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A CONCISE DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE COMPEISIXf; ITS ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY, AND NATURAL HISTORY: BEING A CONDENSATION OF THE LARGER DICTIONARY. EDITED By WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D., iXASSICAL EXAMINE!* IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON. THE TABERNACLE AS RESTORE!"' BOSTON : LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY. 1865. PREFACE. This Condensation of the ' Dictionary of the Bible ' has been made by Mr. William Aldis Weight, M.A., Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge, under my direction and superintendence. It is intended to satisfy a generally expressed wish for an account of the most recent Biblical studies in a form adapted for universal circulation. A Dic tionary of the Bible, in some form or another, is indispensable for every family. The Divine, the Scholar, and all who seek to investi gate thoroughly the various subjects connected with the Bible, and to master those controversies which are now exciting such deep and general interest, must still have recourse to the Larger Dictionary ; but to students in the Universities, and in the Upper Forms at Schools, to private families, and to that numerous class of persons who desire to arrive at results simply, this Concise Dictionary will, it is believed, supply all that is necessary for the elucidation and explanation of the Bible. It is the main object of the Editor to place within the reach of every Christian household a popular abstract of a Work which has received the approval of those most competent to express an opinion on the subject. Wm. SMITH. London, November, 1865. LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS. ALFORD, HENRY, D.D., Dean of Canterbury. BAILEY, HENRY, B.D., ' Warden of St. Augustine's, Canterbury. BARRY, ALFRED, B.D., Principal of Cheltenham College. BEVAN, W. L., M.A., Vicar of Hay. BLAKESLEY, J. W., B.D., Canon of Canterbury. BROWN, T. E., M.A., Vice-Principal of King William's Coll., Isle of Man. BROWNE, R. W., M.A., Archdeacon of Bath. BROWNE, E. HAROLD, D.D., Lord Bishop of Ely. BULLOCK, W. T., M.A., Secretary of the S.P.G. CLARK, SAMUEL, M.A., Vicar of Bredwardine with Brobury. COOK, F. C, M.A., Canon of Exeter. COTTON, G. E. L., D.D., Lord Bishop of Calcutta. DAVIES, J. LLEWELYN, M.A., Rector of Christ Church, Marylebone. DAY, G. E., D.D., Cincinnati, Ohio. DEUTSCH, EMANUEL, University of Berlin, and British Museum. DRAKE, WILLIAM, M.A., Hon. Canon of Worcester. EDDRUP, E. P., M.A., Principal of the Theological College, Salisbury. ELLICOTT, C. J., D.D., Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol. FARRAR, F. W., M.A., Assistant Master at Harrow. FERGUSSON1, JAMES, F.R.S., Royal Institution of British Architects. FFOULKES, EDMUND S., M.A., Late Fellow of Jesus Coll., Oxford. FITZGERALD, WILLIAM. D.D., Lord Bishop of Killaloe. GARDEN, FRANCIS, M.A., Subdean of the Chapel Royal. GOTCH, F. W., LL.D., Hebrew Examiner, University of London. GROVE, GEORGE, Sydenham. HACKETT, H. B., D.D., Newton, Massachusetts. HAWKINS, ERNEST, B.D., Canon of Westminster. HAYMAN, HENRY, M.A., Head Master of Grammar School, Cheltenham. HERVEY, LORD ARTHUR C, M.A., Archdeacon of Sudbury. HESSEY, JAMES A., D.C.L., Head Master of Merchant Taylors' School. HOOKER, JOSEPH D., M.D., F.R.S., Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. HORNBY, J. J., M.A., Principal of Bishop Cosin's Hall. HOUGHTON, W., M.A., Rector of Preston, Salop. HOWSON, J. S., D.D., Principal of the College, Liverpool. HUXTABLE, EDGAR, M.A., Subdean of Wells. JONES, W. BASIL, M.A., Prebendary of York and St. David's. LAYARD, A. H., D.C.L., M.P., Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. LEATHES, STANLEY, M.A., Professor of Hebrew, King's Coll., London. LIGHTFOOT, J. B., D.D., Hulsean Professor of Divinity, Cambridge. MARKS, D. W., Professor of Hebrew, University Coll., London. MEYRICK, FREDERICK, M.A., H. M.'s Inspector of Schools. OPPERT, PROFESSOR, Of Paris. ORGER, E. R., M.A., Fellow and Tutor of St Augustine's, Canterbury. ORMEROD, THOMAS J., M.A., Archdeacon of Suffolk. PEROWNE, J. J. S., B.D., Vice-Principal of St. David's Coll., Lampeter. PEROWNE, THOS. T., B.D., Corpus Christi Coll., Cambridge. PHILLOTT, H. W., M.A., Rector of Staunton-on- Wye. PLUMPTRE, E. H., M.A., Professor of Divinity, King's Coll., London. POOLE, E. STANLEY, M.R.A.S., South Kensington Museum. POOLE, R. STUART, M.R.S.L., British Museum. PORTER, J. L., M.A., Author of ' Handbook of Syria and Palestine.' PRITCHARD, CHARLES, M.A., Late Fellow of St. John's Coll., Cambridge. RAWLINSON, GEORGE, M.A., Camden Professor of Ancient History, Oxford. ROSE, H. J., B.D., Rector of Houghton Conquest, Beds. • SELWYN, W., B.D., Margaret Professor of Divinity, Cambridge. SMITH, WILLIAM. LL.D., Classical Examiner, University of London. STANLEY, ARTHUR P., D.D., Dean of Westminster. STOWE, CALVIN E., D.D., Andover, Massachusetts. THOMSON, J. P., D.D., New York. THOMSON, WILLIAM, D.D., Lord Archhishop of York. THRUPP, J. F., M.A., Vicar of Barriugton. TWISLETON, HON. EDW.. M.A., Late Fellow of Baliol Coll., Oxford. VENABLES, EDMUND, M.A., Bonchurch, Isle of Wight. WESTCOTT, B. F., M.A., Assistant Master at Harrow. WRIGHT, WILLIAM A., M.A., Librarian, Trinity Coll., Cambridge.' • A CONCISE DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE. A'alar. [Addan.] Aaron the son of Amram and Jochebed, and the elder brother of Moses and Miriam (Num. xxvi. 59, xxxiii. 39). He was a Levite, and is first men tioned in Ex. iv. 14, as one who could " speak well." He was appointed by Jehovah to be the Interpreter and " Mouth" (Ex. iv. 16) of his brother Moses, who was "slow of speech;" and accordingly he was not only the organ of communication with the Israelites and with Pharaoh (Ex. iv. 30, vii. 2), but also the actual instrument of working most of the miracles of the Exodus. (See Ex. vii. 19, &c.) Thus on the way to Mount Sinai, during the battle with Amalek, Aaron is mentioned with Hur, as staying up the weary hands of Moses, when they were lifted up for the victory of Israel (not in prayer, as is sometimes explained, but) to bear the rod of God (see Ex. xvii. 9). Through all this period he is mentioned as dependent upon his bro ther, and deriving all his authority from him. The contrast between them is even more strongly marked on the arrival at Sinai. Moses at once acts as the mediator (Gal. iii. 19) for the people, to come near to God for them, and to speak His words to them. Aaron only approaches with Nadab, and Abihu, and the seventy elders of Israel, by special command, near enough to see God's glory, but not so as to enter His immediate presence. Left then, on Moses' departure, to guide the people, Aaron is tried for a moment on his own responsibility, and he fails, not from any direct unbelief on his own part, but from a weak inability to withstand the demand of the people for visible " gods to go before them." Pos sibly it seemed to him prudent to make an image of Jehovah, in the well-known form of Egyptian idolatry (Apis or Mnevis), rather than to risk the total alienation of the people to false gods ; and his weakness was rewarded by seeing a " feast to the Lord " (Ex. xxxii. 5) degraded to the lowest form of heathenish sensuality, and knowing, from Moses' words and deeds, that the covenant with the Lord was utterly broken. There can hardly be a stronger contrast with this weakness, and the self-convicted shame of his excuse, than the burning indignation of Moses, and his stem decisive measures of vengeance ; although beneath these there lay an ardent affection, which went almost to the verge of presumption in prayer for the people (Ex. xxxii. 19-34), and gained forgiveness for Aaron himself (Deut. ix. 20). — Aaron was now consecrated by Moses to the new office of the high-priesthood. The order of God for the consecration is found in Ex. xxix., and the record of its execution in Lev. viii. The form of con secration resembled other sacrificial ceremonies in containing, first, a sin-offering, the form of cleansing from sin and reconciliation [Sin-offering] ; a burnt-offering, the symbol of entire devotion to Con. o. B. AARON God of the nature so purified [Burnt-offering] ; and a meat-offering, the thankful acknowledgment and sanctifying of God's natural blessings [Meat offering]. It had, however, besides these, the solemn assumption of the sacred robes (the garb of righteousness), the anointing (the symbol of God's grace), and the offering of the ram of consecration, the blood of which was sprinkled on Aaron and his sons, as upon the altar and vessels of the ministry, in order to sanctify them for the service of God. The former ceremonies represented the blessings and duties of the man ; the latter the special con secration of the priest. — The solemnity of the office, and its entire dependence for sanctity on the ordinance . of God, were vindicated by the death of his sons, Nadab and Abihu, for " offering strange fire " on the altar (Lev. x. 1, 2). From this time the history of Aaron is almost entirely that of the priesthood, and its chief feature is the great rebellion of Korah and the Levites against his sacerdotal dignity, united with that of Dathan and Abiram and the Reubenites against the temporal authority of Moses [Korah] . The true vindication of the reality of Aaron's priesthood was, not so much the death of Korah by the fire of the Lord, as the efficacy of his offering of incense to stay the plague, by which he was seen to be accepted as an Intercessor for the people. The blooming of his rod, which followed, was a miraculous sign, visible to all, and capable of preservation, of God's choice of him and his house. — -The only occasion on which his individual cha racter is seen is one of presumption, prompted as before chiefly by another, and, as before, speedily repented of. The murmuring of Aaron and Miriam against Moses clearly proceeded from their trust, the one in his priesthood, the other in her prophetic inspiration, as equal commissions from God (Num. xii. 2). It seems to have vanished at once before the declaration of Moses' exaltation above all pro phecy and priesthood, except that of One who was to come. On all other occasions he is spoken ot as acting with Moses in the guidance of the people. Leaning as he seems to have done wholly on him, it is not strange that he should have shared his sin at Meribah, and its punishment [Moses] (Num. xx. 10-12). Aaron's death seems to have followed very speedily. It took place on Mount Hor, after the transference of his robes and office to Eleazar, who alone with Moses was present at his death, and performed his burial (Num. xx. 28). This mount is still called the " Mountain of Aaron." [Hor.]— The wife of Aaron was Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23); and the two sons who survived him, Eleazar and Ithamar. The high-priesthood descended to the former, and to his descendants until the time of Eli, who, although of the house of Ithamar, received the high-priesthood, and transmitted it to his children ; with them it continued till the accession of Solo- B 2 AB mon, who took it from Abiathar, and restored it to Zadok (of the house of Eleazar), so fulfilling the prophecy of 1 Sam. ii. 30. Ab (father), an element in the composition of many proper names, of which Abba is a Chaldaic form, the syllable affixed giving the emphatic force of the definite article. Applied to God by Jesus Christ (Mark xiv. 36), and by St. Paul (Rom. viii. 15 ; Gal. iv. 6). Ab. [Months.] Ab'acuo, 2 Esdr. i. 40. [Habakkuk.] Abad'don, Rev. ix. 11. [Apollyon.] Abadi'as = Obadiah, son of Jehiel (lEsd. viii. 35). Abag'tha, one of the seven eunuchs in the Persian court of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). Ab'ana, one of the " rivers of Damascus " (2 K. v. 12). The Barada and the Awaj are now the chief streams of Damascus, and there can be little doubt that the former of these represents the Abana and the latter the Pharpar of the text. The Barada rises in the Antilibanus, at about 23 miles from the city, after flowing through which it runs across the plain, till it loses itself in the lake or marsh Bahret el-Kibliyeh. Ab'arlm, a mountain or range of highlands on the east of the Jordan, in the land of Moab (Deut. xxxii. 49), facing Jericho, and forming the eastern wall of the Jordan valley at that part. Its most elevated spot was " the Mount Nebo, ' head ' of ' the ' Pisgah," from which Moses viewed the Promised Land before his death. There is nothing to prove that the Abarim were a range or tract of any length, unless the Ije-Abarim ("heaps of A.") named in Num. xxxiii. 44, and which were on the south frontier of Moab, are to be taken as belonging to them. These mountains are mentioned in Num. xxvii. 12, xxxiii. 47, 48, and Deut. xxxii. 49 ; also probably in Jer. xxii. 20, where the word is ren dered in the A. V. " passages." Ab'ba. [Ab.] Ab'da. 1. Father of Adoniram (1 K. iv. 6).— 2. Son of Shammua (Neh. xi. 17), called Obadiah in I Chr. ix. 16. Ab'deel, father of Shelemiah (Jer. xxxvi. 26). Ab di. 1. A Merarite, and ancestor of Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 44). — 2. The father of Kish, a Merarite, in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). —3. One of the Bene-Elam in the time of Ezra, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 26). Ab'dias, 2 Esdr. i. 39. [Obadiah.] Ab'diel, son of Guni and father of Ahi, one of the Gadites who were settled in the land of Bashan (1 Chr. v. 15) in the days of Jotham king of Judah. Ab'don. 1. A judge of Israel (Judg. xii. 13, 15), perhaps the same person as Bedan in 1 Sam. xii. 11.— 2. Son of Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 23).— 3. First-born son of Jehiel, son of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 35, 36).— 4. Son of Micah, a contem porary of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20), called Ach- bor iu 2 K. xxii. 12.— 5. A city in the tribe of Asher, given to the Gershonites (Josh, xxi 30 - 1 Chr. vi. 74). Abed'nefjjo (i. e. servant of Nego, perhaps the same as Nebo), the Chaldaean name given to Azariah, one of the three friends of Daniel, miraculously saved from the fiery furnace (Dan. iii). [Azariah.] A'bel, in Hebr. HeTiel (i. e. breath, vapour, transitoriness, probably so called from the shortness of his life), the second son of Adam, murdered by his brother Cain (Gen. iv. 1-16). Jehovah showed ABEL respect for Abel's offering, but not for that of Cain, because, according to the Epistle to the Hebrews (xi. 4), Abel " by faith offered a more excellent sa crifice than Cain." The expression " sin," i. e. sin- offering, " lieth at the door" (Gen. iv. 7), seems to imply that the need of sacrifices of blood to obtain forgiveness was already revealed. Our Lord spoke of Abel as the first martyr (Matt, xxiii. 35) ; so did the early church subsequently. The place of his murder and his grave are pointed out near Da mascus ; and the neighbouring peasants tell a cu rious tradition respecting his burial (Stanley, S. fy P. p. 413). A'bel, the name of several places in Palestine, probably signifies a meadow. 1. A'bel-beth- ma'achah, a town of some importance (" a city and a mother in Israel," 2 Sam. xx. 19), in the extreme N. of Palestine ; named with Dan, Cinneroth, Kedesh ; and as such falling an early prey to the invading kings of Syria (1 K. xv. 20) and Assyria (2 K. xv. 29). In the parallel passage, 2 Chr. xvi. 4, the name is changed to Abel Maim, " Abel on the waters." Here Sbeba was overtaken and be sieged by Joab (2 Sam. xx. 14, 15) ; and the city was saved by the exercise, on the part of one of its inhabitants, of that sagacity for which it was pro verbial (18). In verses 14 and 18 it is simply Abel, and in 14 is apparently distinguished from Beth- maachah.— 2. A'bel-mizra'im, i. e. the mourn ing of Egypt, the name given by the Canaanites to the floor of Atad, at which Joseph, his brothers, and the Egyptians made their mourning for Jacob (Gen. 1. 11). It was beyond (on the east of) Jordan. [Atad.] — 3. A'bel-shit'tim, "the meadow of the acacias," in the " plains" of Moab; on the low level of the Jordan valley, as contradistinguished from the cultivated " fields " on the upper level of the table-land. Here — their last resting-place before crossing the Jordan — Israel " pitched from Beth- jesimoth unto A.-Shittim" (Num. xxxiii. 49). The place is most frequently mentioned by its shorter nameofShittim. [Shtttim.] Inthedaysof Josephus it was still known as Abila, the town embosomed in palms, 60 stadia from the city. The town and the palms have disappeared ; but the acacia-groves, de noted by the name Shittim, still remain, " marking with a line of verdure the upper terraces of the Jor dan valley" (Stanley, S. fy P. 298).— 4. A'bel- me'holah (" meadow of the dance "), named with Beth-shean and Jokneam (IK. iv. 12), and there fore in the N. part of the Jordan valley. To "the border (the 'lip' or 'brink') of Abel-meholah," and to Beth-shittah (the " house of the acacia "), both places being evidently down in the Jordan valley, the routed Bedouin host fled from Gideon (Judg. vii. 2'2). Here Elisha was found at his plough by Elijah returning up the valley from Horeb (1 K. xix. 16-19). — 5. A'BEL- ce'ramim, in the A. V. rendered " the plain of the vineyards," a place eastward of Jordan, beyond Aroer ; named as the point to which Jephthah's pur suit of the Bene-Ammon extended (Judg. xi. 33). An Abel is mentioned by Eusebius at 6 miles be yond Philadelphia (Rabbah) ; and another more to the N. 12 miles E. from Gadara, below the Hie- romax. — 6. " The GREAT ' Abel,' in the field of Joshua the Bethshemite" (1 Sam. vi. 18). By comparison with 14 and 15, it would seem that for Abel should be read Eben = stone. Our translators, by the insertion of "stone of," take a middle course. ABEZ A'bez, a town in the possession of Issachar, named between Kishiou and Remeth, in Josh. xix. 20, only. A'bi, mother of king Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 2). The name is written Abijah in 2 Chr. xxix. 1 . Her father's name was Zachariah. He was perhaps the Zechariah mentioned by Isaiah (viii. 2). Abi'a, Abi'ah, or Abijah. 1. Son of Becher, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8).— 2. Wife of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 24).— 3. Second son of Samuel, whom together with his eldest son Joel he made judge in Beersheba (1 Sam. viii. 2 ; 1 Chr. vii. 28). The corruptness of their administration was the reason alleged by the Israelites for their demanding a king.— 4. Abijah, or Abu am, the son of Reho- boam (1 Chr. iii. 10 ; Matt. i. 7).— 5. Mother of king Hezekiah. [Abi. j — 6. Descendant of Eleazar, and chief of the eighth of the 24 courses of priests (Luke i. 5) ; the same as Abijah, 4. Abi-ATbon. [Abiel.] Abi'asaph (Ex. vi. 24), otherwise written Ibi'asaph (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37, ix. 19), the head of one of the families of the Korhites (a house of the Kohathites), but his precise genealogy is some what uncertain. In Ex. vi. 24, he appears at first sight to be represented as one of the sons of Korah, and as the brother of Assir and Elkanah. But in 1 Chr. vi. he appears as the son of Elkanah, the son of Assir, the son of Korah. The natural inference from this would be that, in Ex. vi. 24, the expression "the sons of Korah" merely means the families into which the house of the Korhites was subdi vided. Among the remarkable descendants of Abi- asaph, according to the text of 1 Chr. vi. 33-37, were Samuel the prophet and Elkanah his father (1 Sam. i. 1), and Hemanthe singer; butEbiasaph seems to be improperly inserted in ver. 37. Abi'athar, high-priest and fourth in descent from Eli, who was of the line of Ithamar, the younger son of Aaron. Abiathar was the only one ¦of all the sons of Ahimelech the high-priest who escaped the slaughter inflicted upon his father's house by Saul, at the instigation of Doeg the Edomite (see title to Ps. Iii. and the psalm itself), In revenge for his having inquired of the Lord for David, and given him the shew-bread to eat, and the sword of Goliath the Philistine, as is related in 1 Sam. xxii. Abiathar having become high-priest fled to David, and was thus enabled to inquire of the Lord for him (1 Sam. xxiii. 9, xxx. 7 ; 2 Sam. ii. 1, v. 19, &c). The fact of David having been the unwilling cause of the death of all Abiathar's kindred, coupled with his gratitude to his father Ahimelech for his kindness to him, made him a firm and stedfast friend to Abiathar all his life. Abiathar on his part was firmly attached to David. He ad hered to him iii his wanderings while pursued by Saul ; he was with him while he reigned in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 1-3), the city of the house of Aaron (Josh. xxi. 10-13) ; he carried the ark before him when David brought it up to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 11 ; 1 K. ii. 26) ; he continued faithful to him in Absalom's rebellion (2 Sam. xv. 24, 29, 35, 36, xvii. 15-17, xix. 11); and "was afflicted in all wherein David was afflicted." He was also one of David's chief counsellors (1 Chr. xxvii. 34). When, however, Adonijah set himself up for David's suc cessor on the throne, in opposition to Solomon, Abia thar, perhaps in rivalry to Zadok, sided with him, and was one of his chief partisans, while Zadok was on Solomon's side. For this Abiathar was banished ABIDAN 3 to his native village, Anathoth, in the tribe of Benjamin (Josh. xxi. 18), and narrowly escaped with his life, which was spared by Solomon only on the strength of his long and faithful service to David his father. He was deprived of the high-priesthood, and we are told that " Zadok the priest did the king put in the room of Abiathar" (1 K. ii. 27, 35). There are one or two difficulties connected with Abiathar, to which a brief reference must be made. (1.) It is difficult to determine the position of Abiathar relatively to Zadok, and to account for the double high-priesthood. Zadok, who was de scended from Eleazar, the elder son of Aaron, is first mentioned in 1 Chr. xii. 28, where he is de scribed as " a young man mighty of valour," and is said to have joined David while he reigned in He bron. From this time we read, both in the books of Samuel and Chronicles, of " Zadok and Abiathar the priests," Zadok being always named first. And yet we are told that Solomon on his accession put Zadok in the room of Abiathar. Perhaps the true state of the case was, that Abiathar was the first, and Zadok the second priest ; but that from the superior strength of the house of Eleazar, which enabled it to furnish 16 out of the 24 courses (1 Chr. xxiv.), Zadok acquired considerable influence with David ; and that this, added to his being the heir of the elder line, and perhaps also to some of the pas sages being written after the line of Zadok were estabhshed in the high-priesthood, led to the pre cedence given him over Abiathar. We have already suggested the possibility of jealousy of Zadok being one of the motives which inclined Abiathar to join Adonijah's faction. It is most remarkable how, first, Saul's cruel slaughter of the priests at Nob, and then the political error of the wise Abiathar, led to the fulfilment of God's denunciation against the house of Eli, as the writer of 1 K. ii. 27 leads us to observe when he says that " Solomon thrust out Abia thar from being priest unto the Lord, that he might fulfil the word of the Lord which He spake concerning the house of Eli in Shiloh." (2.) In 2 Sam. viii. 17, and in the duplicate passage 1 Chr. xviii. 16, and ¦in 1 Chr. xxiv. 3, 6, 31, we have Ahimelech substi tuted for Abiathar, and Ahimelech the son of Abia- tliar, instead of Abiathar the son of Ahimelech. Whereas in 2 Sam. xx. 25, and in every other passage in the 0. T., we are uniformly told that it was Abiathar who was priest with Zadok in David's reign, and that he was the son of Ahimelech, and that Ahimelech was the son of Ahitub. The diffi culty is'increased byfinding Abiathar spoken of as the high -priest in whose time David ate the shew-bread, in Mark ii. 26. However, the evidence in favour of David's friend being Abiathar the son of Ahi melech preponderates so strongly, and the impossi bility of any rational reconciliation is so clear, that one can only suppose that the error was a clerical one originally, and was propagated from one passage to another. The mention of Abiathar by our Lord, in Mark ii. 26, might perhaps be accounted for, if Abiathar was the person who persuaded his father to allow David to have the bread, and if, as is pro-' bable, the loaves were Abiathar's (Lev. xxiv. 9), and given by him with his own hand to David. A'bib, [Months.] A'bidah. or Abi'da, a son of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4; IChr. i. 33). ATvidan, chief of the tribe of Benjamin at the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 11, ii. 22, vii. 60, 65, x. 24). ' B 2 4 ABIEL Abiel. 1. The father of Kish, and conse quently grandfather of Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1), as well as of Abner, Saul's commander-in-chief (1 Sam. xiv. 51). In the genealogy in 1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39, Ner is made the father of Kish, and the name of Abiel is omitted, but the correct genealogy ac cording to Samuel is : — Abiel I Kish .1 —2. One of David's mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 32). In 2 Sam. xxiii. 31 he is called Abialbon, which Kennicott decides is the true reading, though it seems more probable that the copyist carried his eye forward to the next verse, and that " the Shaalbonite " there was the cause of his error. The Syr. of 2 Sam. has " Abi, the son of Abialmon of Gilead." Abiel was a native of the Arabah, or valley of the Jordan, as his name "Arbathite" indicates. Abie zer. 1. Eldest son of Gilead, and descend ant of Manasseh, and apparently at one time the leading family of the tribe (Josh. xvii. 2 ; 1 Chr. vii. 18 ; Num. xxvi. 30, where the name is given in the contracted form of Jeezer). In Chronicles, Abiezer is, in the present state of the text, said to have sprung from the sister of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 18). He was the ancestor of the great Judge Gideon. [Gideon.] The name also occurs in Judg. vi. 34, viii. 2 ; and in an adjectival form (" the Abiezrite") in Judg. vi. 11, 24, viii. 32.-2. One of David's "mighty men" (2 Sam. xxiii. 27; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 12). Abiga'il. 1. The beautiful wife of Nabal, a wealthy owner of goats and sheep in Carmel. When David's messengers were slighted by Nabal, Abi gail took the blame upon herself, supplied David and his followers with provisions, and succeeded in appeasing his anger. Ten days after this Nabal died, and David sent for Abigail and made her his wife (1 Sam. xxv. 14, &c). By her he had a son, called Chileab in 2 Sam. iii. 3 ; but Daniel, in 1 Chr. iii. 1.— 2. A sister of David, married to Jether the Ishmaelite, and mother, by him, of Amasa (1 Chr. ii. 17). — The statement in 2 Sam. xvii. 25 that the mother of Amasa was an Israelite is doubtless a transcriber's error. There could be no reason for recording this fact ; but the circum stance of David's sister marrying a heathen Ish maelite deserved mention. Abiha'il. 1. Father of Zuriel, chief of the Le- vitical family of Merari, a contemporary of Moses (Num. iii. 35).— 2. Wife of Abishur (1 Chr. ii. 29).— 3. SonofHuri, of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 14).— 4. Wife of Rehoboam. She is called the daughter, %. e. descendant of Eliab, the elder bro ther of David (2 Chr. xi. 18).— 5. Father of Esther and uncle of Moidecai (Esth. ii. 15, ix. 29). Abi hu, the second son (Num. iii. 2) of Aaron by Elisheba ( Ex. vi. 23), who with his father and his elder brother, Nadab and seventy elders of Israel accompanied Moses to the summit of Sinai (Ex. xxiv. 1). Being together with Nadab guilty of offer ing strange fire (Lev. x. 1) to the Lord, i. e. not the holy fire which burnt continually upon the altar of burnt-offering (Lev. vi. 9, 12), they were both consumed by fire from heaven, and Aaron and his surviving sons were forbidden to mourn for them. ABILENE Abi'hud, son of Bela and grandson of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 3). Abi'jah or Abi'jam. 1. The son and successor of Rehoboam on the throne of Judah (1 K. xiv. 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 16). He is called Abijah in Chronicles, Abijam in Kings ; the latter name being probably an error in the MSS. He began to reign B.C. 959, and reigned three years. — From the first book of Kings we learn that Abijah endeavoured to recover the "kingdom of the Ten Tribes, and made war on Jeroboam. No details are given, but we are also informed that he walked in all the sins of Rehoboam (idolatry and its attendant immoralities, 1 K. xiv. 23, 24), and that his heart " was not perfect before God, as the heart of David his father." In the second book of Chronicles his war against Jeroboam is more minutely described ; he was suc cessful in battle, and took the cities of Bethel, Jesh- anah, and Ephrain, with their dependent villages^ It is also said that his army consisted of 400,000 men, and Jeroboam's of 800,000, of whom 500,000 fell in the action; but our MSS. are frequently in correct as to numbers, and there are reasons for reducing these to 40,000, 80,000, and 50,000. Nothing is said by the writer in Chronicles of the sins of Abijah, but we are told that after his vic tory he " waxed mighty, and married fourteen wives," whence we may well infer that he was elated with prosperity, and like his grandfather So lomon fell, during the last two years of his life, into wickedness, as described in Kings. He was suc ceeded by Asa. — 2. The second son of Samuel, called Abiah in our version. [Abia, Abiah, No. 3.] — 3. The son of Jeroboam I. king of Israel, in whom alone, of all the house of Jeroboam, was found " some good thing toward the Lord God of Israel," and who was therefore the only one of his family who was suffered to go down to the grave in peace. He died in his childhood, just after Jero boam's wife had been sent in disguise to seek help for him, in his sickness, from the prophet Abijah, who gave her the above answer. (1 K. xiv.)— 4. A descendant of Eleazar. who gave his name to the eighth of the twenty-four courses into which the priests were divided by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10: 2 Chr. viii. 14 ; Neh. xii. 4, 17). To the course of Abijah or Abia belonged Zacharias the father of John the Baptist (Luke i. 5 1. — 5. One of the priests who entered into a covenant with Nehemiah to walk in God's law (Neh. .\. 7) ; unless the name is rather that of a family, and the same with the pre ceding. Abi'jam. [Abijah, No. 1.] ATrila. [Abilkxe.] Abilene (Luke iii. 1), a tetrarchy of which the capital was Abila, a city situated on the eastern slope of Antilibanus, in a district fertilised by the river Barada. Its name probably arose from the green luxuriance of its situation, "Abel" perhaps denoting " a gi-.is^y meadow." [See p. 2 b.] The name, thus derived, is quite sufficient to account for the traditions of the death of Abel, which are associated with the spot, and which are localised by the tomb called Nebi ffabil, on a height above the ruins of the city. The position of the city is very clearly designated by the Itineraries as 18 miles from Damascus, and 38 (or 32) miles from Helio- polis or Baalbec. — It is impossible to fix the limits of the Abilene which is mentioned by St. Luke as the tetrarchy of Lysanias. [Lysanias] . Like other districts of the East it doubtless underwent many ABIMAEL, changes, both of masters and of extent, before it was finally absorbed in the province of Syria. Josephus associates this neighbourhood with the name of Ly sanias both before and after the time referred to by the evangelist. — The site of the chief city of Abilene has been undoubtedly identified where the Itine raries place it ; and its remains have been described of late years by many travellers. It stood in a remarkable gorge called the S&k Wady Barada, where the river breaks down through the mountain towards the plain of Damascus. Abim'ael, a descendant of Joktan (Gen. x. 28 ; 1 Chr. i. 22), and probably the progenitor of an Arab tribe. Abim'elech {father of the king), the name of .several Philistine kings, was probably a common title of these kings, like that of Pharaoh among the Egyptians, and that of Caesar and Augustus among the Romans. An argument to the same effect is drawn from the title of Ps. xxxiv., in which the name of Ahimelech is given to the king, who is called Achish in 1 Sam. xxi. 11. — 1. A Philistine, king of Gerar (Gen. xx., xxi), who, exercising the right claimed by Eastern princes, of collecting all the beautiful women of their dominions into their harem (Gen. xii. 15 ; Esth. ii. '3), sent for and took Sarah. A similar account is given of Abraham's conduct on this occasion, to that of his behaviour towards Pharaoh [Abraham].— 2. Another king of Gerar in the time of Isaac, of whom a similar narrative is recorded in relation to Rebekah (Gen. xxvi. 1, &c.).— 3. Son of the judge Gideon by his Shechemite concubine (Judg. viii. 31). After his father's death he murdered all his brethren, seventy in number, with the exception of Jotham the youngest, who concealed himself ; and he then persuaded the Shechemites, through the influence of his mother's brethren, to elect him king. It is evident from this narrative that Shechem now became au independent state, and threw off the yoke of the conquering Israelites. When Jotham heard that Abimelech was made king, he addressed to the Shechemites his fable of the trees choosing a king (Judg. ix. 1). After Abimelech had reigned three years, the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He was absent at the time, but he returned and quelled the insurrection. Shortly after he stormed and took Thebez, but was struck on the head by a woman with the fi-agment of a mill-stone (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 21); and lest he should be said to have died by a woman, he bade his armour-bearer slay him. Thus God avenged the murder of his brethren, and fulfilled the curse of Jotham. — 4. Son of Abiathar, the high-priest in the time of David (1 Chr. xviii. 16), called Ahi melech in 2 Sam. viii. 16. [Ahimelech.] Abin'adab. 1. A Levite, a native of Kirjath- jcarim, in whose house the ark remained 20 years (1 Sam. vii. 1, 2; 1 Chr. xiii. 7).— 2. Second son of Jesse, who followed Saul to his war against the Philistines (1 Sam. xvi. 8, xvii. 13).— 3. A son of Saul, who was slain with his brothers at the fatal battle on Mount Gilboa (1 Sam. xxxi. 2).— 4. Father of one of the twelve chief officers of Solo mon (1 K. iv. 11). Abin'oam, the father of Barak (Judg. iv. 6, 12 ; v. 1, 12J. Abi'ram. 1. A Reubenite, son of Eliab, who with Dathan and On, men of the same tribe, and Korah a Levite, organised a conspiracy against Moses and Aaron (Num. xvi.). [For details, see Korah.]— 2. Eldest son of Hiel, the Bethelite, ABISHAI 5 who died when his father laid the foundations of Jericho (1 K. xvi. 34), and thus accomplished the first part of the curse of Joshua (Josh. vi. 26). Abi'ron=Abiiam (Ecclus. xiv. 18). Abise'i = Abishua, son of Phinehas (2 Esdr. i. 2) ; called also Abisum (1 Esdr. viii. 2). Ab'ishag, a beautiful Shunammite, taken into David's harem to comfort him in his extreme old age (1 K. i. 1-4). After David's death Adonijah induced Bathsheba, the queen-mother, to ask Solo mon to give him Abishag in marriage ; but this im prudent petition cost Adonijah his life (1 K. ii 13, &c). [Adonijah.] Abisna'i, the eldest of the three sons of Ze- ruiah, David's sister, and brother to Joab and Asahel (1 Chr. ii. 16). It may be owing to his seniority of birth that Abishai, first of the three brothers, appeal's as the devoted follower of David. Long before Joab appears on the stage Abishai had attached himself to the fortunes of David. He was his companion in the desperate night expedition tc the camp of Saul, and would at once have avenged and terminated his uncle's quarrel by stabbing the sleeping king with his own spear. But David in dignantly restrained him, and the adventurous war riors left the camp as stealthily as they had come, carrying with them Saul's spear and the cruse of water which stood at his head (1 Sam. xxvi. 6-9). During David's outlaw life among the Philistines, Abishai was probably by his side, though nothing more is heard of him till he appears with Joab and Asahel in hot pursuit of Abner, who was beaten in the bloody fight by the pool of Gibeon. Asahel fell by Abner' s hand : at sun-set the survivors re turned, buried their brother by night iu the sepulchre of their father at Bethlehem, and with revenge in their hearts marched on to Hebron by break of day (2 Sam. ii. 18, 24, 32). In the prosecution of their vengeance, though Joab's hand struck the deadly blow, Abishai was associated with him in the treachery, and " Joab and Abishai killed Abner " (2 Sam. iii. 30). [Abner.] In the war against Hanun, undertaken by David as a punishment for the insult to his messengers, Abishai, as second in command, was opposed to the army of the Am monites before the gates of Rabbah, and drove them headlong before him into the city, while Joab defeated the Syrians who attempted to raise the siege (2 Sam. x. 10, 14; 1 Chr. xix. 11, 15). The defeat of the Edomites in the valley of salt (1 Chr. xviii. 12), which brought them to a state of vassalage, was due to Abishai, acting perhaps under the immediate orders of the king (see 2 Sam. viii. 13), or of Joab (Ps. Ix. title). On the outbreak of Absalom's rebellion and the conse quent flight of David, Abishai remained true to the king ; and the old warrior showed a gleam of his ancient spirit, as fierce and relentless as in the camp of Saul, when he offered to avenge the taunts of Shimei,and urged his subsequent execution (2 Sam. xvi. 9; xix. 21). In the battle in the wood of Ephraim Abishai commanded a third part of the army (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 5, 12), and in the absence of Amasa was summoned to assemble the troops in Jerusalem and pursue after the rebel Sheba, Joab being apparently in disgrace for the slaughter of Absalom (2 Sam. xx. 6, 10). — The last act of ser vice which is recorded of Abishai is his timely rescue of David from the hands of a gigantic Phi listine, Ishbi-benob (2 Sam. xxi. 17). His personal prowess on this, as on another occasion, when he 6 ABISHALOM fought single-handed against three hundred^ won for him a place as captain of the second three of David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 20), But in all probability this act of daring was achieved while he was the companion of David's wanderings as an outlaw among the Philistines. Of the end of his chequered life we have no record. Abish'alom, father or grandfather of Maachah, who was the wife of Rehoboam, and mother of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2, 10). He is called Absalom in 2 Chr. xi. 20, 21. This person must be David's son (see LXX., 2 Sam. xiv. 27). Maachah was doubtless named after her grandmother (2 Sam. iii. 3). [Maachah, 3.] Abishu'a. 1. Son of Bela, of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 4).— 2. Son of Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, and father of Bukki, in the genealogy of the high-priests (1 Chr. vi. 4, 5, 50, 51 ; Ezr. vii. 4, 5). According to Josephus {Ant. viii. 1, §3) he executed the office of high-priest after his father Phinehas, and was succeeded by Eli ; his descendants, till Zadok, falling into the rank of pri vate peraons. Ab'ishnr, son of Shammai (1 Chr. ii. 28). Ab'isum = Abishua, son of Phinehas (1 Esd. viii. 2), elsewhere called Abisei. Ab'ital, one of David's wives (2 Sam. iii. 4 ; 1 Chr. iii. 3). Ab'itub, son of Shaharaim by Hushim (1 Chr. viii. 11). Abiud, descendant of Zorobabel in the gene alogy of Jesus Christ (Matt. i. 13). Lord A. Her vey identifies him with Hodaiah (1 Chr. iii. 24) and JoDA (Luke iii. 26), and supposes him to have been the grandson of Zorobabel through his daugh ter Shelomith. Ablution. [Purification.] Abner. 1. Son of Ner, who was the brother of Kish (1 Chr. ix. 36), the father of Saul. Abner, therefore, was Saul's first cousin, and was made by him commander-in-chief of his army (1 Sam. xiv. 51). He was the person who conducted David into Saul's presence after the death of Goliath (xvii. 57) ; and afterwards accompanied his master when he sought David's life atHachilah (xxvi. 3-14). From this time we hear no more of him till after the death of Saul, when he rises into importance as the main stay of his family. It would seem that, imme diately after the disastrous battle of Mount Gilboa, David was proclaimed king of Judah in Hebron, the old capital of that tribe, but that the rest of the country was altogether in the hands of the Philistines, and that five years passed before any native prince ventured to oppose his claims to their power. During that time the Israelites were gra dually recovering their territory, and at length Abner proclaimed the weak and unfortunate Ish- bosheth, Saul's son, as king of Israel, at Mahanaim beyond Jordan. War soon broke out between the two rival kings, and a " very sore battle" was fought at Gibeon between the men of Israel under Abner and the men of Judah under Joab, son of Zeruiah, David's sister (1 Chr. ii. 16). When the army of Ishbosheth was defeated, Joab's youngest brother Asahel, who is said to have been " as lio-ht of foot as a wild roe," pursued Abner, and in spite of warning refused to leave him, so that Abner in self-defence was forced to kill him. After this the war continued, success inclining more and more to the side of David, till at last the imprudence of Ishbosheth deprived him of the counsels and general- ABBAHAM ship of the hero, who was in trath the only support of his tottering throne. Abner had married Rizpah, Saul's coDCubine, and this, according to the views of Oriental courts, might be so interpreted as to imply a design upon the throne. Rightly or wrongly, Ishbosheth so understood it, and he even ventured to reproach Abner with it. Abner, in censed at his ingratitude, after an indignant reply, opened negotiations with David, by whom he was most favourably received at Hebron. He then undertook to procure his recognition throughout Israel ; but after leaving his court for the purpose was enticed back by Joab, and treacherously mur dered by him and his brother Abishai, at the gate of the city, partly no doubt, as Joab snowed after wards in the case of Amasa, from fear lest so dis tinguished a convert to their cause should gain too high a place in David's favour, but ostensibly in retaliation for the death of Asahel. This murder caused the greatest sorrow and indignation to David ; but, as the assassins were too powerful to be punished, he contented himself with showing every public token of respect to Abner's memory, by following the bier and pouring forth a simple dirge over the slain (2 Sam. iii. 33, 34).— 2. The father of Jaasiel, chief of the Benjamites in David's reign (1 Chr. xxvii. 21) : probably the same as the preceding. Abomination of Desolation, mentioned by our Saviour as a sign of the approaching destruction of Jerusalem, with reference to Dan. ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. 11. The Jews considered the prophecy of Daniel as fulfilled in the profanation of the Temple under Antiochus Epiphanes, when the Israelites themselves erected an idolatrous altar upon the sacred altar, and offered sacrifice thereon : this altar is described as " an abomination of deso lation" (1 Mace. i. 54, vi. 7). The prophecy, however, referred ultimately to the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, and consequently the " abomination " must describe some occurrence con nected with that event. But it is not easy to find one which meets all the requirements of the case: the introduction of the Roman standards into the Temple would not be an " abomination," properly speaking, unless it could be shown that the Jews themselves participated in the worship of them ; moreover, this event, as well as several others which have been proposed, such as the erection of the statue of Hadrian, fail in regard to the time of their occurrence, being subsequent to the destruction of the city. It appears most probable that the pro fanities of the Zealots constituted the abomination, which was the sign of impending ruin. Abraham, or Abram, as his name appeal's in the earlier portion of the history, was the son of Terah, and founder of the great Hebrew nation. His family, a branch of the descendants of Shem, were settled in Ur of the Chaldees, beyond the Euphrates. The three sons of Terah, Nahor, Abram, and Haran, appear in the book of Genesis as the ancestors of those Shemitic tribes which, migrating in a south-westerly direction from their original settlements, spread through the region between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean, and in their ulti mate development occupied the counties from Damascus to the extremity of the Arabian peninsula. The details of one of the most remarkable of these- immigrations are traced out in the history of Abram.. The family of Nahor wandered less than the others, and remained principally in their- ancestral pastures, ABRAHAM the fertile plains of Syria, as the aristocracy of their race, from among whom, for two generations at least, the descendants of the migratory branches sought their wives, to preserve the purity of their descent. Terah was an idolater. He and his sons " served other gods" (Josh. xxiv. 2), though there is some reason for supposing that the worship which they practised was less gross in its nature than that of the surrounding tribes, and that the idea of the unity of God had not been so completely obscured among them. Abram appears as the champion of monotheism, and to him are referred the beginnings of the Mosaic polity. — On the death of his father, who accompanied the emigrants as far as Haran in Mesopotamia, Abram, then in the 75th year of his age, with Sarai his wife, and Lot his nephew, son of his deceased brother Haran, pursued his course to the land of Canaan, whither he was directed by divine command (Gen. xii. 5), when he received the general promise that he should become the founder of a great nation, and that all the families of the earth should be blessed in him. He passed through the heart of the country by the great highway to Shechem, and pitched his tent beneath the terebinth of Moreh (Gen. xii. 6). Here he received in vision from Jehovah the further revelation that this was the land which his de scendants should inherit (xii. 7). An altar to Jehovah perpetuated the memory of this divine appearance. The next halting-place of the wanderer was in a strong position on a mountain east of Bethel, between Bethel and Ai, where another altar was reared (Gen. xii. 8). But the country was suffering from famine, and Abram, like his de scendants two centuries later, finding neither pas ture for his cattle nor food for his household, journeyed still southwards to the rich corn-lands of Egypt. As the caravan approached the entrance to the country, Abram, fearing that the great beauty of Sarai might tempt the powerful monarch of Egypt and expose his own life to peril; adopted a policy which, as on a subsequent occasion, produced the very consequences it was intended to avert. Sarai was to represent herself as his sister, which her actual relationship to him, as probably the daughter of his brother Haran, allowed her to do with some semblance of truth. But her fresh northern beauty excited the admiration of the swarth-skmned Egyptians : the princes of Pharaoh saw her and praised her to the king, and she was taken into the royal harem. Abram was loaded with munificent presents, and the foundation of his subsequent prosperity was apparently laid in Egypt. But the deception was discovered, and Pharaoh with some indignation dismissed him from the country (xii. 10-20). How long was the period of Abram's stay in Egypt is uncertain. It is supposed that he was there during the sway of the Shepherd kings in Memphis, and that from participating in their war of conquest he acquired the favour of the reigning prince. But this is mere conjecture, and the narrative in Genesis would seem to imply that his residence in Egypt was not protracted. — Abram left Egypt with great possessions, and, accompanied by Lot, returned by the south of Palestine to his former encampment between Bethel and Ai. The increased wealth of the two kinsmen was the ulti mate cause of their separation. The soil was not fertile enough to support them both ; their herds men quarrelled ; and, to avoid dissensions in a coun try where they we surrounded by enemies, for ABRAHAM 7 "the Canaanite and Perizzite were then in the land," Abram proposed that each should follow his own fortune. Lot, eager to quit the nomadic life, chose the fertile plain of the Jordan, rich and well- watered as the garden of Jehovah ; while Abram dwelt in tents, a pilgrim in the land of promise. It was on this occasion that the two promises he had already received were reiterated in one. From the hill-top where he stood he looked northwards and southwards and eastwards and westwards upon the country hereafter to be peopled by his numerous descendants. After parting from Lot, Abram, strong in numbers and wealth, quitted the hill-fastness between Bethel and Ai, and pitched his tent among the oak-groves of Mamre, close to Hebron, where he built a third commemorative altar to Jehovah (Gen. xiii.). — The narrative is now interrupted by a re markable episode in Abram's hfe, which vividly re presents him in the light in which he was regarded by the contemporary chieftains of Canaan. The chiefs of the tribes who peopled the oasis of the Jor dan had been subdued in a previous irruption of northern warriors, and for twelve years had been the tributaries of Chedorlaomer, king of Elam. Their rebellion brought down upon Palestine and the neighbouring countries a fresh flood of invaders from the north-east, who swept through the regions east of the Jordan, and, returning, joined battle with the revolted chieftains in the vale of Siddim. The king of Sodom and his confederates were de feated, their cities plundered, and a host of captives accompanied the victorious army of Chedorlaomer. Among them were Lot and his family. Abram, then confederate with Mamre the Amorite and his brethren, heard the tidings from a fugitive, aud, hastily arming his trusty slaves, started in pursuit. He followed the track of the conquerors along the Jordan valley, came up with them by Dan, and in a night-attack completely routed their host, and checked for a time the stream of northern immigra tion. The captives and plunder were all recovered, and Abram was greeted on his return by the king of Sodom, and by Melchizedek king of Salem, priest of the Most High God, who mysteriously appeal's upon the scene to bless the patriarch, and receive from him a tenth of the spoil. In this episode, Abram "the Hebrew" (xiv. 13), a foreign chief, appears as a powerful emir with a numerous fol lowing of retainers, living on terms of equality with others like himself, who were anxious to court the friendship of so formidable an ally, and combining with the peaceful habits of a pastoral life the samp capability for warfare which is characteristic of the Arab race. With great dignity he refuses to enrich himself by the results of his victory, and claims only a share of the booty for his Amorite confede rates, to whom he apparently extends his protection in return for permission to reside in their territory (Gen. xiv.). — During his residence at Hebron, and while apprehending the vengeance of the powerful king of Elam, the thrice-repeated promise that his descendants should become a mighty nation and possess the land in which he was a stranger, was confirmed with all the solemnity of a religious ceremony (Gen. xv.). A deep sleep fell upon Abram, and in the horror of great darkness which shrouded him as he watched the sacrifices, the future destinies of his race were symbolized and revealed with greater distinctness than heretofore. Each- revelation acquired greater definiteness than the preceding. He is now assured that, though 8 ABRAHAM childless, the heir of his wealth and the inheritor of his blessing shall be no adopted stranger, but the issue of his own loins. Ten years had passed since, in obedience to the divine command, he had left his father's house, and the fulfilment of the promise was apparently more distant than at first. But his faith was counted to him for righteousness, and when the lamp of fire had passed between the fragments of the sacrifice, Abram entered into a covenant with Jehovah (Gen. xv.). At the sugges tion of Sarai, who despaired of having children of her own, he took as his concubine Hagar, her Egyptian maid, who hare him Ishmael in the 86th year of his age (Gen. xvi.). [Hagar; Ishmael.] But this was not the accomplishment of the pro mise. Thirteen years elapsed, during which Abram still dwelt in Hebron, when the last step in the revelation was made, that the son of Sarai, and not Ishmael, should inherit both the temporal and spiritual blessings. The covenant was renewed, and the rite of circumcision established as its sign. This most important crisis in Abram's life is marked by the significant change of his name to Abraham, "father of a multitude;" while his wife's from Sarai became Sarah. In his 99th year Abraham was circumcised, in accordance with the divine com mand, together with Ishmael and all the males of his household, as well the slaves born in his house as those purchased from the foreigner (Gen. xvii.). The promise that Sarah should have a son was repeated in the remarkable scene described in ch. xviii. Three men stood before Abraham as he sat in his tent-door in the heat of the day. The patriarch, with true Eastern hospitality, welcomed the strangers, and bade them rest and refresh themselves. The meal ended, they foretold the birth of Isaac and went on their way to Sodom. Abraham accompanied them, and is represented as an interlocutor in a dialogue with Jehovah, in which he pleaded in vain to avert the vengeance threatened to the devoted cities of the plain (xviii. 