious doubt as to the policy
of the measure, and others from private reasons ; and he must
see that holding those posts would form an argument for one,
and a pretext for the other. Finding that he felt this, I added,
that their conduct in this respect gave serious alarm to reasona
ble well meaning men. Some believed their design was to de
prive us of our share in the fur trade, which they considered as
a serious injury, but others were convinced that holding those
posts was attended with great and useless expense to Britain,
which the benefits of the fur trade by no means compensated,
and even that she would derive those benefits whether that trade
were carried on through the medium of Canada, or of the Uni
ted States. Hence they inferred some other, and consequent
ly some hostile views. So that every murder committed by the
Indians was attributed to British intrigue ; and although some
men of liberal minds might judge differently, their argu
ments would have little weight with the many, who felt them
selves aggrieved. He owned that there was force in these reflec
tions. I told him further, that I did not presume to judge of
the great circle of European politics ; but according to my
limited comprehension, I was led to suppose, that they could
not act with the same decisive energy towards their neighbors,
while they doubted of our conduct.
He said I was perfectly right ; and he said so in a manner
which showed, that this had been urged and felt during the late
negotiations. I proceeded, therefore, a little farther, premising
that this conversation was merely from one gentleman to
another, and prayed him to consider, that in a war between
Britain and the, Hquse of Bourbon, (a thing that must happen
at some time or other,) we can give the West India Islands to
whom we please, without engaging in the war ourselves, and our
conduct must be governed by our interest. He acknowledged

44 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
that this was naturally to be expected, and it seemed from his
manner, that the same thing had been represented before, but
not in such strong colors. I observed, that those preferences
which we had a right to impose would have a most extensive
operation ; assured him of my sincere belief, that their exclu
sive system, as far as it related to the commerce of their-islands,
had a tendency to injure that navigation, which it was their ob
ject to increase, because if we met them on equal ground of
restriction, they would lose more in one way than they gained
in another ; that they had many large ships employed in car
rying the single article of tobacco ; and if we should pass a
navigation act to meet theirs, they could not bring us a yard of
cloth which contained Spanish wool, and so of other things. I
thought I could perceive, that considerations like these had al
ready given them some alarm. I therefore said, that I suppo
sed his people had transmitted information of the attempts
made in congress to adopt such regulations. He said they had.
I observed that not having yet received the laws passed by
congress I should not say exactly what had been done. That
I hoped things were yet open for treaty. That doubtless there
were many persons in this country, who, to gratify the resent
ment occasioned by losses or disappointments in the American
war, would be glad to urge on a state of commercial hostilities ;
but this would prove, perhaps, a losing game to both. He
really thought it would.
Having gone as far in that line as was useful, I took a short
turn in my subject, and said I had waited with great patience
during the negotiations they were carrying on, because I sup
posed they would naturally square their conduct towards us by
their position in respect to other nations. I made this obser
vation in a careless manner, as a thing of course ; but immedi
ately fixing my eye upon him, he showed that it was exactly
the circumstance they had wished to conceal. I added that
finding the northern courts were at peace, and supposing they
had come to their final decisions with respect to the House of"
Bourbon, I thought it probable that they were prepared to
speak definitely to us also. Here I waited for his answer

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 45
which, indeed, I did not expect to receive. He was suffi
ciently embarrassed, and from his look and manner I collect
ed quite as much as he was willing to communicate.
After some little sayings of no consequence, he asked me
what the United States would think of the undefined^claim of
Spain to America. Having no objection to take that informa
tion from his questions, which could not be drawn forth in his
answers, I told him that it would make no impression on our
minds. That the Spaniards, being in fact apprehensive of dan
ger from us, were disposed to make sacrifices for our friend
ship. That the navigation of the Mississippi, hitherto the bone
of contention, was, I believed, given up by them already, or
soon would be so'; and as for their claims, they never could
affect us, and therefore we did not care anything about them.
That the reason for withholding that navigation,- hitherto, was
the fear of contraband, trade, and for the same reason they
most, in my opinion, sacrifice the last man, and last shilling,
upon the question about Nobtka Sound. He said he had al
ways thought the danger of contraband ought to be considered
in dealing on this subject, for that nations, like individuals,
ought to treat with candor and honesty. We had a good deal
of conversation on that, and other topics, in which America
was not directly concerned ; and then I told him, that if they
came to any determination in regard to us speedily, I, should
wish to be apprised of it. He assured me that I should, and
offered to make his communications to you through me, and
for that purpose to address his letters to me in Paris ; but for
reasons communicated in a former letter, I thought it best to
decline this offer, and therefore observed, that his own- packets
would give him a speedier and more certain means of con
veyance. I then took my leave.
I have troubled you, Sir, with the leading features of this
conversation, that you might the betterjudgeof the conclusions
I draw from it. I think the cabinet is divided on the question
of war or peace. If France appeared strong enough to excuse
a retrograde manceuvre, I believe they would discover all at

46 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
once that Spain has better reasons to urge, than they ha,d been
before apprised of, and therefore, on principles of justice and
having received the strongest assurances of brotherly love from
the Catholic King, the Defender of the Faith would disarm.
His ministers will not treat with us at present, unless they can
see their way to an offensive and defensive alliance, which we
shall be in no hurry to contract. Should war break out, the
anti-American party will, I believe, agree to any terms ; for
it is more the taste of the medicine which they nauseate, than
the quantity of the dose. Mr Pitt, I believe, wishes a con
tinuance of peace. Observe that he is rather the Queen's
man than the King's, and that since his Majesty's illness, she
has been of great consequence. This depends in part on a
medical reason. To prevent the relapse of persons who have
been mad, they must be kept in constant awe of somebody ;
and it is said that the physician of the king gave the matter in
charge to his royal consort, who performs that, like every oth
er part of her conjugal duty, with singular zeal and persever-
anc e. He, and all those who are in possession of his entire
confidence, wish, it is said, for war ; which gives, you know,
great patronage, and, by the increase of taxes and offices, in
creases the influence and power of the crown. The king and
hisfrienda, are also violently indisposed to America.
Things being so situated, and having business on the conti
nent, I shall leave this city in a few days, and shall perhaps
write a further letter of lamentations to the Duke of Leeds be
fore I go. I intend to write such a letter to you on the whole
business, as may, in case of need, be laid before.the legislature,
and consequently before the public.
I long since expressed my opinion to you, Sir, that the ap
pearances of prosperity here were fallacious. In nothing are
they more so, than in the affairs of the India Company, which
are deplorably bad ; and they are now engaged in a war with
Tippoo Saib, which, terminate how it may, must make them
worse. It is time to close this long epistle. Let me therefore en*

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 47
treat you to receive the assurances of that sincere respect and
esteem, with which I have the honor to be, &c.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THE DUKE OF LEEDS.
London, September 24th, 1790.
My Lord*
Art application which has been made to me by a Mr Sam
uel Makins, master of an American ship, and which I have
formerly transmitted to Mr Burgess, brings forward some points
on whibh I find, myself, most reluctantly* obliged to trouble
your Grace.
It appears, first,, that the American ship Was stopped on the
high seas, and detained by a British vessel of war, which took
away several of the crew* and kept one, who was a British sub
ject. Secondly, it appears that seamen taken in this port from
an American ship, who have sworn before a magistrate in Amer
ica that they are American citizens, are nevertheless detained,
•unless the master of the ship will swear that they were born
in America. And thirdly, it appears that American seamen*
who have entered on board of a British ship of war, are detain
ed, notwithstanding the claims made by the master to whom
they are bound by the usual articles.
On the first point, I am obliged to mention, my Lord, that
interrupting vessels in their voyages, and taking away those
Who navigate them, may have disagreeable consequences ; and
by reminding your Grace of that sentiment* which was excited
by the conduct of a Spanish frigate in Nootka Sound, I render*
I am sure, all comments unnecessary.
On the second point, I must take the liberty to observe, that
the very circumstance of being on board an American ship
ought to raise a presumption of citizenship ; hut when that is
strengthened by the oaths of themen taken in Atnerica, proof
.should be required to overturn, not to corroborate it. But, my
Lord, it must be impossible to obtain the evidence required* in

48 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
many cases, unless the master will hazard a disposition to facts
not in his knowledge. Another circumstance of a most del
icate nature is, the insisting that none but persons born in
America shall be privileged from the impress. I humbly
conceive, my Lord, that previous to the year 1775, those born
in America were equally subjects of his Majesty, with those
born in England, and many of them, I believe, still continue
so. By the treaty of peace, the sovereign of this country re
linquished all rights over those then in America, who chose to
take the benefit of it ; and if the compact can be set aside in
the case of a mariner, I fear that many others will no longer
rely upon it. This idea, my Lord, presses much upon my
mind. On the third point, I pray leave to submit to your Grace,
whether it is consistent to claim British seamen, who have con
tracted to serve in American vessels, and yet withhold Ameri
can seamen, who have contracted to serve in British vessels.
Pardon me for adding, that this would justify a practice, which
I hope may never take place, of manning the privateers of
your enemies with the seamen of America.
In'my regard for the peace and happiness of the two coun
tries, your Grace will find, I trust, the proper apology for bring
ing these things before you. I the less regret having been de
tained in town for that purpose, as it gives me an occasion to
reiterate the assurances of that respect, with which I have the
honor to be, he. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London, September 24th, 1790.

Sir,
Just about to leave this city, I have been detained for some
hours by an object, which appears to me important. I have
already had occasion to mention the impress of American sea-

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 49
men, to serve on board of British ships of war. The ministers
seemed desirous of doing what was right, and of avoiding just
ground of complaint ; but the orders for an impress being of
necessity entrusted to agents, neither scrupulous nor delicate, it
becomes as barbarous in the execution, as in the principle it is
violent and despotic. Allowances are to be made in judging
such cases, but I had been given to understand, that the prin
ciples adopted by the administration were such as ought not
by us to be admitted.
I must own to you, Sir, that my position was, in this respect,
disagreeable. I did not wish to assume the management of af
fairs not committed to me, nor put on the appearance of a
character, to which I had no pretension ; and yet, I could not
be an indifferent witness to the injuries sustained by my fellow
citizens. Liable to censure for neglect, and to the imputation
of hunting employment, but feeling alike guiltless of the one,
and incapable of the other, I determined neither to seek for
causes of complaint, nor yet to avoid them, but submit my con
duct to the dictate of occasion. Pardon me, Sir, for making
myself my subject. To you an explanation of actions and mo
tives is due. And as for the world, I shall never take pains to
conceal the one, nor communicate the other.
On the seventeenth instant, Mr Cutting called to mention the
case of an American, who had been impressed, and, after an
order obtained for his release, had been ill used, confined, and
was then in fetters, expecting severe and ignominious punish
ment. I immediately went to Whitehall, and waited some time
for the Duke of Leeds, or Mr Burgess, to arrive. Mr Burgess
at length came ; and upon my showing him the papers, and ex
plaining the business, he immediately took measures to procure
the needful redress. He expressed, at the same time, in very
proper terms, the regret he felt for such abuses of authority.
Next morning, Captain Makins applied to me, (as being ac
quainted with the owners of his ship,) to assist in procuring the
release of his mate and seamen. He told me, that previous ¦
to his leaving New York, a part of his crew had made oath
VOL. II. 5

50 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
that they were citizens of America. Arrived at the mouth of
the channel, he was stopped by a British frigate, which took
away some of them, but at length returned all except one, who
was an Irishman. After this, he passed several vessels of war,
without receiving either insult or molestation ; but in the river,
so many of his men were taken out, that he was obliged to hire
others, for the security of his ship. Some of the men so tak
en were induced to enter into the British service, as he"
informed me, by ill usage, threats, and particularly by the as
surance, that having nobody here to speak for them, their case
was desperate, and therefore they might as well take the boun
ty as let it alone, for go they must.
Many aggravating circumstances were related ; but as these
are generally foreign to the merits of a question, I desired him
to write me a letter, simply stating the facts. Among these,
were a refusal to deliver the men who bad entered, a rejection
of all evidence other than his oath, and the insisting that this
evidence should prove the men to have been born in America.
I immediately transmitted that letter, with the papers accompa
nying it, to Mr Burgess, who sent them to Mr Stephens, the
Secretary of the Admiralty. Yesterday, Captain Makins called
again, complaining that he could get no satisfaction from the
admiralty board, nor from the regulating captain ; but on the
contrary was treated by the latter with insult. 1 immediately
wrote a note to Mr Burgess, who assigned the death of Mr
Stephens' son in a duel, as the cause why the affair had been
neglected ; and gave me the assurance, that he would pay every
attention to it. An event so distressing would certainly call
from all other cares the mind of a father. I could not, there
fore, insist on the decisive answer which I wished. But hav
ing been repeatedly told, that the practice was such as is above
mentioned, I wrote, to the Duke of Leeds the letter, of which
the enclosed is a copy. You will perceive, Sir, that I have
sought rather to bring forward the particular objects for consid
eration,, than to dilate those observations to which they srive
rise. I will not trouble you, with any comment on this transac-

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 51
lion, but only entreat that you will excuse my interference.
Having acted without authority, there is at least this advantage
to the public, that my conduct may be avowed or disavowed,
as circumstances shall render most proper. I am, &c.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, November 22d, 1790.
Dear Sir,
My last letter was of the twenty-fourth of September. Since
that period, I have passed through Flanders and a part of Ger
many, and having coasted the Rhine to Strasburg, came thence
to this city.
As I conjectured, so it has happened, that my longer contin
uance in London would have been useless. Spain finding from
the revolt of the marine, and other circumstances, that whatev
er might be the intention, or rather wish, of France, no real
aid could be hoped for from a country, where even the sem
blance of authority is gone, has submitted to the imperious de
mands of Britain. This is a great point in the general system.
From henceforth, the benefits derived by Spain from her col
onies must wither away, and if she should hereafter wage war
to cancel an onerous compact, it is highly probable, that one or
more independent monarchies maybe established in that large
portion of the new world, which she now occupies. Nothing
of this sort can be indifferent to us. In the great course
•of events, which divine Providence may have marked out,
human wisdom can do but little, and to effect that little, we
•must approach as nearly as possible to our comprehension
the view of, futurity, and bestow on the present that cool
-consideration, with which every one can examine the deeds
that were done in the old time before us. The indepen
dence of all America will place us forward as the bulwark of
our neighbors ; and at the same time, it must loosen our hold
upon Europe. I consider the seyeral colonies to the south of

52 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
us, as a pledge in our hands for the good conduct of those pow
ers to which they belong. We now derive an influence from
their reciprocal jealousies, which we shall soon, I trust, secure
by our own internal force. This subject opens a field too vast
for present discussion, but it leads to another of narrower com
pass, which we at present tread.
England will not, I am persuaded, enter into a treaty with
us, unless we give for it more than it is worth now, and infinite
ly more than it can be worth hereafter. Had they got engag
ed in a war, and could they in such war have obtained our aid,
they would have paid high. But no price could, in my poor
opinion, have compensated to us the ill consequences which
must have followed. In proportion as her commerce with our
neighbors becomes more extensive, and our naval force more
evident, in that same proportion shall we find the advantage of
being freed from any stipulations with her. A present bargain
would be that of a young heir with an old usurer. Believing
in our wants, she will impose terms which we ought not, can
not consent to. This, at least, is my serious belief. A differ
ent idea may be entertained by others, who have better infor
mation, more experience, or clearer judgment ; and the pro
priety of each opinion must be decided by the arbitrament of
time. At present we may consider the western posts, which
belong to us, as a part of what Britain means to give for privi
leges of trade, which in her hands turn always to gold. This,
which is very like buying us with our own money, would ena
ble the minister to go down to the House of Commons with
perfect ease and self complacency. I am, Sec.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE.
London, December 24th, 1790.
Dear Sir,
I did not receive your letter of the twelfth of August, until
yesterday afternoon, or I should have made an earlier reply.

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 53
I am very happy to find that you approve of the ground on
which the interchange of ministers with this country was placed,
and the judgment formed respecting the posts. I am led to
fear, that my conduct in regard to our impressed seamen has
not been equally fortunate ; but I hope the interference will
be excused. Having no other guide, than my own sense of
our interest and honor, it is not improbable that I may have
missed my way. It was with much anxiety that I took any
one of those steps, to which I found myself impelled.
My letters to the President, subsequent to the month of May,
will have communicated my conduct, and the opinion by which
it was directed. I flatter myself, that on the subject of an al-
liance with this country, they will be found conformable to the
sentiments which you express, and which will ever I hope gov
ern the councils of our country.
It was my good fortune also to anticipate your ideas respect
ing the designs of Britain upon the Spanish possessions, and
therefore, whenever they mentioned to me the claims of Spain
as highly interesting to us, I declared, (but as my private opin
ion only,) that we should view those claims of exclusive right
with perfect indifference, from a conviction that it never would
be exercised to our prejudice. This was with the double view
of keeping up their disquietude about connexions, which we
might form with Spain, and of preventing them from having
any shadow of pretext to embroil us with that court hereafter,
should the existing dispute be amicably adjusted.
Before I dismiss this subject, indulge me with your pardon
for hinting an idea,, on which I have formed no decisive opin*
ion, but which may perhaps merit some consideration. Spain,
from the situation of France, the sense of her own weakness,
and the effects of her late treaty with Britain, may, perhaps,
wish for an effectual guarantee of her transatlantic dominions ;
and perhaps she may deem that which we can give* more im
portant, than what Britain holds out. Perhaps she might incline
to give something valuable for our friendship and protection.
The convention between Britain and Spain having been
5* *

64 NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.
completed, and a bill for the government of Quebec being in
agitation, I thought4 it might be well to pass a few days here,
and therefore, having private business sufficient to prevent the
drawing of any direct conclusions of a public nature, I came
hither on Sunday, the twelfth instant, I made the needful
inquiries respecting the Quebec system, and on the fourteenth
called at Whitehall. The Duke of Leeds being absent, I left
a card, and on the eighteenth paid his Grace another visit.
The council was then breaking up, and as he had much to do,
he sent Mr Burgess to me with an apology. This gentleman
gave me a deal of civil nothingness ; was glad that our difficul
ties about the impress were at an end ; had during my absence
received frequent applications from Mr Cutting, and, in conse
quence of what passed between us, had paid every attention to
them. Administration had every desire I could wish for treaty.
Many cabinet councils had been held upon it. A great many
difficulties had arisen in fixing on the persons to whom the
management should'be committed. This matter, however, was
adjusted. A reference had been made above three months
since to Lord Hawkesbury. His Lordship very diligent, but
his report not yet made. When received, no time would be
lost in setting all the different engines at work. Hoped we
should soon have residents with each other, he. he. he. I
heard him quietly out, and then replied, that I was sorry to
have interrupted his attention to other affairs. Having been
called by private business to London, I thought it my duty to
let them know I was alive. If his Grace wished to see me, I
would wait on him at such time as he miglit indicate ; that my
stay here would be short ; that I should write to America before
my departure, and if I learnt nothing more than that things re
mained in the same state of uncertainty in which I had left them
1 should say so. It was for them and not for me to consider
what consequences delay might produce to the British com
merce. The reputation of the United States rises fast ; and although
our enemies make objections to the funding system, yet that

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND. 55
step towards the establishment of public Credit has produced a
sensible effect on those opinions, which no administration will
wholly disregard. I am, &.c. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, December 28th, 1790.
Dear Sir,
• This will accompany what I had the honor to write on
the twenty-fourth. In the afternoon of that day I receiv
ed a note from Mr Burgess, appointing an hour on the twenty-
fifth for an interview with the Duke of Leeds. I attended,
but something or other kept his Grace away. The twenty-
sixth I received a note apologizing for the disappointment, and
requesting my attendance the twenty-seventh. I waited on
him again. A note had been sent, informing me that a severe
indisposition kept the Duke at home ; but this I did not receive
in season to prevent the visit. Mr Burgess therefore mention
ed to me the contents of it. The Duke, it seems, wished, if
I had any communications to make before I went to Paris, that
they should come through Mr Burgess. I told him, that as he
we'll knew, I had to make none, and only put myself in the
way of receiving them. He said that the business remained
as it was when he last spoke to me ; that he could now say,
however, the Duke had a person in his eye to be sent to
America. I told him carelessly, that I had heard Mr Elliott
was appointed. He said no appointment had been made ; it
would be improper, until they should have determined what
such person was to do. I smiled at this, and he was a little
confused. He said he wished to make their communications
through me, and hoped I should be again in London next
spring. I told him, that perhaps I might, but that was of no
consequence ; they could easily find a channel of their own.
There was nothing in this which at all surprised me. It

56

NEGOTIATION IN ENGLAND.

needs no comment, and is, indeed, exactly what I expected.
Next spring they will know better what to look for from their
present negotiations. This intended appointment of Mr Elli
ott was during the height of the armament. He, on being
spoken to, thought the affair was concluded, and mentioned it
to his friends. One of them told me of it. At that time he
was to have gone out immediately ; but the whole affair is now
suspended. I am, he. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

CORRESPONDENCE, OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE,
CONCERNING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION,
AND THE

AFFAIRS OF FRANCE.

CORRESPONDENCE,.
CONCERNING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION,

AND THE

AFFAIRS OF FRANCE.

Paris, February 23d, 1789.
If I should attempt, my dear Sir,, to thank you for the kind
introductions you have given me to your friends* I could not
succeed in giving expression to my feelings. You, who know
how much they are attached to you, will better conceive, than
I can describe, the cordial reception which these letters pro
cured me. The more I see of Paris, the more sensible I am of
your sacrifices in leaving it, to traverse a great ocean, and es
tablish yourself with a people, as yet too new to relish that so
ciety, which forms here the delight of life. For devoting thus
to the public service both your time and enjoyments, you have
as yet been but poorly recompensed. The rich reward re
mains behind, in that success, which I hope and believe will
at length crown your efforts to unite the two countries in bonds
of interest and affection indissoluble.
* Afterwards the Marquis de Moustier. He succeeded M. de la Luzerne
as Minister from France to the United States. He filled diplomatic stations
in England and Prussia, adherea to the royal cause, returned to France with
Louis the Eighteenth, and died in February, 1817.

60 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
Your nation is now in a most important crisis, and the great
question, shall we hereafter have a constitution, or shall will
continue to- be law, employs every mind, and agitates every
heart in France. Even voluptuousness itself rises from its
couch of roses, and looks anxiously abroad at the busy scene to
which nothing can now be indifferent.
Your nobles, your clergy, your people, are all in motion for
the elections. A spirit, which has been dormant for genera
tions, starts up and stares about, ignorant of the means of ob
taining, but ardently desirous to possess its object, — conse
quently, active, energetic, easily led, but also easily, too easily
misled. Such is the instinctive love of freedom, which now
grows warm in the bosom of your country. That respect for
his sovereign, which forms the distinctive mark of a French
man, stimulates and fortifies on the present occasion those sen
timents, which have hitherto been deemed most hostile to mon
archy ; for Louis the Sixteenth has himself proclaimed from
the throne a wish, that every barrier should be thrown down,
which time or accident may have opposed to the general felici
ty of his people.
It would be presumptuous in me even to guess at the effects
of such causes, operating on materials and in situations, of which
I confess to you the most profound ignorance. I feel that 1
have already gone too far, in attempting to describe what I
think I have perceived. But before I quit the subject, I must
express the wish, the ardent wish, that this great ferment may
terminate, not only to the good, but to the glory of France.
On the scenes which her great theatre now displays, the eyes
of the Universe are fixed, even with anxiety, and the national
honor is deeply interested in a successful issue. Indulge me
also, I pray, in conveying the opinion, that until that issue be
known, every arrangement both foreign and domestic must
feel a pause.
Horace tells us, that in crossing the sea we change our cli
mate, not our souls. I can say, what he could not, that I find
on this side of the Atlantic a resemblance to what I left on the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 61
other ; a nation which exist in hopes, prospects, and expecta
tions. The reverence for ancient establishments gone, existing
forms shaken to the very foundation, and a new order of things
about to take place, in which, perhaps, even the very names of
all former institutions will be disregarded.
To judge of the present turmoil, I can give you no better
standard, than by telling you what is seriously true, that when I
took up the pen, it was to give you news of your friends, and
to describe the impression made on my mind by the objects,
which incessantly present themselves in this great capital, I will
not say of France, but of Europe. And have I done it ? Yes ;
for the one great object in which all are engaged has swallowed
up, like the rod of Aaron in Egypt, every other enchantment
by which France was fascinated. I am determined, however,
after having pestered you so much with a recital of what will be
told you from other quarters much more intelligibly, and with a
knowledge of all the secret springs which produce those move
ments, I am determined, I say, that this letter shall give you
some entertainment ; and for this purpose, I shall enclose in it
several letters from your friends, who have charged me with
the very agreeable commission of transmitting them to you .
I will trespass no farther on your patience ; but still I must
impose the task on your good nature, of presenting my affection
ate remembrances to my friends, who are about you. I will
write to them if I have time, but the hours fly so quickly in Pa
ris ! I will not let them escape me, without assuring you of the
esteem and respect, with which
I have the honor to be, &c. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.
VOL. II. 6

62 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. *

Paris, February 25th, 1789.
Dear Sir,
As soon as I can place objects here in due arrangement, I
shall proceed to Holland. ' Before I take there my last engage
ments, I wish most earnestly to be, through you, in such treaty
as to leave room, for I expect that those engagements will bind
me as to all future operations. From Holland I shall perhaps
be obliged to go to England. But I contemplate, in all cases,
a return to this capital, as speedily as possible ; and from hence
I wish to go to Madrid. You will calculate, however, that as
the most important scene acted for many years on the Euro
pean theatre will, in the next spring, be displayed at this place,
I, in common with all others, have a curiosity to see it. You
must also consider, that I have motives stronger than curiosity;
for until the States-General shall have decided on the important
objects for which they are convened, their government can
make no solid arrangements for anything. Of this be assured,
that if nothing happens very unexpected, I will see you in
Spain before I return to America.
Lafayette is out of town. He is gone to Auvergne to get
himself elected, either for the Noblesse or the Tiers Etats. I
hope the former, for he would otherwise, in my opinion, be too
desperately estranged from those of his own class. As he did
not communicate to me his hesitation, I presume that he had
determined, for he made some important communications just
before his departure. Apropos — a term which my Lord Ches
terfield well observes we generally use to bring in what is not
at all to the purpose — apropos then, I have here the strang
est employment imaginable. A republican, and just as it were
emerged from that assembly, which has formed one of the most
republican of all republican constitutions, I preach incessantly
respect for the prince, attention to the rights of the nobility,

* Charg6 d' Afiaires from the United States to Spain.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 63
and moderation, not only in the object, but also in the pursuit
of it. All this, you will say, is none of my business ; but I
consider France as the natural ally of my country, and of
course, that we are interested in her prosperity ; besides, to
say the truth, 1 love France, and, as I believe the king to be
an honest and gOod man, I sincerely wish him well, and the
more so, as I am persuaded that he earnestly desires the feli
city of his people. I am, &c.
Gouvekneur Morris.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Paris, March 3d, 1789.
Dear Sir,
Herewith you have a copy of what I had the honor to write
on the twenty-third of last month. Since that period, there
are advices here, which announce the re-establishment of the
King of Great Britain's health; but from a letter I have just
now received from the Marquis dela Luzerne,* I am disposed
to doubt the fact.
The other day I saw the Due de Castries, who served in
America under the title of the Comte de Charlu. He desired
to be remembered to you, and so did General Duplessis,-)- who
has been promoted lately. Our friend, the Marquis de Lafa
yette, is now in Auvergne attending his election. This coun-
, try presents an astonishing spectacle to one, who has collected
his ideas from books and information half a dozen years old.
Everything is a V Anglais, and a desire to imitate the English
prevails alike in the cut of a coat, and the form of a constitu
tion. Like the English, too, all are engaged in parliamenteer-
ing ; and when we consider how novel this last business must
be, I assure you their progress is far from contemptible.

* At this time Ambassador in England from France,
f He served in the United States during the revolution.

64 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
Poor General Chastellux * is no more. I have seen his
widow, an amiable woman, who is not the less lovely for the
tears she sheds to- his memory. A fine boy remains as the
pledge of connubial tenderness. I think it would give her great
pleasure, if you took the trouble to mingle in a short letter con
dolence for one event, and congratulations for the other. You
would in that case oblige me by confiding the letter to my care.
Excuse me, I pray, for dropping this hint, and do me the jus
tice to believe, that with sincere esteem and respect I am yours,
Gou VERNE UR MORRIS.

TO JOHN JAY. Paris, March 4th, 1789.
Dear Sir,
Although I am much pressed for time, and consequently
cannot indulge myself in the pleasure of a long conversation, I
must pay you a visit, and say how do you do, while I deliver
the packages, which Mr Jefferson is so kind as to entrust to
my care. I will not have the assurance, with his dispatches in
my hand, to say a word about politics. And more especially,
as he has not only the advantage, by frequent access to the
ministers, of seeing more distinctly those movements, which
others contemplate at a distance ; but also because he is very
much in the confidence of the patriotic party here, and conse
quently well informed of their views and intentions.
If, in the course of my observations, anything should turn
up worthy of notice, I will seize an early opportunity to make
the communication. But my present opinion is, that until
sometime after the States- General shall have assembled, this
government will offer little or nothing for the contemplation of
your department. If any new lesson were wanting to impress
on our hearts a deep sense of the mutability of human affairs,

* Major General in Rochambeaus's army while in the United States,
and author of an interesting book of travels in this country.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 65
the double- contrast between France and America two years
ago, and at the present moment, will surely furnish that im
portant lesson.
I trust that my country, in proportion as she acquires digni
ty by wise and honest measures, will show to others the re
spect and attention, which, while they flatter and conciliate the
weak on whom they are bestowed, shed lustre on the great
ness from which they emanate. I wish — but why attempt to
express those hopes and wishes, which constantly swell my
heart for her prosperity ? To read or write them all would
tire both you and me ; besides, it is a useless task, for I am per
suaded you will find them all in your own bosom. I am, &cc,
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO DR JOHN JONES. Paris, April 18th, 1789.
My Dear Doctor,
I am pretty well convinced that I am not fit for a traveller ;
and yet I thought otherwise when I left America. But what will
you say to a man, who has passed through Rouen without
looking at the great bell, and who has been above two months
in Paris without ascending to the top of Notre Dame ; who
has not been inside of any church whatever, except one which
is building ; who has not been but three times at Versailles,
and on neither of those times has seen the King or Queen, or
had the wish to see them ; and who, if he should continue here
twenty years, would continue in ignorance of the length of the
Louvre, the breadth of the Pont Neuf, the depth of the Seine,
and a thousand other lengths, breadths, and dimensions, which
are of the last importance, as everybody knows?
Should you ask me what I have seen, I might reply in the
words of Nat Hyde, of stammering memory, It is hard to say.
A man in Paris lives in a sort of whirlwind, which turns him
round so fast that he cau see nothing. And as all men and
6*

66 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
things are in the same vertiginous condition, you can neither
fix yourself nor your object for regular examination. Henoe
the people of this metropolis are under the necessity of pro
nouncing their definitive judgment from the first glance ; and
being thus habituated to shoot flying, they have what the sports
men call a quick sight. Ex pede Herculem. They know a
wit by his snuff-box, a man of taste by his bow, and a states
man by the cut of his coat. It is true, that, like other sports
men, they sometimes miss ; but, then, like other sportsmen,
too, they have a thousand excuses, besides the want of
skill. The fault you know may be in the dog, or the bird, or
the powder, or the flint, or even the gun, without mentioning
the gunner.
We are at present in a fine situation for what the bucks and
bloods would term a frolic, or high fun. The ministers have
disgusted this city by the manner of convoking them to elect
their representatives for the States-General, and at the same time
bread is getting dearer, so that when the people assemble on
Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday next, what with hunger and
discontent, the least spark would set everything in a flame.
The state physicians have, by way of antidote, brought between
fifteen and twenty thousand regular troops within and about
the city, so that at any rate the bons Bourgeois may not have
all the fun to themselves. This measure will rather tend to pro
duce than to prevent a riot. For some of the young nobility have
brought themselves to an active faith in the natural equality of
mankind, and spurn at everything which looks like restraint.
There are some anecdotes of this sort, the most whimsical and
ridiculous imaginable, but I have neither time nor inclination
to communicate them. I am, &c. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 67
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, April 29th, 1789.
Dear Sir,
I had the pleasure to write to you a short letter on the third
of last month. Monsieur de Lafayette is since returned from
his political campaign in. Auvergne, crowned with success.
He had to contend with prejudices, and the interests of his'
order, and with the influence of the Queen and Princes,
(except the Duke of Orleans ;) but he was too able for his
opponents. He played the orator with as much eclat as ever
he acted the soldier, and is at this moment as much envied
and hated as his heart could wish. He is also much beloved
by the nation, for he stands forward as one of the principal
champions for her rights.-
The elections are finished throughout this kingdom, except
in the capital, and it appears from the instructions given to the
representatives, (called here les Cahiers,) that certain points
are universally demanded, which when granted- and secured
will render France perfectly free, as to the principles of the
constitution. I say the principles, for one generation at least
will be required to render the practice familiar. We have, 1
think, every reason to wish that the patriots may be successful.
The generous wish that a free people must have to dissemi
nate freedom, the grateful emotion which rejoices in the happi
ness of a benefactor, and a strong personal interest as well in
the liberty as in the power of this country, all conspire to make
us far from indifferent spectators.
I say, that we have an interest in the liberty of France.
The leaders here are our friends. Many, of them have im
bibed their principles in America, and all have been fired by
our example. Their opponents are by no means rejoiced at
the success of our revolution, and many of them are disposed
to form connexions of the strictest kind, with Great Britain.
The commercial treaty emanated from such dispositions ; and
according to the usual course of those events, which are shap-

68 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ed by human wisdom, it will probably produce the exact
reverse of what was intended by the projectors. The spirit of
this nation is at present high, and M. Necker is very popular;
but if he continues long in the administration, it will be some
what wonderful. His enemies are numerous, able, and
inveterate. His supporters are indifferent as to his fate, and
will protect him no longer than while he can aid in establishing
a constitution. But when once that great business is accom
plished, he will be left to stand on his own ground. The
court wish to get rid of him, and unless he shows himself
very strong in the States-General, they will gratify their wishes.
His ability as a minister will be much contested in that as
sembly, but with what success time only can determine.
The materials for a revolution in this country are very indif
ferent. Everybody agrees that there is an utt,er prostration of
morals ; but this general position can never convey to an
American mind the degree of depravity. It is not by any
figure of rhetoric, or force of language, that the idea can be
communicated. A hundred anecdotes, and a hundred thou
sand examples, are required to show the extreme rottenness
of every member. There are men and women who are
greatly and eminently virtuous. I have the pleasure to num
ber many in my own acquaintance ; but they stand forward
from a back ground deeply and darkly shaded. It is how
ever from such crumbling matter, that the great edifice of
freedom is to be erected here. Perhaps, like the stratum of
rock, which is spread under the whole surface of their coun
try, it may harden when exposed to the air; but it seems
quite as likely that it will fall and crush the builders.
I own to you that I am not without such apprehensions, for
there is one fatal principle which pervades all ranks. It is a
perfect indifference to the violation of engagements. Incon
stancy is so mingled in the blood, marrow, and very essence of
this people, that when a man of high rank and importance laughs
to day at what he seriously asserted yesterday, it is considered
as in the natural order of things. Consistency is a phenom-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 69
enon. Judge, then, what would be the value of an associa
tion, should such a thing be proposed, and even adopted. The
great mass of the common people have no religion but their
priests, no law but their superiors, no morals but their interest.
These are the creatures who, led by drunken curates, are now
in the high road a la liberie, and the first use they make of it
is to'form insurrections everywhere for the want of bread. We
have had a little riot here yesterday, and the- day before, and I
am told that some men have been killed ; but the affair was so
distant from the quarter in which I reside, that I know noth
ing of the particulars.
I am almost at the bottom of my paper, without mentioning
what I at first intended. Six' days ago I got from the maker
your watch, with two copper keys, and one golden one, and a
box containing a spare spring and glasses, all which I have de
livered to Mr Jefferson, who takes charge of them for you.
I am, Sic. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO JOHN JAY. Paris, July 1st, 1789.
My Dear Sir,
I am too much occupied to find time for the use of a cy
pher, and in effect the government here is so much occupied
with its own affairs, that in transmitting to you a letter under
an envelope there is no risk. This, however, I am pretty
certain will go safe. The States-General have now been a
long time in session, and have done nothing. Hitherto they
have been engaged in a dispute, whether they shall form one
body or three. The commons, who are represented by a
number equal to both the others, and who, besides, have at
least one half the representatives of the clergy, insist on form
ing a single house. They have succeeded ; but the nobles
deeply feel their situation. The king, after siding with them,

70 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
was frightened into an abandonment of them. He acts from
terror only.
The soldiery in this city, particularly the French guards,
declare they will not act against the people. They are now
treated .by the nobility, and parade about the streets drunk,
huzzaing for the Tiers. Some of them have in consequence
been confined, not by the force but by the adroitness of au
thority. Last night this circumstance became known, and im
mediately a mob repaired to the prison. The soldiers on
guard unfixed their bayonets and joined the assailants. A
party of dragoons ordered on duty to disperse the rioters,
thought it better to drink with them, and return back to their
quarters. The soldiers, with others confined in the same pri
son, were then paraded in triumph to the Palais Royal, which
is now the liberty pole of this city, and there they celebrated,
as usual, their joy. Probably this evening some other pri
sons will be opened ; for liberte is now the general cry, and
authority is -a name, not a real existence. The court are
about to form a camp in the neighborhood of Paris, of 25,000
men, under the command of the Marechal de Broglio. I do
not know him personally, therefore cannot judge what may be
expected from his talents ; but all my information goes to the
point, that he will never bring his army to act against the peo
ple. The Gardes du Corps are as warm adherents in gene
ral to the Tiers, as anybody else, strange as that may seem;
so that, in effect, the sword has slipped out of the Monarch's
hands, without his perceiving a tittle of the matter.
All these things in a nation, not yet fitted by education and
habit for the enjoyment of freedom, give me frequently sus
picions, that they will greatly overshoot their mark, if indeed
they have not already done it. Already some people talk of
limiting the king's negative upon the laws. And as they have
hitherto felt severely the authority exercised in the name of
their princes, every limitation of that authority seems to them
desirable. Never having felt the evils of too weak an execu
tive, the disorders to be apprehended from anarchy make as

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 71
yet no impression. The provincial assemblies, or adminis
trations, in other words the popular executive of the provinces,
which Turgot had imagined as a means of moderating the royal
legislative of the court, is now insisted on as a counter securi
ty against the monarch, wheh they shall have established a
demo.cratical legislative ; for you will observe, that the noble
and clerical orders are henceforth to be Vox et preterea ni
hil. The king is to be limited to the exact sum needful for
his personal expenses. The*management of the public debt
and revenues to provide for it will be taken entirely out of his
hands, and the subsistence of the army is to depend on tempo
rary grants. Hence it must follow, that his negative, in what
ever form reserved, will be of little avail.
These are the outlines of the proposed constitution, by which
at the same time Lettres de Cachet are to be abrogated, and
the liberty of the press established. My opinion is that the
King, to get fairly out of the scrape in which he finds himself,
would subscribe to anything. And truly, from him, little is to
be expected in any way. The Queen — hated, humbled, mor
tified — feels, and feigns, and intrigues, to save some shattered
remnants of the royal authority ; but to know that she favors a
measure is the certain means to frustrate its success.
The Count d' Artois, alike hated, is equally busy, but has
neither sense to counsel himself, nor to choose counsellors for
himself, much less to 6ounsel others. The nobles look up to him
for support, and lean on what they know to be a broken reed,
for want of some more solid dependence. In their anguish
they curse Necker, who is in fact less the cause than the in
strument of their sufferings. His popularity depends now
more on the opposition he meets with from one party, than any
serious regard of the other. It is the attempt to throw him
down, which saves him from falling. He has no longer the
preponderating weight in counsel, which a fortnight ago deci
ded everything. If they were not afraid of consequences, he
would be dismissed ; and on the same principle the King has
refused to accept his resignation. If his abilities were equal to

72 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
his genius, and he were as much supported by firmness as he
is swayed by ambition, he would have had the exalted honor
of giving a free constitution to above twenty millions of his fel
low creatures ; and would have reigned long in their hearts,
and received the unanimous applause of posterity. But as it
is, he must soon fall ; whether his exit will be physical or mor
al, must depend on events which I cannot foresee. The best
chance, which royalty has, is, that popular excesses may alarm.
At the rate at which things are now going, the King of France
must soon be one of the most limited monarchs in Europe. I
am, he. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. Paris, July 4th, 1789.
Dear Sir,
I am to reply to three of your letters. Probably I shall
make my answer as long as all three of them, and thus in
quantity at- least be even with you. For the rest, we must
take our chance, because when I take up my pen, I know no
more what I am going to write, than you will in breaking the
seal what your are going to read.
Before all things I am reminded as I go along, that this
day, the birthday of our republic, demands our filial acknow
ledgments. A day now at length auspicious, since by the
establishment of our new constitution we have the fair pros
pect of enjoying those good things, for which we have had so
hard a contest. Indulge, I pray you, the effusion of my heart,
which gratulates itself on this occasion. Feel, with me, the
transports which 1 cannot but feel, when every letter from
America brings confirmation of the public happiness, and
announces some additional cement to our national union, or
some useful exhibition of national authority. The opposi
tion sickens with mortal symptoms, and I hope and trust, that

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 73
our countrymen will have the wisdom to wait, before they
attempt amendments, for those lights of experience, which are
the only guides that can pretend to infallibility.
You will find herein a letter from our friend Robert Morris
to you, which he left open by way of saving himself the trou
ble of writing to me the public occurrences. In that letter he
announces a fact, which we have received from other quarters
with some details, that the House of Representatives have
resolved to submit the principal direction of the finances to a
single man. Through this measure I can feel the pulse of
our government. It is vigorous beyond my hopes, far beyond
my expectations, and comes up to my wishes. It is the vigor
of administration, which can alone consolidate recent establish
ments. The mass of a nation will always judge rightly of
their rulers, by the effects of their measures, although they can
never penetrate into the nature of. the measures themselves.
From the fruit we know the tree, without pretending to inves
tigate the botanical mysteries of vegetation. The extent of
our country, and the deliberative freedom of its legislative au
thority, require an active and vigorous executive. Every
subordinate power should be tied to the chief, by those inter
mediate links of will and pleasure, which, like the elasticity of
the arterial system, render sensible the pulsations of the heart
at the remotest extremities. For how can the executive be
accountable, when its members are not subordinate and obe
dient to the general volition ? But where am I going ? I
shall, ere I am aware of it, convert a letter of friendship into
a political essay. But so it is, that if once the ideas get into
that beaten track, where they have been used to travel, they
gO on, like old cart-horses, with the most determined obstinacy
imaginable. July 10th.
You ask me if Mr Jefferson is gone to America. He is
not, but is ready to depart at a moment's warning, having
staid here some time expecting to receive his conge by every
opportunity, but is still in the same expectation. I conclude,
VOL. II. 7

74 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
that it will not be expedited, until the arrangement of the
ministerial departments shall have been completed. It occurs
to me, while I write, that probably the secretary of foreign
affairs will decline acting, until appointed under the new
government, for which I can perceive many reasons. It
might, for instance, be construed into presumption. Tt is
probable, also, that the question of the conge will not be
agitated, till another question is determined, viz. who shall, act
here in the interim ; and although I doubt not but the secreta
ry, Mr Short, will be empowered, yet until he is, the other
matter will be delayed.
You seem surprised, that our minister here does not mention
me in his letters ; but cui bono ? He knows that we corres
pond together. You suppose that he has introduced me to the
Corps Diplomatique. In this you are mistaken. I hinted that
matter to him shortly after my arrival. He told me they were
not worth my acquaintance. I did not press the matter, and I
am persuaded he assigned his real reason. I have since thought
that it might have been as well otherwise. But on this chap
ter of acquaintance I have experienced, I believe, the usual
fate. I have a set which I have made myself, and these are
not, you will easily conceive, among the worst company of
Paris. As to the ministerial dinners, I have not been at them.
It has never been proposed to me. The ministers, you know,
give no invitations themselves, and we are bashful. By the
bye, I some time since went and asked a dinner of the Count
de Montmorin, who very kindly assured me at parting, that I
must in his house consider myself at home ; and this, you know,
from him is not an unmeaning compliment. I find that you are
a favorite of the whole family. I am tant de bete that I have not
since profited by these kind assurances. But what can one do ?
Versailles is the most triste sejour on earth. And though I am
tempted by the strong passion of curiosity to go thither, and
attend the debates of the Etats-Generaux, I have not yet pre
vailed on myself to do it. I believe no man ever made less use
of strong recommendations to ministerial people. Probably I

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 75
am wrong, but I cannot help it. I go soon to England, and on
my return I will endeavor to profit more of circumstances.
I have attentively noticed what you say respecting the per
sons, who have been arrested with you for their libels. Had
any conversation arisen on the subject in my presence, 1 should
have given the due explanation ; but people here are too much
occupied with their own affairs to think of anything else. I
am happy to find, that the attempts to overturn the existing ad
ministration chez vous have proved abortive ; because there
are many chances against your meeting with such good friends
in a new set, as you have in the old. There are great intrigues
against the administration here, but hitherto without effect. Be
fore I enter, however, into the detail of occurrences here, 1 will,
in reply to one of your questions, inform you, that I have steadi
ly combatted the violence and excess of those persons, who,
either inspired with an enthusiastic love of freedom, or prompt
ed by sinister designs, are disposed to drive everything to ex
tremity. Our American example has done thein good ; but
like all novelties, liberty runs away with their discretion, if they
have any. They want an American Constitution, with the ex
ception of a King instead of a President, without reflecting,
that they have not American citizens to support that constitution.
Mankind see distant things in a false point of light, and judge
more or less favorably than they ought ; this is an old observa
tion ; another, perhaps, as old, but which all are not in the po
sition to feel, is, that we try everything by the standard of pre
conceived notions ; so that there is an impossibility almost of
knowing by description a distant people or country. Whoev
er, therefore, desires to apply, in the practical science of gov
ernment, those rules and forms which prevail and succeed in a
foreign country, must fall into the same pedantry with our young
scholars, just fresh from the university, who would fain bring
everything to the Roman standard.
Different constitutions of government are necessary to the
different societies on the face, of this planet. Their difference
of position is, in itself, a powerful cause, as also their manners,

76 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
their habits. The scientific tailor, who should cut after Grecian
or Chinese models, would not have many customers, either (in
London or Paris-; and those who look to America for their
political forms are not unlike those tailors in the island of
Laputa, who, as Gulliver tells us, always take measure with a
quadrant. He tells us, indeed, what we should naturally
expect from such a process, that the people are seldom
fitted. And now for occurrences here, after a digression which is
not of the shortest. The King, who long ago declared for the
people, has since been wavering. He is an honest man, and
wishes really to do good ;, but he has neither genius nor edu
cation to show the way toward that good which he desires. In
the contest between the representatives of the people, and of
the nobles, he has, by those about him, been induced to give
support to the latter ; but he came forward too late, and not in
the proper manner. The result isr that he ha3 retreated,, and
the nobles have been obliged to give way. In fact, this coun
try has undergone a great change unobservedly. The Noblesse^
who at this day possess neither the force, the wealth, nor the
talents of the nation, have rather opposed pride than argument
to their assailants., Hugging the dear privileges of centuries
long elapsed, they have clamored about the court, while their
adversaries have possessed themselves fully of the public confi
dence everywhere. Knowing and feeling the force of that
situation, they have advanced with a boldness, which to those
unacquainted with all the facts, has looked like temerity. But
this hardihood has been imposing.
Those who are at the head of the opposition to them are not
possessed of talents or of virtue. The chief has not even
courage, without which, you know,, that in revolutions, there is-
nothing. The French troops, as far as it can be ascertained,,
would not serve against their countrymen; and the foreign
troops are not sufficiently numerous to make any serious im
pression. The people of this city are going, (by that invisi
ble instinct which produces in every animal the conduct pecu-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 77
liar to his situation,) in the same road, which marked the au
rora of American opposition Three months ago the sight of
a soldier excited awe. Now they speak of attacking whole
regiments, and in effect there are not unfrequently some scuf
fles with the foreign troops. This opinion, which is everything,
becomes daily fortified.
While I write, I consider the sovereignty of this country as
being effectually lodged in the hands of the Assemblee Nation-
ale, for you will observe, that this name is assumed instead of
Etats-Generaux, which is tantamount to an American legisla
ture resolving itself into a convention. They mean immedi
ately to form a constitution, and I have no doubt that they
will obtain the King's consent. The partizans of the ancient
establishments have contrived to have a very large body of
troops assembled in this neighborhood, but if I conjecture
rightly those troops will soon be dispersed. The National
Assembly have already marked their disapprobation ; but the
matter will not stop here, and sooner or later the King must
send them away. Indeed, I am induced to believe that this
measure will cause the kingdom to be cleared of foreign troops,
for not being able to rely on the French regiments, they have
selected principally the foreigners. The probable object of
those who are at the bottom of the business, is, to surprise some
order from his Majesty's fears, which are now continually exci
ted, so that he is constantly the sport of apprehensions.
But they have a more difficult and dangerous business, than
they are at all aware of. The Assembly have determined,
that all taxes shall cease when they separate, except such as
they may continue or impose. This provides for as long a
term of existence as they may choose to take, and if dispers
ed, France will certainly refuse to pay. An army will never
break a general combination to that effect, so that, either soon
er or later, they must submit, and every show of authority
now will weaken it without producing any other effect.
Such, then, is the state of this country, in which I think
«he crisis is past without having been perceived ; and now a
7*

78 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
free constitution will be the certain result. If they have the
good sense to give the nobles, as such, some share in the na
tional authority, that constitution will probably endure; but
otherwise, it will degenerate into a pure monarchy, or become
a vast republic, a democracy. Can that last? I think not.
I am sure not; unless the whole people are changed. In any
event, however, of the business, it bids fair to change the po
litical face of Europe. But whither am I going ? I am, &c.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Dieppe, July 31st, 1789.
Dear Sir,
I had the honor to write to you on the twenty-ninth of April
last. I shall not trouble you with a recital of events, which Mr
Jefferson has, I know, communicated to the office of foreign
affairs. But being now here on my way to London, and^ find
ing a vessel bound directly to New York, I take the opportunity
to send some tables, which contain the political, military, pe
cuniary, and commercial state of this country. I believe them
to be tolerably authentic as far as they go.
I will also communicate a matter, which Mr Jefferson was
not yet informed of, and which I could not tell him, because
I was forbidden to mention it to any person here. You know,
I dare say, that the Count de Mousliers has his conge. His
successor will be Colonel Ternant.. At first, in the character
of Charge des Affaires, and when M. de Moustiers is otherwise
placed, it is highly probable that Ternant may be made Minis
ter ; but that will depend on the situation of the court at the
time, so that there I only state probability. As to the other,
you may rely on it, because my intelligence I know to be good.
The important trait in this appointment is, that he is named as
a person who will be agreeable to ,us.
You may rely, also, on what I am about to mention, but

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 79
which I pray you not to disclose. It is known to very few in
ihis country, and may, perhaps, as it ought, be buried in ob
livion. The King has actually formed the design of going off
to Spain. Whether the measures set on foot to dissuade him
will have, as I hope, the desired effect, time only can discov
er. His fears govern him absolutely, and they have of late
been most strongly excited. He is a well meaning man, but ex
tremely weak, and probably these circumstances will in every
event secure him from personal injury. An able man would
not have fallen into his situation, but, I think that no ability
can now extricate him. He must float along the current of
events, being absolutely and entirely a cypher. If, however,
he should fly, it would not be easy to predict the consequences,
for this country is at present as near to anarchy as society can
approach without dissolution. There are some able men in
the National Assembly, yet the best heads among them would
not be injured by experience, and unfortunately there are great
numbers who, with much imagination, have little knowledge,
judgment, or reflection. You may consider the revolution as
complete, that is to say, the authority of the King and of the
nobility is completely subdued ; yet I tremble for the con
stitution. They have all that romantic spirit, and all those
romantic ideas of government, which happily for America we
were cured of before it was too late. They are advancing
rapidly. But I must check myself, or my reflections will oc
cupy too much space both for you and for me.
One of the last persons I saw in Paris was M. de Lafayette.
He had promised to trust me with a letter for you, but he must
be excused, for he is as busy as a man can be. Not long
since, speaking lo him on his own subject, I told him some
hints I had given, tending to make him governor of the Isle of
France, which you know includes Paris. He declared that
the command of the military in that city only was the utmost of
his wishes. That he was satiated with power. He had his sove
reign, during the late procession to Paris, completely within his
authority. He had marched him where he pleased, measured

80 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
out the degree of applause he should receive as he pleased,
and if he pleased could have detained him prisoner. All this is
strictly true. He commanded on that day at least eighty thou
sand men, who, during the King's progress through them to the
Hotel de Ville, shouted Vive la Nation, and only on his return
cried Vive la Roi.
I do not know whether you will be informed of the critical
situation in which things were placed, just before the last min
istry were turned out and the old one restored. My authority
is very good, but yet I will not vouchfor the truth. It was re
solved to reduce Paris by famine, to take two hundred of the
States-General prisoners, to dissolve that assembly, and to gov
ern in the old-fashioned way. All this you will say was mad
ness, and therefore improbable. But was it not equally mad
to drive away Necker, and change the ministry at the time and
in the manner, which were chosen for that purpose ? The men,
weak enough for the one, were certainly mad enough for the
other. Two German regiments, which were to be employed,
were regaled by the Queen in the Orangerie at Versailles.
They received promises and largesses, and were prevailed on to
shout Vive la Reine, Vive le Comte cV Artois, Vive la Duchesse
de Polignac. Afterwards their music played for hours under
her Majesty's window. The Mareschal de Broglio endeavored,
at the same time, to conciliate the artillery. But it was at
length discovered, that, though the troops would shout and sing,
yet they would not fight against their countrymen. All which
might have been known long ago. At the moment when their
intrigue was carrying on by the court, the Gardes du Corps
and Gardes Fran$aises combined to defend the members of the
National Assembly. I pass over those facts, which you cannot
but know, to mention in one word, that the whole army of
France have declared for liberty ; and that one reason why his
Majesty has not taken the steps above mentioned, is, that he
does not know a single regiment that would obey him.
Adieu, my dear Sir. I write this letter in much hurry, and

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 81
after much fatigue. Excuse in it everything inaccurate or
inelegant, and pardon it, on the score of that sincere and af
fectionate respect, with which I am, &cc.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
New York, Oct. 13th, 1789.
Dear Sir,
In ray first moments of leisure I acknowledge the receipt of
your several favors.
To thank you for the interesting communications contained
in those letters, and .for the pains you have taken to procure
me a watch, is all, or nearly all, I shall attempt in this letter ;
for I could only repeat things,, were I to set about it, which I
have reason to believe have been regularly communicated to
you in detail, at the periods which gave birth to them. It may
not, however, be unpleasing to you to hear in one word, that
the national government is organized, and as far as my infor
mation goes, to the satisfaction of all parties; that opposition
to it is either no more, or hides its head ; that it is hoped
and expected it will take strong root ; and that the non-acced
ing States will very soon become members of the union. No
doubt is entertained of North Carolina ; nor would there be any
of Rhode Island, had not the majority of those people bid adieu,
long since, to every principle of honor, common sense, and
honesty. A material change however has taken place, it is said,
at the late election of representatives, and confident assurances
are given, from that circumstance, of better dispositions in their
legislature at its next session, now about to be held.
The revolution which has been effected in France is of so
wonderful a nature, that the mind can hardly realize the fact.
If it ends as our last accounts to the first of August predict,
that nation will be the most powerful and happy in Europe ;
but I fear, though it has gone triumphantly through the first

82 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
paroxysm, it is not the last it has to encounter before matters
are finally settled. In a word, the revolution is of too great a
magnitude to be effected in so short a space, and with the loss
of so little blood. The mortification of the King, the in
trigues of the Queen, and the discontent of the princes and no
blesse, will foment divisions, if possible, in the National Assem
bly, and they will unquestionably avail themselves of every
faux pas in the formation of the constitution, if they do not give
a more open, active opposition. In addition to these, the licen
tiousness of the people on one hand, and sanguinary punishments
on the other, will alarm the best disposed friends to the measure,
and contribute not a little to the overthrow of their object. Great
temperance, firmness, and foresight are necessary in the move
ments of that body. To forbear running from one extreme to
another is no easy matter, and should this be the case, rocks
and shelves, not visible at present, may wreck the vessel, and
give a higher toned despotism than the one which existed be
fore. I am, dear Sir, &c.
George Washington.

TO JOHN PAUL JONES, AT WARSAW.
Paris, November 8th, 1789.
My Dear Sir,
I received a few days past your kind letter from Warsaw,
without date. The enclosures shall be applied as you desire,
both in this city and in London, to which latter place I expect
soon to repair. I have delivered your message to the Countess
de Segur, and desired Mr Short to send the bust, which he has
promised, and presents his compliments to you.
Mr Jefferson is, you know, departed, with intention to return
next spring. All the accounts received from our country are
flattering. Freedom, order, and justice are established. Abun
dance reigns, and there is every just hope of future prosperity.
As yet, the government have not turned their attention to na-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 83
val affairs, which, though perhaps more necessary, are less ur
gent than many others. I do not think that establishments of
that kind will take place for two or three years to come. Con
sequently, any views which you may have directed towards
that object can be for some time suspended.
You ask me, my dear friend-, to give you my. advice. This
is a task both difficult and delicate. A journey to this city can,
I think, produce nothing but the expense attending it ; for nei
ther pleasure nor advantage can be expected here, by one of
your profession in particular ; and, except that it is a more dan
gerous residence than many others, I know of nothing which
may serve to you as an inducement.
Whether the Turk will be able to make battle for another
campaign seems to be considered as uncertain. But from the
troubles in Brabant, and from the necessity of supporting Swe
den through the contest she has been led to engage in, I con
clude that peace will not take place this winter ; and if not, the
Baltic will witness some warm work next year. The cabinet
of St Petersburg must know what can be depended on before
the first day of January next, and as it is possible that Sweden
will get help, (perhaps from Holland,) everything must depend
on striking early. Hence I conclude, that the ball will be op
ened in April next, and if you can devise any good plan, it will be
well to communicate it to the Empress early. I am not suffi
ciently master of facts to give hints, but I should suppose that
a manceuvre towards the mouth of the Baltic, so as to cover
any assistance that Denmark may feel inclined to give, and pre
vent the junction of any aid sent from the southward, might be
no unwise procedure. I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

84 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, January 22d, 1790.
Dear Sir,
Yesterday I went to dine with the Count de Montmorin, *
and expressed to him my wish that France might seize the
present moment to establish a liberal system of commercial
policy for her colonies. I observed, that her interest was
deeply at stake, because America could always dispose of the
Islands, and would naturally wish to see them in possession
of that power, under whose government they would be most
advantageous to her. That nothing- could tend so much to
make the United States desirous of an alliance with Britain,
as to exclude them from a free trade with the French colonies.
That, if the metropolis wishes to preserve the affection of her
distant subjects, and to derive from them the greatest com
mercial benefit, she ought to suffer them to draw their subsist
ence from that quarter, where they can obtain it most cheap
ly. He assured me, that he was fully of my opinion ; said
that our position rendered it proper to make in our favor an
exception from their general system respecting other nations,
and that he hoped, within a fortnight, something might be done.
But he lamented, as he had done before, that they have no
Chief minister, and consequently no fixed plan nor principles.
I shall see him again before I depart, and also Monsieur de la
Luzerne, within whose department this matter regularly lies.
He is an adherent to the exclusive system, which is unfortu
nate. In the National Assembly, also, there is a considerable diffi
culty. Among the most violent of the violent party, are some
representatives of cities on the western coasts of this kingdom, ,
where the chief commerce is with the Islands ; and those

* Count Montmorin was at this time Minister of Foreign Affairs.
During the American Revolution, he was the French Ambassador in
Madrid, and well disposed towards the interests of the United States.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 85
who wish for tbe closest union with America, do not wish to
offend these gentlemen; and therefore are desirous of waving
the matter at present. For my own, I am very desirous that
the business should be put in train, at least. If successful, so
much the better ; but at any rate, it will give an alarm on the
other side of the channel. If either of these rival nations sets
the example, the other will soon follow ; and although it is not
very clear, that the actings and doings of the Assemblee
Nationale in general will long endure, yet whatever they
grant to us in this particular business, those who come after
them will be fearful of refracting. Under these impressions,
for a long time past, I have been endeavoring to smooth the
way towards our object, and I believe in the success.
I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, January 22d, 1790.
Dear Sir,
In another letter of this date, I have mentioned a part of
yesterday's conversation with the Count de Montmorin. That
part of it, which I am now to communicate, is for yourself alone.
As Monsieur de Lafayette had asked me some days ago, who
should be sent to replace the Comte de Moustiers, and upon
my answering with great indifference, that it might be whom he
pleased, had asked my opinion of Colonel Ternant, I told the
Count de Montmorin this circumstance ; to which he replied, that
he had communicated his intention to Monsieur de Lafayette
some time since, in consequence of the intimacy which has long
subsisted between them. I asked him if he would permit me
to mention it to you. The idea gave him pleasure, and he
told me that he should consider it as a very great kindness, and
particularly if through the same channel he could learn
whether that appointment would be agreeable to you. This
VOL. n. 8

86 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
is you know a compliment, which the most respectable courts
on this side of the Atlantic usually pay to each other. It is
not without use, and on the present occasion is not a mere
compliment, because Monsieur de Montmorin is sincerely de
sirous of cultivating a good understanding with the United
States. It is not impossible that he may retreat from his present
office ; but he will I think in that case be appointed Gov
ernor to the children of France, and his opinions, while about
the court, will have weight, for many reasons ; amongst others,
because they deserve it. In talking over the deplorable situa
tion to which this kingdom is reduced, I told him thai I saw
no means of establishing peace at home, but by making war
abroad. He replied that he thought with me in part, viz. that
an offensive war might be useful, but that he thought a de
fensive war must prove ruinous. That this last seemed the
more likely to happen, and that in either case the state of the
finances was alarming. [ observed, that ability in that depart
ment might restore it, even during a war ; that nothing could
revive credit without the re-establishment of executive authori
ty, and that nothing could effect that re-establishment but a
general sense of the necessity. Upon this, he lamented the
want of a chief minister, who might embrace the great whole
of public business. He owns himself unequal to the task, and
too indolent into the bargain.
Our friend Lafayette burns with desire to be at the head of
an army in Flanders, and drive the Stadtholder into a ditch.
He acts now a splendid, but dangerous part. Unluckily, he
has given in to measures, as to the constitution, which he does
not heartily approve, and he heartily approves many things
which experience will demonstrate to be injurious. While all
is in confusion here, the revolt of Austrian Flanders, and the
troubles excited in Poland by the agency of Prussia, give
every reason to suppose that the King of Sweden will be vig
orously supported ; so that provided the Turk has but a suffi
cient share of obstinacy to bear a little more beating, the scale,

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 87
according to human probabilities, must turn against Austria
and Prussia, who are the allies of France. Great Britain is,
as yet, no otherwise engaged than as an eventual party; and,
according to the best opinion which my judgment can form,
upon the information I have been able to obtain, the Premier
of that Country can, to use the words of Mr Addison, ' rise in
the whirlwind and direct the storm.' A person, however, on
whose knowledge I have some reliance, assures me that Mr
Pitt, engrossed by borough politics and ignorant of continent
al affairs, takes no part in them, but what he is absolutely
forced into, and I am inclined to believe that there is some
truth in that assertion. Accept I pray the assurances of that
sincere esteem with which I am yours, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, January 24th, 1790.
Dear Sir,
It gave me very sincere pleasure to learn from you the
good tidings, which you communicate respecting our new form
of government. I know that you are not liable to the dupery
of false hopes and groundless expectations ; and therefore I
am confirmed in the opinion I have invariably entertained, that
the new constitution is such a plain, calm, sensible appeal to
the interest, feelings, and common sense of our countrymenj
that it must, by its own intrinsic weight, bear down all opposi
tion. I have from time to time received very great pleasure,
at the developement of its principles by the legislature, which
in my opinion does them the greatest honor. They have
far, very far outgone my expectations, and even come up, not
only to my hopes, but to my very wishes.
I have not unfrequently brought myself to share in the plea
sure you must feel, in the consciousness of your own useful
agency. Certainly it is the sublimest sentiment of the human

88 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
heart, to know that we make others happy ; and more espe
cially those whom we love. You have too much good sense
not to know, that no person but yourself could have obtained
that full confidence needful to the due establishment of the ex
ecutive authority, which certainly is the key-stone in the great
arch of empire. I doubt, also, whether any other could so
universally have called forth into action the talents and virtues
of America. Let me add, what I have mentioned to you on
other occasions, and which I would not have mentioned,
did I not know it to be true, your knowledge of human
character is a gift inestimable to our country on the present
occasion. I hope in God, my dear Sir, that you may long
continue to preside, and that not only you, but all who- suc
ceed you,, may be assisted by counsellors as able and as hon
est, as those who now fill the different seats in Congress.-
The prospect of public felicity, which must be the result,
swells my bosom with delight. Oh my country, how happy '
didst thou but know thine own blessedness.
Your sentiments on the revolution effecting here, I believe
to be perfectly just, because they perfectly accord with my
own, and that is, you know, the only standard which Heaven
has given us by which to judge. The king is in effect a pris
oner at Paris, and obeys entirely the National Assembly. This
assembly may be divided into three parts ; one, called the
Aristocrats, consists of the high clergy, the members of the
law, (note, these are not the lawyers,) and such of the nobili
ty as think they ought to form a separate order. Another,
which has no name, but which consists of all sorts of people,
really friends to a good free government. The third is com
posed of what is called here the Enrages, that is, the mad
men. These are the most numerous, and are of that class
which in America is known by the name of pettifogging law
yers ; together with a host of curates, and many of those per
sons who, in all revolutions, throng to the standard of change*
because they are not well.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 89
This last party is in close alliance with the populace here,
and derives from that circumstance very great authority.
They have already unhinged everything, and according to cus
tom on such qccasions the torrent rushes on irresistible, until
it shall have wasted itself. The Aristocrats are without a lead
er, and without any plan or councils as yet, but ready to throw
themselves into the arms of any one who shall offer. The
middle party, who mean well, have unfortunately acquired
their ideas of government from books, and are admirable fel
lows upon paper ; but as it happens, somewhat unfortunately,
that the men who live in the world are very different from those
who dwell in the heads of philosophers, it is not to be wonder
ed at, if the systems taken out of books are fit for nothing but
to be put into books again.
Marmontel is the only man I have met with, among their
Literati, who seems truly to understand the subject. For the
rest, they discuss nothing in their Assembly. One large half
of the time is spent in hallooing and bawling. The manner
of speaking to a question is as follows. Such as intend to
hold forth write their names on a tablet kept for that purpose,
and are heard in the order that their names are written down,
if the others will hear them, which very often they refuse to
do, but keep up a continual uproar till the orator leaves the
pulpit. Each man permitted to speak delivers the result of
his lucubrations, so that the opposing parties fire off their car
tridges, and it is a million to one if their missile arguments
happen to meet. As to the arguments themselves, you will
observe that it is a usual compliment of the Assembly to order
them printed ; therefore, there is as much attention paid, at
least, to make them sound well and look well, as to convey
instruction or produce conviction.
But there is another ceremony which the arguments go
through, and which does not fail to affect the form, at least,
and perhaps the substance. They1 are read beforehand in a
small society of young men and women, and generally the fair
friend of the speaker is one, or else the fair whom he means to

90 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
make his friend, and the society very politely give their appro
bation, unless the lady who gives the tone to that circle chan
ces to reprehend something, which is of course altered if not
amended. Do not suppose that I am playing the traveller. I
have assisted at some of these readings, and will now give you
an anecdote from one of them. It was at Madame de StaeTs,
the daughter of M. Necker. She is a woman of wonderful
wit, and above vulgar prejudices of every kind. Her house is
a kind of temple of Apollo, where the men of wit and fashion
are collected twice a Week at supper, and once at dinner, and
sometimes more frequently. The Count de Clermont-Ton-
nerre, one of their greatest orators, read to us a very pathetic
oration, and the object was to show that no penalties are the
legal compensations for injuries and crimes ; the man who is
hanged, having by that event paid his debt to the society, ought
not to be held in dishonor ; and in like manner, he who has
been condemned for seven years to be flogged in the gallies
should, when he had served out his apprenticeship, be, receiv
ed again into good company as if nothing had happened. You
smile ; but observe the extreme to which the matter was car
ried the other way. Dishonoring thousands for the guilt of
one has so shocked the public sentiment, as to render this ex
treme fashionable. The oration was very fine, very sentimen
tal, very pathetic, and the style harmonious. Shouts of ap
plause and full approbation.
When this was pretty well over, I told him that his speech
was extremely eloquent, but that his principles were not very
solid. Universal surprise ! A very few remarks changed the
face of things. The position was universally condemned, and
he left the room. I need not add, that as yet it has never been
delivered in the assembly. And yet it was of the kind, which
produces a decree by acclamation ; for sometimes an orator
gets up in tbe midst of another deliberation, makes a fine dis
course, and closes with a good snug resolution which is carried
with a huzza. Thus, in considering a plan for a national bank
proposed by M. Necker, one of them took it into his head to

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 91
move, that every member should give his silver buckles, which
was agreed to at once, and the honorable mover laid his upon
the table, after which the business went on again.
It is very difficult to guess whereabouts the flock will settle,
when it flies so wild ; but as far as it is possible to guess, at
present, this (late) kingdom will be cast into a congeries of
little democracies, laid out, not according to the rivers, moun
tains, fee. but with the square and compass, according to lati
tude and longitude ; and as the provinces had anciently differ
ent laws called coutumes, and as the clippings and parings of
several different provinces must fall together within some of
the new divisions, I think such fermenting matter must give
them a kind of political cholic. Their Assemblee Nationale
will be something like the Old Congress, and the King will be
called executive magistrate. As yet they have been busily en
gaged in pillaging the present occupant of his authority ; how
much they will leave him, will depend upon the chapter of ac
cidents. I believe it will be very little ; but little or much, the
perspective of such a King, and such an Assembly, brings to
my mind a saying which Shakspeare has put into the mouth of
an old soldier, upon hearing that Lepidus, one of the famous
Triumvirate, was dead. ' So, the poor third is up. World,
thou hast but a pair of chops, and throw between them all the
food thou may'st, they needs must grind each other.'
At present the people are fully determined to support the
Assembly ; and although there are some discontents, I do not
believe that anything very serious, as yet, exists in the style of
opposition. Indeed, it would be wonderful if there should ;
for hitherto an extension of privileges, and a remission of taxes
to the lower class, have marked every stage of their progress.
Besides, the love of novelty is a great sweetener in revolutions.
But the time will come when this novelty will be over and all
its charms gone. In lieu of the taxes remitted, other taxes
must be laid, for the public burthen must be borne. The
elected administrators must, then, either indulge their electors,
which will be ruinous to the Fisc, or in urging the collection of

92 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
taxes, displace their constituents. In all probability, there will
be a little of both. Hence must arise bickerings and heart
burnings among the different districts, and a great languor
throughout the kingdom. As the revenue must fall short of cal
culation in point of time, if not in amount, (and that is the
same thing where revenue is concerned,) it will follow, that
either the interest of the public debt will not be regularly paid,
or that the various departments will be starved ; probably a
little of both. Hence will result a loss of public credit, and
therewith much injury to commerce and manufactures, operat
ing a farther decrease of the means of revenue, and much de
bility as to the exterior operations of the kingdom.
At this moment the discontented spirits will find congenial
matter in abundance to work upon; and from that period,
all the future is involved in the mist of conjecture. If the
reigning prince were not the small beer character that he is,
there can be but little doubt, that watching events, and making
a tolerable use of them, he would regain his authority ; but
what will you have from a creature who, situated as he is, eats,
and drinks, and sleeps well, and laughs^ and is as merry a
grig as lives ? The idea that they will give him some money,
which he can economize, and that he will have no trouble in
governing, contents him entirely. Poor man ! he little thinks
how unstable is his situation. He is beloved, but it is not with
the sort of love which a monarch should inspire. It, is that
kind of good natured pity, which one feels for a led captive.
There is, besides, no possibility of serving him ; for at the
slightest show of opposition, he gives up everything and every
person. As to his ministers, the Count de Montmorin has more
understanding than people in general imagine, and he means
well, very well. But he means it feebly. He is a good
easy kind of man, one who would make an excellent peace
minister in quiet times ; but he wants the vigor of mind need
ful for great occasions. The Count de la Luzerne is an
indolent, pleasant companion, a man of honor, and as obsti-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 93
nate as you please 5 but he has somewhat of the creed of
General Gates, that the world does a great part of its own
business, without the aid of those who are at the head of
affairs. The success of such men depends very much upon
the run of the dice. The Count de St Priest is the only man
among them, who has what they call caractere, which answers
to our idea of firmness, joined to some activity. But a person
who knows him pretty well, (which I do not,) assures me, that
he is mercenary and false hearted. If so, he cannot possess
much good sense, whatever may be his share of genius or
talents. Monsieur de Latour-Dupin, the minister at war,
whom I am also unacquainted with, is said to be no great
things in any respect. M. Necker was frightened by the
Enrages into the acceptance of him, instead of the Marquis de
Montesquiou, who has a considerable share of talents, and
a great deal of method. Montesquiou is of course at pres
ent the enemy of M. Necker, having been his friend.
As to M. Necker, he is one of those people, who has ob
tained a much greater reputation than he had any right to.
His enemies say, that as a banker, he acquired his fortune by
means, which to say the least were indelicate, and they
mention instances. But in this country, everything is so
much exaggerated, that nothing is more useful than a little
skepticism- M. Necker, in his 'public administration, has
always been honest and disinterested ; which proves well, I
think, for his former private conduct ; or else it proves that
he has more vanity than cupidity. Be that as it may, an
unspotted integrity as minister, and serving at his own expense,
in an office which others seek for the purpose of enriching
themselves, have acquired for him very deservedly much confi
dence. Add to this, that his writings on finance teem with
that sort of sensibility, which makes the fortune of modern
romances, and which is exactly suited to this lively nation,
who love to read but hate to think. Hence his reputation.
He is a man of genius, and his wife is a woman of sense ; but
neither of them have talents, or rather the talents of a great

94 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
minister. His education as a banker has taught him to make
tight bargains, and put him upon his guard against projects.
But though he understands man, as a covetous creature, he
does not understand mankind ; a defect which is remediless.
He is utterly ignorant of politics, by which I mean politics in
the great sense, or that sublime science, which embraces for
its object the happiness of mankind. Consequently, he neith
er knows what constitution to form, nor how to obtain the
consent of others to such as he wishes. From the moment
of convening the States-General, he has"been afloat upon the
wide ocean of incidents.
But what is most extraordinary is, that M. Necker is a very
poor financier. This, I know, will sound like heresy in the
ears of most people, but it is true. The plans he has pro
posed are feeble and inept. Hitherto he has been supported
by borrowing from the Caisse d'Escompte, which, (being by
means of what they call here an arret de surseance secured
from all prosecutions,) has lent him a sum in their paper
exceeding .jthe totality of their capital, by about four millions
sterling. Last autumn he came forward to the Assemblee with
a dreadful tale of wpe, at the fag end of which was a tax
upon every member of the community of a fourth of his rev
enue, and this he declared to be needful for saving the state.
His enemies adopted it, (declaring what is very true, that it is
a wretched, impracticable expedient,) in the hope that he
and his scheme would fall together. This Assemblee, this
patriotic band, took in the lump the minister's proposition,
because of their confidence and the confidence of the people
in him as they said ; but in fact, because they would not risk
the unpopularity of a tax.
The plan thus adopted, M. Necker, to escape the snare
which he had nearly got taken in, altered his tax into what
they call the patriotic contribution. By this, every man is to
declare; if he pleases, at what he pleases to estimate his annual
income, and to pay one fourth of it in three years. You will
easily suppose that this fund was unproductive, and notwith-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 95
standing the imminent danger of the state, we are as yet without
any aid from the contribution patriotique.
His next scheme was that of a National Bank, or at least
an extension of the Caisse oVEseompte. » It has been variously
modelled since, and many capital objections removed ; but at
last it is good for nothing, and so it will turn out. At present
it is just beginning. By way of giving some base to the pre
sent operation, it is proposed and determined to sell about ten
or twelve millions sterling of the crown and church lands, both
of which are, by resolution of the Assemblee, declared to belong
to the nation ; but as it is clear that these lands will not sell
well just now, they hare appointed a treasurer to receive what
they will sell for hereafter, and they issue a kind of order upon
this treasurer, which is to be called an Assignat, and is to be
paid, (out of these sales) one, two, and three years hence.
They expect that on these Assignats they can borrow money
to free the engagements of the Vaisse d'E&compte, and they are
at the same time to pay some of the more pressing debts, with
the same Assignats.
Now this plan must fail, as follows. First, there will be some
doubt about the title to these lands, at least till the revolution
is completed. Secondly, the representative of the land must
always (for a reason which will presently appear) sell for less
than a representative of money, and therefore, until public
confidence is so far restored as that the five per cents are
afj'ove par, these Assignats bearing five per cent must be be
low par. Money, therefore, cannot be raised upon them but
at a considerable discount. Thirdly, the lands to be disposed
of must sell a great deal below their value, for there is not
money to buy them in this country ; and the proof is, that they
never obtained money on loan at the legal interest but always
upon a premium sufficient to draw it from the employments of
commerce and manufactures, and as the revolution has greatly
lessened the mass of money, the effect of the scarcity must be
greater. But farther, there is a solecism in the plan which escapes

96 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
most of them, and which is, nevertheless, very palpable. The
value of lands in Europe is, you know, estimated by the in
come. To dispose of public lands is to sell public revenue ;
and therefore taking the legal interest at five per cent, lands
renting for 100 livres ought to sell for 2000, but they expect
that these lands will sell for 3000, and that thereby, not only
public credit will be restored, but a great saving will be made,
as the 3000 will redeem an interest of 1 50. It is, however,
an indisputable fact, that public credit being established, the
stocks are worth more than land of equal income, and for three
reasons ; first, that there is no trouble whatever in the manage
ment; secondly, there is no danger of bad crops and taxes;
and thirdly, they can be disposed of atv a moment's warning,
if the owner wants money, and be as readily repurchased when
it suits his convenience. If, therefore, the public credit be re
stored, and there be a surplus sum of ten to twelve millions to
be invested, and if such large sales (contrary to custom) should
not from the amount affect the price, still the lands must go
cheaper than the stocks, and consequently the interest bought
will be smaller than the revenue sold.
Having thus given you a very rude sketch of the men and
the measures of this country, I see and feel that it is time to
conclude. I sincerely wish I could say that there are able
men at hand to take the helm, should the present pilots aban
don the ship. But I have great apprehensions as to those who
may succeed. The present set must wear out in the course of
the year, and most of them would be glad to get fairly out of
the scrape at present ; but it is alike dangerous to stay or to
go, and they must patiently wait the breath of the Assemblee and
follow as it blows. The new order of things cannot endure,
I hope it may be mended, but fear it may be changed. All
Europe, just now, is like a mine ready to explode ; and if
this winter does not produce peace, next summer will behold
a wider extension of the war. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 97
TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Paris, January 31st, 1790.
Dear Hamilton,
I did expect that in congratulating you, which I do most
sincerely, upon your appointment, I should have communicat
ed a matter which would have administered much ease and
convenience to the affairs of your department. I learn this
morning that these expectations are frustrated from a quarter,
and in a manner, which would excite my surprise, had I not
long since acquired tbe habit of wondering at nothing. I will
tell you a plain story.
M. Necker, pressed for money, had listened to overtures
for selling the debt of the United States, and mentioned the
matter to some members of the National Assembly, by which
means it became known to the principal Americans, and
friends of America here. I own that upon the first mention
of the matter, it appeared to me a thing of indifference, and
so I expressed myself. Our duty is to pay to such creditors
as may possess the demand. But further information placed
the affair in a different point of light. It appeared that the
offer was for a small part, at a great discount ; and that the
terms of the bargain were to be debated in the National
Assembly, and consequently our reputation sported with.
Mr Short did everything in his power, but having no pointed
instructions, could only express the result of his own judg
ment and feelings. But the minister was pressed for money,
and he had the offer of money. Under these circumstances,
in connexion with a society of friends to America, I made M.
Necker an offer, such as in my conception was honorable to
France, to America, and to the parties. This proposition,
(after stating the amount of the principal and interest which
would be due on the first of January 1790, and considering
that as a new capital on which the interest was to run,) con
tains the following terms. ' On propose de V acquerir du gouv-
ernement, et a cet effet de V ucquitter en entierpar des rents per-
vol. n. 9

98 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
petuelles de la France montantes a, la meme somme.' This
payment was to be made in the year 1790 and 1791 ; con
sequently, so far as France is concerned, the offer went to a
full, complete, and entire payment, and that at a much earlier
period than is stipulated by the terms of the loans themselves.
To this was added a further offer, in case the situation of
affairs in this kingdom should require it, in the following terms;
' On se chargera de solder en argent la moitie de la dite rente
au prix courant des effets royaux.' This part of the offer
has no other merit than to secure to the minister the sale of
the French effects; if he thought proper, and is therefore a
matter rather of convenience than advantage. I communicat
ed this plan, beforehand, to Mr Short, and to the Marquis de
Lafayette, who both considered it as an excellent means of
saving at the same time the honor and interest of America,
while it furnished a useful resource to France. I showed it
also to Monsieur de Montmorin, who, having well weighed
and considered it, assured me that he most heartily approved
it, and would do everything in his power to secure the success.
In the supposition that this plan were adopted here, applica
tion was to be made through you to the United States to pay
the amount of this debt in obligations for current guilders, cal
culating the exchange at par ; those obligations to bear five per
cent interest, and to be paid in instalments, the first of which
to commence five years hence. Consequently, as the society
was to bear all the charges of negotiation, fee. fee. it follows
clearly, that the United States would have obtained the needful
time required for their accommodation without a farthing of ex
pense, and without the pain of soliciting it from this Court. It
was therefore equally honorable and useful for them. It was
honorable also to the parties. First, because they became em
inently useful to the societies of which they are respectively
members ; and secondly, because the advantage, if any, which
they were to derive would result merely from a careful and
industrious attention to the variations of the exchange and fluc
tuations in the effects, and from the use of their funds and

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 99
credit to make investments at the proper times and seasons,
which, as far as the sum of forty millions of livres and up
wards can go, must necessarily have sustained the value of the
stocks here. And you will observe that this was clearly stated
and understood.
The proposition was delivered to M. Necker on the fifth of
December. You will observe, that in framing it we counted
upon the aid of money-lenders in Holland ; and, in preference
to others, upon the commissioners of the United States. We
learned, however, that these gentlemen had, notwithstanding
the remonstrances of Mr Jacob Van Staphorst, who has a real
and warm regard for America, joined with those who made the
offer to M. Necker. Through the channel that brought us this
information, an interview was brought about between Monsieur
de la Chaise and Mr Van Staphorst, charged with the final pro
position to M. Necker and me. I told those gentlemen, that I
was convinced their offer could not be accepted, (by the bye,
M. Necker had told me that the sum offered was not sufficient,)
and that, if accepted by the minister, it could not be adopted
by the Assembly, and that they risked doing great injury to
America, without any advantage to themselves ; that I would
communicate to them an offer I had made, and which I had
great reason to believe would be adopted ; that I would offer
them an interest in it, or a commission, at their option ; that if
they should not approve of holding a concern, I would then lie
still, and let them make the most of their plans without opposi
tion, but asked the assurance on the part of themselves and of
their principals, (those whom they represented) that if they
found their own scheme impracticable, and did not choose to ,
adventure with me, they should only not oppose. This
being solemnly promised, I stated the matter to them at large,
and they came so fully into my views, as to withhold the pro- '
position they were directed to make, and send an express on :
the subject to Amsterdam.
The interview was on the eleventh of December, in the eve- I
ning. Some further discussions were needful, which we had the I

100 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
next day. I avoided going to M. Necker's, because I was to do
nothing which would defeat their plan. On the twenty-sixth,
Mr Hubbard, partner of the house of Staphorst, arrived charg
ed to make their offer, with a budget of reasons in support of
it. This offer was to purchase the 6,000,000 at a discount of
about eleven per cent. It was made immediately; and on
the morning of the 28th be called on me, in company with
Mr Van Staphorst. I had been repeatedly assured from
different quarters that M. Necker was ready to treat with me,
but I had not put myself in his way. The conversation with Mr
Hubbard was not very long. I heard what he had to say, and
replied with great precision, but so as to change entirely his
opinion. You will not wonder at this, when I tell you the
purport of the objections he had brought forward ; first, that it
was too profitable to the parties ; secondly, too burdensome to
France ; and thirdly, might injure the credit of America by
selling the obligations too low. To the first, I replied by a
smile, and the assurance, that I never expected such an ob
jection from Holland. This disconcerted him. To the second
I answered, that M. Necker understood his own business, and
might safely be trusted in making a bargain ; but I showed
him further that the bargain was a good one. To the last I
made the answer, which I am sure you have already made in
your own mind, viz. that if tbe commissioners of the United
States could safely be trusted in making negotiations, where
the loss was to be borne by their employers, d fortiori might
they be trusted where the loss was to be borne by them
selves. As all this was merely ostensible, I pressed him hard for the
real reasons, but could get nothing more than assurances that
there were no other than those above mentioned. As these
were clearly refuted, of course he acknowledged himself
Converted ; but Hudibras has very well observed that,
' Who's convinced against his will.
Is of the same opinion still.'

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 101
A more effectual change was wrought by M. Necker, who,
on the second of this month, refused their offer. On the morning
of the third, Mr Hubbard called and informed me of this, and
in the afternoon of the fifth he set off for Amsterdam, apparently
desirous of bringing all his friends into my views. The busi
ness went on but slowly in Amsterdam ; and Mr Jacob Van
Staphorst was amused from time to time, and amused me with
the expectation that each succeeding post would bring their
definitive answer ; but this morning he tells me, with very sin
cere regret, what has been done. The letter to you on this
subject I have read, and will make a few remarks upon it, but
shall not be very precise, perhaps, as it is only from memory
of what it contained that I write.
The idea of an enormous profit, admitting for a moment
that such were to accrue, would hardly have been with them
what Candid calls the sufficient reason for refusal, although per
haps it might have been for acceptance. But you can judge
of the extent of that profit, and you will with me smile at the
absurdity of connecting with such profit a sacrifice in the price
of American obligations, on the vending of which at or near
par, the profit must certainly depend. There is something
else which perhaps is more ridiculous still, viz. that the United
States, whose obligations belonging to numerous individuals
are daily sold on the change of Amsterdam, should apprehend
an injury to their credit from trusting a farther negotiation to
persons, whose immediate interest in supporting that credit
would be so great. They state as a great difficulty the bor
rowing of twelve millions within the term, when on the same
pledge they can borrow twenty. Their statement of sums is
not, I believe, very accurate, or perhaps my memory is not
accurate. However, I am sure the idea is, that the greater
sum can be borrowed more easily than the less. There is also
the farther very extraordinary idea, that it is for the interest
of the United States to pay between four and five per cent
upon a negotiation, rather than get it done for nothing. I shall
not notice many expressions which are injurious, but make ta
9*

102 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
their affectation of disinterestedness, the answer which Jacob
Van Staphorst made to me. It is very strange that they should
say all this, when they must remember that in M. Calonne's
time, they offered him only fourteen millions of livers for one
half of the thirty-two, and arrearages of interest, but would not
take the whole, even at that rate, which is the reason why the
bargain was broken off. I should make but a poor excuse for
so long a story, if I stopped here ; but I will now proceed to
give you what I conceive to be the key of the riddle.
These gentlemen are engaged, as I suppose you know, in
very extensive speculations upon the funded debt of America.
They have lately worked this matter to a most astonishing ben
efit. Above three millions of that debt, which cost them five
shillings in the pound, has been made the basis of a loan on
which they receive sixty per cent, and are bound to repay it
by instalments from the interest receivable in America. The
Dutch, however, prefer lending at five per cent to the Con
gress direct. It is, therefore, essential to the success of their
schemes, that they should be able to suspend the one loan al
ways till they have completed the other; and 'thus our nation
al interests are rendered subservient to their particular negoti
ations. You will easily see that one such operation, in which there
is no risk, is better worth pursuing than the very great profit
they complain of. With this hint you will understand the mat
ter thoroughly. I must come to a conclusion.
I did not see M. Necker as I expected this afternoon, be
cause he was gone to council ; however I must suspend, at
least, the matter with him ; but you may rely on it that if the
Minister at this court, or any other agent, be authorised fully
to deal in the business, and, if the court will not readily agree
to a new arrangement respecting the debt, to contract with in
dividuals, that the matter can be yet managed in the manner
above mentioned, provided it be not too long delayed. As to
the loan which the commissioners have Undertaken of their own
heads, you may, I think, derive great advantage from it ; for,
in the first place, your Minister or Agent can make terms with

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 103
them to that amount at pleasure, for the benefit of the United
States ; and you may, in the next place, convert the money to
very useful purpose by sinking three or four times as much of
the domestic debt, and raising the price at the same time to
wards par, which will prevent the success of speculations by
foreigners, which are a loss to America. I am very truly, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO WILLIAM SHORT, AMSTERDAM. Paris, Febuary 20, 1790.
Dear Sir,
You have seen the decree which has been made respecting
tobacco, and which gives to French shipping a preference of
above one hundred livres per ton over American. Previous to
the decision on this business, T was desired by a note to dine
with Monsieur de Lafayette, in order to confer on American
business. And note, that I had attended once before, when
he wished me to go with him to the Committee of Commerce,
but I declined until the Committee should ask my attendance,
which they have not done. At the conference to which I
was invited, were present Mr Swan, and Colonel Walker, and a
little man whom Chastellux formerly recommended to me as
being a disciple of Doctor Pangloss. In his way to America
he was shipwrecked, had his toes frozen off, and was after
wards, I believe, appointed to some subordinate place in the
consular office. During the conference, another little man
came in, whom I do not know, but have been told that his
name is Raymond, and that he is from Alsace.
After Lafayette had proposed the question, I asked the opin
ion of Walker and Swan, which they gave, and the latter in
particular observed that the southern provinces would soon
supply the kingdom, if the culture was allowed. I delivered
my sentiments to the following effect. A sacrifice of the in
terest of France to that of America could not reasonably be

104 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
expected. The first question was, or ought to be, whether
they could dispense with the revenue. If they could, then
they should give it up entirely, and consult the. commercial in
terest of the country. That to this effect they should make
the article free to be imported and exported everywhere.
That if on the contrary they should deem the revenue neces
sary, then the following modes of obtaining it occurred. -1. a
Duty ; 2. an Excise ; 3. a Farm ; 4. a Regie. That the first,
if great, would be eluded; that the second, incompatible with
their new principles, was not worth establishing as a single ar
ticle, because of the expense attending it ; that the third was
out of fashion ; and by the fourth they would be cheated.
Respecting the free culture, I gave it as my decided opin
ion, that in a short time it would totally destroy the tobacco
trade, and to this effect I stated the charges attending the
transportation of that article, which amount to about three guin
eas on the medium produce of an acre. And I have no doubt
that the south of France will produce as good tobacco as Vir
ginia. About this time the Alsacian came in, and said a great
deal to prove what, if I can read the countenance, he did not
believe a word of, viz. that no tobacco would be planted even if
the permission were granted, excepting in Flanders and Al
sace. I did not think it worth while to attempt a useless con
futation, but told Lafayette that as they had already set Alsace
on fire, I could not advise them to add more fuel. That I had
given him facts from which he might draw his own conclusions.
That I would not pretend to advise, but would venture to pre
dict. That the free culture would be permitted, and thereby
the revenue be lost ; but that afterwards the culture would be
prohibited through all France, and the revenue be established.
I could not but smile inwardly at the conduct of the business.
The national interests are every way injured, those of Ameri
ca by no means served, and Alsace is the dupe. All this, time
I think will show.
Finding that the* decrees bore so hard upon us, both in our
agriculture and navigation, I have, notwithstanding my previ-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 105
ous determination, spoken to Monsieur de Lafayette, who, ac
cording to custom, asked for a little note about it. I spoke
also to Monsieur de Montmorin, at whose request I have real
ly written a pretty large note, which he will get translated and
deliver to the Diplomatic Committee. It purports to be obser
vations of sundry American citizens. I mean to keep out of
sight as much as possible, and do all the good I can ;. and for
the rest I repeat again, let the world wag as it may. I have
the honor to be, fee. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO WILLIAM SHORT, PARIS. London, April 23d, 1790.
Dear Sir,
I have received yours of the eleventh instant. I have no
doubt but that the advocates of the Assignats forces will tri
umph in the success of their favorite plan. A momentary ad
vantage was of course to be expected, and in all matters de
pending on opinion the effect becomes a cause ; hence you
will find for some time a regular increase of the happy conse
quences. But this measure has in it the certain cause of evil,
and that cause will in due time produce its effect, which will
also be increased by opinion. The bounds of a letter would
not permit of the full developement of such principles as apply
to the subject; but a word to the wise is sufficient.
I would send you Hamilton's plan, (just now received,) but
Mr Parker has already sent it, and you will find one postage
sufficient. It was not from what I found in Amsterdam, that I
was deterred from pursuing the propositions to M. Necker, but
the conviction that his expectations have been so raised, as to
shut his ears to anything which could with safety be proposed ;
and I have not enough of the knight errant in my composition
to go beyond that line.
I think Colonel Hamilton's idea of obtaining money at four

106 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
per cent is premature. Doubtless it will be practicable at a
future day, when we do not want money, and our loans should
be so managed now, as to leave room for taking advantage of
that circumstance hereafter; but such an attempt would not
succeed at present. Had my proposals been accepted, I think
I should have so managed as to bring that matter about in a
very short time ; but everything must be now suspended, for
a few weeks at least. I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

William short to gouverneur morris.
Paris, September 12th, 1790.
Dear Sir,
The last letter which I had the pleasure of receiving from
you was of the tenth of August ; it was only the beginning of a
letter, which some company coming in obliged you to cut short.
I was in hopes you would have sent me the continuation of it ;
for I have great pleasure in receiving your sentiments on the
persons and things which are here before me. Although my
opinion of them is not always the same with yours, still you
have great authorities and much experience in your favor, and
besides support what you say with so much ingenuity and elo
quence, as must always instruct and please, and often convince ;
and this you know is of all things the most difficult, as every
one seems to consider his opinion as a property which is the
last he will relinquish.
The present feature of affairs here is such, as confirms your
friends in the opinion they had conceived of your judgment in
such matters. I see often some of them, who say you not only
predicted what was to happen, but how ; they wish to consult
you now, that you might tell them when the bankruptcy will
arrive, and whether there will be a civil war, and what will be
the event of it. There is no danger in talking of you in this
manner as you are not here, but if you were within the juris-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 107
diction of the Comite des Recherches, I should be afraid of
their making you a nocturnal visit. These visits have lately
become fashionable ; one of the most remarkable is one which
has just taken place. A washerman found a letter in the dirty
pockets of one of his fair customers, which hadthe appearance to
him, as he did not know how to read, of a counter-revolution ;
by means of the district this came to the knowledge of the
Comite des Recherches. The lady in question was called be
fore them late at night, and underwent an interrogatory of some
hours. Her papers were examined, but nothing found. The
Comite des Recherches made their report to the Assembly, in
formed them, as a proof of their vigilance and zeal, that
they had passed the whole night without sleeping, were ap
plauded by the Assembly, and the female was ordered not to
leave Paris. And all this is considered as the sure and cer
tain road to the establishment of a free government, and
particularly to the securing of personal liberty.
There is a plan for paper money now before the Assembly.
The Assembly is divided in their opinion, and so are the commer
cial towns ; but the people who fill the galleries, and who surround
the Assembly-house often in crowds, seem to be unanimous in
favor of it. Mirabeau undertakes to prove that it is not paper
money. It is true that it is a paper, which you may force your
creditor to receive, and which is to have all the legal proper
ties of money, but still he swears and so do many others, that it
is not paper money, because it has land for its pledge. Some
insist on calling it papier-terre, and the idea was near passing.
It has been lately decided, that the final vote shall not be taken
on it before the 17th. My opinion is, that should the two mill
ions which they talk of be issued, for the purpose of immedi
ately paying off the dette exigible, a great part of it, instead of
being thus applied, will be diverted to the daily exigencies of
government, and for which it seems evident a sufficient quanti
ty of taxes will not be collected. You will readily believe, that
a government like this will not adopt the harsh business of for
cing taxes, so long as they can make use of that gentle means

108 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
of striking paper to satisfy their demands. This argument,
however, has no force with the members of the Assembly ; they
all advocate or oppose the system on other principles ; the
objection of so great an emission, changing the proportion
of prices of all articles of commerce, seems not to have its full
weight, though it is used by some. So much is written
and said for and against this system, that it is impossible to
discover what will be the decision. I think, however, that if
the vote of the Assembly should be taken independent of any
external influence, it would be rejected.
An opinion begins now to prevail here, that the Assembly
are not very desirous of putting an end to their session. You
know they have determined that their powers continue until
the constitution is finished. You know also, that they are
inviolable for criminal matters, though not for debts (by their
decrees.) You know that they concentre in their hands
all the powers of government and exercise them daily. To
an impartial person this certainly presents the idea of a very
aristocratical and tyrannical body. It is observable that public
inquiry begins to examine more attentively the nature of their
powers ; so that if they make no further progress in the con-
•stitution, than they have done for some time, it would not be at
all surprising if public opinion should soon be as much against,
as it has been for them.
You will have heard of M. Necker's retreat from the helm.
It produced no effect either on the public mind or public
funds. The Assembly received intelligence yesterday of his
being stopped on his way to Switzerland by a municipality,
although he had a passport from the King and from the mayor of
Paris. He and the municipality both wrote to the Assembly ;
he, to inform them of his being stopped and to desire a per
mission to continue his route ; the municipality, to inform
them that as they had determined that ministers should be re
sponsible, and as M. Necker's passport authorised his quitting
the kingdom, which would destroy the responsibility, they had
thought proper to stop him. The Assembly have directed

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 109
their President to write to the municipality to give him his
liberty. Some members were for voting their thanks to the mu
nicipality. We have intelligence here from New York as late as the
20th of July. You have probably later. You will have been
informed of the removal of Congress. Would it not have
been as well to have remained the ten years at New York,
where they were well settled ? I have seen the bill passed
by the Senate for a foreign loan, and for assuming a certain
sum of state debt. I am not acquainted with the resources
which Congress have in view, but I should fear those of which
we know as yet would not be sufficient to fulfil the engage
ments taken, and I fear still more that a failure of an engage
ment taken by Congress at present will have a bad effect on
future engagements. Still I have much confidence in their
wisdom, and suppose they have a certainty of calling to their
aid new resources. Their designs as to foreign appointments
are enveloped in as much secrecy, as those of Mr Pitt's
armaments. I suppose a very short time will give us some cer
tain information on this subject, or at least some data to rea
son on. They talk of two ministers and two Charges des
Affaires. The salary of the former remains the same ; the
latter they have augmented fifty per cent. The proportion is
certainly not well preserved, agreeably to the ideas of the
courts of Europe. I will thank you, if you have any farther
or later information of the proceedings of Congress, to inform
me of them. Be assured of the sentiments of attachment
with which I am yours, fee.
William Short.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.
London, September 18th, 179V. /
Dear Sir, '
Your letter of the 12th did not arrive until this morning. It
is perfectly natural that your opinions should differ from mine.
VOL. II. 10

110 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
There will ever be a difference of opinions on subjects, which
do not admit of demonstration. It will be very long before po
litical subjects will be reduced to geometric certitude. At pre
sent the reasoning on them is a kind of arithmetic of infinities,
where the best information, the wisest head, and clearest mind,
can only approach the truth. A cautious man should, there
fore, give only Sybilline predictions, if indeed he should haz
ard any. But I am not a cautious man. I therefore give it
as my opinion, that they will issue the paper currency, and sub
stitute thereby depreciation in the place of bankruptcy, or rath
er suspension.
Apropos of this currency, this papier-terre, I could tell them
of a country where there is a papier-terre now mort et enterre.
The Assembly havecommittedmany blunders, which is not to
be wondered at. They have taken genius instead of reason
for their guide, adopted experiment instead of experience, and
wander in the dark because they prefer lightning to light. I
think you are mistaken in supposing, that the emission of paper
will destroy the proportion of prices. This proportion is in
dependent of the medium of trade. The one results from a
relation of things, the other is only an ideal standard by which
to measure those things. Your height and mine would be the
same, and consequently the proportion of one to the other the
same, although a measure of six inches should be called a
foot. You are very merry on the subject of personal liberty, but
the District has more to say than many are aware of. Is it not
written in the Droit d'homme, that liberty is an inalienable pro
perty of man inseparable from the human character ? And if
this be so, pray what better mode of securing personal liberty
than to secure the person ? Your wits may sneer, but you
must learn to respect the decrees of the municipalities, which
like those of Heaven are inscrutable, but not on that account
the less entitled to obedience and respect. The lady, I am
told, is so far from complaining of the restraint she was laid
under, that although an aristocrat, she tells the Assembly with

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. Ill
all becoming humility that she finds their yoke is easy and
their burden light, while the young gentleman ordered on duty
in her chamber acknowledges that service to be perfect free
dom. Short-sighted man that you are ! Is it not a general com
plaint, that France is torn by a division of political sentiment
and opinion? And what mode so effectual to produce a union
of both, as to give the women of one party in charge to men of
the other ? By way of addition and amendment, I would
humbly propose that the male aristocrats should be put into the
custody of the female whigs, and I dare say they would come
out much less fierce than they were.
That the Assembly should continue its session too long is
both natural and necessary. Mankind in general reason only
from their feelings, and therefore to discern the wrong, which
that body has committed, the people must first be heartily dis
pleased with them. And then they will go too far the other
way. It is a pendulum, and the farther you draw it on one side
the farther will it go towards the other.
I have very late news from America, viz. the 14th of August,
but my correspondents do not give themselves the trouble to
communicate any political intelligence. The funding bill is, I
understand, in this city, but I have not yet seen it. They have
not provided for the full interest of the public debt. . As to
the ability of the country, you need not entertain the slightest
apprehension. The domestic debt is always a mere nominal
thing. It neither adds to, nor takes away from the mass of na
tional property, but furnishes a species of private property,
which from its convertible nature, and by holding a kind of
middle rank between real value and the mere sign of value,
may be rendered of admirable use to increase commercial cir
culation, invigorate the manufactures, and consequently to bene
fit the agricultural interests, which receive thereby under the
name of price more than they pay under the name of tax.
The situation of France is by no means desperate. A tor
rent of depreciation may inundate the land, and storms and
tempests arise, but the one you know fertilizes the soil, and the

112 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
other purifies the atmosphere. Ultimately health and abun
dance succeed the wintry appearance, which seemed fatal to
both. Adieu. I shall leave this in a day or two.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THE CHEVALIER TERNANT,* PARIS.
London, May 4th, 1790.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 22d of last month reached me too late
to reply by the last post. If your friends speculate in the As
signats, I wish them much success, but I incline to think that.
there will be more loss then gain in such speculations. You
and I know a little about paper money. There is somewhere
on the way towards me a long letter and other documents res
pecting some lands in America, about which we have had a
conversation together. I will write to you about that affair
when I receive it. You mistake me if you suppose that I
meant to stimulate your endeavors. I was prompted merely
by a common sense of justice. Why should your time and at
tention be consumed by the business of other people ? But I
quit this subject.
Pray let me know how affairs go on. I think the public
opinion is now inflated by the Assignats, which will prove at
last to be but a frail reliance. There seems to be a kind of
petite guerre hetween the Assemblee and M. Necker. This
will do no good to either ; but in such contests the one gene
rally sinks under the efforts of the many. How stands our
friend Lafayette. Very much depends on him. I see no
means of extricating you from your troubles, but that which
most men would consider as the means of plunging you into
greater — I mean a war. And you should make it to yourselves
* Ternant served as a Colonel in the American army during tha
Revolution ; and afterwards succeeded M. de Moustiers as French
Minister in the United States.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1 ] 3
a war of men, to your neighbors a war of money. I do not
explain, because a word to the wise is sufficient. You want
just now great men to pursue great measures. As to the idea
that you can keep out of the fire, which consumes your neigh
bors and your allies, it is ridiculous. You must suffer either
for or with them ; and the latter is at once the nobler and the
safer position. But I correct and pheck myself with a due
respect for the gentlemen in the several post offices, who will,
I hope, permit my letter to go forward and convey to you
the assurance of my regard. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO M. DE LAFAYETTE. London, May 7th, 1790.
My Dear Sir,
When this letter reaches your hands it will probably find you
meditating on the situation of France, which is not perhaps en
viable, but it is by no means so dreadful as would at first sight
appear. This country is arming, and I am convinced with a
determination to compel not only Spain, but every other power,
to subscribe such terms as she may choose to dictate. You
will strive in vain to deprecate the blow, therefore you must
prepare to meet it, to return it, or rather so to strike as may
prevent it. ;
The enclosed letter is left open for your perusal ; pray for
ward it. 1 do not think that France can be prepared before
September ; but it is not improbable that under existing circum
stances the King of Hungary would cede, as a don de famille,
his rights to the low countries upon assurances of effectual aid
to support his claims to Silesia, and elsewhere in that quarter.
Certainly a good understanding might be obtained with the par
ty of General Vandermersch, and measures might be taken to
secure the surrender of the few garrison towns, which are in
that country. These things being ripened, two armies, compos-
10*

114 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

e

d in a great measure of militia, might march, the one from
Luxembourg and take post in Liege, so as to oppose there ef-'
fectually with any army of good troops the efforts of Prussia ;
the other might go along the sea coast. But a detachment of
each army might move so as to form a junction at Brussels,
and go thence down the Scheldt to Antwerp. The mode of co
operating against Holland seems to me to be from Dunkirk,
with vessels which Jones will describe to you, so as to fall in up
on Amsterdam ; which being effected would, with the aid of
the popular party, give possession of the whole country. Or,
allowing a great part, or even the whole of this plan to fail at
first, it would eventually succeed in uniting all Flanders to the
Kingdom of France, and, by obliging this country to fight at
land, would greatly exhaust her.
Previous to striking a blow, preparations should be made in
your islands, by laying an embargo on all ships there on the
same day that an embargo is laid on ships in your own ports ;
and if the nation should not be able to fit out all your ships of
war, the smaller ones might be disposed of to great advantage
to merchants, who would fit them out as privateers. Such
ships of war as you can fit out might be selected from the fast
est sailers, and cruise upon the commerce, with orders to de
stroy whatever they can, and to secure the seamen. The Dutch
commerce should be respected, let them do what they will ; by
which means you will secure friends in that country and excite
contention between tbe allies.
The difference between France and Britain is, that the form
er can exist without commerce, but the latter cannot. Secure
their seamen, and never exchange them ; you will by that
means ruin both their Marine and Finance ; and, if you send
those seamen into the interior parts of the kingdom, and em
ploy them in public works upon the highways, fee. fee. they
will cost you nothing, and by degrees lose their habits of sea
manship. I hear you cry out that the Finances are in a deplorable sit
uation. This should be no obstacle. I think that they may

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 115
be restored during war better than in peace. You want also
something to turn men's attention from their present discon
tents. Admitting, however, everything that can be said on the
chapter of Finance, surely it is better to strike than to be
struck ; and you will strive in vain to parry the blow. Adieu.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, November 22d, 1790.
Dear Sir,
The country T now inhabit, on which so many other countries
depend, having sunk to absolute nothingness, has deranged the
general state of things in every quarter ; and what complicates
the scene in no small degree is the incertitude which prevails, as
to her future fate, because a new system, calculated on the pal
sied state of France, would be as effectually deranged by her
recovery, as that was which leaned upon her greatness heretofore
and fell in her fall. The northern courts, removed at a great
er distance from her influence, had provided for themselves by
an alliance, which took place immediately after the peace be
tween Sweden and Russia. I think I hinted in a former letter
my expectation, that a new system would arise there. In effect
a treaty concluded between what may be called the Baltic pow
ers will have considerable influence hereafter upon the gene
ral system. When you recollect that they are exclusively the
m agazine of naval stores in this hemisphere, your comprehen
sive mind will seize at once the consequences, which may follow
to America from combinations where such articles are indispen
sable. This same Baltic is also a granary for southern Europe.
Hence a new source of important reflection. I think that oc
casions will ere long present themselves, in which America may
be essentially concerned. But to come nearer to my present
position, the Emperor disengaged from the Turk and likely to
be soon repossessed of Flanders, will be there in the command

116 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
of fifty thousand men, besides the resource which every sove
reign derives from an unsuccessful revolt. The King of Prussia •
is no longer at the head of an effective Germanic league. The
fear of Austria and her connexions has, for evident reasons,
subsided, and the Baron Hertzberg, rather a pedant than poli
tician, but illy fills that great void which was left by the death of
Frederick. In fact, Prussia seems to be just that country in shape,
extent, fertility, population, connexion, and relation, which
one would have chosen to show what great genius can do with
incompetent materials, and what a dream is human greatness.
The Emperor is in possession of proofs, that the spirit of re
volt through all his dominions was fostered by that court, and
would have broken out in every quarter at the instant of a war.
Hence the sudden pacification at Reichenback, of which the
Prussian was the dupe, though he dictated terms. You will read
ily suppose that Leopold, neither as a man nor a statesman, can
look on such conduct ' in the calm sight of mild philosophy.'
Hereditary claims to dominion, which his rival is possessed of,
a long opposition of jarring interests, and the bitterness of that
cup he has just been forced to drink, must lead him to seek and
to seize the moment of vengeance. Forgiveness is not a fam
ily feature in the House of Lorraine, neither is Italy the school
of Christian meekness. On the other liand, the alliance be
tween him and the late sovereign of this country is rent to tat
ters. Not formally cancelled, it is effectually annulled. The
French nation hate the Emperor, and detest a connexion, which
seems nevertheless to be the wisest that could have been form
ed. The great power of this monarchy has been for centuries an
insurmountable barrier to imperial ambition. Leopold must
therefore wish to see it injured, and even dismembered. Ma
ny of the German princes, who have rights within the bounda
ries of France, secured to them by numerous treaties and
guarantied by the Germanic corps, but lately violated by the
National Assembly, wish the whole empire to insist on restitu
tion, and in case of refusal to engage in a war, whose object

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 117
would be the recovery of Alsace and Lorraine. Many of the
discontented nobles and clergy of France are urgent with the
chief of the empire to avenge the insults offered to his unfor
tunate sister. So fair a pretext, such plausible reasons, both
public and private, joined to a great political interest and per
sonal territorial claims, might determine an enterprising prince.
But he is cautious ; trusting more to art than force. He sits
on a throne which lately tottered, and is hardly yet confirmed.
He has before him the example of a predecessor, whose inces
sant toils brought only an increase of laborious care ; whose
anxieties wore away the web of his existence ; and whose
mighty projects were but the ' baseless fabric of a vision.'
The Germanic body itself is distracted between the duty of
supporting its members, and a dread of destroying the check
upon its chief.
This unhappy country, bewildered in the pursuit of meta
physical whimsies, presents to our moral view a mighty ruin.
Like the remnants of ancient magnificence, we admire the ar
chitecture of the temple, while we detest the false god to whom
it was dedicated. Daws and ravens, and the birds of night,
now build their nests in its nitches. The sovereign, humbled to
the level of a beggar's pity, without resources, without authority,
without a friend. The Assembly at once a master and a slave,
new in power, wild in theory, raw in practice. It engrosses
all functions though incapable of exercising any, and has taken
from this fierce ferocious people every restraint of religion and
of respect. Sole executors of the law, and therefore supreme
judges of its propriety, each district measures out its obedi
ence by its wishes, and the great interests of the whole, split
up into fractional morsels, depend on momentary impulse and
igttorant caprice. Such a state of things cannot last.
But how will it end ? Here conjecture may wander through
unbounded space. What sum of misery may be requisite to
change popular will, calculation cannot determine. What cir
cumstances may arise in the order of Divine Providence to give
direction to that will, our sharpest vision cannot discover.

118 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
What talents may be found to seize those circumstances, to
influence that will, and above all to moderate the power which
it must confer, we are equally ignorant of. One thing only
seems to be tolerably ascertained, that the glorious opportunity
is lost, and (for this time at least) the revolution has failed. In
the consequences of it we may however find some foundation
of future prosperity. Such are, 1. The abolition of those differ
ent rights and privileges, which kept the provinces asunder, oc
casioning thereby a variety of taxation, increasing the expenses
of collection, impeding the useful communication of commerce,
and destroying that unity in the system of distributive justice,
which is one requisite to social happiness. 2. The abolition of
feudal tyranny, by which the tenure of real property is simpli
fied, the value reduced to money, rent is more clearly ascer
tained, and the estimation which depended upon idle vanity, or
capricious taste, or sullen pride, is destroyed. 3. The exten
sion of the circle of commerce to those vast possessions held by
the clergy in mortmain, which conferring great wealth as the
wages of idleness, damped the ardor of enterprise, and impair
ed that ready industry, which, increases the stock of national
riches. 4. The destruction of a system of venal jurisprudence,
which, arrogating a kind of legislative veto, had established the
pride and privileges of the few, on the misery and degradation
of the general mass. 5. Above all, the promulgation and ex
tension of those principles of liberty, which will, I hope, remain
to cheer the heart and cherish a nobleness of soul, when the
metaphysical froth and vapor shall have been blown away.
The awe of that spirit which has been thus raised, will, I trust,
excite in those who may hereafter possess authority a proper
moderation in its exercise, and induce them to give to this
people a real constitution of government, fitted to the natural,
moral, social, and political state of their country.
How and when these events may be brought about I know
not. But I think from the chaos of opinion, and the conflict
of its jarring elements, a new order will at length arise, which
though in some degree the child of chance, may not be less

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 119
productive of human happiness, than the forethought provi
sions of human speculation.
In the beginning of this year I mentioned the conviction that,
during the course of it, the then ministry would wear out.
This has been literally verified, and M. de Montmorin is the
only remaining shred of the old garment. As to the present
temporary set, I shall say nothing just now, reserving to a bet
ter opportunity some sentiments on particular men. The ob
ject of this letter is, as you will observe, to communicate as
nearly as I can that state of things, which may in a greater or
smaller degree be forced upon your attention. I must add the
conviction, that my letters present very different prospects from
those, which may reach you through'other channels. You, who
know mankind thoroughly, will be able to form a solid opinion ;
and however that may vary from mine, I shall still rejoice if
even by the display of false ideas, I shall have cast any addi
tional light upon those which are true. I am always, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, December 1st, 1790.
Dear Sir,
I had the honor to address you a letter on the twenty-second
of last month, in the close of which I mentioned the intention
of saying at a future period some few words of the people, who
are now on the stage. To begin then with our friend Lafayette,
who has hitherto acted a splendid part. The King obeys but
detests him. He obeys because he fears. Whoever possesses
the royal person, may do what he pleases with the royal cha
racter and authority. Hence it happens that the ministers are
of Lafayette's appointment. A short description of their use
was given the other day by Mirabeau. 'We make ministers,'
said he, ' as we used formerly to send servants to keep our boxes
at the playhouse.' I gave you the explanation of this jest while

120 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
I was in London. Lafayette thinks that these his creatures
will worship their creator, but he is mightily mistaken.
You know Duportail,* the Minister of War. He is said to he
viqlent in favor of the revolution. It is more than a year since I
have seen him, excepting a short visit of congratulation the oth
er day. My judgment, therefore, should have little weight;
but I believe he is too much the friend of liberty to approve of
the constitution. For the rest ; he has as you know that com
mand of himself, and that simplicity of exterior deportment,
which carry a man as far as his abilities will reach. He may
perhaps remember his creator in his ministerial youth, in or
der that his days may be long in the land of office ; but I ven
ture to predict, that his duteous observance will not endure one
half second beyond the moment of necessity. I believe I did not
mention to you, about a year ago, the intention to appoint him ;
but at that time I endeavored to take his measure. The min
ister of the Marine I know nothing about. They say he is a
good kind of man, which is saying very little. The Keeper of
the Seals, Monsieur Duport-Dutertre, was a lawyer of emi
nence thrown up into notice by the circumstances of the mo
ment. He is said to possess both abilities and firmness. Mon
sieur Delessart, the Minister of the Finances, is rather above
than below mediocrity, and possesses that kind of civil assent
which never compromises the possessor, though it seldom tra
vels in company with greatness.
There is not a man among them fitted for the great tasks in
which they are engaged, and greater tasks are perhaps impend
ing. I have no proofs, but I have a welF founded opinion, that
the leaders of one party wish, what those of the other fear,
and both expect, viz. the interference of foreign powers. One
previous step would be to carry off, if possible, the King and
Queen. The latter at least, for there is every reason to ap-
* He served in the American -war as an officer of engineers. After
leaving the ministry he was denounced and proscribed, and to escape
the fury of his accusers, he fled to America, where he remained till
1802, and died on his passage back to France.

' THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 121
prehend for their safety, should violent measures be adopted
while they are here.
For my own part I do not believe in any such interference,
neither do I think that the opposers of the Assembly have suf
ficient energy of character to make aeivil war. Their attempts,
if any, will, I imagine, be feeble and consequently ruinous to
themselves. If indeed they had a considerable part of the
array, oommanded by the Prince of Conde, and the person of
the King in his possession ; and if they came forward to estab
lish a proper constitution, adopting such good things as the As
sembly have done, and rejecting the evil ; then indeed there
would be different grounds of expectation. But I consider this
rather as the visionary hope of a few, than as the fixed plan of
persons who can carry it into execution. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, Febuary 26th, 1791.
Dear Sir,
I am to acknowledge your favors of the twenty-sixth of No
vember, and seventeenth of December, which reached me two
days ago. The system of finance did not indeed fully meet
my opinions, but I know it is necessary to conform even to the
prejudices of mankind. I fully believe with you, that any re
sources dependent on consumption will greatly increase. I be
lieve this increase will not be merely in proportion to that of
population, but in the compound ratio of numbers and wealth.
This last will be abundantly produced by an industrious people
from a luxuriant soil. Taxation moreover excites industry and
necessitates economy. It increases also the commercial me
dium, inasmuch as it creates a domestic object for the applica
tion of money, and forces an interior circulation.
Pardon me while on this chapter, for expressing my appre
hension that the sale of western lands will not produce the present
VOL. II. 1 1

122 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
relief expected, and it will consume a valuable future resource.
America has not the needful money capital. I put aside tax
ation, and consider only the three great objects of agriculture,
manufactures, and commerce. These in populous and polished
societies present themselves in the order I have just placed
them ; but this order is inverted with us. Commerce, by more
potent means, commands a preference. To supply its wants
a bank is useful, but its operations will not produce all that is
expected. Among many other reasons, because we have not
yet a great centre of commerce, finance, and money dealing.
The payment of interest in the States has a tendency also to
obviate and impede bank circulation. The channels of com
merce are not yet duly filled. Those of manufactures are
scarcely moistened ; those of agriculture are absolutely dry.
Whenever therefore the government puts up lands for sale, it calls
money from those objects to which I verily believe it might be
more advantageously applied. The purchaser calculates, and
will not part with his cash, till he sees greater benefit than in
any other appropriation. Under present circumstances the
hesitation will be whether to purchase stocks or lands. If by
lowering the price of land you make that the greater tempta
tion, stocks must fall, and then foreigners will buy them cheap.
The land if sold cannot be cultivated, but if not sold it cannot
run away as the stocks do. Besides, by throwing more land
on the market you ruin those, who have no means to pay debts
but by sale of real estate, fee. fee. I quit the discussion and
indeed beg your pardon for entering into it.
My letters from London of the 24th and 28th of December
will have communicated what passed with the British admin
istration. I am sorry now that I spoke to them, because from
yours of the 17th of that month I find it was the President's
pleasure, that no other application should be made, but I flatter
myself that the manner was such, as by no means to comprom-
i se the dignity of our country.*

* The following is an extract from Mr Jefferson's letters of December
the 17th, here alluded to",
' Since mine to you of August the 12th, yours of July the 3d, August

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 123
You very kindly, my dear Sir, in that letter communicate the
President's approbation of my conduct. I cannot tell you the
pleasure which this occasions, but you will estimate it by your
own feelings under similar circumstances. Pardon me for
adding that I feel highly gratified in receiving the communica
tion from you.
In this letter you enclose an order for 2475 florins, on the
bankers in Holland. Make for me I pray you the proper ac
knowledgements. Pecuniary considerations never yet weigh
ed with me, where the public service was in question ; and
therefore immediately on receipt of the President's orders, I
proceeded, without regarding other objects, as speedily as I
could to London. Previous engagements had indeed render
ed it my duty to go to Amsterdam, and on that route I made
those inquiries which you once desired I would. The result
has since been occasionally communicated to Mr Short. I
embarked at Helvoetsluys the twenty-fourth of March, and
continued in London til) the twenty-fourth of September, al
though 1 had no business of my own there, but such as I could
have transacted by letters. I would have staid still longer had
I imagined it could have been of any use. My expenses dur-
the 16th, and September the 18th, have come to hand. They suffice
to remove all doubts, which might have been entertained as to the real
intentions of the British cabinet, on the several matters confided to you.
The view of government in troubling you with this business was, ei
ther to remove from between the two nations all causes of difference,
fey a fair and friendly adjustment, if such was the intention of the other
party, or to place it beyond a doubt that such was not their intention. In
result it is clear enough, that further applications would tend to delay
rather than advance our object. It is therefore the pleasure of the
President, that no others be made ; and that in whatever state this letter
may find (he business, in that state it be left. I have it in charge at
the same time to assure you, that your conduct in these communications
with the British Ministers has met -the President's entire- approbation,
and.to convey to you his acknowledgements for your services.
' As an .attendance on this business must, at times, have interfered with
your private pursuits, and subjected you also to additional expenses,
I have the honor to enclose you a draft on our bankers in Holland for
a thousand dollars, as an indemnification for those sacrifices.'

124 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ing that period were £489 : 6 : 6 ; but I did not intend to
ask compensation, nor do I mention them now in that view.
Since I have been in this city a matter has turned up, which
is very interesting to America, and the result of which is by no
means pleasing. I mean the decrees respecting tobacco..
The second day of this month I was requested to go to Mon
sieur de Lafayette, and thence with him to speak on that sub
ject to the Committee of Commerce. I went to his house, but
declined waiting on the Committee, unless they should previous
ly desire it. This was fortunate, for the arrangements had
been so illy made that the Committee did not meet, and for
little reasons not worth mentioning, some of the members were
predisposed not to receive information. On the 9th I dined
with him, in consequence of a note desiring me to confer on
American business. After dinner Mr Swan, Colonel Walker,
and I were introduced into his closet with a M. Raymond, and
another man whose name I forget ; but he was I believe some
thing in the consulate at New York. Monsieur de Lafayette
asked our opinion on the question then agitated, respecting a
free culture of tobacco in France. Mirabeau had moved to
prohibit it, after a certain time, even in the privileged provinces,
but Monsieur de Lafayette considered it as standing closely
connected with the disaffection then prevalent in Alsace. Mr
Swan gave it as his opinion, that if the free culture was allow
ed, the introduction of that article from America must speedi
ly cease. M. Raymond insisted that the culture, if permitted,
would not be pursued ; but it seemed to me that he did not,
and indeed could not, think so. The other gentleman was si
lent. Colonel Walker observed, that he supposed France would
consult her own interest, and therefore it was not worth while
to inquire what was the interest of America ; and in this I think
he judged perfectly well. I refused to give an opinion, but
stated facts to show that Mr Swan was right in his judgment,
and then observed that the question seemed to turn on the sin
gle point, whether they could dispense with the revenue ; for
if they could not, they must consider the means of obtaining it,
which were either Duty, Excise, Farm, or Regie. That the-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 125
first would, if great, be eluded. The second was not now
practicable ; the third was unfashionable ; and by tbe last they
would be cheated. If, however, they would dispense with the
revenue, then not only they might, allow the free culture, but
they ought to allow the free commerce. I stated the advanta
ges which would result from the latter. He seemed surprised
at some things as not having presented themselves, and press
ed for an opinion, to which I replied, that I would not advise,
but predict. That they would begin by allowing the free cul
ture, which would annihilate the revenue ; and in less than two
years they would prohibit the culture to recover the revenue.
The thing has turned out as I expected as far as it went.
Colonel Ternant has endeavored to prevent the culture, and to
render the commerce as free as possible, but in vain. We
have held sundry conferences on the subject together. He
communicated to me what was doing, and I gave him all the
information I could. The Assembly have allowed the culture,
and laid a duty of twenty-five livres per quintal upon the im
port, one fourth of which is taken off from such as may be
brought from America in French bottoms. This, in addition
to the heavy duty on our oil, bears hard. To the arguments
of such as blame these decrees it is answered, that it will be
necessary to form a commercial treaty with America, and then
everything can be regulated.
I had hitherto, you will observe, kept as clear as I could from
interfering; but the matter had now put on an appearance,
which demanded the exertions of every American citizen. On
the seventeenth, therefore, I called on Monsieur de Lafayette.
He desired me to give him- a note on the subject, s.iid that
Mirabeau had promised to speak about it ; and that he expect
ed the Diplomatic Committee would take the matter up. I had
been told long before what part Mirabeau would take, and how
much he would receive for his agency. I asked, therefore,
whether it would not answer for the king to object^ because the
Assembly being much divided, a trifle would turn the balance,
and it had been said, that if he would himself have taken a part
11*

126 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
in the debate the question would have been otherwise decided.
He told me he would rather the United States should be in
debted to the nation than to the king. But if things go on at%
the present rate we shall be indebted to neither.
The next day I called on the Count de Montmorin, who as
sured me he would do all in his power. By way of a spur I
told him, that it was currently reported in London, that the
British were going to send out a Minister to America, that I
had good reason to believe it was their wish to form an offensive
and defensive alliance with us, and presumed that he was ac
quainted with their intentions. He replied, as I supposed he
would, in the affirmative. Upon this I asked him whether it
would answer any good purpose for me to write him a letter on
the subject. He pressed me earnestly to do so the next day,
as he was in the evening of it to meet the Diplomatic Committee.
In consequence I wrote on the nineteenth that of which a
copy is enclosed.
You will observe that I hint at the views of Great Britain in
such manner, that he must take on himself any communication
of that sort to the Committee. As to the observations, I stated
them as being made by American citzens in order to supply the
defect of ministerial character, and also to keep myself out of
sight, not choosing to be quoted in any of their deliberations.
I have communicated these steps to Mr Short,* and am now en
deavoring to obtain, if possible, a duty per arpent on the culture
equivalent to the import duty, supposing each arpent to produce
eight quintals. This, which would, I sincerely believe, be use
less to France, would also prevent the sudden decrease in the
consumption of our tobacco. And although I am convinced
that planting it is bad husbandry, yet I wish my countrymen
rather to correct themselves by their own experience, than re
ceive such a shock from abroad.
As yet there is little hope of success to any proposition for
* See above, page 109, the letter to Mr Short, which is there print
ed with a wrong date, namely, 1790 instead of 1791.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 127
alleviating, much less removing, the burthens they have laid
upon us. The greater part have adopted systematic reason
ings in matters of commerce as in those of government, so
that, disdaining attention to facts and deaf to the voice of
experience, while others deliberate they decide, and are the
more constant in their opinions in proportion as they are less
acquainted with the subject, which is natural enough. Stat pro
tatione voluntas has, you know, been the adage with those, who
have • much of one and little of the other, from time imme
morial, and the Assembly will not, I think, lose by non-user that
valuable franchise.
I will do myself the honor to communicate such farther
matter as may occur in this regard, and beg leave in the mean
time to assure you of the sincerity with which I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, March 9th, 1791.
Dear Sir,.
I am to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the seventeenth
of December, which reached me several days ago, but no good
opportunity then presented itself to convey a reply. * The
* The following is an extract from General Washington's letter of
December 17th.
' An official letter from the Secretary of State of this date, ac
knowledging the receipt of your dispatches on public business, will
convey to you my sentiments on the views and intentions of the Bri
tish cabinet. ' If the exigences of the national affairs of that kingdom
should excite dispositions in it favorable to a eommercial treaty with
the United States, and to the fulfilment of the treaty of peace, its min
isters will, of themselves, come forward with propositions. Until these
are apparent to them, and press, I am persuaded, from the communi
cations you have had with them, that it is not only useless, but dero
gatory, to push them any farther on the first point, or to say anything
more on the second, until We are in a situatiou to speak with more
decision.

128 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
idea you formed of the British cabinet was, I am persuaded,
perfectly just. This government has lately taken some steps,
which cannot but be advantageous to their rivals, for I am per
suaded that the late duress laying a heavy duty on oil, giving
a great preference of duty on tobacco imported in French
ships, and declaring that none but those built in France shall
be reputed French bottoms, will excite much ill humor in
America. Those who rule here seem to think, that because
the old government was sometimes wrong, everything contrary
to what they did must be right ; like Jack in the Tale of the
Tub, who tore his coat to pieces in pulling off the fringe, points,
and trimmings that Peter had put on. Or like the Old Con
gress in its young days, which rejected the offer of valuable
contracts, and employed a host of commissaries and quarter
masters, because Great Britain dealt with contractors.
In the debate on this subject one of the Lameths gave it as
his opinion, that America was not in a situation to be either
sought or feared for some time to come. This, which is not
however the sentiment of the party, occasioned some hints in
the close of the observations I sent to M. de Montmorin, and
of which a copy has been transmitted to Mr Jefferson. I
hope that the Congress will not act precipitately in consequence
of these decrees, for I believe that proper representations in a
proper moment will produce a change, and really, in the pre
sent effervescence, very few acts of the Assembly can be con
sidered as deliberate movements of national will.

4 Congress has commenced its third session. Our affairs assume
a good aspect. Public credit is high, and stocks have arisen amazing
ly. Except the disturbances occasioned by a few hostile Indians on
our western frontier (instigated thereto, I am persuaded, by the British
traders,) and some remains of the old leven, the wheels of government
move without interruption, and gather strength as they move. The
numbers of our people, so far as they can be ascertained by the present
state of the census, will not fall short, it is said, of five millions ; some
think more. Whilst this will on the one hand astonish Europe, it
may on the other add consequence to the union of these States.'

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 129
There still continue to be three parties here. The Enrages,
long since known by the name of Jacobins, have lost much in
the public opinion, so that they are less powerful in the Assem
bly than they were ; but their Committees of Correspondence,
(called Societes Patriotiques) spread all over the kingdom, have
given them a deep, strong hold of the people. On the other
hand, the numerous reforms, some of them unnecessary and all
either harsh, precipitate, or extreme, have thrown into the aristo
cratic party a great number of discontented. The military, who
as such look up to the sovereign, are somewhat less factious than
they were, but they are rather a mob than an army, and must, I
think, fall either to the Aristocratic or Jacobin side of the ques
tion. The middle men are in a whimsical situation. In the Sen
ate they follow the Jacobin counsels, rather than appear connect
ed with the other party. The same principle of shame-faced-
ness operates on great occasions out of doors ; but as the Aris
tocrats have been forced down by a torrent of opinion from the
heights of their absurd pretensions, and as the middle men begin
to be alarmed at the extremities to which they have been hur
ried, these two parties might come together, if it were not for
personal animosities among the leaders. This middle party
would be the strongest, if the nation were virtuous ; but, alas,
this is not the case, and therefore I think it will only serve as a
stepping stone for those, who may find it convenient to change
sides. In the midst however of all these confusions, what with con
fiscating the church property, selling the domains, curtailing
pensions, « and destroying offices, but especially by that great
liquidater of public debts, a. paper currency, this nation is work
ing its way to a new state of active energy, which will I think
be displayed as soon as a vigorous government shall establish
itself. The intervening confusions will probably call forth men
of talents to form such government and to exert its powers.
In a letter I had the honor to write on the twenty-second of
November, I mentioned a treaty made between the Baltic pow-

130 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ers. I do not know whether I drew this idea from information
or conjecture, but it was in my mind and still continues there.
While in England waiting at Whitehall for the Duke of Leeds,
who was accidentally prevented from keeping his appointment,
I had a long conversation with Mr Burgess, who seemed de
sirous of convincing me, that he was an efficient man in the of
fice of Foreign Affairs. I asked him whether such treaty exist
ed,, insinuating that he must certainly be informed of every
movement in that, as in every other quarter. He assured me
positively that it did not ; but that assurance did not alter my
opinion. Indeed the object of my question was to discover,
whether they were at all upon terms with Sweden, and from
what afterwards passed, I am persuaded that they are not. I
must add that my inquiries here have been answered .in the
same way, but yet I believe that such a treaty exists. He
spoke a good deal of the convention with Spain, and I declared
freely my opinion, which being favorable to the administration,
drew from him in support of it a history of the negotiation. It
ended (as he said) in this remarkable manner. The Count de
Florida Blanca, upon hearing of the revolt of the French Marine,
told the British Ambassador ; ' You insist on the terms to which
I am now about to agree, not because they are just, but be
cause I am compelled to it. If France would assist us I would
never submit ; but we are not able singly to cope with you, and
therefore you must do as you please.' You will judge, my
dear Sir, how long such a treaty is likely to last.
I am delighted with the account you give me of our public
affairs. There can be no doubt that a publication of the cen
sus, and a clear state of our finances, will impress a sense of
our importance on the statesmen of Europe. We are now get
ting forward in the right way, not.by little skirmishing advantages
of political manoeuvres, but in a solid column of well formed na
tional strength. Like Father Mason's aristocratic screw, jwhich
you doubtless remember, at every turn we shall now gain and
hold what we get. It is no evil that you should have a little of
the old leven. I have always considered an opposition in free

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 131
governments as a kind of outward conscience, which prevents
the administration from doing many things through inadvertence,
which they might repent of. By these means both men and
measures are sifted, and the necessity of appearing as well as of
being right confirms and consolidates the good opinion of so
ciety. I expect and am indeed certain, that this good opinion
will live with you during life, and follow weeping to your grave.
I know you will continue to deserve it, and I hope you may long
live to vex your enemies by serving your country. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, March 16th, 1791.
Dear Sir,
I had the honor to write to you on the twenty-sixth of last
month, to which I now refer. Since that period the Assembly
have taken another step in the same disagreeable road. They
have deprived all ships other than those built in France of the
privilege of French bottoms. This, added to the other duress
already noticed, produces, I am told, much sensation among
the few Americans Who are settled in the ports of this king
dom. You will find enclosed herein a copy of the note, which I gave
to the Marquis de Lafayette. He told me in conversation
when I urged his interference, that by so doing he should in
jure us, because his enemies had already voted against us,
contrary to their general opinion, merely to vex and injure
him. This is very unfortunate.* I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

*An extract from a letter to Robert Morris, dated March 13th, gives
a further explanation on this subject.
' When the matter was taken up the culture was permitted, and such
a heavy duty laid as would secure an immense profit to those, who
had purchased up the tobacco on speculation ; then came the difference

¦^

132 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, May 27th 1791.
Dear Sir,
I have the honor to enclose a letter and sundry papers relat
ing to it, from Messieurs Shweizer, Jeannerst fe Co. I have
referred these gentlemen to Mr Short, telling them that it is
most fitting in many respects that they should apply to him.
As it is possible, however, that this business may come before
you, I think it a duty to convey some observations which occur
to me, and which may not perhaps strike you, because matters
of that sort have not, I believe, much occupied your attention.
Previous thereto I beg leave, however, to give you a history of
my acquaintance with it. In a letter to Colonel Hamilton, of the
31st of January, 1790, 1 mentioned what had passed between M.
Necker and me respecting the debt due by the United States to
France, and I hinted the means of turning to useful account a
very precipitate step of the public agents in Holland. About
this time I received your orders to communicate with the British
ministers, and although I did by no means consider that in the

of duty on American ships, without any particular object except to
punish Lafayette., This may seem a strange reason, but it is a true
one. The Aristocrats, as such, are his enemies, and those who wished
to preserve the valuable revenue upon tobacco were mortified, at see
ing it thrown away in the manner I have related. Some of my par
ticular acquaintances in the 'Assembly, to whom I mentioned the ill
policy of these decrees, assured me that they would not have been
passed had Monsieur de Lafayette, who was present, opposed them ;
but he being there, they left him to step forward, it being as it were his
particular business; and he being silent, they were taken by surprise,
whereas had he been absent they would certainly have made head, and
obtained an adjournment at least. The exclusion of our ships, also,
from being admitted as French bottoms, arises from the same desire to
show that his support of America is useless, and at the same time they
have circulated that he prefers America to France, in consequence of
which he is afraid to do anything pointed, lest ho should lose his
popularity.'

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 133
light of an appointment to office, yet from motives of delicacy I
determined to extricate myself from the affairs of the debt, as;
speedily as I could with propriety. Various applications were
made to me from different quarters, to which I replied evasive
ly ; but in my arrival in this city last November, I informed
the parties that I had reasons of a private nature, which deter
red me from holding any share in their speculation. I con
versed with Mr Short on the same subject, and communicated
to him confidentially my reasons for declining an interest, as
well as my opinion respecting the use which might be derived
from such negotiation.
A few days after the President of the Committee of Finance,
happening to meet me at the Count de Montmorin's, mention
ed some proposals then before them, which to the best of my
remembrance were extravagant. I declined giving an opinion
without previously seeing and considering the terms, upon
which he and M. de Montmorin agreed together, that before
anything was concluded the various propositions which might
be made should be submitted to my examination. Here the
thing dropped, .and the enclosed papers show the reason why,
for it appears from them that a bargain was made shortly after
by the Controleur General with a different company. Mr
Short mentioned this to me on his return hither in the end of
March, telling me that the parties concerned were, as he was
informed in Amsterdam, men of no credit nor capital. I of
course agreed with him in opinion, that if so, it was not worth
while to listen to them.
A few days after one of them called on me, and after giv
ing a history of the affair, begged me to make use of "my good
offices. I told him at once that it was ridiculous to ask a com
mission of five per cent on changing the nature of our debt.
That it was quite as convenient to owe France as to owe the
subjects of France ; and further, that before any treaty was of
fered, persons of credit and capital should appear. As soon
as I made this last observation, he drew out the letter of the
Comptroller General, and showing me the second clause of it,
VOL. II. 12

134 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

replied, that after what was there contained no man bad a right
to question the solidity of the society. He then added, that
for my private satisfaction he would prove that people of the
first fortune were connected therein, and indeed he gave me
such proof. I told him upon this, that they must apply to
Mr Short, or to their own ministry, whose support would be
much more efficacious than the sentiments of any private in
dividual. I mentioned nevertheless to Mr Short the substance
of this conversation. While he was in the country the enclos
ed letter was received. He returned to town yesterday, and
called on me in the evening, when I communicated to him the
purport of it.
I have ever been of opinion, that as we are not in condition
to pay our debt to France, a bargain by which the period can
be prolonged, without toss to either party, is desirable. I say
without loss, because the conduct of this nation has been so
generous to us, that it would be very ungrateful indeed to take
advantage of those necessities, which the succor afforded to
America has occasioned. Such bargain must be either with
the government or with individuals. But after the repeated
delay's on our part, to ask longer time would not look well.
Indeed no such treaty could be made without the consent of
the Assembly, and their observations would not be pleasant.
A bargain with individuals has the advantage of bringing in
the aid of private interest to the support of our credit, and
what is of very great consequence, it would leave us at liberty
to make use of that credit for the arrangement of our domestic
affairs. And on this head I must mention to you, my dear
Sir, that it has been my good fortune to prevent some publi
cations, which would have been particularly injurious to us.
Their object was to complain of the United States for specu
lating in their own effects with the funds of France ; urging that
while we owed heavy instalments already due here, all the
loans we obtain in Holland ought to be applied to the dis
charge of them, and therefore that the speculations in our do
mestic debt were a double violation of good faith, fee. fee.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 135
The present state of things here has occasioned so great a
fall in the exchange, that money borrowed in Holland is re
mitted with great gain, consequently loans made there just
now answer well, and it is evident that the parties, who are
endeavoring to contract, count on a considerable profit from
that circumstance. Much however is to be said on this part
of the subject.
First, it is questionable whether our reputation may not be
a little affected, for you will recollect that about one third of
our debt to France arose from a loan made on our account in
Holland of five millions of florins, for which the King paid us here
ten millions of livres, without any deduction for charges of any
sort. The nation is now obliged to pay this five millions in
Holland, and for us to borrow that amount there, and then
squeeze them in an exchange, which distresses both their com
merce and finances, looks hard. There was a good deal of
murmuring about it when the last operation of 1,500,000 guil
ders took place, and I should not be at all surprised if some
patriot, by way of showing his zeal, should make a violent at
tack in the Assembly when the next payment is made. There
are many of these patriots, who if they can inculpate ministers
and distress those Gf different sentiments, do not care a jot for
consequences. But supposing this not to happen, it is not possible for a
nation to make the advantage, which individuals do in such
things, because they must employ individuals, each of whom
will be too apt to look a little to his own advantage. There is
a difference also between the gain made upon parts, and that
which would arise on the whole, for even if we could borrow all
at once so large a sum, there can be no doubt that the remit
tance of it hither would greatly alter the exchange. But it is
not possible to borrow it speedily, and the present unnatural
state of things will, in all probability, be changed. In fact the
leading characters are very seriously alarmed at it. If their
paper currency should be either redeemed, or annihilated,
or abolished tomorrow, the exchange would immediately turn
in favor of France, and then we should lose on remittances.

136 " THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
So much for this affair in its little details ; but there is a
great view of it, which forcibly strikes my mind. If we were at
liberty to turn all our efforts towards our domestic debt, we
' should by raising its value prevent speculations, which are very
i injurious to the country, if not to the government. Millions
have already been bought at a low price, and afterwards negotia
ted in Europe. Neither is that all, for if we can borrow at
five per cent and buy up our six per cent debt at par, we gain
at once by that operation one fifth of the interest, or twenty per
cent, which, besides all the other good consequences, is much
more than ever we shall get by any management of our debts
on this side of the water.
I have given you, my dear Sir, these hints in abridgement,
because my time will not admit of dilating them ; attribute them,
I pray you, to the true cause, and believe me always very sin
cerely yours, GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO ROBERT MORRIS. Paris, July 16th, 1791.
My Dear Friend,
My last was from London of the twenty-eighth of June. The
latest I have received from you is of the third of May. You
will have heard, through various channels, of the King's escape
from the Tuileries. By the bye, he was said to be in perfect
liberty there ; but yet bur good friend Lafayette was very near
being hanged because he got away, and his justification tends
to show, that his Majesty, besides his parole given, was so close
ly watched that he had but little chance of getting off unobserv
ed. This step was a very foolish one. Public affairs were in
such a situation, that, if he had been quiet, he would have soon
been master, because the anarchy, which prevails, would have
shown the necessity of conferring more authority, and because

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 137
it is not possible so to balance a single Assembly against a Prince,
but that one must prove too heavy for tbe other, or too light for
the business.
The Assembly also, very strongly suspected of corrupt prac
tices, was falling fast in the public estimation. His departure
changed everything ; and now the general wish seems to be for
a republic, which is quite in the natural order of things. Yes
terday the Assembly decreed, that the King, being inviolable,
could not be involved in the accusations to be made against
those concerned in his evasion. This has excited much heat
.against them. The people are now assembling on the occasion,
and the militia (many of them opposed to the King) are out.
As I lodge near the Tuileries, it is far from improbable, that
I shall have a battle under my windows. The vanguard of the
populace is to be formed by two or three thousand women.
A good smart action would, I think, be useful rather than per
nicious. But the great evil arises from a cause not easily re
moved. It will, I think, be scarcely possible to confer authori
ty on, or in other words to obtain obedience for, a man, who
has entirely forfeited the public opinion; and, if they lay him
aside, I do not see how they are to manage a regency. His
brothers are abroad, and so is the Prince of Conde. The
Duke of Orleans is.loaded with universal contempt ; and if they
should name a council of regency, they would be obliged to
take either feeble or suspected characters. Add to this the
struggle, which must arise in a state where there is a King de
throned, and that for trivial causes. At the same time, the state
of their finances is detestable, and growing worse every day.
They have passed a law against emigrations, although by their
bill of rights, every man has a right to go where he pleases.
But this, you know, is the usual fate of bills of rights. How
long the restrictions may continue is uncertain. I am, fee.
Gouvernkur Morris.
12*

138 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO ROBERT MORRIS. Paris, July 20th, 1791.
My Dear Friend,
My last was of the sixteenth. The riot of that day went off
pretty easily, but the next morning two men were lanterned
and mangled in the Parisian taste. This occasioned some
little stir. There had been a pretty general summons to the
friends of liberty, requesting them to meet in the Champ de
Mars. The object of this meeting was to persuade the As
sembly, by the gentle influence of the cord, to undo what they
had done respecting the imprisoned monarch. As the differ
ent ministers and municipal officers had received it in charge
from the Assembly, to maintain peace and see to the execu
tion of the laws, they made proclamation and displayed the
red flag.
In coming from the British Ambassador's, about seven in the
evening, I met a detachment of the militia with the red flag
flying, and some of the civil officers. I went shortly after
wards to a height to see the battle ; but it was over before I
got to the ground ; for as the militia would not, as usual,
ground their arms on receiving the word of command from the
mob, this last began, according to custom, to pelt them with
stones. It was hot weather, and Sunday afternoon, for which
time, according to usage immemorial, the inhabitants of this
capital have generally some pleasurable engagement. To be
disappointed in their amusement, to be paraded through the
streets under a scorching sun, and then stand like holiday
turkeys to be knocked down by brickbats, was a little more
than they had patience to bear ; so that, without waiting for
orders, they fired and killed a dozen or two of the ragged
regiment. The rest ran off like lusty fellows.
If the militia had waited for orders, they might, I fancy,
have been all knocked down, before they received any. As
it is, the business went off pretty easily. Some of them have
since been assassinated, but not above five or six, as far as I

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 139
ean learn. Lafayette was very near being killed in the morn
ing ; but the pistol snapped at his breast. The assassin was
immediately secured, but he ordered him to be discharged.
These are things on which no comment is necessary. I think
we shall be quiet here a little while ; but it is possible enough,
that seizing, some plausible occasion, a violent effort will be
made, and then, if the militia succeed, order will be estab-
ed. Adieu. I am very truly and affectionately yours,
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, July 28th, 1791.
Dear Sir,
The communications in your several letters, relative to the
state of affairs in Europe, are very gratefully received ; and I
should be glad if it were in my power to reply to them more in
detail than I am able to do. But my public duties, which are
at all times sufficiently numerous, being now much accumulated
by an absence of more than three months from the seat of gov
ernment, make the present a very busy moment for me.
The change of systems, which have so long prevailed in Eu
rope, will, undoubtedly, affect us in a degree proportioned to
our political or commercial connexions with the several na
tions of it. But I trust we shall never so far lose sight of our
own interest and happiness as to become, unnecessarily, a par
ty in their political disputes. Our local situation enables us to
maintain that state, with respect to them, which otherwise could
not, perhaps, be preserved by human wisdom. The present
moment seems pregnant with great events ; but, as you ob
serve, it is beyond the ken of mortal foresight to determine
what will be the result of those changes, which are either mak
ing, or contemplated, in the general system of Europe. Al
though as fellow men we sincerely lament the disorders, op
pressions, and incertitude, which frequently attend national

1'40 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
events, and which our European brethren must feel, yet we
cannot but hope, that it will terminate very much in favor of
the rights of man. And that a change there, will be favora
ble to this country, I have no doubt. For under the former
system we were seen either in the distresses of war, or viewed
after the peace in a most unfavorable light through the medi
um of our distracted state. In neither point could we appear
of much consequence among nations. And should affairs con
tinue in Europe in the same state they were, when these im
pressions respecting us were received, it would not be an ea
sy matter to remove the prejudices imbibed against us. A
change of system will open a new view of things, and we shall
then burst upon them, as it were, with redoubled advantages.
Should we, under the present state of affairs, form connex
ions, other than we now have, with any European powers,'
much must be considered in effecting them, on the score of our
increasing importance as a nation ; and at the same time, should
a treaty be formed with a nation, whose circumstances may not
at this moment be very bright, much delicacy would be neces
sary in order to show that no undue advantages were taken on
that account. For unless treaties are mutually beneficial to
the parties, it is vain to hope for a continuance of them beyond
the moment when the one, which conceives itself overreached,
is in a situation to break off the connexion. And I believe it
is among nations as with individuals, that the party taking ad
vantage of the distresses of another will lose infinitely more in
the opinion of mankind, and in subsequent events, than it will
gain by the stroke of tbe moment.
In my late tour through the southern States, I experienced
great satisfaction in seeiug-the good effects of the general gov
ernment in that part of the union. The people at large have
felt the security which it gives, and the equal justice which it
administers to them. The farmer, the merchant, and the
mechanic have seen their several interests attended to, and
from thence they unite in placing a confidence in their repre
sentatives, as well as in those in whose hands the execution of

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 141
the laws is placed. Industry has there taken place of idle
ness, and economy of dissipation. Two or three years of
good crops, and a ready market for the produce of their lands,
have put every one in good humor ; and in some instances they
even impute to the government what is due only to the good
ness of Providence.
The establishment of public credit is an immense point
gained in our national concerns. This, I believe, exceeds the
expectation of the most sanguine among us. And a late in
stance, unparalleled in this country, has been given of the con
fidence reposed in our measures, by the rapidity with which
the subscriptions to the Bank of the United States were filled.
In two hours after the books were opened by the commission
ers, the whole number of shares was taken up, and four thou
sand more applied for, than were allowed by the institution ;
besides a number of subscriptions which were coming on.
This circumstance was not only pleasing, as it related to the
confidence in government, -but as it exhibited an unexpected
proof of the resources of our citizens.
In one of my 'letters to you, the account of the number of
inhabitants, Which would, probably be found in the United
States on enumeration, was too large. The estimate was
then founded on the ideas held out by the gentlemen in Con
gress of the population of the several States, each of whom (as
was very natural) looking through a magnifier would speak of
the greatest extent, to which there was any probability of their
numbers reaching. Returns of the census have already been
made from several of the States, and a tolerably just estimate
has been now formed in others ; by which it appears, that we
shall hardly reach four millions ; but this you are to take along
with it, that the real number will greatly exceed the official
return ; because, from religious* scruples, some would not give
in their lists ; from an apprehension that it was intended as
the foundation of a tax, others concealed, or diminished theirs ;
and from the indolence of the mass, and want of activity in
many of the deputy enumerators, numbers are omitted. The

142 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
authenticated number will, however, be far greater, I believe,
than has ever been allowed in Europe ; and will have no
small mfluence in enabling them to form a more just opinion
of our present growing importance, than has yet been enter
tained there.
This letter goes with one from the Secretary of State, to
which I must refer you for what respects your public transac
tions, and I shall only add to it the repeated assurances of
regard and affection, with which I am, dear Sir,
Your obedient and obliged,
George Washington.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Paris, September 30th, 1791.
Dear Sir,
Mr Short has delivered to me within these few days your
favor of the twenty-eighth of July. I cannot express to you
what I felt on reading it. The view which it gives of our pros
perity as a nation swelled my bosom with emotions, which none
can know but those who have experienced them. The won
derful change, which has been effected in our affairs by the
operation of the general government, has exceeded the pre
dictions of its warmest friends. How great a source of joy is
this to those, who have been at all instrumental in its forma
tion and establishment ; those especially to whom Providence
in its bounty has imparted a sincere affection for their fellow
men. Yes, my dear Sir, man is not merely a selfish, nor a
material being, and I attest your heart to witness the truth
from the conviction of its own feelings.
The King has at length, as you will have seen, accepted the
new constitution, and been in consequence liberated from his ar
rest. It is a general and almost universal conviction that this con
stitution is inexecutable. The makers to a man condemn it. Judge
what must be the opinion of others. Mr Short will doubtless

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 143
forward all the public documents respecting it, and therefore
1 shall not trouble you with any of them. His majesty is to
go in about an hour hence to close the session of the National
Assembly, and then they leave the field to their successors.
His present business is to make himself popular ; indeed his life
and crown depend upon it ; for the constitution is such, that he
must soon be more or less than he is at present, and fortunate
ly he begins to think so, but unfortunately his advisers have
neither the sense nor the spirit, which the occasion calls for.
The new Assembly, as far as can at present be determined,
is deeply imbued with republican or rather democratical princi
ples. The southern part of this kingdom is in the same dis
position. The northern is ecclesiastical in its temper. The
eastern is attached to Germany, and would gladly be reunited
to the empire. Normandy is aristocratical, "and so is part of
Britany. The interior part of the kingdom is monarchical.
This map is (you may rely on it) just, for it is the result of great
and expensive investigations made by government, and I think
you will be able by the help of it, and of the few observations
which precede it, fully to understand many things, which would
not otherwise perhaps be so easily unriddled. You doubtless
recollect that the now expiring Assembly was convened to ar
range the finances, and you will perhaps be surprised to learn,
that after consuming church property to the amount of one
hundred millions sterling, they leave this department much
worse than they found it. Such however is the fact, and the
chance now is, in my opinion, rather for than against a bank
ruptcy. The aristocrats, who are gone and going in great numbers to
join the refugee princes, believe sincerely in a coalition of the
powers of Europe to reinstate their sovereign in his ancient
authorities ; but I believe they are very much mistaken. Noth
ing of consequence can be attempted this year, and many things
may happen before the month of June next, were the several
potentates in earnest. I am led to imagine, that their views are
very different from those which are now assigned to them, and

144 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
it is very far from impossible that the attempt, if any, will, so
far, as France is concerned, be confined to a dismemberment.
The weak side of this kingdom, as matters now stand, is Flan
ders ; but were the provinces of Alsace, Lorraine, French Flan
ders, and Artois rent away, the capital would be constantly ex
posed to the visits from an enemy. These provinces were, you
know, acquired at an immense expense of blood and treasure,
and if Louis the Fourteenth could have succeeded in making
the Rhine his boundary, from Switzerland to the ocean, he
would have obtained the advantages almost of an insular position.
Indeed it is difficult to abstain from the wish, that the countries
included within that boundary were united under a free efficient
government, since it would, in all human probability, be the
means of dispensing the blessings of freedom in no distant pe
riod to all Europe. But on this subject it is now permitted to
a rational being to form rather wishes than hopes, much less
expectations. ,1 will enclose herein a note just now received of the latest
intelligence from Coblentz. It is written by the Prince de
Conde to his confidential friend here, and is accompanie dby
the request that all French gentlemen, capable of actual service,
will immediately repair to the standard of royalty beyond the
Rhine, or rather on ^the banks of that river. To the troops
mentioned in this note are added by the counter revolutionists
here 15,000 Hessians and 16,000 French refugees, so that
exclusively of what the Emperor may bring forward, they mus
ter an army, on paper, of 100,000 men. The Emperor has
about 5,000 men in the low countries. But all these appear
ances, and the proposed Congress of Ambassadors at Aix la
Chapelle, do not in the least change my opinion, that nothing
serious will be attempted this year.
M. de Montmorin has resigned, and the Count de Moustier
is named as his successor, but whether he will accept seems to
be very doubtful. He is now at Berlin, and as he is an inti
mate of M. de Calonne, who is one mainspring of the count
er revolution, he is, I presume, in the secret of what may be

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 145
really in agitation. This on one side ; and on the other an
office, the power and authority of which are just nothing at all;
for you will observe, that by the new constitution every treaty
and convention whatever must be submitted to the investiga
tion of the Assembly to be by them accepted or rejected.
You will have seen I suppose, ere this arrives, what has been
done here respecting the colonies. It is supposed that they
will be perfectly satisfied, because their internal legislation is
left to themselves; but 1 much doubt this, for their com
merce, which involves their existence, is left entirely at the
mercy of the Assembly, which will not be over attentive to their
interests, when they fall into competition with those of the
mother country.
I send out to Mr Morris a bundle of pamphlets written
here by a M. de Cormere, according to hints and observations
which I furnished to him. Mr Morris will give you one, and
you will see that it was calculated to produce a liberal system of
colonial government, beneficial to them and to us. In order
to bring it about, it was proposed that commissioners should be
sent out with full powers to treat with the colonial Assemblies,
and could that have been carried, this pamphlet would have
been the groundwork of the instructions. The proposition was
rejected, but as it is more tjian probable, that the colonies will
have had a full taste of the sweets of free trade before the
troubles are composed, and as they will have learnt that fear
can produce what reason could not, I do expect that at length
this government must come into some such measure, and there
by not only the stumbling block will be taken out of the way
to a useful treaty between France and the United States, but
at the same time, and by the same means, the road will be laid
open for. solid connexion with Great Britain.
In all cases we have the consolation, that if the powers of
Europe by their excluding principles deprive us of the need
ful vent for our produce, which becomes daily more and more
abundant, we shall, from the cheapness of living and of raw
materials, which results from that circumstance, make great and
VOL. II. 1 3

146 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
rapid progress in useful manufactures. This alone is wanting
to complete our independence. We shall then be, as it were,
a world by ourselves, and far from the jars and wars of Europe,
their various revolutions will serve merely to instruct and
amuse ; like the roaring of a tempestuous sea, which at a cer
tain distance becomes a pleasing sound.
Farewell, my dear Sir ; that you may be well and happy is
the sincere wish of yours, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, October 3d, 1791,
Dear Sir,
I am favored with yours of the twenty-sixth of July, * for
which I pray you to accept my thanks. I mentioned to you
from London, that Mr Walpole had been offered the place of
Envoy Extraordinary to the United States, which he had refus
ed. I took care to avoid any sort of intercourse with the
government while I was there, and of course could not possess
any minute information worthy of your notice. I avoided also
seeing any of the chiefs of opposition, lest some conclusions of
a disagreeable nature should be drawn from that circumstance.
Of course it was not until my arrival in this city, that I learnt
(from the British Ambassador here) what had been done.
Mr Hammond was sent for from Spain, and passed through
this city while I was in London. I do not know whether he
is gone out ; if not, you have long since I suppose received the
communication of his appointment. The plan seems to have
been that which I long since mentioned, viz. the sending out a
minister with letters of credence in his pocket, to be delivered
when you shall appoint one to their court.
From a variety of small circumstances I am convinced, that
* See Jefferson's Writings, Vol. iii. p. 115.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 147
the British cabinet begins very seriously to consider its situa
tion in respect to us. The rapid rise of our credit, the wise
decisions of our courts, the general peace and order which
prevail, and the gradual display of our population, wealth, and
industry, produce very great effect upon their minds. Let
me add that the calm dignity of those, who are at the head of
our affairs, has a considerable influence. Events confirm me
in the opinion, which I formed from an attentive consider
ation of the subject, and I think we may calculate almost with
certainty on forming a good treaty with that country, as soon as
they shall determine to form any treaty ; and until that time,
I agree fully with you, that attempts on our part should be such
only, as to justify to the world that conduct which it becomes
us to pursue. I know that among the many, whose duty or
occupation it may be to consider this subject, there must be a
variety of opinions, because dispositions differ, because prejudi
ces exist, because interests sway, in a word, because men are
men ; but Time will set his seal of truth on that which is right.
I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO ROBERT MORRIS. Paris, October 10th, 1791.
My Dear Friend,
The people of this city are become wonderfully fond of the
King, and have a thorough contempt for the Assembly, who
are, in general, what used to be called in Philadelphia, the blue
stockings. There is, however, this difference between the
two capitals, that with you virtuous poverty is respected, but
here splendor is indispensable. Judge the consequence, and
to enlighten that judgment, know that at this moment ' they
stand on the brink of bankruptcy, which can only be avoided
by increasing the vigor of the executive magistrate. This
becomes daily more and more apparent ; and Paris exists, as
it were, on the interest of the national debt.

148 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
These facts will enable you to understand, why the other
evening at the Italian comedy, as it is called, the parterre, or
people, cried out continually Vive le Roy; Vive la Reine ;
Vive la famille royale. — Sire, vive votre Majeste. These
words, Sire and Majeste, were, you know, proscribed by the
Assembly, which was obliged, by a strong expression of the
popular sentiment, to retract that decree the very next day.
A patriot, in the midst of this acclamation, took it into his
head to cry Vive la Nation, — but the rest silenced him imme
diately. Now, my dear friend, this is the very same people who,
when the King was brought back from his excursion, whipped
a democratical Dutchess of my acquaintance, because they
heard only the last part of what she said, which was, 11 nefaut
pas dire, vive le Roi. She had the good sense to desire the
gentleman, who was with her, to leave her. Whipping is, you
know, an operation which a lady would rather undergo among
strangers, than before her acquaintance.
The provinces are not as yet in the same disposition with
the capital, and I think they will not be so for a long time to
come. But accidents may happen to change either the one
or the other, and it is difficult to decide with precision on a
people and situation so fluctuating and inconstant. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, December 27th, 1791.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 12th of September reached me a few days
ago. In the proposition of SJ J. and Co. I saw the means of
saving somewhat to the United States, without incurring the
odium of a payment in depreciated paper ; but since a de
termination to pay in value is adopted, I heartily and en
tirely approve of the rejection of their offer.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 149
Before the receipt of your letter Mr Short communicated to
me, in general terms, the intention to make good the deprecia
tion on the money paid here before, and told me at the same
time that it seemed to be in contemplation to pay in specie,
about which he felt himself much embarrassed ; for in that
case there would be a loss of about five per cent, which, with
the commissions on loans, fee. fee. would increase the debt
about one tenth, instead of paying it with advantage. ^ And
this arises from a circumstance which is, I believe, the com
mon attendant of paper money, viz. that specie is higher in
proportion than foreign exchanges.
This will be best understood by assigning what I conceive
to be the cause of that difference. I begin by rejecting the
theories of speculative men, who suppose that bills of exchange
are drawn and purchased for payment of reciprocal debts, and
the like. I reject equally the stock-jobbing operations of
bankers, and confining ray view to the ordinary course of
things, I observe, that when a man purchases in France goods
which are to be sold in England, he pays for those goods by
the proceeds of bills drawn on England, and as he makes the
acquisition of the goods with - a view to the future sales, he
governs himself by the usual price of such goods in the coun
try to which they are to be sent.
The rate of exchange, therefore, enters into his consideration
only so far as by means thereof the price he is to pay for his
goods may be affected. On the other hand, he who has
bought goods on credit in England, which he vends in France,
regards the exchange only in so far as it governs the price at
which he must sell his goods. Thus the pound sterling being
worth about twenty-five livres, if the exchange is at thirty livres
for the pound sterling, he must advance one fifth, or twenty
per cent on the price of English goods ; and for the same
reason, the English agent can afford to give an advance of
twenty per cent on French wines. Now in proportion as the
price of English goods advances, the consumption of them
lessens, and consequently the purchase of bills on London to
13*

150 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
pay for them diminishes ; and in proportion as the exchange
advances, which is of course a decrease in the the real price of
French goods, the purchase of them increases, and of course
the sale of bills on London to pay for them, and thus the de
preciation of the paper currency checks, by eventual operation,
its immediate effect on foreign exchange.
But the price of specie depends on a different cause.
Specie, in a time of peace and good government, is but the
sign of wealth, and not the substance ; so that no more of it is
found in a country, than is necessary for the interchange of
those commodities, which form the real wealth of such country.
And by the bye it follows, that in proportion to the degree of
credit resulting from a vigorous execution of good laws, the
necessity of money decreases, and it becomes plentiful by the
prevalence of confusion, without any actual increase or decrease
of the mass. But when a paper circulation is forced forward,
prudent men first, and all men afterwards, desire to realize
this property. Land is not always a convenient object for
this purpose, because the subsequent sale is difficult, and
merchandises are objectionable from their bulk and decay.
Tbe precious metals, therefore, naturally obtain a preference,
and as their quantity is by no means proportionate to the real
wealth of the country, their price is increased more rapidly
than that of other things. But the foreign merchant, observing
this advance, declines drawing bills unless he can get some
thing near the price which his coin, if brought into the coun
try, would produce, and thus the exchange follows the price
of coin in the course of depreciation instead of preceding it.
If I were to hazard a conjecture, as to the corollary of this
reasoning, it would be that the quantity of the precious metals
' rather increases than diminishes in a country where paper
money circulates.
.1 make no apology for this digression, because if it conveys
no information, it tends at least to explain one fact, and to
place some others in a different light from that in which they
are usually viewed. To return then to the subject of your let-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 151
ter, I must tell you, that about the same time that Mr Short's
despatches arrived, a plan was imagined by the colonists of St
Domingo and proposed to the administration, for repairing the
ravages committed by their slaves in the late insurrection, by
appropriating to that purpose the debt of the United States to
France. One of them came to converse with me on the sub
ject ; but supposing it to be some new scheme of speculation,
I refused to listen to him. A few days after, however, the
Minister of the Marine told me that he had sent him, and de
sired me to consider the matter and see if something could not
be done. In consequence of this I mentioned to Mr Short,
who is now in Holland, a plan which appeared to me useful to
the two countries ; and before his departure we agreed on cer
tain principles to govern in that business, conformably to which
the minister is now acting. I shall send you his address to
the Assembly on the subject, and if the thing he has in view is
effected, I will detail it to you ; if not, I will spare you the pe
rusal of so much useless writing.
As to tbe state of things here, I would convey it to you as
fully as propriety will admit ; but I know not yet by what op
portunity this letter will go, and the Post Office was never
more abused under the most despotic ministers than it is at
present, notwithstanding the decrees to the contrary. Every
letter I receive bears evident marks of patriotic curiosity.
This anxious spirit of pettifogging villany proves the fear of
those who make use of it ; and truly they have reason to fear,
for every day proves more clearly that their new constitution
is good for nothing.
Those, whom I had warned in season of the mischiefs they
were preparing, endeavor, now that it is too late, to lay the
blame on others by way of excusing themselves, but the truth
is that instead of seeking the public good by doing what was
right, each sought his own advantage by flattering the public
opinion. They dare not now propose the amendments, which
they perceive and acknowledge to be indispensable. They
have besides no confidence in each other, for every one feels

152 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
a reason against it, and meets moreover with daily proofs that
his copatriots are no better than himself.
The Assembly (as you who know such bodies will naturally
suppose) commits every day new follies, and if this unhappy
country be not plunged anew into the horrors of despotism, it
is not their fault. They have lately made a master stroke to
that effect. They have resolved to attack their neighbors, un
less they dissipate the assemblies of French emigrants, who
have taken refuge in their dominions. These neighbors are
members of the German Empire, and France threatens to car
ry into their country, not fire and sword, but la liberie. Now
as this last word does not, in the acceptation of German courts,
mean so much liberty as insurrection, you will see that the pre
text is given for hostilities without violating the law of nations.
Add to this, that three French armies of fifty thousand men
each are ordered to assemble on the frontiers. One under
your old acquaintance Rochambeau, in Flanders ; one under our
friend Lafayette in Lorraine, so as to penetrate by the Moselle
river into the electorate of Treves ; and one under a Monsieur
Luckner in Alsace. This last T am told has but slender abili
ties; the other two you are acquainted with. Putting all
other things out of the question it is self-evident, that the Empire
must bring force to oppose force thus ordered, and in conse
quence it is not to be doubted, that fifty thousand Prussian and
fifty thousand Austrian troops will make their appearance as
speedily as circumstances can permit,
Now 1 am thoroughly convinced, that if this country were
united under a good government, and in peace with England,
they could set the rest of Europe at defiance ; but you have no
idea, my dear Sir, of a society so loosely organized. America
in the worst of times was much better, because at least the
criminal law was executed, not to mention the mildness of our
manners. My letters predicting their present situation may
perhaps have appeared like the wanderings of exaggerated fan
cy, but believe me, they are within the coldest limits of truth.
Their army is undisciplined to a degree you can hardly con-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 153
ceive. Already great numbers desert to what they expect will
become the enemy. Their Gardes.Nationales, who have turned
out as volunteers, are in many instances that corrupted scum of
overgrown population, of which large cities purge themselves,
and which, without constitution to support the fatigues, or cou
rage to encounter the perils of war, have every vice and every
disease, which can render them the scourge of their friends and
the scoff of their foes. /
The finances are so deplorably bad, that the bankruptcy,
which actually exist by the depreciation of the paper money,
must soon be declared by stopping payment in some quarter or
other, unless those effectual remedies be applied, which seem to
be beyond the power of the government, and beyond the talents
of those who administer it. The discontent is general, but it
does not break out, partly because the antipathy to the Aristo
crats, and the fear of their tyranny still operates, and partly
because no safe opportunity offers. Every one is bewildered
in his meditations as to the event, and like a fleet at anchor in
a fog, no one will set sail for fear of running foul.
If they come to blows on the borders a curious scene will, I
think, present itself. The first success on either side will decide
the opinions of a vast number, who have in fact no opinion, but
only the virtuous determination to adhere to the strongest party ;
and you may rely on it, that if the enemy be tolerably success
ful, a person who shall visit this country two years hence will
inquire with astonishment by what means a nation, which in
• the year 1788 was devoted to its King, became in 1790 una
nimous in throwing off authority, and in 1792 as unani
mous in submitting to it. The reasons are given to you in my
letter of the 29th April, 1789, and my fears expressed in that
letter seem now to be on the eve of reality. The King means
well, and may perhaps by his moderation finally succeed in
saving his country. I hope much from this circumstance ; but,
alas, the moderation of one who has been so wounded, so insult
ed, seems to be but a slender dependence, and yet I verily
believe it to be the best, and I had almost said the only de
pendence.

154 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. December 31st.
A courier arrived last night with despatches, which are to be
communicated to the Assembly this morning. The Emperor
informs the King, that he has given orders to General Bender,
who commands in the Low Countries, to protect the electorate
of Treves with all his forces. I did not mention, as I ought to
have done, that the courts of Berlin and Vienna have conclud
ed a treaty for the protection of the German Empire and
maintenance of its rights. You will have seen that the Empe
ror, having adopted the determination of the Diet respecting
the claims of those princes, who have certain feudal rights
preserved to them by the treaty of Westphalia in Alsace and
Lorraine, reminded the King, that the dominion of France over
those provinces is conceded by that treaty.
The Dutch government has proposed a treaty with the Em
peror, as sovereign of the Low Countries, for mutual aid and
protection, in case of insurrections, which offer is accepted.
All this is explained by the intrigues of France to excite
revolt in Holland and Flanders, and the completion of such a
treaty will place the Emperor at ease, should he operate against
this country next spring. I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London, Febuary 4th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
I wrote to you on the twenty-seventh of December, but there
were many things which I did not write, and some of them I
will now communicate. At the close of the session of the first
National Assembly, a coalition was brought about between the
Jacobins and the Quatre-vingt-neufs. It is proper to explain
these terms. The Jacobins, so called from their meeting at a
convent or church of that name, were then the violent party.
The others, who took their name from a club instituted in the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1 55
year 1789, were those who termed themselves moderate men,
friends to order, fee. fee. The death of Mirabeau, (who was
beyond all controversy one of the most unprincipled scoundrels
that ever lived,) left a great chasm in the latter party. He
was then sold to the court, and meant to bring back absolute
authority. The chiefs of the Jacobins were violent, for two reasons.
First, that the Quatre-vingt-neufs would not join with them
seriously and heartily, wherefore not being able to make head
alone, they were obliged to use the populace, and therefore to
sacrifice to the populace. Secondly, that the objects of their
desire were much greater, though more remote, than those of the
other party ; for these last had never sought in the revolution
anything else, than to place themselves comfortably, whereas
the Jacobins did really at first desire to establish a free consti
tution, in the expectation that sooner or later they should be
at the head of it.
The Aristocrats, you will observe, were reduced to insig
nificancy before the others divided. That, you know, is a
thing of course. You will remember, that the first Assembly
had decreed that their members could neither hold any office
under the crown, nor yet be chosen to represent the people.
These decrees were partly the fruit of opposition between the
two parties, and partly the result of suspicions, which they had
both excited amongst the well meaning members of the Assem
bly. The first decree was of Jacobin parentage, to disappoint
their enemies, who were upon the point of succeeding to office.
The second decree was carried against the secret inclinations
of both. But the consequence was, that each was seriously
disappointed; and as the constitution was clearly unable to
support itself, they began to perceive that its ruin might involve
their own, and therefore they formed a coalition, in which
each determined to make use of the other for its own purposes.
But you will say perhaps, that both together would be of lit
tle use ; and this is true in a degree ; for if the constitution
had been a practicable thing, those alone who were in power

156 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
under it could have any real authority. But that was not the
case, and therefore the plan of the Allies was to induce a be
lief in the court, that they alone had sufficient popularity in the
nation to preserve the monarchical authority against, the repub
lican party, and on the other hand to convince the Assembly,
that (having in their hands the royal authority) all favor, offices,
and grants must come, through them. Thus they constituted
themselves, if I may be allowed the expression, the govern
ment brokers of the nation.
I have mentioned the republican party. This naturally
.grew up out of the old Jacobin sect ; for when the chiefs, findr
ing that all was nearly ruined by the want of authority, had
set themselves seriously at work to correct their own errors,
many of their disciples, who believed what their apostles had.
preached, and many who saw in the establishment of order the
loss of their consequence, determined to throw off all submis
sion to crowned heads, as being unworthy of a free people.
Add to this the number of 'moody beggars starving for a
time of pell-mell havock and confusion.'
It was this coalition, which prevented theKing from accept
ing the constitution in a manly manner, pointing out its capital
faults, marking the probable consequences, calling on them to:
reconsider it, and declaring that his submission to their decis
ions arose from his belief, that it was the only means to avoid
the horrors of civil war. They saw that this conduct would
render them responsible, and although it was the most likely
means of obtaining a good constitution at a future day, and would:
have bound the King down to the principles he should then ad
vance, yet they opposed, because such good constitution would
be established, not only without,, but even against them, and
would of course deprive them of those objects which they were
in pursuit of. The King contended strongly for that kind of
acceptance, which I have just mentioned, but he was borne
down, being threatened with popular commotions fatal to him
self and his family, and with that civil war which he most wish
ed to avoid, as the necessary result of such fatal commo
tions.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 157
Shortly after his acceptance it became necessary to appoint
another minister of Foreign Affairs, Monsieur de Montmorin
having insisted so strongly on retiring that the King could not
longer, with any propriety, ask him to stay. The state of the
ministry was then as follows. Monsieur Duport, the Keeper of
the Seals, a creature of and sworn adherent to the Triumvirate ;
which Triumvirate is another Duport, Barnave, and Alexander
Lameth, being the chiefs of the old Jacobins. I say the old
Jacobins, for the present Jacobins are the republican party.
This Keeper of the Seals constantly communicated every
thing that passed in council to his coadjutors. The Minister of
the Interior, Monsieur Delessart, was a wavering creature, one
of those of whom Shakspeare says that they ' renege, affirm, and
turn their halcyon beaks with every gale and vary of their
masters.' He had been one of M. Necker's underlings, was
brought forward by him, and had connected himself with the
Triumvirate, M. Necker's enemies, as being the strongest party,
but still kept up a good understanding with the others.
Duportail, the Minister at War, of whom I formerly spoke to
you when he was appointed, and foretold the conduct he would
pursue towards his creator, Monsieur de Lafayette, was also
completely subservient to the Triumvirate. But at that time he
was so much embroiled with the Assembly, that his speedy resig
nation seemed unavoidable. Monsieur Bertrand de Molleville
had just been appointed to the Marine, an office which Monsieur
de Bougainville had refused to accept. He was pushed to it by
the Quatre-vingt-neufs, whom he despised, and told the King
that he would not be member of a ministry, many of whom he
knew to be unfaithful to him. Monsieur Bertrand was brought
forward by the same influence, but he is really attached to the
crown, wishes ardently to obtain a good constitution for his
country, is an intelligent, sensible, and laborious man, formerly
of the robe, and the particular friend of Monsieur de Montmo
rin. I mentioned to you formerly that Monsieur de Choiseul had
refused the office of Foreign Affairs. While it was in question
vol. n. 14

158 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
who should be appointed to succeed Monsieur de Montmorin,
the King of his own head named the Count de Moustier, and
wrote him a letter on the subject, which 3e Moustier has since
shown to me. He had the prudence to write from Berlin to
decline accepting, until after he should be in Paris. When he
arrived in that city the King told him that he could not give
him the office, because he was considered as an Aristocrat.
You will observe that the coalition had been at work to get rid
of him, and here I must make a digression. The plan was
that as soon as circumstances would permit, a Minister at War
should be appointed, faithful to the King, and then Bougain
ville take the Marine, Bertrand be appointed Keeper of the
Seals, and Delessart either kept in or turned out, as he should
behave. This plan was not known to the coalition at all, but
they well knew that if de Moustier got into place, it would be
a step towards the destruction of their influence and author
ity. They therefore assured the King, that they could not an
swer for consequences, threatened him with popular commo
tions, with opposition in the Assembly, and the like, so that at
last he gave up his nomination and explained the matter to de
Moustier. A long interregnum ensued in that office, and as
Monsieur de Montmorin absolutely refused to continue any long
er, the Portefeuille was given to Monsieur Delessart, and
after some time the Count de Segur was appointed.
He accepted in the belief of two things, in both of which he
was mistaken. One, that he had the confidence of the King
and Queen ; but he had never taken the right way to obtain
either their confidence, or that of others. The second article
of his creed was, that the Triumvirate (his patrons) command
ed a majority in the Assembly. He was undeceived as to the
latter point immediately, and therefore threw up the office and
went out of town. Under these circumstances Monsieur de
Narbonne tried hard to obtain that place, and, as I have men
tioned his name, and that of Monsieur de Choiseul, I will in
this place mention that of the Abbe de Perigord, afterwards
Bishop of Autu'n. These three are young men of high fam
ily, men of wit and men of pleasure ; the two former were

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 159
men of fortune, but had spent it. They were intimates ; all
three had run the career of ambition together to retrieve
their affairs. On the score of morals neither of them is
exemplary. The Bishop is particularly blamed on that head,
for the variety and publicity of his amours, for gambling, and
above all for stock-jobbing during the ministry of Monsieur de
Calonne, with whom he was on the best terms, and therefore
had opportunities which his enemies say he made no small use
of. However I do not believe in this, and I think that except
his gallantries, and a mode of thinking rather too liberal for a
churchman, the charges are unduly aggravated.
It was by the Bishop's intrigues principally, that Monsieur
de Choiseul was formerly nominated to the office of Foreign
Affairs, but he preferred staying at Constantinople till he
could see which way things would settle, and to that effect he
prevailed on the Vizier, or rather the Reis Effendi, to write that
he thought it much for the interest of France, that he should
Stay for three years longer in that city. In the beginning of
the revolution, Narbonne, a great Anti-neckerist, was not a
little opposed to it, and there was afterwards some coldness
between him and the Bishop, partly on political accounts, and
partly because he (in common with the rest of the world)
believed the Bishop to be too well with his mistress. This
coldness was however at length removed by the interference
of their common friend, and the Bishop labored hard to get
his friend de Narbonne appointed to the office of Foreign
Affairs, but the King would not agree to it. M. Delessart
was therefore appointed, he being very glad to get rid of the
department of the Interior, where he had everything to ap
prehend from want of power, want of order, and want of
bread. The next step was to bring Monsieur de Narbonne
forward to fill the place of Monsieur Duportail, and to this
M. Delessart gave his hearty assistance by way of compen
sating for the disappointment in the other department. Final
ly the Interior, or Home Department, was filled by a Monsieur
Cahier de Gerville, of whom I know very little ; nor is it
necessary that I should.

160 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
This ministry stands then divided as follows. The Keeper
of Seals and M. Delessart are attached, or supposed to be so,
to the Lameth faction, Monsieur de Narbonne and Monsieur
Bertrand are supposed to be attached to the Quatre-vingt-
neufs, and M. de Gerville rather leaning to the latter. This
ministry, extremely disjointed in itself, and strongly opposed
by the Assembly, possesses on the whole but a moderate share
of talents, for though Count de Narbonne is a man of wit, and a
very pleasant lively fellow, he is by no means a man of
business ; and though M. Bertrand has talents, yet according
to the old proverb, one swallow never makes a summer.
Such as it is, every one of them is convinced that the con
stitution is good for nothing ; and unfortunately they are many
of them so indiscreet as to disclose that opinion, "when at the
same time they declare their determination to support and ex
ecute it, which is in fact the only rational mode, which now
remains, of pointing out its defects. It is unnecessary to tell
you, that some members of the National Assembly are in the
pay of England, for that you will easily suppose. Brissotde
Warville is said to be one of them, and indeed, (whether from
corrupt or other motives I know not,) his conduct tends to in
jure his own country, and benefit that of their ancient foes in a
very eminent degree.
The situation of their finances is such, that every considerate
person sees the impossibility of going on in the present way ;
and as a change of system, after so many pompous declama
tions, is not a little dangerous among a people so wild and un-
governed, it has appeared to them that a war would furnish
some plausible pretext for measures of a very decisive nature,
in which state necessity will be urged in the teeth of policy,
humanity, and justice. Others consider war as the means of
obtaining for the government the eventual command of disci
plined military force, which may be used to restore order, in
other words to bring back despotism '; and then they expect
that the King will give the nation a constitution, which they
have neither the wisdom to form nor the virtue to adopt for

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 161
themselves. Others again suppose that in case of a war there
will be such a leaning from the King towards his brothers, from
the Queen towards the Emperor, from the nobility (the very
few) who remain towards the mass of their brethren, who have
left the kingdom, that the bad success natural to arise from
the opposition of undisciplined mobs to regular armies, may be
easily imputed to treasonable counsels, and the people be pre
vailed on to banish them altogether, and set up a federal re
public. Lastly, the Aristocrats burning with the lust of ven
geance, most of them poor, and all of them proud, hope that,
supported by foreign armies, they shall be able to return
victorious and re-establish that species of despotism most suited
to their own cupidity.
It happens, therefore, that the whole nation, though with dif
ferent views, are desirous of war, for it is proper in such gene
ral statement to take in the spirit of the country, which has ever
been warlike. 1 have told you long ago, that the Emperor is
by no means an enterprising or warlike prince. I must now,
in confirmation of that, inform you that in the famous confer
ence at Pilnitz he was taken in by the King of Prussia, for he
came prepared to higgle about the nature and extent of the
succor to be given and forces to be employed ; but the King
cut the matter short by telling him, that the difference in the
extent of their respective dominions, and a variety of other
circumstances, would justify him in demanding greater efforts
on the part of the Emperor, but that he would meet him on
ground of perfect equality. In consequence of this the Em
peror was obliged to accede, but he did so in the view and the
wish to do nothing.
When therefore the King accepted the constitution, he chose
to consider that as a reason why foreign Princes should not
interfere. The King of Prussia, however, gave to the King per
sonal assurances of his good will, and brotherly attachment, and
of this offered substantial proofs. The King's true interest
(and he thinks so) seems to consist in preserving the peace,
and leaving the Assembly to act as they may think proper, which
14*

162 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
will demonstrate the necessity of res|oring in a great degree the
royal authority. The faction opposed to him are very sensible
of this, which forms an additional reason for driving everything
to extremity ; and therefore with a view to destroy every root
and fibre of ancient systems, they have imagined to court the
alliance of Great Britain and of Prussia. Inconsequence, the
Bishop d'Autun has been sent to England, and if my informa
tion be good, is authorised to propose the cession of the Islands
of France and Bourbon and the island of Tobago, as the price
of an alliance against the Emperor.
This has a direct tendency to break the family compact with
Spain, which has long been courted by Britain ; for it is evi
dent, that this country will not embark in a contest which is to
do France any good, and therefore the game of Mr Pitt is as
clear as the sun, and suits exactly his temper and disposition.
He has only to receive the offers made, and send copies to
Vienna and Madrid, by way of supporting his negotiations, par
ticularly with the latter. He can offer them also the guarantee
of their dominions and rights against us, and by this means we
should find ourselves all at once surrounded by hostile nations.
The minister of the Marine opposed' violently in council this
mission, stated the consequences, and obtained some useful re
strictions. M. de Warville proposed in the Diplomatic Commit
tee the cession of Dunkirk and Calais to England, as pledges
of the fidelity of France to the engagements she might take.
You will judge from this specimen of the wisdom and virtue
of the faction to which he belongs, and I am sure the in
tegrity of your heart will frown with indignant contempt when
I tell you, that among the chiefs of that faction are men, who
owe their all to the personal bounty of the King.
This mission of the Bishop d'Autun has produced something
like a schism in the coalition. The party of Lameth and Bar-
nave are strongly opposed to it. Monsieur Delessart, who
had adopted the scheme on the representation of the Bishop
(with whom it originated) and his friends, abandoned it on the
representation of the others, and two days before I left Paris

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 163
an express was sent to assure the Emperor, that notwithstand
ing appearances they meant him no harm. In effect they
were again going to endeavor at an alliance of the nation with
him, upon a plan which was set on foot about three months
ago by those, who afterwards fell into the plan of an alliance
with Britain. You may judge from hence how much depen
dence is to be placed on these new fangled statesmen. The
King and Queen are wounded to the soul by these rash mea
sures. They have, I believe, given all needful assurances to
the Emperor and King of Spain. A confidential person has
desired me to assure you on their behalf, that they are very
far from wishing to change the system of French politics and
abandon their old allies, and therefore if any advantage is tak
en of the present advances to Britain, that you will consider
them as originating merely in the madness of the moment ; and
not as proceeding from them, or as meeting with their approba
tion, but the contrary. I shall send this letter in such a way, as
promises the greatest safety, and I must entreat you, my dear
Sir, to destroy it for fear of accidents ; you will feel how impor
tant it is to them, that this communication be not disclosed. It
is merely personal from them to you, and expressive of senti
ments which can have no action until they have some authori
ty. It is time to close this too long letter, whose object is to pos
sess you of that interior machinery by which outward move
ments are directed. Believe always, I pray, in the sincerity of
those sentiments with which I am yours, GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO ROBERT MORRIS. London, February 15th, 1792.