17-33). — In remarkable contrast with Abraham's firm faith with regard to the magnificent fortunes of his pos terity stands the incident which occurred during his temporary residence among the Philistines in Gerar, whither he had, for some cause, removed after the destruction of Sodom.1 Sarah's beauty won the admiration of Abimelech, the king of the country ; the temporizing policy of Abraham produced the same results as before ; and the narrative of ch. xx. is nearly a repetition of that in ch. xii. 11-20. Abimelech's dignified rebuke taught him that he was not alone in recognising a God of justice. It is evident from Gen. xxi. 22-34, that Abraham's prosperity had at this time made him a powerful auxiliary, whom it was advisable for Abimelech to conciliate and court, and his conduct therefore evi dences a singular weakness of character in one who was otherwise so noble and chivalrous. — At length Isaac, the long-looked-for child, was born. His birth was welcomed by all the rejoicings which could greet the advent of one whose future was of such rich promise. Sarah's jealousy, aroused by the mockery of Ishmael at the " great banquet" which Abraham made to celebrate the weaning of her son 1 Perhaps the Hittites had driven out the Amorites from Hebron (cf. xxiii.). a The promise, that " in his seed all nations should be blessed," would be now understood very differently, and felt to be far above the temporal promise, in ABRAHAM (Gen. xxi. 9), demanded that, with his mother Hagar, he should be driven out (Gen. xxi. 10). 1 The patriarch reluctantly consented, consoled by the fresh promise that Ishmael too should become a great nation. But the severest trial of his faith was yet to come. For a long period (25 years according to Josephus) the history is almost silent. The position which Abraham held among the Phi listines, during his long residence among them, is indicated in the narrative of Gen. xxi. 22-34. At length he receives the strange command to take Isaac, his only son, and offer him for a burnt- offering at an appointed place. Such a bidding, in direct opposition to the promptings of nature and the divine mandate against the shedding of human blood, Abraham hesitated not to obey. His faith, hitherto unshaken, supported him in this final trial, " accounting that God was able to raise up his son, even from the dead, from whence also he received him in a figure" (Heb. xi. 19) — probably the same faith to which our Lord refers, that God promised to be the " God of Isaac " (Gen. xvii. 19), and that he was not a " God of the dead, but of the living." The sacrifice was stayed by the angel of Jehovah, the promise of spiritual blessing for the first time repeated,2 and Abraham with his son returned to Beersheba, and for a time dwelt there (Gen. xxii.). But we find him after a few years in his original residence at Hebron, for there Sarah died (Gen. xxiii. 2), and was buried in the cave of Machpelah3 which Abraham purchased of Ephron the Hittite, for the exorbitant price of 400 shekels of silver. The grasping character of Ephron and the generosity of Abraham are finely contrasted in the narrative of Gen. xxiii. In the presence of the elders of Heth, the field of Machpelah, with the cave and trees that were in it, were made sure to Abraham : the first instance on record of a legal conveyance of pro perty. The mosque at Hebron is believed to stand upon the site of the sepulchral cave. — The remain ing years of Abraham's life are marked by but few incidents. In his advanced age he commissioned the faithful steward of his house to seek a wife for Isaac from the family of his brother Nahor, binding him by the most solemn oath not to contract an alliance with the daughters of the degraded Ca- naanites among whom he dwelt (Gen. xxiv.). After Isaac's marriage with Rebecca, and his removal to Lahai-roi, Abraham took to wife Keturah, by whom he had six children, Zimran, Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbok, and Shuah, who became the an cestors of nomadic tribes inhabiting the countries south and south-east of Palestine. Keturah occupied a position inferior to that of a legitimate wife, and in 1 Chr. i. 32 is called the concubine of Abraham. Her children, like Ishmael, were dismissed with presents, and settled in the East country during Abraham's lifetime, and Isaac was left sole heir ot his father's wealth. — Abraham lived to see the gradual accomplishment of the promise in the birth of his grandchildren Jacob and Esau, and witnessed their growth to manhood (Gen. xxv. 26). Of his last years we possess no record. They appear to have been passed in tranquillity, and at the goodly age of 175 he was *' gathered to his people," and which, perhaps, at first it seemed to be absorbed. It can hardly be wrong to refer pre-eminently to this epoch the declaration, that "Abraham saw the day of Christ and was glad " (John viii. 56). ABRAM laid beside Sarah in the tomb of Machpelah by his sons Isaac and Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 7-10). — From the intimate communion which Abraham held with the Almighty, he is distinguished by the high title of " the ' friend' of God" (2 Chr. xx. 7 ; Is. xii. 8 ; Jam. ii. 23) ; and El-Khalil^ " the friend," is the appellation by which he is familiarly known in the traditions of the Arabs, who have given the same name to Hebron, the place of his residence. — The legends which have been recorded of him are nu merous. According to Josephus he taught the worship of one God to the Chaldaeans, and in structed the Egyptians and Phoenicians in astronomy and philosophy. The Greek tradition related by Nicolaus of Damascus assigns to him the conquest of that city, and names him as its fourth king. With the help of Ishmael he is said to have rebuilt; for the fourth time, the Kaaba over the sacred black stone of Mecca. The Rabbinical legends tell how Abraham destroyed the idols which his father made and worshipped, and how he was delivered from the fiery furnace into which he was cast by Nimrod (see D'Herbelot, Bibl. Orient. ; Weil, biblical Legends; Beer, Leben Abraham's, &c). A'bram, [Abraham.] Ab'salom {fattier of peace). 1. Third son of David by Maachah, daughter of Talmai king of Geshur, a Syrian district adjoining the N.E. fron tier of the Holy Land. He is scarcely mentioned till after David had committed the great crime which by its consequences embittered his old age, and then appears as the instrument by whom was fulfilled God's threat against the sinful iing, that " evil should be raised up against him out of his own house, and that his neighbour should lie with his wives in the sight of the sun." In the latter part of David's reign, polygamy bore its ordinary fruits. Not only is his sin in the case of Bathsheba ¦ traceable to it, since it naturally suggests the un limited indulgence of the passions, but it also brought about the punishment of that sin, by raising up jealousies and conflicting claims between the sons of different mothers, each apparently living with a separate house and establishment (2 Sam. xiii. 8 ; xiv. 24; cf. 1 K. vii. 8, &c). Absalom had a sister, Tamar, who was violated by her half-brother Amnon, David's eldest sou by Ahinoam the Jez- reelitess. The natural avenger of such an outrage would be Tamar's full brother Absalom. He brooded over the wrong for two years, and then invited all the princes to a sheep-shearing feast at his estate in Baal-hazor, on the borders of Ephraim and Ben jamin. Here he ordered his servauts to murder Amnon, and then fled for safety to his grandfather's «ourt at Geshur, where he remained for three years. David was overwhelmed hy this accumula tion of family sorrows, thus completed by separation from his favourite son, whom he thought it impos sible to pardon or recall. But he was brought back by an artifice of Joab, who sent a woman of Tekoah to entreat the king's interference in an imaginary case similar to Absalom's. Having per suaded David to prevent the avenger of blood from pursuing a young man who, she said, had slain his brother, she adroitly applied his assent to the recall of Absalom, and urged him, as he had thus yielded the general principle, to " fetch home his banished." David did so, but would not see Absalom for two more years, though he allowed him to live in Jeru salem. At last wearied with delay, and perceiving that his exclusion from court interfered with the ABSALOM 9 ambitious schemes which he was forming, the impe tuous young man sent his servants to bum a field of corn near his own, belonging to Joab, thus doing as Samson had done (Judg. xv. 4). Thereupon Joab, probably dreading some further outrage from his violence, brought him to his father, from whom he received the kiss of reconciliation. Absalom now began at once to prepare for rebellion, urged to it partly by his own restless wickedness, partly per haps by the fear lest Bathsheba's child should sup plant him in the succession, to which he would feel himself entitled as being now David's eldest sur viving son, since we may infer that the second son Chileab was dead, from no mention being made of him after 2 Sam. iii. 3. It is harder to account for his temporary success, and the imminent danger which befel so powerful a government as his father's. As David grew older he may have become less at tentive to individual complaints, and to that per sonal administration ofjustice which was one of an eastern king's chief duties. For Absalom tried to supplant his father by courting popularity, standing in the gate, conversing with every suitor, lament ing the difficulty which he would find in getting a hearing, " putting forth his hand and kissing any man who came nigh to do him obeisance." He also maintained a splendid retinue (xv. 1), and was ad mired for his personal beauty and the luxuriant growth of his hair, on grounds similar to those which had made Saul acceptable (1 Sam. x. 23). It is probable too that the great tribe of Judah had taken some offence at David's government, perhaps from finding themselves completely merged in one united Israel ; and that they hoped secretly for pre eminence under the less wise and liberal rule of his son. Thus Absalom selects Hebron, the old capital of Judah (now supplanted by Jerusalem), as the scene of the outbreak ; Amasa his chief captain, and Ahithophel of Giloh his principal counsellor, are both of Judah, and after the rebellion was crushed we see signs of ill-feeling between Judah and the other tribes (xix. 41). But, whatever the causes may have been, Absalom raised the standard of revolt at Hebron. The revolt was at first completely suc cessful ; David fled from his capital over the Jordan to Mahanaim in Gilead. Absalom occupied Jeru salem, and by the advice of Ahithophel, who saw that for such an unnatural rebellion war to the knife was the best security, took possession of David's harem, in which he had left ten concubines. This was considered to imply a formal assumption of all his father's royal rights (comp. the conduct of Adonijah, 1 K. ii. 13 ff.), and was also a fulfilment of Nathan's prophecy (2 Sam. xii. 11.) But David had left friends who watched over his interests. The vigorous counsels of Ahithophel were afterwards rejected through the crafty advice of Hushai, who insinuated himself into Absalom's confidence to work his ruin, and Ahithophel himself, seeing his ambitious hopes frustrated, went home to Giloh, and committed suicide. At last, after being solemnly anointed king at Jerusalem (xix. 10), and lingering there far longer than was expedient, Absalom crossed the Jordan to attack his father, who by this time had rallied round him a considerable force, whereas, had Ahithophel's advice been followed, he would probably have been crushed at once. A decisive battle was fought in Gilead, in the wood of Ephraim. Here Absalom's forces were totally defeated, and as he himself was escaping, his long hair was entangled in the branches of a terebinth, 10 ABSALON where he was left hanging while the mule on which he was riding ran away from under him. He was despatched by Joab in spite of the prohibition of David, who, loving him to the last, had desired that his life might be spared, and when he heard of his deatli lamented over him in the pathetic words, 0 my son Absalom! would God I had died for thee 1 0 Absalom, my son, my son /He was buried in a great pit in the forest, and the conquerors threw stones over his grave, an old proof of bitter hostility (Josh. vii. 26). The sacred historian con trasts this dishonoured burial with the tomb which Absalom had raised in the King's dale (comp. Gen. xiv. 17) for the three sons whom he had lost (comp. 2 Sam. xviii. 18, with xiv. 27), and where he probably had intended that his own remains should be laid. Josephus {Ant. vii. 10, §3) men tions the pillar of Absalom as situate two stadia from Jerusalem. An existing monument in the valley of Jehoshaphat just outside Jerusalem bears the name of the Tomb of Absalom ; but the Ionic pillars which surround its base show that it belongs to a much later period, even if it be a tomb at all.— 3. The father of Mattathias (1 Mace. xi. 70) and Jonathan (1 Mace. xiii. 11). The Bo-called Tomb of Absalom Ab'salon, an ambassador with John from the Jews to Lysias, chief governor of Coelo-Syria and Phoenice (2 Mace. xi. 17). Abu'bus, father of Ptolemeus, captain of the plain of Jericho, and son-in-law to Simon Macca- baeus (1 Mace. xvi. 11, 15). A'catan = Hakkatan (1 Esdr. viii. 38). Ac'cad, one of the cities in the land of Shinar — the others being Babel, Erech, and Calneh — which were the beginning of Nimrod's kingdom (Gen. x. 10). Its position is quite uncertain. — The theory deduced by Kawlinson from the latest Assyrian researches is, that " Akkad" was the name of the " great primitive Hamite race who inhabited Baby lonia from the earliest time." The name of the city is believed to have been discovered in the in scriptions under the form Kinzi Akkad. Ac'caron, [Ekkon.] Ac'cb.0 (the Ptolemais of the Maccabees and N. T.), now called Aoca, or more usually by ACELDAMA Europeans, Saint Jean d 'Acre, the most important seaport town on the Syrian coast, about oQ miles S. of Tyre. It was situated on a slightly project ing headland, at the northern extremity of that spacious bay — the only inlet of any importance along the whole sea-board of Palestine— which is formed by the bold promontory of Carmel on the opposite side. Inland the hills, which from Tyre southwards press close upon the sea-shore, gradually recede, leaving in the immediate neighbourhood of Accho a plain of remarkable fertility about 6 miles broad, and watered by the small river Belus {Nahr Nam&n), which discharges itself into the sea close under the walls of the town: to the S.E. the still receding heights afford access to the interior in the direction of Sepphoris. Accho, thus favourably placed in command of the approaches from the north, both by sea and land, has been justly termed the " key of Palestine." — In the division of Canaan among the tribes, Accho fell to the lot of Asher, but was never wrested from its original inhabitants (Judg. i. 31) ; and hence it is reckoned by the classical writers among the cities of Phoenicia. No further mention is made of it in the 0. T. history, nor does it appear to have risen to much importance until after the dismemberment of the Macedonian empire, when its proximity to the frontier of Syria made it an object of frequent contention. Along with the rest of Phoenicia it fell to the lot of Egypt, and was named Ptolemais, after one of the Ptole mies, probably Soter, who could not have failed to see its importance to his dominions in a military point of view. In the wars that ensued between Syria and Egypt, it was taken by Antiochus the Great, and attached to his kingdom. It is mentioned in the wars of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 22, x. 39). On the decay of the Syrian power it was one of the few cities of Judaea which established its inde pendence. Ultimately it passed into the hands of the Romans, who constructed a military road along the coast, from Berytus to Sepphoris, passing through it, and elevated it to the rank of a colony. The only notice of it in the N. T. is in connexion with St. Paul's passage from Tyre to Caesarea (Acts xxi. 7). Few remains of antiquity are to be found in the modern town : the original name has alone survived all the changes to which the place has been exposed. Ac'cos, father of John and grandfather of Eupo- lemus the ambassador from Judas Maccabaeus to Rome (1 Mace. viii. 17). Ac'coz (1 Esd. v. 38). [Koz.] Aceldama, " the field of blood ;" the name given by the Jews of Jerusalem to a " field " near Jerusalem purchased by Judas with the money which he received for the betrayal of Christ, and so called from his violent death therein (Acts i. 19). This is apparently at variance with the account of St. Matthew (xxvii. 8), according to which the "field of blood" was purchased by the priests with the 30 pieces of silver, after they had been cast down by Judas, as a burial-place for strangers, the locality being well known at the time as " the field of the Potter."1 And accordingly ecclesiastical tra dition appeal's, from the earliest times, to have pointed out two distinct spots as referred to in the 1 The prophecy referred to by St. Matthew, Zecha- riali (not Jeremiah) xi. 12, 13, does not in the present state of the Heb. text agree with the quotation of the Evangelist. AOHAIA two accounts. Arculfus saw the "large fig-ti'ee where Judas hanged himself," certainly in a dif ferent place from that of the " small field (Acel dama) where the bodies of pilgrims were buried." Sir John Maundeville found the "elder-tree" of Judas "fast by" the "image of Absalom;" but the Aceldama " on the other side of Mount Sion towards the south." Maundrell's account agrees with this, and so does the large map of Schultz, on which both sites are marked. The Aceldama still retains its ancient position, but the tree of Judas has been transferred to the " Hill of Evil Counsel " (Stanley, S. fy P. 105, 186).— The " field of blood " is now shown on the steep southern face of the valley or ravine of Hinnom, near its eastern end, on a narrow plateau, more than half way up the hillside. Its modern name is Hak ed-damm. It is separated by no enclosure ; a few venerable olive- trees occupy part of it, and the rest is covered by a ruined square edifice — half built, half excavated — which, perhaps originally a church, was in Maun drell's time in use as a charnel-house. It was believed in the middle ages that the soil of this place had the power of very rapidly consuming bodies buried in it, and, in consequence either of this or of the sanctity of the spot, great quantities of the earth were taken away; amongst others by the Pisan Crusaders in 1218 for their Campo Santo at Pisa, and by the Empress Helena for that at Rome. Besides the charnel-house above mentioned, there are several large hollows in the ground in this immediate neighbourhood which may have been caused by such excavations. The forma tion of the hill is cretaceous, and it is well known that chalk is always favourable to the rapid decay of animal matter. Acha'ia signifies, in the N. T., a Roman pro vince, which included the whole of the Pelopon nesus and the greater part of Hellas proper with the adjacent islands. This province, with that of Macedonia, comprehended the whole of Greece : hence Achaia and Macedonia are frequently men tioned together in the N. T. to indicate all Greece (Acts xviii. 12, xix. 21 ; Rom. xv. 26, xvi. 25 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 15 ; 2 Cor. ii. 1, ix. 2, xi. 10 ; 1 Thess. i. 7, 8). A narrow slip of country upon the northern coast of Peloponnesus was originally called Achaia, the cities of which were confederated in an ancient League, which was renewed in B.C. 280 for the purpose of resisting the Macedonians. This League subsequently included several of the other Grecian states, and became the most powerful poli tical body in Greece ; and hence it was natural for the Romans to apply the name of Achaia to the Peloponnesus and the south of Greece, when they took Corinth and destroyed the League in B.C. 146. In the division of the provinces by Augustus between the emperor and the senate in B.C. 27, Achaia was one of the provinces assigned to the senate, and was governed by a proconsul. Tiberius in the second year of his reign (a.d. 16) took it away from the senate, and made it an imperial province governed by a procurator; but Claudius restored it to the senate. This was its condition when Paul was brought before Gallio, who is therefore (Acts xviii. 12) correctly called the " proconsul " of Achaia, which is translated in the A. V. "deputy" of Achaia. Acha'icus, a name of a Christian (1 Cor. xvi. 17, subscription No. 25). A'chan {troubler), an Israelite of the tribe of ACHSAH 11 Judah, who, when Jericho and all that it contained were accursed and devoted to destruction, secreted a portion of the spoil in his tent. For this sin Jehovah punished Israel by their defeat in their attack upon Ai. When Achan confessed his guilt, and the booty was discovered, he was stoned to death with his whole family by the people in a valley situated between Ai and Jericho, and their remains, together with his property, were burnt. From this event the valley received the name of Achor (i. e. trouble). [Achok.] From the simi larity of the name Achan to Achor, Joshua said to Achan, "Why hast thou troubled us? the Lord shall trouble thee this day" (Josh. vii. 25). A'char= Achan (1 Chr. ii. 7). A'chaz=Ahaz, king of Judah (Matt. i. 9). Ach'bor. 1. Father of Baal-hanan, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 49).— 2. Son of Michaiah, a contemporary of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 12, 14 ; Jer. xxvi. 22, xxxvi. 12), called Abdon in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20. Achiach'arus, chief minister at the court of Sarchedonus, or Esarhaddon, king of Nineveh, in the apocryphal history of Tobit (Tob. i. 21, 22, ii. 1 0, xiv. 10). From the occurrence of the name of Aman in the last passage, it has been conjectured that Achiacharus is but the Jewish name of Mor- decai, whose history suggested some points which the author of the book of Tobit worked up into his narrative ; but there is no need to have recourse to such a supposition, as the discrepancies are much more strongly marked than the resemblances. Acbi'as, son of Phinees; high-priest and pro genitor of Esdras (2 Esdr. i. 2), but omitted both in the genealogies of Ezr. and 1 Esd. He is pro bably confounded with Ahijah, the son of Ahitub- and grandson of Eli. A'chim, son of Sadoc, and father of Eliud, in our Lord's genealogy ; the fifth in succession before Joseph, the husband of Mary (Matt. i. 14). The Hebrew form of the name would be Jachin, which is a short form of Jehoiachin, the Lord will esta blish. A'chior, a general of the Ammonites in the army of Holofernes, who is afterwards represented as be coming a proselyte to Judaism (Jud. v. vii. xiii. xiv.). A'chish, a Philistine king of Gath, son of Maoch, who in the title to the 34th Psalm is called Abi melech. David twice found a refuge with him when he fled from Saul. On the first occasion, being recognised by the servants of Achish as one celebrated for his victories over the Philistines, he was alarmed for his safety, and feigned madness (1 Sam. xxi. 10-13). [David.] From Achish he fled to the cave of Adullam. On a second occasion David fled to Achish with 600 men (1 Sam. xxvi. 2), and remained at Gath a year and four months. — Whether Achish, to whom Shimei went in dis obedience to the commands of Solomon (1 K. ii. 40) be the same person is uncertain. Acbi'tob = AMtub, the high-priest (lEsdr. viii.. 2 ; 2 Esdr. i. 1), in the genealogy of Esdras. Acb/metha. [Ecbatana.] A'chor, Valley of =" valley of trouble," accord ing to the etymology of the text ; the spot at which Achan, the " troubler of Israel," was stoned' (Josh. vii. 24, 26). On the N. boundary of Judah (xv. 7 ; also Is. lxv. 10 ; Hos. ii. 15). Aeh'sa (1 Chr. ii. 49). [Achsah.] Ach'sah, daughter of Caleb, the son of Jephun- 12 ACHSHAPH neh the Kenezite. Her father promised her in marriage to whoever should take Debir. Otlmiel, her father's younger brother, took that city, and accordingly received the hand of Acbsah as his reward. Caleb, at his daughter's request, added to her dowry the upper and lower springs, which she had pleaded for as peculiarly suitable to her inheritance in a south country (Josh. xv. 15-19; Stanley's S. fy P. p. 161). The story is repeated in Judg. i. 11-15. Achsah is mentioned again, as being the daughter of Caleb the son of Hezron, in 1 Chr. ii. 49. Ach'shaph, a city within the territory of Asher, named between Beten and Alammelech (Josh. xix. 25) ; originally the seat of a Canaanite king (xi. 1, xii. 20). It is possibly the modern Kesaf, ruins bearing which name were found by Robinson (iii. 55) on the N.W. edge of the Huleh. But more probably the name has survived in Chaifa, a town which, from its situation, must always have been too important to have escaped mention in the his tory, as it otherwise would have done. Ach'zib. 1. A city of Judah in the Shefelah, named with Keilah and Mareshah (Josh. xv. 44 ; Mic. i. 14). It is probably the same with Che- zib and Chozeba, which see. — 2. A town belong ing to Asher (Josh. xix. 29), from which the Ca- naauites were not expelled (Judg. i. 31) ; afterwards Ecdippa. It is now es-Zib, on the sea-shore at the mouth of the Nahr Herdav.il, 2 h. 20 m. N. of Acre (Robinson, iii. 628). After the return from Babylon Achzib was considered by the Jews as the northernmost limit of the Holy Land. A'cipha (1 Esdr. v. 31). [Hakupha.] Ac'itho ( Jud. viii. 1 ; comp. 2 Esdr. i. 1). Acrabat'tme. [Akabattine.] Acts of the Apostles, a second treatise by the author of the third Gospel, traditionally known as Luke (which see). The identity of the writer of both books is strongly shown by their great similarity in style and idiom, and the usage of par ticular words and compound forms. Jt must be confessed to be, at first sight, somewhat surprising that notices of the author are so entirely wanting, not only in the book itself, but also, generally, in the Epistles of St. Paul, whom he must have accompanied for some years on his travels. But our surprise is removed when we notice the habit ¦of the Apostle with regard to mentioning his com panions to have been very various and uncertain, and remember that no Epistles were, strictly speak ing, written by him while our writer was in his company, before his Roman imprisonment ; for he does not seem to have joined him at Corinth (Acts xviii.), where the two Epistles to the Thessalonians were written, nor to have been with him at Ephesus (ch. xix.), whence, perhaps, the Epistle to the Ga latians was written ; nor again to have wintered with him at Corinth (ch. xx. 3) at the time of his writing the Epistle to tho Romans, and, perhaps, that to the Galatians. — The book commences with an inscription to one Theophilus, who was probably a man of birth and station. But its design must not be supposed to be limited to the edification of Theophilus, whose name is prefixed only, as was •customary then as now, by way of dedication. The readers were evidently intended to be the members of the Christian Church, whether Jews or Gentiles ; for its contents are such as are of the utmost conse quence to the whole Church. They are The fidfil- ¦ment of the promise of the Father by the descent of ACTS OF THE APOSTLES the Holy Spirit, and the results of that outpouring, by the dispersion of the Gospel among Jews and Gentiles. Under these leading heads all the per sonal and subordinate details may be ranged. Im mediately after the Ascension, St-: Peter, the first of the Twelve, designated by our Lord as the Rock on whom the Church was to be built, the holder of the keys of the kingdom, becomes the prime actor under God in the founding of the Church. He is the centre of the first great group of sayings and doings. The opening of the door to Jews (ch. ii.) and Gentiles (ch. x.) is his office, and by him, in good time, is accomplished. But none of the existing twelve Apostles were, humanly speaking, fitted to preach the Gospel to the cultivated Gentile world. To be by divine grace the spiritual conqueror of Asia and Europe, God raised up another instru ment, from amoug the highly-educated and zealous Pharisees. The preparation of Saul of Tarsus for the work to be done, the progress, in his hand, of that work, his journeyings, preachings, and perils, his stripes and imprisonments, his testifying in Jerusalem and being brought to testify in Rome, — these are the subjects of the latter half of the book, of which the great central figure is the Apostle Paul.- — As to the time when, and place at which the book was written, we are left to gather them entirely from indirect notices. It seems most pro bable that the place of writing was Rome, and the time about two years from the date of St. Paul's arrival there, as related in ch. xxviii. 30. Had any considerable alteration in the Apostle's circum stances taken place before the pubhcation, there can be no reason why it should not have been noticed. And on other accounts also this time was by far the most likely for the publication of the book. The arrival in Rome was an important period in the Apostle's life: the quiet which succeeded it seemed to promise no immediate determination of his cause. A large amount of historic material had been collected in Judaea, and during the various missionary journeys. Or, taking another and not less probable view, Nero was beginning to undergo that change for the worse which disgraced the latter portion of his reign : none could tell how soon the whole outward repose of Roman society might he shaken, and the tacit toleration which the Chris tians enjoyed be exchanged for bitter persecution. If such terrors were imminent, there would surely be in the Roman Church prophets and teacheiy who might tell them of the storm which was ga thering, and warn them, that the records lying ready for publication must be given to the faithful before its outbreak or event.- — Such a priori consi derations would, it is true, weigh but little against presumptive evidence furnished by the book itself; but arrayed , as they are, in aid of such evidence, they carry some weight, when we find that the time naturally and fairly indicated in the book itself for its publication is that one of all others at which we should conceive that publication most likely. — This would give us for the publication the year 63 A.D., according to the most probable assignment of the date of the arrival of St. Paul at Rome. — The genuine ness of the Acts of the Apostles has ever been recognised in the Church. It is first directly quoted in the epistle of the churches of Lyons and Vienne to those of Asia and Phrygia (a.d. 177) ; then re peatedly and expressly by Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, and so onwards. It was rejected by the Marcionites (cent, iii.) and Maui- AOTJA chaeans (cent, iv.) as contradicting some of their notions. — The text of the Acts of the Apostles is very full of various readings ; more so than any other book of the N. T. To this several causes may have contributed. In the many backward re ferences to Gospel history, and the many anticipa tions of statements and expressions occurring in the Epistles, temptations abounded for a corrector to try his hand at assimilating, and, as he thought, reconciling, the various accounts. In places where ecclesiastical order or usage was in question, inser tions or omissions were made to suit the habits and views of the Church in after times. Where the narrative simply related facts, any act or word apparently unworthy of the apostolic agent was modified for the sake of decorum. Where St. Paul repeats to different audiences, or the writer himself narrates, the details of his miraculous conversion, the one passage was pieced from the other, so as to produce verbal accordance. There are in this book an unusual number of those remarkable interpola tions of considerable length, which are found in the Codex Bezae (D) and its cognates. A critic of some eminence, Bornemaiin, believes that the text of the Acts originally contained them all, and has been abbreviated by correctors ; and he has published an edition in which they are inserted in full. But, while some of them bear an appearance of genuine ness, the greater part are unmeaning and absurd. Ac'ua = Akkub (1 Esdr. v. 30 ; cf. Ezr. ii. 45). A'cub=Bakbuk (1 Esdr. v. 31 ; cf. Ezr. ii. 51). Ad'adah, one of the cities in the extreme south of Judah named with Dimonah and Kedesh (Josh. xv. 22). A'dah {ornament, beauty). 1. The first of the two wives of Lamech, fifth in descent from Cain, by whom were born to him Jabal and Jubal (Gen. iv. 19). — 2. A Hittitess, daughter of Elon, one of the three wives of Esau, mother of his first-born son Eliphaz, and so the ancestress of six (or seven) of the tribes of the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 10 ff. 15 ff.). In Gen. xxvi. 34 she is called Bashe- math. Adai'ah. 1. Maternal grandfather of king Jo- siah, and native of Boscath in the lowlands of Judah (2 K. xxii. 1).— 2. A Levite, of the Gersh- onite branch, and ancestor of Asaph (1 Chr. vi. 41). In v. 21 he is called Iddo.— 3. A Benjamite, son of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 21), who is apparently the same as Shema in v. 13.— 4. A priest, son of Je- horam (1 Chr. ix. 12 ; Neh. xi. 12).— 5. Ancestor of Maaseiah, one of the captains who supported Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). — 6. One of the descend ants of Bani who had married a foreign wife after the return from Babylon (Ezr. x. 29). He is called Jedeus in 1 Esdr. ix. 30. — 7. The descendant of another Bani, who had also taken a foreign wife (Ezr. i. 39).— 8. A man of Judah, of the line of Pharez (Nell. xi. 5). Adal'ia, fifth son of Hainan (Esth. ix. 8). Ad'am, the name which is given in Scripture to the first man. The term apparently has refer ence to the ground from which he was formed, which is called in Hebrew Adamah. The idea of redness of colour seems to be inherent in either word. The creation of man was the work of the sixth day. His formation was the ultimate object of the Creator. It was with reference to him that all things were designed. He was to be the "roof and crown " of the whole fabric of the world. In the first nine chapters of Genesis there appear to be ADAM 13 three distinct histories relating more cr less to the life of Adam. The first extends from Gen. i. 1 to ii. 3, the second from ii. 4 to iv. 26, the third from v. 1 to the end of ix. The word at the commence ment of the two latter narratives, which is rendered there and elsewhere generations, may also be ren dered history. The style of the second of these records differs very considerably from that of the fii'st. In the first the Deity is designated by the word Elohim ; in the second He is generally spoken of as Jehovah Elohim. The object of the first of these narratives is to record the creation ; that of the second to give an account of paradise, the original sin of man, and the immediate posterity of Adam; the third contains mainly the history of Noah, re ferring, it would seem, to Adam and his descendants principally in relation to that patriarch. — The Mosaic accounts furnish us with very few materials from which to form any adequate conception of the first man. He is said to have been created in the image and likeness of God, which probably points to the Divine pattern and archetype after which man's intelligent nature was fashioned ; reason, understanding, imagination, volition, &c. being at tributes of God ; and man alone of the animals of the earth being possessed of a spiritual nature which resembles God's nature. The name Adam was not confined to the father of the human race, but like homo was applicable to woman as well as man, so that we find it said in Gen. v. 1, 2, " This is the book of the ' history ' of Adam in the day that God created 'Adam,' in the likeness of God made He him, male and female created he them, and called their name Adam in the day when they were created." — The man Adam was placed in a garden which the Lord God had planted " eastward in Eden," for the purpose of dressing it and keeping it. [Eden.] Adam was permitted to eat of the fruit of every tree in the garden but one, which was called the " tree of the knowledge of good and evil." What this was, it is impossible to say. Its name would seem to indicate that it had the power of bestowing the consciousness of the difference be tween good and evil; in the ignorance of which man's innocence and happiness consisted. The pro hibition to taste the fruit of this tree was enforced by the menace of death. There was also another tree which was called "the tree of life." Some suppose it to have acted as a kind of medicine, and that by the continual use of it our first parents, not created immortal, were preserved from death. (Abp. Whately.) While Adam was in the garden of Eden the beasts of the field and the fowls of the air were brought to him to be named, and whatsoever he called every living creature that was the name thereof. Thus the power of fitly designating objects of sense was possessed by the first man, a faculty which is generally considered as indicating mature and extensive intellectual resources. Upon the failure of a companion suitable for Adam among the crea tures thus brought to him to be named, the Lord God caused a deep sleep to fall upon him, and took one of his ribs from him, which He fashioned into a woman and brought her to the man. At this time they are both described as being naked without the consciousness of shame. — Such is the Scripture account of Adam prior to the Fall. The fii'st man is a true man, with the powers of a man and the innocence of a child. He is moreover spoken of by St. Paul as being " the figure of Him that was to come," the second Adam, Christ Jesus (Rom. v. 14 ADAM 14). By the subtlety of the serpent, the woman who was given to be with Adam was beguiled into a violation of the one command which had been imposed upon them. She took of the fruit of the forbidden tree and gave it to her husband. The propriety of its name was immediately shown in the results which followed: self-consciousness was the first-fruits of sin ; their eyes were opened and they knew that they were naked. Though the curse of Adam's rebellion of necessity fell upon him, yet the very prohibition to eat of the tree of life after his transgression was probably a mani festation of Divine mercy, because the greatest malediction of all would have been to have the gift of indestructible life superadded to a state of wretch edness and sin. — Adam is stated to have Uved 930 years : so it would seem that the death which re sulted from his sin was the spiritual death of alien ation from God. " In the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die :" and accordingly we find that this spiritual death began to work imme diately. — The sons of Adam mentioned in Scripture are Cain, Abel, and Seth: it is implied, however, that he had others. Ad'am, a city on the Jordan " beside Zaretan," in the time of Joshua (Josh. iii. 16). It is not ¦elsewhere mentioned. Ad'amah, one of the " fenced cities " of Naph- tali, named between Chinnereth and ha-Ramah (Josh. xix. 36). It was probably situated to the N.W. of the Sea of Galilee, but no trace of it has yet been discovered. Adamant, the translation of the Hebrew word Shamir in Ez. iii. 9 and Zech. vii. 12. In Jer. xvii. 1 it is translated " diamond." In these three passages the word is the representative of some stone of excessive hardness, and is used meta phorically. Our English Adamant is derived from the Greek, and signifies " the unconquerable," in allusion perhaps to the hard nature of the substance indicated, because it was supposed to be inde structible by fire. The Greek writers generally apply the word to some very hard metal, perhaps steel, though they do also use it for a mineral. Nor does the English language attach any one definite meaning to Adamant ; sometimes indeed we under stand the diamond l by it, but the term is often used vaguely to express any substance of im penetrable hardness. That some hard cutting stone is intended in the Bible is evident from the passage in Jeremiah (xvii. 1) : — " The sin of Judah is writ ten with a pen of iron and with the point of a diamond." Since the Hebrews appear to have been unacquainted with the true diamond, it is very probable, from the expression in Ez. iii. 9, of " adamant harder than flint," that by Shdmlr is intended some variety of Corundum, a mineral inferior only to the diamond in hardness. Of this mineral there are two principal groups — one is crystalline, the other granular ; to the crystalline varieties belong the indigo-blue sapphire, the red oriental ruby, the yellow oriental topaz, the green oriental emerald, the violet oriental amethyst, the brown adamantine spar. But it is to the granular or massive variety that the Shamir may with most probability be assigned. This is known by the name of Emery, which is extensively used in the ADDER arts for polishing and cutting gems and other hard substances. The Greek name for the emery-stone or the emery-powder is Smyris or Smtrts. .and the Hebrew lexicographers derive this word from the Hebrew Shamir. There seems to be no doubt whatever that the Hebrew and Greek words are identical, and that by Adamant we are to under stand the emery-stone, or the un-crystalline variety of the Corundum of mineralogists. Ad'ami, a place on the border of Naphtali, mentioned after Allon Bezaanannim (Josh. xix. 33). In the post-biblical times Adami bore the name of Damin. Ad'ar, a place on the south boundary of Palestine and of Judah (Josh. xv. 3), which in the parallel list is called Hazak-ADDAR. A'dar. [Months.] Ad'asa, a place in Judaea, a day's journey from Gazera, and 30 stadia from Bethhoron (Jos. Ant. xii. 10, §5). Here Judas Maccabaeus encamped before the battle in which Nicanor was killed, Nicanor having pitched at Bethhoron (1 Mace. vii. 40,45). Ad'beel, a son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), and probably the progenitor of an Arab tribe. Ad'dan, one of the places from which some of the captivity returned with Zerubbabel to Judaea who could not show their pedigree as Israelites (Ezr. ii. 59). In the parallel lists of Nehemiah (vii. 61) and Esdras the name is ADDON and Aalak. Ad'dar, son of Bela (1 Chr. viii. 3), called Aed in Num. xxvi. 40. Adder. This word is used for any poisonous snake, and is applied in this general sense by the translators of the A. V. They use in a similar way the synonymous term asp. The word adder occurs five times in the text of the A. V. (see below), and three times in the margin as synonymous with- cockatrice, viz. Is. xi. 8, xiv. 29, lix. 5. It repre sents four Hebrew words :— 1. Acshub is found only in Ps. cxl. 3 : " They have sharpened their tongues like a serpent, adder's poison is under their Ups. 1 Our English diamond is merely a corruption of adamant. Cf, the French, diamante, and German demant. rr1-* Toxicoa of Egypt. The latter half of this verse is quoted by St. Paul from the LXX. in Rom. iii. 13. The poison of venomous serpents is often employed by the sacred writers, in a figurative sense, to express the evil ADDI tempers of ungodly men. — The number of poisonous serpents with which the Jews were acquainted was in all probability limited to some five or six species [Sebpent] ; and as there are reasonable grounds for identifying Pethen and Shephiphon with two well-known species, viz. the Egyptian Cobra and the Horned Viper, it is not improbable that the Acshub may be represented by the Toxicoa of Egypt and North Africa. At any rate it is unlikely that the Jews should have been unacquainted with this species, which is common in Egypt and probably in Syria: the Eehis arenicola, therefore, for such is this adder's scientific name, may be identical, as in name so in reality, with the animal signified by the Hebrew Aeshib.— 2. Pethen. [Asp.]— 3. Tsepha, or Tsiphoni, occurs five times in the Hebrew Bible. In Prov. xxiii. 32 it is translated adder, and in Is. xi. 8, xiv. 29, lix. 5, Jer. viii. 17, it is rendered cockatrice. From Jeremiah we learn that it was of a hostile nature, and from the parallelism of Is. xi. 8 it appears that the Tsiphoni was considered even more dreadful than the Pethen. It is possible that the Tsiphoni may be represented by the Al- geriue adder {Clotho mduritanica), but it must be confessed that this is mere conjecture.— 4. Shephi phon occurs only in Gen. xlix. 17, where it is used to characterise the tribe of Dan : " Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an adder in the path, that biteth the horse's heels, so that his rider shall fall backward." The habit of lurking in the sand and biting at the horse's heels, here alluded to, suits the character of a well-known species of venomous snake, and helps us to identify it with the cele- ADONI-BEZEK 15 Horned Cerastes. brated homed viper, the asp of Cleopatra {Cerastes Hasselquistii), which is found abundantly in the dry sandy deserts of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia.— The Cerastes is extremely venomous ; Bruce com pelled a specimen to scratch eighteen pigeons upon the thigh as quickly as possible, and they all died nearly in the same interval of time. This species averages from 12 to 15 inches in length, but occa sionally larger individuals are found. Ad'di. 1. (Luke iii. 28) Son of Cosam, and father of Melchi, in our Lord's genealogy ; the third above Salathiel.— 2. The name occurs in a very • corrupt verse of 1 Esd. ix. 31, and has apparently no equivalent in Ezr. x. Aa'do=Iddo (1 Esd. vi. 1). Ad'don. [Addan.] Ad'dus. 1. The sons of Addus are enumerated among the sons of the servants of Solomon in 1 Esd. v. 34 ; but the name does not occur in Ezr. ii. or Neh. vii.— 2. A priest, whose descendants, according to 1 Esd., were unable to establish their ¦ genealogy in the time of Ezra, and were removed from their priesthood (l Esd. v. 38). He is there said to have married Augia, the daughter of Ber- zelus, or Barzillai. In Ezra and Nehemiah he is called by his adopted name Barzillai, and it is not clear whether Addus represents his original name or is a mere corruption. A'der, aBenjamite, son of Beriah, chief of the inhabitants of Aijalon (1 Chr. viii. 15). The name is more correctly Eder. Ad'ida, a town on an eminence overlooking the low couutry of Judah, fortified by Simon Macca- baeus in his wars with Tryphon (1 Mace. xii. 38, xiii. 13). Probably identical with Hadid and Adithaim (which see). A'diel. 1. A prince of the tribe of Simeon, descended from the prosperous family of Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). He took part in the murderous raid made by his tribe upon the peaceable Hamite shepherds of the valley of Gedor in the reign of Hezekiah.— 2. A priest, ancestor of Maasiai (1 Chr. ix. 12).— 3. Ancestor of Azmaveth, David's trea surer (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). A' din, ancestor of a family who returned with Zerubbabel, to the number of 454 (Ezr. ii. 15), or 655 according to the parallel list in Neh. vii. 20. Fifty-one more accompanied Ezra in the second caravan from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 6). They joined with Nehemiah in a covenant to separate them selves from the heathen (Neh. x. 16). Ad'ina, one of David's captains beyond the Jordan, and a chief of the Reubenites (1 Chr. xi. 42). According to the A. V. and the Syr. he had the command of thirty men ; but the passage should be rendered " and over him were thirty," i. e. the thirty before enumerated were his superiors, just as Benalah (1 Chr. xxvii.) was " above the thirty." Adi'no, the Eznite, 2 Sam. xxiii. 8. See Jashobeam. Adinus = Jamin, the Levite (1 Esd. ix. 48; cf. Neh. viii. 7). Aditha'im, a town belonging to Judah, lying in the low country {Shefelah), and named, between Sharaim and hag-Gederah, in Josh. xv. 36 only. At a later time the name appears to have been changed to Hadid (Chadid) and Adida. Adjuration. [Exorcism.] Adlai, ancestor of Shaphat, the overseer of David's herds that fed in the broad valleys (1 Chr. xxvii. 29). Ad'mah, one of the " cities of the plain," always coupled with Zeboim (Gen. x. 19, xiv. 2, 8 ; Deut. xxix. 23 ; Hos. xi. 8). It had a king of its own. Ad'matha, one of the seven princes of Persia (Esth. i. 14). Ad'na. 1. One of the family of Pahath-Moab who returned with Ezra and married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 30).— 2. A priest, descendant of Harim in the days of Joiakim, the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 15). Ad'nah. 1. A Manassite who deserted from Saul and joined the fortunes of David on his road to Ziklag from the camp of the Philistines. He was captain of a thousand of his tribe, and fought at David's side in the pursuit of the Amalekites (1 Chr. xii. 20).— 2. The captain over 300,000 men of Judah who were in Jehoshaphat's army (2 Chr. xvii. 14). Ado'ni-Be'zek {lord of Bezeh), king ofBezek, a city of the Canaanites. [Bezek.] This chieftain was vanquished by the tribe of Judah 16 ADONIJAH (Judg. i. 3-7), who cut off his thumbs and great toes, and brought him prisoner to Jerusalem, where he died. He confessed that he had inflicted the same cruelty upon seventy petty kings whom he had conquered. Adonijah (my Lord is Jehovah). 1. The fourth son of David by Haggith, born at Hebron, while his father was king of Judah (2 Sam. iii. 4), After the death of his three brothers, Amnon, Chileab, and Absalom, he became eldest son ; and when his father's strength was visibly declining, put forward his pretensions to the crown. David promised Bathsheba that her son Solomon should inherit the succession (1 K. i. 30), for there was no absolute claim of primogeniture in these Eastern monarchies. Adonijah's cause was espoused by Abi athar and Joab, the famous commander of David's army. [Joab.] His name and influence secured a .targe number of followers among the captains of the royal army belonging to the tribe of Judah (comp. 1 K. i, 9 and 25) ; and these, together with all the princes except Solomon, were entertained by Ado nijah at a great sacrificial feast held " by the stone Zoheleth, which is by En-rogel." [Enrogel.] Nathan and Bathsheba, now thoroughly alarmed, apprised David of these proceedings, who immedi ately gave orders that Solomon should be conducted on the royal mule in solemn procession to Gihon, a spring on the W. of Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxxii. 30). [Gihon.] Here he was anointed and proclaimed king by Zadok, and joyfully recognised by the people. This decisive measure struck terror into the opposite party, and Adonijah tied to sanctuary, but was pardoned by Solomon on condition that he should " show himself a worthy man," with the threat that " if wickedness were found in him he should die " (i. 52). The death of David quickly followed on these events ; and Adonijah begged Bttthsheba, who as " king's mother " would now have special dignity and influence [Asa], to procure Solomon's consent to his marriage with Abishag, who had been the wife of David in his old age (1 K. i. 3). This was regarded as equivalent to a fresh attempt on the throne [ABSALOM ; Abner] ; and therefore Solomon ordered him to be put to death by Benaiah, in accordance with the terms of his previous pardon.— 2. A Levite in the reign of ¦ Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8).— 3. (Neh. x. 16). [Adonikam.] Adoni'kam. The sons of Adonikam, 666 in number, were among those who returned from Baby lon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 13; Neh. vii. 18; 1 Esd. v. 14). In the last two passages the num ber is 667. The remainder of the family returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13 ; 1 Esd. viii. 39). The name is given as Adonijah in Neh. x. 16. Adoni'ram (1 K. iv, 6 ; by an unusual con traction Adoram, 2 Sam. xx. 24, and 1 K. xii. 18 ; also Hadoram, 2 Chr. j. 18), chief receiver of the tribute during the reigns of David (2 Sam. xx. 24), Solomon (1 K. iv. 6), and Rehoboam (1 K. xii. 18). This last monarch sent him to collect the tribute from the rebellious Israelites, by whom he was stoned to death. Ado'ni-Ze'dek (lord of justice), the Amorite king of Jerusalem who organised a league with four other Amorite princes against Joshua. The con federate kings having laid siege to Gibeon, Joshua marched to the relief of his new allies and put the besiegers to flight. The five kings took refuge in a cave at Makkedah, whence they were taken and ADORATION slain, their bodies hung on trees, and then buried in the place of their concealment (Josh. x. 1-27). [Joshua.] Adoption, an expression metaphorically used by St. Paul in reference to the present and pro spective privileges of Christians (Rom. viii. 15, 23 ; Gal. iv. 5 ; Eph. i. 5). He probably alludes to the Roman custom of adoption, by which a person, not having children of his own, might adopt as his son one born of other parents. The effect of it was that the adopted child was entitled to the name and sacra privata of his new father, and ranked as his heir-at-law : while the lather on his part was entitled to the property of the son, and exercised towards him all the rights and privileges of a father. In short the relationship was to all intents and purposes the same as existed between a natural father and son. The selection of a person to be adopted implied a decided preference and love on the part of the adopter : and St. Paul aptly trans fers the well-known feelings and customs connected with the act- to illustrate the position of the Chris tianised Jew or Gentile. The Jews themselves were unacquainted with the process of adoption: indeed it would have been inconsistent with the regulations of the Mosaic law affecting the inherit ance of property : the instances occasionally adduced as referring to the custom (Gen. xv. 3, xvi. 2, xxx. 5-9) are evidently not cases of adoption proper. Ado'ra or A'dor. [Adoraim.] Adoraim, a fortified city built by Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 9), in Judah, apparently in or near the Shefelah, since, although omitted from the lists in Josh, xv., it is by Josephus almost uniformly coupled with Mareshah, which was certainly situated there. Adoraim is probably the same place with Adora (1 Mace. xiii. 20), unless that be Dor, on the sea- coast below Carmel. Robinson identifies it with Dura, a " large village" on a rising ground west of Hebron (ii, 215). Ado'ram. [Adoniram ; Hadoram, 3.] Adoration. The acts and postures by which the Hebrews expressed adoration bear a great similarity to those still in use among Oriental nations. To rise up and suddenly prostrate the Adoration. Ancient Egyptian. (Wilkinson.) body was the most simple method ; but, generally speaking, the prostration was conducted in a more formal manner, the person falling upon the knee and then gradually inclining the body until the forehead touched the ground. Such prostration was usual in the worship of Jehovah (Gen. xvii. 3 ; Ps. xcv. 6). But it was by no means exclusively used for that purpose ; it was the formal mode of re ceiving visitors (Gen. xviii. 2), of doing obeisance to one of superior station (2 Sam. xiv. 4), and of showing respect to equals (1 K. ii. 19). Occasionally it was repeated three times (1 Sam. xx. 41), and ADRAMMELECH even serai times (Gen. xxxiii. 3). It was accom panied by such acts as a kiss (Ex. xviii. 7), laying hold of the knees or feet of the person to whom the adoration was paid (Matt, xxviii. 9), and kissing the ground on which he stood (Ps. lxxii. 9 ; Mic. vii. 17). Similar adoration was paid to idols f 1 K. xix. 18) : sometimes however prostration was omitted, and the act consisted simply in kissing the hand to the object of reverence (Job xxxi. 27), and in kissing the statue itself (Hos. xiii. 2). The same customs prevailed at the time of our Saviour's ministry, as appeal's not only from the numerous occasions on which they were put in practice towards Himself, but also from the parable of the unmerciful servant (Matt, xviii. 26), and from Cornelius's reverence to St. Peter (Acts x. 25), in which case it was objected to by the Apostle, as implying a higher degree of superiority than he was entitled to, especially as coming from a Roman, to whom prostration was not usual. ADULLAM r, Adoration. Modem Egyptian. (Lane.) Adram'melech. 1. The name of an idol introduced into Samaria by the colonists from Sepharvaim (2 Iv. xvii. 31). He was worshipped with rites resembling those of Molech, children being burnt in his honour. The first part of the word probably means fire. Sir H. Kawlinson regards Adram- melech as the male power of the sun, and Anam- melech, who is mentioned with Adrammelech as a companion-god, as the female power of the sun (Rawlinson's Herodotus, i. 611). —2. Son of the Assyrian king Sennacherib, whom, in conjunction with his brother Sharezer, he murdered in the temple of Nisroch at Nineveh, after the failure of the As syrian attack on Jerusalem. The parricides escaped into Armenia (2 K. xix. 37; 2 Chr. xxxii. 21 ; Is. xxxvii. 38). The date of this event was B.C. 680. Adramyt'tiuin, a seaport in the province of Asia [Asia], situated in the district anciently called Aeolis, and also Mysia (see Acts xvi. 7). Adramyttium gave, and still gives, its name to a deep gulf on this coast, opposite to the opening of which is the island of Lesbos. [MlTYLENis.] St. Paul was never at Adramyttium, except perhaps during his second missionary journey, on his way from Galatia to Troas (Acts xvi.), and it has no Biblical interest, except as illustrating his voyage from Caesarea in a ship belonging to this place (Acts xxvii. 2). Ships of Adramyttium must have been frequent on this coast, for it was a place of considerable. traffic. It lay on the great Roman road between Assos, Troas, and the Hellespont on one side, and Pergamus, Ephesus, and Miletus on the other, and was connected by similar roads with the interior of the country. The modern Adramyti Con. D. B. is a poor village, but it is still a place of some trade and shipbuilding. A'dria, more properly A'drias. It is im portant to fix the meaning of this word as used in Acts xxvii. 27. The word seems to have been derived from the town of Adria, near the Po ; and at first it denoted the part of the gulf of Venice which is in that neighbourhood. Afterwards the signification of the name was extended, so as to embrace the whole of that gulf. Subsequently it obtained a much wider extension, and in the apostolic age denoted that natural division of the Mediterranean which Humboldt names the Syrtic basin (see Acts xxvii. 17), and which had the coasts of Sicily, Italy, Greece, and Africa for its boundaries. This definition is explicitly given by almost a contemporary of St. Paul, the geographer Ptolemy, who also says that Crete is bounded on the west by Adrias. Later writers state that Malta divides the Adriatic sea from the Tyrrhenian sea, and the isthmus of Corinth the Aegean from the Adriatic. Thus the ship in which Josephus started for Italy about the time of St. Paul's voyage foundered in Adrias {Life, 3), and there he was picked up by a ship from Cyrene and taken to Puteoli (see Acts xxviii. 13). It is through igno rance of these facts, or through the want of attend ing to them, that writers have drawn an argument from this geographical term in favour of the false view which places the apostle's shipwreck in the Gulf of Venice. [Melita.] A'driel, a son of Barzillai the Meholathite, to whom Saul gave his daughter Merab, although he had previously promised her to David (1 Sam. xviii. 19). His five sons were amongst the seven descendants of Saul whom David surrendered to the Gibeonites (2 Sam. xxi. 8) in satisfaction for the endeavours of Saul to extirpate them, although the Israelites had originally made a league with them (Josh. ix. 15). In 2 Sam. xxi. they are called the sons of Michal ; but as Michal had no children (2 Sam. vi. 23), the A. V., in order to surmount the difficulty, erroneously translates the Hebrew word "brought up" instead of " bare." The margin also gives " the sister of Michal " for " Michal." Probably the error is due to some early transcriber. A'duel, a Naphthalite, ancestor of Tobit (Tob.i. 1). Adullam, Apocr. Odollam, a city of Judah in the lowland of the Shefelah, Josh. xv. 35 (comp. Gen. xxxviii. 1, "Judah went down," and Micah i. 15, where it is named With Mareshah and Achzib) ; the seat of a Canaanite king (Josh. xii. 15), and evidently a place of great antiquity (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12, 20) : fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chron. xi. 7), one of the towns reoccupied by the Jews after their return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 30), and still a city in the times of the Macca bees (2 Mace. xii. 38). — The site of Adullam has not yet been identified, but from the mention of it in the passages quoted above in proximity with other known towns of the Shefelah, it is likely that it was near Deir Dvhban, 5 or 6 miles N. of Eleutheropolis. The limestone cliffs of the whole of that locality are pierced with extensive excava tions, some one of which is doubtless the " cave of Adullam," the refuge of David (1 Sam. xxii. 1 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 13 ; 1 Chr. xi. 15). Monastic tradi tion places the cave at Khureitun, at the south end of the Wady Urtas, between Bethlehem and the Dead Sea. C 18 ADTJLLAMITE Adul'lamite, a native of Adullam (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12, 20). Adultery. The parties to this crime were a married woman and a man who was not her hus band. The toleration of polygamy, indeed, renders it nearly impossible to make criminal a similar ofFence committed by a married man with- a woman not his wife. In the patriarchal period the sanc tity of man-iage is noticeable from the history of Abraham, who fears, not that his wife will be seduced from him, but that he may be killed for her sake, and especially from the scruples ascribed to Pharaoh and Abimelech (Gen. xii., xx.). The woman's punishment, as commonly amongst eastern nations, was no doubt capital, and probably, as iu the case of Tamar's unchastity, death by fire (xxxviii. 24). The Mosaic penalty was that both the guilty parties should be stoned, and it applied as well to the betrothed as to the married woman, provided she were free (Deut. xxii. 22-24). A bondwoman so offending was to be scourged, and the man was to make a trespass offering (Lev. xix. 20-22). — The system of inheritances, on which the polity of Moses was based, was threatened with confusion by the doubtful offspring caused by this crime, and this secured popular sympathy on the side of morality until a far advanced stage of cor ruption was reached. It is probable that, when that territorial basis of polity passed away — as it did after the captivity — and when, owing to Gentile example, the man-iage tie became a looser bond of union, public feeling in regard to adultery changed, and the penalty of death was seldom or never inflicted. Thus, in the case of the woman brought under our Lord's notice (John viii.), it is likely that no one then thought of stoning her in fact, though there remained the written law ready for the purpose of the caviller. It is likely also that a divorce, in which the adulteress lost her dower and rights of maintenance, &c, was the usual remedy, suggested by a wish to avoid scandal and the excitement of commiseration for crime. The expres sion in St. Matthew (i. 19) "to make her a public example," probably means to bring the case before the local Sanhedrim, which was the usual course, but which Joseph did not propose to take, pre ferring repudiation, because that could be managed privately. — Concerning the famous trial by the waters of jealousy (Num. v. 11-29), it has been questioned whether a husband was, in case of certain facts, bound to adopt it. The more likely view is, that it was meant as. a relief to the vehemence of implacable jealousy to which Orientals appear prone, but which was not consistent with the laxity of the nuptial tie prevalent in the period of the New Testament. The ancient strictness of that tie gave room for a more intense feeling ; and in that intensity probably arose this strange custom, which no doubt Moses found prevailing and deeply seated, and which is said to be paralleled by a form of ordeal called the "red water" in Western Africa. The forms of Hebrew justice all tended to limit the application of this test. 1. By prescribing certain facts presumptive of guilt, to be established on oath by two witnesses, or of preponderating but not conclusive testimony to the fact of the woman's adultery. 2. By technical rules of evidence which made proof of those presumptive facts difficult. 3. By exempting certain large classes of women (all indeed, except a pure Israelitess man'ied to a pure Israelite, and some even of chem) from the AGABTJS liability. 4. By providing that the trial could* only be before the great Sanhedrim. 5. By invest ing it with a ceremonial at once humiliating and- intimidating, yet which still harmonised with the- spirit of the whole ordeal as recorded in Num. v. But, 6. Above all, by the conventional and even mercenary light in which the nuptial contract was latterly regarded. — When adultery ceased to be capital, as no doubt it did, and divorce became a matter of mere convenience, it would be absurd to suppose that this trial was continued. And when adultery became common, as the Jews them selves confess, it would have been impious to expect the miracle which it supposed. If ever the Sanhedrim were driven by force of circumstances- to adopt this trial, no doubt every effort was used, nay, was prescribed to overawe the culprit and induce confession. Besides, however, the intimida tion of the woman, the man was likely to feel the- public exposure of his suspicions odious and repul sive. Divorce was a ready and quiet remedy. Adum'mim, "the going up to" or "of" = the " pass of the red ; " one of the landmarks of the boundary of Benjamin, a rising ground or pass "over against Gilgal," and "on the south side- of the 'ton-ent'" (Josh. xv. 7, xviii. 17), which is the position still occupied by the road leading up from Jericho and the Jordan valley to Jeru salem, on the south face of the gorge of the Wady Kelt. Jerome ascribes the name to the blood shed there by the robbers who infested the pass in his day, as they do still, and as they did in the days of our Lord, of whose parable of the Good Samaritan this is the scene. But the name is doubtless of a date and significance far more remote, and is probably derived from some tribe of " red men " of the earliest inhabitants of the country. Aedi'as, 1 Esdr. ix. 27. Probably a corruption of Eliah. Ae'gypt [Egypt.] Aene'as, a paralytic at Lydda, healed by St. Peter (Acts ix. 33, 34). Ae'non, a place "near to Salim," at which John baptized (John iii. 23). It was evidently west of the Jordan (comp. iii. 22, with 26, and with i. 28), and abounded in water. This is indi cated by the name, which is merely a Greek version of a Chaldee word, signifying " springs." Aenon is given in the Onomasticon as 8 miles south of Scythopolis "near Salem and the Jordan." Dr. Robinson's careful search, on his second visit, how ever, failed to discover any trace either of name or remains in that locality. But a Sdlim has been found by him to the east of and close to Nabulvs, where there are two very copious springs. This position agrees with the requirements of Gen. xxxiii. 18. [Salem.] In favour of its distance from the Jordan is the consideration that, if close by the river, the Evangelist would hardly have drawn attention to the "much water" there. — The latest writer on Jerusalem, Dr. Barclay, reports the dis covery of Aenon at Wady Farah, a secluded valley about 5 miles to the N.E. of Jerusalem, running into the great Wady Foicar immediately above Je richo. But it requires more examination than it has yet received. Aera. [Chronology.] Aethio'pia. [Ethiopia.] Affinity. [Mabriage.] Ag'aba, 1 Esdr. v. 30. [Hagae.] Ag'abus, a Christian prophet in the apostolic AGAG age, mentioned in Acts xi. 28 and xxi. 10. He predicted (Acts xi. 28) that a famine would take place in the reign of Claudius " throughout all the world." This expression may take a narrower or a wider sense, either of which confirms the prediction. As Greek and Roman writers used " the world " of the Greek and the Roman world, so a Jewish writer could use it naturally of the Jewish world or Palestine. Ancient writers give no account of any universal famine in the reign of Claudius, but they speak of several local famines which were severe in particular countries. Josephus mentions one which prevailed at that time in Judaea, and swept away many of the inhabitants. This, in all probability, is the famine to which Agabus refers in Acts xi. 28. The chronology admits of this supposition. Accord ing to Josephus, the famine which he describes took place when Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius Alexander were procurators ; i. e. it may have begun about the close of A.D. 44, and lasted three or four years. Fadus was sent into Judaea on the death of Agrippa, which occui-red in A.D. 44. If we attach the wider sense to " world," the prediction may import that a famine should take place throughout the Roman empire during the reign of Claudius (the year is not specified), and not that it should prevail in all parts at the same time. We find mention of three other famines during the reign of Claudius : one in Greece, and two in Rome. A'gag, possibly the title of the kings of Ama lek, like Pharaoh of Egypt. One king of this name is mentioned in Num. xxiv. 7, and another in 1 Sam. xv. 8, 9, 20, 32. The latter was the king of the Amalekites, whom Saul spared, together with the best of the spoil, although it was the well- known will of Jehovah that the Amalekites should he extirpated (Ex. xvii. 14 ; Deut. xxv. 17). For this act of disobedience Samuel was commissioned to declare to Saul his rejection, and he himself sent for Agag and cut him in pieces. [Samuel.] — Haman is called the Agagite in Esther iii. 1, 10, viii. 3, 5. The Jews consider Haman a descendant of Agag, the Amalekite, and hence account for the hatred with which he pursued their race. A'gagite. [Agag.] Agar. [Hagar.] Agare'nes, Bar. iii. 23. [Hagar.] Agate is mentioned four times in the text of the A. V.; viz. in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12 ; Is. liv. 12 ; Ez. xxvii. 16. In the two former pas sages, where it is represented by the Hebrew word shebo, it is spoken of as forming the second stone in the third row of the high priest's breastplate ; in each of the two latter places the original word is cadaod, by which, no doubt, is intended a different stone. [Ruby.] In Ez. xxvii. 16, where the text has agate, the margin has chrysoprase, whereas in the very next chapter, Ez. xxviii. 13, chryso prase occurs in the margin instead of emerald, which is in the text, as the translation of an entirely different Hebrew word, nophec ; this will show how much our translators were perplexed as to the meanings of the minerals and precious stones mentioned in the sacred volume. It is probable, however, that shebo does stand for some variety of agate, for there is a wonderful agreement amongst interpreters, who all understand an agate by the term. — Our English agate, or achat, derives its name from the Achates, in Sicily, on the banks , of which, according to Theophrastus and Pliny, , tf it was firet found ; but as agates are met with AGRICULTURE 19 in almost every country, this stone was doubtless from the earliest times known to the Orientals. It is a silicious stone of the quartz family, and is met with generally in rounded nodules, or in veins in trap-rocks ; specimens are often found on the sea-shore, and in the beds of streams, the rocks in which they had been imbedded having been decomposed by the elements, when the agates have dropped out. Age, Old. In early stages of civilization, when experience is the only source of practical knowledge, old age has its special value, and conse quently its special honours. A further motive was superadded in the case of the Jew, who was taught to consider old age as a reward for piety, and a signal token of God's favour. For these reasons the aged occupied a prominent place in the social and political system of the Jews. In private life they were looked up to as the depositaries of knowledge (Job xv. 10): the young were ordered to rise up in their presence (Lev. xix. 32): they allowed them to give their opinion first (Job xxxii. 4) : they were taught to regard grey hairs as a " crown of glory " and as the " beauty of old men " (Prov. xvi. 31, xx. 29). The attainment of old age was regarded as a special blessing (Job v. 26), not only on account of the prolonged enjoyment of life to the individual, but also because it indicated peaceful and prosperous times (Zech. viii. 4 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 9 ; Is. lxv. 20). In public affairs age cairied weight with it, especially in the infancy of the state : it formed under Moses the main qualification of those who acted as the representatives of the people in all matters of difficulty and deliberation. The old men or Elders thus became a class, and the title gradually ceased to convey the notion of age, and was used in an official sense, like Patres, Senatores, and other similar terms. [Elders.] Still it would be but natural that such an office should be generally held by men" of advanced age (1 K. xii. 8). A'gee, a Hararite, father of Shammah, one of David's three mightiest heroes (2 Sam. xxiii. 11). Agge'US, 1 Esd. vi. 1, vii. 3; 2 Esd. i. 40. [Haggai.] Agriculture. This, though prominent in the Scriptural narrative concerning Adam, Cain, and Noah, was little cared for by the patriarchs ; more so, however, by Isaac and Jacob than by Abraham (Gen. xxvi. 12,xxxvii. 7), in whose time, probably, if we except the lower Jordan valley (xiii. 10), there was little regular culture in Ca naan. Thus Gerar and Shechem seem to have been cities where pastoral wealth predominated (xxxiv. 28). The herdmen strove with Isaac about his wells ; about his crops there was no contention. In Joshua's time, as shown by the story of the ' Eshcol' (Num. xiii. 23, 24), Canaan was found in a much more advanced agricultural state thau Jacob had left it in (Deut. viii. 8), resulting pro bably from the severe experience of famines, and the example of Egypt, to which its people were thus led. The pastoral life was the means of keep ing the sacred race, whilst yet a family, distinct from mixture and locally unattached, especially whilst in Egypt. When, grown into a nation, they conquered their future seats, agriculture sup plied a similar check on the foreign intercourse and speedy demoralisation, especially as regards idolatry, which commerce would have caused. Thus agri culture became the basis of the Mosaic common- C 2 20 AGRICULTURE wealth. It tended to check also the freebooting ! and nomad life, and made a numerous offspring profitable, as it was already honourable by natural sentiment and by law. Thus, too, it indirectly discouraged slavery, or, where it existed, made the slave somewhat like a son, though it made the son also somewhat of a slave. Taken in connexion with the inalienable character of inheritances, it gave each man and each family a stake in the soil and nurtured a hardy patriotism. - " The land is Mine" (Lev. xxv. 23) was a dictum which made agricul ture likewise the basis of the theocratic relation. Thus every family felt its own life with intense keenness, and had its divine tenure which it was to guard from alienation. The prohibition of culture in the sabbatical year formed, under this aspect, a kind of rent reserved by the Divine Owner. Land marks were deemed sacred (Deut. xix. 14), and the inalienability of the heritage was ensured by its reversion to the owner in the year of jubilee ; so that only so many years of occupancy could be sold (Lev. xxv. 8-16, 23-35). The prophet Isaiah (v. 8) denounces the contempt of such restrictions by wealthy grandees, who sought to " add field to field,'* erasing families and depopulating districts. Agricultural Calendar, — The Jewish calendar, as fixed by the three great festivals, turned on the seasons of green, ripe, and fully-gathered produce. Hence, if the season was backward, or, owing to the imperfections of a non-astronomical reckoning, seemed to be so, a month was intercalated. This rude system was fondly retained long after mental progress and foreign intercourse placed a correct calendar within their power ; so that notice of a Veadar, i. e. second or intercalated Adar, on account of the lambs being not yet of paschal size, and the barley not forward enough for the Abib (gi'een sheaf), was sent to the Jews of Babylon and Egypt early in the season. — The year ordinarily consisting of 12 months was divided into 6 agricultural periods as follows : — I. Sowing Time. [beginning about \ Tisri, latter half < autumnal I (. equinox > Early rain due Marchesvan 1 Kasleu, former balf . . . . J II. Unripe Time. Kasleu, latter half. Tebeth. 1 Shebatb, former balf. III. Cold Season. Shebatb, latter half | [Veadar] '. '. " ]'_ \[ [\ [ Latter rain due- Nisan, former balf J IV. Harvest Time. {Beginning about vernal equinox. Barley gi'een. Passover. ijar. Sivan, former half J Wheat ripe. t Pentecost. V. Summer. Sivan, latter half. Tamuz. Ab, former half. VI. Sdltrt Season. Ab, latter half. Etui.Tisri, former half Ingathering of fruits. Thus the 6 months from mid Tisri to mid Nisan were mainly occupied with the process of cultiva- AGRICULTURE tion, and the rest with the gathering of the fruits. The ancient Hebrews had little notion of green or root- crops grown for fodder, nor was the long summer drought suitable for them. Barley sup plied food both to man and beast, and the plant, called in Ez. iv. 9, "Millet," was grazed while Ejreen, and its ripe grain made into bread. Mowing (Am. vii. 1 ; Ps. lxxii. 6) and hay-making were familiar processes. Climate and Soil. — A change in the climate of Palestine, caused by increase of population and the clearance of trees, must have taken place before the period of the N. T. A further change caused by the decrease of skilled agricultural labour, e.g. m irrigation and terrace-making, has since ensued. Not only this, but the great variety of elevation and local character in so small a compass of country necessitates a partial and guarded application of general remarks. Yet wherever industry is secure, the soil still asserts its old fertility. -The Hawaii (Peraea) is as fertile as Damascus, and its bread enjoys the highest reputation. The black and rich, but light, soil about Gaza is said to hold so much moisture as to be very fertile with little rain. Here, as in the neighbourhood of Beyrut, is a vast olive-ground, and the very sand of the shore is said to be productive if watered. Timber. — The Israelites probably found in Canaan a fair proportion of woodland, which their neces sities, owing to the discouragement of commerce, must have led them to reduce (Josh. xvii. 18). But even in early times timber seems to have been far less used for building material than among western nations ; the Israelites were not skilful hewers, and imported both the timber and the workmen (1 K. v. 6, 8). No store of wood-fuel seems to have been kept : ovens were heated with such things as dung and hay (Ez. iv. 12, 15; Matt. vi. 30) ; and, in any case of sacrifice on an emergency, some, as we should think, unusual source of supply is constantly mentioned for the wood (1 Sam. vi. 14; 2 Sam. xxiv. 22; 1 K. xix. 21; comp. Gen. xxii. 3, 6, 7). All this indicates a non-abundance of timber. Rain and Irrigation. — The abundance of water in Palestine, from natural sources, made Canaan a contrast to rainless Egypt (Deut. viii. 7, xi. 8-12). Rain was commonly expected soon after the autumnal equinox or mid Tisri ; and if by the first of Kasleu none had fallen, a fast was pro claimed. The common scriptural expressions of the " early " and the " latter rain " (Deut. xi. 14 ; Jer. v. 24; Hos. vi. 3 ; Zech. a. 1 ; Jam. v. 7) are scarcely confirmed by modern experience, the season of rains being unbroken, though perhaps the fall is more strongly marked at the beginning and the end of it. The consternation caused by the failure of the former rain is depicted in Joel i. ii.; and the prophet seems to promise the former and latter rain together " in the first month," i. e. Nisan (ii. 23). The peculiar Egyptian method of irrigation alluded to in Deut. xi. 10 — "where thou wateredst it with with thy foot " — was not unknown, though less prevalent in Palestine. That peculiarity seems to have consisted in making in the fields square shallow beds, like our salt-pans, sur rounded by a raised border of earth to keep in the water, which was then turned from one square to another by pushing aside the mud, to open one and close the next with the foot. A very similar method is apparently described by Robinson as used, AG-RICULTURE especially for garden vegetables, in Palestine. There irrigation was as essential as drainage in our region ; and for this the large extent of rocky surface, easily excavated for cisterns and ducts, was most useful. Even the plain of Jericho is watered not by canals from the Jordan, since the river lies below the land, but by rills converging from the mountains. In these features of the country lay its expansive resources to meet the wants of a multiplying population. The lightness of agri cultural labour in the plains set free an abundance of hands for the task of terracing and watering ; and the result gave the highest stimulus to in dustry. Crops. — The cereal crops of constant mention are wheat and barley, and more rarely rye and millet (?). Of the two former, together with the vine, olive, and fig, the use of irrigation, the plough and the harrow, mention is made in the book of Job (xxxi. 40, xv. 33, xxiv. 6, xxix. 19, xxxix. 10). Two kinds of cummin (the black variety called "fitches," Is. xxviii. 27), and such podded plants as beans and lentiles, may be named among the staple produce. To these, later writers add a great variety of garden plants, e. g. kidney- beans, peas, lettuce, endive, leek, garlic, onions, melons, cucumbers, cabbage, &c. The produce which formed Jacob's present was of such kinds as would keep, and had been preserved during the famine (Gen. xliii. 11). Ploughing and Sowing. — The plough probably was like the Egyptian, and the process of ploughing mostly very light, one yoke of oxen usually sufficing to draw it. Such is still used in Asia Minor, and its parts are shown in the accompanying drawing : AGRICULTURE 21 a is the pole to which the cross beam with yokes, b, is attached ; c, the share; d, the handle ; e repre sents three modes of arming the share, and f is a goad with a scraper at the other end, probably for to^ Fig. I. — Plough, Ac. aa still used in Asia Minor. — (From Fellows's . Asia Mijtor.) cleaning the share. Mountains and steep places were hoed (Is. vii. 25). New ground and fallows, the use of which latter was familiar to the Jews (Jer. iv. 3 ; Hos. x. 12), were cleared of stones and of thorns (Is. v. 2) early in the year, sowing or gathering from " among thorns " being a proverb for slovenly husbandry (Job v. 5 ; Prov. xxiv 30, 31). Virgin land was ploughed a second time Sowing also took place without previous ploughing, the seed, as in the parable of the sower, being scattered broadcast, and ploughed in afterwards, the roots of the late crop being so far decayed as to serve for manure (Fellows, Asia Minor, p. 72). The soil was then brushed over with a light harrow, often of thorn bushes. In highly irrigated spots the seed was trampled in by cattle (Is. xxxii. 20), as in Egypt by goats. Sometimes, however, the Fig. 2, — Goats treading in the grain, when sown In tho field, after the water has subsided.— (Wilkinson, Ttmtbi, near the Pyramids.) sowing was by patches only in well manured spots, a process represented in the accompanying drawing Fig. 3. — Com growing in patches.— (Surenhusius.) by Surenhusius to illustrate the Mishna. Where the soil was heavier, the ploughing was best done dry ; but the more formal routine of heavy western soils must not be made the standard of such a naturally fine tilth as that of Palestine generally. Daring the rains, if not too heavy, or between their two periods, would be the best time for these operations ; thus 70 days before the passover was the time prescribed for sowing for the " wave- sheaf," and, probably, therefore, for that of barley generaUy. The oxen were urged on by a goad like a spear (Judg. iii. 31). The custom of watching ripening crops and threshing floors against theft, or damage, is probably ancient. Thus Boaz slept on the floor (Ruth iii. 4, 7). Barley ripened a week or two before wheat, and as fine harvest weather was certain (Prov. xxvi. 1 ; 1 Sam. xii. 17; Am. iv. 7), the crop chiefly varied with the quantity ol timely rain. The period of harvest must always have differed according to elevation, aspect, Sic. The proportion of harvest gathered to seed sown was often vast, a hundredfold is mentioned, but in such a way as to signify that it was a limit rarelv attained (Gen. xxvi. 12 ; Matt. xui. 8).— The 22 AGBICTTLTUBE rotation of crops, familiar to the Egyptians, can hardly have been unknown to the Hebrews. Sow ing a field with divers seeds was forbidden (Deut. xxii. 9), and minute directions are given by the rabbis for arranging a seeded surface with great variety, yet avoiding juxtaposition of heterogenea. Reaping and threshing. — The wheat, &c, was reaped by the sickle, or was pulled up by the roots. It was bound in sheaves — a process prominent in Scripture. The sheaves or heaps were carted (Am. ii. 13) to the floor — a circular spot of hard ground, probably, as now, from 50 to 80 or 100 feet in diameter. Such floors were probably per manent, and became well known spots (Gen. 1. 10, 11 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 16, 18). On these the oxen, &c, forbidden to be muzzled (Deut. xxv. 4), trampled Fig. 4.— Reaping wheat.— (Wilkinson, Tomb., of tlte King,. Tliebei.) out the grain, as we find represented in the Egyp tian monuments. At a later time the Jews used a threshing sledge called Morag (Is. xii. 15 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 22 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 23), probably resembling the noreg, still employed in Egypt — a stage with AGUE out with a stick (Is. xxviii. 27). Barley was sometimes soaked and then parched before treading out, which got rid of the pellicle of the grain. — The use of animal manure is proved frequent by such recurring expressions as " dung on the face of the earth, field," &c. (Ps. lxxxiii. 10 ; 2 1. ix. 37 ; Jer. viii. 2, &c). Winnowing. — The " shovel " and " fan " (Is. xxx. 24), the precise difference of which is doubtful, indicate the process of winnowing — a conspicuous part of ancient husbandry (Ps. xxxv. 5 ; Job xxi. 18; Is. xvii. 13), and important, owing to the slovenly threshing. Evening was the favourite time (Kuth iii. 2) when there was mostly a breeze. The "fan" (Matt. iii. 12) was perhaps a broad Fig. 5. — The Kdrog, o machine used by the modem Egyptians for threshing Corn. three rollers ridged with iron, which, aiued by the driver's weight, crushed out, often injuring, the Fig. 6. — Threshing-floor. Tho oxen driven round the heap ; contrary lo the usua1 custom.— (Wilkinson, IVieftos.) grain, as well as cut or tore the straw, which thus became fit for fodder. Lighter grains were beaten -^ Fig. 7. Winnowing with wooden shovels. — (Wilkinson, Tlteba.) shovel which threw the grain up against the wind. The last process was the shaking in a sieve to separate dirt and refuse (Am. ix. 9). — Fields and floors were not commonly enclosed; vineyards mostly were, with a tower and other buildiDgs (Num. xxii. 24; Ps. Ixxx. 12; Is. v. 5; Matt. xxi. 33 ; comp. Jud. vi. 11). Banks of mud from ditches were also used. — With regard to occupancy, a tenant might pay a fixed money rent (Cant. viii. 11), or a stipulated share of the fruits (2 Sam. ix. 10 ; Matt. xxi. 34), often a half or a third ; but local custom was the only rule. A passer by might eat any quantity of corn or grapes, but not reap or carry off fruit (Deut. xxiii. 24-25 ; Matt. xii. 1). — The rights of the comer to be left, and of gleaning [Corner; Gleaning], formed the poor man's claim on the soil for support. For his bene fit, too, a sheaf forgotten in carrying to the floor was to be left ; so also with regard to the vineyard and the olive-grove (Lev. xix. 9, 10 , Deut. xxiv. 19)> Besides there seems a probability that every thud year a second tithe, besides the priests', was paid for the poor (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12; Am. iv. 4; Tob. i. 7). Agrip'pa. [Herod.] A'gnr, the son of Jakeh, an unknown Hebrew sage, who uttered or collected the sayings of wisdom recorded in Prov. xxx. Ewald attributes to him the authorship of Prov. xxx. 1 - xxxi. 9, in consequence of the similarity of style exhibited in the three sections therein contained, and assigns as his date a period not earlier than the end of the 7th or beginning of the 6th cent. B.C. The Rab bins, according to Jarchi, and Jerome after them, interpreted the name symbolically of Solomon, who " collected understanding," and is elsewhere called AHAB ••' Koheleth." Bunsen contends that Agur was an inhabitant of Massa, and probably a descendant of ¦one of the 500 Simeonites, who in the reign of Heze kiah drove out the Amalekites from Mount Seir. Hitzig goes further, and makes him the son of the ¦Queen of Massa and brother of Lemuel. [Jakeh.] A'hab. 1. Son of Omri, seventh king of the separate kingdom of Israel, and second of his dynasty, reigned B.C. 919-896. The great lesson which we learn from his life is the depth of wickedness into which a weak man may fall, even though not devoid of good feelings and amiable impulses, when he abandons himself to the guidance of another person, resolute, unscru pulous, and depraved. The cause of his ruin was his marriage with Jezebel, daughter of Eth- baal, king of Tyre, who had been priest of Astarte. [Jezebel.] We have a comparatively full account of Ahab's reign, because it was distin guished by the ministry of the great prophet Elijah, who was brought into direct collision with Jezebel when she ventured to introduce into Israel the impure worship of Baal and her father's god dess Astarte. In obedience to her wishes, Ahab ¦caused a temple to be built to Baal in Samaria itself, and an oracular grove to be consecrated to Astarte. With a fixed determination to extirpate the true religion, Jezebel hunted down and put to death God's prophets, some of whom were con cealed in caves by Obadiah, the governor of Ahab's house ; while the Phoenician rites were carried on with such splendour, that we read of 450 prophets of Baal, and 400 of Asherah. (See 1 K. xviii. 19, ¦where our version erroneously substitutes " the groves " for the proper name Asherah, as again in 2 K. xxi. 7, xxiii. 6). [Asherah.] How the worship of God was restored, and the idolatrous priests slain, in consequence of " a sore famine in Samaria," is related under Elijah. But hea thenism and persecution were not the only crimes into which Jezebel led her yielding husband. One of his chief tastes was for splendid architecture, which he showed by building an ivory house and several cities. But the place in which he chiefly indulged this passion was the beautiful city of Jezreel (now Zerin), in the plain of Esdraelon, which he adorned with a palace and park for his own residence, though Samaria remained the capital of his kingdom, Jezreel standing in the same rela tion to it as the Versailles of the old French mo narchy to Paris (Stanley, S. fy P. 244). Desiring to add to his pleasure-grounds there the vineyard of his neighbour Naboth, he proposed to buy it or give laud in exchange for it ; and when this was refused by Naboth, in accordance with the Mosaic law, on the ground that the vineyard was "the inheritance of his fathers " (Lev. xxv. 23), a false accusation of blasphemy was brought against him, and not only was he himself stoned to death, but his sons also, as we leam from 2 K. ix. 26. Elijah, already the great vindicator of religion, now ap peared as the assertor of morality, and declared that the entire extirpation of Ahab's house was the penalty appointed for his long course of wickedness, now crowned by this atrocious crime. The execu tion, however, of the sentence was delayed in con sequence of Ahab's deep repentance. — Ahab under took three campaigns against Benhadad II. king of Damascus, two defensive and one offensive. In the ¦first, Benhadad laid siege to Samaria ; and Ahab, ¦encouraged by the patriotic counsels of God's pro- AHASUERTJS 23 phets, made a sudden attack on him whilst in the plenitude of arrogant confidence he was banqueting in his tent with his thirty-two vassal kings. The Syrians were totally routed, and fled to Da mascus. — Next year Benhadad, believing that his failure was owing to some peculiar power which the God of Israel exercised over the hills, invaded Israel by way of Aphek, on the E. of Jordan. Yet Ahab's victoiy was so complete that Ben hadad himself fell into his hands ; but was re leased (contrary to the will of God as announced by a prophet) on condition of restoring all the cities of Israel which he held, and making " streets" for Ahab in Damascus; that is, admitting into his capital permanent Hebrew officers, in an inde pendent position, with special dwellings for them selves and their retinues, to watch over the com mercial and political interests of Ahab and his subjects. This was apparently in retaliation for a similar privilege exacted by Benhadad's predecessor from Omri in respect to Samaria. After this great success Ahab enjoyed peace for three years, when, in conjunction with Jehoshaphat king of Judah, he attacked Ramoth in Gilead on the east of Jordan, which town he claimed as belonging to Israel. But God's blessing did not rest on the expedition, and Ahab was told by the prophet Micaiah that it would fail. For giving this warn ing Micaiah was imprisoned ; but Ahab was so far roused by it as to take the precaution of disguising himself, so as not to offer a conspicuous mark to the archers of Benhadad. But he was slain by a " certain man who drew a bow at a venture ;" and, though staid up in his chariot for a time, yet he died towards evening, and his army dispersed. When he was brought to be buried in Samaria, the dogs licked up his blood as a servant was washing his chariot ; a partial fulfilment of Elijah's predic tion (1 K. xxi. 19), which was more literally accomplished in the case of his son (2 K. ix. 26). —2. A lying prophet, who deceived the captive Israelites in Babylon, and was burnt to death by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. xxix. 21). A'harah, third son of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 1). [Ahee; Ahiram.] Aharhel, a name occurring in an obscure frag ment of the genealogies of Judah. " The families of Aharhel " apparently traced their descent through Coz to Ashur, the posthumous son of Hezron. The Targum of E. Joseph on Chronicles identifies him with " Hur the firstborn of Miriam " (1 Chr. iv. 8). Ahasa'i, a priest, ancestor of Maasiai (Neh. xi. 13) ; called Jahzerah in 1 Chr. ix. 12. Ahasba'i, father of Eliphelet, one of David's thirty-seven captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 34). In the corrupt list in 1 Chr. xi. 35, Eliphelet appears as " Eliphal the son of Ur." Anasue'rus, the name of one Median and two Persian kings mentioned in the O. T. It may be desirable to prefix to this article a chronological table of the Medo-Persian kings from Cyaxares to Artaxerxes Longimanus, according to their ordinary classical names. The Scriptural names conjectured to correspond to them are added in italics; — 1. Cy axares, king of Media, son of Phraortes, grandson of Deioces and conqueror of Nineveh, began to reign B.C. 634: Aliasuerus. 