My Dear Friend,
This, letter will be in reply to what you have been so kind
as to write respecting my nomination as minister to the court

164 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
of France. I feel as I ought the honor conferred by the
President in making it, and whatever may be its fate in the
Senate, I shall always count his suffrage among the most flat
tering events of my life. I find that no decision was made
down to the evening of the ninth of January, though the first
consideration was in the morning of the twenty-third of De
cember, being in the whole eighteen days that it had hung by
the eyelids. A mischievous consequence of the delay is, that
foreign powers will suppose there is a great division of senti
ment, and of course the Minister will have less weight, at
least for some time, and if a bare majority should eventually
approve, that circumstance also will operate in the same way.
To obviate evil, so far as the other gentlemen may be con
cerned, I have declared here to those who have wondered at
the delay, that I believe the exceptions, if any, are against
me. It has been reported, that the exception was to making
any appointment whatever ; but I have declared my belief
that this was not the case, for you will observe that such opin
ion presupposes that the President was precipitate, whereas
the law passed on the subject is of long standing. On the
whole, I have thought it best to make myself the scape goat
of the flock, because if disapproved of, it will then appear all
natural enough, and if appointed, I must work through the dif
ficulties as well as I can ; they will be less important to my
country, on the other side of the channel, and my great object is
her interest.
The mission to France must be a stormy one, let it fall on
whom it may. You will have seen that every character, both
in and out of that country, is very rudely handled by their
journalists. These gentlemen stick not to declare that Mon
sieur de Lafayette is a mercenary traitor, sold to the Aristocrat
ic faction. When such things are said, read, and believed by
the vulgar, you will judge what likelihood there is that reason
should be heard, or truth prevail. However, as mankind must
in all countries come to their senses either sooner or later, there
is no reason to doubt that aproper conduct will atlength succeed.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 165
You will observe, that it was not in the nature of things possible
to make an appointment from America, which would have been
unexceptionable, and to have made none would have been of
fensive, for the conclusion would have been that America look
ed with contempt at their present situation.
That kingdom is split up into parties, whose inveteracy of ha
tred is hardly conceivable, and the Royalists and Aristocrats
consider America, and the Americans, as having occasioned
their misfortunes. The former charge it upon us as ingratitude,
seeing that it was the King who stepped forward to our relief.
Should this party get the better in the struggle, there are very
few Americans who would, for the present, be well received.
On the other hand, the republicans consider everything short
of downright democracy, as an abandonment of pohtical prin
ciple, in an American. I could dwell minutely on both sides
of this question ; but a word to the wise is sufficient. To
stand well with all parties is impossible, but it is possible, and
merely so, to stand well with the best people in all parties,
without greatly offending the others ; and in order to do this,
a man must make up his mind to hear the virtuous traduced by
the wicked, and to listen unruffled to calumny, folly, and even
to insanity. I am in hopes, however, that things will ere long
come to some more steady bearing, though the present pros
pect is by no means flattering or fair. The Bishop d'Autun
tells me that the ministry are all disjointed, each undermining
the other, and the Assembly at war with them all. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London, March 17th, 1792.

Dear Sir,
I had the honor to write to you on the fourth of last month.
Two days after, I was informed that you had nominated me as
minister to the court of France, but the latest advices from

166 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
America, which come down to the tenth of January, show that
the Senate had not then made their decision. Be that decis
ion what it may, I shall ever gratefully esteem and acknowledge
this mark of confidence from the person in the world, whose
good opinion I consider most estimable.
In my letter of the fourth, I gave you a picture of the French
ministry, and a view of the measures pursued by different par
ties, including the mission of the Bishop d'Autun. As he has
now got back to Paris, it may be well to communicate the re
sult. His reception was bad, for three reasons. First, that
the court looks with horror and apprehension at the scenes act
ing in France, of which they consider him as a prime mover.
Secondly, that his reputation is offensive to persons, who pique
themselves on decency of manners and deportment. And last
ly, because he was so imprudent, when he first arrived, as to
propagate tbe idea that he should corrupt the members of ad
ministration, and afterwards by keeping company with leading
characters among the dissenters, and other similar circumstan
ces, he renewed the impression made before his departure
from Paris, that he meant to intrigue with the discontented.
His public reception, however, furnishes no clue to decide on
the success of his mission ; because the former might have been
very bad, and the latter very good.
The fact however is, that he could offer nothing worthy of
their acceptance, and that what he asked was of a nature not
to be granted. His offer was confined to the cession of Toba
go, a demolition of the works of Cherburg, and an extension of
the commercial treaty. He asked a strict neutrality in case of
war with the Emperor. Now you will observe, that no court
could prudently treat with France in her present situation, see
ing that nobody can promise in her name otherwise than as god
fathers and godmothers do at a christening ; and how such
promises are kept everybody knows. Convinced of this, the
Bishop never told his errand to Lord Gower, the British Am
bassador at Paris, who mentioned that circumstance to me as
extraordinary, but yet so far agreeable, as that he was glad
not to have been called on for letters of introduction.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 167
Respecting Tobago I must make a digression. It is now a
long time since it was mentioned to me in Paris, that some of
the colonists of St Domingo had come hither to make overtures
to Mr Pitt. Since that period, I learnt that the French minis
try were in possession of documents to prove, not only that he
fomented the disturbances in France, but that he was in deep
intrigues with regard to that colony. The particular proofs
were not shown to me, so that I cannot speak positively.
Neither can I vouch for what I have learnt further on that sub
ject within this month ; but I am assured, that it is Mr Pitt's
intention to bring about, if he can, the independence of St Do
mingo. Mr Clarkson, the great negro advocate, is mentioned
to me as his agent for this business at Paris, and the conduct
of a part of the Assembly, in opposing succor to that island,
seems corroborative of such an idea. This then being the case,
or supposing it to be so, the offer of Tobago was too trifling to
attract Mr Pitt's notice, even if unconnected with other circum
stances. By the bye, my informant tells me also, that Mr Pitt
means to coax us into the adoption of his plan respecting St
Domingo. And I learn from another quarter, that he means
to offer us his mediation for a peace with the Indians. If all
this be true, his game is evident. The mediation is to be with
us a price for adopting his plans, and with the Indian tribes a
means of constituting himself their patron and protector. It
may be proper to combine all this with the late division of Can
ada, and the present measures for military colonization of the
upper country, aud above all with what may come from Mr
Hammond. I return to St Domingo. If such be Mr Pitt's scheme,
although we shall not, I presume, engage in, or countenance
it, yet the success will be entirely for our advantage, and a
mere preliminary to something of the same sort, which must
happen to Jamaica on the first change of wind in the political
world. The destruction of the port of Chertoirg is no pres
ent object with the British ministry, because they suppose it
will be ruined by the elements before it can be completed j

168 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
and because the French Marine is, from the want of discipline,
an object more of contempt than apprehension. The proffer
ed extension of the commercial treaty amounts to nothing, be
cause at present every part of France is open to contraband
commerce, and because there is little reason to believe, that
the stipulations in a treaty now made would be of any long
duration. Thus it happens that neither of the objects offered were
worthy of notice. But the neutrality required was of a most
important nature. By leaving the Austrian Low Countries
exposed to French invasion, it would have been a violation
both of ancient and of recent treaties. Nor is this all, for (as
I have already had occasion to remark) the annexation of those
provinces to the French monarchy would prove almost, if not
altogether, fatal to Great Britain. And when we consider
that they are almost in revolt already, and that it is in fact their
interest to become one with France, there is reason to
suppose that a union might have been effected, in case of a
war with the Emperor.
So much then on the ground of good faith, and good policy.
But there is still a farther cause, which, as the world goes,
may be equal in its operation to all others. It seems to be a
moot point whether it is the British or the Prussian cabinet
which directs the other. Perhaps there may be a little of
both ; but be all that as it may, it is certain that neither feels
disposed to counteract the views of its ally, in any open
manner. Now putting aside the personal feelings, which natur
ally agitate the sovereign of this, as well as of other kingdoms, in
regard to the French revolution ; it is notorious that from the
very dawn of it, agents were employed to foment a spirit of re
volt in other States, particularly in Prussia. The king of Prus
sia therefore feels for the French revolutionists all the enmity
of a proud, passionate, and offended German Prince. Add to
this, that the Elector of Hanover, as such, cannot wish for a
change in the government of Germany. If therefore it had
been the interest of Great Britain to establish a free constitu-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 169
tion in France, (which it certainly is not,) I am perfectly con
vinced that this court would never have made a single effort
for the purpose.
I stated to you, in my last, that the French ministry are
extremely disjointed. It was too much so for any durable
existence, besides which, the members took effectual means
to precipitate each other's ruin.. M. de Narbonne wished to
get into the office of Foreign Affairs. This was desirable to
him, it is said, on many accounts, but particularly so because
it gives the command of large sums without account. What
ever may have been his motives, the following seems to have
been his conduct. He stood forth the advocate of all violent
measures. This would naturally have excited suspicions with
thinking men, but not so with the Assembly. He associated
himself to the partizans of democracy, and while by these means
he secured himself against their clamors, be took great care
of his pecuniary affairs. This at least is affirmed to me, and
with the addition that he had the imprudence to pay off his
debts, although it is notorious that his estate, (which is in St
Domingo,) is among those which are laid' waste. It is further
asserted, that in order to quiet the clamors of contractors who
had given him money, and found themselves in the road to
ruin, he agreed to compensate the depreciation of the Assig
nats. In order to remove a great obstacle to his proceedings,
he joined in the intrigues against M. Bertrand, and at the
same time fostered other intrigues against M- Delessart, with
a view of getting his place. The proofs of all these things
are said to be in the King's hands.
M. Delessart's conduct I have already in part Communica
ted. I must add that, afterwards, imagining that Brissot de
Warville and Condorcet were omnipotent in the Assembly, he
violated his engagements made with the Triumvirate, and wrote
some despatches conformably to the views of those two gentle
men. In consequence of this, it was resolved to displace
him, and they were looking out for a successor. The person
applied to was actually deliberating whether he should or should
VOL. II. 15

170 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
not accept, at the moment when Brissot brought about his im
peachment and arrest. In this same moment M. de Narbonne
was dismissed, and with him was to go M. de Gerville. The
Chevalier de Graave succeeds M. de Narbonne. When I
left Paris he was attached to the Triumvirate. He does not
want understanding, but I think it almost impossible that he
should succeed. Monsieur Bertrand, against whom an address
from the Assembly was at length carried, has, I find, resigned.
There is something at the bottom, which I cannot discover,
without being on the spot, but you may rely on it he goes out
with the full confidence of the King and Queen.
My informations from Paris are previous to the news of the
Emperor's death, which has probably occasioned the violent
proceedings against poor Delessart, by removing the fears of
those who, in the midst of all their big words, were confound
edly frightened. What may be the consequences of this event
it is impossible to determine, or even to conjecture. Much,
very much, depends on the personal character of his successor,
which I am not yet acquainted with.
It is supposed by some here, that Mr Pitt is not strong in
the cabinet at present, although the majority in Parliament was
never more decisive, and this is said to arise from his refusing
to ask money for the payment of the Prince of Wales's debts,
which the King, it is said, was desirous of, and which his min
ister declined, with some offensive expressions. Mr Pitt's
friends insist, on the other hand, that the whole story is false,
from beginning to end. For my own part, I do not thirtk he
will be turned out, because I believe him to be very cunning,
and although he has conducted Foreign Affairs but poorly, he
manages all the little court and parliamentary intrigues with
consummate address. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 171
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. London, March 21st, 1792.
Dear Sir,
Yesterday I was informed* that the Senate had agreed to your
nomination of diplomatic servants. If I know my own heart,
this intelligence is far less agreeable to me on my own account
than on that of the public. I am sure that a rejection, from
whatever cause it may have arisen, would have been attributed
to disunion in our counsels.
I find that the King of France has appointed to the office
of Foreign Affairs a Monsieur Dumouriez, and that it is con
sidered as a sacrifice to the Jacobins. He is a bold, determined
man. I am not acquainted with him personally, but I know
that he has long been seeking a place in the administration,
and was, about six. months ago, determined, if appointed one
of the ministers, to destroy at the peril of his life the Jacobin
and all other clubs, and to effect a change in the government.
How far he may have changed his opinions since I really can
not tell, but I mention this to you now, because when I know
more I can refer to this letter and say, that by coming into of
fice he has not changed his sentiments, if he persists in those
his .ancient determinations. If not, I will tell you, that he is
more prudent than was supposed. And these words will in
either case mean nothing more than is here set down for them.
The King consulted him (as I was told by his confidential friend'
in the middle of last October) on the state of affairs, when
M. de Montmorin -when out ; but the high toned measures he
proposed were not adopted. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS

172 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. London, April 6th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
I had the honor to receive this morning your favor of the
twenty-third of January, * with its enclosures, excepting the
cypher which seems accidentally to have been omitted in mak
ing up your despatches, or perhaps it has been put by mistake
in the letters directed to Mr Short, which at Mr Johnson's re
quest I have taken charge of. I shall deliver it as speedily as
may be, intending to make my arrangements for leaving this
city as soon as the present holidays are over.
Nothing can be more just, than your observations respecting
the propriety of preserving silence as to the government of
France ; and they are peculiarly applicable to the present state
of things in that country. Changes are now so frequent, and
events seem fast ripening to such awful catastrophes, that no
expressions on the subject, however moderate, would be re
ceived with indifference.
Feeling with you the importance of our commercial connex
ions, I shall of course lend all my attention to establish and
extend. them. Permit me to entreat, my dear Sir, that you
will send me all the information, which can be collected on the
subject. If, at the same time, you could favor me with the par
ticular points which it is desired to carry, I shall feel myself
more at ease than in a general pursuit, which may perhaps be
directed to objects less important than I may suppose them.
I thank you for the accurate statement you have been so
kind as to make, respecting my salary, fee. and you may rely
that I shall exactly conform to your wishes on that head. And
I take this opportunity to say, that you will never receive from

* See this letter in Jefferson's Writings, Vol. iii. p. 150. — Mr Morris's
appointment was confirmed by the Senate on the 12th of January, and
that intelligence was communicated in the letter here referred to from
Mr Jefferson, as Secretary of State.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 173
me any observations respecting the amount. If it proves in
sufficient, I will supply the want from my own funds, as far
as they will permit, and the balance must be made up by re
trenchment. As you have yourself run through the career, which I am
now about to commence, you know much better than I do the
importance of early information, and therefore I feel more
confidence in acting under you, than I should in any other sit
uation. If you would kindly afford me your, good counsel, it
would confer a great obligation. Pardon me, I pray you, one
observation. The distance of America is such, that probable
events are almost of equal importance with those which have
actually happened, because measures must be squared in some
degree to the one as much as to the other. You will from
hence infer my desire to know on some subjects the best opin
ion which can be formed ; and I am sure I cannot better ad
dress myself for that purpose than to you. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. Paris, May 14th, 1792.
Dear Carmichael,
I received your letter of the fifth of April in London,
but I did not choose to reply from thence, because I did not
wish my letter to be inspected. It is true that I am appointed
Minister Plenipotentiary here. I did not and could not an
nounce it, because it was in the Gazettes a long time before it
was officially known to me, and as our Senate can prevent an
appointment, I was long in doubt whether this had really taken
effect. It was unexpected, and must for some time to come be
unpleasant. You know that I do, from the bottom of my heart, wish well
to this country, and will therefore easily judge what I have felt
in seeing them long since in the high road to despotism. They
15*

174 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
have made the common mistake, that, to enjoy liberty, it is ne
cessary only to demolish authority, and the common consequence
results, viz. that the most ardent advocates for the revolution
begin now to wish and pray, and even cry out for the establish
ment of despotic power, as the only means of securing the lives
and properties of the people. This is -terrible. The war in
which they are engaged furnishes a dreary prospect ; there
seems to be but one ground to hope for success, which is, that
improbable things are those which' usually happen. 1 will not
dwell on these topics.
From what you tell me I Rave concluded, that the British
ministry sent forward to Madrid my communications, to defeat
your views. This procedure was adroit enough, but what will
you think of the measure, when I tell you that they assigned in
America as a reason for not treating with me, my attachment to
France. In effect I would not listen to any overture tending
to violate our treaties and connexion with the House of Bour
bon. If the Spanish Ambassador in London had made true re
port, my conduct in London would have served, and not injur
ed you. I even went so far as to put my letters to you under
cover to him ; he knowing my sentiments, first from the French
Ambassador, and afterwards from me, in a conversation of some
length-; but I am afraid that he thought of other things besides
the interest of his sovereign.
My letters to the British ministry were calculated to draw
from them a pointed answer, or put them in the wrong if they
preserved an obstinate silence. I did not believe that we should
make a treaty with them at that time, but I thought the occasion
suitable for taking such ground as might be useful to us hereaf
ter. If you can again see my letters, read them, I pray you, in
that idea, and then you can explain them so as to remove any
evil impressions. If you have received what I wrote you at the
same period, expressly to be communicated to the Spanish court,
you willhaye seen that this was, the true idea. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 175
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, June 10th, 1792.
My Dear Sir,
Although I have been above a month in this city, I have not
been able until within a day or two to make up my mind, as 'to
the sentiments of the person mentioned to you in mine of the
twenty-first of March, ou rather I could not obtain that certain
ty which was needful, before I could properly mention them
to you. I can now venture to assure you, that by coming into
office he has not changed his sentiments.
My former letters have mentioned to you the indiscipline of
the French armies, and the public prints will give you such
facts on that head, as may tend to making up in your mind
a solid judgment as to future events. The first step towards
bankruptcy has already been made, by extending to seventeen
hundred millions the sum of Assignats, which may be in circu
lation. A further extension must take place in a few days.
The powers combined against France have it therefore in their
choice, to wear her out by a war of resources, or dash into the
heart of the country. This last will best suit with their own
situation, but I do not think they will advance before the be
ginning of August.
Your letter to the King has produced a very good effect.
It is not relished by the Democrats, who particularly dislike
the term ' your people,' but it suits well the prevailing temper,
which is monarchical. The Jacobin faction approaches to its
dissolution, as you may perceive by its agonies. In fact, the
deliberations are so absurd and so extravagantly wild, that they
daily furnish new arms to their enemies. You will perceive at
a glance, that this is not a moment for making commercial trea
ties. I shall however do all that I can, without seriously com
promising our future interests. I am, fee. .
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

176 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, June 10th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
I have the honor to acknowledge your favors of the tenth
of March, and twenty-eighth of April.* My last was of the
twenty-fifth of April. As Mr Short remained here until the
second instant, and was better acquainted with the current
transactions, I relied on him for the communication of them.
He informed you, that we obtained an interview with M.
Dumouriez on the fifteenth of May. In this interview he told
me, that he thought it was best I should be presented to
the King immediately, but yet my first audience did not take
place until the third of this month. He apologised for this de
lay, as proceeding from the state of public affairs, which kept
him continually occupied and agitated. I shall have occasion
presently to say something about them.
In our first conversation, as a fair opportunity presented it
self, I made use of it to tell him that, during my residence here
in a private character, I had, as well from my attachment to
the cause of liberty in general, as to the interests of France in
particular, endeavored to effectuate some changes in the Con
stitution, which appeared to me essential to its existence.
That, being now in a public character, 1 thought it my duty to
avoid all interference in their affairs, of which, from henceforth,
I should be a mere spectator. I will not trouble you with re
peating what passed at my reception by the King and Queen.
On the next day I dined with M. Dumouriez, and delivered
the letter from the President to the King, on his acceptance of
the constitution, of which letter I had previously made a trans
lation, to avoid mistakes of their agents, which are not uncom
mon. Several members of the Corps Diplomatique have spok
en to me on the subject of this letter, which has given them a

* See Jefferson's Writings, Vol. ill. pp. 155, 168.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 177
high idea of the President's wisdom. I took occasion, accord
ing to your instructions, to mention the obnoxious acts of the late
Assembly, both to M. Dumouriez, and to M. Bonne-Carrere,
his confidential secretary. The latter told me that he coincid
ed with me in opinion fully on that subject, but that nothing
could be done till they brought the Assembly into more consis
tency. That they could indeed command a majority, but that
they could not bring that majority into a support of other meas
ures than those of the moment. That, however, we might di
gest the business, and put it in train. M. Dumouriez- told me
that his system of politics was extremely simple. That a pow
er so great as France stood in no need of alliances, and there
fore he was against all treaties other than those of commerce.
That he would very readily enter with me into a consideration
of a treaty of commerce, but wished me to defer it until he
should return from the frontiers.
In order that you may fully understand the facts, which I shall
have occasion to communicate, I think it most advisable to
mention the state of affairs in this country, such as it appears
to me. I shall avoid speaking of characters, for evident rea
sons. You are already informed, I suppose, of the reasons
which led to a declaration of war against the King of Hungary,
and you know that the hope of an insurrection in the Austrian
Flanders was among the reasons. Indeed, the intention to
excite it, and the efforts made to that effect, have, (for the first
time, I believe, in modern days) been publicly avowed. This
hope has hitherto proved fallacious, and indeed as far as can
be judged from the temper and character of the Flemish peo
ple, and from the information I have been able to collect, it
seems to be the better opinion, that however they may feel an
aversion to the Austrian government, they are still less disposed
to that of France. There is, therefore, no probability of any
capital diversion in that quarter, and the chance of it is daily
decreasing, from two natural causes. First, the French troops
are extremely undisciplined ; and secondly, the force of their
enemies will soon receive very considerable additions.

178 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
On the first of these heads I need say nothing, since you will
receive from various quarters the sufficient evidences. In re
spect to the latter, having combined all the intelligence which
can be relied on, it results that about the middle of next month
the allied armies will be one hundred and eighty thousand
strong, exclusive of the French emigrants.
It is doubtful whether these last will be permitted to act,
and for the following reasons. First, it is not to be supposed
that twenty thousand gentlemen volunteers serving at their own
expense can be well disciplined ; consequently it is to be appre
hended that they will be more injurious to their friends than to
their enemies. Secondly, it is next to impossible that in such
a number, all irritated by injuries either real or supposed, there
should not be some who will act more from motives of private
vengeance, than regard to public good, and it is certain that
acts of cruelty and injustice will rather tend to prolong than
terminate the contest, at least to give it that termination which
they wish for. Thirdly, it is notorious that the great mass of
the French nation is less solicitous to preserve the present or
der of things, than to prevent the return of the ancient oppres
sions, and of course would more readily submit to a pure des
potism, than to ithat kind of monarchy whose only limits were
found in those noble, legal, and clerical corps, by which the
people were alternately oppressed and insulted.
And this observation leads naturally to the object of the
combined powers, which I conceive to be the, establishment of
a military government on the ruins of that anarchic system
which now prevails, and in tbe continuance of which no power
but England has any interest. The others, seeing that without
a counterpoise in the marine scale, Britain must possess the
Empire of the Ocean, (which in the present commercial state
of the world is a kind of universal empire,) cannot but wish to
re-establish this kingdom.
But a great question occurs. What kind of government
shall be established? The emigrants hope for their darling
aristocracy; but it can hardly be supposed, that Kings will
exert themselves to raise abroad what they labor incessantly to

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 179
destroy at home, and more especially as the French revolu
tion having been begun by the nobles, the example will be so
much the more striking, if they become the viotims of it. But
if the allied monarchs have an interest in destroying the Aris
tocracy, they have a much stronger and a more evident inter
est in preventing a free and well poised system from being
adopted. Such system must inevitably extend itself, andkforce
the neighboring powers to relax from their tyranny. If the
court of Berlin could have been insensible to this truth, in
Which it is so deeply interested, the; zealous reformers here
would' have not permitted the Prussian ministers to slumbet
over their danger. The desire to propagate and make con
verts to their opinions has led them so far, that the quarrel
which might have been only political has become personal, and
I have good reason to believe, notwithstanding the profound
secrecy which is preserved respecting the designs of the grand
alliance, that it is in contemplation to put all power into1 the
hands of the King.
Things have been prepared for that event by the inconsidera
ble partizans of liberty. In their eagerness to abolish ancient
institutions they forgot that a monarchy without intermediate
ranks is but another name for anarchy or despotism. The first,
unhappily, exists to a degree scarcely to be- paralleled, and
such is the horror and apprehension, which licentious societies
have universally inspired, that there is some reason to believe
the great mass of .French population would consider even des
potism as a blessing, if accompanied with security to person
and property, such as is experienced under the worst govern
ments in Europe.
Another great means of establishing despotism here, is to
be found in that national bankruptcy which seems to be inev
itable. The expense of the last month exceeded the income
by about ten millions of dollars. This expense continues to
increase, and the revenue to diminish. The estate of the
clergy is consumed, and the debt is as great as at the opening
of the States-General. The current expense has, by taking

180 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
away the property of the church, been increased about a sixth.
The dilapidation in every department is unexampled, and they
have, to crown all, an increasing paper money, which already
amounts to above three hundred millions of dollars.
From such facts it is impossible not to draw the most sinis
ter presages. The country people have hitherto been actuated
in a great measure by the hope of gain. The abolition of
tithes, of feudal rights, and burthensome taxes, was so pleas
ant that a cold examination of consequences could not be ad
mitted ; still less an inquiry into the strict measure of jus
tice. Next to the abolition came on those philosophical and math
ematical arrangements of the Fisc, which are very beautiful and
satisfactory, and to which there lies but one objection of any
consequence, which is, that they are inexecutable. Now I
have frequently observed, that when men are brought to aban
don tbe paths of justice, it is not easy to arrest their progress
at any particular point, and therefore, as the whole kingdom
(Paris excepted) is interested in the non-payment of taxes,
the question will be decided without much difficulty, if once
the legislature get out of this city.
They are already preparing for a march, and it is intended
to take the King with them, to which effect a decree has al
ready passed to disband his life guard, and another to collect
20,000 men to the northward of this city. An opposi
tion will be made by the Parisian militia to the latter decree,
because they begin to perceive the object; and as it seems to
be a pretty general opinion among them, that no capital oppo
sition will be made to the Austrian and Prussian troops, they
consider the person of Louis the Sixteenth as forming the
most solid reliance they have to protect them from plunder and
outrage. This decree may therefore occasion either a schism
between the militia and the Assembly, or among the inhabitants
of Paris, or both.
Already there exists a serious breach between the members
ot the present administration, and a part of them must go out.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 181
I have the best reason to believe, that the whole will be changed
before many weeks, and some of them within a few days.
There exists also a mortal enmity between different parties in
the Assembly. At the head of the Jacobin faction is the
Deputation of Bourdeaux, aud that city is, as you know, par
ticularly indisposed to our commercial interests. It is this
state of universal hostility, or rather confusion, to which Du
mouriez alluded when he apologised for delaying my audi
ence. And it was this also that his confidant had in view, when
he mentioned the necessity of waiting for a greater consistency
in the legislature, before anything. could be done.
I mentioned to you above, that M. Dumouriez had it in con
templation to visit the frontiers. This was in his quality of prin
cipal minister, and certainly not as minister of Foreign Affairs.
One of his principal advisers tells me that he has dissuaded him
from taking that step. The object was to bring the army to ac
tion ; for having brought on a state of hostility, of which per
sonally he is deeply concerned in the success, he has little
hope unless from a coup de main, before the armies of the ene
my are collected. In consequence, he has given repeated or
ders to fight, both to Monsieur Luckner and Monsieur La
fayette. The former has declined, and the latter peremptorily
refused ; the situation of their respective armies not permitting
any well grounded expectations. At present the two armies
are in march to form a junction, when the whole will be com
manded by Monsieur Luckner. It is expected that he will be
at the head of sixty thousand picked troops, and the Austrians
cannot well oppose above thirty-five thousand. It is said that
they are to act immediately, but I have pretty good reason to
believe that the stroke will be about the twentieth to the twen
ty-fifth. M. Dumouriez told me that he was perfectly easy in re
spect to Prussia, whose only object was to get the House of
Austria fairly engaged, and then to take advantage of its embar
rassments. I told him that he must of course be well informed
on that subject, but that since , the departure of the Prussian
VOL. II. 16

182 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
minister, without taking leave, I could not but suppose the in
tentions of that court were more serious than he imagined. He
gave me many reasons for his opinion, which I should have
supposed to be only an ostensible one, if his intimates had not
on another occasion quoted it to me, and if I did not know the
principal channel through which he derives his intelligence. A
late circumstance will tend rather to establish than remove this
opinion ; I mean the attack of Poland by the Empress of Rus
sia to overturn the new constitution. Whether this movement
be in concert with the Austrian and Prussian cabinets or not, is
doubtful. I cannot as yet make up any tolerable judgment on
the subject, but I believe that in either case those cabinets will
pursue their objects in regard to this country.
The details I have entered into, and the informations which
you will collect from the public prints, will show that in the
present moment it will be very difficult to excite attention to
other objects, than those by which they are so strongly agitated.
The best picture I can give of the French nation is, that of
cattle before a thunder storm. And as to the government, ev
ery member of it is engaged in the defence of himself, or the
attack of his neighbor. I shall ; notwithstanding, pursue the
objects -which you recommend. The obstacles to success form
but incitements to the attempt. It must however be made
with caution, because any sudden change of affairs may bring
forward persons, who would oppose a measure merely because
their predecessors had approved of it.
You desired me among other things to send you the Moniteur,
but the editor of that paper does not give so faithful a report of
what passes in the Assembly, as you will find in the Logographe.
If there be any one of the Gazetteers who is impartial, it
is the author, or rather transcriber, of this. I send you of course
the Gazette of France, which says, you know, whatever the min
istry orders it to say. The Patriote Francais, written by M.
Brissot, will give you the republican side of the question, as the
Gazette Universelle does that of the kind of monarchy propos
ed by the constitution. The paper called the Indicateur is writ-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 183
ten by a party, who wish a more vigorous executive, although
(strange to tell) this party consists of the persons, who in the
beginning of the late Assembly did everything to bring the king
dom into the situation now experienced. The journal of the
Jacobins will give you what passes in that society. -The Ga
zette of Leyden, which I transmit according to your request,
will convey a kind of digest of all these different sentiments
and opinions. Thus, Sir, if you have the patience to look over
these several papers, you will have a clear view not only of
what is done, but of what is intended.
For the present I take my leave, with the assurances of that
sincere respect and esteem, with which I am yours,
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, June 17th, 1792.
My Dear Sir,
I had the honor to write to you on the tenth instant. The
ministry is changed rather -sooner than I expected, that is to
say, as to the totality. Messieurs Servan, Roland, and
Claviere were dismissed by M. Dumouriez. He filled the
places of the two former with his particular friends, and as this
step was decisive and would certainly bring on very serious
quarrels, it was supposed that he had prepared himself before
hand for all consequences.
It would seem, however, that he was less firmly fixed than
he had imagined, for as the reason for sending away the other
ministers was, that they insisted on the royal sanction to the
two obnoxious and unconstitutional decrees, it was in the
natural order of things, that they should be immediately sent
back to the Assembly. Instead of that it is said, that Monsieur
Dumouriez insisted on passing both, and in case of refusal
threatened resignation. To his surprise the King accepted
the resignation, and in consequence, his friends newly appoint-

184 ' THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. ^
ed go out with him. As the present set have not all taken
the oaths, I will defer giving you the list for the present, but
put at the foot of my letter the names and places of such as
may finally he fixed on.
The Jacobins were busy all last night to excite a tumult in
the city, but the precautions taken to prevent it have as yet
proved successful. I am told that M. Luckner and M. de
Lafayette still persist in their determination not to risk an
action. If so, the present state of uncertainty may eontinue
some time. If they fight and gain a victory, it is not improb
able that we may witness some outrages of the most flagitious
kind. If on the contrary there is any capital defeat, the Jaco
bin faction will be a little moderated. On the whole, Sir, we
stand on a vast volcano, we fefel it tremble and we hear it
roar, but how, and when, and where it will burst, and who may
be destroyed by its eruption, are beyond the ken of mortal
foresight to discover.
While I am writing I learn the following to be the arrange
ment for the new ministry. Of the old set, two remain, M.
Duranthon and M. Lacoste. The former is said to be a
pretty honest man, but rather too much attached to the Fac
tion Bordeloise. The latter is considered as an honest man,
well acquainted with the business of his department, the
Marine. M. Lajarre is appointed to the department of War.
He is a creature of M. de Lafayette. His ability doubtful,
but his principles sound. M. Chambonas is appointed to the
office of Foreign Affairs. He is un homme cTesprit, but une
mauvaise tete, un mauvais sujet, and ignorant of the business,
at least so says my informant, and he is well informed. M.
Mouciel, a very worthy man, is named to the department of
the Interior, but his acceptance is very doubtful. The
minister of Impositions is not yet fixed on. He will I believe
be a cypher, for two or three such have been applied to.
This new ministry will be purged, at any rate, of some of
its members, but one great doubt exists whether it will not be
driven off by the Jacobin faction. It is in contemplation to

4 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 185
make a serious effort against that faction in favor of the con
stitution, and M. de Lafayette will begin the attack. I own
to you that I am not sanguine as to the success. Very much
is to be done, and there is very little time to do it in, for the
foreign enemy will soon be greatly superior in number, and it
seems now to be ascertained, that Alsace and Lorraine are
disposed to join the invaders. Thus, while a great part of
the nation is desirous of overturning the present government,
in order to restore the ancient form, and while another part,
still more dangerous from position and numbers, are desirous
of introducing the form of a federal republic, the moderate
men, attacked on all sides, have to contend alone against an
immense force.
I cannot go on with the picture, for my heart bleeds when I
reflect that the first opportunity, which ever presented itself for
establishing the rights of mankind throughout the civilized
world, is perhaps lost, and forever. I write on as events arise;
and shall continue to do so until an opportunity to send my
letters shall present itself I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, July 1st, 1792.
Dear Sir,
According to your orders I sit down to render this day a
state of my account, which will be but short, because I shall
charge at present no contingencies. There are some such
which will come in my next account, and which Would be stat
ed this day, but as I have not yet got into the house which I
hired immediately after my arrival, and which I have daily been
in the hope of entering, my papers and books remain in the
state in which they were. Add to this, that the amount is not
great, and that I am very much occupied and very frequently
interrupted. 16*

186 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
I left London on the last day of April; wherefore my sala
ry to the last day of June being for two months was fifteen
hundred dollars. My outfit is nine thousand, making, togeth
er, ten tliousand five hundred dollars, for which I have drawn
on the bankers of the United States at Amsterdam.
I have boxed up the several newspapers to this day, and
shall send them to Havre. My secretary's salary will now
commence. I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO M. CHAMBONAS, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Translation. Paris, July 9th, 1792,
Sir,
I have already had the honor of informing ,-you of the good
dispositions of the United States toward France, of which they
are sincerely desirous of giving multiplied proofs. I have had
the honor also of informing you, that during the last session of
Congress, although heavy duties were laid upon wines import
ed from other countries, no addition has been made to the du
ties paid by those of your country ; which amounts, in fact, to
allowing them a premium from which they must derive a con
siderable sale. It is thus, Sir, that the American government,
while employed in paying its pecuniary debt, endeavors at the
same time to discharge that of gratitude. You may rely on
its faithful exactness, and give the King this assurance.
I should, however, but ill fulfil my duty to my country, and
should give but a weak expression of the attachment, which I
have so krag entertained for your own, if I should attempt to
conceal the discontent that has been excited in America by
the decrees of the Constituent Assembly, which are inflicting
a blow upon the system of commerce established between
France and the United States before the year 1789. I re
frain from all observations on this subject, because I refer the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 187
Whole matter to your wisdom, and to tbe sentiments of your
nation, and I venture to believe, that even if their own inter
ests alone were concerned, the National Assembly would not
allow regulations to continue in force, which are still more op
pressive to the French consumers, than they are injurious to the
American ship-owners.
There is another subject, Sir, to which you will certainly
lend all the attention that its importance deserves. The Con
stituent Assembly expressed a wish, that the King should
cause a new treaty of commerce to be negotiated with Ameri
ca. This was communicated to the President of the United
States by the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty, but,, hith
erto, nothing has been the result of this project. I am instruct
ed to assure you, that the United States will very cordially re
ceive any overtures, that shall be made to them on this subject,
and that they are desirous to establish this treaty on founda
tions that shall be just, firm, and reciprocally beneficial to the
two nations. The Minister Plenipotentiary of France at Phil
adelphia is in a better condition, than any one else, to appreci
ate the advantages of such a treaty, and I venture to assure
you now, that if he is intrusted by the King with this negotia
tion, he will experience on our part the most open and amica
ble dispositions. You will do me a great pleasure, Sir, when
you shall be pleased to authorise me to write, that such a com
mission has been given him. I have the honor to be, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, July 10th, 1792.

Dear Sir,
I had the honor to write to you on the first instant. On the
seventeenth of the last month I mentioned the plans then in
contemplation, and gave a short view of the existent state of
things. I did not communicate those events, which have since

188 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
taken place, because you will find the most ample details in
the several Gazettes.
On Saturday, the seventh, a farce was acted in the Assem
bly, in which the principal performers played well their parts,
and the King was duped according to custom. Things are
now verging fast to the catastrophe of the play. For some
weeks, the adverse parties, T mean the court and Jacobins,
have been laboring, each to cast on the other the odium of vi
olating entirely the constitution, and commencing the civil war.
The party which calls itself independent, and which in fact is
the fearful party, begs hard for peace, and seizes eagerly what
ever bears the appearance or the name. It was to catch these
gudgeons that the scene of Saturday was exhibited.
The King and Queen, believing that the actors were in ear
nest, and knowing that their lives had been at stake, were over
joyed ; and their timid counsellors, trembling under the tyran
nous powers of the Assembly, seized with eagerness the bait of
reconciliation, which had been thrown out without any hope
that they would swallow it. One of them, whom I have alrea
dy mentioned to you as a very worthy man, saw through the
thin veil of deception, and opposed the opinion of the others,
but in vain. Events in justifying him have fixed his predom
inance. This day the King will commence a new career, and
if he goes through, I think he will succeed. I have every rea
son to believe that this letter will go safely, but yet I cannot
justify saying more on the subject, because otherwise the con
fidence reposed in me might in the course of events prove fa
tal to my informant.
The present intention of the King is to secure the liberty of
France ; but whether he will preserve the steady purpose
through those varying events, which must soon take place, to
me appears uncertain. Indeed, I doubt whether he will be
sufficiently master of his own party to execute such purpose,
even if it be not changed. Whether he will live through the
storm is also uncertain. It will blow hard.
The exterior enemy hovers over his prey, and only seems

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 189
to wait the moment which he has fixed to himself for his own
stroke. New parties to the grand alliance daily show them
selves. The Palatinate has declared ; Holland seems on the
point of adhering ; and doubts in regard to England begin to
appear. The force, which France can oppose to her numer
ous assailants, does not exceed one hundred and eighty thou
sand undisciplined men ; some of whom wait but the opportu
nity to desert. Against her, are collected two hundred and
fifty thousand of the best troops in Europe, under the com
mand of the ablest General in this hemisphere. The intention
was not to enter before the harvest, in order that subsistence
might be easily procured. Whether this plan will be changed
in consequence of what is like to happen here, I cannot say.
I rather think it will. I understand that the manifesto, which
precedes attack, will disavow the constitution, and claim for
the King (what it calls) his rights; for the clergy, theirposses-
sions. That this city will be rendered responsible for the royal
family. That the Gardes Nationales will be considered as arm
ed peasants, meddling with business not their own, and there
fore not under the protection of the laws of war. The allied
monarchs are to declare themselves in arms, not against France,
but against the revoltes. You will easily see that these broad
terms will mean whatever power may choose to explain them
to mean. I have repeatedly pressed the minister of Foreign Affairs
to come to a settlement of accounts, which he has promised
to do, and I think I shall accomplish my purpose, because
the Marine department is to treat with me for supplies to St
Domingo. I mean to be generous in the terms of exchange
for this supply, obtaining at the same time a beneficial liquida
tion of past payments ; for you will observe, Sir, that the
whole account is open. Two reasons operate with me on
this occasion. First, I think that we ought to encourage our
own argriculture and arts ; and secondly, I think what is paid
here goes into a gulph of unbottomed profusion, and can but
little advance the real interests of the nation.

190 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
I have also repeatedly called the minister's attention to the
obnoxious acts of the late Assembly, and to their proposition
of a new commercial treaty. He has replied very candidly, that
for himself he should be glad to settle everything to my satis
faction, but that his ministerial existence is too precarious to
undertake any extensive plan ; that the attention of govern
ment is turned too strongly towards itself, in the present mo
ment, to think of its exterior interests ; and that the Assembly,
at open war with the executive, would certainly reject whatev
er should now be presented to them. These are truths which
I knew before, and therefore I thought it best not to urge too
stron gly for a decision, in the unpropitious moment. The ap
parent reconciliation of Saturday seemed to give a better pros
pect. The court on Sunday had an air less embarrassed, and
therefore, although the dictate of my judgment was different
from that of others, I thought it my duty to make a formal ap
plication, which I did yesterday in a letter, a copy of which
shall be transmitted. My intelligence of this morning justifies
the opinion I had formed, and proves that the matter must be
yet for some time suspended. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, August 1st, 1792.
Dear Sir,
My last was of the tenth of July. Mr Livingston, who is on
his way to America, presents an opportunity of writing, which
must not be neglected, although I am engaged at present in
examination of the account received from the Commissioners of
the Treasury. I have already mentioned to you, Sir, that the
whole of this account is open, and I must now observe, that I
do not find myself particularly authorised to make the final ad
justment. If it becomes necessary, I will do it, but I shall
avoid it as long as I can. In respect to the payments made
and making in America, I am at ease, because there I have

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 191
your orders ; but not so in regard to those made by Mr Short.
I shall hope however to be favored with your instructions in
consequence of his communications. I shall write particularly
respecting the account, when I have gone through it.
In a former letter I mentioned that M. de'Lafayette was
about to commence an attack upon the Jacobin faction. I have
not followed that business in my correspondence, because the
Gazettes will furnish the most ample intelligence. I mention
ed my apprehension, that it would not be successful, and it fur
nishes a new instance of the instability of human affairs, espe
cially of those which depend on the opinion of an ignorant pop
ulace. I verily believe that if M. de Lafayette were to appear
just now in Paris unattended by his army, he would be torn to
pieces. Thank God, we have no populace in America, and I
hope the education and manners will long prevent that evil. In
the present state of things, it seems evident that if the King be
not destroyed, he must soon become absolute. I think the
prime movers of the revolution see no other mode of establish
ing the affairs of their country, on any tolerable footing, and will
therefore declare their adherence to his Majesty, grounded on
the abolition of the constitution by the Assembly, and their mas
ters, the Jacobin club.
In my last I told you, that the King would that day commence
a new career ; but while I was writing all was changed, and
my letter was gone off but a few minutes, before I was informed
that the ministry had given in their resignation. I will not com
municate the reasons, because they would be uninteresting to
you, and should my letter miscarry, it would occasion much of
that noise and nonsense, in which it is unpleasant to find one's
name. And the wrong-headed people, who get hold of such
things, cannot distinguish between a person who has obtained
exact information of what is doing, and those who are actors in
the business. For the same reason, I must decline mentioning
the plans in agitation, at present, to establish a good constitu
tion. I dare not say that I hope this will take place. I ardent
ly wish it, but I have doubts and fears, because I have no con
fidence in the morals of the people. The King is anxious to

192 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
secure their permanent happiness ; but alas ! they are not in a
state of mind to receive good from his hands. Suspicion, that
constant companion of vice and weakness, has loosened every
band of social union, and blasts every honest hope in the mo
ment of its budding.
You will have seen in the report of the minister of Foreign
Affairs to the Assembly, that the impressions are made, which
you desire, respecting the dispositions of the United States.
After this report was made, some persons spoke to me of those
dispositions in a tone of irony ; but I assured them, very serious
ly, that our grateful sentiments for the conduct of this nation
would be demonstrated by our conduct, whenever occasion
should require. That the changes they might make in their
own administration, would by no means affect our regard for
them, nor diminish our attachment. As this language was not
ministerial, but held in^ the sincerity of social life, it surprised
those who, unfortunately for them, can find for the conduct of
nations no motive but interest, and are so short-sighted as not
to perceive, that a virtuous and honorable conduct is the truest
interest which a nation can pursue.
In respect to other objects which are committed to me, it is
hardly necessary to say, that nothing can be done in the pre
sent moment. Such time as the Assembly can spare from the
discussion of party disputes is necessarily engrossed by the de
partment of war and finance. The determination to suspend
the King has been a little palled by the information, that their
armies would immediately revolt, and particularly the Southern
army, on which they made their greatest reliance. This cir
cumstance has greatly deranged the plan of operations, and the
more so, as many instruments especially convened and collect
ed for that grand stroke are at present no small incumbrance to
the contrivers of it. Among these are the Bretons and Marseil
les now in this city. Some of the chiefs of the Jacobins have,
I am told, prepared the means of their escape to America, and
among them your old acquaintance Condorcet. They are to
embark at Dunkirk and St Valery. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 193
M. LEBRUN TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.*
Translation. Paris, August 4th, 1792.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform you, that the King has made
choice of M. Bonne-Carrere, director general of the Departe-
ment Politique, to succeed M. Ternant as minister plenipote n-
tiary from France to the United States. M. Bonne-Carrere
regrets that it has not been in his power to announce to you
himself his nomination to a post, which will continue and he
hopes will augment his relations with you. But he is prevent
ed by a very severe rheumatic attack, which not only confines
him to his bed, but disables him from every kind of effort. He
will seize the first moment after his recovery to call and see
you, but he is not willing to delay any longer to reiterate to
you the assurances of his zeal, and the sentiments with which
you have inspired him.
I undertake with great pleasure on this' occasion the office of
his interpreter, and I have the honor to be, fee.
Lebrun.

TO THOMAS PINCKNET.f
Paris, August 13th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
I had the pleasure to acknowledge yours of the first of Au
gust by a courier, who left this city a few hours after I re
ceived it. 1 hope this will find you well and happy in London.
The young gentleman whom I mentioned to you as being about

* M. Lebrun was at this time first Clerk, or Commis, in the office of
Foreign Affairs.
f Minister from the United States in London.
VOL. II. 17

194 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
to come hither is arrived, so that we must wait for another
conveyance for the packet. In the mean time be so kind as
to let me know your address in London. Mine is Rue de la
Planche, No. 488.
We have had here within these few days some serious
scenes, at which I am not surprised, because I foresaw not
only a struggle between the two corps, which the constitution
had organized, viz. the executive (so called) and the legisla
tive. But I was convinced that the latter would get the better.
Such is the natural, and indeed the necessary order of things.
It is nevertheless a painful reflection, that one of the finest
countries in the world should be so cruelly torn to pieces.
The storm which lately raged is a little subsided, but the winds
must soon arise again, and perhaps from the same, perhaps from
another quarter. But that is of but little consequence, since
in every case we must expect a little rage and devastation. A
man, attached to his fellow men, must see with the same dis
tress the woes they suffer, whether arising from an army or from
a mob, and whether those by whom they are inflicted speak
French or German.
An American has a stronger sympathy with this country
than any other observer, and nourished as he is in the vevy
bosom of liberty, he cannot but be deeply afflicted to see that
in almost every event, this struggle must terminate in despotism.
Yet such is the melancholy spectacle, which presents itself to
my mind, and with which it has long been occupied. I ear
nestly wish and pray, that events may prove all my rea
sonings to have been fallacious, and all my apprehensions
vain. lam, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 195
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, August 16th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
My last was of the first instant. Since that period another
revolution has been effected in this city. It was bloody.
Success, which always makes friends, gives to the present order
an air of greater unanimity than really exists. A very con
siderable party is deeply interested to overturn it, but what
may be their conduct is uncertain. Whether they will con
fine themselves to idle vows and empty wishes, or whether
they will break out into action, is doubtful. Some of them
are men of enterprise, but it is rather small than great enter
prise. As you know well this kingdom, it may perhaps be
sufficient to mention the kind of persons who compose this
party. They are those who called themselves the moderate,
or middle men, and who hoped to balance the two extremes,
and govern the kingdom by playing off one set against the
other. This, in quiet times, requires great talents, as well as
great address, and they had more of the latter than the
former. In times of turbulence it is necessary, that those who
play this game should have a considerable armed force,
because neither argument, nor persuasion, can then avail. It
remains to be proved by the fact, whether they possess such
force. If they do, it must be in the hands of M. de Lafayette ;
and as all must depend on an immediate exercise of it, I
rather think that the precious moment will be suffered to pass
away. I have long been convinced that this middle party,
who by the bye were the prime movers of the revolution, must
fall to the ground, and that those who compose it must join
one of the great factions.
The Aristocratic faction is split into two or more. Some
are for absolute monarchy, some for the ancient regime, some,
and those but few, desire a mixed government. The framers
of the late constitution had got up to this last ground, but the

196 THE~FRENCH REVOLUTION.
idea of a hereditary Senate stuck in their throats. The King,
who has an uncommon firmness in suffering, but who has not
the talents for action, and who is besides a very religious man,
found himself fettered by his oaths to the constitution, which
he in his conscience believed to be a bad one ; and about
which indeed there is now but one opinion in this country,
because experience, that great parent of wisdom, has brought
i.t already to trial and condemnation. The King, from the
causes just mentioned, would not step forward, and of course
there was no standard to which the adherents pf the two
chambers could repair.
The republicans had the good sense to march boldly and
openly to their object, and as they took care not to^ mince
matters, nor embarrass themselves by legal or constitutional
niceties, they had the advantage of union, concert, and design,
against the disjointed members of a body without a head. If3
under these circumstances, the foreign force were out of ques
tion, I should have no doubt that the republican form would
take place quietly enough, and continue as long as the morals
of the country would permit. You know the state of morals
here, and can of course, if it be necessary, form the calculation
for yourself. The circumstance of foreign force is however,
on the present occasion, a preponderant object, and I think
its effect will depend upon its activity. Should the Duke of
Brunswick advance rapidly, he will be joined by great num
bers, even of the armies opposed to him ; because the late
change will furnish to gome a reason, and to others a pretext,
for abandoning the cause they had espoused. If, on the
contrary, his progress be cautious and slow, it is probable that
those who are now silent from fear, will habituate themselves
by degrees to speak favorably of the present government, in
order to lull suspicion ; and that thus a public opinion will
appear, which, when once pronounced, governs the generality
of mankind. If by this means the new republic takes a little
• root, foreign powers will, I believe, find it a difficult matter to
shake it to the ground, for the French nation is an immense
mass, which it is not easy either to move or to oppose.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 197
You will observe, Sir, that matters are now brought to a
simple question, between an absolute monarchy and a republic ;
for all middle terms are done away. This question also must
be decided by force, because on one side it is in the hands of the
people, who cannot treat for themselves, and who will not per
mit others to treat for them in respect to the important inter
ests which are now at stake. If, as in former times, some fac
tious nobles were "at the head of a party, they would, as for
merly, take the first opportunity to stipulate for themselves at
the expense of their party ; but without entering here into a
question of relative integrity, I do not think the people are so
attached to any particular men, as to have what may be called
leaders ; and those who appear as such are in my opinion ra
ther instruments than agents.
I do not go into the history of things, nor trouble you with a
recapitulation of events. I enclose, and shall send by the pre
sent opportunity, the gazettes since my last, which will com
municate all particulars, which you may desire to know. Since
the operations of the tenth, the Logographe, Gazette Univer
sale, and Indicateur, are suppressed, as indeed were all those
which were guilty of Feuillantisme, that is, adherence to the
Club des Feuillants soi-disant Constitutionel. You must there
fore make allowances for what you find in the other Gazettes,
written not only in the spirit of a party, but under the eye of
a party. The first must influence the most honest printer in
the coloring of some facts, and the second will restrain the
boldest printer in the publishing of other facts. If it were ne
cessary, or could be useful, I should communicate all the par
ticulars which come to my knowledge ; but this invidious task
would answer no good end, and long before my letters could
reach you, changes must inevitably take place.
One particular however it is becoming to note. You will
find that the Assembly immediately superseded the appoint
ment of a Monsieur Bonne-Carrere, as minister to the United
States. This man's character is as bad as need be, and stained
by infamous vices. By what influence he was introduced in-
17*

198 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
to the office of Foreign Affairs I know not, for I was then in
England ; but I have reason to believe it was the poor expedi
ent of the Feuillants to watch, and check, and perhaps to be
tray the Jacobin ministry. While the King was pressing M.
Sainte-Croix (an eight day minister) to accept the department
of Foreign Affairs, this last declared that he would not serve
if Bonne-Carrere was retained; and to get rid of him they in
vented the expedient of sending him to America. I consider
ed this step as a kind of insult, and transmitted my sentiments
on the subject to the King, who thereupon told M. Sainte-
Croix that I was angry at that appointment, and he must ar
range the matter with me ; that he wished I would prevent
his being received.
The minister apologised for himself by saying the nomina
tion had taken place before he came into office, and that he
had remonstrated against it. He apologised for the thing as
well as he could, admitting always that it was wrong ; and ad
ded that his embarkation should be delayed, and I was at lib
erty to prevent his being received. To this I replied, that he
must not embark at all, but be removed ; and that would have
been done, for when he presented the .Bon for his appointments,
the minister refused to sign it. In the mean time the new revolu
tion took place, and the history of M. Bonne-Carrere's ministry
is at an end. It may perhaps be misrepresented, and therefore
having stated the facts, I think it right to add that it proceed
ed from downright weakness. He was supposed to possess the
confidence of a great many of the nobility, and therefore they
were afraid to turn him about his business. Perhaps also he had
been trusted so far that he knew too much. This was the
case with some others, not better than him as to essentials,
though not so much abased.
I shall send herewith a packet, containing my correspon
dence with tbe Commissioners of the Treasury, relative to our
debt, and in the same packet you will find a letter from Mr
Cathalan to you relative to a riot at Marseilles, and his conduct
therein. He has written two long letters to me on that subject,

THE FRENGH REVOLUTION. 199
and I have replied by one of the thirteenth instant, which you
will also find enclosed with his letter to you.
I have already had occasion to mention to you, Sir, that I did
not find myself authorised to go into the settlement of the
accountancy with the Commissioners of the Treasury. This
observation I must again in this place repeat, and add that not
withstanding my utmost efforts, I have not been able to bring
the minister of Foreign Affairs to consider for a moment the
question referred to me, respecting the sums paid and paying in
America. What is still more surprising is, that the minister of
the Marine, although authorised to treat with me for supplies to
the colony of St Domingo, has done nothing in that affair.
Two ministers have occupied that place since the decree.
Each has given me various rendezvous, but neither has appear
ed at the time and place, because circumstances of tbe mo
ment have obliged them to attend to something else. Indeed
the executive of the late constitution has been at the last agony
for these three months, and of course has thought more of sav
ing its life than of doing its business. The present executive
is just born, and may perhaps be stifled in tbe cradle.
If a general arrangement could have been made \ with the
late government, for paying the whole of the debt at some
fixed exchange, so as to do justice, and fulfil the honorable
intentions of the United States, I should have been well pleased,
and although not exactly authorised should probably have taken
on me to make the needful engagements ; and in so doing I
should have made a great sacrifice to the public, because I wish
of all things to be free from any pecuniary transactions, for I
know by experience, that the utmost possible purity will not
prevent malicious insinuations, which however unfounded will
always find some believers.
It appears, however, a probable event, that before our debt
is paid, we may experience some considerable losses on ex
change, not to mention the dead charges which are considera
ble too. It has therefore appeared to me most advisable to
make one general statement and settlement of the whole ; and
if it shall appear that we have gained, and that they have lost

200 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
by the modes of payment, then to give a good round sum as a
compensation, and as it were gratuitously, because by that
means we have the reputation of the good we do, and the sac
rifice we make ; and because otherwise the agents of this gov
ernment might attribute to their address an advantage gained,
instead of giving credit to our generosity for a compensation
granted. And it seems important to establish the latter idea,
because it cannot fail to extend our credit throughout the world,
and consequently to facilitate all pecuniary operations, which
hereafter we may have occasion to make.
Before I conclude this letter, permit me, my dear Sir, to
request the orders of the President respecting my line of con
duct in the circumstances about to arise. Perhaps these or
ders may not reach me, until the circumstances are past, but
even then they may serve as a ground to reason on, in. the cir
cumstances which succeed. If they arrive in season, they will
relieve my mind from a great weight. At present I feel my
self in a state of contingent responsibility of the most delicate
kind. I am far from wishing to avoid any fair and reasonable
risk, and I rely on the justice of government, at the same
time, to mark out as exactly as possible the conduct to be pur
sued, as well as on its goodness to judge favorably of causes
unforeseen. I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Paris, August 17th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
Mr Short, just before he departed from this city, left with
me a Memoir in Dutch, respecting the mint. I was to get it
translated for you, but not not having been able to find a per
son acquainted with the Dutch and English languages, I have
now determined to send you the original, which you will find
here enclosed. I hope it may prove useful, and answer the end
you had in view. I have transmitted to Mr Jefferson copies

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 201
of my correspondence with the Commisioners of the Treasury
here, respecting our debt. You seem to have supposed, that
the instalments due had been paid, and this may turn out to
be the case, when the account shall have been strictly exam
ined, which I shall take care of. Mr Short left (as -I presume
he informed you,) this business unfinished, supposing that my
powers would be competent to it, which they are not; and in
deed I should be glad to avoid all interference in pecuniary af
fairs, if possible. Not on account of the labor, for you may lay
as much of that on me as you please, but I would avoid all oc
casions of slanderous imputation.
I formerly recommended to Mr Short the opening of a loan
at Antwerp, and it was attended with the best effects ; for the
capitalists of Amsterdam, who had shortly before induced our
Commissioners to believe that money could not be obtained
there under five per cent, soon after let us have it at four. This
I was sure would happen, for I had been in Holland, had studi
ed the character of the money lending people, and made my
self acquainted with the manner of transacting business.
I am still of opinion, that it is wise to multiply the scenes on
which to display our credit. Those, who have lent money to a
nation, naturally incline to speak well of that nation, first to jus
tify the confidence they have placed, and next to increase the
value of the stock they possess. It may at first seem more el
igible, because more convenient, to perform all our pecuniary
operations at one place, and those, who are interested in estab
lishing that doctrine, will find many plausible arguments in sup
port of their favorite theory, just as somebody (I believe it was
Silas Deane) endeavored to prove, that we had better buy teas
and nankins in London than in China. I remember the thing
made an impression on me at the time, as the India Company
were then buying at Dunkirk some teas, which had been ship
ped from America.
To return from the digression, I apprehend that confining
this business to one spot, may in the end have a very unfavor
able influence both on our commerce and exchange, because

202 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
the necessity of remittances being known, and the periods also,
capitalists can take their measures beforehand to give you the
law. And if, which God forbid, public events should compel
us to make loans, our creditors knowing our absolute depend
ence on them alone, will impose whatever terms they please.
I dp not dwell on these topics, because a word is sufficient to

you.

GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, August 17th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
If I have not hitherto mentioned the application made to
me by the foreign officers, who have certificates, whereof the
interest is payable in this city, it has not been for want of
sufficient reason, but because I daily hoped to have received
some orders on that subject. * Many have spoken to me,
written to me, and called upon me. I have given to all the
general assurances, that justice would be done, that I would
transmit their claims, and the like. ,1 now enclose a letter
from the Polish Envoy, relative to the claims of Brigadier
General Kosciuszko, and I have told the Count d'Oraczewski
that I daily expect despatches from you on this subject. I
did this because General Duportail told me, that he had infor
mation from Colonel Ternant, that these claims are honorably
provided for. In the uncertainty as to what may have been
done, I feel it my duty to bring the matter to your recollec
tion, persuaded that you will do everything which may be
proper on the occasion.

* The French and other foreign officers, who served in America
during the revolution, received certificates at the end of the war of
money due to them. For their convenience provision was made for
paying the interest at stated periods in Paris.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 203
I enclose, in like manner, a letter I have received from
Mr Francis Coffin of Dunkirk, respecting the Consular office
in that city. I tell him in answer to it, that I shall inquire of
M. de Lamotte as to the appointment he complains of, and
will transmit his letter to you, and take your orders. These
you will, I trust, be so kind as to give me. I know not Mr
Coffin, and consequently can say nothing either for or against
him. I am, fee, GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, August 22d, 1792,
Dear Sir,
My last was of the seventeenth instant. In mine of the,
sixteenth, I mentioned the revolution of the tenth. I suggest
ed my idea, that the force commanded by M. de Lafayette
would not be brought to immediate action, and that in such
case he and his friends had nothing to hope for. He, as you,
will learn, encamped at Sedan, and official accounts of last
night inform us, that he has taken refuge with the enemy.
Thus his circle is completed, He has spent his fortune on a
revolution, and is now crushed by the wheel which he put in
motion. He lasted longer than I expected. , Some other offi
cers tried to influence their troops in favor of the late consti
tution, but without effect. They are, it seems, yet to learn
that an officer has never complete possession of his soldiers,
till rigid discipline has led them by the hand over fields of
glory, in which he has shared their danger, and pointed to
them the path which leads to triumph.
These scenes are yet remote, but if the combined powers
cannot succeed in the present plans, they must hereafter take
place. In the mean time much suspicion, much jealousy, and
many victims, are all in the natural order of things.
I do not find that the Prince of Brunswick has made those

204 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
rapid movements, which the existent state of things required,
and he loses much by delay. He probably understands too well
the business of war, and his high station requires a man in whom
the accomplished General should be but a secondary talent.
I cannot for a moment suppose a possibility of beating him with
the French army, if army it can be called where there is no
discipline ; but if he will not commit himself a little to fortune,
it appears to me a very easy matter to wear away the time
till winter shuts' the theatre. We are now far advanced in
August, and he has at most three months before him.
The day before yesterday, the British Ambassador received
a despatch from his court, which he immediately transmitted
to the present minister of Foreign Affairs, and at the same
time asked for passports. This despatch has not yet been
communicated to the Assembly, because it runs rather coun
ter to expectations which had been raised, and of course the
public mind is not duly prepared. The purport of this des
patch is, that Britain is determiried on a strict neutrality, that
she means to preserve it, and therefore, as his letters of cre
dence are to the King now dethroned, he had best come
away. To this is subjoined a hope, that nothing will happen
to the King or his family, because that would excite the indig
nation of all Europe. .This despatch, turned into plain En
glish, is shortly, that the British court resent what is already
done, and will make war immediately if the treatment of the
King be such as to call for, or to justify, measures of extremi
ty. The different Ambassadors and ministers are all taking their
flight, and if I stay I shall be alone. I mean however to stay,
unless circumstances should command me away, because in
the admitted case that my letters of credence are to the Mon
archy, and not to the Republic of France, it becomes a matter
of indifference whether I remain in this country, or go to Eng
land, during the time which may be needful to obtain your or
ders, or to produce a settlement of affairs here. Going hence,
however, would look like taking part against the late revolution,

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 205
and I am not only unauthorised in this respect, but I am bound
- to suppose that if the great majority of the nation adhere to
the new form-, the United States will approve thereof ; because
in the first place we have no right to prescribe to this country
the government they shall adopt, and next because the basis
of our own constitution is the indefeasible right of the people
to establish it.
Among those who are leaving Paris, is the Venetian Ambas-
dor. He was famished with passports from the office of For
eign Affairs, but he was nevertheless stopped at the barrier,
was conducted to the Hotel de Ville, was there questioned for
hours, and his carriages examined and searched. This viola
tion of the rights of Ambassadors could not fail, as you may
suppose, to make an impression. It has been broadly hinted
to me, that the honor of my country and my own require that
I should go away. But I am of a different opinion, and rather
think that those who give such hints are somewhat influenced
by fear. It is true that the position is not without danger; but
I presume, that when the President did me the honor of naming
me to this embassy, it was not for my personal pleasure or safe
ty, but to promote the interests of my country. These, there
fore, I shall continue to pursue to the best of my judgment, and
as to consequences, they are in the hand of God, I have the
honor to be, with great respect, fee GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

M. LEBRUN, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, Tp GOUVERNEUR
MORRIS.*
Translation. ^ Paris, August 30th, 1792.
Sir,
I call your attention again to day to the important subject,
* After the suspension of the monarchy, on the memorable 10th of Au-
VOL. II. 18

206 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
dissussed in our yesterday's conversation, only that I may con
vince you of the necessity of preventing the greater incon-*
veniences, which would result from the pretended insufficiency
of your powers, f Upon the principle, that your instructions
do not authorise you to treat with the new French govern
ment, your functions would be, at this moment, void ; and our
colonies, whose urgent need of supplies demands our care, ac
tivity, and zeal, would be in danger of remaining in want of
them. I have the honor to observe, Sir, that we think too highly of
the sentiments of friendship and affection, which the United
States entertain towards France, to believe that their represen
tative could, or ought to hesitate, under any pretext whatev
er, to promote the success of an arrangement, begun by Mr
Short, and the continuation of which has been confided to your
care. The suspension of the King's functions should make no al
teration, Sir, in the dispositions of a nation, with whom we are
connected by friendship and interest, and whose independence
is our work, (et dont l'independence est notre ouvrage.)
She knows all the efforts and sacrifices we have made to obtain

gust, an Executive Council was established, which consisted of six min- '
isters, as follows ; — Danton, minister of Justice ; Monge, of the Marine ;
Roland, of the Interior ; Claviere, of Contributions ; Servan, of War ;
Lebrun, of Foreign Affairs.
f On the 28th of August, Mr Morris received the following note from
M. Lebrun. 'Sir,
' If you will have the goodness to call tomorrow at twelve o'clock at
the Hotel of Foreign Affairs, you will meet there M. Claviere, minister of
Public Contributions, M. Monge, minister of Marine, and myself, with
whom you may enter into a conference relative to the supplies of our
colonies. You will find us disposed to treat this affair in a manner
the most satisfactory. I have the honor to be, &c. ' Lebrun.'
The interview accordingly took place on the 29th, when the discus
sion alluded to in M. Lebrun's letter of the 30th occurred.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 207
it for her. We do not say this to awaken your gratitude, but
to excite your good will. I think, Sir, this was due from you
to the French nation, before the actual accomplishment of this
object, and that if you manifest it at this time, you will cer
tainly meet the wishes of your constituents.
To return, Sir, 1 ought to tell you, that the King is only
suspended from his office; moreover the government, being
immutable, and, of necessity, always subsisting, no representa
tive can, without an express order from his court, or his con
stituents, refuse to treat directly with it. Since the establish
ment of the new government, you have received from your
constituents no order which could forbid this measure ; you can
then, Sir, fulfil the engagement entered into by Mr Short, re
lative to the eight hundred thousand dollars to be held at our
disposal in North America, for the purchases necessary to
supply our colonies. If the facts, which I have here placed be
fore you, do not induce you to change the determination,
which you made known to us yesterday, I beg you will have
the goodness to assign the motives of your refusal, in the reply
which I shall expect from you, and by which I shall be guid
ed. I have the honor to be, fee.
Lebrun.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Paris, August 30th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
Heretofore I have mentioned to you, that I had not been
able to adjust with the minister of Foreign Affairs the rate of
exchange, which.should govern the payments made, and mak
ing, in America, on account of our debt to France ; and that
I had not been able to see the minister of Marine, to adjust
with him the sums which the Assembly had determined to
apply out of that debt to the use of St Domingo. You will
have seen, by my correspondence with the Commissioners of
the Treasury, that the last payment of six millions will nearly

208 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
balance the account according even to their statement of it,
over and above the four hundred thousand dollars, which are
to be paid at Philadelphia during the current year.
v A few days since M. Monge, the present minister of the
Marine, desired an interview, and at pur meeting he presented
me a regular contract for payment of eight hundred thousand
dollars, as being equivalent to the four million of livres, which
the Assembly had appropriated as above mentioned. I will
not trouble you with the conversation, because it ended in a
request on his part to meet M. Lebrun the minister of Foreign
Affairs, and M. Claviere the minister of Public Contributions.
This meeting took place yesterday by their appointment.
The same form of agreement was again produced, and M.
Claviere, who was principal spokesman, mentioned my signing
it as a thing of course. I told him that I had been authorised
to settle with the late government the exchange of one half of
that sum already paid, and paying, on this very account.
He spoke of such settlement as the easiest thing in the world,
and advanced on the subject exactly those principles, which
Mr Short had refused to be governed by ; and rejected as
visionary those, which Mr Short had stated as just, and which
I think are reasonable and right. /
The great object however was to get the money, and Con
gress was to fix the exchange. I told them, (which is very
true) that I felt a sincere desire to furnish aid to that unhappy
colony, and had done everything in my power to comply with
the wish of the legislature in that respect, but in vain ; that
at last our bankers in Holland being extremely anxious to dis
charge themselves of the large sums which had for months
been lying in their hands, their own Commissaries of the Treas
ury being also desirous to receive it, Mr Short, to whom the
management of that business had been committed by the
Lmited States, being also solicitous that the payments should
be made, I had desired him to place in the hands of the
bankers named by the Commissaries an equivalent of six mil
lions of livres, by which means the instalments of our debt,

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 209
already due, were overpaid. That of course any advan
ces now made must be on account of those instalments, which
are to become due hereafter. That I had no instructions
respecting them, for reasons I had already assigned, and that
of consequence, if I should enter into the agreement they
wished, I should probably be blamed for exceeding the line
prescribed to me. That there remained, however, another
point worthy of their attention, which wa£ that my agreement
would be in itself Void, because I had no powers to treat with
the present government. It followed, therefore, that the min
isters of the United States would feel themselves as much at
liberty, as if nothing had been done, and act according to their
own ideas of the object, distinctly from any engagements.
That it would be equally useful to them, and more proper in
me, to state the whole matter to you in the first instance, and
that I would add my earnest request to make the desired pay
ment. This however did not at all suit their ideas. M. Claviere
made many observations on the nature of our debt, and the
manner in which it had accrued. He said that the United
States would certainly act in a different manner towards the
present Government, from what the Monarchs of Europe did.
That it was impossible I should have any difficulty, if I inclin
ed to do what they asked, and then concluded by asking me
peremptorily whether I would, or would not.
His language and manner were such as naturally to excite
some little indignation,, and although I would pardon much in
a man, whose stockjobbing life had but little qualified him for a
station in which delicacy of manner and expression is almost -
essentia], yet I could not submit to an indignity in my per
son, towards the country I represent. ! told him therefore that
I did not understand what he meant to say. My countenance
I believe spoke the rest of my sentiments, and led him to say,
in explanation, that it Was necessary for them to have some
positive engagement, because otherwise they must make pro
vision for the service from another source, and then he again
18*

210 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
expressed his conviction, that the United States would recog
nise them; and at any rate would not disavow the engage
ments which I might make. I told him it was not proper for
me, a servant, to pretend to decide on what would be the
opinion of my masters. That I should wait their orders, and
obey them when received. That the present Government
might collect my sentiments from my conduct. That I could
not possibly take on me to judge questions of such magnitude.
That I would do everything I could with propriety, and again
repeated my offer, which they would not listen to, and I left
them, not a little displeased, if I may judge from appearances
by no means equivocal.
The Dutch Ambassador, who dined with me, told me that
he had received his orders, and should ask for passports this
day. The British Ambassador went off two days ago, and
Mr Lindsay, their Minister, intends going tomorrow. He of
fers to take my letters to Mr Pinckney, to whom 1 shall en
close this to be forwarded to you.
Last evening between ten and eleven, I received a visit
from some Commissctires de Section, who came in consequence
of a denunciation made by some blockhead, or rascal, that I
had arms concealed in my house. I made them sensible of
the impropriety of their conduct, told them that 1 had no arms,
and that if I had, they should not touch one of them. That
in such case, they must apply to me through their minister of
Foreign Affairs, and ask me to cede them. I insisted that the
man who had presumed to make this denunciation should be
seized, and then I would demonstrate the falsehood, that he
might be punished. The scene finished by apologies on their
part. Last night there was a general visit and search through
out the town for arms, and I presume for persons also. It still
continues. Between nine and ten, the Commissarv called on
me with many apologies, and took a note of my reply, so that
we met and parted good friends.
You will see by all this, my dear Sir, that I have sufficient
cause to take offence and depart, if I were so inclined ; but I

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 211
will stay, if possible, so as to preserve to you the most perfect
liberty of action. I do not indeed feel offended at what is
done by the people, because they cannot be supposed to un
derstand the law of nations, and because they are in a state of
fury which is inconceivable, and which leaves them liable to all
impressions, and renders them capable of all excesses. I
shall endeavor, nevertheless, to preserve the proper firmness,
and let what will happen, I hope that though my friends should
have occasion to lament my fate, they will never be obliged to
blush for my conduct. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO M. LEBRUN, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Translation. Paris, September 1st, 1792.
Sir,
Your letter of the 30th of August was not delivered to me
until four o'clock yesterday. I shall reply to it ~in detail,
and with the shortest delay possible.
You do me the honor to tell me, that ' I am able to fulfil
the engagements entered into by Mr Short, relative to the eight
hundred thousand dollars to be held in North America at your
disposal, for the purchases necessary to supply your colonies.'
I have already observed to you, Sir, and I now repeat it, that
the care of making the payments of our debt to France was
confided to Mr Short, and that I have never been authorised to
meddle with it. I venture to add, Sir, that you have in your
own office proofs of this fact.
Your predecessors informed me, that they had received
from the French Minister at Philadelphia the copy of a letter,
written to him by Mr Hamilton, our Minister of Finance, and
dated the eighth of March. You will perceive, that Mr Ham
ilton there says ; — ' After the instructions given to Mr Short,
after the known progress of these operations, and from some

212 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
passages in one of his letters of the 12th of November last,
Iconclude with certainty, that he has paid all arrears of inter
est and reimbursements of capital become due up to the close
of the year 1791.' — He adds (with respect to the four hun
dred thousand dollars, which it was agreed to pay in the course
Of the year 1792) that ' this sum will be in anticipation of what
becomes due at a future time.' Here I should observe to you,
Sir, that all engagements, made by Mr Short, will be fulfilled
by the United States, with the greatest precision.
I pray you moreover, Sir, to fix your attention upon another
very important fact, which I had the honor to lay before you.
Mr Short had left in tbe hands of our bankers at Amsterdam
very great sums for many months, while waiting for definitive
arrangements to be made with regard to the payments, arrange
ments which were not made during his mission. On the 30th of
July last, I stated to the Commissaries of the national treasury,
thatit was impossible for me to do anything decisive on this point,
until I should receive the orders of my government, (les ordrea
de ma cour.*) At this time, Mr Short urged me to pay over
to the Commissioners of the treasury the money, which was at
his disposal, and the Commissioners on their side begged me to
make the same payment. Accordingly, having agreed with
them on the rate of exchange, by which we should be regulated
at the time, always excepting the definitive arrangements to be
made with the person, who should be appointed for this pur
pose by the United States, I requested Mr Short, by letter,
on the 6th of August to give orders to our bankers to pay to

* This^expression, ' ma cour,' gave great offence to the French Minis
ters, who were members of an executive council of a Republic, so called,
of twenty days' standing. They considered it a monarchical phrase,
and looked upon it as an indignity coming thus to them from the
representative of a republican government. They wrote about it to
Genet, who, in a letter to the Secretary of State, represents it as having
caused displeasure, and as one of the reasons for dissatisfaction with
Mr Morris.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 213
Messieurs Hoguer, Grand and Company, bankers designated
by the Commissioners of the treasury, the sum of one mil
lion six hundred and twenty five thousand florins, (florins de
ban que) which, at said rate of exchange, amounted to six
millions of French money.
You will have the goodness to observe, Sir, that according
to die calculation of the Commissioners, there was due to
France, on the first of July last, a sum of six millions and a
half; that in this sum was included that of three millions one
hundred and fifty-seven thousand seven hundred and fifty-
eight livres, which was not taken into Mr Hamilton's calcula
tion, and of which a part at least is still to be verified. You
will be pleased to remark also, that in this calculation the pay
ments, which have been actually made in America, are not in
cluded, which make still another item of more than two mill
ions. It follows theh, at all events, that the reimbursements
to be made, up to the present time, are all discharged. I
would observe farther, that I am in no way authorised to dis
pose of any sums, which were or might be in the hands of our
bankers at Amsterdam, and that all I have done, or could do,
was to apply to Mr Short, who alone has authority in this
matter. It still remains for me to recall another very important fact
to your mind, which you will find authenticated in the same
letter of Mr Hamilton ; that owing to the extra expenses oc
casioned by our Indian war, it was impossible for him to prom
ise the payment of the sum of four hundred thousand dollars,-
at any nearer intervals than those specified, the last of which
extends to the first of December, 1792. You may judge, af
ter this exposition, whether it would be possible for me to go
farther than to make the offer I have already made, of earnest
ly soliciting my Government to lend you the assistance you
demand. A proposal which you refused to accept.
As to the suspension of the King, Sir, you must surely agree
with me, that a Minister has no right to express any opinion
whatever, without the previous orders of his nation. And

214 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
when I spoke of it to you, I was not disposed to give any opin
ion; nor at your solicitation, did I express anything farther,
than that you might perceive that even if it were possi
ble for me to run the risk of committing myself, by consenting
to the pecuniary arrangements which you desired, and which
were not confided to me by my government, you would still
be unable to claim from them the execution of my engage
ments ; for though they might recognise your authority, yet
they would consider it necessary for you to wait my new cre
dentials. In the letter, which I had the honor of writing to you on the
twenty-first of August, I informed you that it was my intention
to remain in Paris ; but the style of yours of the thirtieth of
August obliges me to request from you a passport to leave
France. I shall travel by short stages with my own horses,
taking the route to England by Calais. I shall leave my
house in its present condition, my secretary, and part of my
family, till I receive orders from the United States. I have
the honor to be, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

Paris, September 9th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
Yours of the fourth instant arrived yesterday afternoon, and
I write now, that I may be in time for the post tomorrow. I
believe the delay of my letter was not in this city. As the
six millions are, I suppose, paid, it is not necessary to dilate
on that subject.
In regard to the extent of my powers, I will explain to you
my ideas thereon. At first I supposed that the management of
what relates to our debt was in some sort a needful appendage
to this mission. Mr Jefferson's letter committing to me ex-

* At this time Minister Resident from the United States at the Hague.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 215
pressly an incidental nogociation, respecting a small part of it,
undeceived me. Counting however on your concurrence in
such measures as might appear proper, I should have gone on
to prepare with the Minister a plan for the final liquidation of
this object, could I have prevailed on him to attend to it. I
have since had occasion, when I treated with the Commissaries,
of the treasury, to examine a little more minutely into my pow^
ers, so far as they relate to the debt, and I found that the man
agement of it was committed entirely, and of course exclusive
ly to you. Whether the knowledge they must have acquired
before the present moment, that nothing final is done, joined
to the idea that you are in Spain, will induce them to address
their orders to me, I know not ; and you will, I trust, excuse
me for adding that I hope not.
Of all things I wish to steer clear of pecuniary transactions,
because they involve a species of responsibility which is most
irksome, and expose the agent to the chance of being called
by every calumniator, to answer at the bar of public opinion.
You tell me, in the very moment you express an apprehen
sion as to the validity of transactions with the present govern
ment, that you would be glad that I should take up certain of
our obligations, fee. fee. On this head I must observe to you,
that the informations you have received and_aommunicated to
me respecting the state of the account, and the objections made
by the Secretary of the Treasury, prove beyond a possibility of
doubt, that our government do not mean or wish that I should
meddle therein. I have not received a line from the Secreta
ry of the Treasury of any kind.
To return however to your wish. You will doubtless see
with me, that our obligations do not constitute, but only evidence
our debt. To possess ourselves of them, therefore, otherwise
than by due payment, would not cancel or alter the debt.
And from the moment you impeach the right of the present
government to receive the money, you invalidate any transac
tions respecting it which they may make. This observation I
make for your consideration ; it cannot in any wise affect my

216 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
conduct, because I am for the reasons already mentioned quite
unauthorised, and indeed indirectly prohibited from acting in
that behalf.
Among the many scenes of bloodshed, which have of late
been exhibited, you will lament the fate of the Duke de la
Rochefoucault, killed in the presence of his aged mother. I
ifjfc «m, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, September 10th, 1792,
Dear Sir,
The object of this is merely to transmit a letter forwarded to
me by Mr Cathalan, who desires me to communicate the
scarcity to my friends, and at the same time mentions, that if
I will encourage him thereto, he will immediately set off to
America to procure wheat. My answer of this date is
enclosed. By the first convenient opportunity I shall write to you
respecting the state of things here, and I shall now send with
this letter the several gazettes. We have had one week of
unchecked murders, in which some thousands have perished in
this city. It began with between two and three hundred of
the clergy, who had been shut up because they would not
take the oaths prescribed by the law, and which they said
were contrary to their conscience. Thence, these executors
of speedy justice went to the Abbaye, where the persons were
confined, who were at court on the tenth of August. These
were despatched also, and afterwards they visited the other
prisons. All those who were confined either on the accusation,
or suspicion of crimes, were destroyed. Madame de Lamballe
was, I believe, the only woman killed, and she was beheaded
and embowelled, the head and entrails paraded on pikes
through the streets, and the body dragged after them. They

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 217
continued I am told in the neighborhood of the Temple, until
the Queen looked out at this horrid spectacle.
Yesterday the prisoners from Orleans were put to death at
Versailles. The destruction began here about five in the
afternoon on Sunday, the second instant. A guard had been
sent a few days since to make the Duke de la Rochefoucault
prisoner. He was on his way to Paris under their escort with
his wife and mother, when he was taken out of his carriage
and killed. The ladies were taken back to la Roche Guyonne
where they are now in a state of arrestation. Monsieur de
Montmorin was among those slain at the Abbaye. You will
recollect, that a petition was signed by many thousands to
displace the Mayor on account of his conduct on the twentieth
of June. The signing of this petition is considered as a suffi
cient proof of the crime of Feuillantism, and it was in contem
plation with some to put all those who were guilty of signing
that petition to death. This measure seems, however, to be
suspended, for the present at least ; but as there is no real
executive authority, the plan may be easily resumed, should it
suit the views of those who enjoy the confidence of that part
of the people, who are now active. lam, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

M. LEBRUN TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Translation. Paris, September 16th, 1792.
Sir,
By the answer you have returned to the letter, which I had
the honor of writing to you on the thirtieth of August, I see
that you have misunderstood certain expressions therein con
tained, and which were used relatively to circumstances. My
object, in speaking to you of the existing Government, was to
prove to you that it could not be dissolved, nor lose anything
of its authority, so long as the nation had an existence. In
vol. n. 19

218 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
consequence of this just and incontestible principle, I have sup
posed that you might reside still in Paris, await here new cre
dentials, and new instructions from your constituents, and, fi
nally, continue to treat upon affairs interesting to both nations.
You must be persuaded, Sir, that you would have found us
eager to give you satisfaction, on every point founded in jus
tice and reason'. And as, doubtless, you would have brought
forward no others, the result of our conferences, and of your
proceedings towards us, would have been followed by the suc
cess you desired.
As to the aversion, which you appear to feel to our present
government, I think it right to remind you of a fact, which
comes in aid of the principle just cited. It is this. When the
inhabitants of North America resolved to separate themselves
from England, and to gain their liberty, they sent representa
tives to France, to negotiate with the government, which made
no difficulty in admitting them to a conference, and even con
cluding with them a treaty of friendship and commerce, as
well as of alliance. Hardly had the United Provinces called
a Congress, when Dr Franklin was recognised by us in quality
of Minister Plenipotentiary.* He was admitted as one of the
Diplomatic Corps to the audiences of the Court and the Min
ister. France, also, on her part, sent an accredited Minister
to Congress. Yet, Sir, you know, that at that time no de
cisive measures had been taken for the establishment of a
government in America, nor could there exist any settled
government, since war was still carried on for the cause of
independence and liberty.
Our present position, therefore, and that of your country at
that time, are very different. Of this you will be further con
vinced by the following fact.
Before our revolution we had a government, which has

*The first Congress was convened in 1774, but Franklin was
not received as Minister Plenipotentiary in France, till after the trea
ty in 1778.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 219
subsisted continually since. It has, indeed, taken another
form, but this form has been thus determined by the liberty
and safety of the country. Besides, Sir, you, who were born
in the midst of a free people, should regard the present affairs
of France in a very different light, from that in which they ap
pear to all other foreign ministers residing in Paris. We
maintain the same cause with your country ;. our principles
and your own should be the same ; and by a natural train of
consequences, there can be no reason against your residence
in Paris. I wish, Sir, that this explanation of facts, as well known to
you as to myself, may induce you to reconsider the subject,
and decide you to change your resolution.
However this may be, Sir, I have had the passport prepared,
which you requested of me ; it is now with the municipality to
go through the necessary forms. I hope to have it ready
for you tomorrow.
You see, Sir, by the subjoined extract from the reply of the
Minister of Public Contributions, that you have entire satisfac
tion on every point contained in your letter of the 21st of Au
gust last. I have the honor to observe to you, that the trifling
personal casualties you have experienced, with regard to your
effects, wines, fee. are, as you are aware, a consequence of
the agitation inseparable from a great revolution.*
I have the honor to be, with sincere regard, Sir, your most
obedient humble servant,
Lebrun.

* This alludes to certain articles being detained in the custom
house, and charged with duties, which, as belonging to a foreign
minister, ought to be admitted free. Mr Morris paid the duties, but
they were afterwards returned by order of the government.