2. Astyages his son, last king of Media, B.C. 594: Darius the Mede. 3. Cyrus, son of his daughter Mandane and Cam- byses, a Persian noble, first king of Persia, 559 : 24 AHASUERUS Cyrus. 4. Cambyses his son, 529: Ahasueriis, 5. A Magian usurper, who personated Smerdis. the younger son of Cyrus, 521 : Artaxerxes. 6. Darius Hystaspis, raised to the throne on the overthrow of the Magi, 521 : Darius. 7. Xerxes his son, 485: Ahasuerus. 8. Artaxerxes Longi- manus (Macrocheir), his son, 465-495 : Artaxerxes. — The name Ahcasuerus, or Achashverosh, is the same as the Sanstrit kshatra, a king, which appears as kshershe in he arrow-headed inscriptions of Persepolis.— 1. In Dan. ix. 1, Ahasuerus is said to be the father of Darius the Mede. Now it is almost certain that Cyaxares is a form of Ahasuerus, grecised into Axares with the prefix Cy- or Kai-, common to the Kaianian dynasty of kings (Malcolm's Persia, ch. iii.), with which may be 'compared Kai Khosroo, the Persian name of Cyrus. The son of this Cyaxares was Astyages, and it is no improbable conjecture that Darius the Mede was Astyages, set over Babylon as viceroy by his grandson Cyrus, and allowed to live there in royal state. [Darius.] This firet Ahasuerus, then, is Cyaxares, the con queror of Kineveh. And, in accordance with this view, we read in Tobit xiv. 15 that Nineveh was taken by Nabuchodonosor and Assuerus, i. e. Cy axares. — 2. In Ezr. iv. 6 the enemies of the Jews, after the death of Cyrus, desirous to frustrate the building of Jerusalem, send accusations against them to Ahasuerus king of Persia. This must be Cambyses. For we read (v. 5) that their oppo sition continued from the time of Cyrus to that of Darius, and Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes, i. e. Cam byses and the pseudo-Smerdis, are mentioned as reigning between them. [Artaxerxes.] Xeno- phon calls the brother of Cambyses Tanyoxares, i. e. the younger Oxares, whence we infer that the elder Oxares or Axares, or Ahasuerus, was Cam byses. His constant wars probably prevented him from interfering in the concerns of the Jews. He was plainly called after his grandfather, who was not of royal race, and therefore it is very likely that he also assumed the kingly name or title of Axares or Cyaxares, which had been borne by his most illustrious ancestor.— 3. The third is the Ahasuerus of the book of Esther. It is needless to give more than the heads of the well-known story. Having divorced his queen Vashti for refusing to appear in public at a banquet, he married, four years afterwards, the Jewess Esther, cousin and ward of Mordecai. Five years after this, Haman, one of his counsellors, having been slighted by Mor decai, prevailed upon the king to order the destruc tion of all the Jews in the empire. But before the day appointed fur the massacre, Esther and Mordecai overthrew the influence which Haman had exercised, and so completely changed his feelings in the matter, that they induced him to put Haman to death, and to give the Jews the right of self-defence. This they used so vigorously that they killed several thousands of their opponents. Now, from the extent assigned to the Persian empire (Esth. i. 1), " from India even unto Ethiopia/' it is proved that Darius Hystaspis is the earliest possible king to whom this history can apply, and it is hardly worth while to consider the claims of any after Artaxerxes Longimanus. But Ahasuerus cannot be identical with Darius, whose wives were the daughters of Cyrus and Otanes, and who in name and character equally differs from that foolish tyrant. Neither can he be Artaxerxes Longimanus, although, as Artaxerxes is a compound of Xerxes, there is less AHAZ difficulty here as to the name. But in the first place the character of Artaxerxes is also very unlike that of Ahasuerus. Besides this, in Ezr. vii. 1-7, 11-26, Artaxerxes, in the seventh year of his reign, issues a decree very favourable to the Jews, and it is unlikely therefore that in the twelfth (Esth. iii. 7) Haman could speak to him of them as if he knew nothing about them, and persuade him to sentence them to an indiscriminate massacre. We are therefore reduced to the belief that Ahasuerus is Xerxes (the names being identical) : and this con clusion is fortified by the resemblance of character, and by certain chronological indications. As Xerxes scourged the sea, and put to death the engineers of his bridge because their work was injured by a storm, so Ahasuerus repudiated his queen Yashti because she would not violate the decorum of her sex, and ordered the massacre of the whole Jewish people to gratify the malice of Haman. In the third year of the reign of Xerxes was held an assembly to arrange the Grecian war (Herod, vii. 7 ff.). In the third year of Ahasuerus was held a great feast and assembly in Shushan the palace (Esth. i. 3). In the seventh year of his reign Xerxes returned defeated from Greece, and consoled himself by the pleasures of the harem (Herod, ix. 108). In the seventh year of his reign " fair young virgins were sought" for Ahasuerus, and he replaced Vashti by marrying Esther. The tribute he " laid upon the land and upon the isles of the sea" (Esth. x. 1) may well have been the result of the expenditure and ruin of the Grecian expedition. Ah'ava, a place (Ezr. viii. 15), or a river (viii. 21), on the banks of which Ezra collected the second expedition which returned with him from Babylon to Jerusalem. Various have been the conjectures as to its locality : but the latest researches are in favour of its being the modern Hit, on the Euphrates, due east of Damascus. A'haz, 1. Eleventh king of Judah, son of Jo tham, reigned B.C. 741-726. At the time of his accession, Rezin king of Damascus and Pekah king of Israel had recently formed a league against Judah, and they proceeded to lay siege to Jeru salem. Upon this the great prophet hastened to give advice and encouragement to Ahaz, and it was probably owing to the spirit of energy and religious devotion which he poured into his counsels, that the allies failed in their attack on Jerusalem (Is. vii. viii. ix.). But the allies took a vast number of captives, who, however, were restored in virtue of the remonstrances of the prophet Oded ; and they also inflicted a most severe injury on Judah by the capture of Elath, a flourish ing port on the Red Sea ; while the Philistines in vaded the W. and S. (2 K. xvi. ; 2 Chr. xxviii.). The weakminded and helpless Ahaz sought deliver ance from these numerous troubles by appealing to Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, who freed him from his most formidable enemies by invading Syria, taking Damascus, killing Rezin, and depriving Israel of its Northern and trans-Jordanic districts. But Ahaz had to purchase this help at a costly price: he became tributary to Tiglath-pileser, sent him all the treasures of the Temple and his own palace, and even appeared before him in Damascus as a vassal. He also ventured to seek for safety in heathen ceremonies j making his son pass through the five to Moloch, consulting wizards and necromancers (Is. viii. 19), sacrificing to the Syrian 2,'ods, intro ducing a foreign altar from Damascus, and probably AHAZIAH the worship of the heavenly bodies from Assyria and Babylon, as he would seem to have set up the horses of the sun mentioned in 2 K. xxiii. 11 ; and " the altars on the top (or roof) of the upper chamber of Ahaz" (2 K. sxiii. 12) were connected with the adoration of the stars. We see another and blameless result of this intercourse with an astronomical people in the " sundial of Ahaz" (Is. xxxviii. 8).— 2. A son of Micah the grandson of Jonathan through Meribbaal or Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 35, 36, ix. 42). Ahaziah. 1. Son of Ahab and Jezebel, and eighth king of Israel, reigned B.C. 896-895. After the battle of Eamoth in Gilead [Ahab] the Syrians had the command of the country along the east of Jordan, and they ont off all commu nication between the Israelites and Moabites, so that the vassal king of Moab refused his yearly tribute of 100,000 lambs and 100,000 rams with their wool (comp. Is. xvi. 1). Before Ahaziah could take measures for enforcing his claim, he was seriously injured by a fall through a lattice in his palace at Samaria. In his health he had worshipped his mother's gods, and now he sent to inquire of the oracle of Baalzebub in the Philistine city of Ekron whether he should recover his healtK. But Elijah, who now for the last time exercised the prophetic office, rebuked him for this impiety, and announced to him his approaching death. The only other recorded transaction of his reign, his endeavour to join the king of Judah in trading to Ophir, is more fitly related under Jehoshaphat (1 K. xxii. 49-53 ; 2 K. i. ; 2 Chr. xx. 35-37).— 2. Fifth king of Judah, son of Jehoram and Athaliah, daughter of Ahab, and therefore nephew of the preceding Ahaziah. He is called Azariah, 2 Chr. xxii. 6, probably by a copyist's error, and Jehoahaz, 2 Chr. xxi. 17. So, too, while in 2 K. viii. 26 we read that he was 22 years old at his accession, we find in 2 Chr. xxii. 2 that his age at that time was 42. The former number is certainly right, as in 2 Chr. xxi. 5, 20, we see that his father Jehoram was 40 when he died, which would make him younger than his own son, so that a transcriber must have made a mistake in the numbers. Aha ziah was an idolater, and he allied himself with his uncle Jehoram king of Israel, brother and suc cessor of the preceding Ahaziah, against Hazael, the new king of Syria. The two kings were, however, defeated atRamoth, where Jehoram was so severely wounded that he retired to his mother's palace at Jezreel to be healed. The revolution carried out in Israel by Jehu under the guidance of Elisha broke out while Ahaziah was visiting his uncle at Jezreel. As Jehu approached the town, Jehoram and Ahaziah went out to meet him ; the former was shot through the heart by Jehu, and Ahaziah was pursued as far as the pass of Gur, near the city of Ibleam, and there mortally wounded. He died when he reached Megiddo. In 2 Chr. xxii. 9, an apparently different account is given of his death. Ahaziah reigned one year, B.C. 884 (2 K. viii. 26 ; 2 K. ix. 29). Ah/ban, son of Abishur, by his wife Abihail (1 Chr. ii. 29). He was of the tribe of Judah. A'her, ancestor of Hushim, or rather " the Hushim," as the plural form seems to indicate a family rather than an individual. The name occurs in an obscure passage in the genealogy of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 12). Some translators con sider it as not a proper name at all, and render it AHtHTTD 25 literally " another ; " because, as Jnrchi says, Ezra, who compiled the genealogy, was uncertain whether the families belonged to the tribe of Benjamin or not. It is not improbable that Aher and Ahiram (Num. xxvi. 38) are the same; unless the former belonged to the tribe of Dan, whose genealogy is omitted in 1 Chr. vii. ; Hushim being a Danite as well as a Benjamite name. AM. 1. A Gadite, chief of a family who lived in Gilead in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 15), in the days of Jotham, king of Judah. By the LXX. and Vulg. it was not considered a proper name.— 2. A descendant of Shamer, of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 34). The name, according to Gesenius, is a contraction of Ahijah. AM' ah or Ahijah,. 1. Son of Ahitub, brother of Ichabod, grandson of Phinehas, and great-grand son of Eli. He is described as being the Lord's priest in Shiloh, wearing an ephod (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18). There is, however, great difficulty in reconcil ing the statement in 1 Sam. xiv. 18, concerning the ark being used for inquiring by Ahiah at Saul's bidding, and the statement that they inquired not at the ark in the days of Saul (1 Chr. xiii. 3), if we understand the latter expression in the strictest sense. But all difficulty will disappear if we apply the expression only to all the latter years of the reign of Saul, when we know that the priestly establishment was at Nob, and not at Kirjath- jearim, or Baale of Judah, where the ark was. The narrative in 1 Sam. xiv. is entirely favourable to the mention of the ark. Ahiah is probably the same person as Ahimelech the son of Ahitub. Such changes of name as Ahi-melech and Ahi-jah are not uncommon. However it is not impossible that Ahimelech may have been brother to Ahiah.— 2. One of Solomon's princes (1 K. iv. 3).— 3. A prophet of Shiloh (1 K. xiv. 2), hence called the Shilonite (xi. 29) in the days of Solomon and of Jeroboam king of Israel, of whom we have two remarkable prophecies extant : the one in 1 K. xi. 31-39, addressed to Jeroboam, announcing the rend ing of the ten tribes from Solomon, and the transfer of the kingdom to Jeroboam : the other in 1 K. xiv. 6-16, was delivered in the prophet's extreme old age to Jeroboam's wife, in which he foretold the death of Abijah, the king's son, who was sick, and the destruction of Jeroboam's house on account of the images which he had set up. Jeroboam's speech concerning Ahijah (1 K. xiv. 2, 3) shows the esti mation in which he held his truth and prophetic- powers (comp. 2 Chr. ix. 29).— 4. Father of Baasha, king of Israel (1 K. xv. 27, 33).— 5. Son of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 25).— 6. Son of Bela (1 Chr. viii. 7). — 7. One of David's mighty men (1 Chr. x. 36).— 8. A Levite in David's reiga (1 Chr. xxvi. 20).— 9. One of "the heads of the people " who joined in the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 26). Ahi'am, son of Sharar the Hararite (or of Sa- car, 1 Chi-, xi. 35), one of David's thirty mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 33). AM'an, a Manassite, of the family of Shemidah (1 Chr. vii. 19). Ahie'zer. 1. Son of Ammishaddai, hereditary chieftain of the tribe of Dan (Num. i. 12, ii. 25, vii. 66). —2. The Benjamite chief of a body of archers in the time of David (1 Chr. xii. 3). Ahi'hud. 1. The son of Shelomi, and prince cf the tribe of Asher (Num. xxxiv. 27). — 2. Chief tain of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 7). 26 AHIKAM Ahi'kam, son of Shaphan the scribe, an influential officer at the court of Josiah, and of Jehoiakim his son. He was one of the delegates sent by Hilkiah to consult Huldah (2 K. xxii. 12-14). In the reign of Jehoiakim he successfully used his influence to protect the prophet Jeremiah (Jer. xxvi. 24). His son Gedaliah was made governor of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar, the Chal dean king, and to his charge Jeremiah was entrusted when released from prison (Jer. xxxix. 14, xl. 5). AM'lud. 1. Father of Jehoshaphat, the re corder or chronicler of the kingdom in the reigns of David and Solomon (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24 ; 1 K. iv. 3 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 15).— 2. The father of Baana, one of Solomon's twelve commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 12). It is uncertain whether he is the same with the foregoing. AMm'aaz. 1. Father of Saul's wife, Ahinoam (1 Sam. xiv. 50).— 2. Son of Zadok, the high-priest in David's reign, and celebrated for his swiftness of foot. When David fled from Jerusalem, on account of Absalom's rebellion, the high-priests, accompanied by their sons, Ahimaaz and Jonathan, and the Levites, carried the ark of God forth, intending to accompany the king. But at his bidding they returned to the city, as did likewise Hushai the Archite. It was then arranged that Hushai should feign himself to be a friend of Absalom, and should tell Zadok and Abiathar whatever intelligence he could obtain in the palace. They, on their parts, were to forward the intelligence through Ahimaaz and Jonathan, who accordingly stayed outside the walls of the city at En-Rogel, on the road towards the plain. A message soon came to them from Zadok and Abiathar through the maid-servant, to say that Ahithophel had counselled an imme diate attack upon David and his followers, and that, consequently, the king must cross the Jordan without the least delay. They started at once on their errand, but not without being suspected, for a lad seeing the wench speak to them, and seeing them immediately run off quickly, went and told Absalom, who ordered a hot pursuit. In the mean time, however, they had got as far as Bahurim, to the house of a steadfast partizan of David's. Here the woman of the house effectually hid them in a well in the court-yard, and covered the well's mouth with ground or braised corn. Absalom's servants coming up searched for them in vain ; and as soon as they were gone, and returned by the road to Jerusalem, Ahimaaz and Jonathan hasted on to David, and told him Ahithophel's counseL David with his whole company crossed the Jordan that very night (2 Sam. xv. 24-37, xvii. 15-22). Shortly afterwards the narrative gives us a singular instance of oriental or Jewish ¦craft in Ahimaaz. When Absalom was killed by Joab and his armour-bearers, Ahimaaz was very urgent with Joab to be employed as the messenger to run and carry the tidings to David. The politic Joab, well knowing the king's fond partiality for Absalom, would not allow him to be the bearer of such tidings, but employed Cushi instead. But, after Cushi had started, Ahimaaz was so impor tunate to be allowed to run too that at length he extorted Joab's consent. Taking a shorter or an •easier way by the plain he managed to outrun Cushi, and, arriving first, he reported to the kino- the good news of the victory, suppressing his know ledge of Absalom's death, and leaving to Cushi the task of announcing it. He had thus the merit AHIEAM of bringing good tidings without the alloy of the disaster of the death of the king's son (2 Sam. xviii. 19-33). This is the last we hear of Ahimaaz. There is no evidence, beyond the assertion ot Josephus, that he ever filled the office of high-priest ; and Josephus may have concluded that he did, merely because, in the genealogy of the high-priests (1 Chr. vi. 8, 9), he intervenes between Zadok and Azariah. Judging only from 1 K. iv. 2, compared with 1 Chr. vi. 10, we should conclude that Ahi maaz died before his father Zadok, and that Zadok was succeeded by his grandson Azariah.— 3. Solo mon's officer in Naphtali, the king's son-in-law, hav ing married his daughter Basmath (1 K. iv. 15). AM'man. 1. One of the three giant Anakhn who inhabited Mount Hebron (Num. xiii. 22, 33), seen by Caleb and the spies. The whole race were cut off by Joshua (Josh. xi. 21), and the three brothers were slain by the tribe of Judah (Judg. i. 10).— 2. One of the porters or gatekeepers who had charge of the king's gate for the " camps " of the sons of Levi (1 Chr. ix. 17). Alim'elech. 1, Son of Ahitub (1 Sam. xxii. 11, 12), and high-priest at Nob in the days of Saul. He gave David the shew-bread to eat, and the sword of Goliath ; and for so doing was, upon the accusation of Doeg the Edomite, put to death with his whole house by Saul's order. Eighty-five priests wearing an ephod were thus cruelly slaughtered; Abiathar alone escaped. [Abiathar.] On the question of Ahimelech's identity with Ahijah, see Ahijah. For the singular confusion between Ahimelech and Abiathar in the 1st book of Chro nicles, see Abiathar. — 2. A Hittite, one o David's companions while he was persecuted by Saul; called in the LXX. Abimelech; which is perhaps the right reading, after the analogy of Abimelech, king of Gerar (1 Sam. xxvi. 6). Ahimoth, a Levite, apparently in the time of David (1 Chr. vi. 25). In ver. 35, for Ahimoth we find Mahath, as in Luke iii. 26. Ahin'adab, son of Iddo, one of Solomon's twelve commissaries who supplied provisions for the royal household (1 K. iv. 14). Ahin'oam. 1. The daughter of Ahimaaz and wife of Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 501.— 2. A Jezreelitess who was married to David during his wandering life (1 Sam. xxv. 43). She lived with him and his other wife Abigail at the court of Achish (xxvii. 3), was taken prisoner with her by the Amalekites when they plundered Ziklag (xxx. 5), but was rescued by David (18). She is again mentioned as living with him when he was king of Judah in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 2) ; and was the mother of his eldest son Amnon (iii. 2). Ahi'o. 1. Son of Abinadab, who accompanied the ark when it was brought out of his father's house (2 Sam. vi. 3, 4 ; 1 Chi-, xiii. 7).— 2. A Benjamite, one of the sons of Beriah who drove out the inhabitants of Gath (1 Chr. viii. 14).— S. A Benjamite, son of Jehiel, father or founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 31, ix. 37). Ahi'ra, chief of the tribe of Naphtali when Moses took the census in the year after the Exodus (Num. i. 15, ii. 29, vii. 78, 83, x. 27). Ahi'ram, one of the sons of Benjamin, and an cestor of the Ahiramites (Num. xxvi. 38). In the list of Benjamin's ehildren, in Gen. xlvi. 21, the name of Ahiram appears as " Ehi and Rosh," the former being probably the true reading, of whioh the latter was an easy corruption. It is AHISAMACH uncertain whether Ahiram is the same as Aher (1 Chr. vii. 12), or Aharah (1 Chr. viii. 1). Ahis'amaCfl,, a Danite, father of Aholiab, one of the architects of the tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 6, xxxv. 34, xxxviii. 23). Ahish'ahar, one of the sons of Bilhan, the grand son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 10). Ahi'shar, the controller of Solomon's house hold (1 K. iv. 6). Ahith'ophel {brother of foolishness), a native of Giloh, in the hill-country of Judah (Josh. xv. 51), and privy councillor of David, whose wisdom was so highly esteemed, that his advice had the authority of a divine oracle, though his name had an exactly opposite signification (2 Sam. xvi. 23). He was the grandfather of Bathsheba (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 3 with xxiii. 34). Absalom imme diately he had revolted sent for him, and when David heard that Ahithophel had joined the con spiracy, he prayed Jehovah to turn his counsel to foolishness (xv. 31), alluding possibly to the signifi cation of his name. David's grief at the treachery of his confidential friend found expression in the Messianic prophecies (Ps. xii. 9, lv. 12-14). — In order to show to the people that the breach between Absalom and his father was irreparable Ahithophel persuaded him to take possession of the royal harem (2 Sam. xvi. 21). David, in order to counteract his counsel, sent Hushai to Absalom. Ahithophel had recommended an immediate pursuit ¦of David ; hut Hushai advised delay, his object being to send intelligence to David, and to give him time to collect his forces for a decisive en gagement. When Ahithophel saw that Hushai's advice prevailed, he despaired of success, and return ing to his own home "put his houshold in order and hanged himself" (xvii. 1-23). AH 'tub. 1. Father of Ahimelech, or Ahijah, the son of Phinehas, and the elder brother of Ichabod {1 Sam. xiv. 3, xxii. 9, 11), and therefore of the house of Eli and the family of Ithamar. There is no record of his high-priesthood, which, if he ever was high-priest, must have coincided with the early days of Samuel's judgeship.— 2. Son of Amariah, and father of Zadok the high-priest (1 Chr. vi. 7, 8 ; 2 Sam. viii. 17), of the house of Eleazar. From 1 Chr. ix. 11, where the genealogy of Aza riah, the head of one of the priestly families that returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel, is traced, through Zadok, to " Ahitnb, the ruler of the house of 'God," it appears tolerably certain that Ahitub was high-priest. The passage is repeated in Neh. xi. 11. If the line is correctly given in these two passages Ahitub was not the father, but the grandfather of Zadok, his father being Meraioth. But in 1 Chr. vi. 8, and in Ezr. vii. 2, Ahitub is represented as Zadok's father. This uncertainty makes it difficult to determine the exact time of Ahitub' s high-priesthood. If he was father to Zadok he must have been high-priest with Ahimelech. But if he was grandfather, his age would have coincided exactly with the other Ahitub, the son of Phinehas. Certainly a singular coin cidence.— 3. The genealogy of the high-priests in 1 Chr. vi. 11, 12, introduces another Ahitub, son of another Amariah, and father of another Zadok. But there are reasons for believing that the second Ahitub and Zadok are spurious. Aa'lab, a city of Asher from which the Canaan- ites were not driven out (Judg. i. 31). It is more probable that Achlab reappears in later history as AI 27 Gush Chaleb (Giscala), a place identified by Robin son under the abbreviated name of el-Jish, near Safed, in the hilly-country to the N.W. of the Sea of Galilee. Ahla'i, daughter of Sheshan, whom, having no issue, he gave in maniage to his Egyptian slave Jarha (1 Chr. ii. 31, 35). In consequence of the failure of male issue, she became the foundress of an important branch of the family of the Jerah- meelites, and from her were descended Zabad, one of David's mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 41), and Azariah, one of the captains of hundreds in the reign of Joash (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). Aho'ah, son of Bela, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 4). In 1 Chr. viii. 7, he is called Ahiah. The patronymic, AHOHITE, is found in 2 Sam. xxiii. 9, 28 ; 1 Chr. xi. 12, 29, xxvii. 4. Aholiite. [AhViah.] Ah'olah., a harlot, used by Ezekiel as the symbol of Samaria (Ez. xxiii. 4, 5, 36, 44). Aholiab, a Danite of great skill as a weaver and embroiderer, whom Moses appointed with Bezaleel to erect the tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 30-35). Aho'libah, a harlot, used by Ezekiel as the symbol of Judah (Ez. xxiii. 4, 11, 22, 36, 44). Aholiba'mah, one (probably the second) of the three wives of Esau. She was the daughter of Anah, a descendant of Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 25). In the earlier narrative (Gen. xxvi. 34) Aholibamah is called Judith, daughter of Beeri, the Hittite. The explanation of the change in the name of the woman seems to be that hex- proper personal, name was Judith, and that Aholi bamah was the name which she received as the wife of Esau and foundress of three tribes of his descendants ; she is therefore in the narrative called by the first name, whilst in the genealogical table of the Edomites she appears under the second. This explanation is confirmed by the recurrence ot the name Aholibamah in the concluding list of the genealogical table (Gen. xxxvi. 40-43), which we must regard as a list of names of places and not of persons. The district which received the name of Esau's wife, or perhaps rather from which she received her married name, was no doubt (as the name itself indicates) situated in the heights of the mountains of Edom, probably therefore in the neighbourhood of Mount Hor and Petra. Ahuma'i, son of Jahath, a descendant of Judah, and head of one of the families of the Zorathites (1 Chr. iv. 2). Ahu'zam, properly Ahuzzam, son of Ashur, the father or founder of Tekoa, by his wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6). Ahuz'zatb, one of the friends of the Philis tine king Abimelech, who accompanied him at his interview with Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 26). A'i {heap of ruins). 1, A royal city (comp. Josh. viii. 23, 29, x. 1, xii. 9) of Canaan, already existing in the time of Abraham (Gen. xii. 8) [Hai], and lying east of Bethel (comp. Josh. xii. 9), and "beside Bethaven" (Josh. vii. 2, viii. 9). It was the second city taken by Israel after the passage of the Jordan, and was " utterly destroyed" (Josh. vii. 3, 4, 5, viii. 1, 2, 3, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, ix. 3, x. 1, 2, xii. 9). However, if Aiath be Ai — and from its mention with Migron and Mich- mash, it is at least probable that it was so — the name was still attached to the locality at the time of Sennacherib's march on Jerusalem (Is. 28 AIAH x. 28). At any rate, the " men of Bethel and Ai," to the number of two hundred and twenty-three, returned from the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 28; Neh. vii. 32, "one hundred and twenty- three " only) ; and when the Benjamites again took possession of their towns, " Michmash, Aija, and Bethel, with their "'daughters,'" are among tho places named (Neh. xi. 31). [Aija.] — No attempt has yet succeeded in fixing the site of the city which Joshua doomed to be a " heap and a desola tion for ever." It is the opinion of some that the words Avim in Josh, xviii. 23, and Gaza in 1 Chr. vii. 28 are corruptions of Ai. [Avim ; Azzah.] — 2. A city of the Ammonites, apparently attached to Heshbon (Jer. xlix. 3). Ai'ah. 1. Son of Zibeon, a descendant of Seir, and ancestor of one of the wives of Esau (1 Chr. i. 40), called in Gen. xxxvi. 24 Ajah. He probably died before his father, as the succession fell to his brother Anah.— 2. Father of Rizpah, the concubine of Saul (2 Sam. iii. 7, xxi. 8, 10, 11). Ai'ath, a place named by Isaiah (x. 28), in con nexion with Migron and Michmash, probably the same as Ai. [Al.] Ai'ja, like Aiath, probably a variation of the name Ai, mentioned with Michmash and Bethel (Neh. xi. 31). Ai'jalon, " a place of deer or gazelles." 1. A city of the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 24; 1 Chr. vi. 69), originally allotted to the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 42; A. V. "Ajalon"), which tribe, however, was unable to dispossess the Amorites of the place (Judg. i. 35). Aijalon was one o£ the towns forti fied by Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 10) during his con flicts with the new kingdom of Ephraim (1 K. xiv. 30), and the last we hear of it is as being in the hands of the Philistines (2 Chr. xxviii. 18, A. V. ".Ajalon"). Being on the very frontier of the two kingdoms, we can understand how Aijalon should be spoken of sometimes (1 Chr. vi. 69, comp. with 66) as in Ephraim, and sometimes (2 Chr. xi. 10; 1 Sam. xiv. 31) as in Judah and Benjamin. The name is most familiar to us from its mention in the celebrated speech of Joshua during his pursuit of the Canaanites (Josh. a. 12, "valley of Aijalon"). The town has been dis covered by Dr. Robinson in the modem Yalo, a little to the N. of the Jaffa road, about 14 miles out of Jerusalem.— 2. A place in Zebulun, men tioned as the burial-place of Elon, one of the judges (Judg. xii. 12). Ai'jeleth. Sha'har (i. B. the hind of the morning dawn), found once only in the Bible, in connexion with Ps. xxii., of which it forms part of the intro ductory verse or title. This term has been vari ously interpreted. Some take it for the name of a musical instrument; others suppose it to express allegorically the argument of the 22nd Psalm ; but the weight of authority predominates in favour of the interpretation which assigns to the phrase the sole purpose of describing to the musician the me lody to which the psalm was to be played, "a Psalm of David, addressed to tho music master who presides over the band called the Morning Hind." Ain, an eye, and also, in the simple but vivid imagery of the East, a spring or natural burst of living water, always contradistinguished from the well or tank of artificial formation, and which latter is designated by the words Beer and Bar. Ain oftenest occurs in combination with other words forming the names of definite localities : these will ALABASTER be found under En, as En-gedi, En-gannim, &c. It occurs alone in two cases:— -1. One of the land marks on the eastern boundary of Palestine, as described by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 11). It is pro bably 'Ain el-'Azy, the main source of the Orontes. a spring remarkable for its force and magnitude.— 2. One of the southernmost cities of Judah (Josh xv. 32), afterwards allotted to Simeon (Josh, xix 7 • 1 Chr. iv. 32) and given to the priests (Josh. xxi. 16). In the list of priests' cities in 1 Chr. vi. Ashan takes the place of Ain. Ai'rus, one of the "servants of the Temple," or Nethinim, whose sons came up with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 31). Perhaps the same as Reaiah. A'jah=Aiari, 1 (Gen. xxxvi. 24). Ajalon (Josh. x. 12, xix. 42; 2 Chr. xxviii. 18). The same place as Aijalon (1), which see. The Hebrew being the same in both, there is no reason for the inconsistency in the spelling of the name in the A. V. A'kan, sou of Ezer, one of the "dukes" or chieftains of the Horites, and descendant of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 27). He is called Jakan in 1 Chr. i. 42 = Jaakan, which last is probably the true reading in both cases. Ak'kub. 1. A descendant of Zerubbabel and son of Elioenai (1 Chr. iii. 24) — 2. One of the porters or doorkeepers at the east gate of the ' Temple. His descendants succeeded to his office, and appear among those who returned from Baby lon (1 Chi-, ix. 17 ; Ezr. ii. 42 ; Neh. vii. 45, xi. 19, xii. 25). Also called Dacobi (1 Esd. v. 28).— 3. One of the Nethinim, whose family returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 45). Called Acub in 1 Esd. v. 31.— 4. A Levite who assisted Ezra in expounding the law to the people (Neh. viii. 7). Called Jacubus in 1 Esd. ix. 48. Akrab'bim, " the ascent of," and " the going up to ;" also " Maaleh-acrabbim " (" the scorpion-pass "). A pass between the south end of the Dead Sea and Zin, forming one of the landmarks on the south boundary at once of Judah (Josh. xv. 3) and of the Holy Land (Num. xxxiv. 4). Also the north (?) boundary of the Amorites (Judg. i. 36). Judas Maccabaeus gained here a great victory over the Edomites (1 Mace. v. 3, " Arabattine "). Perhaps Akrabbim is the steep pass es-Sufah, by which the final step is made from the desert to the level of the actual land of Pales tine. As to the name, scorpions abound in the whole of this district. Alabaster occurs in the N. T. only in the notice of the alabaster-box of ointment which a woman brought to our Lord when he sat at meat in the house of Simon the leper at Bethany, the contents of which she poured on the head of the Saviour (Matt. xxvi. 7 ; Mark xiv. 3 ; Luke vii. 37). By the English word alabaster is to be un derstood both that kind which is also known by the name of gypsum, as well as the oriental alabaster which is so much valued on account of its translu- cency, and for its variety of coloured streakings, , red, yellow, gray, &c, -which it owes for the most part to the admixture of oxides of iron. The latter is a fibrous carbonate of lime, of which there are many varieties, satin spar being one of the most common. The former is a hydrous sulphate of lime, and forms when calcined and ground the well- known and useful substance called plaster of Paris. Both these kinds of alabaster, but especially the latter, are and have been long used for various ALAMETH ornamental purposes, such as in the fabrication of vases, boxes, &c. The ancients considered alabaster (carbonate of lime) to be the best material in which to preserve their ointments. " Unguents," says Pliny, " keep best in alabaster." In Mark xiv. 3, the woman who brought " the alabaster-box of ointment of spikenard" is said to break the box before pouring out the ointment, which probably only means breaking the seal which kept the essence of the perfume from evaporating. ALEXANDER 29 Alabaster Vessel*.— Vrbm the British Museum. The inscription on the centre vessel denotes the quantity it liolde. Ala'meth, properly Alemeth, one of the sons of Becher, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). Alam'melech, ("king's oak"), a place within the limits of Asher, named between Achshaph and Amad (Josh. xix. 26 only). Al'amoth (Ps. xlvi. title ; 1 Chr. xv. 20), a word of exceedingly doubtful meaning, some in terpreting it to mean a musical instrument, and others a melody. Al'cimus {valiant, a Greek name, assumed, according to the prevailing fashion, as representing Eliakim, whom God will establish), a Jewish priest (1 Mace. vii. 14), who was attached to the Hel- lenizing party (2 Mace. xiv. 3). On the death of Menelaus, though not of the pontifical family, he was appointed to the high-priesthood by the in fluence of Lysias (1 Mace. vii. 14), to the ex clusion of Onias, the nephew of Menelaus. When Demetrius Soter obtained the kingdom of Syria he paid court to that monarch, who confirmed him in his office, and through his general Bacchides [Bacchides] established him at Jerusalem. His cruelty, however, was so great that, in spite of the force left in his command, he was unable to with stand the opposition which he provoked, and he again fled to Demetrius, who immediately took measures for his restoration. The first expedition under Nicanor proved unsuccessful ; but upon this Bacchides marched a second time against Jerusalem with a large army, routed Judas, who fell in the battle (161 B.C.), and reinstated Alcimus. After his restoration, Alcimus seems to have attempted to modify the ancient worship, and as he was engaged in pulling down " the wall of the inner court of the sanctuary " («. e. which separated the court of the Gentiles from it) he was "plagued" (by paralysis), and " died at that time," 160 B.C. (1 Mace. vii. ix. ; cf. 2 Mace. xiv. xv.). Ale-ma, a large and strong city in Gilead in the time of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 26). Alem'eth, a Benjamite, son of Jehoadah or Ja- rah (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42), and descended from Jonathan the son of Saul. Alem'eth, the form under which Almon, the name of a city of the priests in Benjamin, appears in 1 Chr. vi. 60 [45]. Under the very similar form of 'Almit or Almuth, it has been apparently identified in the present day at about a mile N.E. of Anata, the site of Anathoth. Among the gene alogies of Benjamin the name occurs in the A. V. in connexion with Azmaveth, also the name of a town of that tribe (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42, compared with Ezr. ii. 24), but the form in Hebrew is different. Alexander III., king of Macedon, surnamed the Great, " the son of Philip " (1 Mace. vi. 2) and Olympias, was born at Pella, B.C. 356. On the murder of Philip (B.C. 336) Alexander put down with resolute energy the disaffection and hos tility by which his throne was menaced ; and in two years ¦ crossed the Hellespont (B.C. 334) to carry out the plans of his father, and execute the mission of Greece to the civilised world. The battle of the Granicus was followed by the subjugation of western Asia; and in the following year the fate of the East was decided at Issus (B.C. 333). Tyre and Gaza were the only cities in western Syria which offered Alexander any resistance, and these were reduced and treated with unusual severity (B.C. 332). Egypt next submitted to him ; and in B.C. 331 he founded Alexandria, which remains to the present day the most characteristic monument of his life and work. In the same year he finally defeated Darius at Gaugamela; and in B.C. 330 his unhappy rival was murdered by Bessus, satrap of Bactria. The next two years were occupied by Alexander in the consolidation of his Persian con quests and the reduction of Bactria. In B.C. 327 he crossed the Indus, penetrated to the Hydaspes, and was there forced by the discontent of his army to turn westward. He reached Susa, B.C. 325, and proceeded to Babylon, B.C. 324, which he chose as the capital of his empire. In the next year (B.C. 323) he died there in the midst of his gigantic plans ; and those who inherited his conquests left his designs unachieved and unattempted (cf. Dan. vii. 6, viii. 5, xi. 3). — The famous tradition of the visit of Alexander to Jerusalem during his Phoenician campaign (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, §1 ff.) has been a fruitful source of controversy. The Jews, it is said, had provoked his anger by refusing to transfer their allegiance to him when summoned to do so during the siege of Tyre, and after the reduction of Tyre and Gaza he turned towards Jerusalem. Jaddua (Jaddus) the high-priest (Neh. xii. 11, 22), who had been warned in a dream how to avert the king's anger, calmly awaited his approach, and when he drew near went out to meet him, clad in his robes of hyacinth and gold, and accompanied by a train of priests and citizens arrayed in white. Alexander was so moved by the solemn spectacle that he did reverence to the holy name inscribed upon the tiara of the high-priest ; and when Par- menio expressed surprise, he replied that " he had seen the god whom Jaddua represented in a dream at Dium, encouraging him to cross over into Asia, and promising him success." After this it is said that he visited Jerusalem, offered sacrifice there, heard the prophecies of Daniel which foretold his victory, and conferred important privileges upon 30 ALEXANDER BALAS the Jews, not only in Judaea, but in Babylonia and Media, which they enjoyed during the supremacy of his successors. ' The narrative is repeated in the Talmud and in later Jewish writers. On the other hand, no mention of the event occurs in Arrian, Plutarch, Diodorus, or Curtius. But internal evi dence is decidedly in favour of the story even in its picturesque fulness. From policy or conviction Alexander delighted to represent himself as chosen hy destiny for the great act which he achieved. The siege of Tyre arose professedly from a religious motive. The battle of Issus was preceded by the visit to Gordium; the invasion of Persia by the pilgrimage to the temple of Ammon. And the silence of the classical historians, who notoriously disregarded and misrepresented the fortunes of the Jews, cannot be held to be conclusive against the occurrence of an event which must have appeared to them trivial or unintelligible. — In the prophetic visions of Daniel the influence of Alexander is neces sarily combined with that of his successors. They represented with partial exaggeration the several phases of his character ; and to the Jews nationally the policy of the Syrian kings was of greater im portance than the original conquest of Asia. But some traits of "the first mighty king" (Dan. viii. 21, xi. 3) are given with vigorous distinctness. The emblem by which he is typified {a he-goat) suggests the notions of strength and speed ; and the universal extent (Dan. viii. 5, . . . from the west on the face of the whole earth) and marvellous rapidity of his conquests (Dan. I. c, he touched not the ground) are brought forward as the characteristics of his power, which was directed by the strongest per sonal impetuosity (Dan. viii. 6, in the fury of his power). He ruled with great dominion, and did according to his will (xi. 3), " and there was none that could deliver ... out of his hand" (viii. 7). Tetradrnchm (Attic talent) of Lysimachus, King of Thrace. Obv. Head of Alexander the Great as a young Jupiter Ammon. ncv. Pallas seated to left, holding a Victory. Alexander Ba'las was, according to some, a natural son of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, but he was more generally regarded as an impostor who falsely assumed the connexion. He- claimed the throne of Syria, in 152 B.C., in opposition to De metrius Soter, who had provoked the hostility of the neighbouring kings and alienated the affections of his subjects. After landing at Ptolemais (1 Mace. x. 1) Alexander gained the warm support of Jona than, who was now the leader of the Jews (1 Mace. ix. 73) ; and in 150 B.C. he completely routed the forces of Demetrius, who himself fell in the retreat (1 Mace. x. 48-50). After this Alexander married Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemy VI. Philometor ; and in the arrangement of his kingdom appointed Jonathan governor (1 Mace. x. 65) of a province (Judaea: cf. 1 Mace. xi. 57). But his triumph was of short duration. After obtaining power he gave himself up to a life of indulgence ; and when ALEXANDRIA Demetrius Nicator, the son of Demetrius Soter, landed in Syria, in 147 B.C., the new pretender found powerful support (1 Mace. x. 67 ff.). At first Jonathan defeated and slew Apollonius, the governor of Coele-Syria, who had joined the party of Demetrius, for which exploit he received fresh favours from Alexander (1 Mace. x. 69-89) ; but shortly afterwards (B.C. 146) Ptolemy entered Syria with a large force, and after he had placed garrisons in the chief cities on the coast, which received him according to the commands of Alex ander, suddenly pronounced himself in favour of Demetrius (1 Mace. xi. 1-11), alleging, probably with truth, the existence of a conspiracy against his life. Alexander, who had been forced to leave Antioch, was in Cilicia when he heard of Ptolemy's defection (1 Mace. xi. 14). He hastened to meet him, but was defeated (1 Mace. xi. 15), and fled to Abae in Arabia, where he was murdered, B.C. 146 (1 Mace. xi. 17). The narrative in 1 Mace, shows clearly the partiality which the Jews entertained for Alexander " as the first that entreated of true peace with them " (1 Mace. a. 47) ; and the same feeling was exhibited afterwards in the zeal with which they supported his son Antiochus. [An tiochus VI.] Alexander, in N. T. 1. Son of Simon the Cyrenian, who was compelled to bear the cross for our Lord (Mark xv. 21).— 2. One of the kin dred of Annas the high-priest (Acts iv. 6), appa rently in some high office, as he is among three who are mentioned by name. Some suppose him identical with Alexander the Alabarch at Alexandria, the brother of Philo Judaeus, mentioned by Jo sephus.— 3. A Jew at Ephesus, whom his country men put forward during the tumult raised by Demetrius the silversmith (Acts xix. 33), to plead their cause with the mob, as being unconnected with the attempt to overthrow the worship of Artemis. Or he may have been, as imagined by Calvin and others, a Jewish convert to Christianity, whom the Jews were wilhng to expose as a victim to the frenzy of the mob.— 4. An Ephesian Christian, reprobated by St. Paul in 1 Tim. i. 20, as having, together with one Hymenaeus, put from him faith and a good conscience, and so made shipwreck con cerning the faith. This may be the same with— 5. Alexander the coppersmith, mentioned by the same apostle (2 Tim. iv. 14) as having done him many mischiefs. It is quite uncertain where this person resided ; but, from the caution to Timotheus to beware of him, probably at Ephesus. Alexandria (3 Mace. iii. 1 ; Acts xviii. 24, vi. 9), the Hellenic, Roman, and Christian capital of Egypt, was founded by Alexander the Great, B.C. 332, who himself traced the ground-plan of the city, which he designed to make the metropolis of his western empire. The work thus begun was continued after the death of Alexander by the Ptolemies. Every natural advantage contributed to its prosperity. The climate and site were singularlv healthy. The harbours, formed by the island of Pharos and the headland Lochias, were safe and commodious, alike for commerce and for war ; and the Lake Mareotis was an inland haven for the merchandise of Egypt and India. Under the despotism of the later Ptolemies the trade of Alexandria declined, but its population and wealth were enormous. - After the victory of Augustus it suffered for its attachment to the cause of Antony ; but its importance as one of the chief corn-ports ALEXANDRIA of Rome1 secured for it the general favour of the first emperors. In later times the seditious tumults for which the Alexandrians had always been noto rious desolated the city, and religious feuds aggra vated the popular distress. Tet even thus, though Alexandria suffered greatly from constant dissen sions and the weakness of the Byzantine court, the splendour of " the great city of the West" amazed Amrou, its Arab conqueror; and, after centuries, of Mohammedan misrule, it promises once again to justify the wisdom of its founder. — The population of Alexandria was mixed from the first ; and this fact formed the groundwork of the Alexandrine cha racter. The three regions into which the city was divided {Segio Judaeorum, Brucheium, Rhacotis) corresponded to the three chief classes of its inha bitants, Jews, Greeks, Egyptians ; but, in addition to these principal races, representatives of almost every nation were found there. According to Jo sephus, Alexander himself assigned to the Jews a place in his new city ; " and they obtained," he adds, " equal privileges with the Macedonians," in consideration " of their services against the Egyp tians." Ptolemy I. imitated the policy of Alexander, and, after the capture of Jerusalem, removed a considerable number of its citizens to Alexandria. Many others followed of their own accord ; and all received the full Macedonian franchise, as men of known and tried fidelity. Already on a former occasion the Jews had sought a home in the land of their bondage. More than two centuries and a half before the foundation of Alexandria a large body of them had taken refuge in Egypt, after the murder of Gedaliah; but these, after a general apostasy, were carried captive to Babylon by Nebu chadnezzar (2 K. xxv. 26 ; Jer. xliv.).— The fate of the later colony was far different. The numbers and importance of the Egyptian Jews were rapidly increased under the Ptolemies by fresh immigrations and untiring industry. Philo estimates them in his time at little less than 1,000,000; and adds, that two of the five districts of Alexandria were called " Jewish districts ;" and that many Jews lived scattered in the remaining three. Julius Caesar and Augustus confirmed to them the privileges which they had enjoyed before, and they retained them, with various interruptions, during the tumults and persecutions of later reigns. They were repre sented, at least for some time (from the time of Cleopatra to the reign of Claudius), by their own officer, and Augustus appointed a council (i. e. San- hedriri) " to superintend the affairs of the Jews " according to their own laws. The establishment of Christianity altered the civil position of the Jews, but they maintained their relative prosperity ; and when Alexandria was taken by Amrou 40,000 tributary Jews were reckoned among the marvels of the city. — For some time the Jewish Church in Alexandria was in close dependence on that of Jeru salem. Both were subject to the civil power of the first Ptolemies, and both acknowledged the high- priest as their religious head. The persecution of Ptolemy Philopator (217 B.C.) occasioned the first political separation between the two bodies. From that time the Jews of Palestine attached themselves ALLEGORY 31 1 The Alexandrine corn-vessels (Acts xxvii. 6, xxviii. 11) were large (Acts xxvii. 37) and handsome. They generally sailed direct to Puteoli (Acts xxviii. 13) ; hut, from stress of weather, often kept close under the Asiatic coast (Acts xxvii). to the fortunes of Syria [Ahtiochus the Great] ; and the same policy which alienated the Palestinian party gave unity and decision to the Jews of Alexandria. The Septuagint translation, which strengthened the barrier of language between Pales tine and Egypt, and the temple at Leontopolis (161 B.C.), which subjected the Egyptian Jews to the charge of schism, widened the breach which was thus opened. But the division, though marked, was not complete. At the beginning of the Christian era the Egyptian Jews still paid the contributions to the temple-service. Jerusalem, though its name was fashioned to a Greek shape, was still the Holy Gity, the metropolis not of a country but of a people, and the Alexandrians had a synagogue there (Acts vi. 9). The internal administration of the Alexandrine Church was independent of the Sanhe drim at Jerusalem ; but respect survived submission. — According to the common legend St. Mark first " preached the Gospel in Egypt, and founded the first Church in Alexandria." At the beginning of the 2nd century the number of Christians at Alex andria must have been very large, and the great leaders of Gnosticism who arose there (Basilides, Valentinus) exhibit an exaggeration of the tendency of the Church. Alexan'driaiis. 1. The Greek inhabitants of Alexandria (3 Mace. ii. 30, iii. 21). 2. The Jewish colonists of that city, who were admitted to the privileges of citizenship, and had a synagogue- at Jerusalem (Acts vi. 9). See above. Algum or Almug Trees ; the former occurring in 2 Chr. ii. 8, ix. 10, 11, the latter iu 1 K. x. 11, 12. There can be no question that these words are identical. From 1 K. x. 11, 12, 2 Chr. ix. 10, 11, we learn that the almug was brought in great plenty from Ophir, together with gold and precious stones, by the fleet of Hiram, for Solomon's Temple and house, and for the construction of mu sical instruments. In 2 Chr. ii. 8, Solomon is re presented as desiring Hiram to send him " cedar- trees, fir-trees, and almug-trees out of Lebanon." From the passage in Kings it seems clear that Ophir was the country from which the almug- trees came ; and as it is improbable that Lebanon should also have been a locality for them, the pas sage which appears to ascribe the growth of the almug-tree to the mountains of Lebanon must be considered to be either an interpolation of some transcriber, or else it must bear a different inter pretation. Perhaps the wood had been brought from Ophir to Lebanon, and Solomon's instruc tions to Hiram were to send on to Jerusalem the timber imported from Ophir that was lying at the port of Tyre, with the cedars which had been cut in Mount Lebanon. It is impossible to identify the algum or almug-tree with any cer tainty, but the arguments are more in favour of the red sandal-wood {Pterocarpus santalinus) than of any other species. This tree, which belongs to the natural order Leguminosae, and sub-order Pa- pilionaceae, is a native of India and Ceylon. The wood is very heavy, hard, and fine grained, and of a beautiful garnet colour. Al'iah. [Alvah.] ATiaii. [Alvan.] Allegory, a figure of speech, which has been defined by Bishop Marsh, in accordance with its etymology, as " a representation of one thing which is intended to excite the representation of another thing ; " the first representation being consistent 32 ALLELUIA with itself, but requiring, or capable of admitting, a moral or spiritual interpretation over and above its literal sense. An allegory has been considered by some as a lengthened or sustained metaphor, or a continuation of metaphors, as by Cicero, thus stand ing in the same relation to metaphor as parable to simile ; but the interpretation of allegory differs from that of metaphor, in having to do not with words but things. In every allegory there is a twofold sense ; the immediate or historic, which is understood from the words, and the ultimate, which is concerned with the things signified by the words. The allegorical interpretation is not of the words, but of the things signified by them ; and not only may, but actually does, coexist with the literaLinterpretation in eveiy allegory, whether the narrative in which it is conveyed be of things pos sible or real. An illustration of this may be seen in Gal. iv. 24, where the apostle gives an allegorical interpretation to the historical narrative of Hagar and Sarah ; not treating that narrative as an alle gory in itself, as our A. V. would lead us to suppose, but drawing from it a deeper sense than is conveyed by the immediate representation. For examples of pure and mixed allegory, see Ps. lxxx. ; Luke xv. 11-32; John xv. 1-8. Alleluia, so written in Rev. xix. 1, foil. or more properly Hallelujah, " praise ye Je hovah," as it is found in the margin of Ps. cv. cvi. cxii. 1, cxiii. 1, cxlvi.-cl. (comp. Ps. cxiii. 9, cxv. 18, cxvi. 19, cxvii. 2). The Psalms from cxiii. to cxviii. were called by the Jews the Hallel, and were sung on the first of the month, at the feast of De dication, and the feast of Tabernacles, the feast of Weeks, and the feast of the Passover. [Hosanna]. On the last occasion Pss. cxiii. and cxiv., according to the school of Hillel (the former only according to the school of Shammai), were sung before the feast, and the remainder at its termination, after drinking the last cup. The hymn (Matt. xxvi. 30), sung by Christ and his disciples after the last supper, is supposed to have been the great Hallel, which seems to have varied according to the feast. The literal meaning of "Hallelujah" sufficiently indi cates the character of the Psalms in which it occurs, as hymns of praise and thanksgiving. They are all found in the last book of the collection, and "bear marks of being intended for use in the temple- service ; the words " praise ye Jehovah " being taken up by the full chorus of Levites. In the great hymn of triumph in heaven over the destruc tion of Babylon, the apostle in vision heard the multitude in chorus like the voice of mighty thun- derings burst forth, " Alleluia, for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth," responding to the voice which came out of the throne saying " Praise our God, all ye his servants, and ye that fear him, both small and great" (Rev. xix. 1-6). In this, as in the offering of incense (Rev. viii.), there is evident allusion to the service of the temple, as the apostle had often witnessed it in all its grandeur. Alliances. On the first establishment of the Hebrews in Palestine no connexions were formed between them and the surrounding nations. But with the extension of their power under the kings, the Jews were brought more into contact with foreigners, and alliances became essential to the security of their commerce. Solomon concluded two important treaties exclusively for commercial purposes ; the first with Hiram, king of Tyre, ori ginally with the view of obtaining materials and ALLON workmen for the erection of the Temple, and after- wards for the supply of ship-builders and sailors (1 K. v. 2-12, ix. 27) : the second with a Pharaoh, king of Egypt ; by this he secured a monopoly of the trade in horses and other products of that country (1 Ii". x. 28, 29). After the division of the kingdom the alliances were of an offensive and defensive nature. When war broke out between Amaziah and Jeroboam II. a coalition was formed between Rezin, king of Syria, and Pekah on the one side, and Ahaz and Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, on the other (2 K. xvi. 5-9). By this means an opening was afforded to the advances of the Assy rian power ; and the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, as they were successively attacked, sought the alli ance of the Egyptians, who were strongly inte rested. in maintaining the independence of the Jews as a barrier against the encroachments of the Assy rian power. Thus Hoshea made a treaty with So (Sabaco, or Sevechus), and rebelled against Shal- maneser (2 K. xvii. 4). Hezekiah adopted the same policy in opposition to Sennacherib (Is. xxx. 2) ; but in neither case was the alliance productive of much good : the Israelites were abandoned by So, and it was only when the independence of Egypt itself was threatened that the Assyrians were defeated by the joint forces of Sethos and Tirhakah, and a temporary relief afforded thereby to Judah (2 K. xix. 9, 36). On the restoration of independence Judas Maccabeus sought an alliance with the Ro mans as a counterpoise to the neighbouring state of Syria (1 Mace. viii.). This alliance was renewed by Jonathan (1 Mace. xii. 1) and by Simon (1 Mace. xv. 17). On the last occasion the independence of the Jews was recognised and formally notified to the neighbouring nations, B.C. 140 (1 Mace. xv. 22, 23). Treaties of a friendly nature were at the same period concluded with the Lacedaemonians under an impression that they came of a common stock (1 Mace. xii. 2, xiv. 20). — The formation of an alliance was attended with various religious rites: a victim was slain and divided into two parts, between which the contracting parties passed, (Gen. xv. 10). That this custom was maintained to a late period appears from Jer. xxxiv. 18-20. Generally speaking the oath alone is mentioned in the contracting of alliances, either between nations (Josh. ix. 15) or individuals (Gen. xxvi. 28, xxxi. 53 ; 1 Sam. xx. 17 ; 2 K. xi. 4). The event was celebrated by a feast (Gen. I. c. ; Ex. xxiv. 11 ; 2 Sam. iii. 12, 20). Salt, as symbolical of fidelity, was used on these occasions ; it was applied to the sacrifices (Lev. ii. 13), and probably used, as among the Arabs, at hospitable entertainments; hence the expression "covenant of salt" (Num. xviii. 19 ; 2 Chr. xiii. 5). Occasionally a pillar or a heap of stones was set up as a memorial of the alliance (Gen. xxxi. 52). Presents were also sent by the party soliciting the alliance (1 K. xv. 18; Is. xxx. 6 ; 1 Mace. xv. 18). The fidehty of the Jews to their engagements was conspicuous at all periods of their history (Josh. ix. 18), and any breach of covenant was visited with very severe punishment (2 Sam. xxi. 1 ; Ez. xvii. 16). Al'lom = Ami=Amon (1 Esd. v. 34; cf. Ezr. ii. 57 ; Neh. vii. 59). Al Ion, a Simeonite, ancestor of Ziza, a prince of his tribe in the reign of Hezekiah (1 Chr. iv. 37). Al'lon, a large strong tree of some description, probably an oak. The word is found in two names ALMODAD in the topography of Palestine.— 1. Allon, more accurately Elon, a place named among the cities of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33). Probably the more correct construction is to take it with the following word, «'. e. " the oak by Zaanannim," or " the oak of the loading of tents," as if deriving its name from some nomad tribe frequenting the spot. Such a tribe were the Kenites, and in connexion with them the place is again named in Judg. iv. 11, with the additional definition of " by Kedesh (Naph tali)." Here, however, the A. V. following the Vulgate, renders the words " the plain of Zaanaim ." [Elon.]— 2. Al'lon-ba'chuth (" oak of weep ing"), the tree nnder which Rebekah's nurse, Deborah, was buried (Gen. xxxv. 8). Al'modad, the first, in order, of the descendants of Joktan (Gen. x. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 20), and the pro genitor of an Arab tribe. His settlements must be looked for, fn common with those of the other de scendants of Joktan, in the Arabian peninsula ; and his name appears to be preserved in that of Mudad, a famous personage in Arabian history, the reputed father of Ishmael's Arab wife, and the chief of the Joktanite tribe Jurhum. Al'mon, a city within the tribe of Benjamin, with " suburbs " given to the priests (Josh. xxi. 18). In the parallel list in 1 Chr. vi. it is found as Alemeth. [Alemeth.] ATmon-Diblatha im, one of the latest stations of the Israelites, between Dibon-gad and the moun tains of Abarim (Num. xxxiii. 46, 47). Dibon- gad is the present JDhiban, just to the north of the Arnon ; and it is thus probable that Almon-dibla- thaim is identical with Beth-diblathaim, a Moabite city mentioned by Jeremiah (xlviii. 22) in company with both Dibon and Nebo. Almond-tree ; Almond, This word is found in Gen. xliii. 11; Ex. xxv. 33, 34, xxxvii. 19, 20; Num. xvii. 8; Eccles. xii. 5; Jer. i. 11, in the text of the A. V. It is invariably represented by the same Hebrew word {sh&ked), which sometimes stands for the whole tree, sometimes for the fruit or nut; for instance, in Gen. xliii. 11, Jacob commands his sons to take as a present to Joseph " a little honey, spices and myrrh, nuts and almonds ; " here the fruit is clearly meant. In the passages referred to above out of the book of Exodus the " bowls made like unto almonds," which were to adorn the golden candlestick, seem to allude to the nut also. Aaron's rod, that so mira culously budded, yielded almond-nuts. In the two latter passages from Ecclesiastes and Jeremiah the Hebrew sh&ked is translated almond-tree, which from the context it certainly represents. It is clearly then a mistake to suppose, as some writers have done, that sh&ked stands exclusively for " al mond-nuts," and that luz signifies " the tree." It is probable that this tree, conspicuous as it was for its early flowering and useful fruit, was known by these two different names. The Hebrew luz occurs only in Gen. xxx. 37 , where it is translated hazel in the text of the A. V., yet there can be little or no doubt that it is another word for the almond, for in the Arabic this identical word, luz, denotes the almond. [Hazel.]— Sh&ked is derived from a root which signifies " to be wakeful," " to hasten," for the almond-tree blossoms very early in the season, the flowers appearing before the leaves. Hence it was regarded by the Jews as a welcome harbinger of spring, reminding them that the winter was passing away — that the flowers would Con. D. B ALMS 33 soon appear on the earth, that the time of the sing ing of birds was come, and the voice of the turtle would soon be heard in the land (Cant. i. 11, 12). The word sh&ked, therefore, or the tree which hastened to put forth its blossoms, was a very beautiful and fitting synonym for the Uiz, or al mond-tree, in the language of a people so fond of imagery and poetry as were the Jews. The almond- tree has been noticed in flower as early as the 9th of January ; the 19th, 23rd, and 25th are also recorded dates. The knowledge of this interesting fact will explain that otherwise unintelligible passage in Jere miah (i. 1 1 , 12), " The word of the Lord came unto me, saying, Jeremiah, what seest thou 1 And I said, I see the rod of an almond-tree {sh&ked). Then said the Lord unto me, thou hast well seen, for I will hasten {shoked) my word to perform it."— The almond-tree has always been regarded by the Jews with reverence, and even to this day the modern English Jews on their great feast-days carry » bough of flowering almond to the synagogue, just as the Jews of old time used to present palm- branches in the Temple.— The almond-tree, whose scientific name is Amygdalus communis, is a native of Almond-tree and blossom. Asia and North Africa, but it is cultivated in the milder parts of Europe. The height of the tree is about 12 or 14 feet ; the flowers are pink, and ar ranged for the most part in pairs ; the leaves are long, ovate, with a serrated margin, and an acute point. The covering of the fruit is downy and suc culent, enclosing the hard shell which contains trie kernel. It is curious to observe, in connexion with the almond-bowls of the golden candle-stick, that, iu the language of lapidaries, Almonds are pieces of rock-crystal, even now used in adorning branch- candlesticks. Alms. This word is not found in our version of the canonical hooks of 0. T.f but it occurs repeatedly in N. T., and in the Apocryphal books of Tobit and Ecclesiasticus.— The duty of alms giving, especially in kind, consisting chiefly in por tions to be left designedly from produce of the field, the vineyard, and the oliveyard (Lev. xix. 9, 10, xxiii. 22 ; Deut. xv. 11, xxiv. 19, xxvi. 2-13 ; Ruth ii. 2), is strictly enjoined by the Law. Every third year also (Deut. xiv. 28) each pro prietor was directed to share the tithe of his pro duce with " the Levite, the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow." The theological estimate of almsgiving among the Jews is indicated in the fol- D 34 ALMUG-TREES lowing passages: — Job xxxi. 17; Prov. x. 2, xi. 4; Esth. ix. 22; Ps. cxii. 9; Acts ix. 36, the case of Dorcas ; x. 2, of Cornelius ; to which may be added, Tob. iv. 10, 11, xiv. 10, 11; andEcclus. iii. 30, xl. 24. And the Talmudists went so far as to interpret righteousness by almsgiving in such passages as Gen. xviii. 19 ; Is. liv. 14 ; Ps. xvii. 15.— In the women's court of the Temple there were 1 3 receptacles for voluntary offerings (Mark xii. 41), one of which was devoted to alms for education of poor children of good family. Before the Captivity there is no trace of permission of mendicancy, but it was evidently allowed in later times (Matt. xx. 30 ; Mark x. 46 ; Acts iii. 2). — The Pharisees were zealous in almsgiving, but too ostentatious in their mode of performance, for which our Lord finds fault with them (Matt. vi.2). But there is no ground for supposing that the expression " do not sound a trumpet " is more than a mode of denouncing their display, by a figure drawn from the frequent and well-known use of trumpets in religious and other celebrations, Jewish as well as heathen.— The duty of relieving the poor was not neglected by the Christians (Matt. vi. 1 4; Luke xiv. 13 ; Acts xx. 35 ; Gal. ii. 10). Every Christian was exhorted to lay by on the first day of each week some portion of his profits, to be applied to the wants of the needy (Acts xi. 30 ; Rom. xv. 25-27 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 1-4). It was also considered a duty specially incumbent on widows to devote themselves to such ministrations (1 Tim. v. 10).— Almug-Trees. [Algum-Trees.] . Alna'than [Elnathan 2.] (1 Esd. viii. 44). Aquilaria AeaUochum. Aloes, Iagn Aloes (in Heb. Ah&lim, Ahdl&th), the name of a costly and sweet-smelling wood which is mentioned in Num. xxiv. 6, Ps. xiv. 8. Prov. vii. 17. In Cant. iv. 14, Solomon speaks of " myrrh and aloes, with all the chief spices." The word occurs once in the N. T. (John xix. 39), when Hicodemus brings " a mixture of myrrh and ALTAR aloes, about an hundred pound weight," for the purpose of anointing the body of our Lord. It is usually identified with the Aquilaria Agallochum, a tree which supplies the agallochum, or aloes- wood of commerce, much valued in India on account of its aromatic qualities for purposes of fumigation and for incense. This tree grows to the height of 1 20 feet, being 1 2 feet in girth. It is, however, uncertain whether the Ah&lim or Ahaloth is in reality the aloes-wood of commerce ; it is quite possible that some kind of odoriferous cedar may be the tree denoted by these terms. A'loth, a place or district, forming with Asher the jurisdiction of the ninth of Solomon's com missariat officers (1 K. iv. 16). Alpha, the first letter of the Greek alphabet, as Omega is the last. Its significance is plainly indicated in the context, " I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end, the first and the last" (Rev. xxii. 13, i. 8, 11, xxi. 6), which may be compared with Is. xii. 4. Both Greeks and Hebrews employed the letters of the alphabet as numerals. Alphabet. [Writing.] Alphae'ns, the father of the Apostle St. James the Less (Matt. x. 3 ; Mark iii. 18 ; Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13), and husband of that Mary (called in Mark xv. 40, mother of James the Less and of Joses) who, with the mother of Jesus and others, was standing by the cross during the crucifixion (John xix. 25). [Mary.] In this latter place he is called Clopas (not, as in the A. V., Cleophas) ; a variation arising from the double pronunciation. of the Hebrew letter Cheth ; and found also in the rendering of Hebrew names by the LXX. Whether the existence of this variety gives us a further right to identify Alphaeus with the Cleopas of Luke, xxiv. 18, can never be satisfactorily determined. If, as commonly, the ellipsis in 'loiSas 'laK^flov in Luke vi. 15, Acts i. 13, is to be. filled up by inserting " brother," then the apostle St. Jude was another son of Alphaeus. And in Mark ii. 14, Levi (or Matthew) is also said to have been the son of Alphaeus. For further particulars, see James. Altane'ns, the same as Mattenai (Ezr. x. 33), one of the sons of Hashum (1 Esd. ix. 33). Altar. (A.) The first altar of which we have any account is that built by Noah when he left the ark (Gen. viii. 20). In the early times altars were usually built in certain spots hallowed by religious associations, e.g. where God appeared (Gen. xii. 1, xiii. 18, xxvi. 25, xxxv. 1). Generally of course they were erected for the offering of sacrifice ; hut in some instances they appear to have been only memorials. Such was the altar built by Moses, and called Jehovah Nissi, as a sign that Jehovah would have war with Amalek from generation to genera tion (Ex. xvii. 15, 16). Such too was the altar which was built by the Reubenites, Gadites, and half-tribe of Manasseh, " in the borders of Jordan," and which was erected " not for burnt-offerings nor for sacrifice," but that it might be "a witness" between them and the rest of the tribes (Josh. xxii. 10-29). Altars were most probably originally made of earth. The Law of Moses allowed them to be made either of earth or unhewn stones (Ex. xx. 24, 25) : any iron tool would have profaned the altar — but this could only refer to the body of the altar, and that part on which the victim was laid, as directions were given to make a casing of shittim- wood overlaid with brass for the altar of burnt- ALTAR ¦offering. (See below.) In later times they were frequently built on high places, especially in idola trous worship (Deut. xii. 2). The altars so erected were themselves sometimes called "high places." By the Law of Moses all altars were forbidden, •except those first in the Tabernacle, and afterwards in the Temple (Lev. xvii. 8, 9 ; Deut. xii. 13, &c). This prohibition, however, was not strictly observed, at least till after the building of the Temple, even by pious Israelites. Thus Gideon built an altar (judg. vi. 24). So likewise did Samuel (1 Sam. vii. 9, 10), David (2 Sam. xxiv. 25), and Solomon (1 K. iii. 4). The sanctity attaching to the altar led to its being regarded as a place of refuge or asylum (Ex. xxi. 14 ; IK. i. 50).— (B.) The Law •of Moses directed that two altars should be made, the one the Altar of Burnt-offering (called also simply the Altar), and the other the Altar of Incense.— I. The Altar of Burnt-offering, called in Mal. i. 7, 12, " the table of the Lord," perhaps also in Ez. xliv. 16. Jt differed in construction at different times. (1.) In the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvii. 1 ff. xxxviii. 1 ff.) it was comparatively small and portable. In shape it was square. It was five cubits in length, the same in breadth, and three cubits high. It was made of planks of shittim (or acacia) wood overlaid with brass. The interior was hollow (Ex. xxvii. 8). At the four corners were four projections called horns, made, like the altar itself, of shittim-wood overlaid with brass (Ex. xxvii. 2). They probably projected "upwards ; and to them the victim was bound when about to be sacrificed (Ps. cxviii. 27). On the occasion of the consecration of the priests (Ex. xxix. 12) and the offering of the sin-offering (Lev. iv. 7 ff.) the blood of the victim was sprinkled on the homs of the altar. Round the altar, midway between the top and bottom, ran a projecting ledge (A. V. " compass"), on which perhaps the priests stood when they officiated. To the outer edge of this, again, a grating or net-work of brass was affixed, and reached to the bottom of the altar, which thus presented the appearance of being larger below than above. At the four comers of the net work were four brasen rings, into which were inserted the staves by which the altar was carried. These staves were of the same materials as the altar itself. As the priests were forbidden to ascend the altar by steps (Ex. xx. 26), it has been conjectured that a slope of earth led gradually up to the ledge from which they officiated. The place of the altar was at " the door of the tabernacle of the tent of the congregation " (Ex. xl. 29). The various utensils for the service of the altar (Ex. xxvii. 3) were: (1.) Pans to clear away the fat and ashes with. (2.) Shovels. (3.) Basons, in which the blood of the victims was received, and from which it was sprinkled. (4.) Flesh-hooks, by means of which the flesh was removed from the caldron or pot. (See 1 Sam ii. 13, 14, where they are described as having three prongs.) (5.) Fire-pans, or perhaps censers. These might either be used for taking coals from the fire on the altar (Lev. xvi. 12) ; or for burning incense (Num. xvi. 6, 7). All these utensils were of brass.— (2.) In Solomon's Temple the altar was considerably larger in its dimensions, as might have been expected from the much greater size of the building in which it was placed. Like the former it was square; but the length and breadth were now twenty cubits, and the height ten (2 Chr. iv. 1). It differed, too, ALTAR 35 in the material of which it was made, being entirely of brass (1 K. viii. 64 ; 2 Chr. vii. 7). It had no grating : and instead of a single gradual slope, the ascent to it was probably made by three successive platforms, to each of which it has been supposed that steps led, as in the figure annexed. Altar of Burnt Omn-imj, from Surcnljusius' Miihna. this may be urged the fact that the Law of Moses positively forbade the use of steps (Ex. xx. 26) and the assertion of Josephus that in Herod's temple the ascent was by an inclined plane. On the other- hand steps are introduced in the ideal, or symbolical, temple of Ezekiel (xliii. 17), and the prohibition in Ex. xx. has been interpreted as applying to a con tinuous flight of stairs, and not to a broken ascent. But the Biblical account is so brief that we are necessarily unable to determine the question. Asa, we read, renewed this altar (2 Chr. xv. 8). This may either mean that he repaired it, or more pro bably perhaps that he reconsecrated it after it had been polluted by idol-worship. Subsequently Ahaz had it removed from its place to the north side of the new altar which Urijah the priest had made in accordance with his directions (2 K. xvi. 14). It was " cleansed " by command of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 18), and Manasseh, after his repentance, either repaired or rebuilt it (2 Chr. xxxiii. 16). It may finally have been broken up, and the brass carried to Babylon, but this is not mentioned (Jer. Hi. 17 ff.).— (3.) The altar of burnt-offering in the second (Zerubbabel's) temple. Of this no descrip tion is given in the Bible. We are only told (Ezr. iii. 2) that it was built before the foundations of the Temple were laid. According to Josephus {Ant. xi. 4, §1) it was placed on the same spot on which that of Solomon had originally stood. .It was con structed, as we may infer from 1 Mace. iv. 47, of unhewn stones. Antiochus Epiphanes desecrated it (1 Mace. i. 54) : and according to Josephus {Ant. xii. 5, §4) removed it altogether. In the restora tion by Judas Maccabaeus a new altar was built of unhewn stone in conformity with the Mosaic Law (1 Mace. iv. 47).— (4.) The altar erected by Herod, which is thus described by Josephus {B. J. v. 5, §6) ;— " In front of the Temple stood the altar, 15 cubits in height, and in breadth and length of equal dimensions, viz. 50 cubits ; it was built foursquare, with horn-like comers projecting from it ; and on the south side a gentle acclivity led up to it. Moreover it was made without any iron tool, neither did iron ever touch it at any time." The dimensions given in the Mishna are different. In connexion with the hom on the south- D 2 36 ALTAE west was a pipe intended to receive the blood of the victims, which was sprinkled on the left side of the altar : the blood was afterwards earned by means of a subterranean passage into the brook Kidron. Under the altar was a cavity into which the drink- offerings passed. It was covered over with a slab of marble, and emptied from time to time. On the north side of the altar were a number of brazen rings, to secure the animals which were brought for sacrifice. Lastly, round the middle of the altar ran a scarlet thread to mark where the blood was to be sprinkled, whether above or below it.— According to Lev. vi. 12, 13, a perpetual fire was to be kept burning on the altar. This was the symbol and token of the perpetual worship of Jehovah. For inasmuch as the whole religion of Israel was concentrated in the sacrifices which were offered, the extinguishing of the fire would have looked like the extinguishing of the religion itself. The fire which consumed the sacrifices was kindled from this: and besides these there was the fire from which the coals were taken to burn incense with.— II. The Altar of Incense, called also the golden altar to distinguish it from the Altar of Burnt-offering, which was called the brazen altar (Ex. xxxviii. 30). Probably this is meant by the " altar of wood" spoken of Ezek. xii. 22, which is further described as the " table that is before the Lord," precisely the expression used of the altar of incense. The name " altar " was not strictly appropriate, as no sacrifices were offered upon it; but once in the year, on the great day of atonement, the high-priest sprinkled upon the horns of it the blood of the sin-offering (Ex. xxx. 10).— (a.) That in the Tabernacle was made of acacia-wood, over laid with pure gold. In shape it was square, being a cubit in length and breadth, and 2 cubits in height. Like the Altar of Burnt-offering it had horns at the four corners, which were of one piece with the rest of the altar. It had also a top or roof, on which the incense was laid and lighted. Many, following the interpretation of the Vulgate craticu- lam ejus, have supposed a kind of grating to be meant ; but for this there is no authority. Round the altar was a border or wreath. Below this were two golden rings which were to be " for places for the staves to bear it withal." The staves were of acacia-wood overlaid with gold. Its appearance may be illustrated by the following figure : — ¦ Supposed form of tho Altar of Income. AL-TASCH1TH This altar stood in the Holy Place, " before the vail that is by the ark of the testimony " (Ex. xxx. 6, xl. 5).— (6.) The Altar in Solomon's Temple was similar (1 K. vii. 48 ; 1 Chr. xxviii. 18), but was made of cedar overlaid with gold. The altar mentioned in Is. vi. 6 is clearly the Altar of Incense, not the Altar of Burnt-offering. From this pas sage it would seem that heated stones were laid upon the altar, by means of which the incense was kindled. Although it is the heavenly altar which I I Various Altars. 1, 2. Egyptian, from bas-reliefs. (Rossellini.) 3. Assyrian, found at Kiiorsabad (Layard.) 4. Babylonian, Jlibliotliique 2,'ationate. (Layard.) 5. Assyrian, from Kborsabad. (Layard.) is there described, we may presume that the earthly corresponded to it.— (c.) The Altar of Incense is mentioned as having been removed from the Temple of Zerubbabel by Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mace. i. 21). Judas Maccabaeus restored it, together with the holy vessels, &c. (1 Mace. iv. 49). On the arch of Titus no Altar of Incense appears. But that it existed in the last Temple, and was richly overlaid, we learn from the Mishna. From the circumstance that the sweet incense was burnt upon it every day, morning and evening (Ex. xxx. 7, 8), as well as that the blood of atonement was sprinkled upon it (v. 10), this altar had a special import ance attached to it. It is the only altar which appears in the Heavenly Temple (Is. vi. 6; Eev. viii. 3, 4).— C. Other Altars. (1.) Altai's of brick. There seems to be an allusion to such in Is. lxv. 3. (2.) An Altar to an Unknown God. What altar this was has been the subject of much discus sion. St. Paul merely mentions in his speech on the Areopagus that he had himself seen such an altar in Athens. His assertion is confirmed by other writers, from whom we learn that there were several altars of this kind at Athens. It is not at all probable that such inscription referred to the God of the Jews, as One whose Name it was un lawful to utter, as some have supposed. As to the origin of these altars, we are told by Diogenes Laertius that in the time of a plague, when the Athenians knew not what god to propitiate in order to avert it, Epimenides caused black and white- sheep to be let loose from the Areopagus, and wherever they lay down, to be offered to the re spective divinities. It was probably on this or similar occasions that altars were dedicated to an Unknown God, since they knew not what god was offended and required to be propitiated. Al-Taschith, found in the introductory verse to the four following Psalms, lvii., Iviii., lix., lxxv. ALUSH Literally rendered, the import of the words is " destroy not," probably the beginning of some song or poem to the tune of which those psalms were to be chanted. A'lush, one of the stations of the Israelites on their journey to Sinai, the last before Eephidim (Num. xxxiii. 13, 14). Al'vah, a duke of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 40), writ ten Aliah in 1 Chr. i. 51. Al van, a Horite, son of Shobal (Gen. xxxvi. 23), written Alian in 1 Chr. i. 40. A'mad, an unknown place in Asher, between Alammelech and Misheal (Josh. xix. 26 only). Amad'atha (Esth. xvi. 10, 17) ; and Amad'- athus (Esth. xii. 6). [Hammedatha.] A'mal, an Asherite, son of Helem (1 Chr. vii. 35V Am'alek, son of Eliphaz by his concubine Timnah, grandson of Esau, and chieftain (" duke " A. V.) of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 12, 16 ; 1 Chr. i. 36). Amal'ekites, a nomadic tribe, which occupied the peninsula of Sinai and the wilderness intervening between the southern hill-ranges of Palestine and the border of Egypt (Num. xiii. 29 ; 1 Sam. xv. 7, xxvii. 8). Arabian historians represent them as originally dwelling on the shores of the Persian Gulf, whence they were pressed westwards by the growth of the Assyrian empire, and spread over a portion of Arabia at a period antecedent to its occupation by the descendants of Joktan. This account of their origin harmonizes with Gen. xiv. 7, where the " country " of the Amalekites is men tioned several generations before the birth of the Edomite Amalek: it throws light on the traces of a permanent occupation of central Palestine in their passage westward, as indicated by the names Amalek and Mount of the Amalekites (Judg. v. 14, xii. 1 5) : and it accounts for the silence of Scripture as to any relationship between the Amalekites on the one hand, and the Edomites or the Israelites on the other. That a mixture of the two former races occurred at a later period, would in this case be the only inference from Gen. xxxvi. 16, though many writers have considered that passage to refer to the origin of the whole nation, explaining Gen. xiv. 7, as a case oiprolepsis. The physical character of the district, which the Ama lekites occupied, necessitated a nomadic life, which they adopted to its fullest extent, taking their families with them even on their military expedi tions (Judg. vi. 5). Their wealth consisted in flocks and herds. Mention is made of a " town " (1 Sam. xv. 5), but their towns could have been Httle more than stations, or nomadic enclosures. The kings or chieftains were perhaps distinguished by the hereditary title Agag (Num. xxiv. 7 ; 1 Sam. xv. 8). Two important routes led through the Amalekite district, viz., from Palestine to Egypt by the Isthmus of Suez, and to southern Asia and Africa by the Aelanitic arm of the Red Sea. It has been conjectured that the expedition of the four kings (Gen. xiv.) had for its object the opening of the latter route ; and it is in connexion with the former that the Amalekites first came in contact with the Israelites, whose progress they attempted to stop, adopting a guerilla style of warfare (Deut. xxv. 18), but were signally defeated at Rephidim (Ex. xvii.). In union with the Ca- naanites they again attacked the Israelites on the borders of Palestine, and defeated them near Hor- mah (Num. xiv. 45). Thenceforward we hear of AMASAI 37 them only as a secondary power, at one time in league with theMoabites (Judg. iii. 13), when they were defeated by Ehud near Jericho ; at another time in league with the Midianites (Judg. vi. 3) when they penetrated into the plain of Esdraelon, and were defeated by Gideon. Saul undertook an expedition against them, overrunning their whole district from Havilah to Shur, and inflicting an immense loss upon them (1 Sam. xv.\ Their power was thenceforth broken, and they degenerated into a horde of banditti. Their destruction was completed by David (1 Sam. xxvii., xxx.). A'mam., a city in the south of Judah, named with Shema and Moladah in Josh. xv. 26 only. Ainan. [Haman.] (Tob. xiv. 2, Esth. x. 7, xii. 6, xiii. 3, 12, xiv. 17, xvi. 10, 17). Am'ana, apparently a mountain in or near Lebanon — " from the head of Amana " (Cant. iv. 8). It is commonly assumed that this is the mountain in which the river Abana (2 K. v. 12) has its source, but in the absence of further research in the Lebanon this is mere assumption. Amariah. 1. Father of Ahitub, according to 1 Chr. vi. 7, 52, and son of Meraioth, in the line of the high-priests. 2. The high-priest in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xix. 11). He was the son of Azariah, and the fifth high-priest who succeeded Zadok (1 Chr. vi. 11). 3. The head of a Levitical house of the Kohathites in the time of David (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). 4, The head of one of the twenty-four courses of priests, which was named after him, in the times of David, of Hezekiah, and of Nehemiah (1 Chr. xxiv. 14; 2 Chr. xxxi. 15 ; Neh. x. 3, xii. 2, 13). In the first passage the name is written, Immer, but it seems to be the same name. Another form of the name is Imri (1 Chr. ix. 4), a man of Judah, of the sons of Bani. 5. One of the sons of Bani in the time of Ezra, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 42). 6. A priest who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. x. 3, xii. 2, 13). 7. A descend ant of Pharez, the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 4), probably the same as Imri in 1 Chr. ix. 4. 8. An ancestor of Zephaniah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1). Amari'as. [Amariah I.] (1- Esd. viii. 3; 2 Esd. i. 2). Am'asa. 1. Son of Ithra or Jether, by Abigail, David's sister (2 Sam. xvii. 25). He joined Ab salom in his rebellion, and was by him appointed commander-in-chief in the place of Joab, by whom he was totally defeated in the forest of Ephraim (2 Sam. xviii. 6). "When Joab incurred the dis pleasure of David for killing Absalom, David for gave the treason of Amasa, recognized him as his nephew, and appointed him Joab's successor (xix. 13). Joab afterwards, when they were both in pursuit of the rebel Sheba, pretending to salute Amasa, stabbed him with his sword (xx. 10), which he held concealed in his left hand. 2. A prince of Ephraim, son of Hadlai, in the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). Amasa'i. 1, A Kohathite, father of Mahath, and ancestor of Samuel and Heman the singer (1 Chr. vi. 25, 35). 2. Chief of the captains of Judah and Benjamin, who deserted to David while an outlaw at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 18). Whether the same as Amasa, David's nephew, is uncertain. 3. One of the priests who blew trumpets before the Ark, when David brought it from the house of Obededom (1 Chr. xv. 24). 4. Another Koha thite, father of another Mahath, in the reign of 38 AMASHAI Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12), unless the name is that of a family. Amasha'i, son of Azareel, a priest in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 13), apparently the same as Maasiai (1 Chr. ix. 12). Amasi'ah, son of Zichri, and captain of 200,000 warriors of Judah, in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 16). A'math. [Hamath.] Ama'theis (1 Esd. ix. 29). [Athlai.] Am'athis, " the land of," a district to the N. of Palestine (1 Mace. xii. 25). From the con text it is evidently Hamath. Amazi'ah, son of Joash, and eighth king of Judah, reigned B.C. 837-809. He succeeded to the throne at the age of 25, on the murder of his father, and punished the murderers ; sparing, how ever, their children, in accordance with Deut. xxiv. 16, as the 2nd book of Kings (xiv. 6) expressly in forms us, thereby implying that the precept had not been generally observed. In order to restore his kingdom to the greatness of Jehoshaphat's days, he made war on the Edomites, defeated them in the valley of Salt, south of the Dead Sea, and took their capital, Selah or Petra, to which he gave the name of Jokteel, $'. e. " God-subdued." We read in 2 Chr. xxv. 12-14, that the victorious Jews threw 10,000 Edomites from the cliffs, and that Amaziah performed religious ceremonies in honour of the gods of the country ; an exception to the general character of his reign (cf. 2 K. xiv. 3, with 2 Chr. xxv. 2). In consequence of this he was overtaken by misfortune. Having already offended the He brews of the northern kingdom by sending back, in obedience to a prophet's direction, some mercenary troops whom he had hired from it, he had the foolish arrogance to challenge Joash, king of Israel, to battle, despising probably a sovereign whose strength had been exhausted by Syrian wars, and who had not yet made himself respected by the great successes recorded in 2 K. xiii. 25. But Judah was completely defeated, and Amaziah him self was taken prisoner, and conveyed by Joash to Jerusalem, which opened its gates to the conqueror. A portion of the wall of Jerusalem on the side towards the Israelitish frontier was broken down, and treasures and hostages were carried off to Samaria. Amaziah lived 15 years after the death of Joash ; and in the 29th year of his reign was murdered by conspirators at Lachish, whither he had retired for safety from Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxv. 27). 2. A descendant of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 34). 3. A Levite (1 Chr. vi. 45). 4. Priest of the golden calf at Bethel, who endeavoured lo drive the prophet Amos from Israel into Judah (Am. vii. 10, 12, 14). Ambassador, The earliest examples of am bassadors employed occur in the cases of Edom, Moab, and the Amorites (Num. xx. 14, xxi. 21; Judg. xi. 17-19), afterwards in that of the fraudu lent Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 4, &c), and in the instances of civil strife mentioned judg. xi. 12, and xx. 12. They are alluded to more frequently during and after the contact of the great adjacent monarchies of Syria, Babylon, &c, with those of Judah and Israel, as in the invasion of Senna cherib. They were usually men of high rank. In the case quoted the chief captain, the chief cup-bearer, and chief of the eunuchs, were met by delegates of similar dignity from Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 17, 18 ; see also Is. xxx. 4). Am- AMETHYST bassadors are found to have been employed, not only on occasions of hostile challenge or insolent menace (2 K. xiv. 8 ; 1 K. xx. 2, 6), but of friendly compliment, of request for alliance or other aid, of submissive deprecation, and of curious inquiry (2 K. xiv. 8, xvi. 7, xviii. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 31). Amber (Heb. chashmal) occurs only in Ez. i, 4, 27, viii. 2. It is usually supposed that the Hebrew word chashmal denotes a metal, and not the fossil resin called amber. The LXX. and Vulg. afford no certain clue to identification, for the word electron was used by the Greeks to express both amber and a certain metal, which was composed of gold and silver, and held in very high estimation by the ancients. A'men, literally, " true;" and, used as a sub stantive, " that which is true," '* truth " (Is. lxv. 16) ; a word used in strong asseverations, fixing as it were the stamp of truth upon the asser tion which it accompanied, and making it binding as an oath (comp. Num. v. 22). In Deut. xxvii. 15-26, the people were to say "Amen," as the Levites pronounced each of the curses upon Mount Ebal, signifying by this their assent to the condi tions under which the curses would be inflicted. In accordance with this usage we find that among the Rabbins, " Amen " involves the ideas of swear ing, acceptance, and truthfulness. The first two are illustrated by the passages already quoted^ the last by 1 K. i. 36 ; John iii. 3, 5, 11 (A. V. " verily "),, in which the assertions are made with the solemnity of an oath, and then strengthened hy the repetition of " Amen." " Amen " was the proper response of the person to whom an oath was administered (Neh. v. 13, viii. 6 ; 1 Chr. xvi. 36; Jer. xi. 5, marg.), and the Deity to whom appeal is- made on such occasions is called " the God of Amen" (Is. lxv. 16), as being a witness to the sincerity of the implied compact. With a similar significance Christ is called " the Amen, the faithful and true witness " (Rev. iii. 14 ; comp. John i. 14, xiv. 6 ; 2 Cor. i. 20). It is matter of tradition. that in the Temple the " Amen " was not uttered by the people, but that, instead, at the conclusion of the priest's prayers, they responded, " Blessed be the name of the glory of his kingdom for ever and ever." Of this a trace is supposed to remain in the concluding sentence of the Lord's Prayer (comp. Rom. xi. 36). But in the synagogues and private houses it was customary for the people or members of the family who were present to say "Amen" to the prayers which were offered by the minister or the master of the house, and the custom remained in the early Christian Church (Matt. vi. 13 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 16). And not only public prayers, but those offered in private, and doxologies were appropriately concluded with "Amen" (Rom. ix. 5, xi. 36, xv. 33, xvi. 27 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 13, &c). Amethyst (Heb. achlam&h). Mention is made of this precious stone, which formed the third in the third row of the high-priest's breastplate, in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxix. 12, " And the third row a ligure, an agate, and an amethyst." It occurs also in the N. T. (Rev. xxi. 20) as the twelfth stone which garnished the foundations of the wall of the heavenly Jerusalem. Commentators generally are agreed that the amethyst is the stone indicated by the Hebrew word, an opinion which is abundantly supported by the ancient versions.— -Modem minera logists by the term amethyst usually understand: AMI the amethystine variety of quartz, which is crys talline and highly transparent.— The Greek word amethustos, the origin of the English amethyst, is usually derived from a, "not," and methuo, " to be intoxicated," this stone having been believed to have the power of dispelling drunkenness in those who wore it. Ami, one of " Solomon's servants " (Ezr. ii. 57) ; called AMON in Neh. vii. 59, and Allom, 1 Esd. v. 34. Amin'adab (Matt. i. 4; Luke iii. 33). [Am minadab 1.] Amit'tai, father of the prophet Jonah (2 K. xiv. 25; Jon. i. 1). Am'mah, the hill of, a hill " facing " Giah by the way of the wilderness of Gibeon, named as the point to which Joab's pursuit of Abner after the death of Asahel extended (2 Sam. ii. 24). Am 'mi, i.e. as explained in the marg. of A. V. " my people," a figurative name, applied to the kingdom of Israel in token of God's reconciliation with them, in contrast with the equally significant name Lo-ammi given by the prophet Hosea to his second son by Gomer the daughter of Diblaim (Hos. ii. 1). In the same manner Kuhamah con trasts with Lo-Ruhamah. Am'midoi, in some copies Ajimidioi, named in 1 Esdr. v. 20, among those who came up from Babylon with Zorobabel. Am 'mi el 1. The spy selected by Moses from the tribe of Dan (Num. xiii. 12). 