220 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
TO M. LEBRUN.
Translation. Paris, September 17th, 1792.
Sir,
I have had the honor of receiving your letter of the 16th.
After the explanations contained in it, I shall not again recur
to that of the 30th of August, and as it was that which decided
me to leave France, I now resume my determination to re
main here, and await the orders of my government.
As to my personal opinions, Sir, they are of no importance
in so serious an affair, but you may be sure, that T have never
questioned the right of any people to govern themselves ac
cording to their own pleasure. For these many years I have
desired sincerely, that France might enjoy all the liberty and
all the happiness possible ; and I am confident that I express
the sentiments of the United States, in assuring you that in
this wish all my countrymen unite.
I have the honor, Sir, to renew my application for a pass
port for the interior. In testifying to my rank, it will preserve
me from the interruptions to which one is liable at the present
time. I have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Paris, September 19th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
I shall confine myself, on the present occasion, to trans
mitting copies of my correspondence with the ministry, on the
subject of the conference mentioned to you in mine of the thir
tieth of last month. I transmit, however, a copy of what I
wrote on the twentieth of August, because the answer of the
eighth of this month would not be otherwise intelligible. I
will not at present make any comments on this correspondence,
and I do not know whether I shall Pver mention it again.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 221
I send you also, as the best means of communicating the
state of this city and kingdom, the short but lively picture drawn
of them in the Assembly by Monsieur Masuyer, on Saturday
last, the fifteenth instant, and the report made on Sunday morn
ing, by Monsieur Roland, the minister of the Interior.
I wish it were in my power to communicate a more flatter
ing prospect, than is held out by these extracts. It gives me
pain to write, and will, I am sure, give you" pain to read, the
distressful state of a country for which we have both a sincere
regard. All which I can do under present circumstances, is,
to be silent. Bad news have a flight so rapid, that I will not
add to their wings. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, Paris, September 27th, 1792.
Dear Sir,
In my last I transmitted copies of my correspondence with
the Minister, respecting the subject of the conversation mention
ed in mine of the thirtieth of last month, of which, as well as of
those of the seventeenth and twenty-second, copies are here en
closed. I think it is proper to mention to you now a circumstance
relating to that conversation, because it may explain transac
tions connected therewith. I had good reason to believe, that
a private speculation was at the bottom of the proposals made
to me, and the extreme urgency which was exhibited by one
of the conferees, who had been designated to me as concerned
therein, tended not a little to confirm the information I had re
ceived. The wrath excited by the unwillingness on ray part
to jump over all the bounds of my powers and instructions, did
by no means lessen, but came in support of the same idea.
Since that period I have been asked by a person, who said he
was offered a bill drawn by the government here on the treasu-
19*

222 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ry of the United States, whether such a bill would be paid. I
expressed my surprise, and was told that this bill would be for
the sum decreed by the Assembly to be employed in purchas
ing supplies for the colony of St Domingo. I observed that it
seemed a strange procedure either to sell or buy such a bill;
because the vender could only employ the money in America,
and of course need not risk a draft ; and the purchaser, who
must make the expenditure, could not, I supposed, find his ac
count in the transaction. This led to an explanation. The
bill was to be paid for in Assignats at par, six or nine months
hence, and the produce was to be employed in purchasing man
ufactures suitable to the colony in this country. I told the
person who applied to me, that I did not think this would be con
sidered in America as falling within the decree, and that no
good reason could be assigned for paying, under great disadvan
tages in Philadelphia, what could be paid with great advantage
in Paris, when the sum paid was not to be expended in the
United States but in France. At length the true object of this
application to me came out. I discovered it was merely a
scheme of speculation to be carried into effect, if I could be in
duced to recommend the payment, under what was known to
be a favorite idea with me, viz. the expending in America what
we owe to France, and for the support of the colony of St Do
mingo. As my concurrence could not be hoped for, I believe
the plan is abandoned, but perhaps it is only abandoned in ap
pearance. I also take the liberty to enclose the extract of a letter from
Mr Short respecting M. de Lafayette, with my answer. I
understand that he was forwarded from Luxemburg private
ly on the route to Vienna, and had got as far as Brisgaw
several days ago. I presume that his treatment will depend
very much on the success of the military operations. If the
allied monarchs, finding themselves disappointed in their
expectations from the present campaign, are obliged to look
forward to more extensive and more permanent efforts, they
will probably endeavor to gain one of the great oarties in thii

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 223
country ; and should they turn their eyes towards the Quatre-
vingt-neufs, or Feuillants, they will naturally consider M.
de Lafayette as the most fitting instrument to be employed,
and he will naturally desire to aid in the establishment of the
party and the principles, which he considers as true supporters
of liberty in this country. For you will observe, that in like
manner as the Clerical and Aristocratic parties considered
the Assembly in 1789 as a usurper, the leaders of that
Assembly affixed on the Jacobins the same charge of usur
pation, and now the leaders of the last revolution are charged
by some of their brethren with Feuillantism.
You will see by the gazettes, that there is the same enmity
between the present chiefs, which prevailed heretofore against
those whom they considered as their common enemies, and if
either of the present parties should get the better, it would
probably again divide ; for party, like matter, is divisible ad
infinitum, because' things which depend on human opinion
can never be tried by any common standard.' And not only
is it unavoidable, that there should be differences among differ
ent men, but it is even uncommon to find in the same man the
same sentiments, for a continued length of time, even upon
the same subject, for either the circumstances change or else
the man.
You will see that the King of Prussia has made some over
tures for treaty, which were not listened to. I consider the
offer as a mere military manoeuvre, because it is not possible
that treaty should succeed in the present moment, and because
preparations are making for more vigorous efforts the ensuing
campaign. I am told that both Sweden and Denmark have
acceded to the league, and that they count on the assistance
of Great Britain, should that become necessary.
On this last subject much may be said. Of the King's per
sonal opinions there can be no doubt, and I have some little
reason to believe, that not only his ministers, but the great mass
of property and interest in that kingdom would readily embark
in a contest to crush opinions, which are considered fatal to the

224 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
peace and order of civil society. And you know of how little
consequence it is, as to human action, whether opinions be or
be not well founded. On the other hand, there is a party in
England, not inconsiderable as to numbers, and very important
from the activity of its members, who, joining to high notions
of civil liberty some mixture of the enmities and prejudices of
particular sects of religion, aim at a subversion of Monarchy,
Hierarchy, and Aristocracy. But as any. great convulsion
must necessarily overturn the stupendous fabric of national
credit, which has been erected within this century, there are
among the chieftains even of this party several, who rather
wish that the battles for freedom should be fought on French
than English ground. Yet these same men, should it become
necessary to take a decided part, would range themselves, I
think, under the revolutionary standard. But in this uncertain
state of men and things the ministry have to fear from inaction,
that the principles of the government will be sapped, and they
have to fear a total defeat, should they declare war without
first securing the aid of the opposition. This they have been
laboring at for some time, but with little effect, because there
are two or three great places desired by both parties. Of
these intrigues, however, Mr Pinckney will, I doubt not, give
you ample details, as they are closely connected with the objects
of his mission. I have little doubt but that a junction, or coa
lition, between these-lwo parties would enable the government
to act with all the energy it could wish, and there seems to me
to be a little cause not much-noticed, but of considerable effect,
which may lead them into a war. It is the legal advantage to
be gained over those, who, in supporting certain opinions, may
in case of war be brought under the statute of treasons as ad
hering to the foreign enemy.
An opponent more dreadful than any of the armies which
can be sent against this country, or any of the parties by which
it may be distracted, seems to be preparin ghis yengeance. Fa
mine is among the things on which to calculate. The crop in
Sicily was short ; that of the Southern provinces, always in-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 225
sufficient, is much less than usual. The supplies usually
drawn from the coast of Barbary will, I am told, be totally cut
off by those powers, who, in consequence of the affair of the
tenth of August, mean to break with this country. The grain
provinces on the north and east, if not possessed by the enemy,
will be totally exhausted by the two armies ; and Poland,
whose granaries are shut up till the next spring, will be engross
ed by the enemy to furnish his Own magazines. I consider it
therefore as next to certain, that the want here will be very
great during the ensuing year ; and as this must, by the end of
December, become apparent to everybody, most other resour
ces will then be shut by the hand of mercantile speculation.
Hence it would seem, that our merchants would act wisely in
sending hither cargoes of flou/, and I have but one apprehen
sion in recommending it, which is, that, from the laxity of gov
ernment, property of' that sort may become precarious, when
the price has got so high as to oppress the poor, and yet it
must so rise, or else the merchant will suffer, because the
exchange cuts off a great proportion of what he receives.
I submit', my dear Sir, to your better judgment all these
ideas, persuaded that you will turn them to the best account ;
and I pray you to believe in that sincere regard with which I
am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, October 20th, 1792,
My Dear Sir,
Although your letter of the tenth of June, which I have
received, did not paint the prospects of France in the most
pleasing colors, yet the events which have since taken place
give a more gloomy aspect to the public affairs of that king
dom, than your letter gave reason to apprehend.
A thousand circumstances, besides our distance from the

226 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
theatre of action, made it improbable that we should have,
in this country, a fair statement of facts and causes through
the medium of the public prints; and I have received no
other accounts, than what have come in that channel. But
taking up the most favorable of these, gloomy indeed appears
the situation of France at this juncture. But it is hardly
probable that even you, who are on the spot, can say with any
precision how these things will terminate ; much less can we,
at this distance, pretend to augur the event. We can only
repeat the sincere wish, that much happiness may arise to the
French nation, and to mankind in general, out of the severe
evils which are inseparable from so important a revolution.
In the present state of things we cannot expect, that any
commercial treaty can now be formed with France ; but I
have no doubt of your embracing the proper moment of ar
rangement, and of doing whatever may be in your power for
the substantial interest of our country .
The affairs of the United States go on well. There are
some few clouds in our political hemisphere, but I trust that
the bright sun of our prosperity will disperse them.
The Indians on our western and southern frontiers are still
troublesome, but such measures are taken as will, I presume,
prevent any serious mischief from them ; I confess, however,
that I do not believe these tribes will ever be brought to a
quiescent state, so long as they may be under an influence
which is hostile to the rising greatness of these states.
From the complexion of some of our newspapers, foreign
ers would be led to believe, that inveterate political dissensions
exist among us, and that we are on the very verge of dis
union; but the fact is otherwise. The great body of the
people now feel the advantages of the general government,
and -would not, I am persuaded, do anything that should de
stroy it ; but this kind of representations is an evil, which
must be placed in opposition to the infinite benefits- resulting
from a free press ; and I am sure you need not be told, that in
this country a personal difference in political sentiments is
often made to take the garb of general dissensions.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 227
From the Department of State you are, I am informed,
furnished with such papers and documents from time to
time, as will keep you more particularly informed of the state
of our affairs. I shall therefore add nothing further to this
letter, than assurances of being always and sincerely yours, fee.
George Washington.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Paris, October 23d, 1792.
My Dear Sir,
Yours of the twenty-first of June is at length safely arrived.
Poor Lafayette ! Your letter for him must remain with me yet
some time. His enemies here are as virulent as ever, and I
can give you no better proof than this. Among the King's
papers was found nothing of what his enemies wished and ex
pected, except his correspondence with M. de Lafayette,
which breathes from beginning to end the purest sentiments
of freedom. It is therefore kept secret, while he stands ac
cused of designs in conjunction with the dethroned monarch
to enslave his country.
The fact respecting this correspondence is communicated to
me, by a person to whom it was related confidentially by one
of the parties who examined it. You will have seen in my
letters to Mr Jefferson, a proposition made by Mr Short respect
ing M. de Lafayette, with my reply. I had very good reason
to apprehend, that our interference at that time would have
been injurious to him, but I hope that a moment will soon of
fer in which something may be done for his relief. In reading
my correspondence with Mr Short you must Consider, that 1
wrote to the French and Austrian government, as each would
take the liberty to read my letters.
You will have seen also that in my letters to Mr Jefferson,
I hint at the dangers attending a residence in this city. Some
of the sanguinary events which have taken place, and which

228 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
were partial executions of great plans, will point to a natural
interpretation thereof; but these were not what I contempla
ted. Should we ever meet, I will entertain you with the reci
tal of many things, which it would be improper to commit to
paper, at least for the present. You will have seen, that
the King is accused of high crimes and misdemeanors ; but I
verily believe that he wished sincerely for this nation the en
joyment of the utmost degree of liberty, which their situation
and circumstances will permit. He wished for a good consti
tution, but unfortunately he had not the means to obtain it, or
if he had he was thwarted by those about him. What may
be his fate God only knows, but history informs us, that the
passage of dethroned monarchs is short from the prison to
the grave.
I have mentioned to Mr Jefferson, repeatedly, my wish to
have positive instructions and orders for my government. I
need not tell you, Sir, how agreeable this would be to me, and
what a load it would take from my mind. At the same time
I am fully sensible, that it may be inconvenient to give me
such orders. The United States may wish to temporize, and
see how things are likely to end, and in such case, leaving me
at large with the right reserved to avow or, disavow me accord
ing to circumstances and events, is for the government an eli
gible position. My part in the play is not quite so eligible ; but
although I wish the Senate to be sensible of this, I am far from
wishing that any precipitate step be taken to relieve me from
it, for I know how contemptible is every private consideration,
when compared with the public interests. One step however
seems natural, viz. to say that before any new letters of cre
dence are given, it will be proper to know to whom they are
to be directed, because the Convention, a mere temporary bo
dy, is to be succeeded by some fixed form, and it may be a
long time before any such form will be adopted.
Mr Jefferson, from the materials in his possession, will be
able to give you an accurate account of the military events.
I discover three capital errors in the conduct of the Duke of

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 229
Brunswick. First, his proclamation arrogated rights, which
on no construction could belong to him or his employers, and
contained threats which no circumstances could warrant, and
which in no supposable success could be executed. They
tended however to unite the nation in opposing him, seeing
that no hope remained for those who had taken any part in
the revolution; and the conduct observed towards Monsieur
de Jjafayette and his companions was a severe comment on
the cruelty of the rest. Thus in the same moment he wound
ed the pride, insulted the feelings, and alarmed the fears of all
France. And by his thundering menaces to protect the royal
family, he plunged them into the situation from which he
meant to extricate them.
The second error was, not to dash at Paris the instant he
received the news of the affair of the tenth. He should then
have advanced at all hazards, and if in so doing he had declar
ed to the several Generals and armies, that he expected their
assistance to restore their dethroned prince and violated con
stitution, 1 am persuaded that he would have met with as much
support as opposition. I learn within these two days, that the
delegates of Lorraine and Alsace had so little hope, or rather
were so thoroughly persuaded that those provinces would join
the enemy, that they made unusual haste to come forward, lest
they should be apprehended. Great activity in that moment
would have done wonders ; but then he was not ready:
The third great error was, that after waiting so long he came
forward at all this season. By menacing the frontiers with
great and increasing force, vast numbers of the militia would
have been drawn to the utmost verge of the French territory.
The difficulty of subsisting them there, would have been ex
treme. By taking strong and good positions, his troops would
have been preserved in full vigor, and the French, wasted by
disease, tired of inaction, and stimulated by their natural impa
tience and impetuosity of temper, would have forced their Gen
erals to attack, even if they had the prudence to be quiet. The
consequence of such attack, excepting always the will of God,
vol. ii. 20

230 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
must have been a complete victory on his part, and then it
would have been next to impossible for them to escape. Then
tbe towns would have surrendered, believing the business to be
over, and he might have come as far forward this autumn as
the needful transportation of stores would permit. Next spring
France would have found it almost impossible to subsist the
armies needful for the defence in that part of the country,
which is most defensible, and of consequence her enemy would
have reached the point from which he lately retreated, without,
the smallest difficulty.
The appearances are so vague and contradictory, that I can
not pretend to tell you whether the alliance will or will not be
preserved for the next campaign. If I were to hazard con
jectures on the present state of things, it might cast suspicions
where I have not sufficient ground, and therefore 1 will bury
them in my own bosom, lest accident should put this letter in
to improper hands. France has a strong ally in the feelings of
those nations, who are subject to despotism, but for that very
reason, she has a mortal enemy in every Prince. If, as is ve
ry possible, the league should hold firm till next spring, it will
then have gained considerable auxiliaries, and I am very much
mistaken if this nation will make as great efforts as those she is
now making. The character of nations must be taken into
consideration in all political questions, and that of France has
ever been an enthusiastic inconstancy. They soon get tired
of a thing. They adopt without examination, and reject with
out sufficient cause. They are now agog with their republic,
and may perhaps adopt some form of government with a
huzza ; but that they will adopt a good form, or, having adopt
ed, adhere to it, is what I do not believe. There is a great
body of royalists in the country, who do not now declare them
selves, because it would be certain death, but a favorable occa
sion would bring them out of their holes.
The factions here are violent, and among those who admin
ister the government there is not, I am told, that degree of cha
racter which lays hold of the esteem and respect of mankind,

, THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 231
but rather the contrary. In their opponents there is a nervous
temper, which sticks at nothing, and if I see rightly there is in
the current of their affairs a strong eddy, or counter tide, which
may change materially both men and things. Yet let what will
happen, I think it hardly possible that they should blunder as
much as the emigrants, and I am prone to believe, that in war
and politics the folly of our adversaries constitutes our great
est force. The future prospect, therefore, is involved in mist
and darkness.
There is but one sovereign in Europe, the Empress of Rus
sia, who is not in the scale of talents considerably below par.
The Emperor, who it is said is consumptive and cannot live
long, is now much influenced by Manfredi, a statesman of the
Italian school, who takes insincerity for wisdom. The Prus
sian Cabinet is far from strong. Leuchesini, an able man, is
said to be rising in influence there, but there is such a mixture
of lust and folly in the chief, that no one man can keep things
steady. The alliance with Vienna is disagreeable to the Prus
sians, and particularly to the inhabitanls of Berlin, which may
have some influence in destroying it, and his Majesty has given
three strong proofs since his accession, that he is by no means
nice on the subject of public faith. The invasion of Brabant
will, I am persuaded, alarm both Britain and Holland, but wheth
er they will confine themselves to court intrigue, or come into
the field, is doubtful.
Thus you will perceive, Sir, that nothing can be predicted
with tolerable certainty respecting the affairs of this country,
either internal or external, at the present moment. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, October 23d; 1792.

Dear Sir,
My last was of the twenty-seventh of September. Since
that period, and within a few days, I have received yours of

232 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
the sixteenth of June. In sending the gazettes, it would be
well, I think, to put them in an envelope open at each end, and
direct them to the Consul at Havre, who should be desired to
forward them to me by the stage. This will avoid the heavy
postage. The unexpected events, which have taken place in this coun
try since your letter was written, and of which you will have
been informed before this reaches you, will show you that I
cannot, until I receive the President's farther orders, take up
any of the objects to which it alludes, not having indeed the
proper powers. I apprehend also that the United States will
wish to see a little into the establishment of the new Republic,
before they take any decided steps in relation to it. In this
case I may be a long time without such orders, which is to me
a distressing circumstance, because it involves a degree of re
sponsibility for events, which no human being can foresee. It
may indeed be replied, that in a position like mine, the proper
conduct is to preserve a strict neutrality, and of course to do
nothing ; but cases often arise in which to do nothing is taking
a part. I need-not state the many situations of that sort which
occur. I had it in contemplation to leave Paris, and visit
Bordeaux and Marseilles, but I found it necessary to continue
here for the sake of such of my countrymen as were in this
city, and who might, in the madness of the moment, have
been exposed to danger, but certainly to inconvenience. A
proof of which is, that the English, who remained after Lord
Gower went away, found it so difficult to obtain passports,
though possessed of those he had given, that many, after wait
ing for weeks in fruitless attendance, went off at all hazards
without them.
I informed you in my last, that I believed the plan for spec
ulating on the sum appropriated for St Domingo, was aban
doned, but a further attempt was made by the Minister, who
pressed me again on the subject, and I of course again de
clined, referring him to Mr Short, who in fact is alone em
powered in that respect. What they may have since dones I

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 233
know not. The intercourse with Holland is much interrupted
just now, and a letter which Mr Pinckney forwarded for me
by Colonel Smith, from Mr Short, and which was put into the
postoffice at Dieppe, has not yet come to hand. I suppose
that it relates to M. de Lafayette, who is, I am told, at Wezel,
and of course in the power of his Prussian Majesty.
The gazettes will inform you of the retreat of the Prussian
army. I have been told on good authority, that the cannon
ade of the twentieth of September was only to amuse ; that
during its continuance the Duke of Brunswick made a master
ly movement, by which he opened to himself the roads to
Rheims, and to Chalons ; that the French army was so
much in his power, that he might either have driven them
away and dissipated them, or if under every disadvantage they
would risk an action, that he could have cut them to pieces.
And why did he not ? To this natural question two answers
are given. It is said, that the plan fixed for the campaign
was, that the King of Prussia, at the head of his army, should
form the point of a wedge, of which two columns of Austrian
troops should form the angles. The right, under General
Clairfayt, to penetrate the Loisons ; the left, under the Prince
de Hohenloe, to penetrate, after masking Thionville and Metz,
to Chalons. That by this means the magazines, sick, and
wounded, of the three armies, would have been completely
covered, and the police of the country been maintained by the
emigrants, under the immediate orders of the King's brothers.
Another body of troops was at the same time to make a pow
erful diversion, or to penetrate, as circumstances might per
mit, or direct, from the Brisgaw.
You will observe, that all which depended on the Austrians,
in the plan above supposed, completely failed, and that in con
sequence, if the King of Prussia had advanced any farther, the
French would have closed in upon his rear, and of course his
sick, his wounded, and his magazines, would have been sacri
ficed, perhaps his retreat cut off. It is said that the three days
consumed in treaty, were to give time to the columns in ques-
20*

234 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
tion to advance, and by their demonstrations to drive off the
corps, which infested one of his flanks, and menaced the other,
and to show at the same time that he had completely perform
ed his stipulations. In effect he had surmounted the obstacles,
which nature had opposed to his march, had disentangled him
self from the Ardennes, and was complete in force, and in view
of the two great plains of Champagne, the one leading by
Rheims, and the other by Chalons, to his object.
It is said, that without the aid of the columns in question,
his farther progress would have been useless, because he could
not detach to the right and left so as to cut off the communi
cation between this city, and the southern and western parts of
the Empire. To this it is added, that a season of which there
is no parallel in the memory of man, and disease beyond all
reasonable expectation, had almost crippled the Duke's army
before he could extricate himself from the defiles, and drive
off the parties which were in possession of them.
This is one solution of the events, which took place subse
quent to the twentieth. Another is of a different nature ; it is
said that Monsieur Dumouriez, convinced that an opposition to
the combined forces would prove unavailing, and supposing
that the rivalry of Austria and Prussia must prevent any cor
diality of union ; being farther induced to believe, that the
Prussian cabinet would pursue its own separate interest when
occasion should offer, without much regard to previous stipu
lations, and would in fact, rather sacrifice somewhat even of its
particular interest, than aggrandize in any degree a rival, sore
from ancient and recent injuries ; Dumouriez, prompted and
encouraged by these ideas, sought eagerly the occasions of
treaty with the King of Prussia. That at length he succeeded
so far as to show that Prince, that the present was a favorable
moment for giving a final blow to the House of Austria, and
that France and Prussia would find immense advantage in a
union, by which he might take up again the business he had
abandoned in Poland, and thereby foil the schemes of both
Russia, and Austria. That a more evident advantage, though

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 235
not more certain, would be found in a subsidy of two hundred
millions of livres, and that he must see the danger of the war
in its present situation, and might thence the more easily esti
mate the advantage of abandoning it.
These reasonings. ate said to have had the desired effect,
and that a kind of treaty was entered into; one article of
which related to the Royal Family of this country, which is
to be set at liberty. I have been told farther, that the Execu
tive Council here will not confirm that part of the bargain
which relates to the subsidy and the Royal Family, saying,
which is true enough, that they are in this respect without
authority. I must slightly mention another solution of the late move
ments, because it is possible that it may be well founded. A
lady, I think Madame de Guisne, but certainly the daughter of
Madame de Pelignac, is said to have made an impression on
his Majesty, who is, it seems, very susceptible of violent,
though not of lasting affection. This young lady is said to
have been ill treated by her mother, and others who are
among the principal emigrants, and to have used her influence
with the King to avenge the slights of her countrymen and
relations. In the midst of all these different accounts, of
which perhaps not one is true, the leaders here seem to con
sider Prussia as weighing no longer in the scale against them.
Dumouriez is on his march to Brussels, in which he means to
take up his winter quarters, and there is in this more of cool
good sense than at first sight may appear.
I have already communicated to you* the state of things
here, in what regards subsistence. The country, late the seat
of war, is totally consumed. Never abundant, it is now so
bare that the inhabitants will be reduced to the utmost straits,
and although the northern frontier is not yet in the same state,
it would be not far from it before the end of January, if the
whole of the French army, late in the centre, were stationed
there. This army is now very numerous, and, from the want
of discipline, consumes much more than is usually allotted to

236 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
one of equal number. It is furthermore very sickly, and of
course the followers must be greatly increased. If he can
penetrate into Flanders and Brabant, he not only saves the
provisions which would have been consumed in France, but
he destroys so much of the resources of the enemy. If he
can create a revolution, which may be effected by a very
small number of the people while supported by a victorious
army, he obliges the Emperor to confine his efforts to a single
side of France, namely, that defended by the Ardennes in
part, and in part by the Rhine. And on this side, it will be
very difficult to make any serious impression, so long as the
French continue in their present mind. These objects justify
some risk by M. Dumouriez ; and he is better able to calcu
late the extent of that risk, than any mere spectator,
because he has long had intelligence in that country. The
undertaking is not however without considerable difficulty.
There are not indeed any strong towns in his way, but there
are three strong positions, of which the first is near Mons ; the
second still stronger on a hill about half way (to the best of
my recollection) between Mons and Brussels ; and the third
not far from Brussels itself. The military face of that coun
try is, you know, understood by all military men with
perfect exactness, having been the theatre of war for the two
last centuries ; of course all the advantages, which it gives to
disciplined armies, will be made use of by those who are to
defend it. Add to this, that we approach the end of October,
and though we are just now flattered with fine weather, it is
not to be expected |hat those who go, due north will meet
with warm nights and long days in November. A failure
therefore- must be fatal to many; but this is little thought of
here just now, because there is no want of men. It will
count, however, in the next season. Fortune has hitherto
smiled on the French arms in a manner unexpected to them
selves, and it may perhaps continue to do so. Much of this
is in my opinion owing to the folly of their opponents, who
seem to have fostered the determination to reduce them

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 237
under a military despotism. The Divine justice will never, I
hope, permit such impious plans to succeed ; and I always con
sider Princes, and Generals, and Statesmen, as mere instru
ments, and generally blind instruments, in the hands of the
Almighty to work out his ends by ways, which are for the
most part inscrutable to us.
I do not say anything about the incursions into Savoy and
Germany, both brilliant, and the former of which bids fair to
extend the French Republic to the foot of the Alps, because
these things, fully detailed in the gazettes, speak for them
selves. As to the domestic affairs here, they are by no means quiet.
The great majority of the Convention is united in opposition to
a few members, who are joined to some chiefs in this city, and
meditate further revolutions. They aver that those, whom they
call the Brissotines, had no wish to overturn the monarchy,
but only to get the loaves and fishes for themselves and their
friends. That the affair of the tenth of August happened not
only without their aid, but contrary to their wish. That having
happened, they did indeed take advantage of it to obtain the
executive power for their particular friends, but even they would
not consolidate the revolution by destroying its enemies ; a
business, say they, which was effected on the second of Sep
tember, and the following days, and which those who now safe
ly enjoy the fruits of it pretend to blame.
The Brissotines on the other hand contend, that they alone
are the true friends of republican government, for which they
have incessantly labored, ever since the second Assembly met.
That the attachment they professed to the late constitution was
only simulated, and was necessary to cover their attack
upon it ; that in their various decrees they constantly kept in
view the advantage to be gained by obliging the King, either
to sanction what (though agreeable to the popular wish) was
contrary to the constitution, in which case the constitution would
have become a dead letter, and have left the field of contest
open between the King and the legislature, or else, if the King

238 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
withheld his sanction, it turned the voice of the people against
him, and left him in consequence exposed to a successful attack,
whenever the favorable moment should present itself. That
it was they, in short, who brought forward the plan of an army
of twenty thousand republicans under the walls of Paris, and
who took private and effectual measures to bring that army in
to the field, if, as was apprehended, the King should put a veto
on the decree. That it was owing to these measures, that the
Bretons and Marsellois, and other Federes, were on the spot to
execute the plans of the tenth of August, fee.
These are the outlines of the arguments made use of on
each side to convince the public, that each is exclusively the au
thor of a republic,- which the people find themselves possessed
of by a kind of magic, or at least a slight of hand, and which
nevertheless they are as fond of as if it were their own offspring.
To these main arguments are added a number of subordi
nate ones, with all the little accessories of time, place, and cir
cumstance. The majority of the Convention, however, diffi
dent of the people of this city, and apprehensive that they may
take it into their heads to make another revolution, when they
grow tired of the present state of things, have called (private
ly) for a guard from the different departments. This now
forms the bone of contention. You will see in the gazettes the
arguments pro and con. I own that I think it a false stroke in
politics, though, as a peaceable citizen of Paris, and interested
in the preservation of order, it is personally agreeable to me.
On the ground of argument it is clearly a feature not republi
can, and prima facie implies that the Convention means to do
things, which a majority of the capital would disapprove, and
hence it follows again, that either the interests of the capital
and the provinces are different, or else that the measures in
contemplation are contrary to the inclinations of both. But it
is not, I think, on the ground of theoretic argument, that such
things are to be tried, but from an examination of probable
consequences. A guard of this sort evidently draws a strong
broad line of separation between the city and the Convention.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 239
It gives of course many means for operating on the people to
those, who are opposed to the Convention. It is among the
things to be calculated on, that the guard after it has been here
some time should catch the spirit of the city, be that what it
may. In such case, instead of protectors they will find ene
mies in their guard ; but admitting that this should not happen,
if the guard be feeble, it will be overawed ; if strong, those who
can influence the guard, will command the Convention, who in
this case will only have changed masters. If any little check
should happen on the frontiers, it will be too unpopular to keep
a considerable body of men for parade, who might be useful
in camp ; and as soon as they go, the people will rise at once
to resent the insult offered to them. It seems probable, there
fore, that this guard will be among the reasons why the Con
vention may leave this city, and that would give a very serious
shock, and in many ways. It is to be noted also, that when
they shall take up a report on the form of government, the op
position will find vast resources in the opinions of the majority,
let those be what they may. To these leading points, I might
add a thousand little things, but you would be tired of such
particularities. With respect to the present temper of the people of this
country, I am clearly of opinion, that the great decided effec
tive majority is now for the republic. What may be the tem
per and opinion six months hence, no prudent sensible man
would, I think, take upon him to declare. Much must depend
on the form of 'government, which shall be presented by the
Convention. If vigorous, it is very problematical whether the
departments will adopt it, unless compelled by a sense of im
pending exterior danger. If feeble, it is (humanly speaking)
impossible that it can control the effervescent temper of this
people, and that appears sufficiently by the fate of the late
constitution. Whether they will be able to strike out that hap
py mean, which secures all the liberty which circumstances ad
mit of, combined with all the energy which the same circum
stances require ; whether they can establish an authority which

240 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
does not exist, as a substitute (and always a dangerous substi
tute) for that respect, which cannot be restored after so much
has been done to destroy it ; whether, in crying down and
even ridiculing religion, they will be able on the tottering and
uncertain base of metaphysical philosophy to establish a solid
edifice of morals; these are questions which time must solve.
I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO RUFUS KING. Paris, October 23d, 1792.
Dear Sir,
Yours of the first of September reached me a few days ago.
Accept my sincere thanks for the information it contains,
Which is precious and highly pleasing.
I might comment on what you say respecting a print, which
censures every measure of government, but you will readily
anticipate all which I might say on that subject. I cannot
give you such desirable intelligence respecting the state of
things here, as I might have done if the late revolution had
not taken place, because I find my intercourse of necessity sus
pended, and until I have orders respecting the new govern
ment I am bound to preserve a neutrality of conduct, so that I
cannot as heretofore peep behind the scenes. Add to this, that
there is at present no very certain march anywhere, each feel
ing himself obliged to deviate according to circumstances from
the course which he might wish. I will attempt, however, to
give you an abbreviation of the late events, and in my let
ters to Mr Jefferson, which may perhaps be communicated to
the Senate, and at any rate from the gazettes preceding and
subsequent to the tenth of August, you will be able to fill
up the outlines of the sketch.
The late revolution has for its remote cause that excess in
the human temper, which drives men always to extremes, if

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 241
not checked and controlled. Forks pr oximate cause it has
the vices and defects of the late constitution, and particularly
that ari executive without powers was rendered responsible for
events, and that a legislature composed of a single chamber of
representatives was secured by every precaution,- and under
no control except some paper maxims and popular opinion.
That the people, or rather the populace, a thing which thank
God is unknown in America, flattered with the idea that they
are omnipotent, and disappointed from necessity in the golden
prospects originally held out to them, were under no restraint,
except such as might be imposed by magistrates of their own
choice. It resulted inevitably, that the executive must be in
the power of the legislative, and this last at the mercy of such
men as could influence the mob.
By reducing the royal authority below all reasonable mea
sure, the constitution makers had created a moral impossibili
ty, that the people should believe the King sincere in his ac
ceptance, even if it had been possible that he should without
regret have beheld himself reduced from the first place allotted
to man, to a state so low as to be exposed to insult from the
lowest. It was evident then, that the constitution could not
last, and in the overturn three things might happen, viz. the
establishment of despotism, the establishment of a good con
stitution, or the institution of a democracy. The first under an
able and ambitious Prince was inevitable. The second was
extremely difficult, not in itself, but because the chiefs of differ
ent parties all found themselves committed to different points
and opinions. The last was only a natural continuation of the
progress of men's minds, in a necessary succession of ideas
from the bill of rights. The advocates for republican govern
ment therefore had an easy task, although both to themselves
and others it appeared difficult.
From the moment that the second Assembly met, a plan was
formed among several of the members and others, to overturn
the constitution, which they had just sworn to observe, and es
tablish a republic. This arose in part from the desire of pla-
VOL. II. 21

242 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
cing themselves better than they could otherwise do, and in
part from a conviction that the system could not last, and that
they would have no share in the administration under such a
pure monarchy. As they had a strong hold upon the lowest
class of people, as the aristocratic and constitutional parties
were at open war, as these last avowed openly their wish to
amend, in other words, to change the constitution, which at the
same time they assumed to venerate, it was not a difficult
matter to assault a monarch, who adhered to that form which
he could not be supposed to approve, and whose faults became
daily more and more apparent.
Add to this, that the court was involved in a spirit of little
paltry intrigue, unworthy of anything above the rank of foot
men and chambermaids. Every one had his and her little pro
ject, and every little project had some abettors. Strong man
ly councils frightened the weak, alarmed the envious, and
wounded the enervate minds of the lazy and luxurious. Such
councils, therefore, if perchance any such appeared, were ap
proved but not adopted, certainly not followed. The palace
was always filled with people whose language, whose conduct,
whose manner were so diametrically opposite to everything
likeliberty, that it was easy to persuade the people that the
court meant to destroy the constitution, by observing strictly
the constitution. Some persons avowed the tactics, which
from the moment of such avowal were no longer worth
a doit. The King, whose integrity would never listen to
anything like the violation of his oath, had nevertheless
the weakness to permit those, who openly avowed uncon
stitutional sentiments, to approach his person, and enjoy his
intimacy. The Queen was still more imprudent. The re
publicans (who had also their plan to destroy the constitution
by the constitution) founded on the King's personal integrity
their operation to destroy his reputation for integrity, and hold
him out to the world as a traitor to the nation, which he was
sworn to protect.
They in consequence seized every occasion to pass popular
decrees, which were unconstitutional If the King exercised

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 243
his veto, he was accused of wishing a counter revolution. If
he sanctioned the decree, he was so far lost with those, who
were injured by the decree, and of course became daily more
and more unprotected. The success of his enemies was be
yond their own expectation. His palace was assaulted. He
took refuge with the Assembly, and is now a prisoner of state
with his family.
But now the ideas of revolt, which had been fostered for his
overthrow, are grown very troublesome to those, who have
possessed themselves of the authority. It is not possible to
say either to the people or to the sea, so far shalt thou go and
no farther ; and we shall have, 1 think, some sharp struggles
which will make many men repent of what they have done,
when they find with Macbeth, that they have but taught
bloody instructions, which return to plague the inventor.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Paris, October 24th, 1792.
My Dear Sir,
I have received yours of the twenty-second of June, and am
in the hourly hope to hear farther from you. I need not tell
you that it will give me pleasure. Enclosed you will find the
copy of a letter, which I wrote to Mr Jefferson on the 7th of
November, 1791. This, with some other communications at
the same epoch, he never acknowledged. I know not why,
but I think the paper enclosed in that letter will be agreeable
to you, though not very amusing.
It would seem that your friend Scipio is not much attached
to Paulus, at least if I may judge from some things which I see.
However, there is a great chasm in my newspapers, which
breaks the thread of my conjectures, as well as of my informa
tion ; for I have little, I might almost say, none of the latter but
from the gazettes ; of course I know what passes about two

244 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
months after everybody else. Tell me, I pray you, how Scce-
vola stands affected between the parties just named. I think
he never had a very high opinion of the first mentioned, but he
was attached to Tarquin immeasurably, and that, with some
local circumstances, may have formed a stronger chain than I
should otherwise suppose.
You will have seen that the late constitution of this country
has overset ; a natural accident to a thing, which was all sail and
no ballast. I desire much, very much, to know the state of
opinions with you on that subject. Some gentlemen, who con
sidered it as the acme of human wisdom, must, I suppose, find
out causes which persons on the spot never dreamt of. But
in seeking or inventing these causes, what will be their opinion
of present powers, what the [conduct they wish to pursue ?
These are to me important questions. Brutus will doubtless
triumph, but I wish to feel the pulse of opinion with you, or
rather to know beforehand how it is like to beat. There are
pros and cons, whose action I cannot estimate. The flight of
Monsieur de Lafayette, the murder of the Duke de laRochefou-
cault and others, with many similar circumstances, have, I
know, affected the ideas of some. But what will be the repub
lican sense as to the new republic ? Will it be taken for grant
ed, that Louis the Sixteenth was guilty of all possible crimes,
and particularly of the enormous one of not suffering his throat
to be cut, which was certainly a nefarious plot against the peo
ple, and a manifest violation of the bill of rights ? Paulus, who
is no enemy to Kings, will not believe that they are all tigers ;
but I am not certain that, if he were here, be would not con
sider them as monkeys.
However, we are done with them in France, at least for the
present. There are two parties here. The one consists of
about half a dozen, and the other of fifteen or twenty, who are
at dagger's drawing. Each claims the merit of having made
the young republic. My public letters and the gazettes will
bring you acquainted with things here, as fully as I can in any

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 245
way communicate them. It is not worth while to detail the
characters of those now on the stage, because they must soon
give place to others. Adieu. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. Paris, November 5th, 1792.
My Dear Carmichael,
I have received your letters of the twenty-ninth of August,
and fifteenth of October. I feel perfectly your situation, and
have frequently lamented that you had not powers equal to
the position in which you are placed. It would seem that
we know not yet the value of the moment, and I fear that we
shall find to our cost that post est opportunitas calva., When
Mr Short was here, he talked of going to Madrid, but, from
what cause I know not, appeared to me indecisive, and appre
hensive, to a degree which was astonishing. Whether this
arises from nature, or from long habits of ease in this city, I
know not.
I shall forward by Colonel Smith to Mr Pinckney, the in
telligence you sent me for him. I shall tell him at the same
time that, in my opinion, the principal object in contemplation
is France, and that the United States are only affected by a
side wind. However, that is of little importance, since a side
wind may do as much mischief to our ship as any other.
As to the state of things here, I can give you no very satis
factory or flattering accounts. True it is that the French
arms are crowned with great success. Towns fall before them
without a blow, and the declaration of rights produces an ef
fect equal at least to the trumpets of Joshua ; but as on the
one hand I never questioned the force of France if united, and
her natural enthusiasm warmed by tbe ardor of newborn free
dom, so on the other I was always apprehensive, that they
would be deficient in that cool reflection, which appears need-
21*

246 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ful to consolidate a free government. We read in the history
of man, as it is developed in the great book of nature, that em
pires do by no means depend on their success in arms, but on their
civil, religious, and political constitutions, and that in the framing
of these it is a useless question what kinds are best in them
selves. The more so, as good and bad here below, but es
pecially in that which we now contemplate, are mere relative
terms. The true object of a great statesman is to give to any
particular nation the kind of laws, which is suitable to them,
and the best constitution which they are capable of. Now
by as much as it is an easy thing, and within the compass of
every schoolboy, to deal in generals and abstractions, pursuing
demonstrations which in moral subjects are frequently least
exact when they appear to be most evident, by so much is it
of high and almost insurmountable difficulty, to descend into
the nice estimates of manners, habits,- and sentiments, and,
amidst the discord of loud and contradictory passions and in
terests, to discover the means of establishing a harmonious
system, where each part has the needful relation to every other,
and to the great whole.
These observations are, I know, familiar to you, and to ev
ery other sensible man, who has had much experience in hu
man affairs ; but they are heathen Greek, or, if you will, flat
nonsense, when addressed to those new fledged statesmen, who
are always positive and peremptory in proportion to their ig
norance of politics. But even if we should suppose, that by
miracle the men of a day should be imbued with the impor
tant truths, which it is necessary to the peace and happiness of
society that its rulers should be acquainted with, still we are a
great, and I might say, an immense distance from the object.
Before the people will assent to the form of government,
which in hypothesis shall be supposed the most fitting for
them, they must be convinced of the fitness. No easy task,
believe me ; even if man were a reasonable creature, but he
is not. He is a creature of sense, and governed invariably by
his feelings. Now you can easily make him feel, that in point

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 247
of right he is equal to every other man. Vanity may even
whisper to him that he is so in point of talent, and if vanity
were remiss^ the prompter flattery is at hand. But the more
he feels his equality of rights and talents, the more must he
feel his inequality in point of possessions. Where these are
wanting, he has rights which he cannot exercise, talents which
he cannot employ, desires which he cannot gratify, and, in
consequence, resentments which he cannot allay.
Now the severe law of property is, that in any well settled
country a few must soon possess all, and the majority, the
great majority j nothing. Between that economy, which con
stitutes the tyranny of the rich, and that misery which en
slaves the poor, let the form of government be what it may,
there is a constant struggle which forms great men, and great
men are generally ambitious men. Their equals in property
are as much enslaved by their pleasures, as the poorer kinds,
can possibly be by their wants. In such a state of things,
where the constitution is not balanced in its structure, and
supported by strong props of private interest, it must be
overturned. I quit these investigations to tell you, that all
here is in a state of uncertainty. Time will disclose the
events with which he is charged in their due season. Some
of them I think will be of sable hue. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS PINCKNEY. Paris, December 3d, 1792.
My Dear Sir,
I have received yours of the ninth, and will show to the
bearer, Mr Scott, every attention which my time and affairs
will permit.
The Swedish Minister, whom you speak of, is not yet arriv
ed, neither do I expect one. The former Ambassador did
indeed announce to his family, the intention to come hither

248 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
in his way to Switzerland, in order to settle some private af
fairs. An important negotiation would not be committed to
him, I think.
Success, as you will see, continues to crown the French
arms, but it is not our trade to judge from success. We must
observe the Civil, Moral, Religious and Political Institutions.
These have a steady and lasting effect, and these only. You
will soon learn that the patriots, hitherto adored, were but lit
tle worthy of the incense they received. The enemies of
those, who now reign, treat them as they did their predeces
sors, and as their successors will be treated.
Since I have been in this country, I have seen the worship
of many idols, and but little of the true God. I have seen
many of those idols broken, and some of them beaten to dust.
I have seen the late constitution, in one short year, admired as
a stupendous monument of human wisdom, and ridiculed as an
egregious production of folly and vice. I wish much, very
much, the happiness of this inconstant people. I love them, I
feel grateful for their efforts in our cause, and I consider the
establishment of a good constitution here as the principal
means, under Divine Providence, of extending the blessings of
freedom to the many millions of my fellow men, who groan in
bondage on the continent of Europe. But I do not greatly
indulge the flattering illusions of hope, because I do not yet
perceive that reformation of morals, without which liberty is
but an empty sound. I have the honor to be, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, December 21st, 1792.
Dear Sir,
I have received your favors of the twelfth of July, and fif
teenth of October.* The last reached me yesterday, by ex-
* See Jefferson's Writings, Vol. hi. p. 191.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 249
press from Bordeaux. I am astonished to find, that so late as the
middle of October you had received but one of my letters. I
had taken every precaution against miscarriages, but there is
no answering for the negligence of those one is obliged to em
ploy in the posts.
When I mentioned supplies to St Domingo, I certainly
meant that such supplies should be purchased by French
agents in the United States, and that the money should be ad
vanced by us in diminution of our debt, upon such terms as
that the United States should not lose in the mode of payment,
but the contrary, besides the advantage of expending such
large sums in the purchase of objects, the growth, produce, and
manufacture of our country, and of its industrious inhabitants.
As to specific supplies, I had declared in pointed terms, that
the American government would by no means enter into stipu
lations of any kind, with relation thereto. I am happy to find
that, on this occasion, my sentiments have so fully coincided
with yours.
It gives meal so great relief to be informed, that until further
orders the payments are suspended. You will have seen that
on this point I have been hard run, and I do assure you that
if fear, or interest, would have induced me to swerve from the
line of duty, there were not wanting sufficient motives. But
it is not needful to relate such particulars, and you may rely
that I shall not communicate your present instruction respect
ing our debt, unless I shall be of opinion that it will become
serviceable to the. honor or interest of the United States.
I see with concern that the Indian war is like to continue.
This war prevents the investments of European money in the
purchase of our waste lands, and I have already expressed to
you my conviction, that this species of investiture would be as
salutary, as the engrossing of our domestic debt is pernicious.
The distressed state of things here induces many to turn their
attention towards us, and consequently occasions numerous ap
plications to me. I endeavor, as far as propriety will admit, to
lead people to a preference of American lands, but I am sorry

250 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
to observe that the disposition to invest in our funds is predom
inant, and that we shall thereby become tributary to those who
obtain, below its value, a share of those funds. I think it my
duty to mention this to you, to the end that if any measures
can be devised to enhance the value with you, and thereby
lessen the negotiations, or at least obtain thereon the compe
tent value, such measures may be adopted.
Although I step very much out of my sphere for the purpose,
I feel myself bound also to mention, respecting this Indian war,
some ideas which have formerly suggested themselves to me,
and which the circumstances of the present moment seem to
favor in a peculiar manner. I cannot but think, that it would
be well to build a fleet on Lake Erie, having for that purpose
established a strong post at Presque Isle, which is, I believe, the
only good harbor on the south side of that Lake, and to send
also a Flotille from Oswego, with flour and salt provisions, to
be transported by way of Niagara. As to this last measure,
if not obstructed by the British, it would considerably lessen
the expense, and if opposed, would terminate that situation of
demi-hostility, which has but too much existed with them. If
a body of fifteen hundred men were sent with all the needful
stores by water, in good vessels, they might establish a strong
post near the Miami Towns, and carry on from thence a war of
devastation, which would force the savages to abandon the coun
try, and that is, I believe, the only effectual means of obtaining
peace with them.
You will find enclosed herewith my letters of the twenty-
seventh of September, and twenty-third of October. I have
had no good opportunity since the latter of those dates. If,
indeed, America had been at the distance of only fifty leagues,
I should have given you every two or three days the state of
men and things ; but placed as we are, both morally and physi
cally in respect to this country, I should only have wearied
you by the little uninteresting histories of persons and projects,
whose existence will soon be consigned to an endless oblivion.
It has however appeared to me important to obtain, as nearly as

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 95*1
may be, a view of the greater events which may probably
arise, because the conduct of the United States will, I pre
sume, be squared rather to that state of things, which you may
conceive likely to be established, than to the fluctuating chan
ces of an hour which passes away.
I shall resume, then, my account of things where I last left
it, viz. in the projected invasion of Flanders ; and first, it may
be proper to cast an eye on the structure and consistence of
the French armies. The leading feature here is an artillery,
which is, beyond all controversy, the best in Europe, and like
ly to continue so from two causes. First, that the Frenchman
is by nature a better artillerist than almost any other man, it
being in his temper, and, and if I may say so, in his blood
and marrow to act suddenly and without deliberation. Hence
he becomes very dexterous in those things, which are to be per
formed at a single motion, and by a single glance, but rarely
acquires a knowledge of any business which requires constant,
close, and undissipated attention. Secondly, the excellence
of the French artillery depends upon the great care and cul
ture of their natural disposition. The able men, who have for
merly been at the head of their military affairs, had the merit
of knowing the character they had to do with, and therefore
(quitting what appeared unattainable in the military art) sought
perfection there, where Frenchmen could find it. They des
paired of forming solid columns of infantry, moving with the
exact precision of German discipline. It happens, therefore,
that the present French army differs less»from what the French
armies have been heretofore, than would easily have been sup
posed. The same enthusiasm of enterprise, the same con
tempt of danger, the same impetuosity of valor, and the same
impatience of control, still mark the nation which inhabits the
country that was once ancient Gaul.
They have, as heretofore, overrun Flanders, made impres
sion on Germany, and opcupied Savoy. Dumouriez, in his
Flemish expedition, combined the arts of a politician with the
bravery of an experienced soldier. You know that the inhab-

252 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
itants of the Low Countries were indisposed to the domination
of the House of Austria, particularly since the attempts of Jo
seph the Second to weaken the influence of the priesthood.
Durmg the latter part of his reign, there had sprung up three
parties, viz. the Bigots, who wanted a kind of theocracy, to be
exercised by the priesthood ; The Nobility and substantial
burghers, who wished to established a free and well organized
constitution ; and the French party, or those who were desirous
of levelling the nobles; and above all, the church, which possess
es as you know the greatest part of the Flemish territory.
On the return of imperial authority, after the revolt under
Vandernoot and Van Eupen, the second party above mention
ed, naturally enough fell in with the government, as they had
already experienced no little tyranny from the priests, and saw
much danger in the prevalence of French ideas. They stick
led however, for a confirmation of ancient chartered rights,
and the disputes on that chapter were still open. They hoped
that the war, whose avowed object on the part of France was
to drive out the House of Austria, would induce the Emperor
to cede the points in controversy. The cabinet of Vienna, on
the other hand, believing in a certain victory over the French
government, rather wished, than feared revolt ; and when the
face of affairs had materially changed, it was too late to retract,
since the concession of weakness, neither conciliates affection
nor commands respect.
The agents of the different parties, who had preserved a con
nexion more or less direct with Dumouriez, were urgent with
him to go into Flanders, as soon as the Prussian army began to
retreat, and he adroitly flattered each with the hope of favoring
its particular views. This was done at the expense of a little
lying, which does not cost him much. By these means the
crafty priests were as completely duped as their adversaries,
and more so.
After the battle of Jemappe when he had taken possession
of Mons, he took care to proscribe the adherents to the Emper
or, which left but two parties to deal with ; and although the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 253
ecclesiatics began to perceive their danger, it was now too late,
and they were obliged to pretend an attachment which they
did not feel, and which served his temporary purpose as effect
ually as if it had been sincere. But he had too much sense
not to know, that measures hostile to the real interests of the
country could only be carried into effect by those, who have
no common interest with the country, the populace of the large
towns, who, having some chance to gain by turning all things
topsy turvy, and who being happily secure against the possi
bility of loss because they have nothing to lose, are always the
ready instruments of mischief to those, who can bring themselves
to use them for destructive purposes. He, therefore, published
a proclamation, which may in a few words be transmitted into an
order to be free, according to his ideas of freedom, on pain of
military execution. As a military man, he had almost insured
success by advancing with three armies, the last of which was
equal to all the force the enemy could muster, and the centre,
which he commanded, was double that spread over the differ
ent parts of that level country. At the affair of Jemappe, he
commanded eighty-six thousand men, although they were not
all in action, because eighty thousand cannot act together on
only two sides of eighteen thousand. By the bye, this affair,
notwithstanding the accounts published, was decided by the
immense train of heavy artillery which the French employed,
and the proof is in the retreat of the Austrians, who carried off
their cannon, a thing impossible, had the lines been taken, as
was said, by assault ; but the truth is, that the assault was giv
en after the retreat was begun, and the Hungarian Grena
diers, who brought up the rear, were in course cut to pieces.
Dumouriez, as soon as he had got fairly in possession of
Brussels, began to develope his particular plans. It was
never his intention to continue, if he could avoid it, in the
capacity of a servile agent to the Executive Council ; but they
also were aware of his views ; hence the course of his suc
cesses naturally tended to a breach between them. There
were additional reasons on each side, both of safety and advan-
vol. n. 22

254 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
tage, too tedious to enumerate, because it is sufficient to state
those sentiments which may govern events, without developing
all the sources from which they originate. The Council gave
orders for opening the Scheldt, with design to captivate by that
measure, the attention of the people of Brabant, and, lessening
his influence, increase their own. He struggled against that
measure but in vain. Having, however, made the step, he
formed the farther plan of attacking the Dutch, who were by
no means prepared to receive him ; and the party in that
country, which calls itself Patriotic, and which others would be
very apt to term Aristocratic, immediately opened an intelli
gence with him.
o The governing powers here, in the midst of all these plans,
(and intoxicated by success, perhaps,) declared themselves
the allies of all those, who would revolt against established
authority, and the enemies of all those who would not revolt.
They determined that everybody should be free, French fash
ion, and should pay the expense which might attend the mak
ing of them free. This last address to the purse was not,
perhaps, well calculated for the taste either of the Hollanders
or Flemings ; but the latter must for the present submit to
whatever impositions may be laid on them, being in the pow
er of this country.
Shortly after the plan was laid for invading Holland, of
which the above mentioned decree was a partial execution,
two circumstances arose which changed the measures of the
Council. The French army began to lessen very much ; but
this is a subject which I must treat separately ; and therefore
barely mention it in this place. The other circumstance was,
that the ministers and agents they had employed in London
assured them, that, although the declaration respecting the
Scheldt had occasioned much alarm, and irritated at the same
time the British cabinet, yet they might avoid hostilities, if
they did not actually invade the Dutch territory. They, in
consequence, gave orders to Dumouriez to abandon his design
upon the Netherlands, and turn his arms to another quarter.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 255
These he refused to obey ; but being reiterated, and things here
being a little different from what he hoped, he has within
these few days submitted ; but I shall come to this part of the
history presently ; and here I will conclude as to Holland, by
adding that the agents of the patriotic party press the govern
ment hard to attack their native country immediately, but are
told that the time is not favorable, that they will certainly
march that way by and bye, but that at present they have not
sufficient force nor supplies.
You will observe, that M. Lebrun* declares to the Assem
bly, that they are guiltless of any design against Holland, and
that England cannot justly complain on that score. I pre
sume, however, that the British ministry are exactly informed
of the contrary ; but be that as it may, you may rely on what
I relate to you. In respect to the Flemish, before I leave
them, I must tell you that their ancient hatred to the French is
all revived, and is, if possible, more violent than ever. Seve
ral reasons for this appear from what I have already said ; but
there is one cause, affecting equally all the neighbors of
France, and which it may be well in this place to mention. It
would seem, at first sight, somewhat strange, that the people in
the world, the most amiable at home, should be the most disa
greeable abroad ; but this is strictly true. The morals, or
rather the want of morals, in this country, places every one at
his ease. He may be virtuous if he pleases, but there is no
necessity either to be, or to appear so, consequently, both good
men, and bad men, can enjoy the society of Paris ; but when
the French go abroad, they desire to introduce among other
people the same free and easy principles, which do by no
means suit the taste of those, who consider a chaste and order
ly deportment essential to the peace and happiness of civil so
ciety. The open contempt of religion, also, cannot but be offensive
to all sober minded men ; add to this, a style of conversation,
* Minister of Foreign Affairs.

256 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
which runs on the insulting comparison between their own
usages, and those of the people with whom they live. In this
they naturally, and I believe justly, give a preference to their
own, but this preference becomes irksome to others, especial
ly, if, in the expression of it, there should be mingled some lit
tle contempt, which is not uncommon. The French emi
grants had wearied out all those countries, which for two years
past they have infested, and had accumulated on their own
heads the antipathies, which had been previously extended to
all their countrymen. Nay, from this hatred to them sprang
up a kind of left-handed love for the Jacobins, it being natural
to like those who war on the persons whom we dislike. But
no sooner do the French armies enter into a country, than the
scene changes. The emigrants do not indeed find favor, but
the original sentiments of the people return in regard to the
French nation. These sentiments are universally unfavorable,
as I observed (with sorrow and surprise) in a journey I made
two years ago through Flanders, and a part of Germany, viz.
that which is the seat of the war.
The irruption into Germany, under Custine, was attended
with the same rapid success as that of Dumouriez, into the
Low Countries. Mayence was surrendered, rather to the As
signats, than to the arms of France, it is believed. Frankfort
naturally fell, as being a neutral city. Contributions were
raised in both, and you will see with astonishment, that the
Deputies sent from Frankfort, to solicit the remitment of her
contribution, were made prisoners here, when their city was
retaken by the Prussian and Hessian forces. This recapture
was attended with strong circumstances to show that hatred of
the French, which I have above mentioned. Custine's ad
vance into Germany was certainly hazarded beyond the rules
of prudence, and it will be well if he escapes with no further
loss, than what he has already suffered. His present situation
is certainly critical, since the Council have thought proper to
order on Dumouriez to his relief. And here, by the way, it
will be well to remind you, that the distance from Valenci-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 257
ennes to Liege is about, one half the distance from Liege to
Mayence, and that the former is a level, open country, the lat
ter a country of defiles, at least for a considerable part of the
distance. Add to this, the season, which is already severe in
that quarter, and must, in all human probability, become more
so every day, and you will easily see why Dumouriez in
agreeing, at last, to obey his orders, has declared that he will
by no means be responsible for the success. You will recol
lect, also, the diminution of the French armies, which it is
proper now to state more particularly.
The alarm spread through France after the affair of the
tenth of August ; the call to defend their country, a call which
must ever be efficacious so long as men are endued with the
feelings of men ; the boiling spirit of the nation, and the
strenuous exertions of those against whom the Duke of
Brunswick had denounced an inexpiable war, had called into
the field six hundred thousand men. Presently, France re
newed the appearance of a nation of warriors, overflowing on
every side, and bearing down with an irresistible impetuosity
every obstacle. Her enemies, who had never brought against
her, in the whole, above one hundred and fifty thousand, and
who were much reduced by sickness and fatigue, found them
selves obliged to retire, and had no resource but to impede a
progress which they could not prevent. This government, on
the other hand, sensible that the next campaign would press
them hard, and feeling, in spite of delusive appearances, that
a paper system of finance must at length sink under the enor
mous weight of their expenses, thought it wise to push to the
utmost their successes, and were little solicitous about a loss
of men, which they could supply more easily than their en
emies. But there is, to the physical powers of man, a narrower
bound than to his moral conceptions. Excessive fatigue, want
of necessaries, and bad accommodations, have carried many to
the grave. Not a few have fallen in action. At the present
moment, there are in the different military hospitals seventy-
22* -

258 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
five thousand sick beds, and at Liege their hospital stores are
so greatly deficient, that the inhabitants have been compelled
to furnish .all their spare beds and mattrasses, notwithstanding
which, many of the sick soldiers lie on the straw. The ex
tent of countiy which they occupy, and the projected changes
in government, contrary to the wish of the majority of the
people, render it necessary to keep up garrisons, beyond those
which are placed on the communications.
A great proportion of the volunteers, who had turned out
at first to defend their country, who had afterwards been
prompted by a national spirit and temper to march into the
neighboring states, and who, from the same spirit and temper,
pursued as long as their limbs would support them, sinking at
last under fatigue, have stopped, and from that moment it is
in their nature to return, such of them at least as are able ; of
consequence, the troops in condition to act are, comparatively
speaking, but a handful, although still numerous.
You will see by the gazettes, that the armies of France have
frequently been straitened for subsistence, and surely this is
not to be Wondered at. Lorraine is so completely eaten up,
that, as I am credibly informed, above one hundred thousand
of its inhabitants had left it before the present month, for want
of food. A contagious dysentery had swept off numbers in
that quarter. You know the country from Aix La Chapelle
to Coblentz, and that having been the theatre of war almost
since the first of August, it will be impossible to find anything
in it, and that confined by the Ardennes on one side, and the
Rhine on the other, nothing can be brought to it but by a
land transportation of at least fifty leagues. I fear that even,
had Dumouriez quartered his troops as he intended in and
about Liege, it would have been extremely difficult to have
collected magazines, especially for his cavalry. What must it
be, when he gets to the neighborhood of Bonn. Beurnonville
is, you will see, pushing with an army of thirty thousand men
towards Coblentz, by the way of Treves. A rugged country
of fastnesses, defended by the winter, and fifteen thousand

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 259
Austrian troops are opposed to him. Consequently his progress
is slow, and by and bye his convoys will be exposed to parties
from the garrison of Luxembourg. Thus you see, Sir, that
France is warring at present against nature herself, as it were,
and sanguine men hope for success. If it be obtained, the
enemy will open the next campaign under manifest disadvan
tages. But we must not yet enter into that consideration.
You will have seen that the Jacobin club is as much at war
with the present government, as it was with the preceding.
Victory or death, is the word with both parties. Hitherto the
majority of the Convention have had rather the advantage, al
though they frequently decree what they do not wish. The
ministers, possessing vastly more patronage than any monarch
since Louis the Fourteenth, secured by that means the influ
ence of the majority, their friends and the Jacobins, who,
backed by the Parisian populace, have been several times
within an inch of ruin. Luckily for them, their adversaries
are many of them timid, while the Jacobin leaders are daring
and determined.
It is now some time since the Jacobins despatched Bonne-
Carrere to make overtures to Dumouriez, whose quarrel with
the Council was then just breaking out. It was then understood,
that if Dumouriez threw up his commission in disgust, his
army would presently retreat back to Valenciennes ; and this
it was supposed would justify a coup de main in this city, and
extend the influence of it through all France. Ever since
this embassy of Bonne-Carrere, things have been ripening fast
on both sides. At present there is a schism in the ministry,
and Pache, the Minister of War, throws his weight into the
scale of opposition. Dumouriez has, I am told, acceded,
notwithstanding the adulations and concessions of the other
party, and the coalition now nearly balance their opponents.
A late circumstance brought forward a show of forces, and
though it is rather anticipating a different subject, I must state
it here. The Brissotines, finding themselves hard pushed
towards the killing of the King, and apprehensive, not with-

260 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
out reason, that this might be a signal for their own destruc
tion, determined on a measure not a little hazardous, but de
cisive. This was the expulsion of the Bourbons, a blow
originally levelled at the Duke of Orleans. The motion was
carried, but the Convention have been obliged to suspend the
decree, and that is, I think, equivalent to a repeal. The sus
pension evidently was pronounceu under the influence of the
Tribunes. Many members have talked of leaving Paris, but
the same fear, which controls them while in this city, will pre
vent them from quitting it. At least, such is my opinion.
I come now to the trial of the King, and the circumstances
connected with it. To a person less intimately acquainted
than you are with the history of human affairs, it would seem
strange that the mildest monarch who ever filled the French
throne, one who is precipitated from it precisely because he
would not adopt the harsh measures of his predecessors; a
man whom none could charge with a criminal or cruel act,
should be prosecuted as one of the most nefarious tyrants, that
ever disgraced the annals of human nature. That he, Louis
the Sixteenth, should be prosecuted even to death. Yet such
is the fact. I think it highly probable that he may suffer, and
that for the following causes. The majority of the Assembly
found it necessary to raise, against this unhappy Prince, the
national odium, in order to justify the dethroning him (which,
after what he had suffered, appeared to be necessary even to
their safety) and to induce the ready adoption of a republican
form of Government. Being in possession of his papers, and
those of his servants, it was easy, if they would permit them
selves to extract, to comment, to suppress, and to mutilate,
it was very easy to create such opinions as they might think
proper. The rage which has been excited was terrible ; and,
although it begins to subside, the Convention are still in great
straits ; fearing to acquit, fearing to condemn, and yet urged
to destroy their captive Monarch.
The violent party are clamorous against him, for reasons
which I will presently state. The Monarchic and Aristocratic

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 261
parties wish his death, in the belief that such catastrophe would
shock the national feelings, awaken their hereditary attach
ments, and turn into the channels of loyalty the impetuous
tide of opinion. Thus, he has become the common object of
hatred to all parties, because he has never been the decided
patron of any one. If he is saved, it will be by the justice of
his cause, which will have some little effect, and by the pity
which is universally felt, though none dare express it openly,
for the very harsh treatment which he has endured.
I come now to the motives of the violent party. You will
see that Louvet, whose pamphlet, with many others, I send
you, has charged on this party the design to restore royalty in
the person of the Duke of Orleans. This man's character and
conduct give but too much room to suspect him of criminal
intentions. In general, I doubt the public virtue of a profligate,
and cannot help suspecting appearances put on by such per
sons. I have besides many particular circumstances, which
lead me to believe that he has, from the beginning, played a
deep and doubtful game ; but I believe also, that on the present
occasion, as on some preceding, he is the dupe. Shortly after
the tenth of August, 1 had information on which you may rely,
that the plan of Danton was to obtain the resignation of the
King, and get himself appointed chief of a council of regency,
composed of his creatures, during the minority of the Dau
phin. This idea has never, I believe, been wholly abandoned.
The Cordeliers, (or privy council, which directs the Jacobin
movements,) know well the danger of interverting the order of
succession. They know how to appreciate the fluctuating opin
ions of their countrymen, and though they are very willing to
employ the Duke of Orleans in their work, I am much mistak
en, if they will consent to elevate him to the throne. So that,
for his share of the guilt, he may probably be rewarded with
the shame of it, and the mortifying reflection that after all the
conflicts of his political warfare, he has gained no victory but
over his own conscience.
It is worthy of remark, that, although the Convention has

262 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
been now near four months in session, no plan of a constitution
is yet produced. Nevertheless, the special authority commit
ted to them by the people, and the only authority, perhaps,
which cannot be contested, was to prepare such a plan.
I shall now, Sir, make a few reflections on the state of For
eign powers. The adoption of Savoy, as an additional depart
ment, forms one ground on which the adversaries of this coun
try contend, that their protestations against conquest were only
delusive. But the declaration, that they would erect the stand
ard of liberty everywhere, forms the great cause with some,
and pretext with others, for endeavoring to crush the Re
public. On'the conduct likely to be pursued by Great Britain, al
though that of Holland stands in close connexion, I shall not
permit myself to hazard much conjecture, because Mr Pinck
ney will, I am persuaded, keep you fully informed, and be
cause the accounts which Mr Short has given you will throw
fight on the same subject. I have already troubled you with
some ideas respecting the interior state of Great Britain, and I
add here my opinion, that sooner or later they must go into
the war. Mr Hammond's manoeuvres will give you some good
clue, I think, and perhaps hostile decisions at St James's may
produce pacific dispositions among the Indian tribes. I am
sure I need not add that it would be well to make the Indians,
as the price of peace, declare who set them on. Perhaps in
resentment of that conduct which maybe pursued, they may
take it in their heads to make Mr Simcoe a visit.
The Elector of Hanover, as member of the German Em
pire, must come into the field ; and from inclination and inter
est, he will do so, I think, fully. The contingent of Saxony
will be sent forward with speed, and notwithstanding the de
bauched temper of the Elector of Bavaria, as his dominions in
the Palatinate are exposed, as well as his Dutchy of Juliers,
he must exert himself. A strong squadron of British men of
war would rouse all Italy. And without them, the French
arms may make considerable progress in that fertile, feeble
country.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 263
As to Spain, I think the court is too corrupt, and too profli
gate, to make any considerable efforts. Bankrupt, almost, in full
peace, with the mines of Mexico and Peru at their disposal,
what would a war produce ? The chances are, that France
will make an inroad, rather than suffer one in that quarter.
Russia menaces, but the state of her finances, and the great dis
tance, must make her efforts fall short of her wishes. Every
art is used on each side to influence the Turk, and I own to
you, that I rather apprehend that England and the Imperial
Courts combined will prove successful, especially as Monsieur
de Choiseul Gouffier is now openly active there on the part of
the emigrant Princes. Should his Highness interfere, he will
draw after him all the Barbary powers ; and the want of the
grain usually drawn from them, will not be the least evil that
will thereby fall upon the Provinces bordering on the Medi
terranean sea.
Austria and Prussia are making their utmost efforts, and the
Prince of Hesse, who (strange as it may seem) is adored by his
subjects, will second those efforts to the utmost of his ability.
Such, my dear Sir, is the foreign storm lowering over this
country, in which you will see, that my predictions respecting
corn, have been hitherto exactly verified. How they are to ob
tain supplies from abroad, in the face of the maritime powers, I
own myself at a loss to conjecture. It is nevertheless in this
awful moment, and immediately after expediting the orders
to recruit their army to six hundred thousand effectives, in or
der to sustain the land war, that they affect to wish Britain
would declare against them, and actually menace, as you see,
the government with an appeal to the nation. There are
cases in which events must decide on the quality pf aotipns,
which are bold or rash, according to the success.
The circumstances of a war with Britain becomes impor
tant to us in more cases than one. The question respecting
the guarantee of American possessions may perhaps be agita
ted, especially if France should attempt to defend her islands.
There will doubtless be many in the United States, who will

264 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
contend that the treaty made with the King is at least suspend
ed, if not abrogated, by the abrogation of his office and authori
ty.' Without entering into the numerous arguments on this sub
ject, some of them forcible, and all of them plausible, I will on
ly pray your indulgence while I express my wish that all our
treaties, however onerous, may be strictly fulfilled according
to their true intent and meaning. The honest nation is that,
which, like the honest man,
' Hath to its plighted faith and vow forever firmly stood,
And though it promise to its Joss, yet makes that promise good.'
I feel, nevertheless, the full force of your observation,
that until the nation shall have adopted some regular form of
government, we may not know in what manner, or to what
person, our obligations are to be acquitted.
Before I close this too long letter, excuse me for mention
ing that a statue of General Washington, ordered by the State
of Virginia, is finished, and for requesting to know to what
place it is to be forwarded, and when. 1 have the honor to be,
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Paris, December 24th, 1792.
My Dear Sir,
I wrote to you on the twenty- fourth of October, and have
not since received any of your letters. In that I acknowledg
ed yours of the 22d of June. You will have seen from the
public prints the wonderful success of the French arms, aris
ing from the following causes. 1. That the enemy, deceived
by the emigrants, counted too lightly on the opposition he was
to meet with. 2. That from like misinformation, instead of
attacking on the northern frontier, backed by the resources of
Flanders, and those which the ocean would supply, they came
across the Ardennes to that part of Champaign, nicknamed
the lousy, from its barrenness and misery. 3. That in this ex-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 265
peditipn, where the difficulty of the roads, transportation and
communication was the greatest they expected, it so happened
that the season, usually dry and fair, (when those bad roads
are at the best) was one continued rain for two months, so that
at length they were nearly stuck fast, and had as much as they
could do to drag back their cannon, fee. through the mud.
Lastly, that France brought into the field, and has kept up un
til very lately, the immense number of six hundred thousand
troops. This has been done at an average expense of about
five millions sterling per month beyond their resources', and
yet they have ordered a like army for the next campaign, and
talk boldly of meeting Great Britain also upon her element.
What say you to that, Monsieur le Financier ? But I will tell
you in your ear, that in spite of that blustering, they will do
much to avoid a war with Great Britain, if the people will let
them, but the truth is, that the populace of Paris influence in
a great degree die public councils. I think they will have
quite as many men as they can maintain ; but what that may
amount to is hard to determine.
The ministers here are most extraordinary people. They
make nothing of difficulties, as you shall judge by a single trait
of M. Pache, the minister at War. He had sent Beurnonville
to occupy the Moselle river down to Coblentz, taking Treves
and other places in his way.' Now this way lies through a ve
ry difficult mountainous country, in which the snow is very
deep, therefore Beurnonville, having got a little neck of land
between the Saar and the Moselle, puts his troops into winter
quarters, pleading their nakedness as an excuse. The min
ister has sent, him a brace of commissioners, who have power
to impress in the neighborhood whatever may be needful for
the troops, and then (their wants supplied) summon him to
obey his orders. I have given to Mr Jefferson a pretty full
account of the state of things, so that if you see that account,
which I take it is of course, you may measure by the standard
now given you all other affairs.
If I may venture to judge from appearances, there is now in
vol. n. 23

£66 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
the wind a storm not unlike that of the second of September.
Whether it will burst or blow over, it is impossible to deter
mine. It has occurred to me, that I never yet assigned a reason
why the completion of payment of six million livres, which at
Mr Short's request I had stipulated for with the government
lately abolished, appeared to me desirable. In effect, I left
this as I do many other things to the sense of the gentle read
er, but as readers are sometimes ungentle, it is not amiss to
communicate that reason to a friend. I saw that the new
government would be hungry, and would urge us for money in
the double view of obtaining an acknowledgment of them, as
well as of supplying their wants. It was therefore, I thought,
right to take a position where we might say there is nothing
due. This would leave open a question, which it would be
very delicate to answer either way, as things appeared then,
and as they are now that appearances have changed. You
will have seen the manoeuvres to force me in that intrench-
ment ; but at last, like your friend General Lee, I was quite
at the worst for a retrograde manoeuvre.
But I concluded that supplies of money to support the
colony of St Domingo would, in all events, have been consider
ed as a good and effectual payment on our part, and, had my
offer of recommending such supplies been accepted, I would
on that ground have proposed the measure, which, anticipating
the next instalments, would have still kept open the main
point as long as you should think proper. And thus my
apparent retreat was in effect a mode of more permanent
defence, and this is more, I believe, than poor Lee could say
for himself. I am truly yours, fee. GOUVERNEUR MpRRIS.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 267
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, December 28th, 1792.
My Dear Sir,
I did myself the honor to write to you on the twenty-third of
October. Since that date the exterior affairs of this country
have put on a more steady appearance. My letter of the twen
ty-first instant to Mr Jefferson will communicate my view of
things, to which I could add but little at this day.
I have not mentioned to him the appointment of M. Genet,
as Minister to the United States. In fact, this appointment
has never been announced to me. Perhaps the Ministry think
it is a trait of republicanism to omit those forms, which were
anciently used to express good will. In the letter, which is
addressed to you, is a strain of adulation, which your good
sense will easily expound. Let it be compared with M. Le-
brun's letter to me of the 30th of August. The fact is, that
they begin to open their eyes to their true situation ; and be
sides they wish to bring forward, into act, our guarantee of
their islands, if the war with Britain should actually take
place. As to that war, I am told that the British ultimatum is as
follows. France shall deliver the royal family to such reigning
branch of the Bourbons as the King may choose, and shall re
call her troops from the countries they now occupy. In this
event, Britain will send hither a Minister, and acknowledge
the republic, and mediate a peace with the Emperor and
King of Prussia. 1 have several reasons to believe, that this
information is not far from the truth, and that if the Ministers
felt themselves at liberty to act, they would agree to theterms.
These terms are, it is said, consequential to the sentiments de
livered by opposition in the British Parliament ; who are, as
you will see become quite insignificant, but it was thought best
to place them in a necessity of supporting the measures of
administration.

268 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
I consider these terms, or something very like them, in a
different point of view. If the French retire, and consequent
ly eat up again their high toned declarations in favor of
the people, and denunciations against Kings, they will, at the
next attempt, find as many enemies as there are men in the
neighboring countries, and of course the mediator will pre
scribe such terms as he may think proper. Secondly, ¦ as it
is almost evident that the republic must be torn to pieces by
contending factions, even without any foreign interference, her
population, wealth, and resources, above all her Marine, must
dwindle away; and as much of her intelligence and industry,
with the greater part of her money capital, must on this hypoth
esis seek the protection of law and government on the other
side of the channel, he r rival will increase both in positive and
relative power. Thirdly, an exiled monarch on the other side
of the Pyrenees, (for it is at Madrid that he would probably
take refuge,) would enable Britain at any moment to distract
the French affairs, and involve the republic in a war with
Spain. Lastly, it seems an almost necessary conclusion, that
if France in some years of convulsive misery should escape
dismemberment, she would sink under severe and single des
potism, and when relieved therefrom by the King, or his de
scendants, or relations, she would be in a state of wretchedness
for at least one generation.
I understand that the French, in the consciousness that
their principles have ruined their colonies, are willing to pay
them as the price of peace ; but on the other hand Mr Pitt
has, I am told, refused the offers which the colonists have
made to him, partly because he does not wish to excite alarm,
and partly because the only useful part of the colonies, their
commerce, will, he conceives, naturally fall to Britain in pro
portion to the interior ruin, which has already made great
ravages in this country.
If the terms offered by Britain, whatever they may be, are
not accepted, I think a declaration will not suddenly follow,
but only an increase of preparations ; because time must be

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 269
given for the co-operators, Spain and Holland, who are both of
them slow. Besides, it will be necessary that a body of Prus
sian troops should be collected, through Westphalia, in the
neighborhood of Flanders, to be joined by Dutch, Hanoverian,
and perhaps British troops. The more the French advance,
the more they expose themselves to this danger ; and you may
rely, that if a large body of troops be thrown into Flanders,
that country will join them eagerly to expel or destroy the
French. I think it possible, that in case the war should break out ,
there may be a treaty of partition, in which the Elector Palatine
may have Alsace and Lorraine in lieu of Bavaria, and that the
Low Countries may be given by the Emperor, in exchange for
Bavaria, to the Duke and Dutchess of York. This would
suit everybody but France, and she will not in such case be
consulted. I have not yet seen M. Genet, but Mr Paine is to introduce
him to me. In the mean time I have inquired a little what
kind of a person he is ; and I find that he is a man of good
parts and very good education, brother to the Queen's first
woman ; from whence his fortune originates. He was, through
the Queen's influence, appointed as Charge d' Affaires at Pe
tersburg, and when there, in consequence of despatches from
M. de Montmorin written in the sense of the revolution, and
which he interpreted too literally, he made some representa
tions in a much higher tone than was wished or expected. It
was not convenient either to approve or disapprove of his con
duct, under the then circumstances, and his despatches lay un
noticed. This, to a young man of ardent temper, and who,
feeling genius and talents, may perhaps have rated himself a
little too high, was mortifying in the extreme. He felt himself
insulted, and wrote in a style of petulance to his chief, believ
ing always, that if the royal party prevailed, his sister would
easily make fair weather for him at court ; which I doubt not.
At the overturn of the monarchy, these letters were so many
credentials in his favor to the new government, and their
23*

270 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
dearth of men has opened his way to whatever he might wish.
He chose America, as being the best harbor during the storm,
and if my informant be right, he will not put to sea again un
til it is fair weather, let what will happen.
In addition to what I have said respecting the King to Mr
Jefferson, it is well to mention to you, that the majority have it
in contemplation not oidy to refer the judgment to the electors
of France, that is, to the people, but also to send him and his
family to America, which Paine is to move for. He mention
ed this to me in confidence, but T have since heard it from
another quarter. Adieu, my dear Sir. I wish you many and
happy years. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, January 1st, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I transmit herewith a duplicate of what I had the honor to
write on the twenty-first of last month. Since that period, this
government, perceiving that they had been wholly deceived
respecting the British nation, have made advances towards
conciliation. At least, so I am informed ; and also, that these
advances are by a declaration that, however general the terms
of their decree, they had no idea of exciting revolt, except in
the dominions of the powers leagued against them. That as
these powers had entered into France with design to change
the established government, they are justified in turning against
them the weapons of revolt, which they had intended to use.
If this should ever become an object of diplomatic contro
versy, it will perhaps be objected, that until the asserted mean
ing of a general decree be declared by some other decree,
the words must be taken in their plain and natural import.
Should such new decree be passed, which by the bye would
take from France a very powerful engine, the case of Sav^y

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 271
will be quoted, where, whatever may have been the supposed
intentions, no facts existed to support the conduct which has
been pursued, in such manner as to show a consistency with
the limited interpretation put upon the- decree. Lastly, as to
the Austrian Netherlands, it will, I presume, be alleged, that
not only the aggression was on the part of France, but that it
was avowedly made with a view to excite revolt in that coun-
try. But I do not believe we shall have any such war of words,
for I am convinced that France must, to avoid a war, do some
thing more than make professions and explanations. I sayr
nothing about the navigation of the Scheldt, and the "projected
invasion of Holland. I shall not, either, make any remarks on
the unanimity in the British Parliament, which your good
sense and knowledge of that people had certainly anticipated.
Accept, I pray you, Sir, the compliments of the season, and
believe me, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.
P. S. The French armies are at length permitted to go
into winter quarters ; that under Dumouriez amounted by the
last returns to thirty-five thousand effectives, after the junction
of Valence and Miranda.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. Paris, January 4th, 1793.

Dear Sir,
This will, I trust, be soon and safely delivered by Mr Short,
who is now on his way to Madrid.* Herewith I send you a

* In addition to his appointment of Resident Minister at the Hague,
Mr Short was joined with Mr Carmichael as a Commissioner on the
part of the United States to treat with the court of Madrid, on the
subjects of the navigation of the Mississippi, arrangements of limits, and
commerce.

272 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
copy of what in my last letter relates tq. the situation of this
country. A problem to be resolved just now is, whether the conven
tion of neutrality lately entered into with Spain is, on the part
of the latter, concerted with Great Britain ; or whether your
Due d'Alcudia prefers otium cum nova dignitate to the un
certain splendors of a great undertaking. As I am not apt to
trace up to rational causes the conduct of a creature so irra
tional as man, I should decide at once, perhaps, that the un
nerved indolence of a courtier has more to say in the decision,
than any complicated combinations of state policy, if there were
not a remarkable coincidence in the time and circumstance
with -what has passed lately in the British Parliament. Is the
conduct of Spain to be attributed to a design of making future
hostilities popular, by making them appear to result from French
aggression ; or does it arise from the dread, that war might
awaken the court from that profound oblivious sleep, in which
its interest and its glory are all forgotten ?
On the contingent answers to these questions there results
an alternative, which may operate favorably to the object of
Mr Short's mission. If, for instance, a war should be immi
nent, I think that they would wish to avoid any contest with
us ; and if ease and luxury be their motives, I think you may-
plague them into concessions, which, after all, (under the rose
be it spoken) are of very little consequence to our country ; for
I have no golden hopes from an uphill navigation of diree or
four hundred leagues.
I will not now go into any long discussions on the state of
affairs here, because I have communicated my opinions to Mr
Short pretty fully, and shall continue to do so until he takes
his departure. The Council here talk so highly to Great Bri
tain that you, who know mankind, will conclude them to be
afraid ; and this conclusion is not far from the truth. Mr Pitt
has the nation now in his hand, and may do what he pleases.
Will he make war ? The King is, I believe, decidedly for it.
Will he make war ? Perhaps he can gain more by peace.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 273
Will he make war >•* He envies, I am told, his father's fame.
A gentle armament places him in a condition to make the bel
ligerent powers bid high for his favor, while it will convince
Old England that when at last he strikes, it is her honor
which compels the blow ; and then she will fight, you may re
ly on it. I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, January 6th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
Mr Short, who is so kind as to take charge of my letters as
far as Bordeaux, will go, he says, this day. I therefore take
the latest opportunity to write, and to inform you, that the ap
pearances have not at all changed since mine of the first.
Dumouriez has been some days in Paris ; he stays at home
under pretence of illness, but in fact to receive and consider
the propositions of the different parties.
It would seem that he is not reconciled to Pache, the min
ister of War. Pache is very strong in Paris, and that circum
stance renders him formidable, both to his colleagues and to
the Convention. I am told that the majority of the latter body
expect soon to be supported by a considerable number of vol
unteers from the departments. I am also told that it cannot
be long before the bursting of the storm, which has been so long
brewing. This last intelligence is from one of those who,
though a promoter of the last revolution, is now marked as one
of the victims. He says he will die hard, but laments the fee
bleness of temper which he experiences among those who, like
him, are doomed to destruction.
On the other hand, a person of cool discerning temper and
understanding, who is in the confidence of those who direct the
Jacobins,' told me when last I saw him, that they are determin
ed to rule, or perish. You will easily suppose, that this pro-

274 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
vision of horrors is far from pleasant. I have, I assure you,
been not a little tempted to spend a few days with some of my
friends in the country during the festive season, which would
render such an excursion natural, but the critical state of things
with Great Britain might take a turn, which it would be im
portant for you to know, and, therefore, it is right that I stay
here. I have the honor to be, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, January 10th, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
As I have good reason to believe that this letter will go safe
ly, I shall mention some things which may serve as a clue to
lead through mysteries. Those who planned the revolution,
which took place on the tenth of August, sought a person to
head the attack, and found a M. Westermann, whose' morals
were far from exemplary. He has no pretensions to science,
or to depth of thought; but he is fertile in resources, and en
dued with the most daring intrepidity. Like Caesar, he be
lieves in his fortune. When the business drew towards a point
the conspirators trembled, but Westermann declared they
should go on. They obeyed, because they had trusted him
too far. On that important day his personal conduct decided
in a great measure their success. Rewards were due, and
military rank, with opportunities to enrich himself, was grant
ed. You know something of Dumouriez. The Council distrust
ed him. Westermann was commissioned to destroy him,
should hg falter. • This commission was shown to the Gene
ral. It became the bond of union between him and Wester
mann. Dumouriez opened a treaty with the King of Prussia.
The principal emigrants, confident of force, and breathing ven
geance, shut the royal ear. Thionville was defended, because

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 275
a member of the Constituent Assembly saw in Lafayette's
fate his own. Metz was not delivered up, because nobodv
asked for the keys, and because the same apprehensions were
felt which influenced in Thionville. The King of Prussia
waited for these evidences of loyalty until his provisions were
consumed. He then found it necessary to bargain for a re
treat. It was worth to Westermann about ten thousand pounds.
The Council, being convinced that he had betrayed their bloody
secret, have excited a prosecution against him for old affairs of
no higher rank than petit larcency. He has desired a trial by
court martial.
You will judge whether cordial union can subsist between the
Council and their Generals. Vergniaud, Gaudet, fee. are now,
I am told, the intimates of Dumouriez, and that the present
administration is to be overturned, beginning with Pache, the
minister of War. You will have seen a denunciation against
these members of Assembly for a letter they wrote to Thierry,
the King's valet-de-chambre. This affair needs explanation,
but it can be of no present use.
The King's fate is to be decided next Monday, the four
teenth. That unhappy man, conversing with one of his coun
sel on his own fate, calmly summed up the motives of every
kind, and concluded that a majority of the Convention would
vote for referring his case to the people, and that in conse
quence he should be massacred. I think he must die or reign.
I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, January 25th, 1793.

Dear Sir,
The late King of this country has been publicly executed.
He died in a manner becoming his dignity. Mounting the
scaffold, he expressed- anew his forgiveness of those who per-

276 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
secuted him, and a prayer that his deluded people might be
benefitted by bis death. On the scaffold he attempted to
speak, but the commanding officer, • Santerre, ordered the
drums to be beat. The King made two unavailing efforts,
but with the same bad success. The executioners threw him
down, and were in such haste as to let fall the axe before his
neck was properly placed, so that he was mangled. It would
be needless to give you an affecting narrative of particulars.
I proceed to what is more important, having but a few min
utes to write in by the present good opportunity.
The greatest care was taken to prevent a concourse of
people. This proves a conviction, that the majority was not
favorable to that severe measure. In effect the great mass of
Parisian citizens mourned the fate of their unhappy Prince.
I have seen grief, such as for the untimely death of a beloved
parent. Everything wears an appearance of solemnity, which
is awfully distressing. I have been told by a gentleman from
the spot, that putting the King to death would be a signal for
disbanding the army in Flanders. I do not believe this, but
incline to think it will have some effect on that army, already
perishing by want, and mouldering fast away. The people of
that country, if the French army retreats, will, I am persuad
ed, take a severe vengeance for the injuries they have felt,
and the insults they have been exposed to. Both are great.
The war against France is become popular in Austria, and is
becoming so in Germany. If my judgment be good, the tes
tament of Louis the Sixteenth will be more powerful against
the present rulers of this country, than an army of a hundred
thousand men. You will learn the effect it has in England.
I believe that the English -will be wound up to a pitch of
enthusiastic horror against France, which their cool and steady
temper seems to be scarcely susceptible of.
I enclose you the translation of a letter from Sweden, which
I have received from Denmark. You will see thereby, that
the Jacobin principles are propagated with zeal in every
quarter. Whether the regent of Sweden intends to make him-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 277
self King, is a moot point. All the world knows that the
young Prince is not legitimate, although born under circum
stances which render it, legally speaking, impossible to ques
tion his legitimacy.
I consider a war between Britain and France as inevita
ble. The continental powers opposed to France are making
great and prompt efforts, while on this side I as yet see but
little done to oppose them. There is a treaty on foot, I be
lieve, between England and Austria, whose object is the
dismemberment of France. I have not proof, but some very
leading circumstances. Britain will, I think, suspend her
blow till she can strike very hard, unless indeed they should
think it advisable to seize the moment of indignation against
late events for a declaration of war. This is not improbable,
because it may be coupled with those general declarations
against all Kings under the name of tyrants, which contain a
determination to destroy them, and the threat, that if the
ministers of England presume to declare war, an appeal shall
be made to the people, at the head of an invading army. Of
course, a design may be exhibited of entering into the heart
of Great Britain to overturn the constitution, destroy the
rights of property, and finally to dethrone and murder the
King. All which are things the English will neither approve
of, nor submit to.
Yours of the seventh of November is just received. I will
reply to it by the first good opportunity. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, February 13th, 1793.

Dear Sir,
Since my last, I have had every reason to believe, that the
execution of the King has produced on foreign nations the
effect which I had imagined. The war with England exists,
vol. n. 24

278 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
and it is now proper, perhaps, to consider its consequences, to
which effect, we must examine the objects likely to be pursu
ed by England, for in this country, notwithstanding the gasco
nades, a defensive war is prescribed by necessity.
Many suppose that the French Colonies will be attacked,
but this I do not believe. It is indeed far from improbable
that a British garrison may be thrown into Martinique, but a3
to St Domingo, it would require more men than can be spared
to defend it, and as much money as it is worth. Besides
which, there are higher considerations to be attended to.
In one shape or another, this nation will make a bankruptcy.
The mode now talked of, is to pay off the debt in a species of
paper money, which shall be receivable for the sales of confis
cated property, and which shall bear no interest. When once
the whole of the debt shall be fairly afloat, the single word de
preciation will settle all accounts. You will say, perhaps, that
this measure is unjust, but to this I answer, that in popular gov
ernments, strongly convulsed, it is a sufficient answer to all ar
guments, that the measure proposed is for the public good.
Supposing, then, the debt of France thus liquidated, she pre
sents a rich surface covered with above twenty millions of peo
ple, who love war better than labor. Be the form of govern
ment what it may, the Administration will find war abroad
necessary to preserve peace at home. The neighbors of
France must therefore consider her as a great power, essential
ly belligerent, and they must measure themselves by the scale
of her force.
In this view of the subject, to take her islands, is to possess
but the paring of her nails, and therefore more serious efforts
must be made. Strange as it may seem, the present war is,
on the part of France, a war of empire, and if she defends
herself, she commands the world. I am persuaded that her
enemies consider this as the real state of things, and will there
fore bend their efforts towards a reduction of her power ; and
this may be compassed in two ways, either by obliging her to
assume a new burden of debt to defray the expense they are

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 279
at on her account, or else by a dismemberment. The latter
appears the more certain mode. In this case, it will, 1 pre
sume, be attempted to make the Saome her northern boundary
as far as the Ardennes, and then along the Ardennes to the
Vosges mountains, to mount Jura, and along mount Jura to the
Alps. This will throw French Flanders, Artois, and a part of
Picardy into the circle of Austrian -Flanders, which may be
erected into an independent State, and the country lying east
of the Vosges and mount Jura may be a compensation to the
Elector Palatine, for the cession of Bavaria.
On .such a project, if it exists, the first question is as to the
means of execution ; and these are well prepared, if the ene
my knows how to make use of them. Alsace is attached to
the German Empire, and to the cause of religion. The only
thing, which pleases them in the revolution, is the abolition of
the tithes, and they are as much disgusted by the banishment
of their priests. I speak here of the Romaii Catholic only.
The sentiments of this people cannot be unknown to the ene
my. As to French Flanders and Artois, the cause of religion
is with them the first care, but as yet they have not had a fair
opportunity to show themselves, because they are awed by the
numerous garrisons spread through their country. I think, as
I mentioned in my last, that there exists a treaty respecting
Flanders between England and Austria, but I cannot find out
the exact purport. Prussia is, I think, to find her account in
Poland. '
As to the conduct of the war, I believe it to be on the part
of the enemy as follows'. First, the maritime powers will try to
cut off all supplies of provisions, and take France by famine ;
that is to say, excite revolt among the people by that strong
lever. Give us again our bread and our chains, might perhaps
be the language of Paris. I think I can perceive some seeds
already sown to produce that fruit. It is not improbable, that
our vessels bringing provisions to France may be captured and
taken into England, the cargoes paid for by the government.
Secondly, Britain may perhaps land a body of troops in Nor-

280 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
mandy, with intention to prenetrate to Rouen, and cause the
royal standard to be erected by the French Emigrants. If a
large body of the people flock to it, they might come on to
wards the capital, if not, they may move along the coast to
Abbeville, and thence form a junction with the army acting in
Flanders. For this descent, if it takes place, is but a secon
dary operation ; the main stress will be in Flanders, for there
the troops of Britain, Holland, Hanover, Austria, and Prussia,
can be fed from the ocean at a very cheap rate, and the more
their operations may be confined to the sea coast, the more will
it be difficult for France to oppose them, because the provisions
must in such case be carried to an extreme corner of the coun
try. Thirdly, an attack of great energy will be made on the
side of Mayence, in the view to destroy totally the army under
Custine, and penetrate into lower Alsace. But the real at
tack of that ci-divant province will, I think, be on the side of
Upper Alsace, for which purpose nothing will be left undone
to bring the Swiss into action, as thereby the fire of war will
extend all along from the German Ocean to the Mediterranean
Sea. Fourthly, the efforts on the side of Savoy will proba
bly be confined to the recovery of that country, and such di
version as may occupy a part of the French army for their own
defence. Fifthly, on the side of Provence and Languedoc
there will be only a predatory war, a war of alarm, such as
may increase the want of bread by multiplying the consum
ers, for I do not believe in a serious attempt on either Toulon
or Marseilles. Under this chapter, and as an incidental con
sideration, are the intrigues with the Turk to engage the Bar-
bary powers. I think a British squadron in the Mediterra
nean will do more towards these than a dozen Ambassadors.
Lastly, on the side of Spain there will, I believe, be nothing
more than diversion. How great that may be will depend on
contingencies, not within the compass of human foresight. A
revolution at court which should dismiss the Queen and her
paramour might give some energy to the administration,
which at present is extremely feeble.
Having thus run through the probabilities on the side of the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 281
adversary, I come now to what appear to be the views of
France. You will have seen, that the effective army for 1793
is fixed at something more than five hundred thousand men.
These they will be able to get together. The recruiting ser
vice goes on well, and although many of the last year's men
return with design not to re-engage, their places will be sup
plied ; so that by the beginning of June that immense army
(barring accidents) will be completed.
The main object at present is to overrun Holland ; a thing
which might have been affected six weeks ago, but at present
I believe it is not to be done. If the Prussian aud Hanove
rian troops advance rapidly, it will hardly be attempted. It is
however expected that Maestricht may fall as suddenly as
Mayence, and perhaps by similar means. If this should happen
it would greatly impede the confederates, and of course they
will exert themselves to prevent that misfortune. Never
were the moments more precious, than they are to both par
ties in that quarter ; for there the first blow will be more than
one half of the battle. Should the enemy become speedily
superior in the field, there is nothing to stop him till he comes
to Valenciennes, and at every step he would gather new force ;
besides, he need not embarrass himself with convoys, because
he would soon receive abundance from the side of the sea.
As to the colonies, I believe that France will not attempt to
defend them, and their whole commerce falls naturally into
the lap of America, unless the British prevent it, and I think
they will find it more convenient to neglect that small object
to pursue the great ones, which open themselves to view in
this quarter.
What I have just said leads me very naturally to your let
ter of the seventeenth of November. You had previously
instructed me to endeavor to transfer the negotiation for a
new treaty to America, and if the revolution of the tenth of
August had not taken place, but instead thereof the needful
power and confidence been restored to the crown, I should
perhaps have obtained what you wished as a mark of favor
24*

282 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
and confidence. A change of circumstances rendered it ne
cessary to change entirely my conduct, so as to produce in
one way, what was impracticable in another.
As I saw clearly, or at least thought I saw, that France and
England would at length get by the ears, it seemed best to let
them alone, until they should be nearly pitted. When I found
this to be the case, I asked an interview with the Minister of
Foreign Affairs, and mentioned to him my wish that an excep
tion should be made in the decree against emigrants, in favor
of those who were in the United States. I told him truly, that
I wished the alliance between the two nations to be strictly pre
served. I told him with great frankness, that notwithstanding
appearances, and the flattering accounts transmitted by some '
of his agents, Britain was, in my opinion, hostile, and an at
tempt at alliance with her, idle. He assured me he was of the
same opinion. I then observed to him, that in such case,
there would be no doubt but Mr Hammond would exert him
self to inculcate the opinion, that our treaty having been made
with the King, was void by the Revolution. He said that such
an opinion was absurd. I told him, (premising in this place,
that the whole conversation was inofficial, and unauthorised on
my part, from circumstances he was well acquainted with,) that
my private sentiments were similar to his, but I thought it
would be well to evince a degree of good will to America,
which might prevent disagreeable impressions, and had there
fore taken the liberty to suggest the exception in favor of emi
grants to America.
Here I left it, and changed the conversation. Now I know
well, that some of the leaders here who are in the Diplomatic
Committee hate me cordially, though it would puzzle them to
say why ; and I was determined rather to turn that disposition
to account than to change it, because I see some advantages to
result from it. Thus I contributed indirectly to the slight put
on me, by sending out M. Genet without mentioning to me a
syllable either of his mission or his errand, both of which,
nevertheless, I was early and sufficiently informed oft The

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 283"
pompousness of this Embassy could not but excite the atten
tion of England, and my continuance at Paris, notwithstanding
the many reasons which might have induced me to leave it,
would also, I thought, excite in some degree their jealousy ; and
I have good reason to believe that this effect was produced.
From all this I conjectured, that both parties might be brought
to bid at your auction. At any rate the thing you wished for
is done, and you can treat in America if you please. Whether
you will or not is another affair. Perhaps you will see that
all the advantages desired do already exist, that the acts of the
constitutional Assembly have in some measure set us free from
our engagements, and that, increasing daily in power, we may
make quite as good a bargain some time hence as now.
It remains to add a few words in reply to what regards me
personally in your letter. I am very happy, indeed, to find
that my conduct, as far as it was known, is approved of. This
is the summit of my wish, for I candidly acknowledge that the
good opinion of the wise and virtuous is what I prize beyond
all earthly possessions. I have lately debated much within
myself what to do. The path of life in Paris is no longer
strewed with roses, as you may well imagine ; indeed it is ex
tremely painful. I have already given my reasons for staying
here, but now the scene is changed, and I had thoughts of
making a tour to the different Consulates. There are, how
ever, some pretty solid objections to that plan for the present.
The next thing which suggested itself was to hire a country
house for the summer season, in the neighborhood. At length,
that my leaving the city might give no offence to anybody, I
have bought a country house in an out of the way place,
where it is not likely that any armies will pass or repass, even
should the enemy penetrate. If I lose the money paid for it,
I will put up with the loss. The act in itself shows a disposi
tion friendly to France, and as it is between twenty and thirty
miles from Paris, I shall be at hand, should business require
my presence. Mr Livingston, my secretary, will continue

284 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
in town unless driven out of it by war or famine. In this way
I hope to avoid those accidents which are almost inseparable
from the present state of society and government, and which,
should they light on the head of a public Minister, might in
volve consequences of a disagreeable nature. It is more pro
per also, I conceive, to make arrangements of this kind in a
moment of tranquillity, than when confusion is awakened in
to mischief. In all this my judgment^ may err, but I can tru
ly say that the interest of the United States is my sole object.
Time alone can tell whether the conduct be as right as I
know the intention to be.
Before I close this letter, I must pray your indulgence for
referring to the enclosed copy of what I wrote on the twenty-
seventh of last month, to the bankers of the United States in
Amsterdam. I make no comment thereon, only as I had no
fright to give the order in question, I consider it as of course,
that if disapproved of I must replace the money which may be
advanced on it. This is one of the cases in which not to act
is taking a part, and in which it is ruin to balance.
,, Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Paris, February 13th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I am to acknowledge yours of the seventh of last Novem
ber, * which I cannot do without expressing my concern at a
resolution, which will deprive the United States of an able and
faithful servant. Since you declare your determination to be
unalterable, it would be idle to offer reasons to dissuade you,
besides which it seems probable that ere this can arrive, you
will have acted. But were it otherwise, I know not whether
in my present feelings I could attempt to divert from the sweets
* See Jefferson's Writings, Vol. iii. p. 196.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 285
of private and domestic life one, who has so long been de
prived of them. Every day makes me contemplate with ad
ditional pleasure the prospect of retirement, and that tranquilli
ty whose loss is not perhaps to be compensated by anything
else. If, however, the die be not cast, permit me to express one
wish. It is, that you Would hold your place until a successor
can be fixed on, whom you think fully equal to the duties of the
office. This may perhaps be a painful sacrifice, but it is one
which I hope you will make to the interests of our country in
the present very critical moment. If you shall have quitted, or
persist in doing it, give me, I pray, your opinions and advice.
These, so long as I stay here, will be very useful to me, and I
trust not quite useless to the United States.
In whatever situation you may be, believe, I pray you, in
that respectful esteem with which I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO GEOKSE WASHINGTON. Paris, February 14th, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
I have received yours of the twentieth of October, which
was very long on its way. You will find that events have
blackened more and more in this country. The present pros
pects are dreadful. It is not so much perhaps the external
force, great as that may be, for there are always means of de
fence in so vast a nation. The exhausted state of resources
might also be borne with, if not remedied. But the disorgan
ized state of the government appears tp be irremediable. The
venality is such, that if there be no traitors, it is because the
enemy have not common sense. Without the aid of venality,
there are not a few who, from mistaken zeal, and from igno
rance, contribute to the success of those powers who are lea
gued against France. Many also under the garb of patriotism

286 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
conceal their attachment to the former government. In short, the
fabric of the present system is erected on a quagmire. The
new constitution has not yet made its appearance, but it is easy
to conjecture what it will not be. In the mean time 1 learn,
that the ministers of War and Marine declare it impossible for
them to go on. How all this will end, God only knows, but I
fear it will end badly.
I will not speak of my own situation ; you will judge that it
is far from pleasant. I could be popular, but that would be
wrong. The different parties pass away like the shadows in a
magic lantern, and to be well with any one of them, would
in a short period become the cause of unquenchable hatred
with the others.
Happy, happy America ; governed by reason, by law, by the
man whom she loves, whom she almost adores. It is the pride
of my life to consider that man as my friend, and I hope long to
be honored with that title. God bless you, my dear Sir, and
keep and preserve you. Your cool and steady temper is now
of infinite consequence to our country. As soon as I can see
the way open to anything decisive, I shall inform you of it.
At present I weary myself with unavailing reflection, medita
tion, and conjecture. A partition seems the most probable
event at present. Adieu. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Paris, February 16th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
My last was of the sixteenth of January, of which I now
enclose a copy. It has so happened that a very great pro
portion of the French officers, who served in America, have
been either opposed to the revolution at an early day, or felt
themselves obliged at a later period to abandon it. Some of
them are now in a state of banishment, and their property con-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 287
fiscated. Among these last there are a few, who had entrusted
to their agents the certificates received from our treasury, and
these last under the pressure of penal decrees either detain
those certificates, or have delivered them up to those persons
appointed by the republic to take charge of confiscated pro
perty. There certainly can be no question on this subject, under
the laws hitherto existing among nations ; but I shall not un
dertake to decide either on rights or pretensions to right,
especially where I am not authorised to act ; but it is proper
that I should lay before you a state of facts, for your ulterior
decision. The only one at present before me is the case of
Colonel LaUmoy, to whom I shall -write in answer to his ap
plications, that I am not authorised to make payment but on
production of the certificate, and therefore he must address
himself on the subject to you, in the full confidence that right
and justice will take place, such being the clear determination
of the United States. I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS PINCKNEY. Paris, February 27th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I have received by yesterday's post your letter of the twen
ty-second. In reply to which I beg leave to refer you to
mine of the eighteenth, and to add farther here, that any
application to the government would imply doubts, which do
not exist in my mind, and for which there is no foundation.
On the contrary I have every reason to be convinced, that all
stipulations in the treaty between France and the United
States of America will be scrupulously complied with. It is
true, that the first decree for fitting out privateers was hastily
passed, and needs correction ; but all such correction as may.
be needful will be made.