2. Father of Machir of Lodebar (2 Sam. ix. 4, 5, xvii. 27). 3. Father of Bathsheba (1 Chr. iii. 5), called ELIAM in 2 Sam. xi. 3. He was the son of Ahithophel, David's prime minister. 4. The sixth son of Obed-Edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5), and one of the doorkeepers of the Temple. Am'mihud. 1. An Ephraimite, father of Elishama, the chief of the tribe at the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, 53, x. 22 ; 1 Chr. vii. 26), and, through him, ancestor of Joshua. 2, A Simeonite, father of Shemuel, prince of the tribe (Num. xxxiv. 20) at the time of the division of Canaan. 8. The father of Pedahel, prince of the tribe of Naphthali at the same time (Num. xxxiv. 28). 4. The father of Talmai, king of Geshur (2 Sam. xiii. 37). 5. A descendant of Pharez, son of Judah (1 Chi-, ix. 4). Arnmin'adab. 1, Son of Ram or Aram, and father of Nahshon, or Naason (as it is written, Matt. i. 4 ; Luke iii. 32), who was the prince of the tribe of Judah, at the first numbering of Israel in the second year of the Exodus (Num. i. 7, ii. 3 ; Ruth iv. 19, 20 ; 1 Chi-, ii. 10). He was the fourth generation after Judah the patriarch of his tribe, and one of the ancestors of Jesus Christ. 2. The chief of the 112 sons of Uzziel, a junior Levitical house of the family of the Kohathites (Ex. vi. 18), in the days of David, whom that king sent for, together with other chief fathers of Levitical houses, to bring the ark of God to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 10-12). 3. In 1 Chr. vi. 22 Izhar, the son of Kohath, and father of Korah, is called Amminadab, but it is probably only a clerical error. In Cant. vi. 12, it is uncertain whether we ought to read, Amminadib, with the A, V., or my willing people, as in the margin. Ammin'adib [Amminadab 3.] (Cant. vi. 12). Ammishadda'i, the father of Ahiezer, prince of the tribe of Dan at the time of the Exodus (Num i. 12, ii. 25, vii. 66, 71, a. 25). AMMON 39 Ammiz'abad, the son of Benaiah, who apparently acted as his father's lieutenant, and commanded the third division of David's army, which was on duty for the third month (1 Chr. xxvii. 6). Ammon, Ammonites, Children of Ammon, a people descended from Ben-Ammi, the son of Lot hy his younger daughter (Gen. xix: 38 ; comp. Ps. lxxxiii. 7, 8), as Moab was by the elder ; and dating from the destruction of Sodom. The near relation between the two peoples indicated in the story of their origin continued throughout their existence (comp. Judg. x. 6 ; 2 Chr. xx. 1 ; Zeph. ii. 8, &c). Indeed, so close was their union, and so near their identity, that each would appear to be occasionally spoken of under the name of the other. Unlike Moab, the precise position of the territory ot the Ammonites is not ascertainable. In the earliest mention of them (Deut. ii. 20) they are said to have destroyed the Rephaim, whom they called the Zam- zummim, and to have dwelt in their place, Jabbok being their border (Num. xxi. 24 ; Deut. ii. 37, iii. 16). "Land" or "country" is, however, but rarely ascribed to them, nor is there any reference to those habits and circumstances of civilisation, which so constantly recur in the allusions to Moab (Is. xv., xvi. : Jer. xlviii.). On the contrary, we find everywhere traces of the fierce habits of marauders in their incursions (1 Sam. xi. 2 ; Am. i. 13), and a very high degree of crafty cruelty to their foes (Jer. xii. 6, 7 ; Jud. vii. 11, 12). It appears that Moab was the settled and civilised half of the nation of Lot, and that Ammon formed its predatory and Bedouin section. On the west ot Jordan they never obtained a footing. Among the confusions of the times of the Judges we find them twice passing over ; once with Moab and Amalek seizing Jericho, the " city of palm-trees " (Judg. iii. 13), and a second time " to fight against Judah and Benjamin, and the house of Ephraim ; " but they quickly returned to the freer pastures of Gilead, leaving but one trace of their presence in the name of Chephar ha-Ammonai, " the hamlet of the Ammonites" (Josh, xviii. 24), situated in the portion of Benjamin somewhere at the head of the passes which lead up from the Jordan- valley. The hatred in which the Ammonites were held by Israel is stated to have arisen partly from their opposition, or, rather, their denial of assistance (Deut. xxiii. 4), to the Israelites on their approach to Canaan. But it evidently sprang mainly from their share in the affair of Balaam (Dent, xxiii. 4 ; Neh. xiii. 1). At the period of Israel's first approach to the south of Palestine the feeling towards Ammon is one of regard. The command is then "distress not the Moabites .... distress not the children of Ammon, nor meddle with them " (Deut. ii. 9, 19; and comp. 37), and it is only from the subsequent transaction that we can account for the fact that Edom, who had also refused passage through his land, but had taken no part with Balaam, is punished with the ban of exclusion from the congregation for three generations, while Moab and Ammon are to be kept out for ten genera tions (Deut. xxiii. 3, 8). But whatever its origin it is certain that the animosity continued in force to the latest date. Subdued by Jephthah (Judg. xi. 33), and scattered with great slaughter by Saul (1 Sam. xi. 11) — and that not- once only, for he " vexed " them " whithersoever he turned " (xiv. 47) — they enjoyed under his successor a short respite, probably the result of the connexion of 40 AMMONITESS Moab with David (1 Sam. xxii. 3) and David's town, Bethlehem — where the memory of Ruth must have been still fresh. But this was soon brought to a close hy the shameful treatment to which their king subjected the friendly messengers of David (2 Sam. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. xix. 4), and for which he destroyed their city, and inflicted on them the severest blows (2 Sam. xii. ; 1 Chr. xx.). [Rabbah.] In the days of Jehoshaphat they made an incursion into Judah with the Moabites and the Maonites, but were signally repulsed, and so many killed that three days were occupied in spoiling the bodies (2 Chr. xx. 1-25). In Uzziah's reign they made incursions, and committed atrocities in Gilead (Am. i. 13) ; Jotham had wars with them, and exacted from them a heavy tribute of "silver (comp. "jewels," 2 Chr. xx. 25), wheat, and barley" (2 Chr. xxvii. 5). In the time of Jere miah we find them in possession of the cities of Gad from which the Jews had been removed by Tiglath-Pileser (Jer. xlix., 1-6) ; and other incur sions are elsewhere alluded to (Zeph. ii. 8, 9). At the time of the captivity many Jews took refuge among the Ammonites from the Assyrians (Jer. xl. 11), but no better feeling appears to have arisen, and on the return from Babylon, Tobiah the Am monite and Sanballat a Moabite (of Horonaim, Jer. xlix.), were foremost among the opponents of Nehemiah's restoration. The last appearances of the Ammonites in the biblical narrative are in the books of Judith (v. vi. vii.) and of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 6, 30-43), and it has been already re marked that their chief characteristics — close alliance with Moab, hatred of Israel, and cunning cruelty — are maintained to the end.— The tribe was governed by a king (Judg. xi. 12, &c. ; 1 Sam. xii. 12 ; 2 Sam. x. 1 ; Jer. xl. 14) and by " princes " (2 Sam. x. 3 ; 1 Chr. xix. 3). It has been conjectured that Nahash (1 Sam. xi. 1 ; 2 Sam. x. 2) was the official title of the king as Pharaoh was of the Egyptian monarchs ; but this is without any clear foundation.— The divinity of the tribe was Molech, generally named in the 0. T. under the altered form of Milcom — " the abomination of the children of Ammon ;" and occasionally as Malcham. In more than one passage under the word rendered " their king " in the A. V. an allusion is intended to this idol. [Molech.] Ammoni'tess, a woman of Ammonite race. Such were Naamah, the mother of Rehoboam, one of Solomon's foreign wives (1 K. xiv. 21, 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13), and Shimeath, whose son Zabad or Jozachar was one of the murderers of Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 26). For allusions to these mixed marriages see 1 K. xi. 1, and Neh. xiii. 23. Am'non. 1. Eldest son of David by Ahinoam the Jezreelitess, born in Hebron while his father's royalty was only acknowledged in Judah. He dis honoured his half-sister Tamar, and was in con sequence murdered by her brother (2 Sam. xiii. 1-29). [Absalom.]— 2. Son of Shimon (1 Chr. iv. 20). A'mok, a priest who returned with Zerubabel (Neh. xii. 7, 20). A'mon, an Egyptian divinity, whose name occurs in that of No Amon (Nah. iii. 8), in A. V. " populous No," or Thebes, also called No. [No.] The Greeks called this divinity Ammon. The ancient Egyptian name is Amen, which must signify " the hidden," from the verb amen, " to enwrap, conceal." Amen was one of the eight gods of the AMORITE first order, and chief of the triad of Thebes. He was worshipped at that city as Amen-Ra, or " Amen the sun," represented as a man wearing a cap with The god Amon (Wilkini two high plumes. The Greeks identified Amen with Zeus, and he was therefore called Zeus Ammon and Jupiter Ammon. A'mon. 1. King of Judah, son and successor ot Manasseh, reigned two years from B.C. 642 to 640. Following his father's example, Amon devoted him self wholly to the service of false gods, but was killed in a conspiracy. The people avenged him by putting all the conspirators to death, and secured the succession to bis son Josiah. To Amon's reign we must refer the terrible picture which the prophet Zephaniah gives of the moral and religious state of Jerusalem : idolatry supported by priests and pro phets (i. 4, iii. 4), the poor ruthlessly oppressed (iii. 3), and shameless ^difference to evil (iii. 11).— 2. Prince or governor of Samaria in the reign of Ahab (1 K. xxii. 26 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 25). What was the precise nature of his office is not known. Perhaps the prophet Micaiah was entrusted to his custody as captain of the citadel.— 3. See Ami. Am'orite, the Am'orites, i. e. the dwellers on the summits — mountaineers — one of the chief na tions who possessed the land of Canaan before its conquest by the Israelites. In the genealogical table of Gen. x. " the Amorite " is given as the fourth son of Canaan, with "Zidon, Heth [Hittite], the Jebusite," &c. As dwelling on the elevated portions of the country, they are contrasted with the Ca- naanites, who were the dwellers in the lowlands; and the two thus formed the main broad divisions of the Holy Land. " The Hittite, and the Jebusite, and the Amorite, dwell in the mountain [of Judah and Ephraim], and the Canaanite dwells by the sea [the lowlands of Philistia and Sharon] and by the ' side ' of Jordan " [in the valley of the Arabah] — was the report of the first Israelites who entered the country (Num. xiii. 29 ; and see Josh. v. 1, x. 6, xi. 3 ; Deut. i. 7, 20, " mountain of the A. ;" 44). In the very earliest times (Gen. xiv. 7) they are occupying the barren heights west of the Dead Sea, at the place which afterwards bore the name of En- gedi ; hills in whose fastnesses, the " rocks of the wild goats," David afterwards took refuge from the pursuit of Saul (1 Sam. xxiii. 29, xxiv. 2). AMOS [Hazezon-Tamak.] From this point they stretched west to Hebron, where Abram was then dwelling under the " oak-grove " of the three brothers, Aner, Eshcol, and Mamre (Gen. xiv. 13 ; comp. xiii. 18). From this, their ancient seat, they may have crossed the valley of the Jordan, tempted by the high table lands on the east, for there we next meet them at the date of the invasion of the country. Sihon, their then king, had taken the rich pasture-land south of the Jabbok, and had driven the Moabites, its former possessors, across the wide chasm of the Amon (Num. xxi. 13, 26), which thenceforward formed the boundary between the two hostile peoples (Num. xxi. 13). The Israelites apparently ap proached from the south-east, keeping " on the other side " (that is on the east) of the upper part of the Arnon, which there bends southwards, so as to form the eastern boundary of the country of Moab. Their request to pass through his land was refused by Sihon (Num. xxi. 21 ; Deut. ii. 26) ; he " went out" against them (Num. xxi. 23 ; Deut. ii. 32), was killed with his sons and his people (Deut. ii. 33), and his land, cattle, and cities taken pos session of by Israel (Num. xxi. 24, 25, 31 ; Deut. ii. 34-36). This rich tract, bounded by the Jabbok on the north, the Arnon on the south, Jordan on the west, and " the wilderness" on the east (Judg. xi. 21, 22), was, perhaps, in the most special sense the " land of the Amorites " (Num. xxi. 31 ; Josh. xii. 2, 3, xiii. 9 ; Judg. xi. 21, 22) ; but their pos sessions are distinctly stated to have extended to the very foot of Hermon (Deut. iii. 8, iv. 48), em bracing " all Gilead and all Bashan " (iii. 10), with the Jordan valley on the east of the river (iv. 49), and forming together the land of the " two kings of the Amorites," Sihon and Og (Deut. xxxi. 4 ; Josh. ii. 10, ix. 10, xxiv. 12). After the passage of the Jordan we again meet with Amorites dis puting with Joshua the conquest of the west country (Josh. x. 5, &c, xi. 3, &c). After the conquest of Canaan nothing is heard in the Bible of the Amorites, except the occasional men tion of their name among the early inhabitants of the country. A'mos. 1. A native of Tekoa in Judah, about six miles S. of Bethlehem, originally a' shepherd and dresser of sycomore-trees, who was called by God's Spirit to be a prophet, although not trained in any of the regular prophetic schools (i. 1, vii. 14,«15). He travelled from Judah into the northern kingdom of Israel or Ephraim, and there exercised his ministry, apparently not for any long time. His date cannot be later than the 15th year of Uzziah's reign (B.C. 808) ; for he tells us that he prophesied " in the reigns of Uzziah king of Judah, and Jeroboam the son of Joash king of Israel, two years before the earthquake." This earthquake (also mentioned Zech. xiv. 5) cannot have occurred after the 17th year of Uzziah, since Jeroboam II. died in the 15th of that king's reign, which therefore is the latest year fulfilling the three chronological indications furnished by the prophet himself. But his ministry probably took place at an earlier period of Jeroboam's reign, perhaps about the middle of it, for on the one hand Amos speaks of the conquests of this warlike king as completed (vi. 13 ; cf. 2 K. xiv. 25), and on the other the Assyrians, who towards the end of his reign were : approaching Palestine (Hos. x. 6, xi. 5), do not seem as yet to have caused any alarm in the country. Ames predicts indeed that Israel and other neigh- AMPHIPOLIS 41 bouring nations will be punished by certain wild conquerors from the North (i. 5, v. 27, vi. 14), but does not name them, as if they were still un known or unheeded. In this prophet's time Israel was at the height of power, wealth, and security, but infected by the crimes to which such a state is liable. The poor were oppressed (viii. 4), the ordinances of religion thought burdensome (viii. 5), and idleness, luxury, and extravagance were general (iii. 15). The source of these evils was idolatry, that of the golden calves. Calf-worship was spe cially practised at Bethel, where was a principal temple and summer palace for the king (vii. 13 ; cf. iii. 15), also at Gilgal, Dan, and Beersheba in Judah (iv. 4, v. 5, viii. 14), and was offensively united with the true worship of the Lord (V. 14, 21-23 ; cf. 2 K. xvii. 33). Amos went to rebuke this at Bethel itself, but was compelled to return to Judah by the high-priest Amaziah, who procured from Jeroboam an order for his expulsion from the northern kingdom. The book of the prophecies of Amos seems divided into four principal portions closely connected together. (1 ) From j. 1 to ii. 3 he denounces the sins of the nations bordering on Israel and Judah, as a preparation for (2), in which, from ii. 4 to vi. 14, he describes the state of those two kingdoms, especially the former. This is fol lowed by (3) vii. 1-ix. 10, in which, after reflect ing on the previous prophecy, he relates his visit to Bethel, and sketches the impending punishment of Israel which he predicted to Amaziah. After this in (4) he rises to a loftier and more evangelical strain, looking forward to the time when the hope of the Messiah's kingdom will be fulfilled, and His people forgiven and established in the enjoyment of God's blessings to all eternity. The chief peculiarity of the style consists in the number of allusions to natural objects and agricultural occupations, as might be expected from the early life of the author. See i. 3, ii. 13, iii. 4, 5, iv. 2, 7, 9, v. 8, 19, vi. 12, vii. 1, ix. 3, 9, 13, 14. The references to it in the N. T. are two: v. 25, 26, 27 is quoted by St. Stephen in Acts vii. 42, 43, and ix. 11 by St. James in Acts xv. 16. As the book is evidently not a series of detached prophecies, but logically and artistically connected in its several parts, it was probably written by Amos as we now have it after his return to Tekoa from his mission to Bethel.— 2. Son of Naum, in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 25). A'moz, father of the prophet Isaiah, and, accord ing to Rabbinical tradition, brother of Amaziah king of Judah (2 K. xix. 2, 20, xx. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 20, 32; Is. i. 1, ii. 1, xiii. 1, xx. 2, xxxvii. 2, 21, xxxviii. 1). Amphip'olis, a city of Macedonia, through which Paul and Silas passed on their way from Philippi to Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1). It was distant 33 Roman miles from Philippi. It was called Amphi- polis, because the river Strymon flowed almost round the town. It stood upon an eminence on the left or eastern bank of this river, just below its egress from the lake Cercinitis, and at the dis tance of about three miles from the sea. It was a colony of the Athenians, and was memorable in the Peloponnesian war for the battle fought under its walls, in which both Brasidas and Cleon were killed. Its site is now occupied by a village called Neokhorio, in Turkish Jeni-Keni, or " New Town." 42 AMPLIAS— ANAH Amphipolls. Am'plias, a Christian at Rome (Rom. xvi. 8). Am'ram. 1. A Levite of the family of the Ko hathites, and father of Moses, Aaron, and Miriam (Ex. vi. 18, 20; Num. iii. 19; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 3, 18). He is called the "son" of Kohath, but it is evident that in the genealogy several generations must have been omitted ; for from Joseph to Joshua ten generations are recorded, while from Levi to Moses there are but three. Again, the Kohathites in the time of Moses mustered 8600 males, from a month old and upward (Num. iii. 28), a number to which they could not have attained in two ge nerations from Kohath. The chief difficulty which attends this explanation is the fact that Jochebed, the wife and aunt of Amram, is described as a daughter of Levi, who was born to him in Egypt (Num. xxvi. 59) ; but it may be avoided by sup posing that by " Levi," the tribe and not the indi vidual is intended.— 2. A son of Dishon and de scendant of Seir (1 Chr. i. 41) ; properly " Ham- ran" = Hemdan in Gen. xxxvi. 26. — 8. One of the sons of Bani in the time of Ezra, who had mar ried a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 34). Called Omaekus in 1 Esdr. ix. 34. Am'ramites. A branch of the great Kohathite family of the tribe of Levi (Num. iii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23) ; descended from Amram the father of Moses. Am'raphel, perhaps a Hamite king of Shinar or Babylonia, who joined the victorious incursion of the Elamite Chedorlaomer against the kings of Sodom and Gomorrah and the cities of the plain (Gen. xiv.). AmuletB were ornaments, gems, scrolls, &c., worn as preservatives against the power of enchant ments, and generally inscribed with mystic forms or characters. The word does not occur in the A. V., but the " earrings " in Gen. xxxv. 4 were obviously connected with idolatrous worship, and were pro bably amulets taken from the bodies of the slain Shechemites. They are subsequently mentioned among the spoils of Midian (Judg. viii. 24), and perhaps their objectionable character was the reason why Gideon asked for them. Again, in Hos. ii. 13, "decking herself with earrings" is mentioned as one of the signs of the " days of Baalim." The " earrings " in Is. iii. 20 were also amulets. The Jews were particularly addicted to amulets, and the only restriction placed by the Rabbis on then- use was, that none but approved amulets (i. e. such as were known to have cured three persons) were to be worn on the Sabbath. Am'zi, 1. A Levite of the family of Merari, and ancestor of Ethan the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 46).— 2. A priest, whose descendant Adaiah with his brethren did the service, for the temple in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 12). A'nab, a town in the mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 50), named, with Debir and Hebron, as once belonging to the Anakim (Josh. xi. 21). It has retained its ancient name, and lies among the hills about 10 miles S.S.W. of Hebron, close to Shoco and Eshtemoa (Rob. i. 494). An'ael, brother of Tobit (Tob. i. 21). A'nah, the son of Zibeon, the son of Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 24), a " duke " or prince of his tribe, and father of Aholibamah, one of the wives of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 14, 25). There is no reason to suppose that he is other than the same Anah who found the " hot springs " (not " mules," as in the A. V.) in the desert as he fed the asses of Zibeon his father, though Bunsen considers him a distinct personage, the son of Seir and brother of Zibeon {Bibelwerk, v. 83). The chief difficulty connected with the identification of Anah arises from the various names which are given to Esau's wives. In the Edomite genealogy of Gen. xxxvi. 2, Aholi bamah is described as " the daughter of Anah, the daughter ('son' LXX. and Sam.) of Zibeon the Hivite;" the word "daughter" in the second case referring still to Aholibamah, and not to Anah, as is evident from ver. 25. But in Gen. xxvi. 34, the same wife of Esau is called Judith, the daughter of Beeri the Hittite. If therefore Judith is another name of Aholibamah, Beeri the Hittite is appa rently identical with Anah the Hivite, and on this supposition there arises a twofold discrepancy. Anah was not a Hivite but a Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 20) ; this difficulty may be removed by attributing it to a mistake of the transcriber, or by supposing with ANAHABATH Hengstenberg that Anah belonged to that branch of the Hivites, who from living in caves were called Horites or Troglodytes. The former is probably the true solution, and the Alex. MS. of the LXX. has adopted the reading " Horite" in Gen. xxxvi. 2. That Anah and Beeri are the same person, is unhe sitatingly affirmed by Hengstenberg, who conjec tures that from the circumstance of his discovering the hot-springs in the wilderness Anah obtained the name Beeri, " the man of the wells," and that the designation " Hittite," in Gen. xxvi., is a gen eral term, equivalent to "Canaanite" (comp. Gen. xxvii. 46 with xxviii. 1). South-east of the Dead Sea, in the country of the Horites, are the hot-springs •f the Wady Al-Akhsa, the ancient Callirrhoe. Anah'arath, a place within the border of Is- sachar, named with Shihon and Rabbith (Jos. xix. 19). Anai'ah. 1. Probably a priest: one of those who stood on Ezra's right hand as he read the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). He is called ANA NIAS in 1 Esdr. ix. 43.-2. One of " the heads of the people " who signed the covenant with Nehe miah (Neh. x. 22). A'nak. [Anakim.] An'akim, a race of giants, descendants of Arba (Josh. xv. 13, xxi. 11), dwelling in the southern part of Canaan, and particularly at Hebron, which from their progenitor received the name of" city of Arba." Besides the general designation Anakim, they are variously called sons of Anak (Num. xiii. 33), descendants of Anak (Num. xiii. 22), and sons of Anakim (Deut. i. 28). These designations serve to show that we must regard Anak as the name of the race rather than that of an individual, and this is confirmed by what is said of Arba, their pro genitor, that he "was a great man among the Anakim" (Josh. xiv. 15). The race appears to have been divided into three tribes or families, bearing the names Sheshai, Ahiman, and Talmai. Though the wailike appearance of the Anakim had struck the Israelites with terror in the time of Moses (Num. xiii. 28 ; Deut. ix. 2), they were nevertheless dispossessed by Joshua, and utterly driven from the land, except a small remnant that found refuge in the Philistine cities, Gaza, Gath, andAshdod (Josh. xi. 21, 22). Their chief city Hebron became the possession of Caleb, who is said to have driven out from it the three sons of Anak mentioned above, that is the three families or tribes of the Anakim (Josh. xv. 14 ; Judg. i. 20). After this time they vanish from history. An'ainim, a Mizraite people or tribe, respecting the settlements of which nothing certain is known (Gen. x. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 11). Judging from the po sition of the other Mizraite peoples, this one pro bably occupied some part of Egypt, or of the ad joining region of Africa, or possibly of the south west of Palestine. Anam'melech, one of the idols worshipped by the colonists introduced into Samaria from Sephar- vaim (2 K. xvii. 31). He was worshipped with rites resembling those of Molech, children being burnt in his honour, and is the companion-god to Adrammelech. As Adrammelech is the male power of the sun, so Anammelech is the female power of the sun. A'nan. 1. One of "the heads of the people" who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 26).— 2. =Hanan 4 (1 Esdr. v. 30). Anani, the seventh son of Elioenai, descended ANATHEMA 43 through Zerubbabel fi-om the royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). Anani'ah. Probably a priest, and ancestor of Azariah, who assisted in rebuilding the city wall in the days of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 23). Anani'ah, a place, named between Nob and Hazor, in which the Benjamites lived after theii return from captivity (Neh. xi. 32). Anani'as, 1. The sons of Ananias to the number of 101, are enumerated in 1 Esdr. v. 16 as having returned with Zorobabel. No such name occurs in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah. — 2. (1 Esdr. ix. 21). [Hanani 3.]— 3. (1 Esdr. ix. 29). [Hana- niah 9.]— 4. (1 Esdr. ix. 43). [Anaiah 1.]— 5. (1 Esdr. ix. 48). [Hanan 5.]— 6. Father of Aza- rias, whose name was assumed by the angel Ra phael (Tob. v. 12, 13).— 7. Ancestor of Judith (Jud. viii. 1).— 8. Shadrach (Song of 3 Ch. 66 ; 1 Mace. ii. 59). [Hananiah 7.] Anani'as. 1, A high-priest in Actst xxiii. 2-5. xxiv. 1. He was the son of Nebedaeus, succeeded Joseph son of Camydus, and preceded Ismael son of Phabi. He was nominated to the office by Herod king of Chalcis, in A.D. 48 ; and in A.D. 52 sent to Rome by the prefect Ummidius Quadratus to answer before the Emperor Claudius a charge of oppression brought by the Samaritans. He appears, however, not to have lost his office, but to have resumed it on his return. He was deposed shortly before Felix left the province ; but still had great power, which he used violently and lawlessly. He was at last assas sinated by the sicarii at the beginning of the last Jewish war.— 2. A disciple at Jerusalem, husband of Sapphira (Acts v. 1-11.). Having sold his goods for the benefit of the church, he kept back a part ot the price, bringing to the apostles' the remainder, as if it were the whole, his wife also being privy to the scheme. St. Peter, being enabled by the power of the Spirit to see through the fraud, denounced him as having lied to the Holy Ghost, i. e. having attempted to pass upon the Spirit resident in the- apostles an act of deliberate deceit. On hearing this, Ananias fell down and expired. That this incident was no mere physical consequence of St. Peter's severity of tone, as some of the German writers have maintained, distinctly appears by the direct sentence of a similar death pronounced by the same apostle upon his wife Sapphira a few hours after. [Sapphira.] It is of course possible that Ananias's death may have been an act of divine justice unlooked for by the apostle, as there is no mention of such an intended result in bis speech ; but in the case of the wife, such an idea is out of the question.— 3. A Jewish disciple at Damascus (Acts ix. 10-17), of high repute, " a devout man according to the law, having a good report of all the Jews which dwelt there" (Acts xxii. 12). Being ordered by the Lord in a vision, he sought out Saul during the period of blindness and dejec tion which followed his conversion, and announced to him his future commission as a preacher of the Gospel, conveying to him at the same time, by the laying on of his hands, the restoration of sight, and commanding him to arise, and be baptized, and wash away his sins, calling on the name of the Lord. Tradition makes him to have been after wards bishop of Damascus, and to have died 'by martyrdom. Anan'iel, forefather of Tobit (Tob. i. 1). A'nath, father of Shamgar (Judg. iii. 31, v. 6). Anath'ema, which literally means a thing sus- 44 ANATHOTH pended, is the equivalent of the Hebrew word signi fying a thing or person devoted. Any object so devoted to the Lord was irredeemable: if an in animate object, it was to be given to the priests (Num. xviii. 14) ; if a living creature or even a man, it was to be slain (Lev. xxvii. 28, 29). Gene rally speaking a vow of this description was taken only with respect to the idolatrous nations who were marked out for destruction by the special de cree of Jehovah, as in Num. xxi, 2; Josh. vi. 17: but occasionally the vow was made indefinitely, and involved the death of the innocent, as is illus trated in the cases of Jephthah's daughter (Judg. xi. 31), and Jonathan (1 Sam. xiv. 24) who was only saved by the interposition of the people. The breach of such a vow on the part of any one di rectly or indirectly participating in it was punished with death (Josh. vii. 25). The word anathema frequently occurs in St. Paul's writings, and is generally translated accursed. Many expositors have regarded his use of it as a technical term for judicial excommunication. That the word was so used in the early Church there can be no doubt, but an examination of the passages in which it occurs shows that it had acquired a more general sense as expressive either of strong feeling (Rom. ix. 3) or of dislike and condemnation (1 Cor. xii. 3, xvi. 22 ; Gal. i. 9). An'athoth. 1, Son of Becher, a son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). — 2. One of the heads of the people who signed the covenant in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. x. 19) ; unless, as is not unlikely, the name stands for " the men ofAnathoth" enumerated in Neh. vii. 27. An'athoth, a priests' city, belonging to the tribe of Benjamin, with "suburbs" (Josh. xxi. 18; 1 Chr. vi. 60). Hither to his "fields" Abiathar was banished by Solomon after the failure of his attempt to put Adonijah on the throne (1 K. ii. 26). This was the native place of Abiezer, one of David's 30 captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 12), and of Jehu, another of the mighty men (1 Chi-, xii. 3) ; and here, " of the priests that were in Anathoth," Jeremiah was born (Jer. i. 1 , xi. 21, 23, xxix. 27, xxxii. 7, 8, 9). The "men" of A. returned from the captivity with Zerub babel (Ezra ii. 23 ; Neh. vii. 27 ; 1 Esdr. v. 18). Anathoth lay on or near the great road from the north to Jerusalem (Is. x. 30), and is placed by Eusebius and Jerome at 3 miles from the city. Its position has been discovered by Robinson at Andta, on a broad ridge 1J hour N.N.E. from Jerusalem. The cultivation of the priests survives in tilled fields of grain, with figs and olives. There are the remains of walls and strong foundations, and the quarries still supply Jerusalem with building stone. Anchor. [Ship.] An'drew, one among the firet called of the Apostles of our Lord (John i. 40 ; Matt. iv. 18) ; brother (whether elder or younger is uncertain) of Simon Peter (ibid.). He was of Bethsaida, and had been a disciple of John the Baptist. On hearing Jesus a second time designated by him as the Lamb of God, he left his former master, and, in company with another of John's disciples, attached himself to our Lord. By his means his brother Simon was brought to Jesus (John i. 41). The apparent discrepancv in Matt. iv. 18 ff., Marki. 16 if., where the two appear to have been called together, is no real one ; St. John relating the first introduction of the bro thers to Jesus, the other Evangelists their formal ANGELS call to follow Him in his ministry. In the catalogue of the Apostles, Andrew appears, in Matt. x. 2, Luke vi. 14, second, next after his brother Peter; but in Mark iii. 16, Acts i. 13, fourth, next after the three, Peter, James, and John, and in company with Philip. And this ap pears to have been his real place of dignity among the Apostles; for in Mark xiii. 3. we find Peter, James, John, and Andrew, inquiring privately cf our Lord about His coming ; and in John xii. 22, when certain Greeks wished for an interview with Jesus, they applied through Andrew, who consulted Philip, and in company with him made the request known to our Lord. This last circumstance, com bined with the Greek character of both their names, may perhaps point to some slight shade of Hel lenistic connexion on the part of the two Apostles ; though it is extremely improbable that any of the Twelve were Hellenists in the proper sense. On the occasion of the five thousand in the wilderness wanting food, it is Andrew who points out the little lad with the five barley loaves and the two fishes. Scripture relates nothing of him beyond these scattered notices. Except in the catalogue (i. 13), his name does not occur once in the Acts. The traditions about him are various. Eusebius makes him preach in Scythia ; Jerome and Theodoret in Achaia (Greece) ; Nicephorus in Asia Minor and Thrace. He is said to havo been crucified at Patrae in Achaia. Some ancient writers speak of an apo cryphal Acts of Andrew. Androni'cus. 1, An officer left as viceroy (2 Mace. iv. 31) in Antioch by Antiochus Epi- phanes during his absence (B.C. 171). At the in stigation of Menelaus, Andronicus put to death the high-priest Onias. This murder excited general indignation ; and on the return of Antiochus, Andro nicus was publicly degraded and executed (2 Mace. iv. 31-38). — 2. Another officer of Antiochus Epi- phanes who was left by him on Garizim (2 Mace. v. 23), probably in occupation of the temple there. — 3. A Christian at Rome, saluted by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 7), together with Junias. The two are called by him his relations and fellow-captives, and of note among the Apostles, using that term pro bably in the wider sense. A'nem, a city of Issachar, with " suburbs," be longing to the Gershonites (1 Chr. vi. 73). A'ner, a city of Manasseh west of Jordan, with " suburbs" given to the Kohathites (1 Chr. vi. 70). A'ner, one of the three Amorite chiefs of Hebron who aided Abraham in the pursuit after the four invading kings (Gen. xiv. 13, 24). Aneth'othite (2 Sam. xxiii. 27), Anefothite (1 Chr. xxvii. 12), and An'tothite (1 Chr. xi. 28, xii. 3), an inhabitant of Anathoth of the tribe of Benjamin. Anefothite. [Anethothite.] Angels. By the word "angels" (i.e. "mes sengers" of God) we ordinarily understand a race of spiritual beings, of a nature exalted far above that of min, although infinitely removed from that of God, whose office is " to do Him service in hea ven, and by His appointment to succour and defend men on earth." I. Scriptural use of the word. — There are many passages in which the expression the " angel of God," " the angel of Jehovah," is certainly used for a manifestation of God himself. This is especially the case in the earlier books of the Old Testament, and may be seen at once by a com- ANGELS parison of Gen. xxii. 11 with 12, and of Ex. iii. 2 with 6 and 14 ; where He, who is called the " angel of Jehovah " in one verse, is called " God," and even " Jehovah " in those which follow, and accepts the worship due to God alone. (Contrast Rev. xix. 10, xxii. 9.) See also Gen. xvi. 7, 13, xxxi. 11,13, xlviii. 15, 16 ; Num. xxii. 22, 32, 35, and comp. Is. lxiii. 9 with Ex. xxxiii. 14, &c. &c. It is to be observed also, that, side by side with these expres sions, we read of God's being manifested in the form of mam; as to Abraham at Mamre (Gen. xviii. 2, 22, comp. xix. 1), to Jacob at Penuel (Gen. xxxii. 24, 30), to Joshua at Gilgal (Josh. v. 13, 15), &c. It is hardly to be doubted that both sets of passages refer to the same kind of manifestation of the Divine Presence. This being the case, since we know that " no man hath seen God " (the Father) " at any time," and that " the only-begotten Son, which is in the bosom of the Father He hath revealed Him" (John i. 18), the inevitable inference is that by the " Angel of the Lord " in such passages is meant He, who is from the beginning the "Word," i. e. the Manifester or Revealer of God. These appearances are evidently " foreshadowings of the Incarnation." By these God the Son manifested Himself from time to time in that human nature which He united to the Godhead for ever in the Virgin's womb. Besides this, which is the highest application of the word " angel," we find the phrase used of any messengers of God, such as the prophets (Is. xiii. 19 ; Hag. i. 13; Mal. iii. 1), the priests (Mal. ii. 7), and the rulers of the Christian churches (Rev. i. 20)— II. Nature of angels. — Little is said of their nature as distinct from their office. They are termed "spirits" (as in Heb. i. 14); but it is not asserted that the angelic nature is incorpo real. The contrary seems expressly implied by the words in which our Lord declares, that, after the Resurrection, men shall be "like the angels" (Luke xx. 36) ; because (as is elsewhere said, Phil. iii. 21) their bodies, as well as their spirits, shall have been made entirely like His. It may also be noticed that the glorious appearance, ascribed to the angels in Scripture (as in Dan. x. 6) is the same as that which shone out in our Lord's Transfigura tion, and in which St. John saw him clothed in heaven (Rev. i. 14-16) ; and moreover, that, when ever angels have been made manifest to man, it has always been in human form (as in Gen. xviii., xix.; Luke xxiv. 4; Acts i. 10, &c. &c). The very fact that the titles " sons of God" (Job i. 6, xxxviii. 7 ; Dan. iii. 25 comp. with 28), and "gods" (Ps. viii. 5, xcvii. 7), applied to them, are also given to men (see Luke iii. 38 ; Ps. lxxxii. 6, and comp. our Lord's application of this last passage in John x. 34-37), points in the same way to a difference only of degree, and an identity of kind, between the human and the angelic nature. The angels are therefore revealed to us as beings, such as man miglit be and will be when the power of sin and death is removed, partaking in their mea sure of the attributes of God, Truth, Purity, and Love, because always beholding His face (Matt. xviii. 10), and therefore being " made like Him " (1 John iii. 2). This, of course, implies finiteness, and therefore (in the strict sense) " imperfection " of nature, and constant progress, both moral and intellectual, through all eternity. Such imperfec tion, contrasted with the infinity of God, is ex pressly ascribed to them in Job iv. 18 ; Matt. xxiv. 36; 1 Pet, i. 12. This finiteness of nature im- ANGELS 45 plies capacity of temptation ; and accordingly we hear of " fallen angels." Of the nature of their temptation and the circumstances of their fall, we know absolutely nothing. All that is certain is, that they "left their first estate," and that they are now "angels of the devil" (Matt. xxv. 41; Rev. xii. 7, 9), partaking therefore of the falsehood, uncleanness, and hatred, which are his peculiar characteristics (John viii. 44). On the other hand, the title especially assigned to the angels of God, that of the "holy ones" (see Dan. iv. 13, 23, viii. 13 ; Matt. xxv. 31), is precisely the one which is given to those men who are renewed in Christ's image, but which belongs to them in actuality and in perfection only hereafter. (Comp. Heb. ii. 10, v. 9, xii. 23.)— III. Office of the angels.— Of then- office in heaven, we have, of course, only vague prophetic glimpses (as in 1 K. xxii. 19 ; Is. vi. 1-3 ; Dan. vii. 9, 10 ; Rev. vi. 11, &c.), which show us nothing but a never-ceasing adoration. Their office towards man is far more fully described to us. They are represented as being, in the widest sense, agents of God's Providence, natural and super natural, to the body and to the soul. The opera tions of nature are spoken of, as under angelic guidance fulfilling the Will of God. Thus the pestilences which slew the firstborn (Ex. xii. 23 ; Heb. xi. 28), the disobedient people in the wilder ness (1 Cor. x. 10), the Israelites in the days of David (2 Sam. xxiv. 16; 1 Chr. xxi. 16), and the army of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 35), as also the plague which cut off Herod (Acts xii. 23) are plainly spoken of as the work of the " angel of the Lord." Nor can the mysterious declarations of the Apocalypse, by far the most numerous of all, be resolved into mere poetical imagery. (See especially Rev. viii. and ix.) More particularly, however, angels are spoken of as ministers of what is called supernatural Providence of God ; as agents in the great scheme of the spi ritual redemption and sanctification of man, of which the Bible is the record. In the Book of Genesis there is no notice of angelic appearance till after the call of Abraham. Then, as the book is the history of the chosen family, so the angels mingle with and watch over its family life, enter tained by Abraham and by Lot (Gen. xviii. xix.), guiding Abraham's servant to Padan-Aram (xxiv. 7, 40), seen by the fugitive Jacob at Bethel (xxviii. 12), and welcoming his return at Maha- naim (xxxii. 1). Their ministry hallows domestic life, in its trials and its blessings alike, and is closer, more familiar, and less awful than in aftertimes. (Contrast Gen. xviii. with Judg. vi. 21,22, xiii. 16, 22.) In the subsequent history, that of a chosen nation, the angels are represented more as ministers of wrath and mercy. It is, moreover, to be observed, that the records of their appearance belong especially to two periods, that of the Judges, and that of the captivity, which were transition periods in Israelitish history ; the former one des titute of direct revelation or prophetic guidance, the latter one of special trial and unusual con tact with heathenism. During the lives of Moses and Joshua there is no record of the appearance of created angels, and only obscure reference to angels at all. In the Book of Judges angels appear at once to rebuke idolatry (ii. 1-4), to call Gideon (vi. 11, &c.) and consecrate Samson (xiii. 3, &c.) to the work of deliverance. The prophetic office begins with Samuel, and immediately angelic guidance is withheld, except when needed by the prophets them- 46 ANGLING selves (1 K. xix. 5 ; 2 K. vi. 17). During the prophetic and kingly period, angels are spoken of only (as noticed above) as ministers of God in the operations of nature. But in the captivity, when the Jews were in the presence of foreign nations, each claiming its tutelary deity, then to the prophets Daniel and Zechariah, angels are revealed in a fresh light, as. watching, not only over Je rusalem, but also over heathen kingdoms, under the Providence, and to work out the designs, of the Lord. (See Zech. passim, and Dan. iv. 13, 23, x. 10, 13, 20, 21, &c.) The Incarnation marks a new epoch of angelic ministration. " The Angel of Je hovah," the Lord of all created angels, having now descended from heaven to earth, it was natural that His servants should continue to do Him service there. Whether to predict and glorify His birth itself (Matt. i. 20 ; Luke i. ii.), to minister to Him after his temptation and agony (Matt. iv. 11 ; Luke xxii. 43), or to declare His resurrection and triumphant ascension (Matt, xxviii. 2 ; John xx. 12 ; Acts i. 10, 11), they seem now to be indeed " ascending and descending on the Son of Man," almost as though transferring to earth the ministra tions of heaven. The New Testament is the history -of the Church of Christ, every member of which is united to Him. Accordingly, the angels are revealed now, as "ministering spirits" to each individual member of Christ for His spiritual guidauce and aid (Heb. i. 14). The records of their visible appear ance are but unfrequent (Acts v. 19, viii. 26, x. 3, xii. 7, xxvii. 23) ; but their presence and their aid are referred to familiarly, almost as things of course, ever after the Incarnation. They are spoken of as watching over Christ's little ones (Matt, xviii. 10), as rejoicing over a penitent sinner (Luke xv. 10), as present in the wrorship of Christians (1 Cor. xi. 10), and, perhaps, bringing their prayers before God (Rev. viii. 3, 4), and as bearing the souls of the redeemed into Paradise (Luke xvi. 22). In one word they are Christ's ministers of grace now, as they shall be of judgment hereafter (Matt. xiii. 39, 41, 49, xvi. 27, xxiv. 31, &c). That there are degrees of the angelic nature, fallen and unfallen, and special titles and agencies belonging to each, is clearly declared by St. Paul (Eph. i. 21 ; Rom. viii. 38), but what their general nature is, it is useless to speculate. For what little is known of this special nature see Cherubim, Seraphim, Michael, Gabriel. Angling. [Fishing.] An'iam, a Manassite, son of Shemidah (1 Chr. vii. 19). A nim, a city in the mountains of Judah, named with Eshtemoh {Es-Semueh), and Goshen (Josh. xv. 50). Eusebius and Jerome mention a place of this name in Daroma, 9 miles south of Hebron. Anise. (Gr. anethon.) This word occurs only in Matt, xxiii. 23, " Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye pay tithe of mint and anise and cummin." It is by no means a matter of certainty whether the anise {Pimpinella anisum, Lin.) or the dill {Anethum graveolens) is here intended, though the probability is more in favour of the latter plant. Both the dill and the anise belong to the natural order Umbelli- ferae, and are much alike in external character ; the seeds of both, moreover, are and have been long employed in medicine and cookery, as condi ments and carminatives. Dr. Royle is decidedly in favour of the dill being the proper translation, and ANNAS says that the anethum is more especially a genus of Eastern cultivation than the other plant. Common DilL (Anethum graveolens.} Anklet. This word does not occur in the A. V., but is referred to in Is. iii. 1 6, 1 8, 20, where the prophet speaks of "the tinkling ornaments " about the feet of the daughters of Zion, and of the " ornaments of the legs." They were fastened to the ankle-band of each leg, were as common as bracelets and arm lets, and made of much the same materials ; the pleasant jingling and tinkling which they made as they knocked against each other, was no doubt one of the reasons why they were admired (" the bravery of their tinkling ornaments "). They are still worn in the East, and Lane quotes from a song, in allu sion to the pleasure caused by their sound, " the ringing of thine anklets has deprived me of reason." Hence Mohammed forbade them in public; "let them not make a noise with their feet, that their ornaments which they hide may [thereby] be dis covered" {Koran, xxiv. 31). An'na, occurs in Punic as the name of the sister of Dido. 1. The wife of Tobit (Tob. i. 9 ff.).— 3. A " prophetess" in Jerusalem at the time of our Lord's presentation in the Temple (Luke ii. 36). She was of the tribe of Asher. An'naas, 1 Esd. v. 23. [Senaah.] An'nas (1 Esd. ix. 32). A corruption of Harim (Ezr. x. 31). An'nas, a high-priest of the Jews. He was son of one Seth, and was appointed high-priest in the year a.d. 7, by Quirinus, the imperial governor of Syria ; but was obliged by Valerius Gratus, procurator of Judaea, to give way to Ismael, son of Phabi, at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius, A.D. 14. But soon Ismael was succeeded by Elea zar, son of Annas ; then followed, after one year, Simon, son of Camithus, and then, after another year (about A.D. 25), Joseph Caiaphas, son-in-law of Annas (John xviii. 13). But in Luke iii. 2, Annas and Caiaphas are both called high-priests, Annas being mentioned first. Our Lord's first hearing (John xviii. 13) was before Annas, who then sent him bound to Caiaphas. In Acts iv. 6, ANNTJTJS Annas is plainly called the high-priest, and Caiaphas merely named with others of his family. It is no easy matter to give an account of the seemingly capricious applications of this title. Some maintain that the two, Annas and Caiaphas, were together at the head of the Jewish people, — Caiaphas as actual high-priest, Annas as president of the Sanhedrim. Others again suppose that Annas held the office of sagan, or substitute of the high-priest, mentioned by the later Talmudists. He lived to old age, having had five sons high-priests. Annn'us (1 Esd. viii. 48). Probably a corrup tion of the Hebrew word rendered " with him " Ezr. viii. 19. Anointing in Holy Scripture is either I. Ma terial, with oil, or II. Spiritual, with the Holy Ghost.— I. Material. — 1. Ordinary. Anointing the body or head with oil was a common practice with the Jews, as with other Oriental nations (Deut. xxviii. 40 ; Ruth iii. 3 ; Mic. vi. 15). Ab stinence from it was a sign of mourning (2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Dan. x. 3 ; Matt. vi. 17). Anointing the head with oil or ointment seems also to have been a mark of respect sometimes paid by a host to his guests (Luke vii. 46 and Ps. xxiii. 5), and was an ancient Egyptian custom at feasts. — 2. Official. Anointing with oil was a rite of inauguration into into each of the three typical offices of the Jewish commonwealth, (a) Prophets were occasionally anointed to their office (1 K. xix. 16), and are called messiahs, or anointed (1 Chr. xvi. 22 ; Ps. cv. 15). (6) Priests, at the first institution of the Levitical priesthood, were all anointed to their c-ffices, the sons of Aaron as well as Aaron himself (Ex. xl. 15 ; Num. iii. 3) ; but afterwards, anointing seems not to have been repeated at the consecration of ordinary priests, but to have been especially re served for the high-priest (Ex. xxix. 29 ; Lev. xvi. 32) ; so that " the priest that is anointed " (Lev. iv. 3) is generally thought to mean the high-priest. See also Lev. iv. 5, 16, and vi. 22. (c) Kings. Anointing was the principal and divinely-appointed ceremony in the inauguration of the Jewish kings (1 Sam. ix. 16, x. 1 ; 1 K. i. 34, 39) ; indeed, so pre-eminently did it belong to the kingly office, that " the Lord's anointed " was a common desig nation of the theocratic king (1 Sam. xii. 3, 5 ; 2 Sam. i. 14, 16). The rite was sometimes per formed more than once. David was thrice anointed to be king : first, privately by Samuel, before the death of Saul, by way of conferring on him a right to the throne (1 Sam. xvi. 1, 13) ; again over Judah at Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 4), and finally over the whole nation (2 Sam. v. 3). After the separa tion into two kingdoms, the kings both of Judah and of Israel seem still to have been anointed (2 K. ix. 3, xi. 12). So late as the time of the captivity the king is called " the anointed of the Lord " (Ps. lxxxix. 38, 51 ; Lam. iv. 20). Besides Jewish kings, we read that Hazael was to be anointed king over Syria (1 K. xix. 15). Cyrus also is called the Lord's anointed, as having been raised by God to the throne for the special purpose of delivering the Jews out of captivity (Is. xiv. 1). {d) Inani mate objects also were anointed with oil in token of then- being set apart for religious service. Thus Jacob anointed a pillar at Bethel (Gen. xxxi. 13) ; and at the introduction of the Mosaic economy, the tabernacle and all its furniture were consecrated by anointing (Ex. xxx. 26-28). — 3. Ecclesiastical. Anointing with oil in the name of the Lord is pre- ANTIOHRIST 47 scribed by St. James to be used together with prayer, by the elders of the church, for the recovery of the sick (James v. 14). Analogous to this is the anointing with oil practised by the twelve (Mark vi. 13), and our Lord's anointing the eyes of a blind man with clay made from saliva, in restoring him miraculously to sight (John ix. 6, 11).— II. Spiritual. — 1. In the O. T. a Deliverer is promised under the title of Messiah, or Anointed (Ps. ii. 2 ; Dan. ix. 25, 26) ; and the nature of his anointing is described to be spiritual, with the Holy Ghost (Is. Ixi. 1 ; see Luke iv. 18). As anointing with oil betokened prosperity, and produced a cheer ful aspect (Ps. civ. 15), so this spiritual unction is figuratively described as anointing " with the oil of gladness" (Ps. xiv. 7 ; Heb. i. 9). In the N. T. Jesus of Nazareth is shown to be the Messiah, or Christ, or Anointed of the Old Testament (John i. 41; Acts ix. 22, xvii. 2, 3, xviii. 5, 28); and the historical fact of his being anointed with the Holy Ghost is asserted and recorded (John i. 32, 33 ; Acts iv. 27, x. 38). 2. Spiritual anointing with the Holy Ghost is conferred also upon Christians by God (2 Cor. i. 21), and they are described as having an unction from the Holy One, by which they know all things (1 John ii. 20, 27). To anoint the eyes with eyesalve is used figuratively to de note the process of obtaining spiritual perception (Rev. iii. 18). A'nos, 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Vaniah.] Ant (Heb. nem&l&h). This insect is mentioned twice in the 0. T.: in Prov. vi. 6, " Go to the ant thou sluggard, consider her ways and be wise ;" in Prov. xxx. 25, " The ants are a people not strong, yet they prepare their meat in the summer." In the former of these passages the diligence of this insect is instanced by the wise man as an example worthy of imitation ; in the second passage the ant's wisdom is especially alluded to, for these insects, " though they be little on the earth, are exceeding wise." It is well known that the ancient Greeks and Romans, believed that the ant stored up food, which it collected in the summer, ready for the winter's consumption ; but this is an error. The European species of ants are all dormant in the winter, and consequently require no food ; and the observations of modern naturalists seem almost con clusive that no ants lay up for future consumption. The words of Solomon do not necessarily teach that ants store up food for future use, but they seem to imply that such was the case. If this was the ge neral opinion, is it a matter of surprise that the wise man should select the ant as an instance whereon he might ground a lesson of prudence and forethought ? — The teaching of the Bible is accom modated to the knowledge and opinions of those to whom its language is addressed, and the observa tions of naturalists are no more an argument against the truth of the Word of God than are the ascer tained laws of astronomical science. Antichrist. This term is employed by the Apostle John alone, and is defined by him in a manner which leaves no doubt as to its intrinsic meaning. With regard to its application there is less certainty. In the first passage (1 John ii. 18) in which it occurs the apostle makes direct reference to the false Christs, whose coming, it had been fore told, should mark the last days. " Little children, it is the last time : and as ye have heard that the Antichrist cometh, even now have there been many Antichrists; whereby we know that it is the last 48 ANTIOCH time.'' The allusion to Matt. xxiv. 24, was clearly in the mind of the Syriac translator, who rendered Antichrist by "the false Christ." In ver. 22 we find, ** he is the Antichrist that denieth the Father and the Son ;" and still more positively, " every spirit that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh" is of Antichrist (comp. 2 John 7). From these emphatic and repeated definitions it has been supposed that the object of the apostle in his first epistle was to combat the errors of Cerinthus, the Docetae, and the Gnostics on the subject of the Incarnation. The Antichrists, against which he warned the churches of Asia Minor as being already in the world, had been of their own number; " they went out from us, but they were not of lis" (1 John ii. 19) ; and the manner in which they are referred to, implies that the name was already familiar to those to whom the epistle was addressed, through the apostles' oral teaching (2 Thess. ii. 5). 'The coming of Antichrist was believed to be foretold in the "vile person" of Daniel's prophecy (xi. 21), which received its first accomplishment in Antiochus Epiphanes, but of which the complete fulfilment was reserved for the last times. He is identified with " the man of sin, the son of perdition " (2 Thess. ii. 3), who should be revealed when he " who now letteth " was removed ; that is, accord ing to the belief of the primitive church, when the Roman order of things ceased to be. This interpre tation brings Antichrist into close connexion with the gigantic power of evil, symbolised by the " beast " (Rev. xiii.), who received his power from the dragon (i. e. the devil, the serpent of Genesis), continued for forty and two months, and was invested with the kingdom of the ten kings who destroyed the harlot Babylon (Rev. xvii. 12, 17), the city of seven hills. The destruction of Babylon is to be followed by the rule of Antichrist for a short period (Rev. xvii. 10), to be in his turn overthrown in " the battle of that great day of God Almighty " (Rev. xvi. 14) with the false prophet and all his followers (Rev. xix.). The personality of Antichrist is to be inferred as well from the personality of his historical precursor, as from that of Him to whom he stands opposed. Such an interpretation is to be preferred to that which regards Antichrist as the embodiment and personification of all powers and agencies inimical to Christ, or of the Antichristian might of the world. In the Jewish traditions Antichrist is represented by Armilus, or Armilaus, which is the translation of " the wicked " in the Targum of Pseudo-Jonathan on Is. xi. 4. He was the last enemy of the Jewish race, who, after Gog and Magog, should wage fierce wars and slay Messiah ben Ephraim, but should himself be slain by Messiah ben David. His history will be found in Buxtorf's Lex. Talm. pp. 221-224. A type of Antichrist has been sought in Balaam the antagonist of Moses, the type of Christ, and the allusions in Jude 11, and 2 Pet. ii. 15, are pre sumed to be directed against the errors of the Nico- laitanes, Nicolaus signifying iu Greek the same as Balaam in Hebrew. But of such speculations there is no end ; the language of the apostles is intention ally obscure, and this obscurity has been rather deepened than removed by the conflicting interpre tations of expositors. All that the dark hints of the apostles teach us is, that they regarded Anti christ as a power whose influence was beginning to be felt even in their time, but whose full development was reserved till the passing away of the principle which hindered it, and the de- ANTIOCH struction of the power symbolised by the mystical Babylon. An'tioch. 1. In Syria. The capital of the Greek kings of Syria, and afterwards the residence of the Roman governors of the province which bore the same name. This metropolis was situated where the chain of Lebanon, running northwards, and the Chain of Taurus, running eastwards, are brought to an abrupt meeting. Here the Orontes breaks through the mountains ; and Antioch was placed at a bend of the river, partly on an island, partly on the level which forms the left bank, and partly on the steep and craggy ascent of Mount Silpius, which rose abruptly on the south. In the immediate neigh bourhood was Daphne, the celebrated sanctuary of Apollo (2 Mace. iv. 33) ; whence the city was some times called Antioch by Daphne, to distinguish it from other cities of the same name.— No city, after Jerusalem, is so intimately connected with the history of the apostolic church. Certain points of close association between these two cities, as re gards the progress of Christianity, may be noticed in the first place. One of the seven deacons, or almoners appointed at Jerusalem, was Nicolas, a proselyte of Antioch (Acts vi. 5). The Christians, who were dispersed from Jerusalem at the death of Stephen, preached the Gospel at Antioch (ibid. xi. 19). It was from Jerusalem that Agabus and the other prophets, who foretold the famine, came to Antioch (ibid. xi. 27, 28) ', and Barnabas and Saul were consequently sent on a mission of charity from the latter city to the former (ibid. xi. 30, xii. 25). It was from Jerusalem again that the Judaizers came, who disturbed the church at Antioch (ibid. xv. 1); and it was at Antioch that St. Paul re buked St. Peter for conduct into which he had been betrayed through the influence of emissaries from Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 11, 12).— The chief interest of Antioch, however, is connected with the progress of Christianity among the heathen. Here the first Gentile church was fouuded (Act xi. 20, 21) ; here the disciples of Jesus Christ were first called Chris tians (xi. 26); here St. Paul exercised (so far as is distinctly recorded) his first systematic ministerial work (xi. 22-26 ; see xiv. 26-28 : also xv. 35 and xviii. 22) ; heuce he started at the beginning of his first missionary journey (xiii. 1-3), and hither he returned (xiv. 26). So again after the apostolic council (the decrees of which were specially ad dressed to the Gentile converts at Antioch, xv. 23), he began and ended his second missionary journey at this place (xv. 36, xviii. 22). This too was the starting point of the third missionary journey (xviii. 23), which was brought to a termination by the imprisonment at Jerusalem and Caesarea. Though St. Paul was never again, so far as we know, at Antioch, it did not cease to be an important centre for Christian progress ; but it does not belong to this place to trace its history as a patriarchate, and its connexion with Ignatius,' Chrysostom, and other eminent names. Antioch was founded in the year 300 B.C., by Seleucus Nicator. Jews were settled there from the first in large numbers, were go verned by their own ethnarch, and allowed to have the same political privileges with the Greeks. An tioch grew under the successive Seleucid kings, till it became a city of great extent and of remarkable beauty. Some of the most magnificent buildings were on the island. One feature, which seems to have been characteristic of the great Syrian cities; — a vast street with colonnades, intersecting the ANTIOCHIA whole from end to end — was added by Antiochus Epiphanes. Some lively notices of the Antioch of this period, and of its relation to Jewish histoiy, are supplied by the books of Maccabees. (See especially 1 Mace. iii. 37, xi. 13 ; 2 Mace. iv. 7-9, v. 21, xi. 36.") It is the Antioch of the Roman period with which we are concerned in the N. T. By Pompey it had been made a free city, and such it continued till the time of Antoninus Pius. The early Empe rors raised there some large and important struc tures, such as aqueducts, amphitheatres, and baths. ANTIOCHUS 49 Gate of St Paul, Antioch. Herod the Great contributed a road and a colon nade. It should be mentioned here that the citizens ¦of Antioch under the Empire were noted for scurri lous wit and the invention of nicknames. This perhaps was the origin of the name by which the disciples of Jesus Christ are designated, and which was probably given by Romans to the despised sect, and not by Christians to themselves.— 2. In Pi- SIDIA (Acts xiii. 14, xiv. 19, 21 ; 2 Tim. iii. 11), on the borders of Phrygia, corresponds to Yalo- batch, which is distant from Ak-sher six hours over the mountains. This city, like the Syrian Antioch,. was founded by Seleucus Nicator. Under the Ro mans it became a colonia, and was also called Cae- sarea. The occasion on which St. Paul visited the city for the first time (Acts xiii. 14) was very in teresting and important. His preaching in the synagogue led to the reception of the Gospel by a great number of the Gentiles : and this resulted in a violent persecution on the part of the Jews, who first, using the influence of some of the wealthy female residents, drove him from Antioch to Ico- nium (ib. 50, 51), and subsequently followed him •even to Lystra (Acts xiv. 19). St. Paul on his return from Lystra, revisited Antioch for the purpose of strengthening the minds of the disciples (ib. 21). These events happened when he was on his first missionary journey, in company with Barnabas. He probably visited Antioch again at the beginning ¦of his second journey, when Silas was his associate, and Timotheus, who was a native of this neigh- 'bourhood, had just been added to the party. The allusion in 2 Tim. iii. 11 shows that Timotheus was well acquainted with the sufferings which the Con. D. B. apostle had undergone during his first visit to the Pisidian Antioch. [Phrygia ; Pisidia.] Antiochi'a (1 Mace. iv. 35, vi. 63 ; 2 Mace. iv. 33, v. 21). [Antioch 1.] Antio'chians, partizans of Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Mace. iv. 9, 19). Anti'ochis, concubine of Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Mace. iv. 30). Anti'oclms, father of Numenius, one of the am bassadors from Jonathan to the Romans (1 Mace. xii. 16, xiv. 22). Antiochus II., king of Syria, sumamed the God, succeeded his father Antiochus Soter in 13. c. 261. During the earlier part of his reign he was engaged in a fierce war with Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, in the course of which Parthia and Bactria revolted and became independent kingdoms. At length (B.C. 250) peace was made, and the two monarchs " joined themselves together" (Dan. xi. 6), and Ptolemy (" the king of the south ") gave his daughter Berenice in marriage to Antiochus (" the king of the north "), who set aside his former wife, Laodice, to receive her. After some time, on the death of Ptolemy (B.C. 247), Antiochus recalled Laodice and her children Seleucus and Antiochus to court. Thus Berenice was " not able to retain her power ;" and Laodice, in jealous fear lest she might a second time lose her ascendancy, poisoned Antio chus (him " that strengthened her," i. e. Berenice), and caused Berenice and her infant son to be put to death, B.C. 246 (Dan. xi. 6). After the death of Antiochus, Ptolemy Evergetes, the brother of Berenice (" out of a- branch of her roots "), who succeeded his father Ptol. Philadelphus, exacted vengeance for his sister's death by an invasion of Syria, in which Laodice was killed, her son Se leucus Callinicus driven for a time from the throne, and the whole country plundered (Dan. xi. 7-9). The. hostilities thus renewed continued for many years ; and on the death of Seleucus B.C. 226, after his " return into his own land" (Dan. xi. 9), his sons Alexander (Seleucus) Keraunos, and Antiochus " assembled a multitude of great forces " against Ptol. Philopator the son of Evergetes, and one of them (Antiochus) threatened to overthrow the power of Egypt (Dan. xi. 9, 10). Antiochus III., sumamed the Great, succeeded his brother Seleucus Keraunos, who was assassi nated after a short reign in B.C. 223. He prose cuted the war against Ptolemy Philopator with vigour, and at first with success. In B.C. 218 he drove the Egyptian forces to Sidon, conquered Sa maria and Gilead, and wintered at Ptolemais, but was defeated next year at Raphia, near Gaza (B.C. 217), with immense loss, and in consequence made a peace with Ptolemy, in which he ceded to him the disputed provinces of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine (Dan. xi. 11, 12). During the next thirteen years Antiochus was engaged in strength ening his position in Asia Minor, and on the fron tiers of Parthia, and by his successes gained his surname of the Great. At the end of this time, B.C. 205, Ptolemy Philopator died, and left his kingdom to his son Ptol. Epiphanes, who was only five years old. Antiochus availed himself of the opportunity which was offered by the weakness of a minority and the unpopularity of the regent, to unite with Philip III. of Macedon for the purpose of conquering and dividing the Egyptian dominions. The Jews, who had been exasperated by the con duct of Ptol. Philopator both in Palestine and E 50 ANTIOCHUS Egypt, openly espoused his cause, under the in fluence of a short-sighted policy (" the factious among thy people shall rise," i. e. against Ptolemy, Dan. xi. 14). Antiochus succeeded in occupying the three disputed provinces, but was recalled to Asia by a war which broke out with Attalus, king of Pergamus ; and his ally Philip was himself em broiled with the Romans. In consequence of this diversion Ptolemy, by the aid of Scopas, again made himself master of Jerusalem, and recovered the territory which he had lost. In B.C. 198 Antiochus reappeared in the field and gained a de cisive victory "near the sources of the Jordan;" and afterwards captured Scopas and the remnant of his forces who had taken refuge in Sidon (Dan. xi. 15). The Jews, who had suffered severely during the struggle, welcomed Antiochus as their deli verer, and " he stood in the glorious land which by his hand was to be consumed" (Dan. xi. 16). His further designs against Egypt were frustrated by the intervention of the Romans ; and his daughter Cleopatra, whom he gave in marriage to Ptol. Epiphanes, with the Phoenician provinces for her dower, favoured the interests of her husband rather than those of her father (Dan.xi. 17). From Egypt Antiochus turned again to Asia Minor, and after various successes in the Aegaean crossed over to Greece, and by the advice of Hannibal entered on a war with Rome. His victorious course was checked at Thermopylae (B.C. 191), and after subsequent reverses he was finally defeated at Magnesia in Lydia, B.C. 190. By the peace which was con cluded shortly afterwards (B.C. 188) he was forced to cede all his possessions " on the Roman side of Mt. Taurus," and to pay in successive instalments an enormous sum of money to defray the expenses of the war. This last condition led to his ignomin ious death. In B.C. 187 he attacked a rich temple of Belus in Elymais, and was slain by the people who rose in its defence. Thus " he stumbled and fell, and was not found " (Dan. xi. 19). — Two sons of Antiochus occupied the throne after him, Se leucus Philopator, his immediate successor, and Antiochus IV., who gained the kingdom upon the assassination of his brother. Head of Antiochus HI. (Prom a coin.) Anti'ochns IV. , Epiph'anes {the Illustrious) , was the youngest son of Antiochus the Great. He was given as a hostage to the Romans (B.C. 188) after his father's defeat at 'Magnesia. In B.C. 175 he was released by the intervention of his brother Seleuous, who substituted his own son Demetrius in his place. Antiochus was at Athens when Seleucus was assassinated by Heliodorus. He took advantage of his position, and, by the assistance of Eumenes and Attalus, easily expelled Heliodorus who had usurped the crown, and himself " ob tained the kingdom by flatteries " (Dan. xi. 21 ) to ANTIOCHUS the exclusion of his nephew Demetrius (Dan. viii.. 7). The accession of Antiochus was immediately followed by desperate efforts of the Hellenizing party at Jerusalem to assert their supremacy. Jason, the brother of Onias III., the high priest, persuaded the king to transfer the high priesthood to him, and at the same time bought pel-mission (2 Mace. iv. 9) to carry out his design of habituating the Jews to Greek customs (2 Mace. iv. 7, 20). Three years afterwards, Menelaus, of the tribe of Benjamin, who was commissioned by Jason to carry to Antiochus the price of his office, supplanted Jason by offering the king a larger bribe, and was him self appointed high priest, while Jason was obliged to take refuge among the Ammonites (2 Mace. iv. 23-26). From these circumstances and from the marked honour with which Antiochus was received at Jerusalem very early in his reign (c. B.C. 173; 2 Mace. iv. 22), it appears that he found no difficulty in regaining the border provinces which had been given as the dower of his sister Cleopatra to Ptol. Epiphanes. But his ambition led him still farther, and he undertook four cam paigns against Egypt, B.C. 171, 170, 169, 168, with greater success than had attended his prede cessor, and the complete conquest of the country was prevented only by the interference of the Ro mans (Dan. xi. 24; 1 Mace. i. 16 ff. ; 2 Mace. v. 11 ff.). The course of Antiochus was everywhere marked by the same wild prodigality as had sig nalised his occupation of the throne (Dan. I. c). The consequent exhaustion of his treasury, and the armed conflicts of the rival high priests whom he had appointed, furnished the occasion for an assault upon Jerusalem on his return from his second Egyptian campaign (B.C. 170) which he had pro bably planned in conjunction with Ptol. Philometor, who was at that time in his power (Dan. xi. 26). The Temple was plundered, a terrible massacre took place, and a Phrygian governor was left with Menelaus in charge of the city (2 Mace. v. 1-22 ; 1 Mace. i. 20-28). Two years afterwards, at the close of the fourth Egyptian expedition, Antiochus detached a force under Apollonius to occupy Jeru salem and fortify it, and at this time he availed himself of the assistance of the ancestral enemies of the Jews (1 Mace. iv. 61, v. 3 ff. ; Dan. xi. 41). The decrees then followed which have ren dered his name infamous. The Temple was dese crated, and the observance of the law was forbidden. "On the fifteenth day of Cisleu [the SyriaDs] set up the abomination of desolation {i. e. an idol altar : ver. 59) on the altar" (1 Mace. i. 54). Ten days afterwards an offering was made upon it to Jupiter Olympius. At Jerusalem all opposition appeal's to have ceased ; but Mattathias and his sons organised a resistance (" holpen with a little help," Dan. xi. 34), which preserved inviolate the name and faith of Israel. Meanwhile Antiochus turned his arms to the East, towards Parthia and Armenia (Dan. xi. 40). Hearing not long afterwards of the riches of a temple of Nanaea (" the desire of women," Dan. xi. 37) in Elymais, hung with the gifts of Alexander, he resolved to plunder it. The attempt was defeated ; and though he did not fall hke his father in the act of sacrilege, the event hastened his death. He retired to Babylon, and thence to Tabae in Persia, where he died B.C. 164, the victim of superstition, terror, and remorse, havino- first heard of the successes of the Maccabees in restoring the Temple-worship at Jerusalem (1 Mace. vi. 1-16' M ANTIOCHUS X cf. 2 Mace. i. 7-17 ?). " He came to his end and there was none to help him " (Dan. xi. 45). The reign of Antiochus, thus shortly traced, was the last great crisis in the history of the Jews before the coming of our Lord. The prominence which is given to it in the book of Daniel fitly accords with its typical and representative character (Dan. vii. 8, 25, viii. 11 ff.). The conquest of Alexander had introduced the forces of Greek thought and life into the Jewish nation, which was already prepared for their operation [Alexander]. For more than ANTIOCHUS 51 Anti'ochus VI. was the son of Alexander Balas and Cleopatra. After his father's death (146 B.C.) he remained in Arabia; but though still a child (1 Mace. xi. 54), he was soon afterwards brought forward (c. 145 B.C.) as a claimant to the throne of Syria against Demetrius Nicator by Tryphon or Diodotus (1 Mace. xi. 39), who had been an officer of his father. Tryphon succeeded in gaining Antioch (1 Mace. xi. 56) ; and afterwards the greater part of Syria submitted to the young Antiochus. Jo nathan, who was confirmed by him in the high priesthood (1 Mace. xi. 57) and invested with the government of Judaea, contributed greatly to his success, occupying Ascalon and Gaza, and reducing the country as far as Damascus (1 Mace. xi. 60-62). He afterwards defeated the troops of Demetrius at Hazor (1 Mace. xi. 67) near Cadesh (ver. 73): and repulsed a second attempt which he made to regain Palestine (1 Mace. xii. 24 ff.). Tryphon having now gained the supreme power in the name of Antiochus, no longer concealed his design of usurp ing the crown. As a first step he took Jonathan Head of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes. (From a coin.) a century and a half these forces had acted power fully both upon the faith and upon the habits of the people ; and the time was come when an outward struggle alone could decide whether Judaism was to be merged in a rationalised Paganism, or to rise not only victorious from the conflict, but more vigorous and more pure. Nor was the social position of the Jews less perilous. The influence of Greek literature, of foreign travel, of extended commerce, had made itself felt in daily life. At Jerusalem the mass of the inhabitants seem to have desired to imitate the exercises of the Greeks ; and a Jewish embassy attended the games of Hercules at Tyre (2 Mace. iv. 9-20). Even their religious feelings were yielding ; and before the rising of the Maccabees no opposition was offered to the execu tion of the king's decrees. Upon the first attempt of Jason the " priests had no courage to serve at the altar " (2 Mace. iv. 14 ; cf. 1 Mace. i. 43) : and this not so much from wilful apostasy, as from a disregard to the vital principles involved in the conflict. Anti'oohiis V., Eu'pator {of noble descent), suc ceeded his father Antiochus IV. B.C. 164, while still a child, under the guardianship of Lysias (1 Mace. iii. 32, vi. 17), though Antiochus had on his death-bed assigned this office to Philip his own foster-brother (1 Mace. vi. 14, 15, 55: 2 Mace. ix. 29). Shortly after his accession he marched against Jerusalem with a large army, accompanied by Lysias, to relieve the Syrian garrison, which was hard pressed by Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. vi. 19 ff.). He repulsed Judas at Bethzacharia, and took Bethsura (Bethzur) after a vigorous re sistance (1 Mace. vi. 31-50). But when the Jewish force in the Temple was on the point of yielding, Lysias persuaded the king to conclude a hasty peace that he might advance to meet Philip, who had returned from Persia and made himself master of Antioch (1 Mace. vi. 51 ff.). Philip was speedily overpowered ; but in the next year (b.c 162) Antiochus and Lysias fell into the hands of Demetrius Soter, the son of Seleucus Philopator, who caused them to be put to death in revenge for the wrongs which he had himself Buffered from Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mace. vii. 2-4; 2 Mace. xiv. 1,2). Head of Antiochus VI. (From a coin.) by treachery and put him to death, B.C. 143 (1 Mace. xii. 40) ; and afterwards murdered the young king, and ascended the throne (1 Mace. xiii. 31). Auti'och.us VII., Side'tes {of Side, in Pam- phylia), king of Syria, was the second son of Deme trius 1. When his brother, Demetrius Nicator, was taken prisoner (c. 141 B.C.) by Mithridates I. (Arsaces VI., 1 Mace. xiv. 1) king of Parthia, he married his wife Cleopatra and obtained possession of the throne (137 B.C.), having expelled the- usurper Tryphon (1 Mace. xv. 1 ff.). At first he made a veiy advantageous treaty with Simon, who was now " high priest and prince of the Jews," but when he grew independent of his help, he wiith- drew the concessions which he had made and de manded the surrender of the fortresses which the Jews held, or an equivalent in money (1 Mace. xv. 26 ff.). As Simon was unwilling to yield to his demands, he sent a force under Cendebaeus against him, who occupied a fortified position at Cedron (? 1 Mace. xv. 41), near Azotus, and harassed the surrounding country. After the defeat of Cendebaeus by the sons of Simon and the de struction of his works (1 Mace. xvi. 1-10), Anti ochus, who had returned from the pursuit of Tryphon, undertook an expedition against Judaea in person. He laid siege to Jerusalem, but ac cording to Josephus granted honourable terms to John Hyrcanus (B.C. 133), who had made a vigorous resistance. Antiochus next turned bis arms against the Parthians, and Hyrcanus ac companied him in the campaign. But after some E 2 52 ANTIPAS successes he was entirely defeated by Phraortes II. (Arsaces VII.), and fell in the battle c. B.C. 127-6. An'tipas, martyr at Pergamos (Rev. ii. 13), and according to tradition the bishop of that place. An'tipas. [Herod.] Antip'ater, son of Jason, ambassador from the Jews to the Lacedemonians (1 Mace. xii. 16, xiv. 22). Antipat'ris, a town to which the soldiers con veyed St. Paul by night on their march (Acts xxiii. 31). Its ancient name was Capharsaba ; and Herod, when he rebuilt the city, changed it to Antipatris, in honour of his father Antipater. According to the Jerusalem Itinerary it was 42 miles from Jeru salem and 26 from Caesarea. The village Kefr- Saba still retains the ancient name of Antipatris, and its position is in sufficient harmony with what Josephus says of the position of Antipatris, which he describes as a well-watered and well- wooded plain, near a hilly ridge, and with his notices of a trench dug from thence for military purposes to the sea near Joppa by one of the Asmo- nean princes. Anto'nia, a fortress built by Herod on the site of the more ancient Baris, on the N.W. of the Temple, and so named by him after his friend An- tonius. [Jerusalem]. The word nowhere occurs in the Bible. An'tothite, a dweller at Anathoth (1 Ch. xi. 28, xii. 3). [Anathothite.] Anto thi jail. A Benjamite, one of the sons of Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 24). A'nub. Son of Coz and descendant of Judah, through Ashur the father of Tekoa (1 Chr. iv. 8), A'nus, a Levite (1 Esd. ix. 48). [Bani]. Ap'ame, concubine of Darius, and daughter of Bartacus (1 Esd. iv. 29). Apes (Heb. kophim), occur in 1 K. i. 22, " once in three years came the navy of Tharshish, bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks," and in the parallel passage of 2 Chr. ix. 21. There can be little doubt but that the apes were brought from the same country which sup plied ivory and peacocks, both of which are com mon in Ceylon ; and Sir E. Tennent has drawn attention to the fact that the Tamil names for apes, ivory, and peacocks, are identical with the Hebrew. Apelles, a Christian saluted by St. Paul in Rom. xvi. 10. Tradition makes him bishop of Smyrna or Heraclea. Apharsath/chites, Aphar'sites, Aphar'sacites, the names of certain tribes, colonies from which had been planted in Samaria by the Assyrian leader Asnapper (Ezr. iv. 9, v. 6). The first and last are regarded as the same. Whence these tribes came is entirely a mattei- of conjecture. A'phek (from a root signifying tenacity or firm ness), the name of several places in Palestine.— 1. A royal city of the Canaanites, the king of which was killed by Joshua (Josh. xii. 18), pro bably the same as the Aphekah of Josh. xv. 53. —2. A city, apparently in the extreme north of Asher (Josh. xix. 30), from which the Canaanites were not ejected (Judg. i. 31 ; though here it is Aphik). This is probably the same place as the Aphek (Josh. xiii. 4), on the extreme north " border of the Amorites," and apparently beyond Sidon, identified with the Aphaca of classical times, famous for its temple of Venus, and now Afka.— 3. A place at which the Philistines encamped, APOLLONIUS while the Israelites pitched in Eben-ezer, before the fatal battle in which the sons of Eli were killed and the ark taken (1 Sam. iv. 1). This would be somewhere to the N.W. of, and at no great distance from Jerusalem.— 4. The scene of another encamp ment of the Philistines, before an encounter not less disastrous than that just named, — the defeat and death of Saul (1 Sam. xxix. 1). It is pos- sible that it may be the same place as the pre ceding.— 5. A city on the military road from Syria to Israel (1 K. xx. 26). It was walled (30), and was apparently a common spot for engagements with Syria (2 K. xiii. 17). It was situated in " the plain " (1 K. xx. 25) and consequently in the level down-country east of the Jordan ; and there, accordingly, it is now found in Fih, at the head of the Wady Fik, 6 miles east of the Sea of Galilee, the great road between Damascus, N&- bulus, and Jerusalem, still passing through the village. Aph'ekah, a city of Judah, in the mountains (Josh. xv. 53), probably the same as Aphek (1). Aphe'rema, one of the three "governments" added to Judaea from Samaria by Demetrius Soter, and confirmed by Nicanor (1 Mace. xi. 34). It is probably the same as Ephraim. Apher'ra, one of the sons of the servants of Solomon who returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esd. v. 34). His name is not found in the parallel lists of Ezra and Nehemiah. Aphi'ah, one of the forefathers of king Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1). A'phik, a city of Asher from which the Canaan ites were not driven out (Judg. i. 31). Probably the same place as Aphek (2). Aph'ran, the house of, a place mentioned iii Mic. i. 10. Its site is uncertain. Aph'ses, chief of the 18th of the 24 courses in the service of the Temple (1 Chr. xxiv. 15). Apoc'alypse. [Revelation.] Apoc'rypha. The collection of Books to which this term is popularly applied includes the fol lowing (the order given is that in which they stand in the English version) : — I. 1 Esdras ; II. 2 Es dras; III. Tobit; IV. Judith; V. The rest of the chapters of the Book of Esther, which are found neither in the Hebrew nor in the Chaldee; VI. The Wisdom of Solomon ; VII. The Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus ; VIII. Bai-uch; IX. The Song of the Three Holy Chil dren ; X. The History of Susanna ; XI. The His tory of the destruction of Bel and the Dragon; XII. The Prayer of Manasses, king of Judah; XIII. 1 Maccabees ; XIV. 2 Maccabees. The pri mary meaning of Apocrypha, " hidden, secret," seems, towards the close of the 2nd century, to have been associated with the signification "spurious," and ultimately to have settled down into the latter. The separate books of this collection are treated of in distinct Articles. Their relation to the ca nonical books of the Old Testamant is discussed under Canon. Apollo'nia, a city of Macedonia, through which Paul and Silas passed in their way from Philippi and Amphipolis to Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1). Ac cording to the Antonine Itinerary, it was distant 30 Roman miles from Amphipolis, and 37 Roman miles from Thessalonica. Apollo nius. 1. Son of Thrasaeas governor of Coele-Syria and Phoenice, under Seleuci'S IV. PfliLorATOK, B.C. 187 ff., a bitter enemy of the APOLLOPHANES Jews (2 Mace. iv. 4), who urged the king, at the instigation of Simon the commander of the Temple, to plunder the Temple at Jerusalem (2 Mace. iii. 5 ff.). —2. An officer of Antiochus Epiphanes, and go vernor of Samaria, who led out a large force against Judas Maccabaeus, but was defeated and slain B.C. 166 (1 Mace. iii. 10-12 ; Joseph. Ant. xii. 71). He is probably the same person who was chief commis sioner of the revenue of Judaea (1 Mace. i. 29 ; cf. 2 Mace. v. 24), who spoiled Jerusalem, taking advantage of the Sabbath (2 Mace. v. 24-26), and occupied a fortified position there (B.C. 168) (1 Mace. i. 30 ff.).— S. The son of Menestheus (possibly identical with the preceding), an envoy commissioned (B.C. 173) by Antiochus Epiphanes to congratulate Ptolemy Philometor on his being enthroned (2 Mace. iv. 21). —4. The son of Gen- naeus, a Syrian general under Antiochus V. Eupator, c. B.C. 163 (2 Mace. xii. 2).— 5. The Daian (i. e. one of the Dahae or Dai, a people of Sogdiana), a governor of Coele-Syria (1 Mace. &. 69) under Alexander Balas, who embraced the cause of his rival Demetrius Nicator, and was appointed by him to a chief command (1 Mace. I. c). Apollonius ^-Kiised a large force and attacked Jonathan, the ally of Alexander, but was entirely defeated by him (B.C. 147) near Azotus (1 Mace. x. 69-87). Apolloph'anes, a Syrian, killed by Judas Macca baeus at Gazara (2 Mace. x. 37). Apol'los, a Jew fi-om Alexandria, eloquent (which may also mean learned) and mighty in vthe Scriptures : one instructed in the way of the xxird, according to the imperfect view of the disciples of John the Baptist (Acts xviii. 25), but on his coming to Ephesus during a temporary ab sence of St. Paul, A.D. 54, more perfectly taught hy Aquila and Priscilla. After this he became a preacher of the Gospel, first in Achaia and then in Corinth (Acts xviii. 27, xix. 1), where he watered that which Paul had planted (1 Cor. iii. 6). When the apostle wrote his first Epistle to the Corinthians, Apollos was with or near him (1 Cor. xvi. 12), probably at Ephesus in A.D. 57 : we hear of him then that he was unwilling at that time to journey to Corinth, but would do so when he should have convenient time. He is mentioned but once more in the N. T., in Tit. iii. 13, where Titus is de sired to " bring Zenas the lawyer and Apollos on their way diligently, that nothing may be wanting to them." After this nothing is known of him. Tradition makes him bishop of Caesarea. The exact part which Apollos took in the missionary work of the apostolic age can never be ascertained, and much fruitless conjecture has been spent on the subject. After the entire amity between St. Paul and him which appears in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, it is hardly possible to imagine any important dif ference in the doctrines which they taught. Thus much may safely be granted, that there may have been difference enough in the outward character and expression of the two to attract the lover of eloquence and philosophy rather to Apollos, some what perhaps to the disparagement of St. Paul. It has been supposed by some that Apollos was the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Apol'lyon, or, as it is literally in the margin of the A. V. of Rev. ix. 11, "a destroyer," is the ren dering of the Hebrew word Abaddon, " the angel of the bottomless pit." The Hebrew term is really abstract, and signifies " destruction," in which sense it occurs in Job xxvi. 6, xxviii. 22; Prov. xv. 11; and APOSTLE 53 other passages. The angel Apollyon is further de scribed as the king of the locusts which rose from the smoke of the bottomless pit at the sounding of the fifth trumpet. From the occurrence of the word in Ps. lxxxviii. 11, the Rabbins have made Abaddon the nethermost of the two regions into which they divide the lower world. But that in Rev. ix. 11, Abaddon is the angel and not the abyss is perfectly evident in the Greek. There is no authority for connecting it with " the destroyer " alluded to in 1 Cor. x. 10 ; and the explanation quoted byBengel, that the name is given in Hebrew and Greek, to show that the locusts would be de structive alike to ' Jew and Gentile, is far-fetched and unnecessary. The etymology of Asmodeus, the king of the demons in Jewish mythology, seems to point to a connexion with Apollyon, in his cha racter as "the destroyer" or destroying angel. See also Wisd. xviii. 22, 25. [Asmodeus.] Apostle (one sent forth), in the N. T., originally the official name of those Twelve of the disciples whom Jesus chose to send forth first to preach the Gospel, and to be with Him during the course of his ministry on earth. The word also appears to have been used in a non-official sense to designate a much wider circle of Christian messengers and teachers (see 2 Cor. viii. 23; Phil. ii. 25). It is only of those who were officially designated Apostles that we treat in this article. The original qualification of an Apostle, as stated by St. Peter, on occasion of electing a successor to the traitor Judas, was, that he should have been personally acquainted with the whole ministerial course of our Lord, from his bap tism by John till the day when He was taken up into heaven. He himself describes them as " they that had continued with Him in his temptations" (Luke xxii. 28). By this close personal intercourse with Him, they were peculiarly fitted to give testimony to the facts of redemption ; and we gather, fi-om his own words in John xiv. 26, xv. 26, 27, xvi. 13, that an especial bestowal of the Spirit's influence was granted them, by which their memories were quickened, and their power of reproducing that which they had heard from Him increased above the ordinary measure of man. The Apostles were from the lower ranks of life, simple and unedu cated ; some of them were related to Jesus according to the flesh ; some had previously been disciples of John the Baptist. Our Lord, chose them early in his public career, though it is uncertain precisely at what time. Some of them had certainly partly attached themselves to Him before ; but after their call as Apostles they appear to have been continu ously with Him, or in his service. They seem to have been all on an equality, both during and after the ministry of Christ on earth. "We find one indeed, St. Peter, from fervour of personal cha racter, usually prominent among them, and distin guished by having the first place assigned him in founding the Jewish and Gentile churches [Peter] ; but we never find the slightest trace in Scripture of any superiority or primacy being in consequence accorded to him. We also find that he and two others, James and John, the sons of Zebedee, are admitted to the inner privacy of our Lord's acts and sufferings on several occasions (Matt. xvii. I- 9, xxvi. 37 ; Mark v. 37) ; but this is no proof of superiority in rank or office. Early in our Lord's ministry, He sent them out two and two to preach repentance, and perform miracles in his name (Matt. x. ; Luke ix.). This their mission 54 APOSTLE was of the nature of a solemn call to the children of Israel, to whom it was confined (Matt. x. 5, 6). The Apostles were early warned by their Master of the solemn nature and the danger of their calling (Matt. x. 17). They accompanied Him in his jour neys of teaching and to the Jewish feasts, saw his wonderful works, heard his discourses addressed to the people (Matt, v.-vii., xxiii. ; Luke vi. 13-49.) or those which he held with learned Jews (Matt. xix. 13 ff. ; Luke x. 25 ff.), made inquiries of Him on religious matters, sometimes concerning his own sayings, sometimes of a general nature (Matt. xiii. 10 ff., xv. 15 ff., xviii. 1 ff ; Luke viii. 9 ff, xii. 41, xvii. 5 ; John ix. 2 ff., xiv. 5, 22, &c.) : some times they worked miracles (Mark vi. 13; Luke ix. 6), sometimes attempted to do so without suc cess (Matt. xvii. 16). They recognised their Master as the Christ of God (Matt. xvi. 16 ; Luke ix. 20), and ascribed to Him supernatural power (Luke ix. 54) ; but in the recognition of the spiritual teaching and mission of Christ, they made very slow progress, held back as they were by weakness of apprehension and by national prejudices (Matt. xv. 16, xvi. 22, xvii. 20, 21 ; Luke ix. 54, xxiv. 25; John xvi. 12) : they were compelled to ask of Him the explanation of even his simplest parables (Mark viii. 14 ff. ; Luke xii. 41 ff.), and openly confessed their weakness of faith (Luke xvii. 5). Even at the removal of our Lord from the earth, they were yet weak in their knowledge (Luke xxiv. 21 ; John xvi. 12), though He had for so long been carefully preparing and instructing them. And when that happened of which He had so often forewarned them • — his apprehension by the chief priests and Phari sees — they all forsook Him and fled (Matt. xxvi. 56). They left his burial to one who was not of their number and to the women, and were only convinced of his resurrection on the very plainest proofs furnished by Himself. It was first when this fact became undeniable that light seems to have entered their minds, and not even then without his own special aid, opening their understandings that they might understand the Scriptures. Even after that, many of them returned to their common occu pations (John xxi. 3 ff.), and it required a new direction from the Lord to recall them to their mis sion, and re-unite them in Jerusalem (Acts i. 4). Before the descent of the Holy Spirit on the Church, Peter, at least, seems to have been specially inspired by Him to declare the prophetic sense of Scripture respecting the traitor Judas, and direct his place to be filled up. On the Feast of Pentecost, ten days after our Lord's ascension, the Holy Spirit came down on the assembled church (Acts ii.) ; and from that time the Apostles became altogether dif ferent men, giving witness with power of the life and death and resurrection of Jesus as he had de clared they should (Luke xxiv. 48 ; Acts i. 8, 22, ii. 32, iii. 15, v. 32, xiii. 31). Fii'st of all the mother-church at Jerusalem grew up under their hands (Actsiii.-vii.), and their superior dignity and power were universally acknowledged by the rulers and the people (Acts v. 1 2 ff). Even the persecution which arose about Stephen, and put the first check on the spread of the Gospel in Judaea, does not seem to have brought peril to the Apostles (Acts viii. 1). Their first mission out of Jerusalem was to Samaria (Acts viii. 5-25), where the Lord himself had, during his ministry, sown the seed of the Gospel. Here ends, properly speaking (or rather perhaps with the general visitation hinted APPEAL at in Acts ix. 31), the first period of the Apostles' agency, during which its centre is Jerusalem, and the prominent figure is that of St. Peter. Agree ably to the promise or our Lord to him (Matt. xvi. 18), which we conceive it impossible to understand otherwise than in a personal sense, he among the twelve foundations (Rev. xxi. 14) was the stone on whom the Church was first built ; and it was his privilege first to open the doors of the kingdom, of heaven to Jews (Acts ii. 14, 22) and to Gentiles (Acts x. 1 1).— The centre of the second period of the apostolic agency is Antioch, where a church soon was built up, consisting of Jews and Gentiles ; and the central figure of this and of the subsequent period is St. Paul, a convert not originally belong ing to the number of the Twelve, but wonderfully prepared and miraculously won for the high office [Paul]. This period, whose history (all that we know of it) is related in Acts xi. 19-30, xiii. 1-5, was marked by the united working of Paul and the other Apostles, in the co-operation and intercourse of the two churches of Antioch and Jerusalem. — From this time the third apostolic period opens, marked by the almost entire disappearance of the Twelve from the sacred narrative, and the exclusive agency of St. Paul, the great apostle of the Gen tiles. The whole of the remaining narrative of the Acts is occupied with his missionary journeys; ' and when we leave him at Rome, all the Gentile churches from Jerusalem round about unto Illyricum owe to him their foundation, and look to him for supervision. Of the missionary agency of the rest of the Twelve, we know absolutely nothing from the sacred narrative. Some notices we have ot their personal history, which will be found under their respective names, together with the principal legends, trustworthy or untrustworthy, which have come down to us respecting them. [See Peter, James, John especially.]