288 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
In the mean time, I think it a matter of no consequence what
may be the rate of insurance against capture at Lloyd's.
Real Americans certainly will not pay a premium where they
run no risk, and as to those who borrow our flag under false
pretences, it is no matter what they pay. I hope the Ameri
cans will have so much good sense, as to see that the proof of
payment of a premium to insure against capture ought to op
erate, as an evidence against them in the courts of this country.
If I were to sit as judge, I would certainly consider it as a
strong presumption, that the property, however covered, was
not American, and probably should on that presumption con
demn it as prize, leaving the party to his appeal, in order to
take off before the higher court by good evidence the weight
of such presumption. I have the honor to be, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS PINCKNEY. Paris, March 2d, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
I think that you should be acquainted with a fact, which it is
very important to communicate to our Secretary of State as
soon as may be. I am informed, in a way that precludes
doubt, that the Executive Council here sent out by M. Genet
three hundred blank commissions for privateers, to be given
clandestinely to such persons as he might find in America in
clined to take them. They suppose that the avidity of some
adventurers may lead them into measures, which would involve
altercations with Great Britain, and terminate finally in a war.
This appears to me, waving all question of honesty, no very
sound measure politically speaking, since they may, as a
nation, derive greater advantage from our neutrality than from
our alliance.
But whatever light it may be viewed in as to them, it is in
respect to us a detestable project. I learn that some sea-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 289
men have lately by British cruisers, who claim to be Ameri
cans. I presume that the claim will not be admitted, but if
the government should cause them to be executed as Pirates,
a knowledge thereof would go a great way to prevent our citi
zens from engaging in a war, contrary, to the wishes of
our government, especially if, as I doubt not, the President
should by proclamation, enjoining the observance of a strict
neutrality, declare that all those who contravene shall be at the
mercy of the party by whom they may be taken, and not en
titled to the protection of the United States.
I am the more solicitous on this subject, in that we may
well expect a back game of the same kind by Britain, and in
such case it would be impossible for the French to distinguish
among their prisoners, between those who were and those who
were not English. As there is nothing more destructive to
morals than the spirit of gambling, especially when murder is
placed among the means of gaining the property of others,
and as the security and happiness of the United States depend
so essentially on the morals of their citizens, I feel a more
than usual solicitude to prevent a practice inconsistent with all
good principles.
I have no late news from America, and none of any date
which you would wish to know. Our Secretary of State seems
much attached to brevity, and reminds me of a maxim of his
predecessor, that least said is soonest mended. The length
of this letter will show you that I have not profited by such
wise lessons, but it will also show you, I trust, the confidential
esteem with which I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. Paris, March 4th, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
Since I had the pleasure of writing to you on the fourth of
vol. n. 25

290 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
January by our friend, Mr Short, I am without any of your
letters. I lament this, because they always communicate to
me both pleasure and instruction.
As far as I can judge, this nation approaches to the point
where the vigor of laws must supply the place of enthusiastic
zeal, for this latter begins to abate. There will, however, be
enough to furnish out a considerable force, when the weather
grows a little warmer, especially should events somewhat dis
tant, and rather untoward, require great exertion. Another
supposition, (for I do not here notice that continuation of vic
tories which people can easily reconcile themselves to,) another
supposition is a heavy reverse at a distant point. Now the
effect of this would, I think, be various, according to the na
ture of the calamity. If for instance the enemy should strike
a blow, it would probably rouse the nation into effort. If a
great project should fail, it would probably spread despon
dency. So much for calculation, which after all must depend on
some moral causes, which neither France nor the Allies seem
sufficiently to estimate, but which with me have very great
weight. I believe it more easy to conquer by laws than by
arms ; and had I been counsellor to the Duke of Brunswick
and Company, I would have repeated to him from Shakspeare,
that when lenity and c«uelty play for kingdoms, the gentlest
gamester is the surest winner. And so, my dear old friend^
adieu. Reproach yourself sometimes for not writing often,
and always believe me with truth and affection yours, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, March 7th, 1793.

Dear Sir,
Enclosed you have copies of what I had the honor to write
on the twenty-fifth of January, and thirteenth of February ; also

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 291
the copy of a letter of the twelfth of February, from Mr Pinck
ney, with my answer of the eighteenth. I send these last, to
the end that due attention may be paid to such vessels as may
be furnished with his passports, and which may perhaps prove
to be British bottoms.
I am so well persuaded that the United States will strictly
observe the laws of nations, and rigidly adhere to their neu
trality, that [ am solicitous to prevent a practice which might
expose us to suspicion, and finally involve us in war. On
this chapter it is proper also, that I should communicate a fact
which I have mentioned to Mr Pinckney, and desired him to
transmit. Monsieur Genet took out with him three hundred blank
commissions, which he is to distribute to such as will fit out
cruizers in our ports, to prey on the British commerce. I
am convinced that few of my countrymen will be so lost to all
moral sense, as to embark in a game so abominable, where the
murder of their fellow creatures enters as a leading chance.
I am apprehensive, however, lest some profligates may be led
to fix a blot on our national character, and deprive both them
selves and their countrymen of the great and certain advanta
ges to flow from honest industry on the present important oc
casion, — an occasion, which, duly attended to and properly
cultivated, will give to our navigation an increase too rapid al
most for conjecture, and place us in the happy situation to be
in two or three years the exclusive carriers of our immense
productions. These considerations weigh much, but they are
still but a feather in the balance with those of a much higher
nature, which stand in connexion with the nature of our govern
ment, and of course with the happiness of generations to come.
I know of nothing so dangerous, and I might say fatal to morals,
as the sudden acquisition of wealth by bad means. Industry
is thereby discouraged, and honesty discountenanced. The
vulgar are soon dazzled by the glare of prospering vice, and
the young are seduced from the paths of virtue ; and virtue
once gone, freedom .is but a name ; for I do not believe it to be

292 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
among possible contingencies, that a corrupted people should
be for one moment free. Excuse, I pray, my dear Sir, these
observations, which I cannot restrain. They flow from the
conviction of my earliest reason, and are strengthened by the
experience of twenty years.
In mine of tbe thirteenth of February, I mentioned to you
that this country would procure the five hundred thousand
men required, and at that time there was every reason to think
so, because the recruiting service went on well for all the new
corps which had been ordered ; but it now appears that this
arose from little circumstances of dress and flattery, calculated
to catch idlers, and that there is a real scarcity of men. The
losses of the last campaign are«sensible in the mass of popula
tion, so that notwithstanding the numbers thrown out of em
ploy by the stagnation of some manufactures, and the reduc
tion of private fortunes, the want of common laborers is felt
throughout the whole country. Already they talk of drafting
for the service, an experiment of very doubtful and dangerous
complexion. It would however succeed just now ; but if de
layed it would not, I believe, go down ; and at any rate would
not produce in season the required force ; especially if the en
emy should have any considerable successes ; for you must
not imagine that the appearances in this country are all real,
and you must take into your estimation, that the Convention is
falling into contempt, because the Tribunes govern it imperious
ly. They try to save appearances, but the people cannot long
be dupes. It is the old story of King Log, and how long it
may be before Jupiter sends them a Crane to destroy the Frogs
and Froglings, is a matter of uncertainty. Already they begin
to cry out for a Dictator. An insurrection also is brewing,
whose object I am told is to destroy the faction of the Gironde.
I think I mentioned to you, that the death of the King would
be but the forerunner of their destruction. And already they
see the sword hanging over their heads. The majority of the
Convention is clearly at the disposition of their enemies.
The consuls will forward to you, and you will see in the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 293
gazettes, the decree for opening all the ports of this nation to
our vessels on equal terms with their own. You will be so kind
as to observe, that this was done on a report of the Committee
of Safety. Now you must know that the members of this
Committee, or at least a majority of them, are sworn foes to
the members of the Diplomatic Committee. This is necessa
ry to explain a little of what is said in mine of the 13th, about
the latter Committee. I have received indirectly a kind of
assurance from the former, (which disposes entirely of the
Convention) that they will do anything for the United States
which I will point out, but in fact I know not anything which
we ought to ask ; the decrees above mentioned contain, I be
lieve, all that we want. The history of them is not material.
I had the honor to mention to you also, that I did not be
lieve the attempt against Holland would succeed, and also that
time was extremely precious to both parties, especially in re
gard to Maestricht, in whose fate was involved perhaps that of
the whole campaign. This town had, I am told, offered to
capitulate, but terms of such rigor were insisted on, as to in
duce a longer defence, and this delay has saved them. The
siege is raised, and unless the French army should gain a vic
tory, I do not see how they are to escape, provided the enemy
exerts himself. Dumouriez had taken Breda, and was prepar
ing to enter Holland, being ordered by the Minister of War ;
to whom he replied, that he would go in, but the Minister
must find his way out. This latter may be no very easy
task. The enemy on the side of Maestricht are, I believe,
superior in numbers ; and certainly if the French in that quar
ter are beaten, the Allies may cut off the retreat of Dumou
riez, in which case his fate must depend not only on the
strength of his army, not over numerous, but also on the state
of his magazines, which I believe to be bad. Should Val
ence be able to make good a gentle retreat, then he may be
joined perhaps by Dumouriez at Louvain, and together they
may cover Brussels.
But all these things, again, depend on some moral contin-
25*

294 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
gencies, such for instance as the following questions. What
will be the temper and spirit of those departments nearest to
the scene of action ? What will be the degree of hope or ap
prehension among the inhabitants of the Low Countries ? As
to them you will see by the gazettes, that they are fast express
ing their adherence to the French Republic freely pronounc
ed. But since it has been no small question among metaphysi
cians, what it is that constitutes the freedom of the will, there
is no small question also on this subject among politicians, as to
the case before us. Are men actuated by interest, are they
instigated by desire, are they seduced by hope, are they com
pelled by fear? Alexander, you know, cut the knot which he
could not untie, and the French have imitated the example of
that conqueror. Some striking examples of those, who op
posed the union with France, induced all the rest to give both
their speedy and their free consent. It is therefore a problem
to be resolved, what degree of force must be produced by the
Allies to operate on the free will of this people, in a counter
sense. I think the solution of that problem is in Brussels.
On the whole, my dear Sir, the hour is big with important
events. As soon as I learn anything more, I will communicate
it ; in the mean time accept the assurances of that respect, with
which I have the honor to be, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, March 8lh, 1793.
Dear Sir,
In reading over my letter of yesterday, I find that I omitted
to mention the war with Spain. The truth is, that it was a
matter so much of course and of so little importance, that it
escaped my recollection. Our Commissioners will doubtless
turn it to account.
Last evening I was informed that the French army in Flan-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 295
ders has been defeated, but as this is not an official account I
merely mention it as it is, viz. a letter sent express by an
individual at Brussels on seeing sundry runaways arrive, and
stores, fee. fee. coming in at sixes and sevens, with the re
port that the enemy were at the gates. On the other hand,
you must take into account that the siege of Maestricht being
raised only the third, one day's rest was necessary for the
troops, which had come on by forced marches. Now as the
action must have taken place at Tongres, about forty miles
from Brussels, and the courier in question left that city in the
night of the fifth, it would follow that the enemy must have
marched from Maestricht in the night of the fourth, and at
tacked at break of day ; otherwise the runaways would hardly
have got in by the evening of the fifth. On the whole, there
is but just time enough for such an affair to have happened,
and that is all. If there is any confirmation I will mention it.
I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, March 9th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
The intelligence communicated in mine of yesterday is fully
confirmed. The accounts given to the Convention are so lame
and blind, that one is obliged to piece them out like a tattered
Writing, where whole sentences are wanting.
It would seem, then, that the enemy, though at what time
is yet uncertain, made an attack on the army which had be
sieged, or rather bombarded Maestricht, and which was then at
Tongres. The route has, I believe, been complete, and the
enemy, by pushing on to St Tron, have cut off the retreat of
those who were at Liege before jhe battle, or who fled to it
afterwards ; so that in all human probability the greater part
of them have fallen, with all their artillery and stores. They

296 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
had indeed one road open, viz. that along the banks of the
Meuse up to Huy and Namur ; but whether the enemy in Lux
embourg have detached on that side, seems as yet uncertain.
Probably they have not. It would seem that such of the
French army, as escaped by the way of St Tron, have been
totally dissipated, for it is said that the enemy is in possession
of Brussels ; and of course he must have come on from eighty
to a hundred miles in the space of four or five days.
The French have sent off everything they could save to Val
enciennes, which is about sixty miles on this side of Brussels,
and in which the broken remnants of their army will probably
be collected. Going on the supposition that the allied army is
at Brussels, it appears to me that Dumouriez is completely cut
off, unless he be possessed of very considerable magazines, for
he is, you know, in a horrible country. In front, a navigable
river, and in the rear a pitiless desert until he gets back to the
neighborhood of Antwerp, Malines and Louvain.
Now the enemy could be at Malines as soon as at Brussels,
these places being equidistant from Louvain, through which
they must in either case have passed, and the distance from
Malines to Antwerp is about one third of what Dumouriez had
to pass over, unless he began his march as soon as he received
the news, that the enemy were on their way to Maestricht.
This intelligence did not I presume reach him till the night of
the third, or morning of the fourth ; and it is a question of mo
ment, whether he took instant, measures for his retreat, which
must of necessity be slow through the very bad roads which
he has to struggle with, till be gets to the pavement within
about a league, if I remember right, of Antwerp. The inten
tion of the enemy is, I am certain, to cut him off; and if that
be done, God knows what will happen ; for the frontier towns
are almost without garrisons, the whole force having been call
ed off to the expedition against Holland.
The force in the low countries has been stated very highly
by those, who counted on success in that quarter, but I do not
believe that the whole amounted to more than fifty, or at most

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 297
sixty thousand ; and should those events, which are now pro
bable, take place, very few of that number will get back again
to France. I understand that the militia are to be drafted im
mediately, and what may be the success of that measure can
not be foreseen. I have not sufficient data on which to fix an
opinion, but should it be accompanied by delay, or encounter
opposition, the safety of Paris is more in distance than in
force. I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, March 13th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
In mine of the ninth instant I mentioned to you, that the
enemy was in possession of Brussels, and so it was then assert
ed by authority, but it seems that he confined himself to Ton
gres and Liege, leaving the French army in possession of St
Tron. At the same time it appears, that he was employed in
pushing forward a column on his left, to turn their right flank,
and had that movement been completed, the French army
would, in all human probability, have been destroyed. To
prevent the threatened danger, Miranda fell back to Louvain,
keeping open thereby the two roads to Antwerp and Brussels.
As the enemy will doubtless endeavor to cut him off from
the latter, I suppose that Dumouriez, relinquishing his expe
dition against the Netherlands, will form a junction with Mi
randa. In this case a battle must decide the fate of Flanders,
and both parties will collect for the purpose all the force they
can muster. I do not think the position taken at Louvain is
tenable, because Brussels may be reached by the route of
Namur, towards which the enemy will probably turn his
attention in the first instance.
Great exertions are making here to reinforce Dumouriez,
and still greater to bring about a new revolution, whose effect,

298 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
if successful, would be, I think, the destruction of what is call
ed here the faction of the Gironde, and which calls itself the
republican party, qualifying its enemies by the term Anarch
ists. To avoid if possible the carnage of the second to the
eighth x>f last September, a tribunal, called the Revolutionary
Tribunal, is organised, with very large and wide powers. It is
one of those instruments whose operations are incalculable,
and on whose direction depends the fate of the country.
Opinion seems to set very strongly against the Convention.
They are supposed to be incapable of steering the State ship
in the present rough weather, but it must blow yet a little
harder before they are thrown overboard.
I believe I never mentioned to you that a constitution was
reported ; but the truth is, that it totally escaped me. A
paper of that sort was read at the Convention, but I learnt
the next morning, that a council had been held on it over night,
by which it was condemned ; so I thought no more of it,
neither have I heard it mentioned until yesterday by one of
my countrymen, which brought me to recollect that in my
correspondence I had not noticed it. I am, with great respect
and esteem, yours, GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO M. LEBRUN.
Translation. Paris, March 24th, 1793.
Sir,
Many complaints have reached me respecting the outrages
committed against American vessels, by the French privateers.
I have taken no notice of it to you, Sir, until now, in the hope
that such examples would not multiply ; and 1 have replied to
many letters on this subject, which were addressed to me by
our Minister Plenipotentiary at London, in a way to tranquillize
the fears, with which the enemies of the French nation endeav
ored to inspire my countrymen. But it appears to me of the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 299
utmost importance to prevent, as speedily as possible, such vio
lations of the law of nations and of treaties.
I have already been informed of the capture of the ship
Aurora, of Baltimore, by the privateer Patriot, of Marseilles ;
of the brig Bacchus, also of Baltimore, by a privateer of Cette ;
and of the ship Laurens, of Charleston, by the privateer Sans
Culotte, of Honfleur. I will spare you, Sir, the melancholy
recital of the violence committed on these different occasions,
and which was the less excusable, as it was done after posses
sion had been taken, and when no resistance was made. But
I earnestly entreat you to give the necessary orders, that for
the future these illegal acts, whose unhappy consequences are
incalculable, may not be permitted.
I take the liberty to recall to your mind on this point, the
provisions of the fifteenth article of the treaty of commerce and
amity between France and the United States of America,
which was concluded at Paris, on the 6th of February, 1778.
Your justice, as Well as your good sense, Sir, warrant me in
the belief, that you will labor effectively to preserve the union
between France and the United States ; a union, which will, I
hope, subsist forever, and become more and more a common
bond of prosperity and happiness. I have the honor to be, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, March 25th, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
It was not till the middle of February, that I had the pleas
ure to receive your letter of the 23d of October.
If you, who are at the fountain head of those great and im
portant transactions, which have lately engrossed the attention
of Europe and America, cannot pretend to say what will be
their event, surely we, in this distant quarter, should be presump
tuous indeed in venturing to predict it. And unwise should

300 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
we be in the extreme, to involve ourselves in the contests of
European nations, where our weight could be but small,
though the loss to ourselves would be certain. I can however
with truth aver, that this country is not guided by such a narrow
and mistaken policy, as will lead it to wish the destruction of
any nation, under an idea that our importance will be increas
ed in proportion as that of others is lessened. We should
rejoice to see every nation enjoying all the advantages, that
nature and its circumstances would admit, consistent with civil
liberty and the rights of other nations. Upon this ground the
prosperity of this country would unfold itself everyday, and
every day it would be growing in political importance.
Mr Jefferson will communicate to you such official infor
mation as we have to give, and will transmit the laws, public
papers, fee.
I have thought it best, my dear Sir, not to let slip this oppor
tunity of acknowledging the receipt of your letter, lest no other
should occur to me very soon, as I am called to Mount Vernon
by the death of my nephew, Major Washington, and am on
the point of setting out for that place tomorrow. I need not
tell you that this is of course a very busy moment with me.
It will therefore account for the conciseness of this letter, by
which however you must not measure my regard.
You see me again entering upon the arduous duties of an
important office. It is done so contrary to my intention, that
it would require more time, than I have allowed myself, to as
sign the reasons ; and therefore I shall leave them to your
own suggestion, aided by the publications which you will find
in the gazettes. I am your sincere friend and affectionate
servant,
George Washington.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 301
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, PHILADELPHIA. Paris, March 26th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I enclose a copy of the letter from Dumouriez to the Con
vention, of the twelfth instant, which, not having been publicly
read, he has caused to be printed in Flanders, and the enclosed
is from Brussels. This letter, and the proclamations which
accompanied it, form a singular contrast with the conduct pur
sued by that General on entering victoriously into the country,
which I had the honor to communicate in mine of the twenty-
first of December. It accords but badly also with a later
transaction. He had opened a large loan, on his private cre
dit and account, at Antwerp ; but the capitalists having no
great confidence in him, it went on slowly ; and to stimulate
their zeal, he threatened them with something very like milita
ry execution.
Having mentioned, here, my letter of the twenty-first of
December, I cannot avoid observing to you that the correspon
dence between Pache and Dumouriez, as published by the
latter, shows that the orders given by Pache to reinforce Cus-
tine were far more extraodinary than I had conceived ; seeing
he was directed to march in midwinter across the pathless
mountains of the Ardennes, in which he could have found
neither food, forage, nor shelter from the storms. Similar or
ders to Beurnouville had pushed him, as I therein informed
you, on the road to Treves. No good opportunity offering,
I did not then communicate the result of that expedition ;
which by the bye was never made public here ; but the fact
is, that he lost one half of his army, and those who returned
were as fit for the hospital as for the field, almost ; so that
the Austrian General, Beaulieu, pushed his advanced posts
forward with impunity to the French frontier.
In the enclosed letter of Dumouriez are three things worthy
of notice. First, the great diminution of the French ar
mies in that quarter ; secondly, the violence used to obtain
vol. n. 26

302 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
an appearance of union with France ; and thirdly, the tem
per and disposition of the Flemish nation. On the first of
these points, I refer for the force which he commanded on en
tering the Low Countries, to the above mentioned correspon
dence with Pache, mutilated as it is, and from which you will
find that the account I had given you of his numbers was ex
act. Between one hundred and one hundred and ten thou
sand Frenchmen broke into the Low Countries last autumn,
and yet what I told you on the first day of the present year, viz.
that the effectives under Miranda and Valence, when united, did
not exceed thirty-five thousand, is strictly true. But there
were sundry posts and garrisons spread through the country,
and all along to the sea coasts, making up about ten thousand
more ; and it is true that many have come out of the hospitals,
and many recruits have been sent on ; but some have gone in
to the hospitals, and straggling parties have constantly returned,
so that forty-five thousand men were about the existent force,
previous to the efforts for the expedition to Holland, about all
which I shall say more presently, and only observe here, that
he states the army as being reduced by sickness, skirmishes,
and desertion, to less than one half of their force. Such, says
he, wis our situation, when on the first of February you de
clared war against England and Holland.
The second point, namely, the manner of obtaining the free
vote of the Belgic people for a union with France, I had men
tioned to you in mine of the seventh instant, upon very full in
formation from various quarters of that country. The account
-which Dumouriez gives, is a curious piece for history. The
conduct, which may naturally be expected from men so abused,
I had mentioned to you on the twenty-fifth of January, and as
signed on the thirteenth of February the reason why they had
not already avenged the injuries they had received. But no
sooner did the movements towards Holland lessen the garrisons
distributed among them, than the smothered flame began to
break out, and the French have already paid pretty severely
for a conduct, of which the instances in modern times are
rare.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 303
In my last I mentioned to you that a battle appeared pro
bable, and that it would decide the fate of the Low Cou tries.
This battle took place definitively on the eighteenth, having
been preceded by some warm skirmishes on the preceding
days. As I mentioned on the ninth the whole force of the
French, as not being more than from fifty to sixty thousand men,
it may not be amiss to give here some general state of the force
now at the disposition of the Republic. Speaking in round
numbers, the force required was about five hundred thousand,
to complete which, an apportionment was made on the first in
stant of near three hundred thousand, viz. two hundred and
¦inety-six thousand five hundred and fifty-three, on the differ
ent departments, exclusively of the army of reserve, which we
may suppose to consist of the paper surplus beyond five hun
dred thousand, whatever that may be. Thus it would seem>
that the existent force on the first instant, as borne on the re-^
turns, was about two hundred thousand.
This force is divided, and to be divided, into eight different
armies, viz. that of the North, commanded by Dumouriez ; the
Ardennes, by Valence ; the Moselle, by Beurnonville ; the
Rhine, by Custine ; the Alps, by Kellermann ; Italy, by Biron ;
the Pyrenees, by Servan ; and the Sea Coast, by Labourdon-
naye. Deducting from the supposed existing force, for garri
sons, sick, posts, and communications, and the numberless
contingencies of service, eighty to ninety thousand, we have
remaining a total of one hundred and ten thousand to one hun
dred and twentv thousand, in the different armies under arms.
So much for a general view. I will now give a more par
ticular one coincident therewith. The army of Dumouriez
may be stated at ninety thousand, that of Custine fifty-four
thousand, that of Biron at eighteen thousand, those of Valence
and Beurnonville, each seven .thousand, those of Kellermann,
Servan and Labourdonnaye each nine thousand, making togeth
er two hundred and three thousand. But of these there are
only the three first worth noting here, as the others are all in dif
ferent posts and garrisons. And, by the way, that we may fin
ish at once with Biron's army, (intended to be about fifty thou-

304 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
sand strong, but avowedly defective on the first instant aboat
thirty two thousand,) as it has been in a kind of small action
for the last three months, and must keep up sundry posts in the
county of Nice, and on the communications, the total opera
tive force cannot exceed twelve thousand men.
We shall come to Custine by and bye ; but at present we
will return to the northern army. As this was to be exposed
to the greatest efforts of the enemy, and as the government
counted on success in that quarter for the means to dictate its
own terms of peace, the force of it was to be one hundred
and forty thousand ; but the avowed deficiency being fifty
thousand, leaves the above number of ninety thousand, deduct-*
ing therefrom twenty-five thousand for the several garrisons
(of which there are at least a dozen) and for the sick, we have
a remainder of sixty-five thousand, of which fifteen thousand
were under Dumouriez in Holland.
The armies, then, of Miranda and Valence did not exceed
five thousand, and the enemy give an account of above ten
thousand of these in the affairs of the 28th February to the
4th March, besides what may have gone off in different direc
tions. The army, therefore, which Dumouriez commanded at
Louvain on the fifteenth instant, could not exceed forty thou
sand. His loss between that and the nineteenth was at least
twenty thousand. He cannot therefore on the twentieth have
had more than twenty thousand left. Probably about fifteen
thousand. From the Dutch expedition, if ever they get back,
not more than ten thousand can ever join him, because the
losses in that quarter also have been considerable. When the
want of discipline and the desertions are considered, you will
see that there remains but a very trifling force to be scattered
through the frontier towns, in addition to the very weak garri
sons above mentioned. If this army be cut off, it seems to me
that the towns cannot be all defended, and if ever it should re
turn, a very strict defensive is the utmost which can be ex
pected. It is proper, in this place, to say something about the plans

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 305
and movements of the enemy. From the best information 1
have been able to procure, it seems that the Allies intended to
open the campaign in the first fortnight of April, at which peri
od the different armies were to be completed. The Austrians
under the Prince de Cobourg, including those on the Moselle un
der the Prince de Hohenloe, were to be near ninety thousand
strong ; the British and Hanoverians were to be twenty thou
sand ; the Prussians, with some troops of the Empire, about
twenty to thirty thousand. The Dutch contingent depended
on circumstances. The scattering bodies of emigrants also
formed an eventual force. The whole might perhaps be car
ried to one, hundred and fifty thousand, from which it might
be well to deduct one third for posts, garrisons, contingencies,
maladies, and deficiencies. On the first of April, therefore,
the Prince de Cobourg would have been at the head of at
least one hundred thousand men, although not all united.
He was obliged to commence his operations a month or six
weeks sooner than had been agreed on, because the Prince of
Hesse, commanding in Maestricht, informed him that he could
not answer much longer for the defence of that place, a great
part of his garrison being illy disposed, and the citizens unwil
ling to resist while their houses were crumbling about their ears
I have reason to believe that the information I received of an
offer to surrender was unfounded. In this state of things a
council of war was held, and it was resolved to undertake, at
all hazards, the raising of the siege. This was done by the
Prince of Cobourg, at the head of about twenty-five thousand
men. The Prussians, under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick,
came up the Me use on the side of Cleves and Wezel, with a
body of ten to fifteen thousand men, and drove the French
from Ruremonde. The French lost in these affairs not less
than twelve thousand men, killed, wounded, and taken, besides
the dispersion of their troops in different directions.
The stores taken at Liege were immense. Of artillery
alone, above one hundred pieces of different caliber, as is
said. The Austrians suffered very little, since it was rather
26*

306 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
a rout than a battle. The Prussians lost some men. These
last marched, soon after, to Bois le Due, to effect a junction
with the British troops. The Austrians prepared for action
again as soon as they were recovered from their fatigue, and
had made the needful dispositions. To this effect, orders
seem to have been given to General Beaulieu to advance
towards the Meuse from Luxembourg, and to the Prince de
Hohenloe to replace the force of Beaulieu ; but this line being
long and parallel to the French frontier, the movements must
be made with caution ; and the more so, as a month was to
elapse before the corps of Beaulieu and Hohenloe were to be
completed. The Prince de Cobourg seems to have sent off, however, a
column of between eight and ten thousand men on the side of
Namur, for the purpose of dislodging the French, opening the
whole course of the Meuse up to the French frontier, forming
a junction with the army of Beaulieu, and eventually cutting
off the retreat of the French army, by possessing a post in
their rear between Mons and Brussels, should they retire
towards Valenciennes.
Such was the state of things when Dumouriez joined the
army, which had fallen back to Louvain. He sent off, I
presume, his orders immediately to evacuate Holland, so as
to form a junction with those troops, and make good his
retreat ; but shortly after, finding that the column of Austri
ans just mentioned was advancing rapidly on his right,
sensible that his enemy would, if suffered quietly to collect
his force, be soon superior in numbers, and that his whole
army must, in consequence, be cut off; he determined as a
last resource, to fight them, because a victory would give him
time to receive reinforcements, and secure the doubtful junc
tion with the army in Holland.
The army of the Prince de Cobourg must, at this time,
have been inferior to Dumouriez, because, even supposing
that he had collected from the Rhine men sufficient to occu
py the posts in his rear, and to carry his army to the' number

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 307
of near thirty thousand, yet the detachment on his left had
reduced it to twenty thousand. He had pushed forward his
advanced posts to Tirlemont, but the army of Dumouriez
drove them back, and this latter General marched forward by
his right, so as to cut off the communication between the
main body of the Austrians and the corps, which had been de
tached on their left. If under these circumstances he1 had
gained a victory, it would have been decisive. It was on the
same field that the Mareschal de Luxembourg beat King
William, the twenty-ninth of July, 1693, and nearly in the
same respective positions.
The event however was reversed. The action was very
warm, and although Dumouriez writes to one of his officers
that the retreat was a knowing or skilful one, (savante) he
appears to be more indebted to the night, than to his general
ship, or to the manoeuvres of his troops, for his left wing was
cut to pieces, and his right very severely handled. The
great superiority of the enemy's cavalry would, in those cir
cumstances, have wholly destroyed his army, had the day
light continued. Although we have no account of the .
enemy's loss, we may well suppose it to have been consider
able, and of course much was to be done before they could
attack the French, who had taken a strong post near Louvain,
and the more so, as by persisting in his movement to the left,
the Prince de Cobourg might hope to prevent Dumouriez
from getting back to the frontier towns, and in the mean time
his reinforcements were coming on.
It was under these circumstances that Dumouriez prepared
for his retreat. To that effect, after having collected his scat
tered forces at Cumptich, he retired to Louvain, and sent off
his stores and artillery from Brussels. The sick were taken
away, as I am told, by water on the twenty-second, when the
Commissioners from the National Assembly also left Brussels,
and then some parties of the Austrians had, it is said, appeared
in the neighborhood. 'It would seem, then, that the plan of
Dumouriez, who is said to be on his retreat towards Mons, is

308 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
to go to Tournai, in order to form there a junction with the
troops from Holland, to whose protection it would seem that
he has committed his sick and wounded, who may be forward
ed to Ghent, and thence by the canals along through West Flan
ders to the French territory.
In this way he will cover the retreat of the troops from
Holland by the Scheldt, and the reinforcements intended for
his army will be thrown into Valenciennes, and he himself
will take post eventually near Lisle. This plan supposes the
evacuation of all Flanders, which indeed seems to be indispen
sable, for in three weeks from the present time the enemy will
be in complete force. He may, as it were, immediately col
lect fifty thousand men, by bringing up the Prussian and Brit
ish troops, and these again may be followed by the Dutch and
Hanoverians. Now on the supposition that Dumouriez should extricate
himself in the course of ten days, he would not, on the whole
frontier from Valenciennes to Dunkirk have more than fifty
thousand men ; and that, on the supposition that the recruits
should have joined, to the number of ten thousand, so as to
replace deserters and supply the deficiencies of sick and
unfit for duty, which bear daily a greater proportion to the
whole number, as losses in action and by desertion increase.
I expect that in a very few days the campaign will open on
the side of the Rhine, and this circumstance will leave the
Prince de Hohenloe more master of his motions, seeing that
a column of troops under the orders of the Duke of Brunswick
will be of course sent to occupy the passes along the Rhine
above Coblentz, and as the two armies of the Ardennes and the
Moselle (which on the first of the month did not exceed
from sixteen to twenty thousand men) cannot be increased in
any reasonable time, beyond what may be necessary for the
garrisons on that frontier, and to prevent the enemy from en
tering by the Meuse. The left of the Prince de Cobourg's
army may bend all its efforts that way, and I daily expect to
hear of a stroke in that quarter.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 309
What may be the fate of Custine, I know not. He has
taken great pains to fortify himself, and to defend the banks of
the Rhine from Switzerland to below Mayence ; but these
very precautions would seem to render the passage certain,
because it is next to impossible that a line so long should be
defended through all its extent.
The King of Prussia seems determined to take Mayence,
let it cost what it may. The inhabitants are universally in his
favor, and should Custine, who is a brave but a blundering
soldier, be taken with his army, the whole province of Alsace
is lost. It may indeed fall in a different way, for I am well
convinced that the imperial troops will make a serious effort in
the upper end of it ; and here the conduct of Switzerland be
comes important. People differ much on that subject, but I
believe that England will have a very large body of Swiss in
her pay to act in conjunction with the Austrian troops, and
that having penetrated to Befort, which is but about thirty miles
from Basil, the ulterior movement will depend on the existent
state of things between the armies at Mayence. In one contin
gency an effort may be made to penetrate to Besancon, distant
about fifty miles, and thence to Lyons, which is distant from
Besancon, along the rivers Doux and Soane, by Dole and
Chalons, about one hundred and fifty miles, but by the road,
seventy. I need not say, that the possession of Lyons would
oblige both Kellermann and Biron to retreat, and open the
whole of that country to the troops of Savoy, whatever might
have been the previous situation of those armies; for you
know, that on that quarter the difficulty of subsisting in the
country is much greater than that of keeping the enemy out
of it. ,
I had mentioned to you, in mine of the seventh instant, my
idea as to the recruiting, if forced forward immediately. It
has been tolerably successful. In some places very much so.
In others it has met with serious opposition. Upper Britanny
is in revolt, and both Nantz and Rennes are menaced, while
a descent is apprehended at St Malo. Does the insurrection ,

310 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
proceed from a plan laid by the enemy, or from impulses of
the moment? Both may have concurred, but I think that,
like the campaign, it has happened sooner than was expected.
It is, however, very serious, and should they take St Malo,
and receive a supply of arms, ammunition, and provisions, with
a few troops and a little money from England, it is not possi
ble to calculate the extent of mischief; for Normandy is, I am
persuaded, ready to revolt as soon as a fair opportunity offers ;
and it is in that quarter, that I supposed a descent would be
made, and I am still of that opinion, and that the movements
mentioned in mine of the thirteenth of last month will take
place. In the midst of these troubles, with an expense which last
month exceeded the receipts near two hundred millions of
livres, (worth at present prices at least four millions sterling)
the insurrection which I formerly mentioned, as likely to take
place against the Brissotins, is still in agitation, and will in a
few days, most probably, take effect.
I enclose a copy of my letter of the 24th instant to M. Lebrun,
respecting the capture of American vessels, which will suffi
ciently explain itself. I ought also to mention to you, which I
omitted in its due season, that M. Genet before he went hence
called to take leave, and apologised for M. Lebrun, on account
of his constant business, for not calling on me to present M.
Genet, fee. fee. The truth is, that I attach very little impor
tance to these matters, whether of compliment or inat
tention, and I believe that I estimate them at their true
value. I am, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

M. LEBRUN TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Translation. Paris, March 29th, 1793.
Sir,
, I have received the letter you addressed to me yesterday,
as also the accompanying papers. I sent a copy of them

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 311
immediately to the Minister of the Marine, praying him to take
the most prompt measures to procure for Captain Todd the
satisfaction due to him, and to prevent, for the future, the
vessels of our good allies from being exposed to the attacks of
our ships of war and privateers.
The inconvenience, which many of your fellow citizens have
lately experienced, arises in part from the difficulty of distin
guishing an American from an English vessel; and from the
Connivance there may be, among many individuals of both
nations, for making disguised expeditions. In order to pre
serve to the citizens of the United States all the advantages,
which result from their neutrality, it is the interest of the
American Government to prevent this fraud ; and I have every
reason to believe, that the laws which determine, in the United
States, the national flag, are clear and precise. I know that
these laws require not only that the vessels be of American
construction, but that the Captain and a great part of the
crew be Americans.
I pray you, Sir, to communicate to me the last statute made
on this subject by Congress, that Imay give information of it to
the officers of our ports, and through them to the commanders
of our ships of war. This measure seems to me essential, in
order to prevent all the disputes, which might arise on this
subject. In my last letter I assured you of the sincere desire of the
French Republic, not only carefully to avoid whatever might
disturb the perfect harmony between the two nations, but to
draw more and more closely the fraternal bonds which unite
them. You have seen proofs of this in the various decrees,
which have been passed by the National Convention, in
favor of the commerce of the United States. I have the
honor to be, fee.
Lebrun.

312 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
TO M. LEBRUN
Translation. Paris, March 29th, 1793.
Sir,
Yesterday afternoon I was arrested in the street, and con
ducted to the Section de la Butte des Moulins, because I had
not a Carte de Citoyen. Fortunately a person who knew me,
having heard what had passed, came to my rescue, and
brought me out of the affair, on his own responsibility. I have
the honor to send you, herewith, the copy of the pass given
me by the Section. I beg, Sir, that you will have the good
ness to secure me against similar accidents, troublesome in
themselves, and scandalous from their publicity.
I pray you, also, to grant me protection from domiciliary vis
its. Armed men came into my house yesterday, and although
I had every reason to be satisfied with their conduct, (for they
went away as soon as I convinced them of the impropriety of
their proceedings,) yet I think that when general orders are
given for these visits, sueh houses ought to be excepted as are
under the protection of the Law of Nations.
Will you do me the favor also to send me a passport for tra
velling into the interior ? In the month of January it happen
ed to me to be arrested and sent back to Paris, under pretence
that the passport you gave me Was out of date. I am in ex
pectation of going forthwith to pass a few days at my coun
try house, and it may be that I shall be again stopped.
Will you have the goodness, Sir, to sign the enclosed certi
ficates for the members of my family ? I have the honor
to be, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 313
TO M. LEBRUN.
Translation. Paris, April 1st, 1793.
Sir,
I had the honor of receiving yours of the 29th of March, and
in consequence I send the enclosed formula of the certificates
of registry, with which American vessels ought to be furnished.
Our government grants these certificates only to those vessels,
which belong exclusively to American citizens. They must
also have been built in the United States, or at least have
belonged since the sixteenth of May, 1789, to American
citizens. The law of the United States also exacts, that the,
captain be an American citizen, and that before the vessel is '
recorded, one of the owners shall make attestation under oath,
of the truth of these facts. In fine, captains and owners are
forbidden to give, sell, or lend these certificates, and in case
they are made use of by any foreign vessel under the Ameri
can flag, the offender shall incur the penalty of confiscation.
Such, Sir, are the regulations made on the 1st of Septem-
ber^ 1789 ; and I have not learned that since that time there
have been others. I have read, it is true, in one of our ga
zettes, that in the course of the month of January, a new law
on the subject had been presented to the President of the
United States for his acceptance, but I am ignorant of its con
tents, not having yet received a copy of it. I am persuaded
however that it does not differ essentially (as to the subject
in question) from that which I have just had the honor of pre
senting to you. I shall hasten to communicate it to you as soon
as it arrives, for it is my inclination, as well as my duty, to
prevent as much as possible foreigners, and especially the ene
mies of France, from enjoying the privileges of our neutrality.
I am fully persuaded, Sir, of the friendly disposition of the
French republic towards that of America, and I shall continue
to render a faithful account of it, for I sincerely desire to
strengthen more and more the bonds, which unite the two coun
tries. Will you have the goodness to give me a copy of the de-
vol. n. 27

314 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
crees passed by the Convention, to which you did me the hon
or to refer ? Hitherto I have been unable, in my despatches,
to speak of them except in general terms, as they have not
been communicated to me in any other manner, than through
the very uncertain channel of the gazettes. I have the honor
to be, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

M. LEBRUN TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Translation. Paris, April 3d, 1793.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you addressed to me on
the 29th of last month.
The affection of the French Republic for the United States
is too marked to admit the possibility of an unfavorable inter
pretation being given to the accident, which befel you on the
28th instant. The precautionary measures taken on that day
extended to all the inhabitants of the city of Paris, and a proof
that they had no reference to you personally is, that at the mo
ment your name and rank were known, you obtained the jus
tice due to you.
The domiciliary visits were an equally general measure,
from which no house in Paris was exempt. I see with pleas
ure, that the Commissaries of the Section, who entered your
house, withdrew after the explanation, you gave them. The
respect, which they have shown you, is proof of the belief of
my fellow citizens, that the Minister of a free nation, an ally of
France, is incapable of receiving into his house disaffected
persons. The exemption, which you claim, would have had
the pernicious effect of affording the ill disposed a facility for
calumniating your motives, in order to disturb the entire har
mony, which subsists between the two nations.
I herewith send the papers, which you requested me to au
thenticate. I have the honor to be, fee.
Lebrun.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 315
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, April 4tb, 1793.
Dear Sir,
Enclosed you have copies of M. Lebrun's letters to me of
the twenty-sixth of March, mine to him of the twenty-eighth,
and his to me of the twenty-ninth. I also enclose under this
cover the journal of the debates and decrees. These will
give you the present state of our news up to the last even
ing. You will perceive, that all my conjectures respecting the
army of Dumouriez are more than realized. From the
letters of Custine you will perceive that he has been totally
defeated, for he found it necessary to fall back about forty
miles, leaving a garrison in Mayence, which must fall of course,
and we may hourly expect to hear of farther misfortunes in
that quarter. Perhaps the Prussian army may stop to besiege
Mayence, but I think a part of their force will be sufficient
for that purpose. The country, as I have mentioned in a
former letter, is universally indisposed to France, and I can
say on good information the same thing of Savoy.
It is now very fine weather in this city, and if the season
be proportionably advanced in other quarters, the campaign
will be soon opened on every side. There will be a great
want of bread before we have another harvest, unless peace
should take place. If Lisle and Valenciennes should surren
der at once, the campaign in that quarter will not be so much
advanced as might be apprehended, because as yet the m aga-
zines are not brought up, and time must be allowed for that
purpose. It seems indeed probable, that the enemy have taken con
siderable magazines belonging to France, but even these are
at some distance. I expect every hour to hear of an attempt
upon Givet or Maubeuge, and it would seem from the best in
formation to be had, that neither of these places can be defend-

316 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION,
ed long. In short, on every side, the horizon looks darkly.
Whether Dumouriez will be able to lead his army against Pa
ris, seems as yet uncertain. Perhaps iie may experience a
similar fate to that of Lafayette, but he is in much better cir
cumstances for a high game, and much -abler to play it. At
any rate, the enemy derive advantage from the squabble be
tween him and the Convention. Here they are not yet fully
apprised of their danger. Like those who die of a hectic,
hope gleams to the last, and the latest breath is spent in ex
pression of some splendid fancy. In the expiring struggles,
however, let them happen when they may, we shall experi
ence new horrors. Such, at least, is the probable chance.
The constant complaints on account of the capture of Ame
rican vessels, and the necessity of giving protection to such of
our countrymen, as are here, have prevented me hitherto
from leaving Paris. At present, the barriers are strictly guard
ed, and those who have applied lately for passports have been
disappointed ; but in a few days we shall know something
more upon this subject. The ministry seem to be in a fair way
towards an entire dissolution. In short, everything here is in
almost as much confusion as on the frontiers. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, April 5th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I did myself the honor of writing to you yesterday. Colo
nel Touzard, who takes charge of my letters, having been
detained a day longer, it furnishes the opportunity of sending
this day's gazettes, and such intelligence as is now arrived.
It appears that the army of Dumouriez is attached to him,
and will go all the lengths which he desires. What is worse,
is that the militia also adhere, so that he has all chances now
in his favor, and probably as soon as the magazines are duly

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 317
replenished he will advance, for under such circumstances we
are not to expect much' resistance from the frontier towns.
The affair of Custine has been very serious.
The garrison of Mayence is shut up in that town, and if it
capitulates the enemy will derive from the magazines lodged in
it the means needful for ulterior operations. Hence I conclude,
that such terms will be offered as will be accepted. Custine's
left flank is entirely open, and in all human probability the
several passes in the Vosges mountains will be occupied by
the column of Hessians, and in that case his retreat to France
becomes impossible, and he must make the best of it in
Alsace. Every hour is now big with important events, and
how matters will go in this city, the Lord knows. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, April 19th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
Since mine of the fifth, I learn that the militia have, in gene
ral, quitted the standard of Dumouriez, but he has about twelve
thousand of the regular troops, and there is reason to believe
that others mean to join him. The terror excited by his de
fection begins to subside, or rather it is suspended until some
great blow shall be struck. There seems to be more of trea
son in this country than Was imagined, and every day increases
suspicion, which, whether well or ill founded, has always the
effect of distracting the public councils.
Most people wonder at the delay of the Prince de Cobourg;
but, besides the necessity of collecting his magazines, artillery,
fee, which is a very heavy affair, I have reason to believe that
he waits until some other schemes are ready for execution,
and, therefore, it may be yet four or five days before he com
mences the siege of Valenciennes. Conde is a needful pre-
27*

318 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
liminary, as in that place he must receive the various supplies
which come up the Scheldt. It cannot hold out long.
You will observe that Dumouriez, and, after him, the Prince
de Cobourg, declare themselves in favor of the late Constitu
tion, with such alterations as the nation may adopt; and the
latter gives the most solemn assurances, that he will not meddle
with the internal affairs of France. His conduct is wise, and
will doubtless gain them a considerable party in the country, if
they act consistently with those declarations. It is said here,
(and those who say so to me, tell me that they speak on good
authority,) that the powers allied against France begin already
to be disunited. That they will disagree, if very successful,
there can be little doubt, because they are actuated by differ
ent interests and motives ; but, I think that at present, those
who assert the disunion rather speak from induction than from
information. Custine has retired, you see, to Weissenbourg,
and there he has a bad position. The enemy will probably
attempt to cut off his retreat, before they attack him in front.
As yet, we do not learn that the Austrians have crossed the
Rhine in Upper Alsace, and that will be, perhaps, a prelimina
ry to the operations against him.
As far as I can judge of the public mind, it appears that
there is a general state of suspense. Success, on either side,
will fix tbe opinions of a very great number, who will then act,
to show their sincerity. Here, they hang people for giving
their opinion in favor of Royalty, (that is, they cut off their
heads,) but yet, I am told, that such opinion is openly avowed
and supported in the streets. I am told, that there is a majori
ty, even of the Convention, who think a King necessary ; but,
as they see the loss of their own lives, in connexion with the
re-establishment of the throne, it is not to be supposed that
they would tell such thoughts ; and, therefore, the information
may well be suspected. Time will show that there are among
them some false brethren; and, certainly, the most intelligent
must be convinced, that the republican virtues are not yet of
Gallic growth.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 319
The Duke of Orleans is in the way of reaping the fruits of
his conduct, being, as you will see, sent a prisoner to Marseilles.
The storm thickens all around us ; but, as yet, one cannot cer
tainly determine how it will burst. The attempts made to ex
cite disturbances in Paris have hitherto proved ineffectual ; but
that stroke seems to be reserved for the moment when the
Deputies, now in commission in the departments, shall return.
It is possible, merely possible, that all may go off smoothly ;
but the chances are greatly the other way. I am, fee.
GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.
P. S. I should have mentioned that, I am told, there is a
plan in operation here to detach Great Britain from the con
federation, and to make a separate peace with her ; but I am
persuaded that the attempt, in itself vain, must fail, from the
parties said to be employed, if from no other cause.

TO M. LEBRUN, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Translation. Paris, May 14th, 1793.
Sir,
I have just learned that the National Convention, in its ses
sion of the ninth, has authorised French ships of war and priva
teers to stop, and bring into the ports of the Republic, neutral
vessels which shall be found loaded, wholly or in part, either
with eatables belonging to a neutral power, shipped for enemies'
ports, or with merchandize belonging to enemies, which mer
chandize is declared good prize.
I am ignorant, Sir, of the reasons which might explain the
motives that led to the making of this decree, but I think I
foresee, that the regulations just adopted by the Convention re
specting eatables, will be eagerly followed by its maritime ene
mies, and that in future the speculations of neutral commerce
will, in fact, depend on the naval superiority of the belligerent
powers.

320 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
As to the dispositions of the decree, with respect to enemies'
merchandize shipped on board neutral vessels, I might go in
to miuute observations on the subject, if this point were to be
decided upon by a treaty now to be made ; but this being al
ready definitely determined by the treaty of commerce, be
tween France and the United States of America, I will only
observe, Sir, that by the general terms in which the decree is
expressed, its provisions might be extended to American ves
sels, which certainly could not enter into the views of the
Convention. It seems to me then of immediate importance, that a decree
should be made supplementary to that of the ninth, limiting the
application of it, in accordance with justice and the good faith
of the French nation. I have the honor to be, fee. *
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Sainport, near Paris, May 20th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
You will see by the gazettes the state of affairs as given to
the public ; but much allowance must be made, as I have
already had occasion to mention. It is, however, clear that
the greater part of those troops, which adhered to Dumouriez,
have returned to their country and many to their standards.
It is evident, also, that the Prince de Cobourg's conduct in
holding out against the old constitution has been disapproved

* On this point M. Lebrun replied on the seventeenth of May. ' In
consequence of your reclamation, I wrote immediately to the Comiti
de Salut Public, desiring them to make a report of it to the National
Convention. The Committee approve your observations on the sub
ject, and they will without delay request the Convention to make an
exception in favor of neutral ships, which, by virtue of specific stipula
tions of commercial treaties, are not subject to the decree of the ninth.'

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 321
oy his masters and their associates, since he has found it pro
per to recall that proclamation ; but whether it be for what is
there said as to the government, or as to the territory of
France, may admit of doubt ; perhaps there may be a little of
both in the objections made against it.
The delay to be noticed in the operations of the allied
armies proves, in my opinion, two important facts ; one, that
they mean to leave as little as possible to chance, and, there
fore, wait the arrival of all their forces ; and, the other, that
the original plans of the campaign are to be steadily pursued.
Hence I infer, that the supposed disunion, mentioned in my
last, does not exist in any essential degree. It seems that the
Austrian artillery -was not come up, until very lately, so as to
open the trenches against Conde, which hitherto has been
rather invested than besieged. It seems also that the Han
overian troops have come on so slowly, as to have given every
advantage to the French armies in Holland, if the successes
of the Prince de Cobourg in Flanders had not rendered the
proposed invasion abortive. However, the period being now
arrived, about which it might reasonably be expected that the
weather would permit of offensive operations, and the coun
try afford resources to the cavalry of the armies, we shall
soon know somewhat of the comparative strength of parties.
On the northern frontier, they have to besiege not only
Conde, but Valenciennes, Bouchain, and Cambray, in order
to open a road in the direct line of advance ; besides which,
it would seem, that they want Douay and Arras on the right,
with Bavay and Maubeuge on the left, to cover their flanks.
Hence results the formation of seven sieges after Conde, in
order to open the road fairly to Paris, while on the sea coast
they would want only Dunkirk and Calais ; after which, they
might march surely along the coast, taking possession of the
ports, and erecting slight works to cover their retreat, should
retreat become necessary. I am persuaded, therefore, that
the main efforts will be made still in that last direction, unless
intelligences are established in the towns on the other route.

322 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
I learn, but on slender authority, that the citizens of Valen
ciennes and the regular troops are not disposed to resist.
The militia, or volontaires, are, however, well determined. I
know that the government are very apprehensive as to Nor
mandy, and I still believe in a descent there, and consequent
revolt. You will have seen that the insurgents on the south
west of the Loire have had hitherto very great success,
although the gazettes have teemed with accounts of the vic
tories obtained over them. That they have hitherto received
no succor from abroad, confirms me in my opinion, that the
main blow is to be struck on the side of Normandy, unless
indeed the enemies of France are absolutely blind.
I learn that the army of Biron has suffered very severely
in the defeats, all published as victories gained over the Pied-
montese. However, as yet the French territory, notwith
standing the numerous foes, remains untouched, though on all
sides greatly menaced.
Enclosed you have copies of my letters of the twenty-
eighth of April and fourteenth instant to M. Lebrun, the
minister of Foreign Affairs, with that of his answer of the
seventeenth, and my reply of to day. These pieces require
no comment. I have, fee. GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS.

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS, LISBON.
Sainport, near Paris, June 5th, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
When yours of the twenty-eighth of January reached me,
(long after it was written) the war with Spain, with — (but to
cut short all enumeration,) the European world, put it out
of my power to send you an answer. I write now merely to
take the chances which may offer, and to tell you that I stil
exist. I will tell you further, that I am here on the banks of
the Seine, in a neat little house, in a pretty little garden, with

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 323
some green trees, and more green grass than my neighbors,
for you will observe, that we are so scorched by a long
drought, that, in spite of all philosophic notions, we are begin
ning our processions to obtain the favor of the bon Dieu.
Were it proper for un homme public et protestant to inter
fere, I should be tempted to tell them', that mercy is before
sacrifice. I remember that about a year (or indeed eighteen
months) ago, I was desired in a large society to draw the ho
roscope of France, to which I answered, that it might be done
in three words Guerre, Famine, Peste. This, which appeared
to me at the time more than possible, has long been certain as
to a part, and but too probable for what remains. I pray God
the prediction be not fully accomplished.
I will not speak to you of news or of politics, because I will
give no temptation to interrupt my letter, and because the
contents would not deserve the name of news, when they
should happen to arrive. Adieu, my dear Sir.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Sainport, June 12th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I have now the honor to transmit the copy of the decision
made by the municipality of Dunkirk, on the third instant, re
specting the ship Fame, which I received last night, in a letter
from that place, of the seventh, which informs mc that the
ship had then sailed.
I have just now written to M. Lebrun, (who, by the bye, is
era etat d'arrestation) a letter of acknowledgment, a copy of
which is enclosed. I did this the more readily, because I
shall have new complaints to make,, in all human probability,
for in the best regulated governments it is difficult to prevent
the violation of the rights of neutral powers, and much more
so, where, in the tempest of a revolution, government resem-

324 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
bles more a weathercock, marking from whence the hurricane
comes, than a tower to resist its force. Whenever a good
opportunity presents itself, I shall take the liberty to hazard
my opinion on the late events, for 1 cannot say revolution, be
cause it is not quite determined whether that shall be the con
ventional appellation of what passed in the end of May. I
am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, June 13th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
It has long since been observed, that, of the three millions of
livres given by the court of France to aid us in the commence
ment of our revolution, one million was unaccounted for by the
hands into which it was paid. The date of the payment is
fixed to have been the 10th of June, 1776. But to whom it
was paid has never been known. Suspicions are, that it was
to Beaumarchais ; and that with this very money he purchased
the supplies furnished us by him, for which large sums have
been paid him already, and a farther large sum is lately certi
fied to be due to him as the balance of that account. I enclose
you a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury on this subject,
with all the papers relative to the same, which his office can
furnish ; and as you are on the spot, I must beg the favor of
you to make an immediate aud thorough investigation of it. '
No reasons of State can now exist for covering the transaction
longer under mystery.
I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Thomas Jefferson.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 325
*•
TO M. LEBRUN.
Translation. Sainport, June 19th, 1793.
Sir,
I have just received the copy of a declaration, made by the
captain and crew of the American ship, the Little Cherub,
which proves that this ship, having taken on board thirty French
passengers, whom the Spanish government had sent away,
conducted them to Havre ; which place he left on the third in
stant, provided with a passport from the Executive Council, for
going to Hamburg ; that, on the evening of the sixth, being
then near Dunkirk, he was taken by the privateer, le Vrai
Patriote, and the lugger, VArgus, belonging to the Republic,
and conducted to this latter port ; that the captain and crew
have been very ill treated, although they made no resistance ;
and that the French having entire possession of the American
ship, one of them seized the second mate by the collar, and
without the slightest provocation blew his brains out. Facts
of so serious a nature oblige me, Sir, to make complaint to
you, and earnestly beg that a strict search may be made into
this business, and in case they should be proved to be such as
they were represented to me, that the murderer may be pun
ished with death.
I was much astonished, Sir, to learn, some days since, that
the Convention had repealed, on the 28th of last month, its de
cree of the 23d, and that consequently the provisions of the
decree of the 9th, acknowledged to be contrary to the treaty
by that of the 23d, were again in force. I could not believe
it, but a copy of the decree has been sent to me.
I see that the Committee of Public Safety, in conjunction
with that of the Marine, was charged with making a definitive
report on this affair, in the course of three days. It is very
important to pass a definitive resolution respecting it, for the
fate of a rich cargo is already depending on it, and we must
expect to see contests of this kind multiply, in which cupidity
vol. n. 28

326 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
on one side, and fear on the other, give rise to calumnious in
sinuations, which lead persons of little information to believe,
that national decisions are influenced by individual interests.
I have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

M. LEBRUN TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Translation.
Paris, June 21st, 1793.
Sir,
I hasten to reply to the letter, which you did me the honor
to write to me on the nineteenth instant.
Infinitely pained at the afflicting details contained in that
letter, I thought it my duty to communicate it immediately to
the Comite de Salui Public, a. copy of whose report I send
herewith. You will here find a sincere expression of senti
ments, which I approve, and of the opinion of the Executive
Provisory Council. I have the honor to be, fee.
Lebrun.
Report of the Comite de Sdlut Public.
The Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States has just
exhibited complaints of a very serious nature against a viola
tion of the right of nations, and of treaties concluded with free
Americans. If the statements set forth therein are accurate, it is not on
ly the interest of the Republic, but the part of honor and jus
tice, to avenge this atrocious violation of all law, and to give
to the captain of the Little Cherub every satisfaction, which
is due to him. This crime is so much the more punishable,
as the captain had sailed from Havre, for the purpose of taking
from that place a large number of our brethren inhumanly
driven from Spain, and thus the captures have, in his case, in
fringed not only the laws of war, but those of hospitality and
gratitude.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 321
The Minister of the United States makes complaint, also,
that the decree of the twenty-third of May, which orders that
ships of the United States shall not be comprised in the dis
positions of that of the ninth of May, has been repealed by the
decree of the twenty-eighth, and that a definitive report,
which, by the terms of the decree, ought to have heen made
three days afterwards by the Comite de Salut Public, and that
of the Marine united, has not yet been presented. The con
sequence of this delay is, that several American vessels, and,
among others, one with a very rich cargo, have been sequester
ed, to the great prejudice of the owners and masters.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs thinks it his duty to insist
strenuously on a prompt decision, concerning these complaints
of the American Minister. He observes, that, besides the
ties of fraternity, which unite the two nations', the Republic has
the strongest interest to favor the free Americans, and to take
their vessels under its special protection. The United States
are becoming more and more the granary of France and her
colonies ; they manifest the best dispositions to aid us ; and
the courage which they have manifested in formally recogni
zing the French Republic, in spite of the menaces and intrigues
of England, prove that their friendship for us is above all politi
cal and interested views, which might be thought to incline
them to follow the direction which England, Spain, and Hol
land have vainly endeavored to give them.
In view of these consideration it is evident, that the murder
committed on board the Idttle Cherub ought to be severely
punished ; that the captain should receive ample indemnity, as
well for the loss and injury sustainedfon board, as for the de
lays he experienced ; and that, in conformity with the six
teenth article of the treaty of commerce between France and
the United States, American vessels should enjoy fully, and
without any exception, the advantage which results from their
neutrality, in as much as this neutrality facilitates the supplies
of provisions to the Republic and to her colonies.

328 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Sainport, June 25th, 1793".
Dear Sir,
This will, I expect, accompany my last, of the twelfth
instant, no opportunity having offered since it was written. I
do mvself the honor to enclose herein the copy of what I wrote
on the nineteenth instant to M. Lebrun, respecting an atrocious
violation of our Flag, and respecting a very extraordinary step
taken by the Convention in the repeal, on the motion of a
member, of the decree by which our ships were exempted
from the seizure, to which those of others were exposed. I
was informed that the object of the decree I complain of was,
to effect the confiscation of a large cargo belonging to citizens
of the State of South Carolina, and which has been some time
since acquitted at Havre ; but an appeal was made from the de
cision of the court, though grounded on the clearest principles.
The captors then declared, that they would obtain a decree
for the confiscation, by meaus of their friends in the Conven
tion, and sometime afterwards that of the ninth of May
appeared, in which a retrospective clause covered precisely
the object they had in view.* Such a coincidence of cireum-

* The articles of this celebrated decree of May 9tb, are as follows;
' Art. i. Ships of war and privateers are authorised to seize and
carry into the ports of the Republic, merchant vessels which are wholly
or in part loaded with provisions, being neutral property, bound to an
enemy's port, or having on board merchandize belonging to an enemy.
' Art. n. Merchandise belonging to the enemy is declared a lawful
prize, seizable for the profit of the captor." Provisions being neutral
property, shall be paid for at the price they would have sold for at the
port where they were bound.
'Art. in. On every occasion neutral vessels shall be immediately
released, the moment the provisions found on board are landed, or the
seizure of the merchandize shall be effected. The freight shall be
settled at the rate paid by the charterers; a proper compensation
shall be granted for the detention of the vessels by the tribunals, who
are ready to adjudge the prizes.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 329
stances was somewhat remarkable. However, I made no
allusion to it in my first application, which, as you will have
seen, produced the desired effect, being the decree of the
twenty-third of May.* The interested parties, as soon as this
decree was passed, went to work, as I was afterwards
informed, and by force of money, as my informant says, pro
duced the decree of the twenty-eighth. Certain it is, that the
former was not sent to be enregistered until after the latter had
passed, and then both were immediately forwarded together.
It did not become me to give ear to calumnious suggestions,
nor yet could I be totally deaf to a matter of such general
importance to the* United States. You will perceive, in the
close of my letter to M. Lebrun, some general observations,
which will render the corrupted members (if such there be) a
little more cautious. I shall enclose herewith M. Lebrun's
answer of the twenty-first instant to mine of the nineteenth. I
had directed Mr Coffyn, the agent at Dunkirk, to cause a
prosecution to be commenced against the murderer of our
fellow citizen.
In a letter written long since, I mentioned to you, Sir, that
I was in quest of Monsieur M. I have since found him and
conversed with him. He* is immensely rich, but seems to
have been the father of bis own fortune, amassed, as fortunes
frequently are, without rendering the possessor respectable.
If I can judge from his countenance, the inquiry was set on
foot in the hope of negative answers, and the affirmative is, of

'Art. iv. These tribunals shall cause to be made out, within three
days after the judgment has been given, a copy of the manifest of the
provisions and goods found on board, to the Minister of Marine, and
another copy to the Minister for Foreign Affairs.'
*, ' The National Convention, titter having heard the report of its Com
mittee of Public, Safety, desiring to preserve tbe union established
between the French Republic and the United States of America,
decrees that the vessels of the United States are not comprised in the
regulations of the 9th of May, conformably to the 16th article of the
treaty, passed the 16th of February, 1778.'
28*

330 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
course, not pleasing. Certain it is, that he showed no inclina
tion to spare to the necessities of his nephews a part of his own
abundance; but this is the less reprehensible, in that he treats
himself no better than his needy relations.
Your favor of the twentieth of April reached me two days
ago,* and now I have those of the eighth of that month, and
twelfth and fifteenth of March. To the contents of the last
mentioned letter, I shall pay all due attention, whenever
opportunities can be found or made for the purpose. I am
happy to find, by what you say in the beginning of yours of the
twelfth of March, that your sentiments accord so entirely
with those, which I had the honor to expre'ss in mine of the
twenty-second of August, and that the conduct, which I had
thought it proper to pursue, is thereby justified. My corres
pondence with Mr Short will have shown you, Sir, that I have
been very far from questioning the principles which you state,
and 1 perfectly agree, that there is little difficulty or embarrass- ¦
ment in the application of clear principles, when the facts are
clear. But while events are doubtful, the feebleness of human
foresight may, I hope, be pardoned for hesitating, where things
of vast moment depend on the steps to be immediately taken.
A man of eminence in the late revolution, and who has since
left France, urged me much to go away shortly after the tenth
of August. As I had not, and have not, any reason to ques
tion, either on my own account, or on that of my country, the
sincerity of his advice, I could only examine the ground of his
judgment, which has always been esteemed a good one. We
differed in opinion ; but this sentiment he expressed strongly.
' In your case,' said he, £ I would go to England or Holland,
and from thence state the existing facts, and ask my Court to
decide on my conduct, without waiting for future events.' As
it was clear from hence, that his reflections turned principally
'Jefferson's Writings, Vol. iii. pp. 211, 214.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 331
on my personal situation, I told him that my conduct would be
influenced by considerations totally different ; and, therefore,
conceiving it to be most conducive to the interests of the Uni
ted States, I should stay.
In the present moment, you will observe, Sir, by the public
papers, that a majority of the departments declare themselves
against the authority of the present Convention, after the ar
restment of their fellow members, just as in the month of June
last, a similar majority declared their execration of the at
tempts on Louis the Sixteenth. But who will venture to tell us
what August is to produce f No small part of France is in
open war with the rest; and wherever the insurgents arrive, it
appears that the whole country is friendly to them ; so that, if
one were to judge by what passes in that quarter, France
would be nearly unanimous in the re-establishment of royalty,
should they come in force to Paris. Then the established prin
ciple of administration would undoubtedly be, that all which
has been done within the last year was, an abominable usurpa
tion, fee. fee. And without questioning our principles of gov
ernment, they might dissent from the application of them, by the
subtle distinction between the voice of a nation, and what would
then be called the voice of a faction. Under circumstances
of this sort, I am particularly happy to have received your or
ders, which I shall implicitly obey. Accept, I pray you,
my sincere thanks for having given them so opportunely.
I will apply to the Minister for the orders you wish respect
ing payments to our citizens, and I make no doubt that they
will be transmitted. And, indeed, I should suppose that if,
without such orders, the payments were made by the treasury
of the United States, the government of this country (let what
ever government may be established) would allow the justice
of a deduction to the amount from what we owe. It is possi
ble that we may hereafter have occasion to insist on that prin
ciple, among other reasons, because of the plundering of our
ships, of which complaints are daily made to me ; and which
the present government of this country is too feeble to prevent.

332 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
Doubtless there are many things of the sort, which do not
come to my knowledge ; for, in some cases, the masters and
crews, being taken out of the American ships and put on board
the privateers, are carried very far from where their vessels
arrive, and put on shore where chance directs or circumstances
permit ; and, as many of the privateers are taken by British
cruisers, some of our citizens may find their way to England,
and some to the British colonies and foreign possessions.
I am very happy to find that it has been in the will, and in
the power of the United States, to make advances for the col
ony of St Domingo, and also to send supplies of bread to this
country. On the 27th of September I mentioned to you the
plan of a speculation, on drafts to have been made on the United
States, could my concurrence have been procured. Events
have shown that this speculation would have been a good one
to the parties, who would have gained, (and the French na
tion, of course, have lost) about fifty thousand pounds sterling,
in less than eighty thousand. I was informed at that time, that
the disappointed parties would attempt to have me recalled, and
some more tractable character sent, who would have the good
sense to take care of his own interest. Well, Sir, nine months
have elapsed, and now, if I were capable of such things, I
think it would be no difficult matter to have some of them
hanged. Indeed, it is highly probable that they will experi
ence a fate of that sort. It is a year ago, that a person, who
mixed in tumults to see what was doing, told me of a Sans
Culotte who, bellowing against poor Lafayette, when Petion
appeared, changed at once his note to vive Petion, and then
turning round to one of his companions; ' Vois tu ! C'est notre
ami, n'est ce pas'? Eh bien, ilpassera comme les autres.' And
lo ! the prophecy is fulfilled ; and I this instant learn that Pe
tion, confined to his room as a traitor or conspirator, has fled, on
the twenty-fourth of June, 1793, from those whom he sent, on
the twentieth of June, 1792, to assault the King in the Tuile-
ries. In short, you will find in the list of those, who were or
dered by their brethren to be arrested, the names of those who

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 333
have proclaimed themselves to be the prime movers of the
revolution of the tenth of August, and fathers of the Re
public. I am hurt and vexed at the delay of my letters. By what
you say of the advices you had received on the eighth of April,
mine, down to the thirteenth of February, ought to have reach
ed you by that time ; and, indeed, notwithstanding the length
of winter passages, there was room enough for their arrival.
But the mischief arises from the ports where vessels are put
up, as to sail on one day named, and some four or five weeks
after, we learn that they are still detained.
I have not yet received the plans of the federal town, which
you were so kind as to send, which I am sorry for, because, if
there is any part marked out for sale in Europe, I think, in
the present critical moment, purchasers would be found. By
the bye, I think a plan might be formed for purchasing land,
and building houses there, by way of actions, but I shall not
dwell thereon at present, and will write more fully about it,
when I receive the plans and letters accompanying them.
By the first very good conveyance which may offer, I will
send out the dies you order. At present I have none such,
and only time to write by the person who takes this with him,
and who is to sail from Havre for New York. I would rather
give them in charge to some one who is himself going over, for
great neglects happen in the ports, as I know by frequent ex
perience. Mr Pinckney has doubtless informed you long since, that
Mr Droz declines going out to America.* There was some
misunderstanding on the subject, between him and Mr Short,
which he entered into a long history of, and desired me to
communicate it to you, for whom he expressed the .utmost de
ference and respect. As I found it to be impossible to get him
into the service of the United States, which was the main ob-

*To fill the office of Chief Coiner in the Mint.

334 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ject, I thought it unnecessary to trouble you with a long chap
ter of little sorenesses, which were, I could clearly see, the ef
fect of prudent caution in Mr Short, on the irritable delicacy
of the Artist. I am sorry, however, for the thing,, because the
conversation I had with him, and the inquiries I made, lead
me to believe that he would have been a very faithful and use
ful officer.
The assurances you give in your letter of "the twentieth of
April, that our fellow citizens are disposed to preserve an ex
act neutrality, give me sincere pleasure, as you will find from
what I took the liberty to say on that subject in former letters.
I fear that the frequent violations of our neutrality by the pri
vateers, fitted out in the French ports, may provoke a change of
sentiment. I labor incessantly to keep things quiet in that re
gard, and I think it likely that some of my countrymen may
think me too much attached to France, because I do not enter
into the violence of their resentments, for which there is, as
you will see, more ground than I choose to acknowledge to
them. How long the war may last I know not ; but this I know,
that it is very much our interest not to be drawn into it. The
new constitution, upon which, at present, I shall make no re
marks, but send you a copy, may, if adopted with enthusiasm,
be the means of lengthening out the struggle, in which case
France, or rather the ruling party in France, might triumph
over all opposition. Otherwise, it would seem, humanly
speaking, that if there be aperfect accord between the differ
ent powers without, and the royalists within, this campaign
must put an end to the whole affair. Yet who can answer for
the contingencies of war and the fluctuations of opinion ? I
have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 335
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Sainport, near Paris, June 25th, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
I have just received yours of the twenty-fifth of March.
Not having had time to read the gazettes , which are but just
(and but in part) arrived, I cannot from them derive the in
formation you allude to, but my first glance at them shows
what I am sorry to se%, and from thence I am induced to
quote a sound maxim from an excellent book. ' A house di
vided against itself cannot stand.'
As to your re-acceptance, Sir, you know my sentiments,
which on that, as on some other subject, are, I think, unchange
able. It wil lbe time enough for you to have a successor, when
it shall please God to call you from this world's theatre. If
such successor is then able to fill the President's chair, it will
be matter of surprise to those, who can from a competent idea
of the office, but during your life I consider the thing as utter
ly impossible. And do not imagine, my dear Sir, that you can
retire, though you may resign. You will in such case become
the man of the opposition, however your good sense may differ
from their madness, and your virtue from their villany. De
pend on it, theyw ill cite you as being of their sentiment. If
you are silent you assent, and if you speak you are committed.
In the mean time your poor successor is obliged to struggle
under all the weight of your reputation, as well as that of the
office ; and he must be a strong man who can carry either ; of
course a very rash man who would attempt to take up both.
I am very happy to find, that the determination to maintain
a strict neutrality is so general in America. I shall not dwell
on that topic, because my several letters to Mr Jefferson con
tain enough of it to weary your patience. By the bye, I am
mortified more than I can tell you, at the delay my letters ex
perience in their passage. I task my mind to its utmost bent
to discover those events, which are most likely to happen, in
order that (so far at least as my judgment can be relied on)

336 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
you may be duly prepared, and after all you hear of the event
before my almanac comes out. This is provoking, and would
be much more so, did I not find from experience that the
things I wish are done as well, and perhaps better than if my
conjectures had reached you.
I trust that long ere this you will have received what I had
the honor to write on the twenty-eighth December, sixth and
tenth January, and fourteenth February. You will have seen
that in the end of last month and beginning of this, the long
expected insurrection took place, by which a new set of men
are brought into power. Sould the present society be able to
establish themselves, I think M. Genet will have a successor ;
and if, the revolution completed, things return to the point
from whence they started, I am sure M. Genet will have a
successor. As to those who rule, or rather the few by whom
they are directed, you may depend that they have just ideas
of the value of popular opinion. They are not, however, in
a condition to act according to knowledge, and should they be
able to reach a harbor, there will be quite as much of good luck
as of good management in it. At any rate, a part of the crew
will be thrown overboard. It is my opinion that the mem
bers of the Convention lately arrested will do nothing, for the
greater part of them have only parole energy ; and if I were
called on by any cogent motive to act, it should be in conform
ity to that idea. In my letter to Mr Jefferson of this day I
tell him, that I shall implicitly obey his orders ; but this is in
reply to the broad hint, that my embarrassments may have
arisen from inattention to the principles of free government.
You may rely, Sir, that I shall be cautious to commit the
United States as little as possible to future contingencies. In
my last letter I gave you my idea of popularity ; ,
I have never thought that three parties would conveniently
exist in any one country, and therefore it seems to me that
one of those into which they who call themselves democrats
are divided, must join the royalists. I do not inquire what
negotiations are carried on to that effect, for I have no desire

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 337
to meddle with such affairs, directly or indirectly, and should
be very sorry to have the appearance of siding with any one
party or faction whatever, being convinced that I can best do
the business of the United States by keeping aloof from them
all. Those who command the royal or Christian army, as they
call themselves, on the Loire, are good officers. Their ene
mies have, in my mind, passed the highest eulogium on them,
in saying that the soldiers are brought to such a pitch of folly
and madness, as to rush on, armed only with clubs, and pos
sess themselves of the artillery to whose fire they were expos
ed. As far as I have been able to learn, they profess them
selves the friends of order and justice, and act conformably to
such professions, protecting both persons and property wher
ever they arrive, and paying for whatever they take. Hence
it happens, that their dominion is constantly extending itself,
and if they should get possession of Nantes, which seems to be
their present object, they will be truly formidable, because
then by means of the Loire a passage will be opened into the
heart of the kingdom for as many troops as foreign powers
may choose to send thither, or if they should prefer fighting
the battle with Frenchmen, they need only furnish money and
warlike stores, and they would have as many men as they
please, and the most fertile part of France to subsist in.
Farewell, my dear Sir; may God bless and keep you, not
merely for your sake, and still less for that of your friends, but
for the general good of our country.
Gouverneur Morris.
vol. ii. , 29

338 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
W. DEFOKGUES, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, TO GOUVER
NEUR MORRIS.*
Translation. Paris, June 27th, 1793.
Sir,
My predecessor has sent me a letter, which you wrote to
him on the nineteenth instant, demanding reparation for an
outrage committed on board the American ship, Little Cher
ub. The report made on this subject has been transmitted
to you.
The numerous occupations of the Comite de Salut Public
riot having yet allowed them to pursue the matter, I have
thought it my duty to press a decision by a letter, of which I
send you a copy, and I hope to announce to you in a short
time the reparation you demand in the name of your constitu
ents. I seize with eagerness this occasion to assure you, that
the change of the chief in the department of Foreign Affairs
will, in no degree, influence the amicable dispositions, which
have hitherto existed in your political relations with this de
partment. These dispositions are those of the whole nation,
and every agent of the French people should be obliged to
conform himself thereto, even if he had not, as in my case,
the highest esteem, and fraternal attachment for the United
States. I trust, Sir, that events more propitious, than those now in
question, will become the subject of our correspondence, and
that, instead of reparations, I shall have to announce to you
only the spontaneous testimonies of the friendship of all my
fellow citizens for their allies. I have the honor to be, fee. '
Deforgues.

* M. Lebrun, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, was em
braced in the decree of arrest, passed by the Convention on the
fifth of June.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 339

TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation. Sainport, June 27th, 1793.
Sir,
The United States of America, faithful to their friendship for
the French nation, in compliance with the request made them
by M. Ternant,* have engaged in the assistance of St Do
mingo, in consequence of the decree passed by the National
Assembly ; and the payment of the four millions, which oc
casioned that decree, has been completed. In consequence of
this same friendship, and in conformity to another request of
M. Ternant, the necessary arrangements have been made for
placing at the disposal of this Minister a sum of three mil
lions, which is to be appropriated to the purchase of provisions
for France.
The government of the United States, in communicating to
me the measures which I have the honor to lay before you,
has informed me, that the administration of the Colony of St
Domingo had purchased several cargoes, sent to, that island by
American merchants, that it had seized others, and that in
payment of the whole it had given drafts on the representative
of the French nation at Philadelphia, who, for want of funds,
has been unable to honor them. No one suspects that France
will fail to discharge at last a debt so sacred ; but in a case
of this kind, delays are very prejudicial to the persons concern
ed. Consequently, Sir, I have received orders to solicit from
the French Republic instructions to her Minister in Philadel
phia to answer these drafts, by appropriating to this purpose a
part of the funds to be paid to him by the Treasury of the
United States. I have the honor to be,
Gouverneur Morris.

* At that time French Minister in the United States.

340 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation.
, Sainport, June 28th, 1793.
Sir,
I have just received your letter of yesterday, and it gives
me much pleasure to be able to congratulate you upon your
nomination, at the same time that I thank you for the friendly
sentiments you do me the honor to express for the United
States, as well on your own part, as on that of the French na
tion. The good will of the United States is by no means
equivocal, and my personal attachment to France is of long
standing, and sincere. I shall therefore feel double pleasure,
whenever opportunities occur for giving new strength to the
bonds which unite the two nations. I most ardently desire,
that nothing may disturb the harmony subsisting between
them. Permit me, Sir, at this time, to renew to you my solicita
tions respecting the decree of the Convention of May 28th.
1 learn with satisfaction the daily arrival of wheat and flour,
sent to you from America, but I feel some uneasiness respect
ing that which has not yet arrived. Indeed, how can the en
emies of France be prevented from following, with regard to
us, the example she has set them, and especially England,
who, not being restrained by the faith of treaties, (since we
have made none with her,) will follow no impulse but that of
her own interests. And how can we complain of it, after tbe
marked preference we have given to France, and the decree
of the 9th of May ?*
I say nothing to you, Sir, of the impression which this decree
will necessarily produce in America. I would rather that

* As an act of reprisal for the decree of May 9th, England de
clared, on the 9th of June, all the ports of France to be in a
state of blockade against neutral ships, laden with provisions and
destined to those ports. Such ships were to be stopped, and taken
into British ports.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 341
such considerations should be presented to you, by your own
reflections, than in consequence of mine. But it is of moment
that the Convention should come to a definitive decision, be
cause this delay, leaving the decree in force, exposes you to
all the Inconveniences which must result from it, and without
any advantage. I ought moreover to observe to you that it
will be very difficult, and perhaps impossible, to prevent your
privateers from committing illegal artd outrageous acts, as long
as they are permitted to bring into your ports all the Ameri
can vessels laden with eatables for countries at war with
France. I receive many complaints to this effect, and often
what was destined for another port is brought into a French
one, which is the cause of great inconveniences. I have the
honor to be, Gouverneur Morris.

M. DEFORGUES TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Translation. Paris, July 3d, 1793.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to
write on the 27th of last month.
It is unfortunate, that the administration of St Domingo did
not make arrangement with the French Minister in Philadel
phia, to provide the means for paying their drafts. I have
'given to citizen Genet the necessary instructions for meeting
them. The government of the Republic has already charged
that Minister to testify to the President of the United States,
its just estimate of the efforts made by our compatriots to suc
cor the inhabitants of St Domingo. This act has confirmed
the opinion, which we have always entertained of their attach
ment to the French Republic.
The National Convention, justly indignant at the violences
committed on board the Little Cherub, have passed the de
cree, of which I enclose a copy. I hope the reparations or-
29*

342 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
dered by the Representatives of the people will appear to
you satisfactory.
I send likewise a copy of a decree, which exempts Ameri
can ships from the dispositions of the decree of May 9th. I
am happy to have it in my power to give this new proof of the
fraternal sentiments of the French people for their allies, and
of their firm determination to use every means in their power
to maintain tbe treaties, which subsist between the two Repub
lics. I have the honor to be, Deforgues.

TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation. Sainport, July 4th, 1793.
Sir,
I have just received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write me on the third, with the accompanying copies of the
decrees. The reparation enjoined by the representatives of
the French nation is worthy of its justice, and consequently
the United States will be perfectly satisfied with it.
They will also discover, Sir, in that which exempts their
vessels from the dispositions of the decree of May ninth, a
new proof of the fidelity of the French in fulfilling their en
gagements. I shall give them an account, at the same time, of
the instructions which you have the goodness to send to citi
zen Genet. I beg you, Sir, to accept the assurances of my
gratitude for the promptness with which you have attended
to this business.
Gouverneur Morris.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 343
TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation. Sainport, August 6th, 1793.
Sir,
I have had the honor of receiving your two letters of the
twenty-ninth and thirtieth July. I thank you for your atten
tion to the affair of the brig Patty, and your services in that of
the ship Laurens. I received, at the same time, a letter from
Havre, dated the first of this month, and with it the copy of a
decree, passed July twenty-seventh, upon the petition of the
owners and crew of the privateer, le Sans Culotte, of Honfleur.
This decree upholds the dispositions of that of May ninth,
relative to neutral vessels, and annuls all measures which may
contravene it.
I cannot think, Sir; after all the Convention has done in this
matter, that it has decided to break the treaty with the United
States of America. I therefore persuade myself, that its good
faith has been betrayed into passing the decree in question.
In any case, it is of great moment that we should know on
what to depend. The decree of May ninth was announced
to me from Havre, before it was passed. The means employ
ed to obtain it were pointed out to me ; but I persisted in be
lieving, that such means could never succeed, the rather, as
the interests of the French Republic seemed to me obviously
opposed to it. The decree, however, was passed. And you
see, Sir, that England has adopted its provisions. I have no
doubts that Holland and Spain will imitate her example, and that
the representations of the Ministers of the United States will
be met by this decree of May ninth. It has been twice sol
emnly repealed, in consequence of the representations which I
had the honor to make ; but it has twice been revived again,
at the solicitation of the same persons, and to obtain the con
fiscation of property, which I was assured was American.
I have been further assured, that the hope of the owners is

344 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
founded solely on the want of certain formalities, required by
the French laws, but not by ours, and in themselves unimpor
tant. I see, with regret, Sir, that great national interests thus
become the sport of petty intrigues, and I believe the Conven
tion will feel indignant at beholding the measures into which it
has been led, with regard to this subject. First, a decree is
surreptitiously obtained from it, which infringes its treaty with
the United States, and endangers the subsistence of the peo
ple, which they are expected to furnish in a time of scarcity.
Then this decree is modified with respect to the United States,
in conformity with the terms of the treaty, and the principles
of good faith. But, a few days after, these modifications are
annulled. Better informed, the Convention re-established
them, and notwithstanding this, some persons dared to declare
to the tribunal, that they should again be made void before the
thirty-first of July ; and in effect they succeeded in destroying
them on the twenty-seventh of that month.
It is for the wisdom, the justice of the Convention, Sir, to
decide at length this great question, and if it desires to main
tain the treaty, as 1 have every reason to believe, it will be pro
per to declare plainly and simply, that the treaty concluded
on the 6th of February, 1778, with the United States of
America, holds good in every point ; that every resolution op
posed to it is null, and that henceforward no decree can im
pugn it, unless the treaty be particularly designated. Such a
measure, Sir, would prevent all imposition, and, by showing
respect for the principles of good faith, would afford a new
proof of republican integrity. I have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Sainport. August 71h, 1793.

Dear Sir,
Enclosed herewith you will find my account up to the first
of last month. I did not send it sooner, because I wished to

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 345
comprise therein those of the Consulates, none of which are
come forward. I shall, therefore, write to them on the sub
ject. You will observe, that' I1 charge therein- twenty-four
livres, given to an American sea officer. He appeared to be,
and really was, in very great distress, so that I could not
avoid giving what I conceived needful to carry him to the
nearest seaport. He has since applied to me again repeated
ly, but he has been refused all farther aid.
You will find also a charge for engraving passports.
This became necessary, because from the time of my arrival,
or very shortly after it, the difficulties in the way of travelling
were so great, that people, with all the formalities required by
law, could scarcely get along ; and among the municipalities a
handsome piece of paper, with a seal to it, had much more
effect than the ministerial signatures. If, however, either or
both of these charges be deemed improper, let them be re
charged to me.
I sent out more pamphlets than those I have brought to
account, because, when an opportunity offered, I put up not
only those I had procured for your office, but all others which
were at hand, and which having been originally purchased for
my own information, I did not think it proper to charge them
to the United States.
I also enclose herein a table of the value of the Assignats,
compared with specie, for one year ending with the last of
June. During the month of July, they may be stated at
about twenty per cent ; but upon that value, as well as on
those contained in the table, it is necessary to observe first,
that the fluctuations of exchange are great ; so that, to deter
mine with precision the value requires information, which I
believe it is impossible to obtain. For instance, louis d'ors
have sometimes borne a premium of above five per cent
compared with silver ; and at other times have gone at par.
Nay, this change has taken place from one day to another ;
and on the same day there has been a difference of above five
per cent in the price of specie. It would be necessary, there-

346 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
fore, to know at which of two such different prices, the great
est sum was negotiated ; and also, in other cases, whether the
principal, negotiations were in gold or silver. At first sight,
indeed, it might be supposed that the metal of highest price
was the one principally bought ; but I am assured that this
rule did not hold good ; and as for the reason why it did not
hold, we must seek it in the trick of the day, or the lie of the
day. Sometimes, also, in the searchings and plunderings.
But, secondly, this table, however accurate it might be,
would not, I conceive, form a proper standard on which to
proceed in our custom houses, because the value of commodi
ties has been by no means dependent on that of the assignats.
The prices have considerably increased, but not proportionate
ly ; and the particular increase depends on the article, so that
a history of each would be necessary. Bread, although sup
plies have constantly been brought from abroad, has been
kept very nearly to the old standard. Flesh is more than
double. Vegetables four, or five, or six, times as dear as
formerly. Merchandizes for export have not risen in propor
tion. Wines and brandies were getting up rapidly, but the
war damped them. They took afterwards a great rise from
the demand of the armies, so that the low Burgundies were
getting up to the price of the high almost.
I am not enough acquainted with the subject to go into the
needful details, and only say thus much, to show that mer
chandizes did not depend for price on the- same principles
as the precious metals, since these last were purchased by
the Nation for its armies, by the emigrants for their support,
and by people in general, as a resource in the moment when
paper should be decried.
Lastly, the price of specie did not go on regular principles
of apportionment or comparison with the mass of paper. In
the months of May or June, J 792, it rose, because the old
Ministers having purchased large sums of specie, their succes
sors found that they could dispense with immediate supplies.
In July, August, and September, notwithstanding the political

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 347
events, it was kept tolerably steady by the stockjobbing' ma
noeuvres, backed with the sums in the Treasury, and also by
the fear of plunder after the tenth of August ; for many were
plundered during the visiies domiciliares, and it was given out
by authority, that specie would be taken by force, and paper
given in exchange. The benefits, which those at the centre
of these operations expected to derive, were prevented by the
great, and unlooked for, successes of the French arms in Oc
tober and November. In the end of November, and in the
beginning of December, the proportion was about seventy-
three per cent, being higher than is stated in the table, be
cause in November, the exchange was lower in the beginning,
and in December at the end of the month; wherefore the
average of each is diminished.
In the month of December, the trial of the King, the proba
bility that he would be put to death, the consequences natural
ly resulting from that catastrophe, the certainty of another, and
more serious campaign, the situation of the asmies, and, in fine,
the' abundance of the Assignats, when the cold weather forced
back presumptuous hope into the region of austere reflection,
brought down the exchange to about sixty per cent. In Jan
uary it was tolerably steady at about fifty-eight, and in Febru
ary at about fifty-six. The paper during this period went on
in its natural course of gentle decay. In the beginning of
March it was still at about fifty-six ; but the successes of the
enemy shortly after reduced it to forty-eight. In the begin
ning of April, it was brought down to about forty-four ; so that
in one month's time it lost about one fifth of its value. From
that time it went on gradually again, being about forty-two at
the end of April, and then rapidly, so as to be about thirty in
the end of June, consequently the degradation monthly, for
those two months, was about one sixth each.
But in July it took a terrible plunge, viz. from thirty to
twenty, being one third of the value taken off in a few
days. This was owing, in part, to a view of public affairs
both foreign and domestic, and partly to stockjobbing manoeu-

348 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
vres" carried on by authority, with a view to ruin the stockjob
bers. These manoeuvres had, in part, their effect, for having
forced the exchange below its natural level, it rose towards the
end of the month, and, of course, those who speculated on a
farther fall were taken in. The prime movers did, indeed,
expect a wonderful rise, from the taking out of circulation
about 1,700,000,000 of livres, on which the king's head is
impressed ; but this stroke was broken, by the necessity of
confining it to one half the sum, being the large Assignats, because
the small ones dispersed in the hands of the Sans Culottes
might have deprived the government of the support of its
friends. But, besides this, the stroke was in itself a bad one, because
it injures the paper more by depreciating its credit, than it
benefits what remains by lessening the mass, even could the
mass be thereby lessened, which it is not, for all the effect is to
give- a different direction to the proscribed paper in those dis
tricts which respect the decree. Many people persist in be
lieving that the Assignats, with that condemned impression,' are
better than the others, and even that their value is increased
by the decree, which, drawing a line of division between
them, leaves the future government at liberty to annul the cir
culation now favored with an appearance of justice.
You will observe, that men calculate upon the dissolution of
the present system as on a datum, although the period, in
which it is to arrive, is considered as uncertain. It is far from
being impossible that they reckon without their host ; but the
opinion is as important as the thing in respect to a species of
money, whose value depends on opinion. Another circum
stance, which should have been taken into consideration, and
which was not duly weighed, is, that the value of the mass
of paper depends on the course in the capital, and there the
new Assignats must be rather more plentiful than the old ; of
course destroying the old cannot do much good to the new.
And, besides, the holders of the old, as well as the new, being
in effect the great money dealers, can by their united efforts

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 349
apportion the value to each as they please, and their common
interest will excite a common action ; and they have over the
government an advantage, which no power of legislation can
compensate, because they act with the paper in circulation,
and the government witfrthat which goes to increase the circu
lation, and which, of course, lessens the value which they wish
to increase.From all this I conclude, that the paper must go on-perish
ing day by day, and, like other consumptive patients, be alike
weakened by the doctor and the disease. On the whole, Sir,
to return to your original object, I believe the safest way in
America, and the most equitable, would be to value articles im
ported from this country at the prices of 1788. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Sainport, August 13th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
Enclosed herein you will find copies of my letters of the
twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth of June, and sixth of August,
to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, with copies of his letters
to me of the third, nineteeth, twenty-ninth, and thirtieth of July.
From these you will perceive, that my application for an or
der to the Minister of France in America to pay, out of the
funds to be furnished by the United States, the drafts made on
his predecessor from St Domingo, produced the desired effect.
Some subsequent circumstances have induced me to believe,
that under that cover an attempt will be made to pay the bills
drawn on Europe in favor of French citizens. I have certi
fied signatures which seemed to be calculated for that pur
pose ; but, as I presume that measures will be taken of a cau
tionary nature, I shall not pretend to suggest any.
You will perceive, Sir, in this correspondence one of the
many violations of our flag in the case of the Little Cherub,
vol. ii. 30

350 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
which, being attended with circumstances of peculiar atrocity,
called for more pointed animadversion. The conduct of the
government on the occasion was perfectly proper. The per
son, who committed the murder has, however, been acquitted
on the testimony of his companions, in direct contradiction to
that of the American master and crew. The case of the ship
is still depending, and I know not what will be the event. It
now appears that a part of the cargo on board of her was for
account of Flemish merchants, and to be delivered at Ostend.
But more of this presently.
I must, however, take the liberty of recommending to the
notice of government, Francis Coffyn, of Dunkirk, an old dep
uty of Mr Barclay, while he was Consul General. On many
occasions, especially in the affair of the Little Cherub, he has
behaved with much sense, spirit, and industry. The conduct
of such business is by no means pleasant, neither is it without
some personal danger, for, in the present situation of this coun
try, the laws are but little respected, and it would seem as if
pompous declarations of the rights of man were reiterated, on
ly to render the daily violation of them more shocking.
You will see, Sir, in my letter of the fourth of July, a
clause asking the liberty of an American citizen. In my ap
plications on that subject, I have been very cautious, fearing
that I might be deceived by British seamen, and, consequent
ly, that our countrymen might afterwards be without redress ;
as, in such case, the government here would throw all the
complaints aside as being unfounded. Among others, who
have asked the protection of the United States, are some Nan
tucket whalemen. And, at first, their requests were so artful
ly made, that I was near being the dupe. I have, however,
declined all interference in their favor, telling them that when
they embarked under a foreign and rival flag, they forfeited
by their own act the protection afforded by that of the United
States, and must console themselves in their present situation
by the privileges, which they formerly enjoyed, and which
tempted them to engage in the British service. This is the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 351
general idea I have held out, but differently modified accord
ing to the various circumstances, which individuals have
brought forward. These people are a sort of citizens of the
world, and, wherever they went, were the most pernicious en
emies to their native country ; because everywhere they so
licited, either exclusion of, or else heavy duties on, the pro
duce of our fisheries. At present, those who were settled
at Dunkirk have, I am told, engaged in privateering. Pro
bably, if the war lasts, the whole hive may settle again within
the territory of the United States, and the more they endure,
in the mean time, the sooner will they adopt that salutary de
termination. The decree respecting neutral bottoms, so far as it regards
the vessels of the United States, has, as you will see, been
bandied about in a shameful manner. I am told from Havre,
that it is by the force of money, that the determinations, which
violate our rights, have been obtained ; and on comparing
dates, events, and circumstances, this idea seems to be but too
well supported. I will make no comments on the facts,
because my opinions are of no consequence. The true state
of them will result from the enclosed pieces, and the United
States will judge thereon. I have, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation.
Sainport, August 20th, 1793.
Sir,
Four persons, who are sent to me by the Captains of Amer
ican vessels, a list of whose names I have the honor to send
you herewith, have arrived here from Bourdeaux. These
Captains represent to me that the owners of their respective
vessels sent them here, in consequence of the decrees passed
by the Convention in favor of American cornmerce, and with
the confidence that they would be permitted to transact their

352 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
business unmolested; that, relying on the public faith, pledged
by these same decrees, they brought here considerable cargoes
of grain, flour, and other provisions; that iu consideration of
the state of foreign exchange, the said cargoes have been ^old
at an immense loss ; that theyr have no mode of repairing this
loss, but to take in return commodities and articles manufac
tured in France; that many of them have freighted their
vessels to carry merchandize to the French colonies, for
French merchants; that the exportation of all merchandize
being prohibited, they will be obliged to discharge what they
have on board, and to depart in ballast, in consequence of
losing the considerable freight which had been stipulated.
I do not pretend, Sir, to interfere in the internal concerns
of the French Republic, and I am persuaded that the Conven
tion has had weighty reasons for laying upon commerce the
restrictions of which the American captains complain. The
result will nevertheless be, that this prohibition will seriously
aggrieve the parties interested, and will put an end to the
commerce between France and the United States, which was
beginning to be brisk, and promised us fortunate results. It is,
then, from a sincere desire to see the bonds of amity between
the two nations more closely drawn, that I beg you, Sir, to
have the goodness to examine whether there be not some way,
either by an exception to the law, or by especial permission,
to let the vessels of the United States depart, with their cargoes,
for the ports of the said States, or the French Colonies. I
have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, August 22d, 1793.
Dear Sir,
The letter of the 16th instant, with its documents accompa
nying this, will sufficiently inform you of the transactions which
have taken place between M. Genet, the Minister of France,

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 353
and the government here, and of the painful necessity they
have brought on, of desiring his recall. The letter has been
prepared in the view of being itself, with its documents, laid
before the Executive of the French government.* You will,
therefore, be pleased to lay it before them, doing everything
which can be done on your part, to procure it a friendly and
dispassionate reception and consideration. The President
would, indeed, think it greatly unfortunate, were they to take
it in any other light ; and therefore charges you very particu
larly with the care of presenting this proceeding in the most
soothing view, and as the result of an unavoidable necessity on
his part.
M. Genet, soon after his arrival, communicated the decree
of the National Convention of February 15th, 1793, authorising
their Executive to propose a treaty with us on liberal princi
ples, such as might strengthen the bonds of good will, which
unite the two nations ; and informed us in a letter of May 23d,
that he was authorised to treat accordingly. The Senate be
ing then in recess, and not to meet again till the fall, I apprised
M. Genet that the participation in matters of treaty, given by
the constitution to that branch of our government, would of
course delay any definitive answer to his friendly proposition.
As he was sensible of this circumstance, the matter has been
understood to lie over till the meeting of the Senate. You will
be pleased, therefore, to explain to the Executive of France this
delay, which has prevented as yet our formal accession to their
proposition to treat, to assure them that the President will
meet them with the most friendly dispositions, on the grounds
of treaty proposed by the National Convention, as soon as he
can do it in the forms of the constitution, and you will of
course suggest for this purpose,' that the powers of M. Genet
be renewed to his successor. I have the honor to be, fee.
Thomas Jefferson.

*See this letter, and the Documents, in Wait's American State Pa
pers, Vol. i. pp. 137, et seqq.
30*

354 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Sainport, September 22d, 1793.
Dear Sir,
My last was of the thirteenth of last month. This will ac
company a triplicate of what I had the honor to write on the
seventh of August, also some copies of letters to the Ministers.
By the bye, I shall cease to send you copies of my various
applications in particular cases, for they are so numerous, that
they will cost you more in postage than they are worth. I
suppose Mr Pinckney has his hands full of similar business,
for I learn, now and then, that the British privateers make as
free with our vessels as the French have done.
I understand that it is still in contemplation to repeal the de
cree I complained of, and that, in the mean time, it has not
been transmitted to the tribunals. We shall see, in effect,
that this decree can do very little harm, because the fleets of
this country are confined by those of the enemy, and the priva
teers by a decree of the Convention.
The exchange, during the last month, experienced great
shocks, owing to the violent measures pursued by the govern
ment to support it. On the whole, they have kept it at about
two and a half to three for one. But merchandizes have risen
rapidly in price, and must continue to rise ; among other rea
sons, which will easily suggest themselves to your mind, be
cause the compression on the paper mass in one place must
force it out in another. Even lands feel the effect, although
the market has been for two years, at least, greatly overstock
ed with that article.
The paralyzing of a part of the Assignats had, as I told you,
an effect which could be but momentary. A further decree
was therefore passed against them, whose effect also diminish
ed in the first moment. To prevent agiotage, the Effets
publics were ordered to be recorded, and the India Compa
ny's property was seized ; and as this was not sufficient, the
Caisse d'Escompte was abolished. Still the immense amount

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 355
raised by political gas, could not but bring down with it the
supporting balloons ; wherefore, at last the bankers and bro
kers were laid hold of. I am told that amid the menaces
against those who may remit to foreign countries, agents of the
government offered some bills cheap, and that the purchasers
were imprisoned as Gens suspects. However, experience
shows that evils inherent in the nature of things cannot be pre
vented, otherwise than by destroying the things themselves.
By the law, it is death to sell or buy specie, and yet specie is
publicly bought and sold every day.
You have, I hope, received the new constitution, which you
see is suspended, until the revolution shall be finished. You
will have seen also; that the party of the Girondes, or Brisso-
tins, is quite down ; but as yet none of them have been exe
cuted. Probably the first great misfortune will call them from
their dungeons as expiatory victims. I am not possessed of the
proofs which exist against them, and it is, you know, a maxim
of our law, that every man is presumed to be innocent, until
his guilt is proved. If one may judge from the infinite precau
tions taken, one would conclude that the very great majority
in this country is become royalist. I think I have already
mentioned my conviction, that there cannot long exist three
parties. It is said that the Brissotins, as soon as their adver
saries gained the upper hand, enlisted themselves, in secret,
under the royal banner ; but I think strong proof should be
required before that fact is admitted.
I do not mention to you the military events, because you
will learn them fully from the different gazettes, and because I
do not think military events decide so much as is generally
believed. If the success be nearly balanced, France is so far
victorious. But her resources are wearing away very fast, and
the period seems to approach when the state of her finances
will be of little moment, because the needful things will no
longer exist ; and, of course, they can neither be bought with
money, nor seized by force, nor obtained through solicitation.
—Will the allied armies push on to Paris ? What would be

356 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
the effect of their appearance? Two important questions.
To answer the first would be presumption, and to answer the
second would look like madness. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation.
Sainport, October 1st, 1793.
Sir,
I have the honor to send you herewith, the copies of two
judgments, rendered with regard to the American vessel, the
George. By the first, the tribunal, in conforming itself to the
treaty of 1 778,- declared her unlawful prize ; but by the sec
ond, a part of the cargo is condemned, as hostile property ;
and the tribunal has founded its decision upon the decree of
the twenty-seventh of July.
Captain Richard Stevens, of the American vessel, the
Hope, also complains very bitterly of a sentence rendered late
ly against a part of the cargo of this vessel, which is incontest-
ably American property. This captain informs me, that the
tribunal of St Brieu has founded its decision on the circum
stance, that in the invoice, the owners of the vessel had added
their commission to the price of the articles therein comprised ;
a thing in use among merchants, who by this means insuring
the whole shelter from maritime danger, the price of their
labor, as they do that of their merchandizes. I do not cite,
Sir, this sentence in the form of a complaint, first, because
I have not yet received an authentic copy of it, and above all,
because I am persuaded that the superior tribunal, to whom an
appeal must be made, will not fail to render justice.
I desire only to let you see, Sir, how much discontent the
execution of the decree of the 27th of July must excite.
, Persuaded that the Convention wishes to maintain the clos
est connexions between our two Republics, I have given to
our Ministry the most positive assurances of it ; but they will

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 357
be contradicted by the injured persons, who doubtless will ac
cuse the Minister with supineness, who does not adopt the feel
ings of his fellow citizens ; and my efforts will fail of their ef
fect, as soon as it can be imagined, that I do not render a faith
ful account of the dispositions of the French Republic, from
the want of intelligence or exactness.
I request you, Sir, to pardon an observation which regards
the particular interests of France. The circumstances of the
moment prevent the fitting out of privateers, consequently, it
would cost her nothing to cause the treaty to be observed with
the greatest exactitude. Then the contrast, which the Ameri
cans would make between the conduct of France, and that of
her enemies, could not but be favorable ; but at present, on the
contrary, every time we complain of the conduct of the Eng
lish, they shut our mouths by this decree of the 27th of July.
Nothing is more embarrassing for our Minister at London, and
nothing can be more- injurious to the French Republic, in the
opinion of the neutral powers.
I hope, Sir, that you will observe in the freedom of the ob
servations I have just made to you, the amicable and fraternal
dispositions, which have dictated them. I am sure, at least, of
conforming to the views of the United States, in following my
own inclination, to remove everything that might change the
good harmony, which exists between two nations, allied as well
by the force of sentiment, as by that of treaties. I have the
honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation.
Paris, October 8th, 1793.
Sir,
I have just received despatches, which I think it important
to communicate to you, with the least possible delay.* I

* Despatches respecting the recall of Genet.

358 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
therefore hasten to send you them, in the original, begging you
to return them to me, when you have read them. I am per
suaded, Sir, that you will find in them multiplied proofs of a
sincere attachment on the part of the United States, and of
their determination to fulfil exactly their engagements with the
French nation. Unhappily, they will show you, that the
agent, whom you employed to maintain harmony between our
two Republics, has been at least indiscreet, and that interests
the most essential are, in his hands, seriously endangered.
I regret much that the letter of June the 13th, which our
Secretary of State mentions to me, did not reach me. I
might in that case have acquainted you earlier with an evil,
the more dangerous, as distance prevents the application
of a speedy remedy. I have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

m. deforgues to gouverneur morris.
Translation.
Paris, October 10th, 1793.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to
write to me on the 8th instant, as also the papers accompany
ing it.
I shall give the Council an account of the punishable (pun-
issable) conduct of their agent in the United States, and I
can assure you, beforehand, that they will regard the strange
abuse of their confidence by this agent, as I do, with the live
liest indignation. The President of the United States has
done justice to our sentiments, in attributing the deviations of
the citizen Genet to causes entirely foreign from his instruc
tions ; and we hope that the measures, which are to be taken,
will more and more convince the head and the members of
your government, that so far from having authorised the pro
ceedings and criminal manoeuvres (les demarches et les manozu-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 359
vres criminelles) of citizen Genet, our only aim has been
to maintain between the two nations the most perfect har
mony. I shall avail myself, Sir, of the medium of the packet boat,
which brought to you the despatches of Mr Jefferson, and I
pray you to give me notice of the day which you have fixed
for its departure. I have the honor to be, fee.
Deforgues.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Paris, October 10th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
Yours of the sixteenth, twenty-second, and twenty-sixth of
August were delivered to me at my country house on Satur
day morning, the fifth instant. That of the thirteenth of June,
mentioned in yours of the sixteenth of August, I have never
received. * I arrived in this city the afternoon of the fifth. I
had an interview with the Minister of Foreign Affairs on the
morning of the eighth. He promised me to recall Genet im
mediately. I came home and transmitted that, which you had
written for the purpose, with a note, of which a copy is en
closed. I am busied about obtaining a proper successor, and taking
measures to prevent for the future what you have lately ex
perienced. I expect to find everything in good order by the
return of your advice boat.
1 have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

* See these letters in Jefferson's Writings, pp. 247, 266. For the let
ter of August twenty-second, See Wait's State Papers, Vol. i. p. 156.

360 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Paris, October 10th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I have written a short letter this day, in answer to your
despatches. Herewith I do myself the honor to transmit the
copy of what I wrote on the 22d of last month. The
exchange has been sustained as there mentioned.
On the eighth of last month, I desired Mr Jones (with
whom Mr Fenwick had entrusted his consular affairs during a
voyage he made to England) to give you his opinion respect
ing the situation and temper of Bourdeaux, with the reasons
therefor. The gazettes will have shown you, that apprehen
sions were entertained respecting the dispositions of people in
that quarter. I believe that there is still cause to apprehend,
more especially as the insurrection in the Vendee is more
menacing than ever.
The conduct of the Convention respecting our treaty, will
have formed a useful reinforcement to those, who would pre
serve our Constitution. My efforts to support the treaty have _
been constant and persevering, although, in my private judg
ment, the breach of it on the part of our allies, by releasing us
from the obligations it has imposed, could not but be useful
under the present circumstances.
I am very anxious that Consuls and Vice Consuls should be
appointed in all the ports. My countrymen are incessantly
applying lo me from every quarter about property taken
from them. I am desired from abroad to claim such property.
The courts chicane very much here, under the pretence that
claimants do not produce proper authority from the owners, fee.
I have decidedly refused to lend my name on such occasions,
because I am certain that I should be thereupon represented as
a party interested, and, of course, my representations against
the iniquitous proceedings, which are but too frequent, would
be disregarded. It happens also that I am called upon to
name proper agents in the ports where there is no Consul. In

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 361
such cases, I must take the recommendation of a banker, and
incur the risk of placing a person, interested in a capture, as
protector of the property taken.
The state of public affairs here involves me in another
very disagreeable predicarhent. My fellow citizens are ag
grieved and apply for redress, to which they are justly enti
tled, and which they are led to expect with the greater cer
tainty, as every public act breathes warm attachment to the
United States. On the other hand, it is frequently impossi
ble to obtain redress, because the government, omnipotent in
some cases, is, in others, not merely feeble, but enslaved- I
am forced to see that my demands must embarrass and fre
quently irritate them. The ministers, who ought to be
accountable agents of public authority, are placed in such
direct subordination to the Comite de Salut Public, that even
the common routine must await their fiat, and they are unac
countable, and swayed by the terror of an insurrection, which
may be excited at any moment, should they displease the
leaders of this city. Consequently, while they see and
lament the consequences of many acts, they are obliged to
commit them.
A knowledge of this reduces me to the necessity of choos
ing between national and particular interests. In preferring
the former, the latter become clamorous, and I am sure that
I shall be represented, as an idle and unprofitable servant.
To this inevitable evil I must submit. But another has
arisen out of it, which gives me concern. In assigning to
complainants the reasons why their expectations must be dis
appointed, I have been obliged to state things, which, being
repeated and misrepresented, have produced a disagreeable
effect in the minds of those, who are to decide on the appli
cations I make.
This will appear more clearly from an example. On the
twentieth of August a deputation of four ship captains, chosen
by their brethren of Bordeaux, called upon me with a rep
resentation of the injustice they experienced in being prevent-
VOL. II. 31

362 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ed from sailing with their cargoes, fee. Their suffering was
occasioned by one of those decrees, which, being commanded
by the popular cry in a time of violence, the legislature,
though it may perceive the impolicy, dares not repeal. The
deputation, as is natural, had flattered themselves with imme
diate and ample redress. It was my duty to moderate their
expectations, and to explain the difficulties. Interest is often
blind and seldom just. My moderation was ill suited to their
wishes, and my letter to the minister, of which a copy is en
closed, seemed to them rather an abandonment of their cause,
than the prosecution of the only redress which appeared to
me attainable, and in the only way by which it might be
effected. I had cautioned them particularly not to ask too
much, because they would thereby run the risk of not obtain
ing what they asked, or, if they should obtain it, of seeing
their hopes blasted in the bud, by a repeal of an indulgent
decree. What had passed respecting the article of our treaty, favor
able to the navigation of neutral vessels, was an instance so
clear of the influence which prevails in the Convention over
the principles of policy, as well as of justice, that, while it
guided my advice, it ought to have swayed their conduct. In
closed you have a copy of their memorial to the Convention.
I have not thought it worth while to inquire by whom it was
written. The style shows it to be from a French hand. I
learn that a favorable reception was secured by repeating
such parts of my conversation, as might at once irritate the
members of the Comite de Salut Public, and justify the per
sonal application of American citizens while their Minister
was on the spot. A decree was obtained, and before it
could be executed was repealed.
Thus it hai happened, that they did mischief, without any
benefit to themselves, and only served an ambition so con
temptible, that I shall draw over it the veil of oblivion. The
important' facts of this matter came to my knowledge in the
close of the last month, and, therefore, in mine of the first

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 363
instant to M. Deforgues, of which a copy is enclosed, I took
occasion to meet the mischief without going out of my way
to seek it. This was the situation of things, when I receiv
ed your important despatches. I need not comment upon it,
because you will naturally place yourself in my situation and
feel its unpleasantness.
I will not now give you anything in the style of news, de
ferring that until the moment when Captain Culver shall be
about to depart. In the mean time, I pray you to accept the
assurances of that esteem and respect, with which I have the
honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

to m. deforgues.
Translation.
Paris, October 12th, 1793.
Sir,
I have the honor to send you herein enclosed, the copy of a
letter, which has, been addresser! to me by citizen Postic, a
lawyer residing at Morlaix. It appears, that in the proceed
ings of which he has given an account, there are extraordina
ry irregularities, and I think it my duty to inform you of them,
as on the justice of tribunals often depends the salvation, and
always the prosperity of a State.
I request you at the same time, Sir, to permit me to make
two general observations on the whole of this business ; one of
which applies, to the organization, and the other to the pro
ceedings of the commercial tribunals. The referring of ques
tions on sea prizes to these tribunals, appears to me dangerous,
since they involve the interpretation of the treaties, and the
application of the law of nations; consequently of peace and
of war. Now We may be permitted to entertain some doubt,
as to the knowledge of the judges, and we ought besides to
fear, lest they may be interested, as owners of privateers, in
the questions which are submitted to them.

364 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
But whatever may be the organization of the tribunals, it
appears to me essential, Sir, that in their proceedings they
should receive all the claims which may be made to them ;
that they should even invite, without waiting for the authority
of the persons interested, who are often at the distance of one'
thousand leagues. The jurisdiction of the tribunals, within
whose cognizance are the questions of prize, is in rem. They
take possession of the thing, and by that means render them
selves responsible for it. Now as the tribunals, which are the
depository of the thing, ought not to dispossess themselves of
it, without a formal authoritative apt of the true proprietor, it is
their duty, not only to admit, but also to seek proofs, which
may establish to whom the property truly belongs. This is a
double duty, towards the neutral proprietor, and towards their
own nation ; for every government, which permits its citizens
to fit out privateers, arms with the destructive sword of war,
hands which are interested to extend its ravages, and renders
itself responsible for the abuses, which result from so danger
ous a delegation of sovereignty. For the purpose of repress
ing them, the "Admiralty tribunals have been established
throughout the different nations of Europe. In these tribunals,
the government furnishes the means of information, by the fa
cility with which it admits therein every species of claim. It
preserves, by appeals, the right of deciding in the last resort
on the contests which therein arise ; and it gives the necessary
time to enlighten its conscience on thorny questions, before
the pronouncing of a sentence, which might extend or prolong
the horrors of war.
These, Sir, are the reflections which experience has dicta
ted to me. They daily make on me a more lively impression,
on account of the claims addressed to me by my countrymen,
of which 1 have communicated to you but a very small part.
I always send to the tribunals the injured persons, by giving
them the most positive assurances, that they will there obtain
complete and prompt justice. I have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 365
M. DEFORGUES TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Translation.

Sir,

Paris, October 14th, 1793.

You have complained of the fraud committed by the captors
of the ship Peggy, in taking away the papers, which proved her
cargo to be American. The lawyer, who informed you of
this fact, proposes to collect fhe necessary proofs. It is deter
mined, as soon as your correspondent at Morlaix shall trans
mit these proofs, to punish the guilty according to the utmost
rigor of the law.
You observe that it is to be feared, that the judges may be
interested in the cases submitted to them. To avoid such an
inconvenience, the law grants to the injured party the resource
of an appeal, and in the last resort a direct intervention of the
administration, and legislative body.
The extreme rigor, with which the English and the oth
er belligerent powers treat all' the neutral vessels destined for
France, has put the Republic to the painful necessity of ar
resting, by way of reprisal, in such vessels the provisions be
longing to its enemies. This severe measure, clearly explain
ed in the decree of the ninth of May, of which I enclose you
a copy, is the result of the most imperious circumstances. It
will continue only as long as our enemies employ against us
means disapproved of by the laws of humanity, and by those
of war. In casting your eye on this law, you can hardly, Sir,
avoid the conviction, that it was necessary and just ; that the
Republic could no longer, without inattention to itself, preserve
tolerable decency towards its implacable and ferocious enemies,
and that the system of depriving them of foreign produce was
also to dissipate its means of offence.
In comparing this law with the declaration made by the
British government, at Stockholm, Copenhagen, Florence, and
probably at Philadelphia, you will observe an extreme differ
ence between our manner of thinking and that of our enemies.
31*

366 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
You will see on the one hand, the firm determination of de
stroying several millions of victims, merely to satisfy a spirit
of vengeance or of ambition, and on the other, the desire of
repelling unjust aggressions by severe laws, and a regret at be
ing reduced to that extremity.
Here then, Sir, in two words is the situation in which the
Republic stands. Its enemies have openly usurped the right
of seizing all the provisions, which are destined to it, and even
all the Frenchmen found on board of neutral vessels. But
it seems that France, attacked on all sides, abandoned to its
own strength, without allies, without foreign succor, should
confine herself scrupulously to the maxims of the law of na
tions, so cruelly violated by her enemies. Hence it would
result, that the neutrality of several powers would be partial,
that it would operate only in favor of our enemies, whose
commerce would be peaceably carried on under the shelter of
a borrowed flag, while ours could not under any flag what
ever. The law of the ninth of May is conditional, whilst the de
clarations of the combined powers are positive. It is in their
power to put a period to the execution of this law, by permit
ting neutral vessels to communicate freely with France.
These observations, Sir, which you are too just not to appre
ciate, apply to the greater part of the claims, which you have
addressed to me for some time. I have done, with respect to
several of them, all that depended on me, in order to obtain in
favor of your countrymen an exception of the general mea
sures, adopted with regard to neutral nations. I have used,
among others, all the means with which your letters furnished
me, to have restored the ship Laurens ; but I have met with
insurmountable obstacles, in the established laws, and in the
opinion of the commercial tribunal of Havre. The tribunal
has neglected nothing to render justice to the owners of this
vessel. It has consented among other things, to have transla
ted two hundred and sixty-one letters, merely to prove in the
most authentic manner the property of the cargo. The in-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 367
terested have besides avowed themselves, that they had neg
lected an essential formality required by our laws.
You must be satisfied, Sir, with the manner in which the re
quest, presented by the American captains from Bordeaux,
has been received. This fact, and several others of the same
kind, which could not escape your attention, must have con
vinced you, that when the particular circumstances of the Re
public permitted the administration to favor your countrymen,
it was eager to give to them testimonies of the desire, whjch it
always has had, of bringing nearer and nearer the citizens and
the interests of the two countries.
We hope, that the government of the United States will
attribute to their true cause, the abuses of which you complain,
as well as other violations of which our cruisers may render
themselves guilty, in the course of the present war. It must
perceive how difficult it is, to contain within just limits the in
dignation of our marines, and in general of all the French pa
triots, against a people who speak the same language, and
have the same habits, as the free Americans. The difficul
ty of distinguishing our allies from our enemies, has often been
the cause of offences committed on board your vessels ; all
that the administration could do, is to order indemnification to
those who have suffered, and to punish the guilty.
I enclose herein several copies of the navigation act, de
creed by the representatives of the people. I request you to
make the dispositions of them known to the government of the
United States. It will there find the basis of a system con
necting more and more the interests of the two nations.
Deforgues.
P. S. I enclose herein, Sir, an arret of the Committee of
Public Safety, which fulfils in part the object proposed in
your letter of the 13th of this month. I shall have the honor
of communicating to you the measures, which shall be taken
in the sequel.

368 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Paris, October 17th, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
Mr Livingston delivered to me yours of the 25th of July.
He says that you alone gave him an idea of this country like
the reality. His astonishment proves that he did not believe
you, and, could you hear him, you might, in your turn, be as
tonished to find that your sound understanding, while it grasp
ed the future event, had never contemplated the progressive
circumstances. I leave to others the painful task of drawing
pictures, which, to resemble the truth, must, like an Indian
warrior, be painted red and black.
¦ i . It is in your character of Financier, that I transmit the
annexed report, which suspended for a few doubtful days the
weight which, with crushing force, falls on the monied men.
Early in 1789, I ventured to declare, from what I then ob
served, that the laws of property being violated, all would, in
their turns, be sacrificed on the same altar. Already the
Church, the Magistrature, the Nobility have passed away.
Bankers, merchants, and manufacturers are now in the crucible.
I leave to your algebraic science to resolve the problem of
how long a supposed society can exist, after property shall
have been done away. Perhaps you may be too busy to form
equations, and may reply as a statesman, that government be
ing instituted to protect property, is respected only in propor
tion to the fulfilment of that duty, and durable only as it is re
spectable. I respect you too much to contradict your opinions,
and therefore confine myself to the more agreeable task of as
suring you that I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 369
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, October 18th, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
You will see by the official correspondence, that your or
ders are complied with, and that your intentions are fulfilled.
Permit me on this occasion to remark, that had the people of
America been well informed of the state of things on this side
of the Atlantic, no one would have dared to adopt the conduct
which M. Genet has pursued. In reading the few gazettes
which have reached me, I am surprised to see so little sound
intelligence. The present government is evidently a despotism both in
principle and practice. The Convention now consists of on
ly a part of those, who were chosen to frame a constitution.
These, after putting ufider arrest their fellows, claim all power,
and have delegated the greater part of it to a Committee of
Safety. You will observe, that one of the ordinary measures
of government is to send out Commissioners with unlimited
authority. They are invested with power to remove officers
, chosen by the people, and put others in their places. This
power, as well as that of imprisoning on suspicion, is liberally
exercised. The revolutionary tribunal established here to
judge on general principles, gives unbounded scope to will.
It is an emphatical phrase in fashion among the patriots, that
terror is the order of the day. Some years have elapsed since
Montesquieu wrote, that the principle of arbitrary govern
ments is fear.
The Queen was executed the day before yesterday. In
sulted during her trial, and reviled in her last moments, she
behaved with dignity throughout. This execution will, I
think, give to future hostilities a deeper dye, and unite more
intimately the allied powers. It will silence the opposition of
those, who would not listen to the dismemberment of this
country, and, therefore it may be concluded that the blow by
which she died was directed from a distance.

370 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
But whatever may be the lot of France in remote futurity,
and putting aside the military events, it seems evident that she
must soon be governed by a single despot. Whether she will
pass to that point through the medium of a triumvirate, or
other small body of men, seems as yet undetermmed. I think
it most probable that she will. A great and awful crisis seems
to be near at hand. A blow is, I am told, meditated which
will shroud in grief and horror a guilty land. Already the
prisons are surcharged with persons, who consider themselves
victims. Nature recoils, and I yet hope that these ideas are
circulated only to inspire fear. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation.
Paris, October 19th, 1793.
Sir,
The attention, which several pressing affairs required, made
it impossible for me sooner to answer the letter, which
you did me the honor of writing to me on the 14th. I
have examined, with respectful care, the decree of the 9th of
May, emanating from the conduct of your enemies, and sup
ported by some reasons to which you have given their
greatest lustre.
It is possible, Sir, that the difference of our position leads
us to see the same object in a different manner. But although
I cannot be of your opinion, I do not intend farther to discuss
the considerations,- which have produced the decision of the
French government. I confine myself to the rendering of a
faithful account of it to the government of the United States,
and I am persuaded that in considering them, liberal friend
ship will put in the balance the difficulties of a revolution, and
of a war without example.
I ought, however, to observe to you, Sir, that the question

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 371
does not appear to me to turn on the law of nations, but on an
exception to that law, by the stipulations of a treaty. This
treaty, in derogating from this law, in favor of merchandizes of
your enemies found in our vessels, has derogated, in like man
ner, from it, to the prejudice of our merchandizes found in the
vessels of your enemies. We have seen at Philadelphia the
public sale of a cargo, the property of one of our citizens, tak
en by a French privateer on board an English vessel. All
opposition was of no avail, because, according to the constitu
tion, our treaties are the supreme law of the land. You will
agree, Sir, that it is hard for my fellow citizens not to have
the advantage either of the treaty or of the law of nations ; to
lose their merchandizes by the treaty, and not to be able to
compensate themselves for it, under the protection of this same
treaty, by the freight of enemy's merchandizes. In comparing
the facts of the same epoch, you will be amazed on seeing
what passed at Paris and at Philadelphia. Your good sense
will lead you to anticipate the claims of our merchants, and
the insinuations of our enemies. I have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Paris, October 19th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
My last will accompany this, and I enclose herein the co
pies of letters from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the tenth,
fourteenth, and seventeenth instants, and also copies of mine to
him of the 11th, 12th, and 13th, and also one just written.
By his letter of the tenth, you will see the determination to
act decisively. In a subsequent conversation he assured me,
that Genet should he punished. I replied that the United
States had only ordered me to ask his recall, and I could go no
farther. The idea is to send over a Commission of three or
four persons, and to authorise that board to send him over a

372 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
prisoner. I kept the advice boat here a week, in order to em
bark the Commissioners on board of her. But although the
instructions are all ready, there remains some little embarrass
ment about the appointment of one of the persons. This
prevents them from being ready ; and, as it appears to me
very important that you should have early advice, I cannot
by any longer delay risk the near approach of winter on the
American coast.
It is probable that the successor of M. Genet may ask the
interposition of our government in the discussions likely to
arise. 1 have given assurances to the extent of what our laws
and constitution may, authorise. You will be able to measure
better than I can that extent, and, at any rate, this hint will be
kept secret, for that is, as you will readily see, of the utmost
importance. In M. Deforgues' letter of the fourteenth, and the decree
which accompanied it, you will see the reasons assigned for
violating the treaty. You will see, also, that it was not from
the difficulty of refuting them, that I declined entering into
the controversy. In effect, he had acknowledged and lament
ed to me the impropriety of the decree, but, unable to prevail
over a greater influence for the repeal of it, he is driven to
the necessity of excusing a step, which it is not possible to
justify. There is no use in arguing with those who are alrea
dy convinced"; and, where no good is expected, some evil
may follow. I have, therefore, only stated the question on its
true -ground, and leave to you in America to insist on a rigid
performance of the treaty, or slide back to the equal state of
unfettered neutrality. Your orders will, of course, be given
to me according to the determination, which the President
shall take, and until then I hold the matter open.
We have constantly the news of victory, but the public is
incredulous. Lately orders were expedited to attack in ev
ery quarter ; and as this is a measure originating with the
government, those who pretend to judge of intelligence be
forehand, say, that it must be favorable. There is, at any

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 373
rate, the resource of concealing it, and although it would, at
first sight, appear next to impossible that, in a country flooded
with gazettes, there should be no note of long and bloody
battles, yet the severity of the decrees against those who dis
courage the exertions of the Republic, and the greater severity
with which all such decrees are executed, awe the boldest
printers, and hush even the whispers of private information.
You must not be surprised, therefore, to find in the Dutch
and English gazettes the account of actions, which are passed
over in silence by those I send you.
It is unfortunate that you are thus disabled from comparing
different accounts, and forced to judge from partial recital.
The best remaining resource is to contrast the ministerial and
opposition prints. Among the persons best informed, it seems
to be doubtful, whether the Allies will push on towards the city,
or wear away the national resources by warring on the front
iers. The former would have consisted better with a determi
nation to restore the monarchy, and the latter seems to indi
cate a projected dismemberment.
In the mean time, the expense of blood and treasure to this
country is inconceivable. Already artisans and laborers of ev
ery kind are extremely rare. The price of mechanics is risen
to twelve livres, that of common hands to five livres, and this,
notwithstanding the regulation of subsistence to something ve
ry near the ancient standard. Manufactures are becoming
yery dear, and the attempt to limit prices, though enforced by
the dreadful guillotine, cannot but produce the reverse of what
it is intended for.
The ensuing winter, unless some important changes take place,
must be productive of scenes most melancholy and distress
ing. If the enemy possesses himself of the strong holds along
the northern frontier, he will undoubtedly ravage Picardy with
his immense cavalry during the winter season, and thus destroy
one great granary. The resources of Barbary, Sicily, and
Italy are already cut off from the south. The Vendee is in
vol. ii. 32

374 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
train to become a desert. The army of the Republic lays it
waste with fire and sword. I will not endeavor to paint the
various wretchedness, which has been described to me as ex
isting in that quarter. If the war continue another year, the
wishes of those who meditate the ruin of France will be so far
accomplished, that many years of peace will not be able to re
store her wealth and population. This will, I think, be a mis
fortune to the United States, and in all possible events the
present turmoil of Europe will furnish terrible examples to the
present age, and to a distant posterity. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.
P. S. I have paid four hundred and forty livres for pack
ing up the statue of General Washington. Is this to be charg
ed to the United States ? Or will you receive it for me from
the State of Virginia ?

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, October 19th, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
I had hopes until last evening, that the persons, who are to go
out as Commissioners from hence, would have embarked with
Captain Culver, but circumstances have delayed the appoint
ment. The plan which was in agitation, and which will
probably be carried into effect, is to send over three or four
Commissioners, one of whom will be charged with Letters of
Credence, but instructed to conform to the directions of the
Board. It is probable that the new Minister, immediately on
being presented, will ask you to aid in securing the person
and papers of the old one. My public despatch of this day
contains a remote hint to lead the investigation of the Secretary
of State. I did not choose to be more particular, because you
can both give and take the informations you think proper.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 375
I have favored, or rather excited the idea of this procedure
for the following reasons. First, such a public act will place
in a contemptible light the faction connected with M. Genet.
Secondly, the seizure of his papers, by exposing bis connexions
with prime movers, will give a lesson to others. And thirdly,
the Commissioners who exercise this high handed authority
will, on reflection, feel the necessity of respecting your_gov-
ernment, lest they should meet a similar fate. Having alarmed
their apprehensions, as to the effect which M. Genet's impru
dence might produce, and knowing the public and private
views of the parties, I have insinuated the advantage which
might result from an early declaration on the part of the new
Minister, that as France has announced her determination not
to meddle with the interior affairs of other nations, so he can
know only the government of America. In unison with this
idea, 1 told the Minister that I had observed an overruling
influence in their affairs, which seemed to come from the other
side of the Channel, and at the same time had traced the
intention to excite a seditious spirit in America. That it was
impossible to be on a friendly footing with such persons, but
that at present a different spirit seemed to prevail. This
declaration produced the effect 1 intended. < The Minister has
himself the wish to go out to America as Plenipotentiary, and
M. Otto, his principal secretary, having the same wish, they
will, I believe, endeavor while they stay to put things in good
train here.
It may be an important judicial question, how far the Minis
ter is protected by the law of nations, after the arrival of his
successor. In my opinion the same principles, which exempt
him from the municipal law, subject him to the will of his
sovereign, and of course the aid given to the new Minister is
not an act of the judiciary but of the executive, performed as
an ally and friend, and is merely discretionary. I find that
this Commission will endeavor to get hold of the debt from
America to France by anticipation. If no other reasons milita
ted against the advance, tbe advantage of a pledge to satisfy

376 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
damages, which our citizens may sustain during the present
violence, is considerable, and will not, I presume, be overlooked.
I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Paris, October 20th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I intend to despatch Captain Culver tomorrow morning, and
shall give into his charge a box containing three dies of medals,
and three boxes containing each one pair of dies. Whether
he will be able to take them to you is uncertain, owing to
trifling circumstances. I have not yet got the passports for
them ; and he tells me, that his vessel is in the basin at Havre,
consequently must come out at the present full tides, or stay a
long time; so that, if I have not the passport in the morning, I
will take the chance of sending it after him.
It appears that the French army has forced the Prince de
Cobourg to raise the siege of Maubeuge ; but he has crossed
the Sambre in good order, and perhaps we may soon hear of
him again. Be that as it may, the French have experienced
a complete defeat in Alsace. The lines of the Lauter have
been forced, and they have lost everything. A great part
of the army is cut to pieces, and the rest is we know not
where. I have been told that a plot for delivering up Strasbourg has
been discovered, and that a great majority of the inhabitants
are concerned in it. Also that serious apprehensions are yet
entertained for the fate of that city. The advanced period of
the season is, however, favorable to the party which is on the
defensive in that quarter. November generally brings foul
weather there ; so that the assailants must, I think, look out for
winter quarters instead of pushing into the country. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 377
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, November 12th, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
M. de Laforest called just now, while I was at the Minis
ter's, to inform me that he will probably leave Paris tomor
row morning. I, therefore, write this as an introduction to
you, and proceed to give a hasty sketch of the form in which
the business now stands.
A Commission is named, (the appointments not yet gone
through the forms,) to consist of four persons. The Minister
is M. Fauchet, Secretary of the Executive Council, a young
man of about three and thirty, whom I have not yet seen, but
he is said to possess genius and information. The Secretary
of Legation is M. Leblanc, a man of about fifty, and who
was lately at the head of the Police Department in this city.
Him also I am, as yet, unacquainted with ; but he is mention
ed to me as a prudent, sensible man.
M. de Laforest goes out as Consul General, and M. Petrie,
his friend and companion, as Consul in the port of Philadel
phia. These two will undoubtedly draw together, and will
probably sway the conduct of the Commission ; for the Minis
ter is to take no important steps without being previously
authorised by the Board.
I understand that a kind of etiquette has been established,
by which the Consuls, as 'not being properly diplomatic char
acters, are not received or invited with the Minister, and I
perceive that there is a strong wish to - enjoy the exterior
respect of office, as well as the solid authority. I cannot
pretend to judge, nor even to guess how far anything of this
sort consists with the general rules, which you may have
found it proper to establish ; but, I think, I can perceive that
the two Consuls expect to govern the Commission by two
means ; one, their greater knowledge of our country, laws,
and inhabitants ; the other, a persuasion to be inculcated on
the Minister and Secretary, that they enjoy the confidence of
32*

378 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
our government. Perhaps a little vanity may also be for
something in the business ; but your judgment will well dis
cern motives, and, therefore, I only give hints.
I think that M. de Laforest and his friend, being men of
understanding, will endeavor to keep things in a line of pru
dence and propriety ; therefore, being uncertain, at present,
as to the personal characters of the other two, it seems to be
well that the Board is to be kept steady by the anchors we
are acquainted with, and as the others unfold themselves, it
will appear what reliance can be placed on them.
The Minister, in the conference I had with him just now,
has again reiterated the assurance, that he and the other mem
bers of this government have the most sincere desire to be on
the most cordial terms with us, and I am the more disposed
to believe in their assurances, because America is the only
source, from whence supplies of provisions can be drawn to
feed this city, on which so much depends. The coming
winter will be, I believe, dreadful, and the spring, should the
war continue, must open with partial scarcities, if not general
want. To the sufferings, unavoidable from many other
causes, no small addition will be made by the laws limiting
prices, enforced by the iron hand of necessity. I am, fee,
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Sainport, November 16th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
My last was of the twentieth of October. Captain Culver
did not, I find, get out of the port of Havre till the first instant-
He took with him the medal dies.
The Consul charges me with a balance of nineteen hundred
and ninety-three livres, eight deniers, nine sous, telling me, that
he thinks, by your letters, that you would choose that he should
draw on you, but that it would be very difficult, and therefore1

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 379
prefers receiving payment from me. I shall accordingly ad
vance this sum ; and, as I understand from Captain Culver that
he paid a considerable part of the disbursement for his vessel
by dollars sold at twelve livres, I suppose that the owners
of the vessel will charge you for the whole, to wit, five thou
sand seventy-three livres, eight deniers, nine sous, at that rate
being one hundred sixty-six dollars and seventy-nine cents.
Wherefore, I will carry to the debit of the United States
the sum above mentioned at the same rate, being one hun
dred sixty-six dollars and eleven cents, so that you will owe
only two hundred fifty-six dollars and sixty-eight cents to them.
In my last, I had the honor to inform you, that the rate of
depreciation had continued nearly about what it was on the
twelfth of September, viz. two and a half to three for one. But,
since that time, "it has been approaching, at first gradually, and
now rapidly, to par. When I left Paris, two days ago, gold
was at about one and a half, and silver at about one and one
tenth. The reason of this difference will go far to explain the
phenomenon of a paper money rising in value, while tbe sum
emitted goes on increasing. Gold is more easily concealed
than silver. Whatever is discovered hidden is confiscated, and
that which is not bidden is taken to the treasury, to be paid in
Assignats at par hereafter.
There is, however, another reason ; the war tax on the rich,
added to the other taxes, disables them from placing their con
tingent of the forced loan, and therefore they are reduced to
the necessity of selling what they possess most valuable, and
the treasury, which can alone purchase with safety, fixes its
own price. If, therefore, louis d'ors should at length be under
par, I should not be surprised. The sum of precious metals
and materials in the treasury and mint is already very great ;
(they say a milliard, or forty millions sterling) ; it is, I sup
pose, exaggerated, but it is daily increasing. And, at the rate
things go on, government will have accumulated in the city of
Paris all the gold and silver, and a great part of the diamonds,-
pearls, fee. of France. Of course, they will be in a condition

380 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
to dismiss the Assignats from all farther employment, and to
begin a new system full handed.
They seem to think that, in this way, provision will be made
for two campaigns, and that their enemies, astonished at such
an immense resource, will be inclined to treat. A previous
difficulty is, however, to be removed ; that is to say, some one
person, or some small number of persons, must be named, who
shall hold the unlimited power of treating and of executing the
treaty. This will, I suppose, be speedily effected. It will re
main to be discovered, whether those who are so sanguine, as
to the dispositions of some, if not all of the Allied Powers, do
not reckon without their host.
I must, by the way, drop one word as to the overthrow of
the Catholic religion. It is now expiring under wounds from
the true French weapon, ridicule. The people who, five
years since, fell down in the dirt as the consecrated matter
passed by, now dance the carmagnole in holy vestments, and
perform other mummeries, which it might seem profane to
mention. The late Feast of Reason is a very striking feature
in the countenance of the revolution. You know the opera
girl, Saunier, who is, though very beautiful, next door to an
ideot, as to her intellectual gifts. It is said also that she is
anything, except what the French call sage. It is she, who
lately asked the painter, David, to invent for her (to appear in
the Ballet of Paris) some dress which should be more indecent
than nakedness. And the painter, it seems, had genius
enough to comply with her wish. But I speak only from hear
say, not having been at any of the theatres for nearly two
years. Well, Sir, it so happened that this actress, remarkable for
fine attitude in dancing, was pitched upon to represent Reason
in a kind of opera performed at Notre Dame. In the course
of it, she stood in the place ci-devant most holy, and was
there adored on bended knees by the President of the Con
vention, and other principal characters. At this spectacle, the
devout will unquestionably be scandalized, and it seems, in ef-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 381
feet, to be a strong experiment on the national feelings. The
burning of legs, and arms, and grinders of saints, male and fe
male, with relics from the wood of the original cross, must
have the good effect of undeceiving those, who imagined there
were miraculous qualities inherent in those crumbling materi
als. But the dismission of all the bishops and curates is a
matter of more serious import. A national economy of near
four millions sterling will be thereby effected ; but what de
gree of ferment may be excited by the disbanding of those
ecclesiastical regiments, is yet a problem.
I now proceed to state to you the grounds, on which differ
ent advocates erect their fabric of probabilities. To begin
with those who calculate on the success of France. They
say, that along the northern frontier from the ocean to the Ar
dennes, the campaign is null. That the enemy must winter in
his own country, which, not being covered by fortresses or by
natural defences, must be open to incursion all winter. That
the army in Alsace, if Landau and Strasbourg be not taken,
will find it difficult to retreat, and impossible to stay; so that
a Burgoynade may ensue. That from the falls of the Rhine
to the Mediterranean, the untouched frontier is now guarded
by impassable snows in the! gorges of the Alps, leaving the re
public in quiet possession of Savoy. That Toulon will soon
be attacked with such vigor that it must fall. That the Pyre-
nean mountains now render all attempts on the part of Spain
abortive. And that the flame kindled in the Vendee must be
speedily extinguished, so that they will be able with undivided
energy to oppose, nay attack, their enemies next spring, should
they persist in hostility, and hence is adduced the probability
of a peace, on such terms as France may dictate.
On the other hand, it is said, that Valenciennes and other ad
jacent places will cover the heart of Flanders and open that of
France. That the sluices, especially in winter, form a suffi
cient defence for the maritime Flanders, and that a great superi
ority of cavalry will enable the enemy to lay waste Picardy, as
soon as the French troops shall leave the field and go into winter

382 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
quarters ; that Landau will be taken and Strasbourg surrender
ed, as it has neither garrison nor magazines ; in which case Al
sace is irrecoverably lost, and the enemy, who can occupy the
passes of the Vosges, will have an easy task to enter Cham
paign next spring ; that in the mountains of Franche Comte a
second Vendee is preparing, and waits only the favorable
moment to break out; that the Lyonese are impatient under
the yoke, to which they have been compelled to submit, and
will, of course, take arms whenever an opportunity offers ; that
Toulon cannot be taken by a coup de main, and the same
causes, which render the Alps and Pyrenees secure for the
French, give like security to Spain, and Sardinia, wherefore
their troops can go to Toulon ; that a numerous French army
cannot long be subsisted there, in as much as the great city of
Marseilles was formerly supplied frpm the coast ofBarbary;
and thence it is inferred, that, the attempt on Toulon failing,
Provence must fall, because the French troops must retire to
a more plentiful country, so the durance will cover the pos
session of the enemy, and enable him to turn his attention to
wards Cevennes, in which there exists great discontent and strong
dispositions for revolt; that should the Franc Comtois engage
heartily in the royal cause, the Swiss may be brought into the
league, and, pressing towards Lyons as soon as the campaign
opens, oblige the French to retire from Savoy, and perhaps to
abandon all to the eastward of the Rhone ; but at any rate, to
hold a precarious possession of it until the troops, which win
ter in Piedmont, can advance into Dauphine. I believe that,
on almost any hypothesis, it must be admitted that the Dau-
phinois can dispose of their own country.
It is contended further, that the insurgents in the Cevennes
and Auvergne could easily overrun the country along the Gar
onne and as far as Bordeaux, because the people are alrea
dy indisposed, and only kept under by the fear of instant
death, On the Vendee much is said. Fire and sword have been
carried through that unhappy country ; of course, the proselytes

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 383
made will return to their original sentiments, as soon as the •
incumbent terror is removed. It is here that the strong prin
ciple of religious fanaticism is to be calculated on. The fu
ture conduct cannot be defined, or even conjectured, on the
ground of reason merely human. The firm persuasion, that
death in the cause of God gives immediate possession of an
endless beatitude, is capable of converting timidity into hero
ism. Already the effects have been wonderful, and we ob
serve that very few of the men, who have been sent to subdue
the Vendee, have ever returned.
A large party, which, at the lowest estimation, is not less
than 15,000, have crossed the Loire, and marched into Lower
Normandy and Brittany. That in this quarter they will find
many congenial spirits is considered as certain, and also that
their measures are combined with the British cabinet. At a
distance from their home, nothing remains for them but victory
or death. It is in this quarter, that the destruction of the
Catholic religion is supposed to be most obnoxious. The
clergy being driven to despair, it is supposed that such of them
as possess personal courage will march in the ranks. The
insurgents are commanded by able men ; and the troop is com
posed of the remnant of many battles. Hence it is concluded,
that no, opposition made to them by the raw levies from Nor
mandy and Brittany can have any effect, and, of course, that
the troops in the Vendee must go in pursuit of them. It is
averred that in such case, the Vendee would rise, like a
Phoenix from its ashes, more formidable than ever. That there
is a corps of 12,000 men still remaining on the island of Noir-
moutier and that neighborhood, which will come forward im
mediately and recover all that has been lost and more.
Lastly, it is said, that however splendid may be the financial
arrangements, it will be impossible to hold out, unless the peo
ple can be taught to eat silver and gold, for that famine already
partially felt must become general. This assertion is exagge
rated, but I think much distress will be experienced on that
account.

384 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
Having thus given you the pros and cons, I leave you to
make up your judgment. For my own part, I have observed
that mankind are generally deceived both by their hopes and
by their fears ; and I persist in believing, that the fate of so
great a country as this must ever depend much more upon
interior sentiment, than on exterior operations. As to the
operations of the insurgents, who are supposed to have in view
either the town of St Malo, or an irruption into Normandy, or
a march to Paris, I consider the last as the easiest and safest
operation; among other reasons, because it appears most diffi
cult and hazardous. But I do not believe it will be attempted.
The second, which would look like a serious combination to
terminate the war, by re-establishing the monarchy/ seems to
me somewhat beyond the degree of talents, which has hitherto
directed the Allies ; and, on the whole, I conclude that Britain,
looking with an eye of cupidity at the port of Brest, wishes to
get possession of St Malo, and extend a defensive line along
the Ranee and Vilaine rivers, so as to include Lower Brittany,
and try what can be done by force and persuasion towards the
possession of that country. Whether this be the plan is one
question. Whether it will succeed is another. Time will
discover the answer to one, and, perhaps, to both. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Paris, November 26th, 1793.
Dear Sir,
In mine of the sixteenth, I omitted to mention the fall of
the Brissotin party and of the Duke of Orleans ; but it was a
thing so much of course, that you had, doubtless, anticipat
ed it.
I mentioned to you that silver was nearly at par. In
effect, it is now under par. Crowns, I am told, sell at two
per cent discount, and bullion, I know, is at fifty two livres

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 385
per marc, and the price for many years preceding the revo
lution was fifty-four, as I am told. For some days past there
has been no foreign exchange. There are no buyers, be
cause the person, who takes a bill, is considered as suspect
ed, and persons suspected are put in prison, and persons in
prison are so numerous, that none can get out, because, in the
multitude of applications, there is no time to examine any
particular complaint.
You will form some more accurate idea of this situation,
when I tell you that a young American by the name of Grif
fith, having lost at Havre my certificate that he was an
American citizen, was taken up. I declined interfering for
him at first, because I suspected that the certificate had been
made use of for some sinister purpose ; but, when all matters
were cleared up to my satisfaction, I applied to the Minister,
and he to the Committee of Safety. I have repeated my ap
plications for a month past, and he has repeated his, and as
yet nothing satisfactory is done, although I have no doubt of
the disposition of government to give us satisfaction.
They deliberate at present on the means of bringing their
system a little more into form, and the Minister tells me that,
as soon as that is effected, I shall have less frequent reason to
complain, and more speedy and effectual redress. I hope
this may be the case, for at present it is terrible.
We have, as Mr Fenwick informs me, ninety-two sail of
vessels at Bordeaux. I have formerly mentioned to you the
embargo laid in that port. It has, at length, produced the
greatest distress. The crews have consumed their provisions.
The merchants will be saddled with heavy loss and cost. I
have made reiterated applications ; but the situation of that
city has prevented the Comite de Salut Public from a direct
interference. The Commissaires have persisted in their
measure of shutting the port. They promise Mr Fenwick
redress from day to day. The Minister cannot promise
redress to me, but he promises to try for it, and I believe he
does try ; but I am sure that it is as yet without effect.
vol. ii. 33

386 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
In my last conference on the subject, two days ago, after
having advanced the various reasons arising from the justice
of the demand, and after stating to him the very great hard
ship of the case, I hinted the extreme bad policy which
would deter any American vessel from coming to France,
unless reparation were made. I know not, as yet, the effect ;
but I am sure that all commerce between this country and
America must soon terminate, unless a more regular and
orderly system shall soon take place. I expect that all the
ports, of America will be filled with complaints. And, from
what Mr Fenwick -writes, I suppose the public servants will
be criminated, because France is without a regular govern
ment. This, to be sure, is not very just, but it is very nat
ural. A choleric man beats the post, which he has struck his
head against. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation.
Paris, December 9th, 1793.
Sir,
I had the honor of receiving' your letters of the 7th, 14th and
17th instants. I thank you for your attention in expediting the
exequatur of the Sieur de la Motte, and in obtaining the liber
ation of the American citizen, Mountflorence. Citizen Griffith
is still detained.
I receive, every day, letters which present to me the sad
picture of what the commerce of the United States suffers at
Bordeaux. Our vessels came on the faith of treaties.
Some carried provisions there, others went to take as freight,
cargoes for the French Colonies, or foreign ports. Many
were to return loaded with corn, flour, salt provisions, and
other eatables. All are detained there.
I will not repeat to you, Sir, the various observations, which

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 387
I have had the honor to make to you at different times on
this subject, for the principles of justice are so evident, that it
is useless to speak of therri. I will only mention, therefore, a
motive of a different kind, but yet deserving attention. The
advantage, not to say the necessity, of obtaining supplies of
provisions for France, from foreign sources, is readily acknowl
edged. Everything then which opposes this, is prejudicial to
the most important interests of the Republic. Now, how can
you persuade neutral vessels to enter French ports, when it
will be obvious to them that they incur the risk of being
detained there ? I should ill fulfil my duty, as the representa
tive of a friendly and allied nation, did I not point out to you
the danger to which the provisioning of France, and especially
the capital, is exposed.
It is true, interest is the moving spring of commercial opera
tions, but the American owners, who have made voyages for
France, in preference to the other countries of Europe, have
also followed the impulse of feeling, which always influences
the judgment, and consequently the calculations. Those of
your friends, then, who are most attached to you, are the suf
ferers from this detention. I leave it to your good sense, Sir,
to infer the consequences, and flatter myself that a just indem
nification for this detention, and speedy permission to depart,
will soon efface the unpleasant impression of the losses, which
they have sustained, and that a hundred vessels, which are in
the port of Bordeaux, will return loaded with flour, in three
or four months, and thwart the designs of those who wish to
starve the city of Paris. I have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Paris, December 12th, 1793.

Dear Sir,
I transmit to you enclosed a letter received open from Mr
Cathalan, who has been disappointed in giving the needful

388 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
surety for the due execution of his office, by the delay of his let
ters during the seige of Lyons, and other circumstances result
ing from local situation. It seems probable that my corres
pondence with him may be soon cut off, for if the French ar
my does not speedily get possession of Toulon, I think they
will be obliged to abandon the enterprise, from the difficulty
of obtaining subsistence. In that case Marseilles will fall of
course, as well as the county of Nice, which has already cost
much blood and treasure.
The insurgents of Vendee, who had broken into Lower Nor
mandy, seem to have divided themselves into various bands,
and to have been attended with a varied success ; but, on the
whole, the theatre of their operation is considerably extended,
and we may hourly expect to hear that they have received
considerable reinforcements by sea. I persist in believing that
to be the tender part of the French Republic, for many things
concur to show, that a very large portion of the people are
disposed to a counter revolution ; but they dare not stir until
a sufficient force shall appear ; lor they are without arms, or
union, or any means of understanding each other, while the
examples are so striking and terrifying, that every individual,
whatever may be his political tenets, trembles at the exercise
of that authority which, whether willingly or unwillingly is a
matter of indifference, he contributes to support.
Since my last, the new organization, or rather regulation, of
the government system has taken place ; but, to my poor con
ception, it appears as inefficient and as discordant as ever. If
I am not mistaken, it must soon undergo farther changes.
I enclose also herein a copy of my letter of the ninth to the
Minister, by which you will observe that I endeavor to obtain,
by a sense of their own interest, the release of our ships from
the harbor of Bordeaux, since the sense of justice has not yet
produced the effect. To reason at a distance, and in generals,
it would seem almost impossible that this outrageous grievance
should be continued ; but yet I do not dare to flatter myself
with the removal of it. The Representatives of the people

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 389
sent into the departments are vested with unlimited power. In
the exercise of it they suspend decrees of the Convention, fine,
imprison, in short, do everything, which to them appears need
ful for the public safety. They assign their reasons after
wards, if called on by the Convention for that purpose. But
it seems to be understood, that their acts must not be reversed
until after their return, unless they should indeed be charged
as contre-revolutionaires, and then everything is overturned.
I need not dwell on such a state of things, for you will
readily draw all the perplexing and vexatious consequences.
Happy they, who contemplate them at a distance. A view of
what our countrymen suffer in this respect so torments me,
that it is very difficult to be patient. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation.
Paris, December 29th, 1793.
Sir,
A letter, which 1 have just received from the citizen Grif
fith, informs me that he has been two months in prison, with
out any charge whatever being exhibited against him. It is
a long time since I solicited the liberty of this citizen, with the
persuasion of his innocence, but his long detention induces
me to apprehend that I may have been mistaken. I pray
you, Sir, to favor me with the cause of his detention, that I
may render an account of the same to the United States.
Daily complaints are addressed to me from Bordeaux,
where the embargo is still in full force. Some exceptions in
favor of those vessels, said to be loaded on account of that re
public, have produced the effect, which might have been ex
pected. Some, from a principle of respect for the govern
ment, suppose that these are individual speculations made on
33*

390 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
the general misfortune, in the hope that the markets of the
United States, unfurnished in consequence of the embargo,
will gffer an early and advantageous sale for the cargoes,
which have lately been despatched to them. Others insist
that the speculations in question are on the account of gov
ernment, and you may easily conceive the sensations which
this idea produces.
However it be, it seems to me necessary on every possible
account to remedy the evil as soon as possible. I demand
justice for my countrymen from the French Republic, not
only from a sense of duty to the United States, but also from
regard to France. Be assured, Sir, that your enemies could
not mark out for you a course of conduct more to your disad
vantage, than that which I have just laid before you.
I have the honor to subjoin to this letter, the copy of a pe
tition sent to me by the American citizen, John Gray. He
informs me that on his arrival, on the loth of December, a
guard was placed on board his brig, and that a member of the
Committee at Subsistence told him, that he would be personally
responsible, if any portion of the rice were discharged, even
to nourish his own countrymen. He offered the cargo to this
Committee, which referred him to the Committee appointed to
purchase goods arriving in neutral vessels. This latter com
mittee told him that they were not provided with the powers re
quisite to grant to any person whatever the conditions set forth
in his petitions, and that he must apply to the representatives
of the people in this city. These are too much occupied to
pay the least attention to his business. He therefore says to
me, as I can sell my cargo neither to the nation, nor to individ
uals, as I am forbidden to distribute it among my countrymen,
who are in a state of extreme suffering, let me at least be per
mitted to depart, and seek commerce and liberty elsewhere.
You will observe, Sir, in the petition of citizen Gray, that he
was informed, during his passage, of the state of things at
Bordeaux, and that he decided to continue his route, only in
the opinion that the news he received was merely a calumny
invented by the enemies of France. I have no doubt that this

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 391
intelligence is now spread abroad in America. Judge then
whether it be not of moment to efface as soon as possible the
impression it may make. I have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, January 3d, 1794.
Dear Sir,
I have the honor to inform you, that I have resigned the of
fice of Secretary of State, and that Mr Randolph, late Attor
ney General of the United States, is appointed by the Presi
dent, and approved by the Senate, as Secretary of State. He
will be so good as to acknowledge the receipt of your several
letters not yet acknowledged by me, and will answer in detail
such parts of them as may require special answer. I beg
leave to conclude this last of public correspondence with you,
with very sincere assurances of the great esteem and respect,
with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedi
ent, and most humble servant,
Thomas Jefferson.

EDMUND RANDOLPH TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, January 10th, 1794.
. Sir,
I do myself the honor of enclosing to you a letter from Mr
Jefferson, announcing my succession to him, as Secretary of
State. His resignation, which took place on the 31st ultimo,
was accompanied with a general regret, founded on his ac
knowledged qualities for that department, and the important
services rendered by his labors.
The only letter, which I find, Sir, from you unanswered, is
that of June 25th, 1793. It is thought advisable by the

392 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
President to defer all animadversions upon the decree, to
which it relates, and indeed upon any of the affairs of France,
until the temper of that country towards the United States
shall be disclosed by your communications, subsequent to the
receipt of Mr Jefferson's letter to you, of the 16th of August,
1793. The journals and pamphlets, now sent, will inform you of
the progress made by Congress on the very interesting sub
jects, which have hitherto occupied them.
Suffer me to tender ¦ to you, on this first occasion of our
correspondence, the great and sincere respect, with which I
have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient servant,
Edmund Randolph.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Paris, January 21st, 1794.
Dear Sir,
I do myself the honor to transmit herewith duplicates of
mine, of the sixteenth and twenty-sixth of November and
twelfth of December. I also enclose copies of my letters
of the twenty-ninth of December to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs and of his answer ; of mine of the fourth of Janua
ry, introducing the deputation sent up from Bordeaux, and
of his of the twenty-sixth of Nivose in reply to it.
The young man, Mr Griffith, whom I mentioned in mine
of the twenty-sixth of November, is at length out of prison ;
but another, of the name of Hoskins, still remains in confine
ment, and this merely because the multiplicity of business be
fore the Committee prevents them from attending to anything.
I learn that the number of persons arrested in this city
amounts to fifteen thousand, and that through the Republic is
more than tenfold more numerous. The petitions before
them could not be read through in less than a year, supposing
ten hours a day appropriated to that purpose ; and, as the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 393
arrestations are daily continued, those who are confined are in
a sad^and hopeless condition.
The wiser part of those, who are at the head of affairs, are
sensible that such severe measures must prove injurious, and
perhaps fatal ; but they dare not appear as the advocates for
the unfortunate, lest they should partake of their situation.
Late experiments justify their apprehensions, and, if I may
judge, the outs, who wish to be ins, will use this as a lever to
overturn the power of their opponents ; so that the general
gaol delivery, if effected, will come from those who inveigh
against, not from those who propose it. The reason is clear.
To advocate such a measure exposes to the charge of Moder-
atisme ; and you will observe here, that as Brissotisme suc
ceeded to Fayettisme, which has succeeded to Aristocratie, so
Moderatisme is now heir to all the odium of Brissotisme.
Robespierre has luckily hit on the term Ultra-revolution-
aire, and brought it with good success into the field against
the term Contre-revolutionaire ; but it seems likely that
Moderatisme will prove too hard for Ultra-revolutionaire.
I cut short these observations, to give you a sketch of the
state of parties. Previous to which, however, lest I should
forget it, I must mention, that Thomas Paine is in prison,
where he amuses himself with publishing a pamphlet against
Jesus Christ. I do not recollect whether I mentioned to
you, that he would have been executed along with the rest of
the Brissotines, if the adverse party had not viewed him with
contempt. I incline to think that, if he is quiet in prison, he
may have the good luck to be forgotten. Whereas, should
he he brought much into notice, the long suspended axe
might fall on him. I believe he thinks, that I ought to claim
him as an American citizen; but, considering his birth, his
naturalization in this country, and the place he filled, I doubt
much the right, and I am sure that the claim would be, for
the present at least, inexpedient and ineffectual.
There seems to be at present three parties among the doers
of the day ; for I except those, who are entirely indisposed to

394 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
the government. The one may be called the Dantonists,
with whom Robespierre is connected, and who urisUf by
mildness and something like a government of laws, to inspire
a sort of attachment to the revolution, apprehending that the
people, so often disappointed in the expectations held out to
them, may at length, by a kind of general effort, arising not
from any particular plot or conspiracy, but from the universal
sense of oppression, overturn the whole affair, which, what
ever may be its future and national effect, must necessarily
occasion their immediate and personal ruin.
The second may be called the Parisian party, being those
who wish by a new blow from the populace of this city to make
a second edition of the piece acted on the 31st of May last,
and thereby put themselves in the places of such as may be
then sent to the guillotine.
The third maybe called the Ministerial party, and although
the Ministers are, at present, no more than a kind of clerks,
subject to the imperative, and too often the imperious, mandates
of a Committee, yet as they are supported privately by those
who wish to bring forward the Constitution, and as they have
the natural advantage of men doing business with Committees,
to see how much is sacrificed, and how much neglected, and
thence show the great abuses inseparable from that sort of
government, they have more weight and consistency, than
would, at first sight, be imagined. As the present actors have
more energy, as well as more experience, than those who
suffered themselves to be elbowed off the stage on the 31st of
May, I presume that things will be brought much sooner to a
crisis. There is at present a plot in petto, which may, perhaps,
blow up the Dantonists. I have heard different versions of it,
and, therefore, will not give you any of them, becaus* it is well
known that matters of that kind undergo many changes before
they are exhibited, and, besides, the whole affair may die
away; especially if any general danger should oblige the par
ties to be friends for a month or two longer. Let parties rise

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 395
or fall as they may, I do not think the present form of govern
ment by Committees can long stand. We have seen such a
system fall by its own weight, when exercised on a much
smaller scale, and any one who has anything to do with Com
mittees here complains, which is the first step towards their
ruin. The successes of the Republic will give pleasure to all those
who are attached to France ; for whatever may be the opinions
as to a government, which may undergo yet a dozen changes,
it seems to be demonstrable from facts, that the plan of
dismemberment, which I long since communicated, really
exists, and it is that plan which has foiled the Allies. Admit
ting what has-been asserted by persons in a situation to know
the truth, and deeply interested to prove the contrary of their
assertion, that nine tenths of the nation are inimical to the
government, it is an undoubted truth that ninety-nine hun-.
dredths are opposed to all ideas of a dismemberment, and will
fight to prevent it. Hence it happens, that so few have joined
the enemy on any part of the frontiers, except the inhabitants
of Alsace, who have been, in their hearts, Germans; and hence
also it happens, that the Vendee has been so vigorous in its
operation, as in that quarter they fought simply to restore the
ancient government and religion. If the allies had given them
aid, God knows what would have been the consequence ; but
as the clear object, when aid was at length offered, consisted
only in possessing themselves of strong holds for their own use,
the whole plan has fallen through, and a great number of those
poor people have been sacrificed. Exaggerated accounts state
the destruction of the human race in that quarter at near a
million of souls. It certainly has been very great, though not,
perhaps, more than half that number. I am much mistaken if
the spirit of revolt be quelled, although, for want of opportunity,
it may not again perhaps break out.
Toulon was evacuated rather than taken. Perhaps, if the
evacuation had not been decided on, it would have been kept;
but certainly the brisk attacks of the French precipitated very

396 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
much the measures of the enemies. In my opinion, it was a
great blunder not to throw succors into that place ; for, if it
had been held a little longer, the French army must have re
treated, from the want of subsistence.
In like manner, it is now evident that if Bordeaux, Mar
seilles, Lyons, and Toulon, had all declared at the same time,
instead of showing their evil dispositions one after the other,
the whole southern part of France was irrecoverably lost to the
Republic. And if the good faith of the enemy had not been
suspected, this union of measures would have taken place. /I
learn, in like manner, that Strasbourg would have been deliver
ed up, if the Emperor had not desired to take it in his own
name, instead of that of Louis the Seventeenth. The Allies,
not being able to possess themselves of this place, (in which
the plan of surrendering was discovered, and its effects pre
vented,) and failing at the same time in their blockade of
Landau, which held out longer than they had calculated, were
obliged to retire into winter quarters, and as this could not be
unknown to the enemy, of course, they were attacked on all
sides, and by a vast superiority of numbers. At first, the
French were repulsed everywhere ; but the repetition of at
tacks, (for there were in the whole between thirty and forty),
wearied the defendants, who, by no resource of the military
art, could bear up against the bodily fatigue of constant fight
ing. The physical constitution of the French is more adapt
ed to this service, than perhaps any other on earth. To re
treat became necessary, and a retreat once begun, was con
tinued from necessity, because the French kept pouring in
fresh supplies of men when opposed, and continued their rapid
advance wherever they were victorious. Mayence and Fort
Louis could alone stop their pursuit.
They are now taking off everything in the country, which
they have possessed themselves of, and in so doing, they form
a barrier against themselves ; but what is to them of more impor
tance is, that they form also a barrier against their enemies.
On the north, it seems to be determined not to give the Allies

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 397
any rest, and the calculation is simple. The soldiers brought
from a distance cannot easily be replaced, and by constant
fighting they may be destroyed, for their country being open,
they have nothing to defend them but posts, which, however
strong, may be carried by superior numbers. It is true that
every one of the Germans so destroyed, may cost a dozen
Frenchmen ; but, it is said that the dozen can be replaced
more easily than the one. Mutual plunderings form a part of
this warfare. Judge, then, how it must thin the ranks of man
kind. 1 believe that nothing like it has appeared in Europe
since the crusades.
The resources of this country, its real resources I mean, are
wearing away very fast, and if it be true, as it is said, that the
population is already diminished one tenth within the last two
years, it will have, at least, this one good effect, that the con
sumption of provisions must diminish in the same proportion.
The fear of famine seems to be general ; and although I flatter
myself that its greatest ravages may be avoided, yet I do not
readily see how the resistance of the next campaign is to be
effected, if the whole force engaged against France should
continue its operation.
I am promised daily, that the embargo laid on our ships in
the port of Bordeaux shall be taken off, and an indemnification
be granted for the losses which it has occasioned. I have
never been able to learn why it was laid ; but have some rea
son to believe, that just ground of suspicion had been given as
to the voyages, the cargoes, and even the property of some of
the vessels then in that port. The deputation now here is pur
suing the affair before the Committees, and will, I trust, be sue-.
cessful, as it had already been resolved on to give adequate
redress, and I presume that they will not impair the favorable
intentions which existed previous to their arrival.
The ratio between paper and the precious metals remains
about the same as it was when I last quoted it. Foreign ex
changes have received a sad stroke, Monsieur Cambon had
declared last June, that by the first of January the exchange
vol. ii. 34

398 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
should be at par. As the measures of policy, on which his
prediction was founded, had not met with all the success de-
sired.it became necessary to supply the deficiency by force.
You will learn with some surprise, perhaps, that all the
funds belonging to French citizens in foreign countries have
been put in requisition. Every man is called on to declare
not only his own property abroad, but also that of others,
which may have come to his knowledge; the whole under
the usual penalty of the guillotine. Such sums as are thus dis
covered are to be paid for at par, and every one is prohibited
from purchasing bills on any pretext whatever. If this mea
sure furnishes the expected resource, which I doubt, it cuts
off all future hope. And if it does not furnish a very great re
source, there will exist in the national affairs a deficit of seri
ous magnitude, for they must face the demand abroad, or re
nounce the hope of supplies from thence, and on the expecta
tion of such supplies depends the hope of avoiding in this city
the evils of want, if not of absolute famine.
It is a long time since I had the honor to mention to you
Mr Francis Coffyn, acting at Dunkirk as Consul of the United
States. This worthy man's interference in the affair of the
Little Cherub (which, by the bye, remains yet undecided) has,
through the intrigues of those concerned in the privateer, been
the occasion of putting him in prison as a suspected person.
The ground of which suspicion is, the having corresponded with
Calonne, while Minister on the affairs of the town of Dunkirk,
which had, it seems, some demand on the court. I have, in
his absence, desired his sou to attend to the affairs formerly in
the hands of his father, and as he is a man of business, and by
no means deficient in understanding, I trust that he will be
able to conduct them well.
I cannot, however, avoid repeating my wish, that Consuls,
and Vice Consuls were appointed everywhere, for there is
great need of them. It would have been liappy had some one
been named in this city as Consul, or by any other name or
title, who might have followed up the Committees, waited day

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 399
after day in their ante-chamber and the like, so as to plague
them into decisions. The Ministers, as I have already men
tioned, stand in such a situation that they dare not push the
Committees very hard. You will easily see, that I cannot quit
the regular line of application through the channel the govern
ment has thought proper to institute for the purpose. And,
indeed, besides the impropriety of putting off the character of
Minister to put on that of intriguant, or at best of a solicitor, I
know that it would be a useless, as well as pernicious sacri
fice of the national dignity.
I have been requested by some to name a person for that
purpose ; but I have many objections to that measure, among
which it is no small one that I have not the right to do it ; and,
moreover, the state of things has long been, and still continues
to be so critical, that every man, having even the shadow of a
public character, is liable to the danger of compromitting him
self every instant. Hitherto, therefore, I have left every one
to choose his own agent for the conduct of his business, be
cause the blame, which must inevitably fall, will then lie on
the individual. I say that blame must fall, because those at a
distance, judging only from appearances and from professions,
form golden expectations, and imagine that nothing more is
necessary, in order to realize them, than to bring forward
something in the shape of an American. Facts are very dif
ferent from such appearances.
I suppose that the new Minister has, or shortly will have ar
rived at Philadelphia. I did not see him, for just as he went
away, I was forced by one of the Committees into a dispute,
which put them all out of humour, although they were soon
sensible they were wrong. It is not worth while to go into
the history of it, because the affair is blown over, and because
the conduct of men in the midst of a revolution is not to be
judged so severely as under a regular government.
It is a long time since I learnt* the attack of the Algerines,
but as I knew that advices had been sent off to you, I did not

400 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
mention it, not having then an immediate opportunity. I shall
have occasion to say something on the subject shortly. I
am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Paris, February 5th, 1794.
My Dear Sir,
In a newspaper of this day I find the translation of your
message of the fifth of December to Congress, and observe,
that after stating the violation of the treaty by a decree of the
National Convention, you tell them I have been instructed to
make representations on the subject.
Now this, my dear Sir, is the first I hear, and all I know
of such instructions. Indeed I have received no letters, news
papers, or other intelligence from America, since those which
Captain Culver brought. I suppose this arises from the diffi
culty of communication ; but whatever be the cause, I feel
the effect. It would be of some use if a clerk in the office of
Foreign Affairs had by triplicates mentioned from time to
time which of my letters were received. Thus on the pres
ent occasion, I should know whether my correspondence with
the Minister on the subject of this obnoxious decree was be
fore you.
As it is, not being able to determine the nature of the rep
resentations, which you have desired me to make, I am
obliged to be silent. And unless more than one copy has
been sent, I may never receive your orders, and at any rate it
will be at no early day. I am sure it is superfluous to tell
you, how painful it is for a person in my situation to be totally
ignorant of what passes in his own country, and whether the
conduct which, under circumstances continually changing, he
finds it necessary to pursue, does, or does not consist with the
views of government. Blaming a wrong step would prevent

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 401
a repetition of it ; but really at present I walk in the dark, or
at best by the feeble light of my own conjectures.
I know not whether my brethren have the same dearth of
intelligence. Mr Short complained of it much when I last
saw him, and has since mentioned the same thing from Ma
drid, so that I conclude the evil to arise from the negligence
of those to whom letters are entrusted. Might it not be ad
visable to send every month a small packet to Europe ?
They might come alternately to Havre and Lisbon, and that
which arrives at Lisbon come on thence to Havre, that which
arrives at Havre go from thence to Lisbon. In this way a
regular correspondence would be kept up, and by seizing for in-
important communications the private conveyances which offer,
full intelligence would be given and received. Six packets
would b.e amply sufficient for the service, and if, as I believe,
small schooners could be safely employed, the prime cost
would not be above three thousand pounds sterling, and the an
nual expense, I should suppose, not more than half of that sum.
I beg your pardon, my dear Sir, for troubling you with this
groaning epistle. I will not say one word of news, as in sup-
poseable circumstances it might prevent this letter from reach
ing you. I adhere to the opinions expressed in my last.
Adieu.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation.
Paris, February 14th, 1794.
Sir,
Thomas Paine has just made application to me, to claim
him as a citizen of the United States. The following, I be
lieve, are the facts with regard to him. He was bora in Eng
land ; becoming afterwards a citizen of the United States, he
gained great celebrity there, by his revolutionary writings. In
34*

402 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
consequence, he was adopted as a French citizen, and then
chosen a member of the Convention. His conduct from that
time has not come under my cognizance. I am ignorant of
the cause of his present detention in the prisons of Luxem
bourg ; but I pray you, Sir, if any reasons with which I am
unacquainted oppose his liberation, to have the goodness to
inform me of them, that I may communicate them to the gov
ernment of the United States. I have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO JAMES DONATUS LERAY.
Instructions. Paris, February 22d, 1794.
Sir,
The government of this country having resolved, in execu
tion of the eighth article of the treaty of amity and commerce,
concluded between the United States of America, and his
most Christian Majesty, on the sixth day of February, 1778,
to employ their good offices with the Regency of Algiers, to
bring about a treaty of peace, have desired me to nominate
and appoint some person on the part of the United States, to
be present and assist at the negotiations to be had and
made for that purpose ; and, you having consented to under
take that office, I have by a commission of this day authoris
ed you to negotiate and conclude such treaty on the part of
the United States of America. It becomes necessary, there
fore, to explain to you my situation, and thence, as well as
from the circumstances of the moment, to deduce rules for
your government.
And, first, yrou are to know that my appointment of you is a
mere assumption of power on my part, no such authority be
ing given to me as that which is implied in your commission.
I act on this occasion upon the principle, that where great
public interests are concerned, and when, from the nature of

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 403
the case, it is impossible that the will of the government can
be seasonably expressed, the confidential servants of the pub
lic are in duty bound to imply that will. But your good sense
will show you, that by reason hereof, a more critical degree of
responsibility is incurred. And hence results two rules for
your guidance.
1. Avoid as much as possible all interference, leaving the
business to the agents of this government, and only advising
with them, so as to secure to the utmost the interests of the
United States, in the treaty which they may be able to con
clude. 2. In any such treaty, whether you do, or do not, appear
as a Commissioner, take care that it be limited to a short peri
od, (such, for instance, as one year,) unless approved by the
United States. Such approbation to be expressed by the
President of the said States, agreeably to the Constitution
thereof. I give you herewith a copy of the treaty concluded between
the United States and the Emperor of Morocco, which will
serve as a model or groundwork for you to go by. I expect
that the Regency of Algiers will be exorbitant in their demands
of money, as heretofore they havebeen; and I presume that
some unfriendly European powers (I might say unchristian
powers) may endeavor to counteract you ; the rather, as I am
informed, that a British Consul in that quarter has declared
that America will never obtain a treaty with Algiers, but
through the medium of his government. It is proper, there
fore, that the business be conducted with the utmost secrecy,
and that you appear, what by birth you are, a Frenchman, at
least until some good purpose can be answered by the exhibi
tion of your true character and country. It will be useful to
inculcate on your companions the same secrecy, which I have
just requested you to preserve.
The method by which, as far as I can learn, a treaty has
hitherto been avoided, and which may perhaps be still pursued
is, by demanding of the United States a sum of money out of

404 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
all proportion to the object. And as far as it has come to my
knowledge, the disposition of America is divided between the
obtaining such treaty by purchase or by force. We have
heard, I know not with what truth, that the United States are
fitting out thirty frigates. Be it as it may, the report can be
turned to account on the present occasion. It may be insinu
ated to the Dey and his Ministers, that the United States will
send a fleet into the Mediterranean manned with the best sea
men in the world, (for such the seamen, natives of America,
unquestionably- are,) with orders to cruise continually and in
tercept all vessels whatever going to or coming from the port
of Algiers. That with this fleet are to be connected some
light armed schooners, and a body of riflemen hunters, whose
skill, whose activity, and whose courage are unequalled ; that
this armament will be directed to rendezvous in the port of
Malta, in order to commence their operations.
It will be proper to state the greatest amount of all their
captures from tbe United States, since the year 1783 to the
present hour, and, without making any deductions therefrom
for the expense of the armaments against our commerce, (and
which would probably exceed the value of the prizes,) divide
the same by ten for the number of years. It will then appear
of how little value is the object, even could it be longer pur
sued without risk or inconvenience. It will appear that, if the
whole amount had gone into the Dey's coffers, he would not
be much benefitted thereby, and he should be made to ob
serve, that if the Americans pursue their plan, and obtain, as
they may, subsidies from the Italian States and others, their
armaments will cost them nothing, and he will lose the sum he
now receives for preserving peace with those States.
The United States have less shipping than is needful to
carry their produce, and the latter increases faster than the
former ; so that they can easily forego the commerce of the
Mediterranean, seeing that they would then be unable to get
back, of course they could lake nothing from us, and would
lose much by engaging with us.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. » 405
From what I have just said, you will see that it is my object
to obtain a peace with the smallest possible sacrifice of money,
for nothing, if you can. But whether a treaty be, or be not,
made, it will be proper to get back the unfortunate men who
are captives in that country. If a peace be obtained, their re
lease should be one article of it. If not, you must contrive to
get them away for as little money as possible. And it would
be well to obtain such passports as may carry them home, lest
they should be intercepted in their return.
Before I conclude, it, is proper to mention the expense to
be incurred on this occasion ; and this I divide into two parts,
national and personal. This government will make due pro
vision for the former, and it must be your object to confine it
within narrow bounds. It is true that neither you nor I can
incur any responsibility in relation to that object, beause I have
fully expressed to the Minister of Foreign Affairs my total
want of authority ; and, consequently, their acts are purely their
own; but, still, as the United States will be under a kind of
honorary obligation to discharge the debt, which may thus be
incurred, it is our duty to render it as light as possible.
As to your personal expense, I will pay it, and I pray you to
be as economical as circumstances will permit ; for I must
again repeat to you, that, having no authority to act, if my
conduct should be disapproved, it is but just that the cost be
defrayed by me.
And now, Sir, I commit you to your own understanding and
discretion, of which you have a plentiful share, and to the
protection of God. If you succeed, as I hope and believe
you will, I doubt not you will receive the grateful acknowl
edgements of America. My thanks are already due for the
readiness wi,th which you have undertaken this task, which is
by no means a pleasant or agreeable one. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

406 . THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
TO M. DEFORGUES.
Translation. Paris, February 27th, 1794.
Sir,
The Captains of American vessels brought into your ports,
and persons interested in the said vessels and their cargoes,
address to me very serious complaints, which seem but too
well founded.
I will not here examine the measure itself, excusable per
haps on account of the extraordinary circumstances in which
the Republic is placed. But even could severe necessity
justify a violation of the rights of a neutral and allied nation,
she ought, at least, to expect to suffer only the inevitable
grievances arising from this violation. She has a right to
expect, that the French Republic will be . so much the more
liberal and prompt in making compensation for these forced
supplies, as the method by which she took possession of them
was uncommon.
But I see with regret that those who, sailing for France, had
the misfortune to be carried into England, have had less cause
of complaint, than those who have been brought into the ports
of the Republic. Here delays and expense consume the
whole. Some of the American vessels have been retaken,
but the Captains, kept with part of their crews, on board the
French vessels, which had captured them, have not been
informed of their recapture until their arrival in some port of
the Republic, where for months they have solicited indemni
fication, assistance, means of subsistence, and permission to
depart. I am sorry to add that all their solicitations have
been fruitless. The Captains Florence, Donavan, and Ben
jamin Rogers, carried into Brest by the ship VImpetueux,
Captain l'Eveque, are in this predicament.
Many vessels and American cargoes, among others the
cargo of the Danish ship, le Krageroc, are in the same port,
and I am told, that there is no one there, authorised by the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 407
Republic, to treat for the cargoes, to pay the freight of the
vessels, or to fix the indemnification, which the aggrieved
persons think they have a right to demand. Thus the unfor
tunate men captured at sea, by the ships of an allied nation,
and carried prisoners into her remote ports, find themselves,
although without means and almost destitute of resources,
obliged to undertake a long and expensive journey to obtain
that justice, which at least can only be rendered to them in the
ports which they have left, since it is there that the articles
must be proved, and their prices regulated according to their
quality .
I hope, Sir, that the most precise orders will be despatched
to remedy these grievances, and that you will soon enable me
to give a satisfactory account of them to the American
Government. 1 have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Sainport, March 6th, 1794.
Dear Sir,
My last was of the 21st of January. I am still without any
advices from you since your letters by Captain Culver, which
I attribute to the interruptions, to which all communication
with this country is exposed, and which for that, among many
other reasons, I much lament. Amid the political storms
which vex this hemisphere, the opinion of the United States is
the polar star, which should guide my course, but which is to
tally concealed from my view.
Hoskins, whose imprisonment I mentioned in my last, has
been liberated. I mentioned also that there had been some
feeble attempts to adopt lenient measures, and substitute a
government of law to the present system ; but hinted, at the
same time, my apprehension that they would prove unsuccess
ful. You will see by the late decree that this apprehension
was well founded, and that entire reliance is placed on se-

408 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
verity and the resulting fear. This may perhaps succeed,
but is exposed to a double danger. First, it facilitates the in
trigues and the operations of the foreign enemy, by exciting
attachment to the former, and aversion to the present govern
ment ; and, secondly, it breaks the minds of the people, and
prepares them for an abject submission to an usurper, should
any such arise in the course of successful war, either civil or
foreign. I have mentioned Mr Paine's confinement. Major Jackson,
who, by the bye, has not given me a letter from you, which he
says was merely introductory, but left it with the Comite de
Surete Generate as a kind of letter of credence, Major Jack
son, relying on his great influence with the leaders here, stepped
forward to get Mr Paine out of gaol, and, with several other
Americans, has presented a petition to that effect, which was
referred to that Committee and the Comite de Salut Public.
This last, I understand, slighted the application as totally
irregular ; and some time afterwards Mr Paine wrote me a
note, desiring I would claim him as an American, which I ac
cordingly did, though contrary to my judgment, for reasons
mentioned in my last. The Minister's letter to me of the first
Ventose, of which I enclose a copy, contains the answer to my
reclamation. I sent a copy to Mr Paine, who prepared a long
answer, and sent it to me by an Englishman, whom I do not
know. I told him, as Mr Paine's friend, that my present opinion
was similar to that of the Minister, but I might, perhaps, see oc
casion to change it, and in that case, if Mr Paine wished it, I
would go on with the claim, but that it would be well for him to
consider the result, that if the government meant to release him
they had already a sufficient ground ; but if not, I could only
push them to bring on his trial for the crimes imputed to him ;
seeing that, whether he be considered as a Frenchman, or as
an American, he must be amenable to the tribunals of France
for his conduct while he was a Frenchman, and he may see in
the fate of the Brissotins that to which he is exposed. I have

THE FRENGH REVOLUTION. 409
heard no more of the affair since ; but it is not impossible that
he may force on a decision, which, as far as I can judge,
would be fatal to him ; for, in the best of times, he had a lar
ger share of every other sense than of common sense, and lately
the intemperate use of ardent spirits has, 1 am told, consider
ably impaired the small stock, which he originally possess
ed. The plan communicated to you of a requisition on all bank
ers, merchants, and others, to furnish bills for their funds
abroad, and receive payment in Assignats at par, has totally
failed, as might have been supposed. It was the boy in the
fable who killed the goose which laid golden eggs. As a suc-
cedaneum, they have obliged the same people to execute joint
and several obligations (billets solidaires) payable to the bear
er for fifty millions of livres, say a forced loan of two millions
sterling. These are to be negotiated in foreign countries, and
the nation agrees to take them up again hereafter. What is
somewhat extraordinary is, that a few of the monied men
seem to believe in the success of this measure; but I own I
can scarcely conceive of it, for if foreigners believe in the ulti
mate success of the Republic, and in the integrity of her future
government, the intervention of private credit would be un
necessary ; and, if not, it must be useless ; because, should
the Republic be overturned, the plea of duress, by the individ
uals who have signed, must defeat all hope of recovery ; and
because, if the Republic' Succeeding, should be deficient in her
integrity, the individuals would be of course covered by law
against all judicial pursuit. Add to this, that there is a kind
of absurdity in signing such obligations, by which the richest
man binds himself for four times as much as he is worth. On
this . pin, however, is suspended, for the present, all hope of
facing numerous and pressing engagements for indispensable
Supplies from abroad.
I told you in former letters, that I apprehended a great
scarcity of food for the present, or rather the coming cam
paign, should the Allied Powers persist in their hostility.
vol. ii. 35

410 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
They do persist, though the King of Prussia, taking advan
tage of circumstances, insists on being paid for the blood of
his subjects. Food is already very scarce. Flesh is hardly
to be obtained in Paris, and the drought of last summer re
duced the crop of garden produce so low, that it is now near
ly exhausted, and no great addition to be expected for three
long months.
You, who know the abundance of former times, will per
haps form a better judgment by price than by description.
Take therefore, as a sample, cabbages twenty-four sous, and
carrots eight sous a piece, and other things in proportion ;
sea fish are reduced' in quantity, by reason of the war and
the total want of flesh on the sea coast, to a degree incredible.
For instance, the wealthiest families in Rouen, Havre, fee.
are obliged for many succeeding days to content themselves
with two or three pounds of very bad salt pork, half a pound
of bread each, and such few vegetables as they can procure.
The distant departments have many of them been at short al
lowance for three months past ; others for a shorter period ;
and Paris has been supplied as long as possible. But the re
sources for flesh being at an end, the bulk of the inhabitants
must soon come to bread alone. Now supposing a very
doubtful fact, that the magazines of corn are sufficient for
common times, and that no difficulty be experienced in the
manufacturing and transportation, yet, as the consumption of
that article must be increased by the want of all others, very
serious evil is to be apprehended. As I write, I recollect
some other articles of price, which during my late residence in
Paris I heard mentioned. Eggs ten sous each, and salted
herrings the same price. These last were the only things,
which the poor could get the day before I left town, viz. the
first of March, and these bad. Pulse is at thirty sous a
quart. The enemy is collecting himself for an immense effort on
the northern frontier. The troops of the Republic have long
been assembling in the same quarter. Will the supplies be

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 411
sufficient for the army and for the capital?, That is a ques
tion of serious magnitude. If Paris runs resty, the revolution
is done. If the army disbands, the game is equally over.
And such events have taken place since the government
adopted terror for its maxim and support, that if once that
terror were, by superior force, to receive a counter direction
the Ancien Regime, or any other Regime, would, I think, be
submitted to without the slightest struggle.
The Vendee, so often and so totally destroyed in reports
made to the Convention, seems still to exist, and to wait for
the meditated descent from Great Britain, to break out with
more violence than ever. If the royalists should again collect
an army in that quarter, I believe it will become on both sides
a war of extirpation. Torrents of blood have been already
shed there, and, if the accounts from thence be not greatly ex
aggerated, another campaign like the last would convert the
whole country into a desert. Barrere, in assigning at the bar
of the Convention the causes of the present scarcity, said, that
the Vendee, which used to furnish Paris market weekly with
six hundred large beeves, now wants provisions !
I have often had occasion to mention the embargo laid at
BordeauXj and the sufferings of our countrymen consequent
upon it. I have also mentioned the arrival of a deputation
from that port to solicit the business in Paris. The day pre
ceding their arrival the Minister told me, that everything
shduld be settled to my satisfaction in two or three days. The
deputation, to whom I communicated this intelligence, seemed
very apprehensive lest their claims for damages should be re
ferred to persons on the spot, which I own appeared to me
both fair and natural ; but they assigned reasons against it,
which were satisfactory to themselves, and as they were de
termined to have everything adjusted in their own way, and
were well convinced that their representations must have the
desired effect; as they seemed, moreover, to be filled with
suspicions of Mr Fenwick, which seemed to me ill founded,
and therefore very liable to adopt them in respect to any other

412 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
of the public servants, I thought it best to leave the business to
their own management. I asked them, therefore, what they
wished me to do, after having shown them what had already
been done. They hesitated a little, as is usual when men
have not thought of any course of procedure before they be
gin to act. They desired an introduction to the Minister,
which I immediately gave, and they went to him next day,
but came back much out of humor. They afterwards pre
sented a petition to the Convention, which was referred to the
Comite de Salut Public, and there the affair seems to have
ended, for all their urgency to that Committee has not got
them one inch forward.
I apprehend that they may have injured their own claim, by
interfering unnecessarily in other matters; one instance of
which I shall presently have occasion to mention. They have
at length called on me to make new demands, declaring their
intention to abandon the property of their vessels. I expected
that they would have gone back, but find that they determine
to remain still longer in Paris, which may, I fear, prove detri
mental. However, on the twenty-seventh of last month, the day af
ter I received their letter, I wrote to the Minister on the sub
ject. I send herewith a copy of my letter, with one of the
same date respecting the vessels and cargoes brought in by
French frigates, contrary not only to our own treaty, but to
¦ every principle of the law of nations. These captures create
great confusion, must produce much damage to mercantile
men, and are a source of endless and well founded complaint.
Every post brings me piles of letters about it from all quarters,
and I see no remedy. You have a copy of the Minister's an
swer to my letter, holding out the hope of a speedy decision;
but it may be very long before it can be obtained. And, in
the mean time, if I would give way to the clamors of the injur
ed parties, I ought to make demands very like a declaration of
war. What am I to do in such cases ? It is impossible for me to

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 413
guess the intentions of government, and indeed, Sir, the
responsibility is great and distressing. Our countrymen here
find, that it is the easiest thing in the world to carry any point
with the Committees, until they have tried. In the mean time,
I am exposed to their clamors in this country, and most
iprobably to their censures in my own, for not performing
impossibilities. In order to complete the business, nothing
more is necessary, than that the rulers of this Republic,
wearied with my complaints, should apply for my recall, in
order to get rid of a troublesome fellow. I think it is very
likely to happen, if it be not already done. I beg your par
don, Sir, for saying so much of myself, but it is a troublesome
thing to navigate in the dark between Scylla and Charybdis,
without chart or compass.
I send you enclosed the copy of a letter I received on the
fifth of last month from a number of Americans here, (includ
ing therein some of the Bordeaux deputation,) with a copy
of my answer of the sixth. I sent copies of both to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs, and called on him shortly after to
mention several things, some of which I have already noticed.
.Among them was the long depending affair of the Laurens, at
Havre, and the decrees made in her case violating our treaty.
I took occasion then to mention again, what I had said in
answer to the letter from my countrymen, viz. that 1 was in
hourly expectation of instructions respecting those decrees. I
told him that, until they arrived, I should forbear any formal
application ; but, under the existing circumstances, 1 would in
a friendly manner take leave to express some single idea; that,
if the government meant to abide by the treaty, they had
better anticipate the arrival of those instructions, and by a
voluntary step preserve an air of dignity and good faith. But
if, on the contrary, they meant to persist in the violation, then
it would be well to consider the events likely to take place,
and to provide for them in season. He felt much obliged by
this mode of treating the affair, and told me that the thing was
already before the Committee in the case of the Laurens, and
35*

414 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
that he would endeavor to procure a speedy and satisfactory
decision. You will find herein the report made by Jean Bon St
Andre, which is fully confirmatory of the treaty. Some little
matters (errors) of form have impeded the execution of the final
decision, and the communication which he is to make to me ;
but I thought it a proper moment to bring forward the case of
the Enterprise, which is the subject of the above mentioned
letter from Ingraham and others to me. I, therefore, having
previously concerted measures with the Minister, prepared a
short petition from Captain Ingraham to the Comite" de Salut
Public, as an appeal from the decision of the Executive
Council, and sent it to the Minister, who forwarded it to the
Committee, and intends to support before them the principles
of the petition, and labor for a reversal of the judgment.
I send you enclosed the copy of my letter to the Minister of
the 22d of last month, respecting the imprisonment of our
Vice Consul at Havre, and of his answer. I shall pursue this
business to obtain his liberation. Poor Coffyn is still con
fined. While on the subject of violations of personal liberty, it is
proper to communicate a step, which late circumstances indu
ced me to take. I have already hinted at a little dispute I had
with the Comite de Surete Generate. It arose about the ar
rest of a person in my house. Particular reasons prevented
me from pushing the matter to a serious issue then. I shall
perhaps, take occasion to communicate them hereafter, when I
am sure of my conveyance. The Committee were made sen
sible that they had done wrong, and that was all which I
thought necessary.
They have since (though not towards me) gone greater
lengths, by arresting the Charge d'Affaires of Malta. This ren
dered it proper to make a more pointed animadversion on their
conduct, and produced the enclosed pieces of the 27th of
February. The Minister's answer of the eleventh Ventose is
also enclosed, and I find by the gazettes, that on the report of

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 415
the Comite de Salut Public a decree has been passed in the
premises, of which I have not yet received communication
from the Minister.
The Comite de Salut Public and the Comite de Surete Gen
erate are not, I am told, on the best terms together, and will
probably come to something more overt than words ere long.
It is of little importance under what forms parties or factions
may present themselves ; their real origin is in the political
form of the society ; and if anything prevents their rage, it
must be the situation of Foreign Affairs. It is supposed that
the approaching famine will be the signal for hostilities between
the contending parties ; but it would seem not over prudent
in any man, or set of men, to aim at power under present cir
cumstances. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Sainport, March 7th, 1794.
Dear Sir,
Shortly after the intelligence of hostilities by the Algerines,
I "applied to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, as being inter
ested in putting a stop thereto, in order to cover the arrival
of provisions in our ships. It was agreed that the Republic
should, in conformity to our treaty, endeavor to obtain a
treaty for us with the Algerines. But as it was uncertain
whether the Dey would negotiate such treaty with the agents
of France, I was desired to name one for the United States.
I therefore stated my want of power ; but it being impossi
ble to get a seasonable answer from America to letters on the
subject, I agreed to make the appointment of a person, who
should come forward in case of necessity. I accordingly
have sent M. James Leray, a naturalized citizen of America,
to accompany the French Commissioners. He will appear
as a Frenchman, unless circumstances call for the production

416 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
of his powers. My instructions to him, after stating my want
of authority, are, in substance, to aid in obtaining the best
possible treaty for the smallest possible sum, and to confine
the duration thereof to one year, unless approved of by the
President, and to procure the liberation of our captivated fel
low citizens.
The French Commissioners are not yet gone, though ft is
now two months since everything was agreed on. Such are
the delays, which result from the disorganized state of affairs
in this country. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Sainport, March 13th, 1794.
My Dear Sir,
I send you herewith a duplicate of my last letter, in the close
of which I mention my adherence to the opinions expressed in
my last. But on recurring to my private letter book, which
was not then before me, I find that the letter I there alluded to
was written on the eighteenth of October. It went by Cap
tain Culver, and has, I hope, arrived in due season. Every
day confirms what is contained in that letter ; but parties are
so balanced, and the impending force from abroad is in such
threatening attitude, that the present state of things drags on
its existence rather from surrounding circumstances than from
internal vigor. And strange as it may seem, the impending
change may arise from a victory, or from a defeat, or from a
famine. The gazettes tell us that Mr Jefferson is coming to Europe ;
some of them say as my successor ; others say it is a secret
mission. I have heard it said that he is to negotiate a peace
among the belligerent powers. For my own part, I hold in
politics the opinions which prevail in physics among sound
philosophers, viz. that it is proper to determine facts before we

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 417
attempt to discover causes. I wait therefore patiently the
event. Major Jackson, who has been here for some time,
gave me two successors; first, Mr Bingham, and then Mr
Pinckney ; giving in the latter case Mr Pinckney's place .to
Mr Bingham. So it is easy, you see, to fill up vacancies.
The probable events of the campaign about to open, are not
favorable to the French Republic. It will be extremely diffi
cult for them to subsist the armies needful for their defence,
and the extreme severity exercised by the present government
will, in case of adverse events, excite a universal insurrection.
At present, the people are restrained by fear from showing any
sentiment unfavorable to the existent authorities, but as is usu
al in like circumstances, should that fear be removed, it will be
succeeded by sharp resentments. If, however, the armies of
the Republic should prove successful, they would, in my opin
ion, be the first to overturn the Convention ; for such is the
usual course of things. A terrible perspective this, my dear
Sir, for those who are at present in the saddle ; no wonder,
therefore, if they ride hard. It is not the least of their misfor
tunes to be fully sensible of their situation ; and it results there
fore, that as much time is consumed in providing for their de
fence against adverse factions and contingent events, as in pre
paring for the general defence of the country ; more perhaps.
How different was our situation in America. Every one
performed cheerfully his part, nor had we anything to appre
hend but from the common enemy. Such is the immense
difference between a country which has morals, and one which ^
is corrupted. The former has everything to hope, and the
latter everything to fear.
Adieu, my dear Sir ; may God in heaven bless, and pre
serve, and prosper you.
Gouverneur Morris.

418 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Sainport, April 10th, 1794.
My Dear Sir,
In a letter, which I had the honor of writing to you on the
10th of January, 1793, I gave you some traits respecting Mr
Westermann, and as my public despatches had already com
municated the plans of Danton, you will not have been sur
prised at what has lately happened to them. I wrote to you
on the 25th of June, that those who ruled had just ideas of
the value of popular opinion. Also, that should they reach a
harbor, it would be as much by good luck, as by good man
agement, and that at any rate, part of the crew would be
thrown overboard. Those I had then' particularly in view
were Chabot and company, of which company a part still ex
ists. On the eighteenth of October, I gave you a short view of
the nature of the then government, and added what seemed to
be the probable termination. I therein observed that, whether
France would pass to that point through the medium of a Tri
umvirate, or other small body of men, seemed as yet undeter
mined; but that I thought it most probable she 'would. At
that period things were wound up very high, and ever since
the utmost uncertainty has prevailed, as to the stroke which
would be given.
I enclose herein a copy of what I wrote on the twelfth of
last month, since which, both the Dantonists and Hebertists
are crushed. The fall of Danton seems to terminate the idea
of a Triumvirate. The chief, who would in such case have
been one of his colleagues, has wisely put out of the way a
dangerous competitor. Hence it would seem, that the high
road must be laid through the Comite de Salut Public; unless,
indeed, the army should meddle. But as to the army, no
character seems as yet to have appeared with any prominent
feature ; neither is there so much discipline as would give an
aspiring character just ground of hope. It is a wonderful

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 419
thing, Sir, that four years of convulsion, among four and twen-
* ty millions of people, has brought forth no one, either in civil
or military life, whose head wquld fit the cap which fortune has
woven. Robespierre has been the most consistent, if not the only
consistent. He is one of those of whom* Shakspeare's Csesar
speaks to his frolicsome companion, ' He loves no sports as
thou dost, Anthony.' There is no imputation against him for
corruption. He is far from rich, and still farther from appear
ing so. It is said that his idol is ambition ; but I think that
the establishment of the Republic would, all things consider
ed, be most suitable to him. Whether he thinks so is another
question, which I will not pretend to answer, nor how far such
establishment may appear to him practicable. If it be sup
posed that a man in his situation should absolutely despair of
the Republic, and have so much diffidence either in his abili
ties or his influence, as to despair also of obtaining, much less
of preserving the supreme power, then it might be supposed
that Danton's plan would be by such person carried into exe^
cution. Yet all this supposition is but conjectural foundation
of new conjecture.
And what are the Allies about? Forming schemes to be
executed, if they should continue to be Allies. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE.
Sainport, near Paris, April 15th, 1794.
My Dear Sir,
This letter will accompany the duplicate of my last to Mr
Jefferson, of the 6th of March. Be so kind, I pray you, as to
let me know which of my letters are missing. I presume
there must be great chasms in my correspondence, as I have
received the acknowledgement of very few of my letters ; and
yet I have written always by duplicates, frequently by tripli
cates and quadruplicates.

420 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
Permit me, my dear Sir, to congratulate you on your
appointment. It is honorable to you, and will, I believe, be
useful to the United States. The more so, as your convictions
respecting our form of government will restore that harmony
to our Executive departments, a want of which gave much
pleasure to the enemies of America. I flatter myself also, that
your habits of attention to business will produce a more
active correspondence with the public servants abroad.
Mr Jefferson desired me some time ago to mark the state of
depreciation to him ; which I continued to do, but omitted in
my last, because it continued nearly in the same situation as
when I last communicated it. The fact is, that there is now
no certain or steady rate, because, as you will see by the ga
zettes, dealers in that business are frequently guillotined.
There is no foreign exchange, and in purchases very little, if
any, allowance would be made on payments in specie; and
yet bullion is higher than it was before the Assignats were
issued. The exact rate I do not know. Louis d'ors, I am
told, are much higher than they were, owing, as I have for
merly mentioned, to the greater facility of concealing or trans
porting them.
I have long since pointed out the danger of something very
like a famine, which has indeed in many parts put on its most
distressing forms. Men have literally expired for the want
of food, with the means of buying it in their possession, could
it have been bought. Luckily, or rather providentially, the
season advances with a rapidity scarcely ever experienced. I
have rye in the ear, and sanfoin in blossom. It is true, that
the sandy soil contributes to push forward vegetation ; but still
it is a phenomenon. Apricots as large as a pigeon's egg in the
middle of April, and that in the latitude of forty-eight to forty-
nine. These facts, which, in common cases, would be more
properly communicated to an agricultural society than to a
Minister of State, are of vast importance, for the great bulk of
this nation live chiefly on vegetable substances ; and in the
south, where the scarcity was greatest, I presume, from what

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 421
I see here, that the earth begins to furnish a tolerable support
to its inhabitants, A frost, such as we experienced in the end
of last May, would do more towards the starvation system,
than all the armies and fleets in Europe.
In my last, I mentioned that the King of Prussia persisted
in the alliance, although he intended to be paid for his efforts.
I am still of the same opinion, though it is confidently asserted
that he means to withdraw, leaving only bis contingent as a
co-estate of the Empire, His past conduct gives no room to
suppose, that a sacred regard to engagements taken would
prevent him from abandoning his allies ; but I think there is
the stronger tie of a common interest. Austria and England,
particularly the latter, are more pointedly interested than he.
I conclude, therefore, that the business will wind up by a good
round subsidy, (perhaps a million sterling,) and in consequence
of it a very large body of Prussian troops added to the army
in Flanders.
By garrisoning a few posts along the Rhine, and leaving
the country exposed to incursion, the allies will force the
German militia to defend themselves ; and as to the ravages
which may be committed, a few consolatory phrases will, per
haps, be the only compensation, which the sufferers will ever
receive. If this conception of the business be just, the Prus
sian Cabinet will keep up the idea, that it means to recall its
armies, until the last moment, and those armies will then
turn off to the left into the Low Countries, or perhaps be
transported by water. Something or other of an extraordinary
nature is in agitation on both sides, for the armies have been
long looking at each other, without striking or even aiming a
blow. I have no doubt but the Allies count on the public
discontents here, and certainly they have some foundation ;
but as, on their side, there is no one chief who can act deci
sively, or form solid engagements for the whole alliance, it
is not possible to take that advantage of those discontents,
which certainly would not escape the intelligent mind of a
Caesar or an Alexander.
vol. ii. 36

422 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
In the course of my correspondence with your predecessor,
I have endeavored to communicate to him my views of men
and things, and to prepare his mind for events, which appear
ed to me probable, and which have in due course of time
taken place. This is what I conceived to be one of the
most important duties of my station ; and if I have not
been more full and particular, it is because the names
of those, who, in their turn, were to rule and to per
ish, seemed to me of secondary moment ; and because,
judging, in my lamentable dearth of intelligence, from such
feeble lights as I could collect in scattered rays from dif
ferent quarters, it seemed ' to me that my letters would
have been more acceptable, had I been deceived as to facts
and probabilities, or capable of communicating sentiments
and opinions I did not entertain.
It has appeared to me, that Paris decides for the whole of
France, and that the Sans Culottes (alias populace) decide
for Paris ; that, of course, factions would continually arise,
waging inexplicable war with each other, and that the
momentary influence of each, being founded on fear only,
could not take on any stable form, or possess any durable
existence ; that each new stroke of the guillotine would
weaken the force of liberal sentiment, and, consequently,
diminish the chances of a free system.
I must repeat here, that plots and conspiracies are not to
be attributed to the genius and temper of those who plot and
conspire, but to the state of society ; for it would be, I think,
inconsequent, to imagine that in a given number of individu
als, born in different countries or places, there should be a
very great disproportion of talents and qualities. It seems
more regular to believe, that in a virtuous and just society,
the good qualities which exist are drawn into action, and the
bad repressed by despair of success ; while, on the contrary,
in a depraved and vicious society, the good must remain inac
tive for the want of confidence and support, while the bad,
released from the fear of shame, and prompted by cupidity or

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 423
ambition, count on the submission of the society, if they ac
quire the means of inspiring fear into the great mass, of which
each individual pursues his personal interest unrestrained by
moral principle.
After this preface, which might better, perhaps, have been
spared, I proceed to mention, that many different schemes
were, I think, carrying on to destroy the existent government.
As to the idea that foreign powers excited the parties, I am
not disposed either to adopt or reject it. I do not consider it
as being at all necessary to the formation of a conspiracy, al
though very necessary to the destruction of those engaged in
it. I explain; the pride-of the nation will at any time rouse
them from the perfect insensibility with which they would
behold the Convention, and all its Committees, thrown into
the river; and therefore it is useful to rouse that pride, by stat
ing every attempt to overturn the government as originating
with the foreign foe. And I remark here, that in the different
reports made respecting these conspiracies, and the accusa
tions against those engaged in them, it is as it were taken for
granted, that the people would quietly submit to those, who
by a coup de main should put themselves in possession of self
created power.
I do not say that this is true, but I have no doubt that a
certain duration of general terror, as the basis of a system of
government, must inevitably produce that effect. The period
of duration, required for any particular nation, will depend
somewhat on the national character, but more on the morality
of the people. To reason therefore a priori on the subject,
our ideas must take on as much of an algebraic as logical
form. In examining historical facts, on the contrary, we are too apt,
I think, to ascribe to individuals the events which are produced
by general causes. The two factions lately crushed may be
called the Dantonist and Hebertist. I should more readily
attribute to the latter, than to the former, a connexion with for
eign powers. I have strong reasons to believe that Danton

424 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
feared from them, and hoped from those who destroyed him.
The Hebertists, however, may be considered, I think, as the
Anti-Conventional, and the Dantonists as the Royal, faction. I
except always the Aristocrats, who are in fact null, and who
in the various changes which impend will, I am persuaded,
have very little, if any, share. The more ardent spirits among
them flew off" long ago, either into foreign countries or the Ven
dee. I speak in generals, not universals. Those who remain
are of that waxen substance called the men of property, who
in foreign wars count so much, and civil wars so little.
Danton always believed, and, what is worse as to himself
at least, always maintained, that a popular system of government
for this country was absurd ; that the people were too igno
rant, too inconstant, and too corrupt to support a legal admin
istration ; that, habituated to obey, they required a master; and
that, even had they been educated in the principles of free
dom, and joined to the energy of sentiment the force of habit,
yet like ancient Rome they had reached the period in which
Cato was a madman, and Caesar a necessary evil. His con
duct was in perfect unison with those principles when he act
ed ; but he was too voluptuous for his ambition, too indolent
to acquire supreme power. Moreover, his object seems rather
to have been great wealth,, than great fame. He has fallen
at the feet of Robespierre.
As to the Hebertists, whatever may have been the ultimate
view of some, I presume that the greater number had nothing
more in view, than a second edition of the 31st of last May.
The destruction of all these Chiefs has given great power to
the Comite de Salut Public, whose monthly renewal is so
much a thing of course, that they may be considered as a per
manent body. Hence it follows, that the next considerable
party ought to arise there. The Hebertists believed the Con
vention to be so low in public opinion, that they could overturn
it without the aid of its own members. They were deceived,
or at least they were anticipated. The Dantonists supposed,
that in the want of respect for their rulers, the people would
readily turn on the little prisoner in the temple, that enthusias-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 425
tic sentiment so congenial to the heart of man, so essential
to that which beats in a French bosom. They also were anti
cipated ; but if they judged rightly, they have unveiled a
dreadful mystery.
Some one observed the other day, in conversation, that
all the men of the tenth of August have passed away already,
and those also of the second of September. It is certain that
the tenth of August is chiefly to, be attributed to Westermann,
one of those lately guillotined, and that Danton was among
the prime movers of the scenes of September. The reason for
that massacre will be found, perhaps, in the old adage, dead
men tell no tales. Oliver Cromwell Understood well the value
of mob sentiment, when he replied to his chaplain, vain of the
applauding crowd which thronged round his master's coach,
' there would be as many, and as glad, to attend me at the gal
lows.' I do not believe that a good man in America can feel
all the force of that expression ; and, therefore, I believe it is
very difficult to form on certain subjects a just opinion.
You will ask, perhaps, whether these factions are totally
crushed, and whether, if so, similar factions are likely to arise.
I think I have anticipated that question ; and the general re
flections, which, perhaps, have already fatigued you, contained
the anticipated reply. I will not, therefore, repeat ; and, be
sides, in the vast field of conjecture, each man is free to take
the path which his judgment may direct, or inclination choose.
I have repeatedly mentioned the embargo at Bordeaux.
Mr Fenwick, our Consul, came on lately to solicit redress on
behalf of all the neutrals concerned, being furnished with the
special powers of the other Consuls. Previous to his arrival, I
had written to the Minister a letter of the eighth of last month,
of which I enclose a copy. Mr Fenwick, after a sedulous
attendance on the Comite de Salut Public, was so happy as to
obtain a decision. By the bye, the Charge d' Affaires of Den
mark told me last December, that he was confidentially inform
ed, that the embargo would not be taken off till the month of
ApriL 36*

426 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
In the course of the investigations, which lately took place
respecting plots and conspiracies, some of the Ministers were
arrested, and among them the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The
system also is changed, as you will see by the gazettes, so that
in future these agents are to be in name what they were be
fore in fact. The Charge Provisoire of the department of
Foreign Affairs has sent me a copy of the arrete of the Comite de
Salut Public, of which, as well as of his note and my reply, you
will find copies enclosed. I also enclose a short correspon
dence with the Charge d'Affaires of Malta. I have, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Sainport, April 18ths 1794.
Dear Sir,
My last was of the fifteenth. This is written merely to
cover copies of mine to the Minister of the eleventh of March,
twelfth and twenty-second of March, of his answer of the
sixth Germinal, mine of the second of April, and the answer
to it of the twenty-third Germinal, written by Buchot, a second
Charge Provisoire of the department of Foreign Affairs.
You will, perhaps, ask why my letters to the Minister are
in French, rather than in my own language. It is not to save
time or trouble to myself, as you will easily suppose , but
there are two strong reasons for it. First, it cuts off one
source of delay which, in the tediousness of transacting busi
ness at present, is important, and the more so, as the objects
once thrown off the Minister's table upon a translator's desk,
might run the risk of not being taken up again. Another rea
son, of a different complexion, is, to avoid misinterpretation
and mistake. A slight change of idea in changing the phrases
might have unpleasant consequences, for men are very ticklish
in such revolutions as the present; and, therefore, it becomes
me to be cautious, so as not to say either too much or too little ;

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 427
and, moreover, to use an Eastern phrase, not to put my
tongue in the mouth of another.
In reading over the letters, of which copies are enclosed, I
am reminded of what I wrote very long ago respecting Mr
Coffyn, the agent at Dunkirk, who has expressed a wish to
be appointed Vice Consul at that place, having heretofore
acted in that capacity under the auspices of our Consul Gene-
era], and of Dr Franklin. If I did not impose upon myself
the obligation never to recommend to appointments, which I
have no right to interfere in, the conduct of that gentleman,
and his general good character, would have drawn from me a
recommendation. As it is, I do not yet know whether my
letter was ever received.
In mine of the twenty-first of December, 1792, I mentioned
the plan of Danton, adding that I believed that it had never
been wholly abandoned. His late execution will show that
faith to have been well founded. And I am now told that,
when condemned to death, he declared that he was glad to be
rid of a state of society so abominable. I am, fee,
Gouverneur Morris.

EDMUND RANDOLPH TO M. FOUCHET, MINISTER FROM FRANCE.
Philadelphia, April 21st, 1794.
Sir,
Immediately on the receipt of your letter of the 9th instant,
respecting our Minister at Paris,* I communicated it to the
President of the United States ; and on the same day I had
the honor of verbally informing you, that the President did not
hesitate to do the reciprocal act, which was requested. From
that moment to this, we have been anxiously seeking a suc
cessor, who may be as acceptable to the French Republic, as
the successor of M. Genet is to our own. I beg you to accept
. — ,  _i  — _  ¦ — .
* .Requesting his recall by the direction of the French government.

428 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
this measure, as a fresh proof of our sincere desire to maintain
friendship with your nation ; and to assure you, at the same
time, that as no delay occurred, after the communication, which
you have made, so would similar applications have been com
plied with, on any occasion, and in relation to any person. I
have the honor, Sir, to be, with perfect respect and esteem,
your most obedient servant,
Edmund Randolph.

EDMUND RANDOLH TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, April 29th, 1794.
Dear Sir,
From the moment of my coming into office, I have sought
opportunities for France ; in order that I might communicate
to you the events of our country. But no direct one having
presented itself, until the other day, when some of M. Fau-
chet's squadron sailed.; and the stoppage of the vessel, said to
have his despatches on board, having arrested a private letter,
which I had written to you, you can have received only my
public letter of the tenth of January last.
The severity practised upon us by Great Britain, in her
instructions of the 8th of June and 6th of November, 1793,,
has caused various movements in Congress. Mr Madison's
resolutions, of which I before informed you, were discussed
with great vehemence ; but seem at length to be swallowed up
in the contemplation of measures of more eclat. A proposi
tion, dictated by the daily reports of capture and condemnation
in the British West Indies, was made for sequestering British
debts ; but it did not include those due from the United States
in the shape of stock. Warm debates ensued; when this
motion gave way to a proposition from Mr Abraham Clark, of
Jersey, to break up all intercourse with Great Britain, until
we should obtain satisfaction for the wrongs, under which we
have so long labored, in commercial and other points. You

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 429
will observe by a copy of the original resolution, of the amend
ment, and of the Bill, every form, which it assumed in its
passage through the House of Representatives, and its final
defeat in the Senate.
However, you will not conclude from this miscarriage, that
it has been produced by any other cause, than the desire to
try once more to preserve harmony by negotiation. It is now
nearly a fortnight, since Mr Jay was nominated as Envoy
Extraordinary to London. The Senate were occupied in this
business for some days ; objections of various kinds mingling
to interrupt it, such as a supposed inutility of the mission, the
sentiments of Mr Jay upon matters, with which he may be
charged, and the constitutional incompatibility or expediency
of the Chief Justice exercising diplomatic functions. He was
confirmed, as the extract from Brown's paper states, and will
take ship at New York in about a fortnight, or a few days
more. The irritation, which appears in all classes of people,
renders it probable that if he fails in his errand, the United
States will risk all the cons equences of strong measures. You
will immediately ask, what provision has been made for reve
nue, and an army? To this I must postpone my answer,
until Congress shall have prepared it. They have before
them plans of many sorts ; but I cannot foresee which will be
adopted, or how efficacious any of them may be.
A letter, which I received from France some time ago, inti
mated that you wished to return home. But I paid no respect
to it ; as you had never expressed this sentiment in the most
distant manner, as far as I could collect from your official
correspondence, or the knowledge of your friends. But,
reflecting on the thing as possible, I was happy to believe, that
your separation from France would be no great object of solici
tude with you. This tribute of my own sensations is due to
you ; because, from my acquaintance with your correspondence,
I am free to declare, that they afford proofs of an enlightened
and deserving Minister.
During the present session of the Senate, your letters were

430 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
called for by them. The President, after much deliberation,
thought it right to forward such of them as related to informa
tion merely ; and to withhold such others, and such parts of
all of them, as might hazard your informant, divulge anything
pending, or be reverberated on you to your disadvantage.
The President, Colonel Hamilton, and myself, went over the
letters, under the influence of these ideas ; and, if we have
committed to the eye of the Senate a syllable, which may not
accord with your opinion, it has not been from the want of the
best disposition towards you, and your character. But even
what was sent to them, was announced to be in confidence.
The result, I believe, was much to your reputation, in the
opinion of the most dispassionate members; and I am very
certain, that nothing has been moved since, with any hostile
intention to you. Perhaps I should not go too far, if I sup
posed, that the disclosure of the bulk of your official agency
has suppressed many little murmurs, which we were continu
ally hearing, before the truth of your conduct was brought to
light. You have been assailed, however, from another quarter.
Nothing has been ever said to any officer of our government
by the Ministers of France, which required attention, until the
ninth day of April last; when M. Fauchet communicated to
me a part of his instructions, indirectly, but plainly, marking a
wish for your recall. In a few days afterwards, a letter was
received from the Executive Provisory Council, expressive of
the same wish. M. Fauchet was answered by me, under the
direction of the President, as I am sure your good sense will
think inevitable, that what the act of reciprocity demanded,
should be performed. I enclose a copy of my letter to him,
that you may see the footing, upon which alone the President
places this concession to their request. He means to pursue
the same idea in the nomination of a successor. Perhaps
before this letter is closed, I may be able to send you a copy
of the nomination.
In the letter of form accompanying the gentleman, who will

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 431
replace you, it will be my study to manifest, that it is not from
a dissatisfaction, which the President has conceived at your
conduct, but from reasons of a different sort, irresistible in
themselves, that the step is taken. And I am thus explicit in
my own opinions, because I do not distrust, that in the inqui-.
ries, which you shall make on your return, you will find, that
at least candor and honor have been observed towards you on
my part. I have the honor, Sir, to be with true regard and
respect, your most obedient servant,
Edmund Randolph.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Paris, May 6lh, 1794.
Dear Sir,
This will accompany duplicates of my letters of the 15th
and 18th of last month. The season continues fine and for
ward, with every appearance of an abundant crop; and, judg
ing from the productions now at market, the harvest will pre
cede the usual time near a month.
You will see in the gazettes the taking of Landrecy, and
the foreign papers, particularly the English papers, will give
you the details on that subject which we want. There has
been much fighting in that quarter, and although, as is usual,
the success may have been varied, it appears definitively to
have rested with the Allies, seeing that they have not been
forced to raise the siege, but have taken the town.
I am told that the Republic now feed ten hundred and
thirty thousand infantry, and ninety-four thousand cavalry.
This is an immense army even on paper, and although we
may easily suppose that there is some little exaggeration in the
numbers, that there are some abuses in the account, and that
casualties diminish considerably those who are really on the
rolls, still it will appear that the force is very great. The dai
ly expense of the provision department is about a million of
dollars.

432 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
I learn also, that the Comite de Salut Public have agreed to
be unanimous, so that the minority always adhere to the ma
jority. This Committee, and that of Surete Generate must, I
think, be either melted into one, or else have a contest for su
periority. At present, the efficient power of the State is lodg
ed with those Committees, and the former begin to publish
their decrees, which have the force of laws, modifying, adding
to, and repealing those of the Convention. It seems to me
that this Committee are not yet fully apprized of the extent of
their own authority ; that is to say, of the wide and deep effect
of the terror, which has been excited by such frequent and
abundant executions as take place throughout France. I
think they may do what they please, provided the revolutiona
ry tribunals remain in their hands. We shall see what system
is to follow therefrom.
I am told that Robespierre's wish is to retire to private
life, so soon as the peace shall have established that form of
government, which may be finally adopted here.
Enclosed you have the copy of a letter of the 22d of April,
from Mr Anderson at Nantes, to me, and of my answer. I
am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Sainport, May 3lst, 1794.
Dear Sir,
This will accompany a duplicate of my last, of the sixth in
stant, also copies of my letter of the tenth instant to the Commis
sioner of Foreign Relations, of his answer of the fourth Prairial,
or twenty-third instant, and of my reply of the twenty -sixth.
You will perceive that Mr Warden had been so imprudent as
to lodge the despatches entrusted to his care with the Justice
of Peace at Morlaix. This was done by the advice of John
Diot. acting there as Consular Agent. Whether that advice is

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 433
to be attributed to ignorance or design, I know not ; but it
might easily have been foreseen, that the deposit would not
be safe. I hope your despatches are in cypher, if they contain
anything which is not of a very public nature.
The gazettes will communicate to you such intelligence as
we have here, and you will obtain from other channels much
fuller and earlier intelligence, as to what is called news, than
any which I can give. Moreover, this letter may be long ere
it reaches you, for I have not any present opportunity ; and such
is the state of things, that, unless letters be committed special
ly to the care of some trusty person, there is very little chance
that they will ever reach you.
I have not received a line from you, nor from your prede
cessor, posterior. to the despatches by Captain Culver, desiring
M. Genet's recall.
We have had a sort of novel, or farce, lately, the subject of
which was, that certain Commissioners had arrived from the
United States at Brest. You will see in the gazettes what re
lates to them so far ; and now I am told, that Mr Jefferson is
one of them, that he has been in Paris, and is gone to Switzer
land, where a Congress is to be held of the neutral powers.
And, what is more extraordinary, this intelligence comes
through a confidential channel, in general well informed. Now
as I do not conceive it possible, that any commissioners from the
United States should have passed through Paris without seeing
me, I am at a loss to conjecture with whom the honor of the
invention lies, and also what can have been the object. For
as to foreign powers, they cannot be the dupes, and as to the
people here, they think more of the guillotine than of anything
else. In my last I mentioned to you the omnipotence of the two
Committees. Apparently this term is applicable only to that of
Salut Public ; but the inquisitorial powers lodged with the oth
er (and by means of which, they can arrest whom they please)
give them great weight in the general scales. It is, I presume,
needless to repeat what is mentioned to me, that the Conven-
vol. 11. 37

434 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
tion, as well as all those other authorities, who once could in
fluence its deliberations, view with jealousy, but with appre
hension and deep awe, these colossal pillars of the Republic,
which they have raised, or permitted to be raised. This, as
well as the ferment inherent in the nature of all such bodies,
you will certainly perceive at the first glance, and your judge
ment will seize the remote consequences intuitively. On my
part, therefore, it is more fitting to observe, that these conse
quences are more remote than might be supposed. A convic
tion of that instability which attends all fortuitous greatness,
more especially such as is founded on fear, and the certainty
of complete ruin, should they be overthrown, will long smoth
er all minor discontents ; moreover, the apprehension from the
foreign enemy will, in my opinion, both promote their concord
and support their power.
Should tbe convoy of provisions expected from America be
intercepted by Lord Howe, it might cause a great commotion,
because it would undoubtedly affect the subsistence of Paris,
and no individual will take on himself any responsibility re.--pect-
ing that object. Hence might arise crimination and recr miu-
ation, of course discord and all its consequences. If no ixte-
rior causes should preserve union, a very little experienc s of
human affairs would enable us to pronounce, that it could not
long exist. ¦
This leads me to say one word about the northern army,
premising that all the other armies taken together are bdt
trifling diversions. The late arrangement made by Mr Pitt
with the King of Prussia, by concentrating the interest and ob
jects of the, two chief powers, Britain and Austria, gives
much more consistence to the war on the part of the Allies.
They seem also to have found out at last, what indeed the
Convention has proclaimed a dozen times, that all the magic
of the Revolution is contained in the single word, Paris. Now
the high road to that city is from Flanders by Valenciennes,
Landrecy, Cambray, fee. If matters are to be decided in the
plains of Picardy, numbers will, I think, avail but little against

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 435
a formidable cavalry. You will see that no quarter is to be
given to the British and Hanoverian troops. The Austrians
are, already, but little disposed to give quarter. The corps
of emigrants and deserters will naturally sell their lives as
dear as they can. This campaign, therefore, will be one of
the bloodiest in the annals of history. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Sainport, May 31st, 1794.
Dear Sir,
I have ah eady written to you a letter this day on the cur
rent affairs. This will be devoted to a different object. I
have lately seen in a gazette your report on the inquiries re
ceived from the belligerent powers, and also some debates in
our House of Representatives on a discrimination between
those nations with whom we have a commercial treaty, and
those with whom we have none. I observe that some frigates
are to be built for the protection of our trade. These things
have suggested, or rather recalled, ideas which I will venture
to communicate at the risk of tiring your patience.
While I had the honor to sit in Congress during the war, it
was my lot to oppose what then appeared to me a rage for
treaties : and yet the respectability, which our cause was sup
posed to acquire by the acknowledgment of European Poten
tates, militated in favor of those, who wished to extend our
diplomacy. At the peace, however, that ground of argument
was n moved. Moreover, we found ourselves in a situation
unfavorable to the forming of treaties, because there was no
constitutional authority to enforce the observance of them.
Those powers, therefore, who might contract with us, were
exposed not only to the common danger of a wilful violation
on our part, but to that also of a general non-performance and
of individual injury, without the permission, and beyond
the controh of government. The obligations, therefore, not

436 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
being equal, it was not deemed prudent by some to enter into
engagements with the United States ; and thus we felt our
selves sinking beneath the level of national character.
Our new Constitution made ample provision on that sub
ject ; and, if I mistake not, a steady adherence to its princi
ples will place us first in dignity, as in good faith, among
political societies. Our treaties now form the supreme law of
the land, and therefore our situation, in respect to foreign
powers, is reversed ; for they can violate their contracts with
us, but we cannot violate our contracts with them ; neither
have we, perhaps, any constitutional means of annulling our
obligations, when they shall have broken their engagements.
I will not here inquire how far it would be proper to make
a provision of that sort, as an amendment to the Constitution,
nor whether it would not in effect destroy the clause, which
has rendered treaties on our part inviolable ; but I will ven
ture to infer from this our relative position, that we should
be cautious what treaties we form,, and with whom. What
treaties, because, if contingent engagements become onerous
to us, we must comply with them ; whereas, should they be
come onerous to those with whom we have contracted, they
may release themselves. We should be cautious also with
whom we treat, because in the contingency last stated, some
nations will release themselves, and others will not. Now, in
political as in natural bodies, decisions of the will depend, so
far as good faith is concerned, on moral character and con
stitution. We have at present to complain, that both Britain and
France have violated their treaties with us. Yet I can by no
means consider the cases equal ; for as to Britain, the act
proceeded from cool meditation of regular government ; but
in France, it is one among many bad effects of that extraordi
nary situation into which she is thrown. Without dwelling
farther on this distinction, I shall endeavor to state those
objections to the multiplication of treaties, which formerly
swayed my opinion ; and, first, it is no small one, that we

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 437
should be thereby drawn into the vortex of European politics,
which we should, I think, avoid as much as possible. Not
that we should be wholly unmindful of what passes in this
hemisphere ; on the contrary, I am persuaded that we ought
to be extremely watchful ; but I would draw a strong broad
line between vigilance and activity.
Secondly, it has always appeared to me, that the less we
are fettered by diplomatic engagements, the better shall we be
able to preserve a firm and equal Conduct in difficult cases.
The law of nations may be likened to the common law, in that
all cases heretofore doubtful have been settled by able judges ;
whereas each treaty, like a new statute, gives rise to intricate
questions, and the ultimate mode of determining them makes a
good mind shudder.
Thirdly, it has also appeared to me, that in most controver
sies between European powers, we should preserve an exact
neutrality. We may safely leave them to adjust their bal
ance of power in their own way, because, if either of the
scales should prove too heavy for us, the means of lighten
ing it are at hand, and completely within our grasp. Now
I am convinced that a neutrality may be most easily preserved,
when no belligerent power can rightfully claim any privilege ;
because, by conferring such privilege at our pleasure, we can
sufficiently punish either of the parties for the injuries and
indignities we may have cause to complain of.
Lastly, I cannot but think that our present, compared with
our future situation, is such that in treating now, we must make
bad bargains, even were there any tribunal to enforce the per
formance in a peaceable way. The paucity of our numbers,
the apparent feebleness of our pecuniary resources, the want
of naval and military force, even the extent of our dominion,
which is, from that circumstance, of difficult defence and easy
invasion, will prevent others from granting, will even prevent
us from asking, what we ought to have, in order that a treaty
made now should be reasonable in ten years, or tolerable in
twenty. Whatever may be the intrinsic worth of these reasons,
37*

438 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
certainly they derive weight from that morality of our national
constitution, which has been already noticed.
This constitution was made subsequent to our existent trea
ties, and even after the violation by Great Britain of that which
concluded the war. Happily she has hitherto eluded a com
pliance, and thereby prevented the forming of a commercial
treaty. I say happily, because I am persuaded that in a few
years we shall have occasion to rejoice, and the British to re
gret, that perversity of counsels, which prevented their Minis
ters from meeting our advances. ,
We complain justly also, that France has broken her treaty
with us, more especially to confiscate goods of her enemies on
board our ships. This decree is evidently against her own
interest ; but, in my opinion, the clause in our treaty, thereby
annulled, was injurious to our interest. As to the maxim, that
free ships make free goods, the arguments pro and con are
familiar to us, and, therefore, I shall not enter into them. But
the fair conclusion of those in favor of it goes to a protection
of all commercial property on the ocean. Therefore, the
maxim, even were it just, would not be generally admitted un
til the practice of making prizes were wholly abandoned.
Then all such clauses in a treaty would be superfluous, and
until then, unless enforced by a strong marine, they will be
nugatory. But it seems to me, from the view which I am enabled to
take of our commerce, that however the transportation, in our
ships, of goods belonging to subjects of a belligerent power,
might prove a momentary advantage to our merchants, it must
be injurious to our general interests. I take it for ganted, that
our shipping is not sufficient to pursue the fisheries and to car
ry our own produce to market. But if it were, I should con
sider those as the proper employments, and I should reason
thus. By putting half of the navigation employed in transport
ing our own productions into this neutral 'carrying trade, half
of those productions must remain on hand, or be transported
by the belligerent powers, and in either case our, agricultural

I
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 439
interests must suffer ; for, as to other neutrals, their shipping
will be employed in the same neutral carrying trade. Now if
this reasoning be just, on the ground that we had a sufficiency
of shipping, how much more forcible is it in the fact of an in
sufficiency. But it may be said, that the neutral carrying
trade, by giving encouragement to our shipping, would greatly
increase the amount. I answer, of our fictitious shipping,
yes; of our real shipping, no ; and merchants will understand
me. Moreover, I state hypothetically, either we have the tonnage
needful for our commerce, or we have not. If we have not,
the increased freight of our own commodities will, in time of
war, be a sufficient encouragement, and draw into that channel
as, much of the national strength and wealth as is consistent
with the general welfare, and more perhaps, if we extend our
views to all the moral effects of commerce, especially when it
engages a disproportionate part of the society. If our naviga
tion be equal to the employment our commerce can give it,
any increase would be doubly pernicious. First, because
throwing' the surplus out of employ would occasion loss to
owners in general, since they would be forced to underwork
each other, till, by the ruin of some, things would return to
their natural level. And secondly, because, whatever differ
ence there may be in opinions, as to the propriety of taking
men from the plough, in a thinly peopled country, to ply the
loom or bend the sail, while manufactures and navigation are
unequal to the demand, no man of sound mind will contend,
that we should leave our fields unfilled to rival populous coun
tries in the carrying trade. In our vast territory, a fertile soil
and excellent clime invite to rural and domestic bliss, the
source of a vigorous and virtuous population. Why then
should we imitate those who, by the severity of nature, are
driven to seek oil the ocean a subsistence, which the land de
nies, and who find, in the casualties of that dangerous element,
a resource against excessive numbers?
Having said thus much on treaties, I come now to their

440 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
sanction, an American marine. Whatever apprehensions may
be entertained from a standing army, nothing is to be feared
from a standing navy ; wherefore, 1 think we should not fol
low the European example of building ships to lie idle, until a
war calls them into action, at a great increase of expense, and
by great injury to commerce. This may suit the ambitious,
who wish to extend their possessions ; but a peaceable nation,
placed as we are, should, I think, make perpetual provision
for every ship that is built, and her fleet should be annual
ly manned, victualed, and equipped, and should cruise dur
ing the fine season. I believe that we could now maintain
twelve ships of the line, perhaps twenty, with a due propor^
tion of frigates and smaller vessels. And I am tolerably cer
tain, that while tbe United States of America pursue a just
and liberal conduct, with twenty sail of the line at sea, no na
tion on earth will dare to insult them. I believe also that, not
to mention individual losses, five years of war would involve
more national expense, than the support of a navy for twenty
years. One thing I am thoroughly convinced of, that, if we
do not render ourselves respectable, we shall continue to be
insulted. And let it not be supposed, that a remedy for our
weakness can be found in Conventions with other powers for
preserving neutrality. In such Conventions there are often
dupes, and it is the weaker who go to the wall.
During the last war, no sooner had the Dutch acceded to
the armed neutrality, than Great Britain fell upon them, and
those who set the plan agoing looked on with all imaginable
composure. In the late treaty between Denmark and Swe
den, you will observe that, time is given to the belligerent pow
ers for repentance and amendment, before any hostile act of
resentment by the contracting parties. You will observe, also,
that the period specified is sufficient to permit the arrestation
of all supplies shipped for this country, during the present sea
son. Thus the next autumn and winter are left clear for ne
gotiation, should the Allies be unsuccessful in this campaign.
That treaty, therefore, may be considered as a demonstration

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 441
of a force and temper, which do not exist ; and no one in this
quarter is the dupe of such appearances.
But what can be done by the weak, to preserve their little
air of dignity ? They do not wish to join the coalition, and
they dare not connect their fortunes with the French Repub
lic, lest in a sudden change of government she should join
those now acting against her. All that is left, therefore, is to
temporize with the best grace they can.
It is time to conclude this too long letter. Believe, I pray
you, in the sincerity of that esteem and respect, with which I
have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

EDMUND RANDOLPH TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, June 10th, 1794.
Dear Sir,
The letter, of which I had the honor of enclosing a copy to
you in mine of the twenty-eighth of April last, was written as
soon as the application came from the French Minister here.
The embargo, which continued from the twenty-fifth of March
to the twenty-fifth of May, has rendered it very uncertain, how
much sooner than this you will receive the original of that.
Colonel Monroe, your successor, will show to you a copy of
my answer to M. Fauchet's demand, and the President's nom
ination of him. From all which you will collect, that the
moving cause has been the irresistible call for an- act of reci
procity. Under this impression, and with the knowledge of the
sentiments of the President, I have not thought it necessary
to prepare formal letters of recall, begging you to consider this,
as the most respectful mode, which I can devise, of communi
cating to you the new arrangement.
The letter, now enclosed for taking leave, is sent solely for
the sake of form and your own accommodation ; and it may
be delivered or not, as you think proper. I have the honor

442 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
to be, with great repsect and esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient servant,
Edmund Randolph.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Baltimore, June 19tb, 1794.
My Dear Sir,
The difficulty, under existing circumstances, of knowing
what to write to you, had determined me to write nothing, but
to let the matter rest altogether upon the public communica
tions from the Secretary of State.
Coming to this place, however, on a flying visit to Mount
Vernon, and finding the vessel, of which Mr Monroe is on
board, had not left the river, I have so far departed from my
determination,, as to be seated in order to assure you that my
confidence in, and friendship and regard for you, remain undi
minished. To time, and your own observations, if you should return
immediately to this country, I commit the rest; and it will be
nothing new to assure you, that I am always and very sincere
ly yours, affectionately, George Washington.

TO M. BUCHOT, COMMISSIONER OF EXTERIOR RELATIONS.
Translation. Sainport, June 21st, 1794.
Sir,
During the last war, France furnished several sums of money
to the United States of America, both under the head of loans
and that of gratuities. The first of these advances was a mil
lion of livres, and it appears to have been made on the tenth of

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 443
June, 1776. It is entered among the gratuities, but it is not
known to whom it was paid, nor how it was appropriated.
Doctor Franklin, in settling the accounts of the United States
with the French Ministry, neglected to ask for the papers,
which relate to this subject; and afterwards, when the banker
of the United States applied, (in the months of August and Sep
tember, 1786,) to M. Durival, in order to obtain them, he as
sured him that he had communicated the request to the Count
de Vergennes, who said that the receipt in question could be of
no use to the banker, since he was not entrusted with the pecu
niary affairs of the United States till January, 1777, and that
this payment was made on the tenth of June, 1776.
Our Ministers were also given to understand, that it was use
less to urge the demand for a paper in proof of a payment,
which would be of no account in the reimbursements to be
made by the United States. Dr Franklin concluded from this,
that the advance had been lodged in th e hands of M. Beau-
marchais, and that it was a cabinet mystery, whose eclaircise-
ment ought to be a matter of indifference to us, at least till it
became necessary to set this sum against the demands of
Beaumarchais, for the supplies which he had furnished to the
United States.*
Thi? occasion has now arrived, but without this you will per
ceive, at the first glance, th,at the payment having been acknow
ledged by. the United States, the receiver, whoever he may be,
ought to give them an account of the manner in which he employ
ed it. Besides, mysteries serve too often only to cover waste
ful expenditures, of which the people are the victims. It is
therefore given me in charge to solicit the papers, acknowledg
es the payment of a million of livres, as a gratuity made by
France to the United States of America on the tenth of June,
1776. I think they will be found among the accounts of M.

* See all the letters on this subject in the Diplomatic Correspondence
of the American Revolution, Vol. iv. pp. 222 — 228.

444 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
Durival, then "head of the Treasury department for Foreign Af
fairs ; and I apply to you, in these circumstances, with the
more confidence, as I am fully convinced of the good will of
the French government towards the United States. I have
the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Mount Vernon, June 25th, 1794.
My Dear Sir,
The sole object of the enclosed letter was to evince to you,
that, notwithstanding your recall, you held the same place in
my estimation that you did before it happened. I expected to
have got the letter into Colonel Monroe's hands, before the ves
sel in which he sailed, had left Patapsco river ; but a fresh
fair wind coming up, prevented its reaching him.
Since my arrival at this place, I have been favored with your
private letter of the 12th of March, enclosing the duplicate of
the 5th of February. For both I thank you. To common
accidents, or to the interception of letters for purposes that
may be guessed, are to be ascribed those disappointments of
which you complain ; for I am almost certain, that information
of what was going forward in this country was regularly trans
mitted to you ; possibly, and probably, not by duplicates,
which ought to have been the case, for the greater certainty of
getting it to you.
The uncertainty, when letters are not entrusted to confiden
tial persons, or sent by special messengers, of their coming to
hand, will restrain me from going into detail at this time. I
shall only add, therefore, to the acknowledgment of the re
ceipt of the above letters, that I am entirely ignorant of the
source from whence, or the foundation on which, Major Jack
son has erected the fabrics of your recall, and of vour succes
sor. Neither directly nor indirectly could he have derived them

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 445
from me, for the best of all reasons, viz. that not until some
considerable time after M. Fauchet had arrived in this coun
try, did I entertain an idea of the former, or contemplate the
latter ; for until then, I had supposed you stood well with the
persons in power. Sure I am, nothing short of evidence
to the contrary, with the request that accompanied it, would
have induced the measure. To Major Jackson I have never
written a line since he left this country, nor received one
from him.
The prospective you have drawn is not very pleasing ; but
it serves to make one more anxious for a nearer view.
The affairs of this country cannot go amiss. There are so
many watchful guardians of them, and such infallible guides,
that one is at no loss for a director at every turn. But of
these matters I shnll say little ; if you are disposed to re
turn to it, I will leave you to judge of them from your own ob
servation. My primary objects, and to which I have steadily
adhered, have been to preserve the country in peace if I can,
and to be prepared for war if I cannot ; to effect the first,
upon terms consistent with the respeot which is due to our
selves, and with honor, justice, and good faith to all the
world. Mr Jay, and not Mr Jefferson, as has been suggested to
you, embarked as Envoy Extraordinary for England, about the
middle of May. If he succeeds, well ; if he does not, why,
knowing the worst, we must take measures accordingly. I
am yours, affectionately,
George Washington.

, M. HUCHOT TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Translation.
Paris, July 7th, 1794.
Sir,
In your letter of the twenty-first ultimo, you request of me
the communication of the papers, which explain in what man-
vol. ii. 38

446 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ner the million advanced to the United States, on the tenth of
June, 1776, was paid.
I sent your request to the Comite de Salut Public, to whom
it appeared just, in this respect, to render to the United States
the satisfaction, which was denied to them by the ministers of the
ancient regime. In consequence, I caused the necessary re
searches to be made, and I here subjoin a copy of a receipt,
dated June tenth, 1776, which appears to be the one desired
by the LTnited States to regulate their accounts*
As you have well observed, there is no occasion for mystery
between two nations united by all the ties of friendship, and
of a common interest. I have the honor to be, fee.
, r*r TafOTJi V"nllll*T'H'r P illlifVIIillilB
¦-.-ft.

TO M. BUCHOT.
Translation. Sainport, July 11th, 1794.
Sir,
I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 7th in
stant, and pray you to accept and present to the Comite de
Salut Public my thanks, for the communication of the receipt
of Caron de Beaumarcbais.
I think it my duty to observe to you, with regard to this

* The following is an exact copy of the original receipt, as trans mit-
ted by M. Buchot to Mr Morris.
'J'ai recu de Monsieur du Vergier, conformement aux ordres de
Monsieur le Comte de Vergennes, en date du 5. courant, que je lui ai
remis, la somine d'un million, dont je rendrai compte a le dit Sieur
Comte de Vergennes. A Paris, ce 10. Juin, 1776.
'Signe, Caron de Beaumarcbais.
' Bon pour un million de livres Tournois.'
Hence it appears, that the money was paid to M. Beaumarcbais, as
Dr Franklin had conjectured.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 447
subject, that considerable sums have already been paid to him
by the United States for various objects, arms, ammunition,
and habiliments, which be sent to America during tbe last war.
Now there is reason to believe, that a part of these supplies
were taken from the public magazines of France, and in this
case it seems right, that he should be accountable for them to
the French Republic* I have the honor to be, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Sainport, July 22d, 1794.
Dear Sir,
This letter will cover the state of my account with the Uni
ted States, made up, on the first instant, agreeably to the in
structions given by Mr Jefferson on that subject. No oppor
tunity has since presented for the transmission.
The bankers of the United States in Amsterdam wrote to
me on the twentieth of June, that they have reasonto appre
hend, that it will be extremely difficult for them to supply me
in future for the amount of my salary and expenses attending
my mission. This arises from a law they have passed in
Holland similar to> the British statute, which prohibits the
payment of funds belonging to those, who were in this country
during a certain time. This same statute has, I understand,
locked up my money in England ; but I have written on that
subject to Mr Pinckney. I expect also that the Dutch ad
ministration will except my drafts from their general system.

* In replying to this letter, M. Buchot observes ; — ' I have made use
of the suggestion, which you gave me respecting the supplies rendered
by M. Beaumarchais to the United States during the last war, and I
have communicated it to a suitable person to search for such proofs as
may exist, as to the part of these supplies, which may have been taken
from the magazines of France, and for which in such case this
citizen is indebted to the Republic. '

448 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
If they do not, I must employ other resources. In this coun
try, as you will have seen by my former letters, exchange is
fixed at par. I have, however, in my account charged the
value of sums paid at the time of payment, or rather carried
to the credit of the United States the difference, as you will
perceive. It is difficult, at present, to determine the value of Assig
nats compared with bullion. The sale of coin is prohibited
on pain of death, so that no fixed course obtains. To judge
by the prices of goods and provisions, bread excepted, the
paper money is not worth above half its nominal amount, but
the same articles are not to be obtained cheaper for hard money,
and silver in bullion is by no means at double the former
price. It has risen during the last spring from par to about a
third advance, and is now perhaps something higher.
I pray you will pay to Monsieur Nagot, the superior of the
Catholic Seminary at Baltimore, or to Messieurs Chicoisneau,
Tessier and Gamier, the directors thereof, the sum of two
thousand four hundred and thirty dollars, and fifty-five cents,
for which I have received the value here, and shall give credit
therefor in my next account. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Sainport, July 23d, 1794.
Dear Sir,
This will accompany a duplicate of mine dated the thirty-
first of May. For the reasons mentioned in the beginning of
that letter, I have not since written to you as I could have
wished ; but in the interim I have received yours of the tenth
of January, covering one of the third from your predecessor.
Having already expressed my congratulations on your ap
pointment, I shall not here repeat, but only confirm, what I
then wrote respecting it. But I will mention my perfect sat-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 449
isfaction in perusing Mr Jefferson's statement of our dispute
with Great Britain, which is, in my opinion, a masterly per
formance. I hope his abilities will not be lost to the public.
At the same time, however, and with the same sincerity, I
declare my belief, that the United States will gain by the
change made in your department. Without balancing dif
ferent qualities and qualifications, a difficult and unpleasant
task, it is sufficient that we may now hope for a union of
counsel and action among the different members of the Exe
cutive ; a thing which appears to me essential, and the want
of which, or at least the idea that it was wanting, has, I know,
been injurious.
If my several letters have reached you, they will have
communicated from time to time the best view which I could
form of parties, temper, and opinions here. All these, how
ever, are from the nature of things changeable, and it is only
upon the final organization of a permanent government, and
view of the territory over which it is to extend, that we
can decide as to the prevailing interests and the system, which
may thence originate. In all events, it appears probable that
a friendly intercourse between the United States and the
French nation will be mutually useful and desirable. Cir
cumstances yet unborn may tend to relax or to strengthen our
connexion. As they arise, and as they promise to arise, I
shall study to communicate them.
In mine of the thirty-first of May, I sent a copy of what I
wrote on the nineteenth of that month to the Minister of Ex
terior Relations. I now transmit the copy of his answer
of the tenth Prairial, or twenty-ninth of May, and eighteenth
Prairial, or sixth of June, with my reply of the tenth of that
month. Mr Warder came on hither the fourth of the present
month, and has since pursued his route by the way of Swit
zerland ; but I have as yet heard nothing farther of the des
patches he was charged with, although frequent inquiries
have been made. I trust that they were not important, and
38*

45CT THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
am the less solicitous about them, as Mr Jay has doubtless
taken over duplicates of everything essential.
The gazettes will communicate, ere this reaches you, the
great success of the French arms. As far as can be judged
here, the King of Prussia has, according to custom, played a
double part, and his troops, instead of joining those of the
other Allies in Flanders, have remained where they were,
while the French armies filed off to the left, and broke with
irresistible impetuosity into the Low Countries. These being
quite open belong always to the party superior in the field.
As yet, this Republic seems disposed rather to lay them
under contribution, than to hold the possession ; but, if Valen
ciennes should submit, a different determination might take
place. However, the sieges needful to secure them as far as
the Rhine would consume more time than remains in this
campaign ; for besides Luxemburg, Maestricht, and the citadel
of Antwerp, which are on centrical situations, the whole fron
tier of Juliers, Guelderland, Cleves, Dutch Brabant, and
Dutch Flanders, are stuck full of fortified towns.
The success of the French arms will have secured that of
Mr Jay's mission, whose object I learn from common report.
The justice of the British Cabinet (whose sincerity the Presi
dent is well acquainted with,) will, I am persuaded, submit to
the forcible arguments, which Mr Jay is directed to use ; for
the nation is not now in a temper to indulge Mr Pitt and Mr
Simcoe in their projects. If I am rightly informed, there is an
end to the coalition. Each party will retire as well as he can,
and Britain will cover herself behind her wooden walls. In
the case of a maritime struggle, they will not find the enmity
of America to be a very pleasant thing. Of course, you will
have abundant professions of good will, brotherly affection, fee.
fee, and I believe they will now make sacrifices to keep us
quiet, much more so to gain our assistance. But I will dwell
no longer on this chapter, postponing all farther remarks, till
the government of this country shall have adopted a plan for
her ci-devant colonies.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 451
As to the interior affairs of France, one prominent and
pleasant feature is an early and most abundant harvest. This
is now gathering, and what is singular is the ripeness of
wheat, barley, and oats at the same moment. In a few days,
the whole crop will be secured, and they will begin to eat of
it ; for there remains scarcely anything of last year's produce ;
so that if the present had not been fit for use till towards the
end of the next month, as is usually the case, God knows
what would have become of us all. The abundance of the
present year extends to every object, forage, pulse, roots, and
other vegetables, as well as grain. The vineyards also prom
ise more liquor than there are vessels to put it in. I conclude
that we shall find little vent for our productions here, except
ing our salted provisions, which must be. in great demand.
Moreover, I incline to the opinion that our vessels will not
meet henceforward with the same vexations, which have been
hitherto experienced , so that exportations of salted fish and
flesh, may, I think, be safely encouraged for this country. To
these may be added pot and pearl ashes, some flax seed and
rice, also fish oil; and, in payment, our merchants will receive
wines and brandies.
There is at present a considerable ferment of parties, whose
object, on the one hand, is to overturn, and, on the other, to
preserve the colossal power of the two great Committees.
Sooner or later that ferment must lead to an explosion, and
the apprehension from the foreign enemy being greatly
lessened, men turn more easily to the consideration of their
domestic system. By a late decree, the Committee of Salut
Public has secured to itself the promotion of one third to all
places in the army, which gives them a stronger hold of that
unwieldy instrument. Sooner or later, it must, unless dissolv
ed, escape from the grasp of a multitudinous body. Such is
the law of nature ; but that catastrophe is yet at a distance,
and depends, I think, on the continuance of the war. Proba
bly before it happens, the Committee will no longer exist in
its present form ; for the mass of power there collected will, in

452 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION,
the natural order of things, either excite so much envy as to
dissolve the Committee, or, forcing them in self defence to
increase it by severe and frequent exercise, so as to destroy
all opposition, will generate in its bosom the causes of change.
These are evils resulting from that state of violence in which
society now exists, because in such state nothing can obtain a
firm foundation; and how long this may continue, God only
knows. Hitherto power and property are at war, and the
latter is a daily victim ; whereas it is their union, which can
alone establish permament systems of government.
Mr Jefferson's letter of the thirteenth of June, 1793, reached
me above a year after its date. Immediately on receipt of it,
I wrote to the Commissioner of Exterior Relations the letter da
ted the twenty-first of June, of which I enclose a copy, as also
a copy of his answer of the nineteenth Messidor, or seventh in
stant, from which you will learn, that the million of livres, hith
erto unaccounted for, was received by M. de Beaumarchais, and,
of course, ought, in a new statement of his accounts, to be car
ried to his debit at the date. The operation will then, in all
probability, be such as to eat up the balance reported to be due
to him. I hope this information may reach you in season. It
would have been transmitted long ago, if, by good fortune, a
copy of that letter of the thirteenth of June, 1793, had been
sent by Captain Culver.
I trouble you, Sir, with copies of my letters of the twenty-
third and twenty-ninth of last month to the Commissioner of Ex
terior Relations, his of the sixteenth Messidor, or fourth of July,
and of one just received from him of tbe thirtieth Messidor, or
eighteenth of July, from which it would seem, that my numer
ous complaints are at length to be attended to. I am inclined
to think that this will happen, and I am persuaded that in pro
portion as our administration is firm and united, it will be pow
erful at home and respected abroad. I ain, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.
P. S. In making up my letter it occurs to me, that I had ta
ken no notice of the strauge complaints made against me by

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 453
M. Genet, in his letter of the eighteenth of last September to the
Secretary of State. I do not think it worth while to enter into
the investigation of them ; and the more so, as the falsity of
some, and the folly of others, are evident from facts in posses
sion of your office, and from the style and nature of the com
plaints themselves. But, while on this subject, it may not be
amiss to mention, that, during the last winter in conversation with
the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, (who, I am pretty sure, had
instructed M. Fauchet to apply for my removal,) I told him that
if this government wished for any person in my place, the best
way would be to tell me so, and I would apply for my own re
call. He answered by assurances of esteem, fee. fee.

TO ROBERT MORRIS. Paris, August 14th, 1794.
My Dear Friend,
I am preparing for my departure ; but as yet can take no
step, because there is a kind of interregnum in the government,
and Mr Monroe is not yet received ; at which he grows some
what impatient. The intelligence you give me respecting
myself is particularly pleasing. I desired much to be recall
ed, but I would not ask it, because I conceived my honor con
cerned in seeing the thing out. My only remaining wish is,
that the measure may be as useful to the United States as it is
pleasing to me. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Paris, August 18th, 1794.

Dear Sir,
This will accompany a duplicate of what I had the honor
to write on the twenty-third of last month. Since which, viz.
on the sixth instant, I received yours of the tenth of June ;

454 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
that of the twenty-ninth of April has not arrived. If I could
have permitted myself to have formed a personal wish, it
would have been precisely what has happened. To be recall
ed on the application of the Committee of Salut Public, and
to preserve, at the same time, the confidence of government,
is getting out of a wretched position on better terms than I
ever hoped for. Accept, therefore, my thanks, my sincere
and hearty thanks, and present them, I pray you, to the
President. My only remaining wish respecting this affair is,
that my successor may fully succeed, and realize the expecta
tions of the United States, or even surpass them.
It is, I think, proper to correct two things in my last now
enclosed. First, as to the dissolution of the alliance against
France. I incline to think, at present, that it will take on a
new form, instead of being dissolved. Secondly, as to the
harvest. It is less abundant than was supposed. I will not
say anything, just now, respecting Robespierre, fee. fee. If
my return to America should be delayed, I will inform you
pretty fully of the state of things by the first safe opportunity.
Accept, in the mean time, the assurances of that esteem and
respect, with which I am, my dear Sir, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Paris, August 31st, 1794.
Dear Sir,
Yours of the 19th of April has at length reached me. It
came through the hands of the Comite de Salut Public, and
was, of course, read by them, which is well. T thank you for
the information which it contains respecting public affairs ; and
it affords me much pleasure to reflect, that my successor will
probably receive from you similar communications, which will
be highly useful. I have in former letters said so much on
that subject, that I will add nothing here.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 455
The history you give of my recall is perfectly satisfactory,
so far as I am personally concerned. I have never doubted
an instant, that I should be treated with candor and honor, and
I have even the confidence, that I shall always be blest with
the friendship of those honest men, who administer the govern
ment of the United States.
I have said above, so far as I am personally concerned. It
may be necessary to explain myself, and I cannot do it better,
than by making a kind of testamentary request on behalf of
my successor, should any of the factions or parties, which may
prevail in this country, solicit his recall, supposing always that
his conduct be proper in regard to the United States ; — I ask
then for him, under that restriction, the confidence and
protection of the American government, to the end that it may
be known and felt here. I hope a thorough conviction may
be made to exist, that he is unmovable. I put out of ques
tion an extravagant conduct like that of M. Genet, for I am
sure that he will not sin on that side of tbe line, and I hope will
not err on the other. Whenever a stable government shall be
established in France, it will be certainly right to- have here a
man agreeable to that government, ; and I think a coincidence
of mutual interests will render the place of such a man easy
and pleasant. Until that period, pardon me, my dear Sir,
for saying, that I think a firm and decisive tone and conduct
will best preserve the peace, as well as the dignity, of our
country. Switzerland will not be insulted, and yet there is
no extended waste of waters to separate her from France.
I will not communicate my sentiments of public affairs,
because I cherish the hope of doing it in person, and have
written this letter to provide against the untoward events to
which maritime affairs are subjected. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

456 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Paris, September ISth, 1794,
My Dear Sir,
I shall write but a few lines by this conveyance. The re
sources of this country will hold out till the end of April next,
but then things will appear in a situation truly deplorable.
Orders are given to push into Spain with all the force which
can be collected. The object is to obtain a separate peace.
Attempts will be made also to obtain peace with Savoy and
Italy. These failing, to supply the south with food is impos
sible. Spain offered peace some time ago, but met with a
contemptuous refusal. As yet the enemy seem to be unac
quainted with the true state of things. I am, fee.
Gouverneur Morris.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Hamburg, December 30th, 1794.

My Dear Sir,
At this late hour, and from this remote corner, I am to ac
knowledge your favors of the 19th and 25th of June. I did
not reply from Paris, because 1 wished for a safe conveyance ;
and although none offers itself at present, yet I will write what
1 occurs for communication, and take a future chance for trans

mission.

The assurances of friendly esteem, which your letters con
vey, are very pleasing ; but, indeed, I never doubted of the
sentiments you express, and even go so far as to flatter myself,
that the measure in question was not agreeable to you. It
was highly so to me, and although I am persuaded that you
will believe me, on my word, I will nevertheless assign some
reasons why a change of situation was desirable.
And first, you will see from what is publicly known respect
ing those, who administered the French despotism, how pain-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 457
ful it must have been to represent our virtuous Republic to
such persons. I had stayed, at some risk, after the 10th of
August, because I thought the interests of America required
it, and I did not ask my recall at a subsequent period, because
it would not have been honorable to abandon a post which, if
no longer unsafe, was at least very unpleasant. I felt that I
was useless, and indeed that nobody could be useful, until
some permanent system should be established. I saw misery
and affliction every day, and all around me, without power to
mitigate, or means to relieve ; and I felt myself degraded by
the communications I was forced into with the worst of man
kind, in order to obtain redress for the injuries sustained by
my fellow citizens.
During that state of things, I was grossly insulted by the ar
rest of a lady in my house, by order of the Committee of
General Safety. I could not resent this, as I ought to have
done, by quitting the country, because a great number of our
citizens were then detained in France, with much of their
property, and I knew the violence which those who adminis
tered the government were capable of. Moreover, I saw with
regret, that the temper of America was not such as her best
citizens could have wished ; and the conduct of Britain, ren
dered a temporizing conduct with France indispensable. My
representations obtained a half apology and promise of satisfac
tion, but occasioned the order to solicit my recall ; of which I
was apprised within four and twenty hours after it was given,
and might easily have shown whence it originated ; but, to tell
you the truth, I was inclined to wish that 1 might be removed
on their application. I really believe it was necessary to my
reputation. So long as they believed in the success of their
demand, they treated my representations with indifference and
contempt ; but at last, bearing nothing from their Minister on
that subject, or indeed on any other, they tbok it into their
heads that I was immovable, and made overtures of concilia
tion. At this lime I began to apprehend, that we should be plung-
vol. ii. 39

458 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ed into a war with England, in which case it would have be
come my duty to aid the French as far as my abilities might
go; but as I knew their temper, I replied to the advances
made, that I was not to be affected by smooth words, so that
they must begin by complying with the various demands I had
made, and show me by facts that they were well disposed.
Shortly after this, I received a volunteer letter from the Com
missary of Exterior Relations, (a poor creature, who scarce
dared to do anything without an order from the Committee of
Safety), assuring me that he had transmitted my various rep
resentations to the Commissary of the Marine, and expected
soon to give me satisfactory answers. It was written ten days
before the death of Robespierre, shortly after which, Mr Mon
roe arrived. He was fortunate in not reaching France at an
earlier period ; for, if I may judge by what fell within my ob
servation, he would have been a little too well with that party,
to be viewed in a neutral light by their opponents. I hope he
may succeed in obtaining the redress of those grievances,
which our countrymen labored under ; but on the 12th of Oc
tober, when I left Paris, nothing was done. I build my pres
ent hopes, however, on Mr Jay's treaty, for they will now be
somewhat more cautious respecting us than they have been.
In reply to what you say about my return to America, I
must tell you, that I could not depart in such season as that
my communications could be of much importance, and there
fore as I must have exposed myself to the inconveniences of
a winter's passage, I deferred my voyage ; and the rather, as I
have some affairs in London which I wish to wind up. I
should have gone thither for that purpose direct, but the
French would have harbored jealousies respecting my jour
ney, which for many reasons I wished not to excite, and
therefore I came round through Switzerland to this city, in
which I am now weather bound. So much for my history.
As to the state of political affairs, the Polish insurrection
is, as you know, completely subdued, and of course the at
tention of Europe is all turned to France, which has lately

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 459
triumphed in every quarter by the extreme misconduct of her
enemies. It seems at present that they are coming to their
senses, and if I am rightly informed, they have at length
abandoned the idea of a dismemberment, and mean to pursue
simply the re-establishment of the throne. If they act wisely
and vigorously in that direction, it seems to to me that they
must succeed, for the French are wearied and exhausted by
the contest. They detest and despise their present rulers,
and as far as I have been able to judge, they ardently desire
the restoration of their Prince.
You will ask, perhaps, why then do they not restore him ?
It is because they dare not act, nor even speak, so that they
do not know each other's opinions, and of course each indi
vidual apprehends from the general mass ; but everything
which has taken place leaves them to look back with regret
to their ancient situation. In judging the French, wre must
not recur to the feelings of America during the last war. We
were in the actual enjoyment of freedom, and fought not to
obtain, but to secure its blessings. The people elected their
magistrates during the continuance of the war. The property
of the country was engaged in the Revolution, and the op
pressions which it occasioned were neither great, extensive,
nor of long duration.
But in France they have been lured by one idle hope after
another, until they are plunged in the depth of misery and
servitude ; servitude so much the more degrading, as they
cannot but despise their masters. I have long, you know,
predicted a single despotism, and you have seen how near
they have been to that catastrophe. Chance, or rather the
want of mettle in, the usurper, has alone saved them to the
present moment ; but I am still convinced, that they must end
their voyage in that port, and they would probably reach it,
should they make peace with all their foreign enemies, through
the channels of a civil war. Adieu, my dear Sir. I wish you
many and happy years, and am very truly yours,
Gouverneur Morris.

LETTERS

AND

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS

RELATING TO

FRENCH AFFAIRS.

39*

Several of the following papers have been found only in the
French language, but commonly in Mr Morris's hand-wri
ting. Some of them seem to have been composed origi
nally in English, and others in French. The translations
have been made for the present work.

LETTERS

AND

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS,

ON

FRENCH AFFAIRS.

OBSERVATIONS
ON GOVERNMENT, APPLICABLE TO THE POLITICAL STATE OTP"
FRANCE.

Written in Paris, July, 1789,

That the French have not those manners, which are suited!
to a free constitution, is a reflection by no means dishonorable
to that nation. It applies with equal force to all others, whose
political situation is similar. Voltaire has called his country
men, laches courtisans mais braves guerriers. Had the des
potism been more complete, that moral painter would perhaps
have said vils courtisans et laches guerriers.
But whence this deprivation of morals in arbitrary govern
ments ? ' The Almighty, for wise purposes, has formed man in
such manner, that he lives not in himself, but in the opinion bf '
others. In monarchies he looks upwards, and each contrives
how best to gain the good opinion of his immediate superior.
Begin then at the point of the pyramid, where the crown is

464 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
placed, and in each degree of descent you will find that, to
flatter the prevailing folly or the ruling vice, obtains the good
opinion of the superior, and opens the way to fortune. The
vulgar, who are at the base of the pyramid, dazzled by the
splendor of the great, suffer . their opinion to be captivated by
show, and adore the idol that is raised for their devotion.
With them a golden calf commands the respect, which is due
to the Lord of Hosts.
In a republican government, those who wish to be great
must begin by obtaining the good opinion of their equals. For
this purpose they must be virtuous, or appear so ; and the
appearance has, generally speaking, the same advantages, as
to the community, with the reality ; because the example is
the same, and because the opportunities of ruining the nation,
by vices long concealed, are not frequent. But remark, that
the possession or appearance of virtue will not alone suffice.
In this kind of government, as in the other, the prevailing
follies and vices must be flattered. The Roman must be
brave, the Athenian polite, the monk devout ; and each must
prefer the interest of his society to those of mankind, and the
rules of his Order to the principles of justice. In pursuing
these reflections, we shall find the source of an important
maxim, which Montesquieu has advanced ; That laws and
manners have a mutual influence on each other. To fit us for
a republic, as for any other form of government, a previous
education is necessary. But what is education ? Let us not
confound things. Education of the head, learning, pedantry,
superstition ; these are what the college confers. Education
of the heart, manners, these we derive from the society around
us. Hence the Dutchman is avaricious, the Englishman
proud, the Frenchman vain ; and yet each has read the same
Livy, the same Cicero, the same Horace.
The education, even the scholastic education, of a free gov
ernment is more virtuous, because the tutor is obliged to sac
rifice to public opinion ; and the pupil does not see a horrible
contrast of divine precepts and diabolical practices. In free

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 465
governments, men are obliged to pay inviolable regard to their
promises, because falsehood is a crime which cannot be con
cealed, and which, as it exposes to infamy, is sure to impede
the march towards that greatness, which can only be obtained
by public favor. This is a trait of infinite consequence, be
cause men, being able to trust each other, perform cheerfully
the part allotted to them, either for the acquirement or for the
defence of liberty.
Lastly, in free governments the laws being supreme, and the
only supreme, there arises from that circumstance a spirit of
order, and a confidence in those laws for the redress of all inju
ries, public or private. The sword of justice is placed in the
hands of the constitutional magistrate, and each individual
trembles at the idea of wresting it from his grasp, lest the
point should be turned upon his own bosom, or that of his
friend. In despotic governments the people, habituated to be
hold everything bending beneath the weight of power, never
possess that power for a moment without abusing it. Slaves^l
driven to despair, take arms, execute vast vengeance, and ft
then sink back to their former condition of slaves. In such f
societies the patriot, the melancholy patriot, sides with the!
despot, because anything is better than a wild and bloody ¦„
confusion. Those, therefore, who form the sublime and god-/
like idea of rescuing their fellow creatures from a slavery,!
they have long groaned under, must begin by instruction, and;
proceed by slow degrees, must content themselves with plant- 1
ing the tree, from which posterity is to gather the fruit. J
But to quit metaphor, which, though it may enforce senti
ment, very rarely conveys a clear and precise idea; and leav
ing these general observations, in order to apply more particu
larly our investigations to the facts immediately before us, it
must be remembered, that, as each individual is governed by
the opinion of the public, so each contributes to the formation
of that very opinion. Thus, a thing not unfrequent in moral
action, the effect becomes, in form, the cause. Those things
then, which command the public opinion, command the public.

466 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
A reverence for religion gave power to its ministers. Again,
destroy at once an opinion, without raising at the same time
another, you destroy all which stands connected with that
opinion. Bring the people to despise their priests, and their
religion is gone, unless you introduce enthusiasm to drive out
superstition. The French have a blind deference for their
nobles, and a warm attachment for their Prince. Bring them
to detest the one and despise the other, what have you gain
ed? A multitude ungoverned, and very soon ungovernable.
Will you preach to them as a philosopher, the dignity of man,
the empire of reason, the majesty of the laws ? You might
as well talk of the centripetal and centrifugal forces in the so
lar system, or the reflection and refraction of the rays of light.
To such fine discourses, you will receive your answer from
some decollated victim at the Place de Greve.
And what end are we to look for as the result of unbridled
licentiousness? History tells us of but one. Reason can discover
but one. Experience proclaims that it is despotism. If then
from history, from reason, from experience, we may derive
one lesson, as to our political conduct, we must agree in the
propriety of preserving those objects, which now command the
reverence of opinion, till time shall raise a new generation, ed
ucated in different opinions. Leave to the people a corps,
which they may consider as the common enemy, and which
may, from that circumstance, unite them in a steady and con
stant support of the rights of mankind, the object for which
they long contend will be endeared by the contest. By de
grees they will feel, that which now they only think, and they
will love that liberty, which they at present admire. A body
constantly opposed to the popular wish, nay, constantly labor
ing to oppress, will save the mfrom their most dangerous en
emy. It will save them from themselves. They and their rep
resentatives will always be as desirous of oppressing the no
bility, as that nobility can possibly be of debasing the people.
In the legislative struggle, where each having a veto neither
can prevail, the good of all must be consulted, to obtain the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 467
Consent of each. It is not the number of chambers in which
laws are discussed which is important, but the spirit which pre
vails in the discussion ; and that prevailing spirit will depend\
on the prevailing interest. The pride of nobility is offensive ; I
but to whom ? Not to the humble. Pride stimulates the great y
to rise. And pride prompts the little, who cannot rise, to pull (
down the mighty from his seat. Reduce the noble, against i
whom envy now points her arrows, reduce him to the common ]
level, there remains no other mark but the Prince.
But in destroying orders, do you destroy the natural inequal
ity of man, or the artificial inequality of society ? In attacking
one effect, do you remove the general cause ? If you cannot
alter the nature of man, why not consent to treat him according
to that nature? Suppose all distinctions gone, and one body of
representatives appointed for this great kingdom, on whom will
the choice fall? This question demands a solemn pause. In
the answer is involved all future consequences. Will not the
rich and the great be chosen ? Have wealth and grandeur
lost their influence ? Have the people of France attained to
that philosophic contempt of splendor and riches, which indu
ces men to perish inactive, and starve with tranquillity ? The
rich and great, possessed of power which is only not absolute
because there is a king, will they not desire to remove the only
obstacle to the increase of their greatness ? Or will pity restrain
them from those impositions on the people, which will increase
their wealth ? Will not a very slight reflection convince us, that
the methods pursued by some to overturn the authority of the
great, must tend eventually to fix that authority, and to give le
gal sanction to what is at present perhaps an unjust usurpation?
Is it not most wise to put all these enemies in one body togeth
er, and not suffer them to elude the vigilance of observation,
by dressing in the popular garb ? Why suffer the wolves, (if
wolves they be) to occupy the place, which should be reserved
for tbe shepherd ?
Again, let us not in our zeal for momentary reformation, lose
sight of the probable consequences. Where the national char-

468 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
acter is base, the national government cannot be pure. Let the
legislator then always bear in mind an attention to the means
of preserving and exalting the character of his nation. This
is particularly needful, when we would form a free constitu
tion. In absolute monarchies, as has already been observed,
the Prince gives the tone to all subordinate ranks. Cyrus com
mands the brave Persians, and Darius the voluptuous. But a
free people take, by degrees, their distinctive traits, which are
indelible. You would destroy the nobility of France. You
say, that the respect paid to a titled fool is misplaced, and that
the Conde of today should not be decorated with the insignia
of his heroic ancestors. You reason on the equality of man
kind, till you believe in it yourself, and become convinced that
the whole nation are of your opinion. They think that they
believe the same thing, and yet they are deceived. Such
rooted sentiments are not to be in a moment eradicated.
But suppose it were as you imagine. Your nation, no longer
influenced by the splendor of rank and titles, will pursue more
steadily the objects of ambition and avarice. Remember that
you are to be free, and have much to apprehend from ambition.
You will of course render the acquisition of power difficult, the
possession precarious, the abuse fatal, and consequently the
pursuit will be confined to those few, whose souls are form
ed with loftiest views, and who can be happy only in command.
Such men there are in all societies, and such will risk all
things, and suffer all things, to obtain their darling superiority.
The great mass, however, terrified at the rugged ascent, at the
uncertain stand, and the tremendous fall, will prefer a hum
bler walk in life.
Suppose then, that you have arrived at the philosophic sit
uation, where a love of power is repressed, and a love of titles
annihilated. You have cut down ambition, and torn up vani
ty by the roots. What then ? Why then the great, rich, fer
tile, commercial kingdom of France is to be under the base
dominion of avarice. Everything is to be rated at its price in
gold. And do you imagine that liberty will be the only ex-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 469
ception in such a general sale ? God has formed man with a
variety of passions, but man would be wiser than his Creator,
and simplify the principles of human action. Alas ! in pro
portion to his success, will be his misfortune. What shall we
think of the musician, who cuts three strings of his violin, and
plays upon one ? And yet he may plead in excuse, that an
instrument with but one string is more easily kept in tune.
Suppose for a moment that man could be reduced to this
standard, and that a wise legislature were about to form a con
stitution of government for such men. Would he not foresee
and anxiously provide against the dangerous consequences of
that, overruling, base, inordinate propensity ? And in the midst
of this anxiety would he not rejoice to meet with some one,
who could awaken the bosoms of his countrymen to new and
livelier emotions ; to those passions^ whose quick and ener
getic action briskly agitates the national manners, and dissi
pates all stagnant and putrescent scum ? Would he not thank
the man, who should give to youth the headlong fury of love,
and to manhood the insatiate thirst of applause ? When
these restless passions prevail, they chase ambition and avarice
from the stage. By the prodigality of youth, riches are as
lightly squandered, as they were busily or basely collected.
And ofttimes the victorious general in catching at a feather
lets fall his sword.
But farther, let us suppose an excellent constitution estab
lished. This alone is not sufficient. Next year perhaps it will
be destroyed. We ought, therefore, to provide as well for the
preservation as for the establishment. And how is that to be
done ? Quit your philosophic closet, and look abroad into
the world. Behold those numerous swarms of human insects,
all busy, all intent upon some pursuit. What is it, which
animates them ? Observe a little nearer and you will see that
it is interest. No matter whether well or ill understood, no
matter whether the object be salutary or pernicious, it is still
self-interest, or if you please self-love, which, to obtain that
desired object, sets all in motion. Be pleased then to con-
vol. n. 40

470 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
sider, that in society there will always be a great number, who,
from their natural propensities or peculiar situation, must feel
a direct interest in the overturning of actual establishments.
Here then is a constant cause, which must have its effect,
and produce a constant and persevering effort to destroy the
constitution. The acting individuals will change forever, but
the action will forever be the same. As in a siege, the bul
lets are successive, but the direction and operation continual.
How are we to obviate the fatal consequences of this evil,
which is unavoidably interwoven into all possible societies ?
We may venture to say with geometric certitude, that to a force
constantly acting, a similar force must be opposed. To bal
ance this permanent interest, another must be raised equally
permanent. An order of men with distinct privileges will feel
a constant and regular desire to prevent innovations and change.
But a hundred mouths are open to exclaim, why prevent
any change ? Have not the people a right to alter the con
stitution and laws as they think proper ?
Such questions require no answer with men acquainted with
affairs, and to others it is difficult to give an answer which will
be understood. Perhaps it is best to ask this other question,
why should we have any laws at all ? No man will deny, that
a government greatly defective and oppressive ought to be
changed, and that laws manifestly cruel and unjust ought to be
abrogated. But a very little experience will convince any
thinking man, that frequent variations in the law are a serious
evil, and that frequent changes in the form of government are
the most afflicting misfortune. From these must follow a loss
of commerce, a decay of manufactures, a neglect of agricul
ture, and thence poverty, famine, and universal wretchedness.
It is not worth while then to dispute about ihe inherent right,
which man enjoys to plunge himself into this situation, for
surely all will agree, that to exercise such right is madness in
the extreme.
But another violent cry is raised from a different quarter.
What beautiful and pathetic dissertations have we not heard,

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 471
about the natural equality of mankind ! A thing, which the
writers themselves do not believe in, or they would never have
taken so much pains to show their own superiority. How
unjust that we are not all born Dukes ! True ; but still more
unjust that we are not all born Kings. Is the establishment
of distinct orders in a monarchy necessary to the national hap
piness ? If it be, let the establishment be made, or being made,
let it be preserved. But you complain that you do not pos
sess nobility. The road is open. Deserve it. But many
are noble who never deserve it. True. And many are rich
by no better right. You will not violate the laws of property,
because it is necessary to the national prosperity that they be
held sacred. If then the privileges of a distinct order be equal
ly necessary, why will you violate them ? But you will not
impair the rights of property ; why then will you take away
from the son those privileges, which his father bought ? Surely
the one property should be as sacred as the other. And if you
respect the eminence, which was bought, ean you despise that
•which was earned ? If you acknowlege the titles paid for with
gold, will you deny those which were purchased with blood ?
Lastly. Examine the history of mankind, and find, if pos
sible, the instance where a monarchy has existed in which the
people were free without an intermediate order. If there be
none such, consider the vast sum which France must stake
upon a new experiment. The happiness or misery of twen
ty millions. But is it a new expeiiment? Has it not been
tried ? And have not events demonstrated, that all such trials
terminate in despotism ?

472 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

NOTE
ADDRESSED TO THE QUEEN OF FRANCE, ON THE COURSE TO
BE PURSUED BY THE KING.
Translation.

January 26th, 1790.

They advise the King to present himself to the Assembly, and
to place himself, as they say, at the head of the revolution. The
trade of a revolutionist appears to me a hard one for a Prince.1
I did not hesitate to say directly, that it was foolish or perfid
ious advice. He has gathered but bitter fruits from his inter
course with the Assembly hitherto. Inaction is not only the
surest course for him, but the only one which is not extremely
dangerous. That they, who fear the consequences of having
pushed everything to extremities, should wish to put them
selves under the shelter of circumstances, under the shadow of
royal authority, is all very natural. That they too, who have
commenced the revolution, and who, in attaining their object,
see themselves outstripped by their followers, should seek sup
port against the violence which they have excited, is also nat
ural. That the most cunning among them should desire to pre
serve, for some years, the name of Monarchy, in order the more
fully to destroy the substance, is not to be wondered at; but that
the Monarch should second these schemes, that he should run
headlong into the net, which they spread for him ; — Alas, how
much he is to be pitied !
But what must he do? Nothing. The children of the
Count d'Artois are already out of the kingdom ; so the royal
family, being no longer entirely within the hands of its enemies,
will respect what is there, for fear of what is not there. Let
them alone then. In a short time everything will be shaken to
its foundation, and those who have poured insult upon the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 473
royal heads, and bitterness into their hearts, will feel in their
turn the evils, which they have occasioned.
War will come at the moment, when the general weakness
shall promise to the enemy a sure prey. It shall come to res
cue the state, and re-establish its affairs. The finances, even
in skilful hands, will be benefitted thereby. Means are not
wanting to France, it is only the talent to make use of them.
But let it not be supposed possible to replace things where they
were. No ; France must henceforward have a wise constitu
tion, which assures to the people all the liberty of which they
are susceptible, or it must have a frightful tyranny. This last
is by no means suited to a wise and benevolent King. We must
then have the first, and to attain this, we need only do noth
ing. Let the people become disgusted with the novelties of which
they are so fond. Time changes everything, and henceforth
tranquillity will be in its turn the object most earnestly desired.
Then they will come forward to meet the King, and offer him
the spoils, which they have wrested from him, and it will de
pend on him alone to insure forever the happiness of
France.

PLAN
OF A CAMPAIGN FOR FRANCE.

Written in June, 1790, and submitted at that time to Gen
eral Lafayette.

In the present state of Europe, it is natural to ask ;
I. Whether Peace or War be most for the interest of
France ?
II. Should the latter take place, a question of equal impor
tance arises as to the manner of prosecuting it
40*

474 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
IH. And this again is nearly connected with an inquiry into
the means of supporting it.
TV. The objects to be obtained will naturally disclose them
selves. I. Tbe fashionable rage of philanthropy bids us decide,
without hesitation, against the horrors of war; but statesmen
must be governed by reason, not rhetoric. To the wailings
of affected sentiment we might shortly reply, that in the usual
course of human affairs a war is inevitable ; but the subject
demands more particular attention. To form, then, a proper
judgment, it will be needful to examine the situation of
France ; first, in regard to her interior affairs ; and, secondly,
as to her exterior connexions and relations.
In the former point of view, that which immediately arrests
our attention, is a revolution effected as it were by magic ; so
easily have all ancient forms and establishments been abol
ished. The preponderatinz force, which accomplished that
miracle, Tvill naturally impress us with a sense of its greatness.
But it would argue a profound ignorance of human affairs to
suppose, that the same force will be exerted to support the
new constitution. All those, who are in uneasy situations,
readily flock to the standard of change, and there is an enthu
siasm in the first pursuit of freedom, which exceeds calcula
tion. But the instant a regular system is adopted, many of its
advocates wish again for something new. Some people would
change governments like fashions, from inconstancy of temper;
some from the derangement of their affairs, and some from
ambition. Reflection on these circumstances will show, that
the discontented party must receive accessions of strength, if
they have the wisdom to be quiet, till the fervor of the moment
has evaporated. The interior divisions, therefore, which have
been unhappily excited, demand a serious notice, and the
more so from their intimate relation to the finances. These
must continue in a state of wretchedness, until order shall be
established. But that derangement of tbe finances, which first
opened the way to a change of government, is now unfavorable

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 475
to the new order of things ; because it will enable the disaffect
ed to excite murmur sand complaints against every tax, which
it may be needful to impose. The call for a contribution
patriotique has been prevented from doing mischief, by the
wonderful working of the term Aristocrat; and other measures
owe their success to the same cause. But the time approaches,
when the torrent of enthusiasm will have spent itself for the
want of opposition. Something, therefore, must be done to
support the popular ardor; and there is no word perhaps in the
dictionary, which will take tbe place of .Aristocrat so readily as
Anglais. The dangers just stated are not perhaps the greatest. Anar
chy is fatal to freedom. They cannot exist together, and
if the former continue for a length of time, it generally ends in
despotism, because the people become wearied by the pursuit
of what they cannot obtain, and each suffering in turn the want
of legal protection, all finally agree to give power in exchange
for peace. Hence it follows, that the establishment of order
is ardently to be desired. But it cannot be effected without a
strong executive authority ; and it is to be feared, that much
time may elapse, and many concussions be felt, before that
event takes place, unless powerful circumstances be called forth
to influence the public opinion.
Neither is it unworthy of attention, that should such circum
stances now arise or be produced, the executive authority will
be delegated to supporters of the revolution, provided a due
share of discretion be used in distinguishing between the
advocates for anarchy, and the friends of freedom. But if the
present opportunity should slide away, it is not impossible that,
by degrees, the whole military force may be acquired by men
not over temperate in the use of it.
If we look beyond the limits of France, her Colonies first
attract our notice, as being most intimately connected with the
metropolis. The situation of things in this respect is unpleas
ant. The maxims of abstract right established by the Assem
bly prove a great deal, and it will be difficult to persuade the

476 - THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
1 ni«r that he should not enjoy the right of seeking his own
: r^tppiness in a free trade. In the present posture
of affairs those colonists may decide on their own fate, for they
... tainly receive succor from Britain, should that become
arv It is therefore prudent to treat with them on terms
of liberal policy. They will probably demand a free commerce
with the United States of America, and perhaps with all the
world. If they confine themselves to the former, such limita
tions may be fixed as that, without injuring either the Colony
or parent State, it shall be beneficial to both. If they insist
on the latter, the wisest course will be to grant them indepen
dence at once, and to guaranty it; inviting the United States
to become parties in the guarantee. That example would
catch in the British possessions. Perhaps the Colonies would
assume a part of the public debt, proportioned to the revenue
now drawn from them, and if so, their independence would not
be a bad bargain. The terms to be made with them will
5 depend on their temper, and that upon circumstances. If
Britain had declared war, in 1774, against the House ofBour-
i bon, the now United States would have bled freely in her
) cause. <
Next in order to the Colonies, is the commerce of France.
It is her happiness to depend less on foreign trade, than many
other nations. With the East she can have little intercourse,
because there is little consumption in France for the commodi
ties of India. With her Colonies, even should they become
independent, her commerce will be considerable, because they
will use her brandies, wines, fruits, oil, vinegar, silks, and fine
cloths, and she their sugar and coffee. But her interior com
merce is most important. The wealth, which must flow from
establishing freedom and free intercourse, throughout the space
which nature seems to have allotted for her limits, is almost in
conceivable. To derive full benefit from her local advantages,
she wants only an accession of commercial capital, and those
habits of industry, from which her neighbors have derived their
importance. It must however be observed, that if Britain

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 477
should establish the claims lately set up against Spain, the
commerce of France must suffer severely, and her territorial
interests will also be materially affected.
This leads to a consideration of the alliances of France,
which, according to the calculations of human prudence, tended
to ensure her happiness. If they do not produce that effect,
candor must acknowledge that the fault is in her, and not in
them. Passionate zealots have indeed complained of the
connexion with Austria, and now lately of the family compact;
but surely these alliances were wise. Let it be remembered,
that Europe will ever be divided into two great parties, so that
you have only to choose whether your neighbors shall be for
you, or against you. Some talk of an alliance between France
and England — between Rome and Carthage. It is not worth
while to reason about a thing which cannot happen. The true
question therefore is, whether you wish that England, Austria,
Flanders, and Spain, shall be allied against France. On this
supposition, how would she make head both by land and by
sea? Without mentioning St Domingo, without thinking of
the Mediterranean trade, let it only be remembered, that
under circumstances less unpropitious, Marlborough was in full
march for the gates of Paris.
Even in time of peace, the expense of the additional troops
to guard her frontiers would be ruinous to France, unless her
navy were neglected, and that would give her adversaries the
uncontrolled dominion of the sea. Britain derives from her
insular situation the advantage of not being forced into a land
war, unless she thinks proper, or has brought herself into such
condition by unwise connexions or engagements. Evidently
it is the interest of France to preserve the family compact, and,
if possible, to derive benefit instead of sustaining injury from
the vicinity of Flanders, unless it can be supposed both prac
ticable and prudent to form a close connexion with Britain.
But the first article of such an alliance must be the superiority
of one, which the others would not submit to. Ancient rivals
in arts and in arms, neither will trust the other ; so that they

478 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
would be placed in that suspicious relation, which involves the
expense of war, without destroying the benefits of peace.
Shall it be said that both nations being free, they would from cir
cumstances be friends ? Free nations have ever been hostile to
each other, from the little Grecian Republics down to those of
Italy. The wars of Rome and Carthage convulsed the world.
The delenda est Carthago has been repeated in the British,
and will be repeated in the French Senate. The chance in
deed is, that Carthage must be again destroyed, because the
resources of trade cannot always avail against a great territo
rial power.
In the present moment, Britain is determined to give law to
the allies of France, upon the principle that she cannot, or will
not, perform her engagements to them. The affairs of Hol
land have given a severe lesson, that allies when abandoned
become dangerous enemies, and the wise will learn prudence
from misfortune. If, therefore, either the foreign or domestic
affairs of France be duly considered, it will appear proper to
take a decisive part in the affairs of Europe, and exert her ut
most force to preserve that rank to which she is entitled, that
good faith which ought to be her glory, and that interior tran
quillity which can alone secure her happiness.
II. The manner of prosecuting a war falls next under con
sideration. And here it becomes proper to consider the in
struments which she possesses, and the operations of which they
are capable.
France has a numerous militia, but her army is not numer
ous nor well disciplined, and her navy cannot act extensively
from the want of resources. What can be done by such in
struments ?
As Poland and Prussia come into the war this campaign to
the aid of the Porte, the war in Flanders must be particularly
distressing to Austria. A powerful diversion against the Turk,
might enable the imperial courts to possess themselves of a part
of Poland, and Austria might recover Silecia. Hence it would
seem, that a cession to France of his rights to the Low Countries

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 479
might be obtained from the King of Hungary, and that the
troops now serving there might also be obtained, as auxiliaries
to France. A squadron from Toulon and Carthagena, with
French and Spanish troops, could proceed to the neighborhood
of Constantinople, and, having secured a proper post, could
so far obstruct the communication with Egypt and the Arch
ipelago, as to straiten that city for subsistence. Very pro
bably, too, the appearance of a considerable force might excite
the Greek Christians to revolt. By such powerful diversions
the places acquired from the Turk by the imperial courts would
be secured, and they might turn the principal part of their
force against Sweden and Prussia. If the Elector of Bavaria
would be induced to take part in the quarrel, the advantage is
evident. Great Britain, having no port in the Mediterranean,
could not without great hazard oppose the operations in that
quarter. Should such treaty take effect, it ought to remain secret until
the moment of operation arrives, but it would be proper imme
diately to march a considerable body of French troops to the
neighborhood of Calais and Dunkirk, and there to construct
vessels to be worked by oars, and to carry in their bows what
the Russians call Licornes, which, by discharging Brandts-
wogles, set ships on fire. Common coasting vessels would an
swer this purpose, with very little alteration. It would be
proper to prepare some flat-bottomed boats, to carry light can
non on deck, and high enough to scour the country from the
canals of Flanders and Holland. The object of this armament
should be to menace the Island of Britain, but in fact to
attack Amsterdam. The vessels first mentioned could go
round into the Texel, and enter that city from the sea side. The
ships would make but little resistance. The other vessels
would be employed in the interior navigations. By menacing
Britain, she would be obliged to keep some ships at home,
and to call out her militia. This would greatly enhance her
expense, and at the same time her attention would be drawn
from the place, on which alone an attack should be made. The

480 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
regiments in the French service, speaking tbe German language,
should be brought by degrees upon the frontiers of Flanders.
If the attempt on Amsterdam succeeds, the advantages
speak for themselves. If it does not, perhaps Rotterdam might
be secured, which is a place of infinite importance to the ene
my, and in connexion with it must be considered Dordrecht
and Gorcum. At any rate it might be possible to secure
Flushing, and such other parts of the Dutch territory near
Antwerp, as impede the navigation of the Scheldt. Or in the
last resource, these troops might be useful in the main design
against Flanders.
With respect to this, it would seem proper to enter the
country the beginning of October, (as subsistence would then
be abundant,) in two columns of regular troops ; the one upon
the sea coast from Lisle, so as to secure Neuport, Ostend, and
Ecluse, and then march through Bruges and Ghent to Antwerp.
The other column to descend along the Sambo, and joining
the Austrians at Namur, endeavor to possess both Liege and
Maestricht. The last might perhaps be easily taken with the
aid of money, and when taken would form the advance point
to be opposed to the troops of Prussia, Holland, and perhaps
England and Hanover; for both may be brought up the
Meuse with ease and expedition. A great body of militia
might at the same time march by different routes to Brussels,
and if the King should go in person, attended by a part of the
Parisian militia, it would not be productive of bad consequen
ces. By bringing them frequently into severe skirmishes, some
would make good troops, and the others become reconciled to
having regular armies for the defence of France. It is need
less to say, that the force at Maestricht should be great ; for
the possession of it and that of Antwerp being duly preserved,
and the various communications attended to, the whole country
would be easily defended ; and, as the state of the inhabitants
would be better under the French constitution, than under their
wretched aristocratic hierarchy, the chance is, that thev would
themselves fight against their present allies. At any rate, the

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 481
parties would be well balanced. The French property, with
moderate taxes on the people, would pay the charges of the
campaign. In turning from hence towards the western world, it seems
desirable that Spain should immediately send a considerable
force to Newfoundland. By taking the seamen, and destroy
ing the ships on that station, a heavy blow would be struck at
the British marine. This same fleet might also interrupt the
homeward bound ships from the West Indies, all of which sail
by the middle of July, and pass near to Newfoundland. France
might send to Brest the Irish troops in her service, with some
French regiments, and quarter several regiments of cavalry in
Britany, under pretence of disturbances in that quarter, and
plots of the Aristocratic faction. A vigorous press might also
be made in the large cities, (Paris in particular) and all idle
vagabonds be sent on board the fleet, which should be double
manned, one half being of these people. The declared object,
might be to defend the French Islands, and additional cloth
ing for the troops taken on board. Their fleet might sail in
the end of October,- and go far to the southweslward, because
at that time of the year there is a certainty of westerly winds.
The British home fleet would then naturally sail for the Islands,
and of course stand away to the southward, to get within the
tropics. The armament from Brest, (after going a hundred
leagues to the westward,) might return toTorbay. The troops
landed there might, by sudden movement, get possession of
Plymouth, and extend from the city of Exeter across to the Irish
channel. The impressed men might then be turned over to
tbe French regiments. The Irish regiments might get many
recruits in Cornwall, and the officers and privates of the cavalry
being brought over from St Malo's, might he readily and well
mounted in that part of Great Britain. The line across the
Island could be easily defended, and the possession of Plym
outh would be the means of intercepting totally the British
commerce. It would be proper to send over, after the first attack, at
VOL. II. 41

482 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
least a thousand Chasseurs, excellent marksmen. Should this
expedition be successful, a proclamation releasing the people
from all internal taxes, and reducing the duties on wine and
br andy one half, would induce many of them to favor the in
vasion ; and by means of the contraband commerce thus laid
open, not only the revenue of Great Britain would be injured,
but a considerable sum would be received from those low du
ties ; probably sufficient to defray the expense of the arma
ment. In the supposition that the great object of Flanders
should be obtained, and this descent be effected, another de
scent near London might still be threatened, or from Dieppe
to Brighthelmstone ; this would prevent the detaching of force
to the westward, or oblige the enemy to double his efforts.
Add to this, that a long march in December, with a Janua
ry campaign, could only tend to destroy his army, without ef
fecting his object.
Secresy in design, and suddenness in execution, are essen
tial requisites to success. Britain may, and probably will, at
tempt a different operation. With Prussian and Dutch troops
on one quarter, and a large body of British and Hanoverian
troops on another, joined to the Flemish, it is not imposssible
to make the river Somme the northern boundary of France ;
especially if England has, as there is some reason to suspect,
a considerable party among the disaffected in French Flan
ders and Artois. If France, therefore, instead of going into,
is drawn into the war, it will be perhaps for the defence of her
capital, which is on that side wholly uncovered, from St Quin-
tin southward, except by the river Oise. A landing, might
easily be effected in Picardy, or near Boulogne, and then the
French garrison must surrender the fortified towns in Flan
ders to one set of assailants, or leave the whole country and
the capitaj open to the other.
III. It may however be said, that although the situation of
France renders war in a manner inevitable, yet such is the de
rangement of her finances, that it is to be avoided at every
hazard, and almost at every loss. This objection leads us to in-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 483
quire into the means by which a war can be supported. And
here we must suppose a failure in the designs abovementioned,
and we must found no expectancy upon the, restoration of
credit. Neither must we be flattered by those appearances,
which have resulted from issuing the Assignats. They are fal
lacious. The Assignats are a paper currency, which is a legal
tender, bearing interest, and founded on the future sale of
lands. They carry therefore a legal evidence of inferiority to
coin. The premium of interest will not be equal to the loss
by depreciation, consequently will not preverft depreciation;
which is inevitable, because few are desirous of acquiring land
in comparison to the many who want to purchase other things.
The public, especially, have many wants, and their resources
from taxation must be retarded by a depreciating currency,
since it is every one's interest to delay that payment, whose
value is daily diminished. And for the like reason, the pub
lic expenses will be accelerated, because no one will give
credit. But expenses accelerated and enhanced, with reve
nues retarded and diminished, must destroy all equilibrium.
This being then the inevitable result, we ought to guard
against it. For this purpose, an idea long since advocated
might now be adopted. The public debts might, be founded
upon particular revenues, and the public service be provided
for by others. These last should be payable only in specie ;
and since, in time of war, each citizen owes his service to the
community, a poll tax on the men not in actual military ser
vice, might coine in to the relief of extraordinary expenses.
Many other taxes might be imposed ; for instance, on male
domestics, on carriages and horses of pleasure, on cards and
dice, on the use of ardent spirits, on legacies, and on sales of
lands, a general stamp tax, fee. ; none of which would be op
pressive ; and there are particular resources, among which may
be reckoned a share in prizes made by ships of war.
But one of the greatest resources consists in the kind of war,
which, though expensive to the enemy, would cost little to
France. The Islands would be secured by the incapacity of

484

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION,

the enemy to send a force against them, and even if taken, must
be restored at the peace. Having no possession in India, no
expense need be incurred on that account ; but ships of war,
a Hacking the British commerce to that country, might even
produce money to the treasury. The French commerce
might for a while be wholly restrained, and individuals be en
couraged to fit out strong vessels of war, which would be a
good annoyance. It would perhaps be wise not to risk na
val engagements, and whenever any of the enemy's vessels
were taken, the seamen should by all means be secured, and
should not be exchanged, but sent into the interior country,
and there employed in such manner as to alter their habits of
seamanship ; and as the northern powers are at war, the Brit
ish will find it extremely difficult to procure sailors both for
their commerce and marine. But if the former suffer, the
latter must be impaired from the want of money, as in the oth
er case from the want of men. And if from any cause the
navy of Britain be considerably reduced, she then loses the
great advantage of her insular position. Should they make a
similar disposition of French seamen, it would involve them in
great difficulties ; for it would be easy to approach the place
where the French seamen might be, and of course to favor their
escape. Unless every party was well guarded the keepers
would frequently be subdued, and the expense of such numer
ous guards would be oppressive.
In looking back it will give some satisfaction, perhaps, to the
philosophic mind, to observe that success in the measures just
mentioned would give freedom to Flanders, and perhaps to
Holland. That the condition of Poland might be mended.
That, possibly, Greece might be liberated from the Turkish,
and India from the British yoke. That, by opening the navi
gation of the Black Sea, a new theatre will be displayed for
commercial industry. And that, in shaking the Ottoman Em
pire to its centre, Eygpt might become independent, and the
piratical powers of Barbary be restrained.
Lastly. If France should, (with the loss of all her Colonies

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 485
and a great addition of debt,) get possession of Flanders, and
establish the free navigation of the Scheldt ; if, above all, she
should firmly fix a free constitution, she will be a vast gainer
by the conflict, and must from that moment be considered
as the greatest and happiest nation on earth.

NOTE
WRITTEN FOR THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN, CONTAINING SUG
GESTIONS RESPECTING A CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT.
Translation.

The date of this paper is uncertain, but it was handed to
the Count de Montmorin before the 25th of May, 1791.

In the present state of France, it is impossible to establish
a moderate government. Between hereditary royalty, and
, representatives chosen for two years, the struggle cannot be
of long duration. If, then, the King can preserve, or rather
regain the means qf preserving order, he wilj soon be master.
If, on the contrary, they persist in making barriers against
what they call the abuse of authority, Monarchy is at an end.
Force must succeed anarchy, and then the most sue cessful
commander will have the most extensive authority. There is
no doubt, that the Royal Family will be previously expelled,
and if it is ever re-established, that event, always uncertain,
cannot take place except after a long interval.
Men are governed only by force, or by opinion, and
force ever depends only upon opinion. Thus, between
absolute and moderate governments, there is no other dif-
erence, than that of opinion, more or less general. Under
the first, everything depends upon the army ; under the sec
ond, upon the mass of good citizens, who call themselves the
41*

486 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
people. When there is no longer a government, there is no
longer a people. It is then the populace which governs, be
cause it is that, which, having nothing to lose, hopes to gain
everyrthing, and which thus becoming the only active force,
alone inspires terror.
Nothing is more wretched, than the sad necessity of becom
ing master, or of remaining a slave, more especially as the
most despotic sultan is always governed by his own instru
ments, and trembles at the appearance of the force, which in
timidates his subjects. It would then be consistent equally
with goodness and wisdom, for a virtuous prince to establish a
constitution, which would reconcile the interests of the mon
arch with those of his people. In France, this would be even
indispensable, since the generally diffused ideas would not per
mit a very severe regime long to exist.
But at the present moment it is necessary to choose be
tween two extremes. It is necessary to be all, or nothing.
The choice being made, it remains to be known what are the
means of escaping from this paralysis, with which the govern
ment has been struck. If the chiefs of the opposition were
virtuous, but misguided, the 'thing would perhaps be impossi- «
ble ; but everything is to be hoped from the dispositions,
which have hitherto destroyed everything. Considering them
selves out of the administration, they have endeavored to
plunder it in the hope of partaking of its spoils. A coalition
has in fact been made between opposite parties, in the fear
lest authority should be strengthened by their mutual opposi
tion ; and the object of this union seems to be, to place the
King in the unhappy posture of losing all, or granting all to
them. No doubt these same persons would desert their con
stituents, if they could hope to derive any advantage there
from. The step to be taken, then, is simple. It is necessary to
secure, not the coalition, but the violent, (enrages) because it
is necessary to have those who cause fear, not those who feel
it. For this purpose you must give to the chiefs of the Ja-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 487
cobins the hope of entering into the administration of affairs.
You must promise it, and you must keep your word. As
soon as they are persuaded, that the way is open, they will
cause the decree of four years to be revoked, and will also
decree the re-eligibility. These form the grand basis of every
good operation. You must give these gentlemen places at a
favorable" moment, give them all necessary confidence, always
keeping the secret. You must displace them likewise at a fa
vorable moment, always gaining something, in proportion as
circumstances shall require a greater trust of power in the
hands of the king. The populace, always inconstant, will not
hesitate to break the idols of their worship. By preceding
them a little, you will have the appearance of leading them,
and by that means you will direct them ; because the weak,
that is to say, the great majority of mankind, unite themselves
to those who appear to be the strongest.

LETTER
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN, ON THE STATE OF PUBLIC
AFFAIRS.
Translation.

May 25th, 1791.

I desire, my dear Count, before leaving Paris, * to say one
more word to you on the posture of affairs ; and I put you to
the trouble of reading this letter, rather than to occupy a few
more minutes of your time in conversation.
You answered me very well the other day by asking me,

* Four days after the date of this letter Mr Morris left Paris for
London.

488 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
' who then are the persons, who, at the present moment, stand
well with Ae people ?' If it were as easy as it is difficult to
reply to your question, it would still remain to be known how
many days these same persons would preserve the good will of
the people, or rather of the populace. I do not conceal from
myself the difficulty, as you perceive. But I beg you, at the
same time, to attend to another matter, which is very clear.
You know very well that there are men, and women too, who
are detested, very unjustly, but still very heartily, and in all
sincerity. Now it is very possible, that we may not make a
good choice, but still it will be well to change. When the new
comers grow unpopular, it will be necessary to change again,
since the objection will be always against the subalterns, and
not against the chiefs.
I am fully persuaded, that if the persons whom you like
preserve their stations for some months longer, public affairs
will be re-established. Already it begins to be apparent, that
anarchy will soon destroy everything, unless some remedy be
speedily applied. This remedy is the authority of a chief, and
as everything depends on opinion, some time is necessary to
make the people feel this great truth.
In the mean time I earnestly beg you to consider, that the
Assembly, that the departments, have solicited the removal of
several persons, that the disorders inseparably connected with
a depreciated currency will constantly fall on the lower classes
of society, that thenceforth we shall see arise a sort of division,
between the partizans of the old and new regime ; perhaps
between the King and the Assembly; for it cannot be doubted,
that each will endeavor to throw the blame on the other. If,
at this moment, the court finds itself surrounded with those,
who have drawn upon themselves the unjust hatred of the
populace, who shall answer for the consequences, particularly
if France is at the same time threatened from without? You
know the combinations, which the malevolent have long been
making, and you will see that the good father Duchene, whom
I have the honor to present to you, begins already to instruct
his dear flock in them.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 489
Adieu. I promise myself the pleasure of seeing you tomor
row at your coffee-house, and 1 shall then beg you to return me
this paper, with two other little pieces which you recollect.
P. S. It is always necessary to remember, that it is no
longer a question of liberty ; it is simply, who shall be master.
If I could feel easy, with respect to the fate of the Royal
Family, I should still be apprehensive for that of France, if
it is determined, (to make use of a fashionable expression,)
to change the dynasty.

NOTE
COMMUNICATED TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
Translation.

July 30th, 179 1.

Would it not be well, that the King and Queen should forbid
every one to speak to them on the subject of the Constitutional
Charier, and the Ministers from taking any part in it, and that
this restriction should be known to every one ? The reason to
be given, is a very simple one. ' We would not influence or
prejudice the question, since it is agitated in a solemn conven
tion between the nation and its chief.'
These are the consequences of such a step.
The Assembly, in the uncertainty as to what line of conduct
the King may pursue, will have another motive to grant him
some authority. Then the persons, who are suspected of
influencing his conduct and that of the Queen, will be clear of
the affair, even in public opinion, and' that is necessary.
Finally, his Majesty will preserve the means of acting in the
sequel with more dignity. It may be, that he will decide to
accept it, but it is not necessary that this decision should be

490 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
known. Certainly it is necessary to make some observations
upon the articles, but not to have the trouble of speaking of
them before they are decreed. The King will yet have a fair
opportunity, and it will be possible for him, by wise and noble
conduct, to regain all he ought to desire. The future will
present the harvest of the seed which is now sown.

SPEECH
COMPOSED FOR THE KING OF FRANCE, WITH SOME OBSER
VATIONS ON THE CONSTITUTION.

The first Constitution of France was more than two years
under deliberation by the National AeeemblyTiefore it was
completed; that is, from June seventeenth, 1789, to Septem--
ber third, 1791. Several weeks, however, before it was com
pleted, it was presumed, that such would be the result, and
that this Constitution would be accepted by the King. A
draft of it was already before the public, and it became a
question with the Ministry, or with certain individuals among
the King's friends, whether it should be adopted by him, with
out an expression of his or their sentiments on some of its
mere prominent features.
It was probably at the suggestion of the Count de Mont
morin, that Mr Morris drew up the following Speech and
Observations, intended to be delivered by the King to the
National Assembly, on the occasion of his taking the oath to
observe the constitution. This paper was handed to the
Count de Montmorin on the twenty-seventh of August, and
returned to Mr Morris again on the eighteenth of October.
Meantime the King took the oath on tha fourteenth of Sep
tember, without reservation, or any public declaration of his
views, this course having doubtless been deemed the most
expedient by his counsellors.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 491
Gentlemen,
It is no longer your King who addresses you. Louis the
Sixteenth is only a private individual. You have just offered
him the crown, and informed him on what conditions he must
accept ft.
I assure you, Gentlemen, that if I were a stranger to France,
I Would not mount the slippery steps of the throne. But the
blood, which flows in my veins, does not permit me to be
insensible to the fortunes of the French. Descended from a
long line of Kings, the remembrance of those who are no
more, the rights of future generations, and my paternal love for
the people whom Divine Providence has once placed in my
care, everything, in fine, forbids me to abandon my post. I
must at least maintain it, so as to secure you from anarchy, and
from civil war. In this perilous position, I have taken counsel
only of my own conscience. It is this, which has decided me
to accept your Constitution. May it ensure the tranquillity of
the kingdom, and contribute to its prosperity !
France, in granting you its entire confidence, has placed
you in possession of the whole power. You* have therefore
become responsible, before the throne of the Almighty, for the
happiness of this immense people, whose fortune is in your
hands. I have been a King. Nothing remains to me now,
either of authority or of influence. Yet I have a last duty to
fulfil. It is that of imparting to you my reflections on your
work. I pray you to hear them with serious -attention.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE CONSTITUTION.
Previous to any examination of the Constitution, it is proper
to acknowledge, in the most explicit manner, the eternal maxim
of reason and justice, that all government ought to be instituted
and exercised for the benefit of the people. And, parting from
that principle, we should in any particular society seek that
form of government, which is best calculated to protect its citi
zens against foreign invasion, and secure domestic tranquillity,
with the enjoyment of liberty and property.

.492 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
You have determined on a hereditary monarchy, and by
that means you have the certainty, that the chief executive
magistrate must ever desire the prosperity of France. A King
of France can have no interest distinct from that of the peo
ple. Their happiness, their power, and their glory must ne
cessarily be the source of his. Every other public person may
have other objects ; but your King can aggrandize himself on
ly by increasing the wealth and influence of the nation. He
may be mistaken, and he may be misled, but he cannot be
bought. It is the misfortune of his situation to see with the
eye and act with the hands of others ; it is, therefore, evident
ly his interest, that the representatives of the people should
watch over his Ministers, and that they should be punished
for misconduct, whether arising from incapacity or any other
cause. He cannot but wish also for a strict and regular ad
ministration of justice, since that is alike necessary to his glory
and to the national prosperity.
These are among the advantages of hereditary monarchy.
Whether you have provided against the evils to which it is
liable, and secured the good of which it is . susceptible, is a
question deeply interesting to France, and to the human
race. You begin with a declaration of the rights of man, but
since the instruments of this sort, which have hitherto appear
ed, have occasioned much metaphysical discussion, it may well
be supposed, that a King whose occupations require a knowl
edge of man, such as he exists, and not such as he may be
imagined in abstract contemplation, is little fitted to decide on
the merit of such compositions. There seems, however, to be
some inconvenience in joining it to a constitution, because if
the constitution secures those rights, whatever they may be, it
is unnecessary, and otherwise it is useless ; but there is in
every case the risk of seeming contradictions. Controversies
may thence arise, and whoever may be the judge of such con
troversies, becomes thereby arbiter of the constitution.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 493
To show that this inconvenience is not imaginary, it will per
haps suffice to recal to your recollection the first article of your
declaration, that ' men are born and exist free and equal in
rights.' You have decided, however, that the representatives
shall be distributed among the eighty three departments, ac
cording to the three proportions of Territory, Population, and
Direct Taxes. It results, therefore, that a given number of
men, in one of the departments, will have the rights of electing
more representatives, than the same number in another depart
ment. They might then imagine, that they are not equal in
the very important right of choosing the members of the Legis
lative body.
You have also declared, that ' the law is the expression of
the general will; that all citizens have the right of concurring
personally, or by their representatives, in its formation ; and
that, all citizens, being equal in the eye of the law, are equally
admissible to all dignities, places, and public employments,
without other distinction than that of virtues and talents.'
On the other hand you have established, ' that to be an effec
tive citizen, it is requisite to pay, in some part of the Kingdom,
a direct tax, at least equal to the value of three days' labor,
and that no one can be an elector unless he unites with the
necessary conditions for being an effective citizen, that of pay
ing a direct tax of days' labor.' In reconciling
these various clauses, it may be doubted whether the first is
to be regarded as an inalienable right, or if, on this hypothesis,
the second is a just modificaiion of it.
You have also declared, ' that for the maintenance of the
public forces, and for the expenses of the government, a general
tax is indispensable, and that it ought to be equally distributed
among all the citizens, according to their ability ;' and yet by
your constitution you delegate ' exclusively to the legislative
body the right of imposing public taxes, of determining the
nature and quality thereof, and the mode of collecting them.'
Now, as many taxes, and particularly those which are called
indirect, are distributed among the citizens, not according to
vol. ii. 42

494 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
their ability, but according to what they consume, and even to
their most urgent necessities, it may happen, that your decla
ration may become, in regard to imposts for a part of the citi
zens, the ground of a serious complaint.
Without farther considering the collateral circumstances, ft
is proper now to examine the organization and the distribution
of the legislative, executive, and judiciary powers. According
to the declaration of rights ' every society wherein the sep
aration of powers is not determined has no constitution.' That
the separation of powers is of great importance cannot, indeed,
be denied. It is necessary then to examine, whether you
have provided for it in such a manner, that no one of them
can encroach in the others. Commencing with the Leg-
^ islative Power, you have decreed as follows ;
' Art. I. The National Assembly, forming the Legislative
body, is permanent, and is composed of only one chamber. Tn
case of the King's refusing his assent to the decrees of the Leg
islative body, this refusal is only suspensive, and when the two
legislatures, succeeding that which shall have presented the de
cree, shall have successively presented the same decree in the
same terms, the King shall be considered to have given it his
sanction. ' Art. II. The Legislative body cannot be dissolved by the
King. The representatives of the nation are inviolable. They
can for a criminal deed be arrested in the act, or by virtue of
an order of arrest, but notice shall be given thereof without de
lay to the Legislative body, and the prosecution cannot be
continued until after the Legislative body shall have decided,
that there is ground for accusation.
' Art. III. The Legislative body has the right of police in
the place of its sessions, and in the compass around, which it
shall have determined upon. It has the right of disposing of
the forces, which by its own consent are quartered in the Ci
ty, when it shall hold its sessions ; and the Executive power
cannot introduce, or quarter, any body of troops of the line

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 495
within the distance of thirty thousand toises from the Legisla
tive body, except by its requisition or authority.
' Art. IV. The Constitution delegates exclusively to the
Legislative body the power of prosecuting before the High
National Court, the responsibility of the Ministers, and prin
cipal agents of the Executive power. No Minister in place, or
out of place, can suffer a criminal prosecution for an act of
his administration, without a decree of the Legislative body.
' Art. V. Whenever the King shall have pronounced or
confirmed the suspension of Administrators or Sub-administra
tors, he shall inform the Legislative body thereof. That body
can either remove the suspension, or confirm it, or even dis
solve the culpable administration, and if there be cause send
all the members of it, or a part of them, to the criminal tribu
nals, or issue a decree of accusation against them. The tri
bunals cannot summon the members of an administration be
fore them for official acts.
' Art. VI. When, after two appeals, the judgment of the
third tribunal shall be questioned, upon the same grounds as
the two first, the case cannot be farther acted upon in the tri
bunal of appeal, (Tribunal de Cassation) without having been
submitted to the Legislative body, which shall issue a decree
explanatory of the law, to which the tribunal shall be
bound to conform. The Minister of Justice shall state to the
tribunal of appeal, through the medium of the King's Com
missioner, the acts by which the judges may have exceeded
the bounds of their power. The tribunal shall annul them,
and if there is ground for impeachment, notice shall be given
to the Legislative body, who shall grant the decree of accusa
tion, and send the accused before the High National Court.
' Art. VII. War cannot be decided upon without a decree
of the Legislative body. It belongs to the Legislative body
to ratify treaties of peace, of alliance, and of commerce, and
no treaty can take effect without such ratification.'
By the first article, the whole legislative authority is vested
in a single chamber of representatives, and consequently the

496 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
leaders of a majority in that Assembly may dictate such laws
as they think proper. The King may indeed suspend the de
crees for a given period, but history furnishes instances of na
tions, which have for a longer period been under the influence
of faction, and if France should ever be in that situation, the
King, by suspending the decrees, would only prolong the dis
order without avoiding the mischief. A dangerous law may
be adroitly framed, so as to suit the popular taste, and the re
jection of it might be represented as a ministerial despotism.
It is, therefore, to be feared, that if the Assembly should wish
to encroach on the executive authority, a suspensive veto would
make but a feeble resistance. The time, for instance, may
arrive in which a law obliging Ministers to obey such Commit
tees, as shall be appointed to superintend their respective de
partments, will be represented as essential to the public safety.
Rumors of disaffection may be spread abroad, and the people
be led to suspect the intentions of their King, even though his
whole life should have been a constant endeavor to procure
their happiness. It will then give them pleasure td see the
power taken from him, who is essentially their friend, and be
stowed on those who have no other object but their private in
terest. On the other hand, what are the evils to be apprehended
from giving to the first executive magistrate an absolute veto ?
He cannot, without the consent of the Assembly, extend his
own authority ; and if that consent be supposed, it is a matter
of indifference whether his veto be suspensive or absolute. In
a well ordered society, new laws are seldom necessary, either
for the purposes of police, or of distributive justice ; and if they
were, how can we doubt of the King's consent ? The laws
for imposing taxes, and for the public defence, will naturally
also receive his assent. It is only, therefore, in the case of an
attack upon his constitutional authority, that a right of rejec
tion would be exercised. The knowledge that such right ex
ists would frequently prevent the attempt, in like manner as
the hope of eventual success, where the rejection is only for a

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 497
limited time, would frequently invite it. In the one case, peace
and order may be expected ; in the other, turbulence and tu
mult. By the second article it is provided, that the Assembly shall
exist, and the persons of the members be held sacred, so long
as a majority may think proper. If, therefore, such majority
should harbor dangerous designs, there seems to be no means
of terminating their session, nor of punishing the guilty, but by
general insurrection, or civil war. It is of the nature of ab
solute power to corrupt the heart, and if there be temptation
and indemnity, guilt may ensue. Should a faction be hired
by our enemies to sacrifice the national interest and honor, to
withhold the needful means of defending the State, or of sup
porting its credit, the King has no constitutional method of
appealing to the people, neither can any tribunal punish the
traitors, without the consent of their accomplices. History in
forms us, that, both in ancient and modern times, the leaders
of popular Assemblies have been bought by foreign powers,
and that thus nations unconquerable by arms, have become
the victims of seduction.
By the third article it is provided, that the Assembly shall
command such number of troops at the place of their sessions,
as they think proper ; consequently, they may possess them
selves of the means at once to awe the people, and imprison
the King. His person will be in their hands ; his life at their
disposal ; and though he may have the courage to disregard
his own life, yet his wife, his children, the dearest objects of
his heart, remain also in their power. If, then, some future
Assembly should be desirous of changing the form of govern
ment, and of assuming greater powers than those, which you
have thought proper to delegate, it seems that neither of the
other departments, nor even the people themselves, have any
means of resistance.
By the fourth article, the Ministers and other agents of the
executive authority are exposed to criminal prosecution by
the Assembly, and secured against such prosecution from eve-
42*

498 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ry other quarter. Therefore, should the Assembly incline to
make encroachments, the Ministers in opposing them would
have much to fear, but by submission would be sure of in
demnity. - s
By the fifth article, the authority of the King over those
charged with the administration is rendered subordinate to that
of the Assembly. He is, as it were, the public accuser. The
Legislative body is authorised to judge their conduct, and con
sequently to judge his. Administrators protected by the leadersof
the Assembly, if such should ever exist, may not only disregard
his orders, but even dictate to him the conduct he shall pursue.
If the taxes should be either burthensome or disagreeable to
several departments, and the administration prove remiss in
collecting them, the executive power is in the sad necessity of
seeing the public interest sacrificed by their neglect, or of ren
dering itself odious by more vigorous measures. In both cases
the Ministers will be at the mercy of the Assembly, who may
accuse them for not having suspended the administration, or,
by taking off the suspension, degrade the executive authority.
Under such circumstances of absolute dependence, the Minister,
although appointed by the King, must obey the orders of those,
who can influence a majority of the Assembly, and consequent
ly that part of the executive authority now in question, though
vested nominally in him, resides really in them. And the ad
ministrators, certain that they cannot be cited before the tribu
nals, unless previously accused by the Assembly, will frequent
ly consider rather how to please those whom they have cause
to fear, than how to perform their duty to the State.
By the sixth article, the judiciary power, in the last resort,
is given to the Assembly ; for a decree declaring what the
law is in a given case, is only another name for a judgment in
such case. The Tribunal de Cassation being obliged to con
form, its subsequent proceedings are merely ministerial, to clothe
the decree in the form of a sentence, and to cause the execu
tion. From hence it results, that the people will no longer
enjoy that security in their property and possessions, to which

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 499
they are entitled ; for it may happen, that many judgments of the
Tribunal de Cassation will have been submitted to, before the
case supposed in the article occurs, and that afterwards the
Assembly may decree contradictorily to the tribunal, in which
case the preceding judgments will doubtless be questioned.
Moreover, as it is not to be supposed that a numerous Assembly
will consist of persons skilled in legal discussions, it may hap
pen that their explanatory decrees will effect the whole system
of jurisprudence. There is reason to fear also, that their de
cisions may be influenced by the acts of intrigue, or other mo
tives. The Assembly having reserved to itself the sole right
of accusing the judges for misconduct, timid or corrupt judges
will decide in favor of those, who have influence with the
Assembly, and against the poor and unprotected.
By the seventh article, the Assembly has reserved to itself
the rights of war, peace, treaties, so that the King is mere
ly their agent, with this difference, that (not being previous
ly instructed) he must act under the uncertainty of being ap
proved or disavowed. From the changeableness of the rep
resentatives, the opinion of the Assembly must be unstable.
Moreover, ft is hardly to be expected, that persons taken from
the ordinary occupations of life, will possess the information
needful to judge of foreign politics, and its various combina
tions. The opinions of men, also, depend much on their res
pective habits and professions. Some, therefore, would sacri
fice everything to the honor of the nation, some its commerce,
and some its tranquillity.
By collecting together in one point of view the various
powers given to the legislative body, it appears that they have
the right to make laws and decide in the last resort, both on
the application and execution of them ; that they have the
supreme right of war, peace, and treaties ; that they have an
existence dependent only on their own will, power to protect
themselves from the pursuit of justice, and the command of
such force as they may think proper ; of course all power not
already vested in them is exposed to their assumption. It may

500 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
indeed be said, that there is no just reason tc suppose the rep
resentatives of a free people will prolong their political exis
tence, assume extraordinary powers, or become instruments
of foreign ambition ; but history informs us, that such repre
sentatives have existed, and therefore they may again exist.
And since the formation of a constitution and laws presupposes
human depravity, we must calculate on the effects of those
passions, which have ever influenced the conduct of man
kind. The next in order is the Executive Power, about which
you have decreed ;
' Art. I. To the King is delegated the care of watching the
external safety of the kingdom, to maintain its rights and pos
sessions. It belongs to the King to conclude and sign with all
foreign powers, all treaties of peace, of alliance, of commerce,
and other conventions, which he shall judge necessary to the
welfare of the State, under the ratification of the Legislative
body. ' Art. II. The King appoints two thirds of the Rear Ad
mirals, half of the Lieutenants General, Field Marshalls, Cap
tains of vessels, and Colonels of household troops ; ihe third
of Colonels and Lieutenant Colonels, and the sixth of Lieu
tenants of vessels.
' Art. III. Administrators are agents elected for a period by
the people, to exercise under the superintendence and author
ity of the King the administrative duties. The King has the
right of annulling acts of Administrators of departments, con-
trarjr to the laws, or to orders issued to them, and can-in case
of obstinate disobedience, or if they compromise by their acts
the public safety, or tranquillity, suspend them from their
offices. He shall inform the Legislative body thereof, and
that body may remove or confirm the suspension^ The exe
cutive power directs and superintends the collection and the
disposition of the taxes, and gives all necessary orders to that
effect.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 501
' Art. IV. The officers of the National Guards are elected
for a period, and cannot be re-elected, except after an interval
of service as soldiers.'
In considering the executive power of a State, it is proper
to examine the object for which such power is instituted,
because the means should always be proportioned to the end.
Now the object is to defend the State, and enforce obedience
to the laws. To accomplish this, the members of every
department must be perfectly obedient to the chief, who then,
and then only, can be responsible for the conduct of affairs.
It results also, from the nature of this authority, and from that
accountability, which the nation has a right to require, that it
should be derived from one head, and that in every instance,
there should be one principal, or superior. For if a Council,
or Committee, be charged with the whole, or any part of the
executive department, it may happen, first, that so much time
will be consumed in deliberations, that the business will be
neglected. Secondly, that their conduct will vacillate accord
ing to the attendance of the different members. Thirdly, that
the needful secrecy cannot be preserved, since not only each
member, but the Secretaries and Clerks also must be privy to
their decisions, because the will of a Board is expressed only
by the record of its deliberations. Fourthly, that it will be
difficult, if not impossible, to render them accountable, since
each will give plausible reasons for his vote, so that though the
general conduct he manifestly wrong, no one in particular can
be convicted. Whereas it is, as has been already noticed,
essential to the public safety, that Ministers should be punished
as well for incapacity as for misconduct.
It has already been noted, also, that perfect obedience is
necessary from every inferior, but to obtain it, the chief should
have power to appoint and to remove the subordinate officers.
In common life this is necessary to every man, who employs
others either in his own affairs, or in those committed to his
management. And if this be needful in those small concerns,

502 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
where the principal can daily superintend his agents, how
much more so for him, who must employ many for various
purposes, and at considerable distances ; for a King, in short,
whose duty it is to protect the French against foreign invasion,
and to maintain their internal tranquillity ; a King, who, in the
pursuit of their interest, which is one and the same with his
own, must at every step encounter the opposition of private
views. By applying these evident principles of common sense to
the four articles just cited, it will appear how far your consti
tution is calculated to confer on the people of France those
benefits, of which a hereditary monarchy is susceptible. By
the first, the right of war, peace, and treaties, is granted to the
Assembly, and the King must act not only in subordination
to their will, but also in uncertainty as to what that will may
be. From hence results the difficulty, if not impracticability,
of making any treaty at all. Who will enter into stipula
tions with a Prince, who cannot bind those whom he
represents ? The communication of powers is a usual pre
liminary, even to the conversations which precede a treaty.
Suppose, for instance, that the King, apprehending the aggres
sion of several powers allied against France, should endeavor
to form with other powers a defensive alliance, each of these
might be obliged to reject his overtures from regard to its own
safety, because the treaty being made and submitted to, the
Assembly would, if not approved of, expose it singly to the
vengeance of the enemies. Similar observations apply to
treaties of commerce.
That the nation may be effectually guarded, it may some
times be necessary to attack, in order to disconcert measures
otherwise injurious, if not fatal. Without looking abroad, the
history of France furnishes numerous examples in support of
this truth. But it is now impracticable, for an application to
the legislature must disclose the design, and would be consid
ered also as an aggression, consequently it would have the
evils of such a measure without the advantages. Besides, al-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 503
though a majority of the Assembly might judge the war to be
necessary, many of that majority might wish to delay it, that
their particular speculations of commerce or finance might be
previously arranged ; not to mention the advantages, which a
foreign Prince might derive from intrigue and corruption.
Lastly, in the course of a war many leading members of
the Assembly may have such an interest in the continuation
of hostilities, as to prevent the restoration of peace, though
necessary to the kingdom. Thus the King, whose position
enables him to discover, and whose interest obliges him to
promote the national advantage, is rendered incapable of act
ing, or at best subservient to others, some of whom must be
incapable of judging, and even have an interest opposite to
that of their country.
The second article relates to the organization of the mili
tary force, which, in all governments, is an object of most se
rious attention. The idea of a society, each member of which
is a soldier, cannot be applied to modern States ; especially to
those, whose power is dependent on commerce and the arts.
If our fields and shops be abandoned by the manufactures and
husbandmen, famine and poverty must inevitably ensue. A
part of the, society must, therefore, be selected to guard the
whole. The experience of all ages has proved, that if this
part which forms the army, be not well disciplined, it will op
press the kingdom, but cannot defend it. Vain is the attempt
to supply by numbers the want of order and subordination,
without which, licentious hands must be alike detested by the
people, and despised by their foes. The expense of such an
army will increase in proportion to its inutility, and thus the
public taxes become a public fraud, seeing that those who con
tribute have a right to expect from the appropriation of their
money the greatest benefit which it can produce.
If, however, with the organization which you have devised,
it be practicable to establish a strict discipline, it will remain
for you to consider whether your army may not become a
dangerous instrument in the hands of its chiefs. If only the

504 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
superior grades feel a dependence on the King, they may be
induced to second the views of an ambitious General, and it
will be easier for them to lead the troops they command
against their country, if the officers are named by election, or
seniority, than if they are dependent on the King ; for it is not
even to be hoped, that an army, which has lost respect for its
Prince, will long retain it for a popular Assembly. It has
been complained of as one of the ancient abuses, that the
command of the troops was given almost exclusively to a
privileged order.
It resulted from hence, that, actuated like all others by their
own interest, they opposed every attempt to change the exist
ent establishments, so that France preserved a greater decree
of freedom, than other monarchies ; and if the ancient regime
had been unexceptionable in other respects, this part would
have been eminently useful, for it is certainly wise to interest
the army in supporting the constitution. And it is among the
advantages of a hereditary monarchy well organized, that
numerous and disciplined armies may be maintained without
danger to liberty ; a thing which in Republics has seldom hap
pened." If ever a design should be formed to subdue France
by the arms of Frenchmen, the conspirators must wish for of
ficers without property or connexions, because such men when
inured to war will readily follow the standard of him, who can
hold out great hopes and expectations ; whereas, those who
have property of their own, and whose relatives and connex
ions share in the administration, will not risk the advantages
they possess in the great game of revolutions. A resistance,
similar to that, which has often irritated you, may on other
occasions, and opposed to other efforts, become an impene
trable shield to the liberty of France.
The third article relates to that branch of executive author
ity, which respects internal affairs. Here it is proper to dis
tinguish between the different duties of administrative bodies.
So far as relates to the concerns of a particular department, or
district, they are certainly useful, and most certainly they

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 505
should be chosen by the people for short periods. A great
mass of local knowledge and minute attention will thus be use -
fully employed, and an honest and industrious administration
be probably obtained. But when the execution of the laws
the collection of taxes, and the preservation of order, are com
mitted to such bodies, disappointment may be expected. The
people in their choice will naturally prefer men of easy tem
per, and such as are disposed to gratify their wishes. If,
therefore, riots or insurrections should happen, the administra
tors will not always act with requisite vigor ; and as they are
not personally affected, by the penury of the public treasury,
they will sometimes give way to the solicitations of those, who
wish to delay their contributions. Being independent of the
King, his Ministers will have but little influence on their con
duct; and, of course, cannot be accountable for the conse
quences. But yet on that conduct everything depends. It
is not necessary to mention, what all the world knows, that
unless order can be restored the Constitution must perish ;
but it is proper to give a glance at the finances.
The sum of Assignats, which you have decreed, will ere
long be expended, and if the mass be increased, the credit
will be diminished, and consequently the value. This re
source, then, is almost exhausted in every respect. If the
taxes you have laid be not sufficient, or not seasonably col
lected, a considerable deficit must ensue, and ft must fall eith
er upon the interior administration, or the public force, 'or the
creditors of the State. The interior administration must in all
cases be supported, since anarchy is the worst of all political
evils. It will only, therefore, remain to decide between your
creditors, and your troops. If the payments be again sus
pended, that last stab to public credit will perhaps prove fatal,
and a bankruptcy ensue, after the immense sacrifices of every
kind to avoid it. If, on the contrary, the army be not paid,
it is easy to see the consequences.
The public resentment will in either case, perhaps, be di
rected against the Ministers, and perhaps against the King.
vo- . ii- 43

506 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
Such injustice is not uncommon, and might cheerfully be sub
mitted to could it remove the cause of complaint ; but, on the
contrary, by increasing the disorder, it will increase the mis
chief. Let then these important truths be duly considered.
Where there is no authority, there can be no accountability.
Where the executive power is feeble, anarchy must ensue,
and where anarchy long prevails, despotism must succeed ;
not indeed in the descendants of your ancient Kings, for they
will probably be the earliest victims.
On the fourth article no particular observation will be ne
cessary, but only a general application of those, which have
been already made. You will on the whole decide for the
French nation, whether the authority given to the King be
•sufficient to produce that peace and safety to the people, for
which alone that, or any other power, ought to be instituted.
Thirdly, of the Judiciary. Tlie judiciary power is delega
ted to judges, elected by the people for a period.
It is proper to distinguish between inferior and superior judges.
The former may be appointed for a time, because it will be
difficult to find proper persons to fill those numerous places;
but it is to be desired, that the superior judges should hold
their offices during good behavior, and their salaries also.
Those, who are charged with the important duties of ad
ministering justice, should, if possible, depend only on God.
Their impartiality is of the last importance to every member
of society, but principally to the most numerous class, who by
that alone can be shielded from oppression. It seems impor
tant, also, in every point of view, that they should not be
named by popular election.
To make a proper choice of judges, as of other officers,
those who choose should have not only a competent idea of the
duty to be performed, and of the talents required, but an in
terest also in making a good choice. Will this be the case in
a popular election ? Will not those, who have suits depending,
endeavor to get such men named, as will best answer their

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 507
purpose ? Will not the elections be governed in a great de
gree by intrigue? Must not the opinion of the voters be in
general formed from the information of others ? Will not the
rich exert themselves to have such judges chosen, as will be
instruments of their despotism ? And what instrument so dan
gerous as an iniquitous judge ! It is yours to decide, wheth
er this mode gives reasonable ground to hope for proper ap
pointments; and you will consider that to the great mass of
French population, the making of the laws will ever be of
minor importance, since the needful security of property
must confine their wealth within the narrow circle of their wants.
But if, in this confined state, their little all be at the mercy of
a partial judge, that tranquillity of the soul, which liberty
should confer, exists not for them, and that which is to others
a blessing, becomes to them a curse. And when their una
voidable dependence on the rich, increased by the influence
of such judges, compels them under the pressure of that
double weight to re-elect their oppressors, then, humiliated and
degraded even in their own eyes by the possession of privi
leges they cannot exercise, they will find themselves en
slaved by the excess of liberty.
Such are the observations, which present themselves on the
partition of powers, which you have adopted. Many less
matters are not noticed, because it is not intended to criticise
your work, but to make a last effort for the happiness of the
French. There is one, however, which compels to a painful
expression the heart of a father.
You have decreed, ' that females are excluded from the re
gency.' Alas, in entrusting the charge of the Constitution to
wives and mothers, was it possible to forget that maternal love
is the only sentiment, which resists all trials, which occupies
the heart of a mother until death, and expires only with her
latest breath. Can a mother betray the interests of her child,
and are not the interests of this child your own?
It remains only to make some remarks, as to the kind of
government, which our situation and our manners would seem

508 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
to require. This beautiful country, profusely blest by the mu
nificence of nature, bears on its bosom the means of exhaust-
less wealth, and presents in the genius of its people a source
of infinitely varied enjoyment. Hence she will ever be viewed
with cupidity by her neighbors, and be exposed to those inte
rior ills, which wealth cannot fail to produce in the advanced
stages of society. France has also been the protector of infe
rior powers, from the epoch of the revolution in Switzerland and
the Netherlands, to that in which she secured the liberty of
the new world. She must then have a vigorous internal ad
ministration to control the vices inseparably attached to pros
perity ; and, at the same time, she must possess such naval
and military force, and such constiutional activity and decis
ion, that she may protect her possessions, succor her allies,
and repress tbe audacity of her foes.
A high toned monarchy seems, therefore, to be designated
as the only government, which may consist with her physical
and moral state. And, accordingly, her history, from Charle
magne to the present hour, proves, that her happiness has al
ways been proportioned to the vigor of her administration.
Nature, stronger than man, has preserved the monarchy amid
th e shocks of various revolutions, so that the royalty has re
mained, though the race of Kings has been changed.
Admitting, then, the necessity whose existence is proved
both by reason and experience, it remains to consider by what
means freedom can be secured against the power, which time
and circumstances will confer on the King, if that office be not
abolished in the attempt to establish a government, which
consists neither with our manners nor with our situation. And
on this occasion, it is proper to rise above the prejudices of the
moment, and speak the language of truth to a bewildered
nation. They will discover in ft the paternal love of a King,
which, founded on principles of religion, is beyond the reach
of human power, and has resisted the flatteries of a court, and
the indignities of a gaol.
Will numerous representatives, chosen for a short period'.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 509
prove a sufficient barrier against royal authority ? Where the
members are few, the election is more nice, and the competi
tion of candidates presents a greater choice. Hence the
individuals, of which such body is composed, will be less liable
to deception and seduction. The post being more rare, is
thereby more esteemed and sought after, and at the same time
more difficult to be obtained or preserved, and hence a greater
dependence of the representatives upon the people. A body
not numerous is also more under the dominion of reason, and
less exposed to the powers of eloquence, and the wanderings
of enthusiasm. Persons chosen for a short period, may feel
themselves little interested in supporting the privileges, which
they must speedily cease to enjoy, and may therefore betray
their trust for the attainment of more permanent or more lu
crative situations. That ambition, which prompts a factious
leader to wrest authority from a weak prince, might render
him the slave to one of stronger mind, and accordingly we
learn from history, that the same men have been alternate
ly the leaders of a faction and the flatterers of a court.
It seems, therefore, wise to provide for the stability of the
Constitution, by the unchanging principles of private interest
and therefore to oppose against the efforts of a hereditary
monarch, the resistance of a hereditary Senate, whose mem
bers should possess great landed property. Let it not be
imagined, that this would restore abuses justly complained
of. A patriot King cannot wish to be surrounded by needy
dependents, who first deceive and then betray him; who
obtain from his bounty the wealth, which they abuse, and by
their pernicious art, render even his virtues the scourge of his
people. But he may, in a just abhorrence of despotism,
desire an institution, which has ever been considered as its
most dangerous enemy.
Such a body, if unchecked by a King on the one hand, and
by representatives of the people on the other, would doubtless
be oppressive. It has already been so in France. The
excess of royal authority has in its turn been also injurious ; but
43*

510 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
the levity, the injustice, and the disorder of a government,
merely popular, must be equally subversive of public and
private happiness. It is by a just combination of the three,
where each having an absolute veto on the others the particu
lar interest of neither can prevail, that the general interest of
the whole society will best be known and pursued, and this
great nation raised to that station of happiness and glory, which
nature seems to have intended.
This form of government has undoubtedly its objections, in
common with every other; and since human institutions cannot
but partake of the weakness of man, it is in vain that we
seek perfection among imperfect beings. In the immense
range of affairs, the extremes unite in evil. Reason and hap
piness are found in a just medium. The wise man stops there,
and he who passes farther is lost.
You have heard, gentlemen, the observations which it has
always been my design to offer you, when an occasion should
present. I have constantly acted with reference to your will,
because I have made it my duty to consider you the organs
of the will of the nation, and I have ever recognised in the
people the right of being governed according to their wishes.
You require of me, gentlemen, and of every public func
tionary, an oath never to make any change in your constitu
tion. I will take this oath ; but I pray you to consider with
me for a moment the consequences it involves. My obser
vation is perhaps superficial, and my fears vain ; and the
hopes of others may be as well founded as they are brilliant.
But no one of us is infallible ; there is no one but God, who,
having foreseen all, can have preordained all. . It is at least
possible, that the seeds of evil may be concealed in the con
stitution, and that nothing but time and circumstances may
be wanting to cause their development.
If this happens, as there will 1)3 no means of changing it,
those to whom the people will have confided their interest
will have only the sad alternative of violating their oaths on the
one hand, or their duty on the other. It is also possible, that a

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 511
great majority of the nation may one day be opposed to this
form of judgment. Should we not preserve the right of
change to this majority? Can we with justice oppose its
will? Reflect, gentlemen, on this alternative, and let me
urge you to continue your session for a time. Let us togeth
er make trial of your work ; do not bind yourselves not to
change your decrees ; for no one is too wise to improve him
self in the school of experience. If, after this trial, the Con
stitution answers your expectations, you will place it with the
more confidence in the hands of your successors. If, on the
contrary, you find parts of it to be feeble, or ill-adjusted, you
will have it in your power to amend them.
But if you still persist in your determination to conclude
your task without delay, at least grant the prayer which I
make you in behalf of twenty -four millions of Frenchmen, of
future generations, nay, of the human race. Deign in mercy
to point out the means, by which the people can express their .
will, without being exposed to the perilous convulsions, which
we have so lately experienced.
Whatever may be the result of your deliberations, 1 repeat
to you, gentlemen, that I submit to them unreservedly. Let
us then banish all suspicion ; it cannot but be injurious to the
interests of the empire. I give you my confidence, and I de
mand yours. Let us then labor in concert for the liberty and
prosperity of the French nation.
But that this labor may not be suspected, and may meet
with no opposition, I require of you, gentlemen, that you re
peal the decree, which prevents me from choosing in the
National Assembly the agents of the executive power. I
would have it permitted me to nominate, as Ministers of the
Constitution, those among you who have shown themselves its
most zealous partizans. I would have the choice I shall make
obtain your approbation, so that invested with the full force
of public opinion, the Ministers may meet no obstacles in the
execution of your plan. This appears to me the more pro
per, inasmuch as to the Ministers will appertain the exercise

512 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
of royal power, and as you may naturally wish, that, in giv
ing success to your work, they may show in the most striking
manner how much I have been deceived in my opinion. 1
hope you will perceive, gentlemen, in the request I make to
you, an unequivocal proof of the sincerity of my conduct ; of
that sincerity, which the French have a right to expect from
their King, and which for his own honor a King ought ever to
exhibit.

MEMOIR
WRITTEN FOR THE KING OF FRANCE, RESPECTING THE
NEW CONSTITUTION.

On the original manuscript is the following endorsement, in
the handwriting of Mr Morris; — 'Memoir given to M. de
Montmorin on the 31st of August, 1791. He gave it to the
King after the step was taken, which this Memoir was to in
fluence. The King returned it with a request to have a
translation.' The King took the oath to accept and maintain
the constitution on the 14th of September.

In the present posture of affairs what is the King to do ?
This question is important, and, to decide it properly, three
things are necessary, l'lrst, a retrospect of the past ; secondly,
an examination of the present ; and thirdly, a rational investi-
tion of the future.
It may be said, in general, that few Kings have shown a
more tender regard for their subjects ; and art eloquent dis
course might be made, in which some striking incidents of the
present reign might be placed in a strong light, but this would
be attended with inconveniences. There is little dignity in
praising one's self, and still less in begging future favor on the
score of past kindness. Men in general are not very grateful

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 513
for benefits bestowed on themselves, and no one thinks himself
bound, in his own particular, to return good offices performed
for a whole nation. All agree in considering the good done as
so much gained, and in looking forward for as much more as
they can contrive to obtain. A discourse of this sort, there
fore, would be attended with no profound effect. The fine
phrases in it would be applauded, and at the next moment the
speaker might be insulted. Such things have already hap
pened. In reviewing the past, therefore, we must not seek for occa
sions or means to make his Majesty applaud himself. Still less
should he beg the poor pittance of gratitude at the hands of the
ungrateful. But it is important for him to show that he has
acted consistently. And yet this should be accomplished in
such manner, as to produce the effect without appearing to in
tend it ; because such appearance would place him in the sit
uation of one, who defends himself before his judges, and a
King should never forget that he is accountable only to God.
It is a general fault in his discourses, since the States-General
were first convened, that too great court is paid' to popularity.
The consequence of such proceeding is, that the monarch pur
chases momentary favor for his Ministers, at the expense of
royal authority. The people revere only those who show
superiority without contempt, and that calm wisdom which
their breath can neither reach nor ruffle.
To render a short view of the past in some degree useful,
it may be proper to show what the King might have done at
particular periods. For instance, when he determined to con
voke the States-General, he might have given to the kingdom
such a Constitution as he pleased ; and if he had chosen a tol
erable form of government, those who now exclaim against all
monarchic power, would have raised statues to Louis the Six
teenth. But, by the manner of convoking the States, some
questions were left undecided, which necessarily tended to
create dissension ; and from thence must have resulted, as a
necessary consequence, one of two things ; either that royal

514 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
authority would preserve sufficient force to decide the ques
tion during' the contest, in which case (if that authority was
exercised) one of the parties would be thrown into opposition,
so as to obstruct the good intentions of the King ; or else, that
the royal authority not having sufficient force, one of the par
ties would overpower the other, in which case a future scene
of violence must succeed, and suspicions arise tending to mul
tiply those acts of injustice, which ever attend the steps of a
predominant faction. These things ought to have been fore
seen, because in such circumstances they are inevitable, and
nothing is so vain as the expectation to allay the heats of par
ty, by sprinkling on them a few soft sentences or pretty
phrases. When the States-General were assembled, the King might
still, by his speech at the opening, have given them whatever
form he pleased; and it is the more surprising, that this op
portunity was neglected, as the many discussions of every kind,
which had taken place on that subject, ought to have pointed
out the evil, and led to the best remedy which remained.
This measure would have been attended, however,, with the
first inconvenience above mentioned. * Possibly it was with a
view to avoid such inconvenienpe, that it was thought prudent
to wait until the strength of the parties should be fairly tried,
and then to join the strongest. But the mischiefs resulting
from such a line of conduct were self-evident. First, it con
tains an acknowledgment of weakness, and that, in matters
dependent on public opinion, always creates the thing which
it confesses. Secondly, it contains a proof of bad faith, and of
course precludes the hope of zealous assistance from anybody.
And thirdly, it must prevent the royal authority from being
brought into action, until that action should be evidently use
less ; and consequently the King could, not command the par
ty which he might join, under such auspices, but they would
command him. Whatever might have been the reason for
neglecting to organize the States-General on that day, this at
least is certain, that such neglect showed timidity, and of

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 515
course invited the danger which it feared, for this also is inev
itable in matters dependent on opinion.
The Seance Royale of June 1789 was held too late. The
force, which might have been crushed before it appeared dan
gerous, was then too great for the power which attempted to
oppose it. The subsequent measures showed an ignorance of
the actual state of things, which, though great, is more pardona
ble than is now imagined, because an intimate knowledge of
man, and of the nature of his existence, in the approach towards
freedom, are necessary to decide on all the energies of human
character, and on the effects which result from a sudden dis
play of its powers. But, although the cause of those counsels
by which his majesty was swayed at that time, may be over
looked, the consequences can never be forgotten. The As
sembly acquired thereby the reputation of courage, consisten
cy, and power, and of course became master of the empire.
Here commenced a new epoch. Men acquainted with the
violence of popular assemblies, could not doubt that they
would arrogate to themselves all power. Resistance was evi
dently ineffectual, and of course must have the consequence
of increasing their power, and inflaming their wrath. And
since an attempt to reject their decrees must, in the nature of
things, be unsuccessful, it only remained to choose one, of two
things, either to accept the decrees in silence, or to make suit
able remarks. Had a clear view been obtained, of those
events which were unavoidable, the choice would perhaps
have been different from what it was. These events are, first,
the assumption of all power by the Assembly, and conse
quent abuse of it. Secondly, corrupt and unjust conduct on
their part. Thirdly, the relaxation of order, and of course
the introduction of anarchy. Lastly, as the necessary result
of these, a thorough contempt of the Assembly among all
ranks and degrees of men.
To provide beforehand the means of profiting by these
events, such observations should have been delivered on each
decree, such explanations given of its tendency, and such pre-

516 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
diction made of its consequences, that when the Assembly
should have reached that point of disrespect, at which they
could not but arrive, the simple repetition, in a methodical
manner, of what had been already said, would convince the
nation that their King was both wiser and better than their
representatives. This conviction would naturally lead them to
restore his authority. A different determination, however, was
adopted, which had always this inconvenience in it, that when
his Majesty should find it necessary to reject the whole work
he had previously adopted in detail, he would not be able to
preserve that frankness and nobleness of character, which he
might have done, had he given the reasons for his dissent to
each part of that work. Still, however, he had it in his power
to show, when a proper occasion might offer, that he had act
ed only under the influence of a controlling necessity, and
been in fact a passive instrument in the hands of the Assembly.
But his speech to that body in February, 1790, deprived him
of this last advantage, at least in a considerable degree, and it
forms at this moment the most disagreeable circumstance in
the whole of his conduct.
In the month of June last, the Assembly had approached
very near to that period which they must reach, and as far as
it is possible to decide where there is no absolute evidence, tbe
chance is, that, by the present day, the royal authority would
have been considerably exalted on their ruins, if the King had
not taken the ill-advised step which he did. This step could
not eventuate well ; for in the supposition that he had reached
Montmedy, or any other place in the kingdom, he would still
have been brought back, unless he had sufficient force to pro
tect himself, and the question as to that point must have de
pended upon the event of a civil war. If he had gone out of
the kingdom, the same situation would have occurred.
Nothing, therefore, but the favorable event of a bloody con
test could reinstate him, and there is every reason to believe
that the event would have been unfavorable. First, the king
dom would have been united in opposition, and the conquest

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 517
of France is, perhaps, beyond the strength of all Europe com
bined. Secondly, the feebleness of the constitution would
have been instantly remedied, by general consent, from a gen
eral conviction of the necessity. Thirdly, the bankruptcy,
which is now perhaps unavoidable, would have been charged
to the King, as arising from his flight, and subsequent hostility.
Fourthly, by confiscations a considerable addition would have
been obtained to the stock of public lands, so as to alleviate
the taxes, which by means of the bankruptcy would be less
heavy than before. And, fifthly, since in the course of the
contest, discipline must have been established in the army, it
is more than probable, that foreign powers would have been
obliged to acknowledge such form of government as the Na
tional Assembly might have adopted. Tbe best thing, there
fore, which could have happened, is that which actually did
happen ; and the proof of what is said above, respecting the
events which would have taken place if his Majesty had re
mained quietly at home, exists in the present state of things,
after he had, by his departure, done so much to increase the
power of his enemies.
Being now at the second subject of contemplation, viz. the
present state of things, it is proper, if possible, to look at
them with the same calmness, that posterity will enjoy in mak
ing the same examination. This is one requisite quality in
the character of a statesman.
The members of the Assembly begin to feel the inevitable
consequences, which follow from the want of wisdom and vir
tue. To gratify the little interest, or pitiful vanity, or base
fear of the moment, the leaders have urged forward measures
which they could not but know were pernicious. As to the
great herd, they must, in every such Assembly, be profound
ly ignorant of the business they are engaged in ; and although
there is not a petit maitre among them, who would employ a
shoemaker that had not long worked at his trade, each has the
unaccountable pretension to be, without any sort of experi-
vol. n. 44

518 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ence, an able legislator and profound politician ; as if it were
an easier thing to make a constitution than a pair of shoes.
The great bulk of the people have already signified their
impatience, that the session of the Assembly has continued so
long ; and although very few of their acis failed to produce
applause at the moment, from some quarter or other, there is
in regard to the whole constitution a solemn silence. The
parts were fitted to the fashion of the day, and that fashion has
changed. No man approves. And no man of understanding
can approve. The rich tremble, and there is throughout all
ranks a vast anxiety. How will this end, is the general ques
tion ; and it proves a general conviction that the constitution
is not the end.
The paper money, whose depreciation has long been sensi
ble in the greater circle of commerce, begins now to be felt
in those smaller concerns which interest the poor. The price
of bread rises, because the produce of the earth cannot re
main cheap, while all other articles grow dear. Every day
the number of those who feel the necessity of providing
against this evil increases ; and their efforts, by showing more
clearly its nature and extent, accelerate its progress. Hence
the inquiry grows general, Where are the blessings promised
by the revolution ? Why are we not in the enjoyment of
them ? With whom lies the fault ? Is it with the King ? Is
it with the Assembly ? Is it with the emigrants ? The nation
begins to cry out like a sick savage, ' I suffer ; what ails me ?
Who has put the pain in me which I feel ? ' The next question
will be, ' How ani I to get it out ? '
The situation of the colonies affects deeply the commercial
interests of the kingdom, while at the same moment commer
cial property melts away from the powerful operation of paper
money. These things give awful notice to the mercantile cit
ies, that all is not well. The licentious conduct of the army,
notwithstanding the attempts to conceal it, excites alarm rather
than indignation ; which is worthy of remark, because it proves
a general sense of weakness and general apprehension of dan-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 519
ger. The situation of the Finances is deplorable, and produces
also its effect, though not yet in, full force. The flattering
prospect of restoring an equality between the receipts and ex
penditures vanishes. The absurdity of establishing order in
this department, by introducing disorder into every other, be
comes evident; and it is possible, by tearing away the thin
veil with which it is at present covered, to make a very deep
impression. By striking forcibly at the centre, a shock may
be given at the remotest extremities of the empire ; and as
the evil is inevitable, tbe stroke is sure.
These circumstances mark a moment, in which tbe public
mind is open to new impressions ; and it is of vast consequence
to make such impressions as will tend to produce good, and
avoid a part of the impending evil. But this leads to the third
point of consideration.
A full and complete view of the future course of things
would generally lead to a wise conduct. But such knowledge
cannot be obtained by man. All that he can do is to form
rational conjecture. And for this purpose he must divest him
self, as much as possible, both of hope and fear.
It seems to be evident, that the measures taken for securing
a peaceable and orderly administration of justice and police
are greatly inadequate. Hence violence and injustice must
continue to prevail. And as the administration is both expen
sive and ineffectual, there is in that alone sufficient cause to-
ruin the finances, were they otherwise in good condition. But
if the administration were most vigorous, still a circulation of
the immense sum of twelve hundred millions in paper money,
would inevitably produce disorder. The effects of such mon
ey are, first, a loss of value as to exterior commerce and
connexion. Secondly, a similar loss in respect to all manufac -
tures depending in any degree on raw materials of foreign
growth. Thirdly, from the combined effect of these two losses
results a loss of value, in regard to other manufactures.
Fourthly, a rise in the price of the necessaries of life becomes
at last inevitable, because the husbandman, in exchanging the

520 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
things he has for those he wants, by the intervention of money,
must of course raise the price of the (fne, in proportion to the
price of the other.
Besides, it must be remarked, that as the value of paper
money is dependent on opinion, every event, which affects,
public opinion, must accelerate the progress of depreciation.
Moreover, the expenses of government arise in a great measure
from the purchase of different commodities. It follows, therefore,
that such expense must be increased as the value of the money
diminishes. And since the same diminution forms a reason
with every citizen not to sell an object of intrinsic value, until
the moment when he wants the money, it becomes his interest
to delay the payment of his taxes to the last moment, so as to
obtain the highest price for his commodities. Consequently,
in proportion as the wants of government increase, its means
must diminish. The increase of the price of every article
will give to each citizen, who is held to the payment of a fixed
sum, and whose means of payment are derived from the
produce of the earth, a balance in money which he will
perceive to, be of little use ; and as he will regret the sale of
his goods for such money, which grows worse every day, he
will of course hold back from the market his remaining mer
chandize. On the other hand, all those who are in the receipt of fixed
sums, being obliged to economize, by reason of the decreased
value of their income, a great number of persons, whom they
formerly employed, must remain idle. The heads of manufac
tories also, who are in the habit of selling on long credit, will at
each payment suffer considerable loss, and that must incapaci
tate them from continuing their operations, whereby a number
of workmen will be thrown out of employ. The cities and
towns will, from the operation of these causes, be burdened
with a great number of people, and at the same time strait
ened in subsistence. Then will arise a cry against those, who
monopolize grain ; attempts will be made to regulate the price
of bread, and a train of popular excesses will succeed, all tend
ing to increase the evil from which they arise.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION- 521
This is the probable state resulting merely from a paper
currency, but there are other, and abundant sources of evil.
While the government possesses' a sufficiency of this paper, it
is easy to preserve an appearance of paying the public credit
ors, although in fact they receive but three quarters of their
due, but as soon as the paper is all gone abroad, and can be
brought back only by the effect of taxation, and when that
effect, dependent at best on a feeble and disjointed administra
tion, is weakened by the causes already pointed out, it will
become indispensably necessary to suspend again the pay
ments, and this will be the more pernicious, as the abundance
of paper money, and its consequent loss of value, destroy all
private credit, and thus increase in every way the suffering of
those who are deprived of their due. This will also affect the
mercantile credit of the whole kingdom, and thus it is proba
ble, that about the time when the revolt of the colonies begins
to be severely felt on the seacoast, the capital will he con
vulsed by a general bankruptcy.
Such a state of things would naturally excite commotion in
the army, whatever might be the state of its discipline ; but
an army already familiarized to revolt, dissolute, debauched,
and rapacious, will, probably make the people feel, long before
that period, the direful effects of military oppression. Whe
ther these various miseries will all arrive, and whether they
will take .place at the same moment, or only in succession,
cannot be decided with precision, but it seems to he inevita
ble that, from some or all of these causes, an opportunity will
present itself, in which the King will be able to act as he plea
ses, if he shall be possessed of the public confidence. But if
he does not possess it, he may be the victim of follies, which
others have committed.
Here then recurs again the question ; What is the King to
do? And with it, a partial answer offers. Let him take such
steps now, as will obtain and secure the public confidence
hereafter. But how? Shall he reject the constitution ? No;
for then he would be charged with all the future evils, as
44*

522 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
resulting from that rejection. Shall he then accept it in the
same silence, with which he has received the different parts ?
No ; for then it will be impossible to convince the world, that
he acts with good faith, because he has already declared his
conviction, though in general terms, that the constitution is
bad. Shall he then acknowledge that he has been deceived,
and finds it now to be a good constitution ? No ; for this
would be false, and, therefore, in all cases unjustifiable. Be
sides, it would make him in some sort responsible for events,
which he ought in all cases to avoid. Shall he then repeat, in
general terms, that he finds the constitution bad, but yet ac
cepts and swears to maintain it ? No ; for this will involve an
appearance of falsehood, meanness, and contradiction. What
then shall he do ?
Circumstances seem to point out his conduct with a deci
sive force. He ought to accept, assigning as a reason there
for, the mischiefs which would inevitably follow from his re
fusal ; and he should remark at the same time, that the omnip
otence of the Assembly, and the deserted state to which he
is reduced, leave him no alternative. He may even infer,
from a modest doubt of his own judgment, and the decided ad
herence of the nation to the Assembly, that it is his duty to
submit to the public will so strongly pronounced. This idea,
contrasted with their self-sufficiency,, will, at a future period,
when his opinions are justified by events, work strongly in his
favor. On the constitution itself he is bound, by the strongest ties
of duty and interest, to make clear and pointed observations.
It is a duty to himself, because he will thereby justify his de
parture in June last, though he had in February, 1790, de
clared his antecedent adherence ; for he will be- able to show,
that the constitution is so bad, that he ought not to adopt it,
unless in the last necessity. It is a duty to his subjects, be
cause it must occasion their misery, and therefore he ought to
show, that such is the unavoidable consequence of a form of
civil polity so crude and monstrous ; and, indeed, all his obser-

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 523
vations should be raised 'on that single basis, for which
purpose he should introduce them, by declaring that the gov
ernment ought to be calculated merely for the benefit of the
people. Lastly, it is a duty to God. ' It is to his high Tribu
nal, that the monarchs of the earth must render a solemn
account of their conduct ; and he requires of them, that it be
regulated by the, principles of truth and justice, which, alone
endure forever, and which forever establish the peace and
prosperity of empires.
His Majesty's observations should be powerful, clear, and
convincing. A weak blow recoils, but a strong one penetrates.
The present is a decisive moment in his fate. He must con
quer or perish, If he does not mark his disapprobation, he is
disgraced ; and if he shows it faintly and weakly, he is ruined.
Every kind of intrigue will doubtless be set on foot to induce
him to be sparing in his censure. The reason is clear. The
friends of the several members of the Assembly fear their dis
grace ; and they know, that, if they can avoid the stroke of
the moment, time and circumstances will enable them to re
cover their influence. Already they agree in blaming the con
stitution in general terms, but if you descend to particulars, each
will defend the most blameable parts, and censure only some
light and trivial things, which he happened to oppose. ESch
one, therefore, labors to obtain the royal sanction to bis par
ticular opinions, and the only reward which the King and his
counsellors will obtain from their generosity, will, as hereto
fore, be a momentary applause bestowed on the composition
of his speech, and in the next half hour, pointed ridicule for
being the dupes to superior address.
It must be remembered, that the Assembly will soon be dis
solved, and nobody will then be accountable for their miscon
duct, even at tbe bar of public opinion. But the King re
mains ; and unless human nature is greatly changed, he has no
method of acquiring the favor of the next Assembly so certain,
as that of blaming the present, because by this means he pro
vides for them an excuse beforehand, for the evils which

524 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION,
must arise under their administration. And he ought also to
provide beforehand against the attempts, which they may make
to destroy his authority. Above all things, it is important for
him, that when any misfortune arises, the people may say, ' this
is what our King has warned us of, not in vague and indefi
nite terms, but dearly and pointedly. Happy would it have
been for us, had we put our trust in him, instead of an Assem
bly, which has plundered him and ruined us.' It is proper also
for his Majesty, after pointing out, in the most forcible manner
which the needful brevity will admit of, the manifold vices of
the constitution, to state the general outlines of a better, and
that in such way as to secure the support of men of wealth and
influence. By this means he will obtain the suffrage of the
-enlightened part of Europe, and that will have great weight
with the vanity of this nation.
In the course of the events which follow, should he pursue
the steps now pointed out, a favorable opportunity will offer
to effect the great good of the nation, although it is impossible
exactly to show that opportunity now, with all its incidental
circumstances, each of which will not fail to influence the con
duct of the moment. But if he shall have conciliated the
good opinion of the nation, which can alone be secured by the
general persuasion of his wisdom and virtue, many things now
deemed impossible will then appear easy.
A number of little accessory measures are purposely omitted
in this place, but one great means is to require the abolition of
the decree, prohibiting a choice of Ministers among the mem-
'bers of the Assembly; and in all cases to choose Ministers re
markable for their attachment to the constitution. And should
the next Assembly find it necessary, as they certainly will, to
invade that constitution, he ought to exercise his veto, .assigning
as a reason that he will not violate his oath. At length, when
the various evils shall be so accumulated, that the business can
mo longer go on, it is not impossible that the Assembly, ac
knowledging their own incapacity as arising from the state in
which they are now placed, may themselves confer a dicta
torial power on the King.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 525
If nothing of this sort should happen, a moment may arrive,
in which the King may proclaim a new constitution, and call on
the people to proceed to the elections under it, if they approve ;
and should the day of election be near at hand, and the time for
deliberation short, (a thing which necessity would justify,) the
example of Paris in electing would be followed throughout the
kingdom, and a change be thereby effected. The conduct of
Paris might be influenced by a single circumstance, viz. a sus
pension of the payments, and a view of restoring the public
credit by a more vigorous government. Various other modes
of changing the constitution might be mentioned, but as has
already been observed, the proper measures to be pursued
must be pointed out by the circumstances of the moment. All,
which man can properly do, is to fix his object, and then stead
ily pursue it, in consistence with the everlasting rules of justice,
and according to the situation in which he is placed.

LETTER
TO COUNT DE MONTMORIN, ON PROVIDING SUBSISTENCE FOR
PARIS.
Translation.

September 21st, 1791.

It appears to me very evident, M. le Comte, that next
spring there will be a want of bread in Paris, if, indeed, famine
should not be experienced before that time, either by the
scarcity of grain, or the abundance of Assignats. Would it
not then be well to take the proper measures now to secure a
supply of flour? For the sum of three millions you might im
port from America to Paris, all charges included, about twelve
million pounds of flour, which would enable you to make a dai-

526 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
ly distribution of two hundred thousand pounds of bread, during ,*
the space of two months.
You should not conceal from yourself, that when famine
makes its appearance, it will no longer, be possible to control •
the people, and yrou have already seen to what excesses they
may be carried. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance,
that the King should procure the means of taking advantage
of a circumstance, which might be dangerous to him, if not
prepared for beforehand. I think it would be well to give the
bread to the poor, and let the price advance to others, as far
as it will.
Here, in a few words, is the mode of operation. Let the
King fix upon any sum whatever, which shall be deposited at
London, in the hands of persons whom I will point out. Then
I will give orders to have the amount invested in flour, to have
it shipped to Falmouth, and there wait ulterior orders. This
flour will begin to arrive four or five months hence, and, if then
wanted at Paris, it can be shipped to Havre; but if, on the oth
er hand,', and contrary to* all expectation, there should be an
abundance in Paris, then it shall be sent to the markets, which
offer the best opening in Europe, and in that case it is to be
believed that it will sell without loss.
It may happen, that the next legislature may decide on
making retrenchments, and, among other things, may wish to
do so in the civil list ; but they will not dare to touch it, when
they know that the King has made such use of it as is propos
ed. In fine, the object which I suggest to you 'is a great af
fair of state, and not of money or of commerce. I do not wish
to gain anything by it, nor shall I gain anything. I have no
other desire, than that of being useful to persons whose mis
fortunes I respect.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 527
LETTER
TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
Translation.

Paris, September 24th, 1791.

Sire,
I had the honor to present to your Majesty yesterday,
through Monsieur de Montmorin, a translation of the memoir,
which I had sent to him the last of August. This memoir
was made before your Majesty had decided what part to take.
It contains, therefore, some rather strong expressions. I have
thought it my duty, however, not to change anything in it,
for if I sometimes appear harsh, 1 am always sincere.
You will find annexed hereto, Sire, a note entrusted, on the
twenty-sixth of January, 1790, to a person, who was to deliv
er it into the hands of the, Queen. * I know not whether her
Majesty received it, but I submit it to you now, to show that
I have always been desirous of being useful to you, and also
that my predictions were not made after the results.
I have this day written a letter to Monsieur de Montmorin,
upon the supplying of Paris with provisions, to which I beg
your Majesty's attention. It is by the people of this city,
that both the revolution and the constitution have been made.
They will always control everything, while the National As
semblies hold their sessions here, at least until your Majesty
can resume your authority. It costs too much to buy the dep
uties, and serves no purpose, since they are only instruments
in the hands of the people. Besides, they have too little sta
bility, and even fidelity, to be worth the trouble of buying
them. If your Majesty should succeed in getting even three
quarters of them, they would not dare to do anything against

* See this note above, p. 472.

528 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
the will of the populace, and it is much easier to secure the
populace. On another occasion, I had the honor of remarking to your
Majesty, that ' Men are governed only by force or by opinion,
and even that force depends only upon opinion. Thus the
only difference between absolute and moderate governments,
is an opinion more or less general. In an absolute govern
ment, everything depends upon the army, and in the other,
on the mass of good citizens, who are called the people.
When there is no longer a government, there is no longer a
people. It is then the populace that governs, because it is
that, which, having nothing to lose, hopes to gain everything,
and which, thus becoming the only active force, alone inspires
terror.' Many mpdes present themselves of securing not on
ly the populace, but the people also. I confine myself at this
moment to that of giving them bread, and that in a manner
to show not only the goodness, but also the wisdom and fore
sight of your Majesty. Then jrour favors will convey to
them the idea both of munificence and of grandeur, and this
last has a powerful effect upon the French nation. It rarely
thinks of the good, but is always in extacies with the beau
tiful. At all events, Sire, I must insist, for your Majesty's interest,
upon the most profound secrecy, because if it were known, that
your Majesty had this object in view, it would be declared,
that it was to corrupt the people ; but when want shall ap
pear, every one will be persuaded that it was to help them.
Then the wickedness of your enemies, instead of being dan
gerous, will be only contemptible. On the other hand, if
your Majesty does not see fit to countenance the affair, it will
be expedient to appear to know nothing about it, because
the people always suppose, that, if the evil is foreseen, it may
be avoided.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 529

DRAFT

OF A MANIFESTO TO BE MADE BY THE KING OF FRANCE,
LATE MONSIEUR.
Translation.

This Paper was written in July, 1795, and consequently a
few weeks after the death of the young Dauphin, called Louis
the Seventeeth. On this event, Monsieur, eldest brother of
Louis the Sixteenth, assumed the title of King, under the name
of Louis the Eighteenth. At whose request this Manifesto
was drawn up, or with what particular design, there is no means
of determining by any written explanation discovered among
Mr Morris's papers. He was at this time in England.

A melancholy event calls us to the throne of our ancestors,
and the unhappy state of the kingdom appears to us to demand
the public declaration of our sentiments.
Throughout the long struggle of the factions, which have
distracted France, we have everywhere seen errors and faults.
We have already forgotten them, and we invite all our sub
jects to the same forgetfulness, that they may mutually forgive
their mutual injuries.
We invite you, Frenchmen, to co-operate with us for the
safety of our country. Let us congratulate ourselves upon the
splendid courage, which has caused France to be respected,
notwithstanding the crimes of those, who had usurped the
control; and that the union of all Frenchmen gives us at
length the happy assurance, that this courage will no longer be
displayed under the standard of despotism. Behold the space,
which you have traversed in passing from misfortune to mis
fortune, and contrast your former condition with your present
state. For the last six years nothing has been done, but to
propose new systems of government, in the vain hope of
obtaining that happiness, which has been left far behind. Its
vol. n. 45

530 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
semblance has been pursued, only to embrace its shadow. An
attempt to re-establish credit has ended in bankruptcy. Pur
suing liberty, we have found slavery. We flattered ourselves
with the expectation of abundance, and are plunged into want.
We sought to correct abuses, and, alas, nothing but abuses
remain. Ts there in fact a single man, who can show a legitimate com
mission from the French people to exercise any authority
whatever? And yet it is in the name of the people, that
France is oppressed. Let. us unite, then, to put an end to this
long and ruinous abuse. The King acknowledges for good
and loyal Frenchmen, only those, who are willing to co-operate
for the happiness of the kingdom, and knows no enemies
except those who oppose it, except those who seek to prolong
anarchy under whatsoever name, those, finally, who seek to
overreach their fellow citizen.
The wishes of the nation are known to us, notwithstanding
the endeavors which have been made to stifle its voice, and
already have Frenchmen from all parts expressed to us their
wishes for the re-establishment of Monarchy, the only means
of restoring order and plenty. We accomplish their desires
by investing ourself with the authority, which belongs to our
birth, and we display the standard of France, under which may
rally all those who wish to enjoy peace, tranquillity, and
liberty ; that true and real liberty, which consists in protection
extended to citizens by wise laws, vigorously executed, not
that ideal, metaphysical liberty, which has caused the blood of
Frenchmen to flow under the axe of tyrants, which has filled
the prisons with innocent victims, which, under the sanction of
law, has massaered whole families, which has carried fire and
sword into its peaceable provinces, and whose savage fury
spared not even new born infants. Such is the result of opin
ions, whose supporters even are now compelled to proclaim
their absurdity ; such are tbe consequences of an imaginary
equality, which has covered with mourning countries formerly
the most happy. Return then, Frenchmen, to true principles j

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 531
return to your former character, to your former enjoyments.
Let your King at length console himself for all his troubles, by
the happiness of his people, and by concerting with them
measures to make it permanent.
There are criminals, whose crimes are so enormous, that
the interest of nations requires their punishment, but the heart
of the King recoils from vengeance, and he desires conciliation
rather than punishment.
In accordance with his paternal feelings, and in order to
prevefit premature commotions, the King forbids each and all
to declare themselves openly in his favor, until the moment
shall arrive when this declaration can be made without too
great hazard. He also forbids this to those, who are in the
army, and who, if their sentiments were suspected, would in
fallibly be removed from the places where there zeal will be
most useful.
It is possible that those, who have gained possession of the
superior power, may still wish to control the national will ;
that they may oppose us with troops ; and that, like our ances
tor, Henry the Fourth, of glorious memory, we may be obliged
to fight, to break the yoke under which France has so long
groaned. Perhaps these sanguinary chiefs may wish to deliv
er to severe punishments those Frenchmen, who shall take
up arms to defend the people and the King. It will be one
of the greatest misfortunes, should retaliation be necessary to
repress such barbarity, but we will perform all our duty. This
is our solemn pledge, and whatever be the lot, which attends
us, never, either in misfortune or prosperity, will we depart
from the engagements, which we have thus assumed.

END OF VOLUME SECOND.

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