— As regards the apostolic office, it seems to have been pre-eminently that of founding the churches, and upholding them by supernatural power specially bestowed for that pin- pose. It ceased, as a matter of course, with its first holders : all continuation of it, from the very con ditions of its existence (cf. 1 Cor. ix. 1), being im possible. The bishops of the ancient churches co existed with, and did not in any sense succeed, the Apostles ; and when it is claimed for bishops or any church officers that they are their successors, it can be under-stood only chronologically, and not officially. Appa'im. Son of Nadab, and descended from Jerahmeel, the founder of an important family of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 30, 31). Appeal. The principle of appeal was recognized by the Mosaic law in the establishment of a central court under the presidency of the judge or ruler for the time being, before which all cases too diffi cult for the local courts were to be tried (Deut. xvii. 8-9). According to the above regulation, the appeal lay in the time of the Judges to the judge (Judg. iv. 5), and under the monarchy to the king, who appears to have deputed certain persons to inquire into the facts of the case, and record his decision thereon (2 Sam. xv. 3). Jehoshaphat dele gated his judicial authority to a court permanently established for the purpose (2 Chr. xix. 8). These courts were re-established by Ezra (Ezr. vii. 25). After the institution of the Sanhedrim the final appeal lay to them. A Roman citizen under the republic had the right of appealing in criminal cases APPHIA ¦from the decision of a magistrate to the people ; and as the emperor succeeded to the power of the people, there was an appeal to him in the last re sort. St. Paul, as a Roman citizen, exercised a right of appeal from the jurisdiction of the local court at Jerusalem to the emperor (Acts xxv. 11). But as no decision had been given, there could be no appeal, properly speaking, in his case: the lan guage used (Acts xxv. 9) implies the right on the part of the accused of electing either to be tried by the provincial magistrate, or by the emperor. Since the procedure in the Jewish courts at that period was of a mixed and undefined character, the Roman and the Jewish authorities co-existing and carrying on the course ofjustice between them, Paul availed himself of his undoubted privilege to be tried by the pure Roman law. Ap'phia (a Greek form of the Latin Appid), a Christian woman addressed jointly with Philemon and Archippus in Philem. 2, apparently a member of Philemon's household, and not improbably his wife. Ap'phus, " the wary," according to Michaelis, surname of Jonathan Maccabaeus (1 Mace. ii. 5). Ap'pii For'um, a well-known station on the Appian Way, the great road which led from Rome to the neighbourhood of the Bay of Naples. St. Paul, having landed at Puteoli (Acts xxviii. 13) on his arrival from Malta, proceeded under the charge of the centurion along the Appian Way towards Rome, and found at Appii Forum a, group of Christians who had gone to meet him (ver. 15). The position of this place is fixed by the ancient Itineraries at 43 miles from Rome. Horace describes it as full of taverns and boatmen. This arose from the cir cumstance that it was at the northern end of a canal which ran parallel with the road, through a con siderable part of the Pomptine Marshes. There is no difficulty in identifying the site with some ruins near Treponti ; and in fact the 43rd milestone is .preserved there. [Three Taverns.] Apple-Tree, Apple (Heb. tappuach). Mention -of the apple-tree occurs in the A. V., in the follow ing passages. Caut. ii. 3: "As the apple-tree among the trees of the wood, so is my beloved among the sons. I sat down under his shadow with great delight, and his fruit was sweet to my taste." Cant. viii. 5 : "I raised thee up under the apple-tree ; there thy mother brought thee fortn." Joel i. 12, where the apple-tree is named with the vine, the fig, the pomegranate, and the palm-trees, as withering under the desolating effects of the locust, palmer-worm, &c. The fruit of this tree is alluded to in Prov. xxv. 11 : "A word fitly spoken is like apples of gold in pictures of silver." In Cant. ii. 5 : " Comfort me with apples, for I am sick of love ;" vii. 8, " The smell of thy nose (shall be) like apples." It is a difficult matter to say what is the specific tree denoted by the Hebrew word tappuach. Most modem writers maintain that it is either the quince or the citron. The quince has some plausible arguments in its favour, The fragrance of the quince was held in high esteem by the ancients. " Its scent," says an Arabic author, " cheers my soul, renews my strength, and restores my breath." The quince was sacred to Venus. On the other hand, Dr. Royle says, " The rich colour, fragrant odour, and handsome appear ance of the citron, whether in flower or in fruit, are particularly suited to the passages of Scripture •mentioned above." But neither the quince nor the ARAB AH 55 citron nor the apple appears fully to answer to all the Scriptural allusions. The tappuach must de note some tree the fruit of which is sweet to the taste, and possesses some fragi'ant and restorative properties, in order to meet all the demands of the Biblical allusions. Both the quince and the citron may satisfy the last-named requirement ; but it can hardly be said that either of these fruits are sweet to the taste. The orange would answer all the de mands of the Scriptural passages, and orange-trees are found in Palestine ; but there does not appear sufficient evidence that this tree was known iu the earlier times to the inhabitants of Palestine, the tree having been in all probability introduced at a later period. As to the apple-tree being the tap puach, most travellers assert that this fruit is generally of a very inferior quality. Moreover the apple would hardly merit the character for excellent fragrance which the tappuach is said to have pos sessed. The question of identification, therefore, must still be left an open one. As to the Apples of Sodom, see Vine of Sodom. The expression " apple of the eye " occurs in Deut. xxxii. 10 ; Ps. xvii. 8 ; Prov. vii. 2 ; Lam. ii. 18 ; Zech. ii. 8. The English word is the representative of one entirely different from that considered above: the Hebrew word being ishon, " little man " — the exact equivalent of the English pupil, the Latin pupilhts. Aquila, a Jew whom St. Paul found at Corinth on his arrival from Athens (Acts xviii. 2). He was a native of Pontus, but had fled, with his wife Priscilla, from Rome, in consequence of an order of Claudius commanding all Jews to leave the city [Claudius]. He became acquainted with St. Paul, and they abode together, and wrought at their common trade of making the Cilician tent or hair-cloth [Paul]. On the departure of the Apostle from Corinth, a year and six months after, Priscilla and Aquila accompanied him to Ephesus on his way to Syria. There they remained ; and when Apollos came to Ephesus, knowing only the baptism of John, they took him and taught him the way of the Lord more perfectly. At what time they became Christians is uncertain. When 1 Cor. was written, Aquila and his wife were still in Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 19); but in Rom. xvi. 3 ff., we find them again at Rome, and their house a place of assembly for the Christians. They are there described as having endangered their lives for that of the Apostle. In 2 Tim. iv. 19, they are saluted as being with Timotheus, probablyat Ephesus. In both these latter places the form Prisca and not Priscilla is used. Ar, or Ar of Moab, one of the chief places of Moab (Is. xv. 1 ; Num. xxi. 28). In later times the place was known as Areopolis and Rabbath-Moab,* a. e. the great city of Moab. The site is still called Pabba ; it lies about half-way between Kerak and the Wady Mojeb, 10 or 11 miles from each, the Roman road passing through it. The remains are not important. In the books of Moses, Ar appears to be used as a representative name for the whole nation of Moab ; see Deut. ii. 9, 18, 29 ; and also Num. xxi. 15. A'ra. One of the sons of Jether, the head of a family of Asherites (1 Chr. vii. 38). Arab, a city of Judah in the mountainous dis trict, probably in the neighbourhood of Hebron, mentioned only in Josh. xv. 52. Ar'abah. Although this word appears in the A. V. in its original shape only in Josh, xviii. 56 ABABATTINE 18, yet in the Hebrew text it is of frequent occur rence. It is used generally to indicate a barren, uninhabitable district, but "the Arabah" indicates more particularly the deep-sunken valley or trench which forms the most striking among the many striking natural features of Palestine, and which extends with great uniformity of formation from the slopes of Hermon to the Elanitic Gulf {Gulf of Akabah) of the Red Sea ; the most remarkable de pression known to exist on the surface of the globe. Through the northern portion of this extraordinary fissure the Jordan rushes through the lakes of Huleh and Gennesareth down its tortuous course to the deep chasm of the Dead Sea. This portion, about 150 miles in length, is known amongst the Arabs by the name of el-Ghor. The southern boundary of the Ghor is the wall of cliffs which crosses the valley about 10 miles south of the Dead Sea. From their summits, southward to the Gulf of Akabah, the valley changes its name, or, it would be more accurate to say, retains its old name of Wady el-Arabah. There can be no doubt that in the times of the conquest and the monarchy the name " Arabah " was applied to the valley in the entire length of both its southern and northern por tions. Thus in Deut. i. 1, probably, and in Deut. ii. 8, certainly (A. V. " plain " in both cases), the allusion is to the southern portion, while the other passages, in which the name occurs, point to the northern portion. In Deut. iii. 17, iv. 49 ; Josh. iii. 16, xi. 2, xii. 3; and 2 K. xiv. 25, both the Dead Sea and the Sea of Cinneroth (Gennesareth) are named in close connexion with the Arabah. The allusions in Deut. xi. 30 ; Josh. viii. 14, xii. 1, xviii. 18; 2 Sam. ii. 29, iv. 7 ; 2 K. xxv. 4; Jer. xxxix. 4, Iii. 7, become at once iutelligible when the meaning of the Arabah is known. In Josh. xi. 16 and xii. 8 the Arabah takes its place with "the mountain," "the lowland" plains of Philistia and Esdraelon, " the south " and " the plain " of Coele-Syria, as one of the great natural divisions of the conquered conntry, Arabat'tine, in Idumaea (1 Mace. v. 3). [Acrabbim.] Ara'bia, a country known in the 0. T. under two designations : — 1 . The East Country (Gen. xxv. 6) ; or perhaps the East (Gen. x. 30 ; Num. xxiii. 7 ; Is. ii. 6) ; and Zand of the sons of the East (Gen. xxix. 1) ; gentile name, Sons of the East (Judg. vi. 3, vii. 12 ; IK. iv. 30 ; Job i. 3 ; Is. xi. 14 ; Jer. xlix. 28 ; Ez. xxv. 4), From these pas sages it appears that the Zand of the East and Sons of the East indicate, primarily, the country east of Palestine, and the tribes descended from Ishmael and from Keturah ; and that this original signification may have become gradually extended to Arabia and its inhabitants generally, though without any strict limitation. The third and fourth passages above referred to relate to Mesopotamia and Babylonia. 2. 'Arab and 'Arab, whence Arabia (2 Chr. ix. 14 ; Is. xxi. 13 ; Jer. xxv. 24 ; Ez. >orvii. 21). This name seems to have the same geographical reference as the former name to the country and tribes east of the Jordan, and chiefly north of the Arabian peninsula.— Arabia may be divided into Arabia Proper, containing the whole peninsula as far as the limits of the northern deserts • Northern Arabia, constituting the great desert of Arabia ; and Western Arabia, the desert of Petra and the peninsula of Sinai, or the country that has been called Arabia Potraea. I. Arabia Proper, or ARABIA the Arabian peninsula, consists of high table-land, declining towards the north ; its most elevated portions being the chain of mountains running nearly parallel to the Bed Sea, and the territory east of the southern part of this chain. So far as the interior has been explored, it consists of mountainous and desert tracts, relieved by large districts under culti vation, well peopled, watered by wells and streams, and enjoying periodical rains. The most fertile tracts are those on the south-west and south. The modern Yemen is especially productive, and at the same time, from its mountainous character, pic turesque. The settled regions of the interior also appear to be more fertile than is generally believed to be the case ; and the deserts afford pasturage after the rains. The products mentioned in the Bible as coming from Arabia will be found described under their respective heads. They seem to refer, in many instances, to merchandise of Ethiopia and India, carried to Palestine by Arab and other traders. Gold, however, was perhaps found in small quan tities in the beds of torrents ; and the spices, incense, and precious stones, brought from Arabia (1 K. x. 2, 10, 15 ; 2 Chr. ix. 1, 9, 14 ; Is. Ix. fr; Jer. vi. 20 ; Ez. xxvii. 22), probably were the products of the southern provinces, still celebrated for spices, frankincense, ambergris, &c, as well as for the onyx and other precious stones. — II. Northern Arabia, or the Arabian Desert, is a high, undula ting, parched plain, of which the Euphrates forms the natural boundary from the Persian Gulf to the frontier of Syria, whence it is bounded by the latter country and the desert of Petra on iht north-west and west, the peninsula of Arabia form ing its southern limit. It has few oases, the water of the wells is generally either brackish or unpo- table, and it is visited by the sand-wind called Samoom. The Arabs find pasture for their flocks and herds after the rains, and in the more depressed plains ; and the desert generally produces prickly shrubs, &c, on which the camels feed. The in habitants were known to the ancients as "dwellers intents," Scenitae (comp. Is. xiii. 20 ; Jer. xlix. 31 ; Ezek. xxxviii. 11) ; and they extended from Baby lonia on the east (comp. Num. xxiii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 1 6 ; Is. ii. 6, xiii. 20), to the borders of Egypt on the west. These tribes, principally descended from Ishmael and from Keturah, have always led a wandering and pastoral life. Their predatory habits are several times mentioned in the 0. T. (2 Chr. xxi. 16, 17, xxvi. 7 ; Job i. 15; Jer. iii. 2). They conducted * considerable trade of merchan dise of Arabia and India from the shores of the Persian Gulf (Ezek. xxvii. 20-24), whence a chain of oases still forms caravan-stations ; and they like wise traded fi-om the western portions of the penin sula. The latter traffic appears to be frequently mentioned in connexion with Ishmaelites, Ketu- rahites, and other Arabian peoples (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 28; 1 K. x. 15, 25; 2 Chr. ix. 14, 24; Is. Ix. 6; Jer. vi. 20), and probably consisted of the products of southern Arabia and of the opposite shores of Ethiopia: it seems, however, to have been chiefly in the hands of the inhabitants of Idumaea ; but it is difficult to distinguish between the re ferences to the latter people and to the tribes of Nurthem Arabia in the passages relating to this traffic. That certain of these tribes brought tribute to Jehoshaphat appears from 2 Chr. xvii. 11 ; and elsewhere there are indications of such tribute. Respecting these tribes, see IsnsiAEL, Ketueah. — ARABIA III. Western Arabia includes the peninsula of Sinai [Sinai], and the desert of Petra, corresponding generally with the limits of Arabia Petraea. The latter name is probably derived from that of its chief city ; not from its stony character. It was in the earliest times inhabited by a people whose gen ealogy is not mentioned in the Bible, the Horites or Horim (Gen. xiv. 6, xxxvi. 20, 21, 22, 29, 30 ; Deut. ii. 12, 22). [Horites.] Its later inhabit ants were in part the same as those of the preceding division of Arabia^ as indeed the boundary of the two countries is arbitrary and unsettled ; but it was mostly peopled by descendants of Esau, and was ge nerally known as the land of Edom, or Idumaea [EDOM]; as well as by its older appellation, the desert of Seir, or Mount Seir [Seir]. The com mon origin of the Idumaeans from Esau and Ishmael is found in the marriage of the former with a daughter of the latter (Gen. xxviii. 9, xxxvi. 3). The Naba- thaeans succeeded to the Idumaeans, and Idumaea is mentioned only as a geographical designation after the time of Josephus. The Nabathaeans are iden tified with Nebaioth, son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13 ; Is. Ix. 7). Petra was in the great route of the western caravan-traffic of Arabia, and of the mer chandise brought up the Elanitic Gulf. See Edom, Elath, Ezion-geber, &c. — Inhabitants. The Arabs, like every other ancient nation of any celebrity, have traditions representing their country as originally inhabited by races which became ex tinct at a very remote period. The majority of their historians derive these tribes from Shem ; but some, from Ham, though not through Cush. Their earliest traditions that have any obvious relation to the Bible refer the origin of the existing nation in the first instance to Kahtan, whom they and most European scholars identify with Joktan ; and secondly to Ishmael, whom they assert to have married a descendant of Kahtan. They are silent respecting Cushite settlements in Arabia ; but modern research, we think, proves that Cushites were among its early inhabitants. [Cush.]— 1. The descendants of Joktan occupied the principal por tions of the south and south-west of the peninsula; with colonies in the interior. In Genesis (x. 30) it is said, " and their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest unto Sephar, a mount of the East {Kedem)." The position of Mesha is very uncer tain ; it is most reasonably supposed to be the western limit of the first settlers [Mesha] : Sephar is undoubtedly Dhafdri, or Zaf&ri, of the Arabs, a name not uncommon in the peninsula, but especially that of two celebrated towns — one being the seaport on the south coast, near Mirb&t ; the other, now in ruins, near San'a, and said to be the ancient resi dence of the Himyerite kings. The latter is probably Sephar ; it is situate near a thuriferous mountain, and exports the best frankincense [Sephar]. In the district indicated above are distinct and un doubted traces of the names of the sons of Joktan mentioned in Genesis (x. 26-29), such as Hadramdwt for Hazarmaveth, Azal for Uzal, Seba for Sheba, &c. Their remains are found in the existing inhabitants of (at least) its eastern portion, and their records in the numerous Himyerite ruins and inscriptions.— The principal Joktanite kingdom, and the chief state of ancient Arabia, was that of the Yemen, founded (according to the Arabs) by Yaarub, the son (or descendant) of Kahtan (Joktan). Its most ancient capital was probably San'a, formerly called Audi after Azal, son of Joktan. [Uzal.] The ARABIA 57 other capitals were Ma-rib, or Seba, and Zaf&ri. This was the Bibhcal kingdom of Sheba. Its rulers, and most of its people, were descendants of Seba ( = Sheba), whence the classical Sabaei. Among its rulers was probably the Queen of Sheba who came to hear the wisdom of Solomon (1 K. x. 2). [Sheba.] The dominant family was apparently that of Himyer, son (or descendant) of Seb&. A member of this family founded the more modern kingdom of the Himyerites. The testimony of the Bible, and of the classical writers, as well as native tradition, seems to prove that the latter appellation superseded the former only shortly before the Chris tian era: i.e. after the foundation of the later king dom. The rule of the Himyerites (whence the Homeritae of classical authors) probably extended over the modern Yemen, Hadramdwt, and Mahreh. Their kingdom lasted until A.D. 525, when it fell before an Abyssinian invasion. Already, about the middle of the 4th century, the kings of Axum appear to have become masters of part of the Yemen, adding to their titles the names of places in Arabia belonging to the Himyerites. After four reigns they were succeeded by Himyerite princes, vassals of Persia, the last of whom submitted to Mohammad. Kings of Hadramawt (the classical Chatramotitae) are also enumerated by the Arabs, and distinguished from the descendants of Yaarub, an indication of their separate descent from Hazar maveth [Hazarmaveth]. The Greek geogra phers mention a fourth people in conjunction with the Sabaei, Homeritae, and Chatramotitae, — the Minaei, who have not been identified with any Biblical or modern name. Some place them as high as Mekkeh, and derive their name from Mind (the sacred valley N.E. of that city), or fi-om the god dess Man&h, worshipped in the district between Mekkeh and El-Medeeneh. The other chief Jok tanite kingdom was that of the Hijaz, founded By Jurhum, the brother of Yaarub, who left the Yemen and settled in the neighbourhood of Mekkeh. The Arab lists of its kings are inextricably confused ; but the name of their leader and that of two of his successors was Muddd (or El-Mudad), who probably represents Almodad [Almodadj. Ishmael, according to the Arabs, married a daughter of the first Mudiid, whence sprang 'Adnan the ancestor of Mohammad. This. kingdom, situate in a less fertile district than the Yemen, and engaged in conflict with aboriginal tribes, never attained the importance of that of the south. It merged, by intermarriage and con quest, into the tribes of Ishmael. An Arab author identifies Jurhum with Hadoram [Hadoram.]— 2. The Ishmaelites appear to have entered the peninsula from the north-west. That they have spread over the whole of it (with the exception of one or two districts on the south coast which are said to be still inhabited by unmixed Joktanite peoples), and that the modern nation is predomi nantly Ishmaelite, is asserted by the Arabs. They do not, however, carry up their genealogies higher than 'Adnan (as we have already said), and they have lost the names of most of Ishmael's immediate and near descendants. Such as have been identified with existing names will be found under the several articles bearing their names. [See also Hagarenes.] They extended northwards from the Hijaz into the Arabian desert, where they mixed with Keturahites and other Abrahamic peoples : and westwards to Idumaea, where they mixed with Edomites, &c. The tribes sprung from Ishmael have always been 58 ARABIA governed by petty chiefs or heads of families (sheykhs and emeers) ; they have generally followed a patri archal life, and have not originated kingdoms, though they have in some instances succeeded to those of Joktanites, the principal one of these being that of El-Heereh. With reference to the Ishmaelites gene rally, we may observe, that although their first settlements in the Hijaz, and their spreading over a great part of the northern portions of the peninsula, are sufficiently proved, there is doubt as to the wide extension given to them by Arab tradition. Moham mad derived from the Jews whatever tradition he pleased, and silenced any contrary, by the Kuran or his own dicta. This religious element, which does not directly affect the tribes of Joktan (whose settlements are otherwise unquestionably identified), has a great influence over those of Ishmael. They therefore cannot be certainly proved to have spread over the peninsula, notwithstanding the almost universal adoption of their language (which is gene rally acknowledged to have been the Arabic com monly so called), and the concurrent testimony of the Arabs ; but from these and other considerations it becomes at the same time highly probable that they now form the predominant element of the Arab nation.— 3. Of the descendants of Keturah the Arabs say little. They appear to have settled chiefly north of the peninsula in Desert Arabia, from Pales tine to the Persian Gulf; and the passages in the Bible in which mention is made of Dedan (except those relating to theCushite Dedan, Gen. x. 7) refer apparently to the tribe sprung from this race (Is. xxi. 13; Jer. xxv. 23; Ez. xxvii. 20), perhaps with an admixture of the Cushite Dedan, who seems to have passed up the western shores of the Persian Gulf. [Keturah.] — 4. In Northern and Western Arabia are other peoples which, from their geogra phical position and mode of life, are sometimes classed with the Arabs. Of these are Amalek, the descend ants of Esau, &c. — Religion. The most ancient idolatry of the Arabs we must conclude to have been fetishism, of which there are striking proofs in the sacred trees and stones of historical times, and in the worship of the heavenly bodies, or Sabaeism. To the worship of the heavenly bodies we find allusions in Job (xxxi. 26-28) and to the belief in the in fluence of the stars to give rain (xxxviii. 31), where the Pleiades give rain, and Orion withholds it; and again in Judges (v. 20) where the stare fight against the host of Sisera. The names of the ob jects of the earlier fetishism, the stone-worship, tree-worship, &c, of various tribes, are too nu merous to mention. One, that of Manah, the goddess worshipped between Mekkeh and El- Medeeneh has been compared with Meni (Is. lxv. 11), which is rendered in the A. V. "number." Magianism, an importation from Chaldaea and Persia, must be reckoned among the religions of the Pagan Arabs ; but it never had very numerous followers. Christianity was introduced in southern Arabia towards the close of the 2nd century, and about a century later it had made great progress. It flourished chiefly in the Yemen, where many churches were built. It also rapidly advanced in other portions of Arabia, through the kingdom of Heereh and the contiguous countries, Ghassan, and other parts. The persecutions of the Christians brought about the fall of the Himyerite dynasty by the invasion of the Christian ruler of Abyssinia. Judaism was propagated in Arabia, principally by Karaites, at the captivity, but it was introduced ARABIA before that time : it became very prevalent in the Yemen, and in the Hijdz, especially at Kheybar and El-Medeeneh, where there are said to be still tribes of Jewish extraction.— Language. Arabic, the language of Arabia, is the most developed and the richest of the Semitic languages, and the only one of which we have an extensive literature: it is, therefore, of great importance to the study of Hebrew. Of its early phases we know nothing; while we have archaic monuments of the Himyeritic (the ancient language of southern Arabia), though we cannot fix their precise ages. Of the existence of Hebrew and Chaldee (or Aramaic) in the time of Jacob there is evidence in Gen. xxxi. 47; and probably Jacob and Laban understood each other, the one speaking Hebrew and the other Chaldee. It seems also (Judg. vii. 9-1 5) that Gideon, or Phurah, or both, understood the conversation of the " Mi- dianites, and the Amalakites, and all the children of the east." It is probable, therefore, that in the 14th or 13th cent. B.C. the Semitic languages differed much less than in after times. But it appears from 2 K. xviii. 2 6, that in the 8th cent. B.C. only the educated classes among the Jews under stood Aramaic. With these evidences before us, and making a due distinction between the archaic and the known phases of the Aramaic and the Arabic, we think that the Himyeritic is to be regarded as a sister of the Hebrew, and the Arabic (commonly so called) as a sister of the Hebrew and Aramaic, or, in its classical phasis, as a descendant of a sister of these two, but that the Himyeritic is mixed with an African language, and that the other dialects of Arabia are in like manner, though in a much less degree, mixed with an African language. — Respecting the Himyeritic, until lately little was known ; but monuments bearing inscrip tions in this language have been discovered in the southern parts of the peninsula, principally in Hadramawt and the Yemen, and some of the in scriptions have been published.— The manners and customs of the Arabs are of great value in illus trating the Bible. No one can mix with this people without being constantly and forcibly reminded either of the early patriarchs or of the settled Israelites. We may instance their pastoral life, their hospitality, that most remarkable of desert virtues [Hospitality], their universal respect for age (comp. Lev. xix. 32), their familiar defer ence (comp. 2 K. v. 13), their superstitious regard for the beard. On the signetring, which is worn on the little finger of the right hand, is usually in scribed a sentence expressive of submission to God, or of His perfection, &c, explaining Ex. xxxix. 30, " the engraving of a signet, Holiness to the Lord," and the saying of our Lord (John iii. 33), " He . . . hath set to his seal that God is true." As a mark of trust, this ring is given to another person (as in Gen. xii. 42). The inkhorn worn in the girdle is also very ancient (Ez. ix. 2, 3, 11), as well as the veil. A man has a right to claim his cousin in marriage, and he relinquishes this right by taking off his shoe, as the kinsman of Ruth did to Boaz (Ruth iv. 7, 8). — References in the Bible to the Arabs themselves are still more clearly illustrated by the manners of the modern people, in their pre datory expeditions, their mode of warfare, their caravan journeys, &c. To the interpretation of the book of Job, an intimate knowledge of this people and their language and literature is essential ; for many of the most obscure passages can only be ARABIANS explained by that knowledge.— Commerce. Direct mention of the commerce of the south does not appear to be made in the Bible, but it seems to have passed to Palestine principally through the northern tribes. Passages relating to the fleets of Solomon and to the maritime trade, however, bear on this subject, which is a curious study for the his torical inquirer. The Joktanite people of southern Arabia have always been, in contradistinction to the Ishmaelite tribes, addicted to a seafaring life. The latter were caravan-merchants ; the former, the chief traders of the Red Sea, carrying their commerce to the shores of India, as well as to the nearer coasts of Africa. The classical writers also make frequent mention of the commerce of southern Arabia. It was evidently carried to Palestine by the two great caravan routes from the head of the Red Sea and from that of the Persian Gulf: the former especially taking with it African produce ; the latter, Indian. It should be observed that the wandering propensities of the Arabs, of whatever descent, do not date from the promulgation of El-Islam. All testimony goes to show that from the earliest ages the peoples of Arabia formed colonies in distant lands, and have not been actuated by the desire of conquest or by religious impulse alone m their foreign expeditions ; but rather by restless ness and commercial activity. Ara'bians, the nomadic tribes inhabiting the country to the east and south of Palestine, who in the early times of Hebrew history were known as Ishmaelites and descendants of Keturah. Their roving pastoral life in the desert is alluded to in Is. xiii. 20 ; Jer. iii. 2 ; 2 Mace. xii. 11 ; their country is associated with the country of the Dedanim, the travelling merchants (Is. xxi. 13), with Dedan, Tenia, and Buz (Jer. xxv. 24), and with Dedan and Kedar. (Ez. xxvii. 21), all of which are supposed to have occupied the northern part of the peninsula later known as Arabia. During the prosperous reign of Jehoshaphat, the Arabians, in conjunction with the Philistines, were tributary to Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 11), but in the reign of his successor they revolted, ravaged the country, plundered the royal palace, slew all the king's sons with the exception of the youngest, and carried off the royal harem (2 Chr. xxi. 16, xxii. 1). The Arabians of Gur-baal were again subdued by Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 7). On the return fi-om Babylon they were among the foremost in hindering Nehemiah in his work of restoration, and plotted with the Ammonites and others for that end (Neh. iv. 7). Geshem, or Gashmu, one of the leaders of the opposition, was of this race (Neh. ii. 19, vii. 1). In later times the Arabians served under Timotheus in his struggle with Judas Macca beus, but were defeated (1 Mace. v. 39 ; 2 Mace. xii. 10). The Zabadeans, an Arab tribe, were routed by Jonathan, the brother and successor of Judas (1 Mace. xii. 31). Zabdiel, the assassin of Alexander Balas (1 Mace. xi. 17), and Simalcue, who brought up Antiochus, the young son of Alex ander (1 Mace. xi. 39), afterwards Antiochus VI., were both Arabians. In the time of the N. T. the term appears to have been restricted in the same manner. [ARABIA.] A'rad, a Benjamite, son of Beriah, who drove out the inhabitants of Gath (1 Chr. viii. 15). A'rad, a royal city of the Canaanites, named with Hormah and Libnah (Josh. xii. 14). The wilderness of Judah was to " the south of Arad " (Judg. i. 16). It is also undoubtedly named in ARAM 59 Num. xxi. 1 (comp. Hormah. in ver. 3), and xxxiii. 40, " the Canaanite king of Arad," instead of the reading of the A. V., " king Arad the Ca naanite." It is mentioned in the Onomasticon (Arad) as a city of the Amorites, near the desert of Kaddes, 4 miles from Malatha (Moladah), and 20 from Hebron. It may be identified with a hill, Tell 'Ar&d, an hour and a half N.E. by E. from Milk (Moladah), and 8 hours from Hebron. Ar'adus, (1 Mace. xv. 23), the same place as Arvad. A'rah. 1. An Asherite, of the sons of Ulla (1 Chr. vii. 39).— 2. The sons of Arab, returned with Zerubabel in number 775 according to Ezr. ii. 5, but 652 according to Neh. vii. 10. One of his descendants, Shechaniah, was the father-in-law of Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 10). The name is written as Ares in 1 Esdr. v. 10. A'ram (probably from a root signifying height, and which is also the base of " Ramah "), the name by which the Hebrews designated, generally, the country lying to the north-east of Palestine ; the great mass of that high table-land which, rising with sudden abruptness from the Jordan and the very margin of the lake of Gennesareth, stretches, at an elevation of no less than 2000 feet above the level of the sea, to the banks of the Euphrates itself, contrasting strongly with the low land bor dering on the Mediterranean, the "land of Ca naan," or the low country (Gen. xxxi. 18, xxxiii. 18, &c). Throughout the A. V. the word is, with only a very few exceptions, rendered, as in the Vulgate and LXX., Syria; a name which, it must be remembered, includes far more to our ears, than did Aram to the Hebrews. [SYRIA.] Its earliest occurrence in the book of Genesis is in the form of Aram-naharaim, i. e. the " highland of or between the two rivers" (Gen. xxiv. 10, A. V. " Mesopotamia "), but in several succeeding chapters, and in other parts of the Pentateuch, the word is used without any addition, to designate a dweller in Aram-naharaim — Laban or Bethuel — "the Aramite" (see Gen, xxv. 20, xxviii. 2, 5, xxxi. 20, 24; also Judg. iii. 10, compared with 8; Deut. xxvi. 5, compared with xxxiii. 4, and Ps. Ix. title). Padan, or accurately Paddan, Aram (" cul tivated highland," from paddah to plough) was another designation for the same region (Gen. xxv. 20, xxviii. 2). Later in the history we meet with a number of small nations or kingdoms forming parts of the general land of Aram: — 1. Aram7Zobah, or simply Zobah (1 Sam. xiv. 47 ; 2 Sam. viii. 3 ; 1 Chr. xviii. xix.) [Zobah], 2. Aram beth-rehob (2 Sam. x. 6), or Rehob (x. 8). [Rehob.] 3. Aram- maachah (1 Chr. xix. 6), or Maachah only (2 Sam. x. 6). [Maachah.] 4. Geshur, " in Aram " (2 Sam. xv. 8), usually named in connexion with Maachah (Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xiii. 11, 13, &c). [Geshur.] 5. Aram-Dammesek (Damascus) (2 Sam. viii. 5, 6 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 5, 6). The whole of these petty states are spoken of collectively under the name of "Aram" (2 Sam. x. 13), but as Damascus increased in importance it gradually absorbed the smaller powers (1 K. xx. 1), and the name of Aram was at last applied to it alone (Is. vii. 8 ; also 1 K. xi. 24, 25, xv. 18, &a). According to the genealogical table in Gen. x., Aram was a son of Shem, and his brethren were Elam, Asshur, and Arphaxad. It will be observed that these names occur in regular order from the east, 60 ARAJM-NAHABAIM Aram closing the list on the borders of the "west ern sea." In three passages Aram would seem to denote Assyria (2 K. xviii. 26; Is. xxxvi. 11; Jer. xxxv. 11).— 2. Another Aram is named in Gen. xxii. 21, as a son of Kemuel, and descendant of Nahor. From its mention with Uz and Buz it is probably identical with the tribe of Ram, to the " kindred " of which belonged " Elihu the son of Barachel the Buzite," who was visiting Job in the land of Uz (Job xxxii. 2).— 3. An Asherite, one of the sons of Shamer (1 Chr. vii. 34).— 4. Son of Esrom, or Hezron, and the same as Ram (Matt. i. 3, 4 ; Luke iii. 33). A'ram-nahara'im (Ps. Ix. title). [Aram 1.] A'ram-zo'bah (Ps. Ix. title). [Aram 1.] Arami'tess, a female inhabitant of Aram (1 Chr. vii. 14). In other passages of the A. V. the ethnic of Aram is rendered " Syrian." A'ran, a Horite, son of Dishan and brother of Uz (Gen. xxxvi. 28 ; 1 Chr. i. 42). Ararat, a mountainous district of Asia men tioned in the Bible in connexion with the following events : — (1.) As the resting-place of the Ark after the Deluge (Gen. viii. 4): (2.) as the asylum- of the sons of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 38 ; A. V. has " the land of Armenia ") : (3.) as the ally, and probably the neighbour, of Minni and Ashchenaz (Jer. li. 27). [Armenia.] The name Ararat was unknown to the geographers of Greece and Rome, as it still is to the Armenians of the present day : but that it was an indigenous and an ancient name for a portion of Armenia, appears from the statement of Moses of Chorene, who gives Araratia as the designation of the central province. In its Biblical sense it is descriptive generally of the Armenian highlands — the lofty plateau which overlooks the plain of the Araxes on the N., and of Mesopotamia on the S. Various opinions have been put forth as to the spot where the Ark rested, as described in Gen. viii. 4; but Berosus the Chaldaean, contemporary with Alexander the Great, fixes the spot on the mountains of Kurdis tan. Tradition still points to the Jebel Judi as the scene of the event, and maintains the belief, as stated by Berosus, that fragments of the ark exist on its summit. Josephus also quotes Nicolaus Damascenus to the effect that a mountain named Bans, beyond Minyas, was the spot. That the scene of an event so deeply interesting to mankind had even at that early age been transferred, as was natural, to the loftiest and most imposing mountain in the district, appears from the statements of Jose phus that the spot where Noah left the ark had received a name descriptive of that event, which he renders Apobaterion, and which seems identical with Nachdjevan, on the banks of the Araxes. To this neighbourhood all the associations connected with Noah are now assigned by the native Arme nians, and their opinion has been so far indorsed by Europeans that they have given the name Ararat exclusively to the mountain which is called Hassis hy the Armenians, Agri-Dagh, i. e. Steep Mountain, hy the Turks, and Kuh-i-Nuh, i. e. Noah's Moun tain, by the Persians. It rises immediately out of the plain of the Araxes, and terminates in two conical peaks, named the Great and Less Ararat, about seven miles distant from each other ; the former of which attains an elevation of 17,260 feet above the level of the sea and about 14,000 above the plain of the Araxes, while the latter is lower I hy 4000 feet. The summit of the higher is covered ABABAT with eternal snow for about 3000 feet. It is of volcanic origin. The summit of Ararat was long deemed inaccessible. It was first ascended in 1829 by Parrot, who approached it from the N.W.; he describes a secondary summit about 400 yards distant from the highest point, and on the gentle depression which connects the two eminences he surmises that the ark rested. The region imme diately below the limits of perpetual snow is barren and unvisited by beast or bird. Arguri, the oaly village known to have been built on its slopes, was the spot where, according to tradition, Noah planted his vineyard. Lower down, in the plain of Araxes, is Nachdjevan, where the patriarch is reputed to have been buried. Returning to the broader signification we have assigned to the term, " the mountains of Ararat," as co-extensive with the Armenian plateau from the base of Ararat in the N. to the range of Kurdistan in the S., we notice the following characteristics of that region as illustrating the Bible narrative: — (1.) Its eleva tion. It rises to a height of from 6000 to 7000 feet above the level of the sea, presenting a surface of extensive plains, whence spring other lofty mountain ranges, having a generally parallel direc tion from E. to W., and connected with each other by transverse ridges of moderate height. (2.) Its geographical position. The Armenian plateau stands equidistant from the Euxine and the Caspian seas on the N., and between the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean ou the S. Viewed with refer ence to the dispersion of the nations, Armenia is the true centre of the world: and it is a significant fact that at the present day Ararat is the great boundary-stone between the empires of Russia, Turkey, and Persia. (3.) Its physical character. The plains as well as the mountains supply evi dence of volcanic agency. Armenia, however, differs materially from other regions of similar geological formation, inasmuch as it does not rise to *t sharp well-defined central crest, but expands into plains or steppes, separated by a graduated series of subordinate ranges. The result of this expansion is that Armenia is far more accessible, both from without, and within its own limits, than other districts of similar elevation. The fell of the ground in the centre of the plateau is not decided in any direction, as is demonstrated by the early courses of the rivers — the Araxes, which flows into the Caspian, rising westward of either branch of the Euphrates, and taking at fii'st a northerly direction — the Euphrates, which flows to the S., rising northward of the Araxes, and taking a westerly direction. (4.) The climate. Winter lasts from October to May, and is succeeded by a brief spring and summer of intense heat. Iu April the Armenian plains are still covered with snow ; and in the early part of September it freezes keenly at night. (5.) The vegetation. Grass grows luxuriantly on the plateau, and furnishes abundant pasture during the summer months to the flocks of the nomad Kurds. Wheat, barley, and vines ripen at far higher altitudes than on the Alps and the Pyrenees; and the harvest is brought to maturity with wonderful speed. The general result of these observations would be to show that, while the elevation of the Armenian plateau constituted it the natural resting-place of the ark after the Deluge, its geographical position and its physical character secured an impartial distribu tion of the families of mankind to the various AKABATH quarters of the world. The climate furnished a powerful inducement to seek the more tempting regions on all sides of it. At the same time the cha- ARCHXPPTJS 61 racter of the vegetation was remarkably adapted to the nomad state ,n which we may conceive the early generations of iNoah's descendants to have lived. Ar'arath (Tob. i. 21). [Ararat.] Arau'nah, a Jebusite who sold his threshing- floor on Mount Moriah to David as a site for an altar to Jehovah, together with his oxen (2 Sam. xxiv. 18-24 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 25). From the expres sion (2 Sam. xxiv. 23) " these things did Araunah, the king, give unto the king," it has been inferred that he was one of the royal race of the Jebu- sites. His name is variously written in various places (2 Sam. xxiv. 16, 18; 1 Chr. xxi.; 2 Chr. iii.). [Ornan.] Ar'ba, the progenitor of the Anakim, or sons of Anak, from whom their chief city Hebron re ceived its name of Kirjath-Arba (Josh. xiv. 15, xv. 13, xxi. 11). Ar 'bah. Hebron, or Kirjath-Arba, as " the city of Arbah" is always rendered elsewhere (Gen. xxxv. 27). [Hebron.] Ar'bathite, the, i. e. a native of the Arabah or Ghor. [Arabah.] Abialbon the A. was one of David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 31 ; 1 Chr. xi. 32). Arbat'tis, a district of Palestine named in 1 Mace. v. 23 only, perhaps a corruption of Acrabat- tine, the province or toparchy which lay between Neapolis and Jericho. [Arabattine.] Arbela, mentioned in the Bible only in 1 Mace. ix. 2, and there only as denning the situation of Masaloth, a place besieged and taken by Bacchides and Alcimus at the opening of the campaign in which Judas Maccabeus was killed. According to Josephus this was at Arbela of Galilee, a place which he elsewhere states to be near Sepphoris, on the lake of Gennesareth, and remarkable for certain impregnable caves, the resort of robbers and insur gents, and the scene of more than one desperate encounter. These topographical requirements are fully met by the existing Irbid, a site with a few ruins, west of Medjel, on the south-east side of the Wady Ham&m, in a small plain at the foot of the hill of KurAn Hatiin. The caverns are in the opposite face of the ravine, and bear the name of Kula'at Ibn Ma&n. Arbela may be the Beth- arbel of Hos. x. 14, but there is nothing to en sure it. ArTvite, the. Paarai the Arbite was one of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 35). The word signifies a native of Arab. In the parallel list of Chronicles it is given as Ben-Ezbai. [Ezbat.] Arbona'i (Jud. ii. 24). [Abronas.] Archela'us, son of Herod the Great, by a Sama ritan woman, Malthake", and, with his brother Antipas, brought up at Rome. At the death of Herod (b.c. 4) his kingdom was divided between his three sons, Herod Antipas, Archelaus, and Philip. Archelaus received the half, containing Idumaea, Judaea, Samaria, and the cities on the coast, with 600 talents' income. He never pro perly bore the title of king (Matt. ii. 22), but only that of ethnarch, so that the former word must be taken as loosely used. In the tenth year of his reign, or the ninth, according to Dion Cassius, i. e. A.D. 6, a complaint was preferred against him by his brothers and his subjects on the ground of his tyranny, in consequence of which he was banished to Vienne in Gaul, where he is generally said to have died. But Jerome relates that he was shown the sepulchre of Archelaus near Bethlehem. He seems to have been guilty of great cruelty and oppression (comp. Matt. ii. 22). Josephus relates that he put to death 3000 Jews in the Temple not long after his accession. Archelaus wedded ille gally Glaphyra, once the wife of his brother Alex ander, who had had children by her. Archery. [Arms.] Ar'chevites, perhaps the inhabitants of Erecii, some of whom had been placed as colonists in Samaria (Ezr. iv. 9). Ar'cM (Josh. xvi. 2). [Archite.] Archip'pus, a Christian teacher in Colossae (Col. iv. 17), called by St. Paul his "fellow- soldier," (Philem. 2). As the last-quoted epistle 62 AECHITE is addressed to him jointly with Philemon and' Apphia, it seems necessary to infer that he was a member of Philemon's family. Jerome, Theodoret, and Oecumenius, suppose him to have been over seer of the church at Colossae. Others believe him to have been a teacher at Laodicea. There is a legend that he was of the number of the Seventy disciples, and suffered martyrdom at Chonae, near Laodicea. Ar'chlte, the (as if from a place named Erech), the usual designation of David's friend Hushai (2 Sam. xv. 32, xvii. 5, 14 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 33). The word also appears in Josh. xvi. 2, where " the borders of Archi " (j. e. " the Archite ") are named as somewhere in the neighbourhood of Bethel. Architecture. The book of Genesis (iv. 17, 20, 22) appears to divide mankind into great cha racteristic sections, viz., the "dwellers in tents" and the "dwellers in cities." To the race of Shem is attributed (Gen. x. 11, 12, 22, xi. 2-9) the foundation of those cities in the plain of Shinar, Babylon, Nineveh, and others; of one of which, Resen, the epithet "great" sufficiently marks its importance in the time of the writer. From the same book we leam the account of the earliest recorded building, and of the materials employed in its construction (Gen. xi. 3, 9) ; and though a doubt rests on the precise spot of the tower of Belus, so long identified with the Birs Nimroud, yet the nature of the soil, and the bricks found there in such abundance, though bearing mostly the name of Nebuchadnezzar, agree per fectly with the supposition of a city previously existing on the same or a closely neighbouring site. In Esth. i. 2 mention is made of the palace at Susa, the spring residence of the kings of Persia (Esth. iii. 15) ; and in the books of Tobit and Judith, of Ecbatana, to which they retired during the heat of summer (Tob. iii. 7, xiv. 14 ; Jud. i. 14). It is in connexion with Egypt that the Israelites appear first as builders of cities, com pelled to labour at the buildings of the Egyptian monarchs. Pithom and Raamses are said to have been built by them (Ex. i. 11). The Israelites were by occupation shepherds, and by habit dwel lers in tents (Gen. xlvii. 3). They had therefore originally, speaking properly, no architecture. Even Hebron, a city of higher antiquity than the Egyptian Zoan (Tanis), was called originally from its founder, perhaps a Canaanite of the race of Anak, Kirjath-Arba, the city of Arba (Num. xiii. 22; Josh. xiv. 15). From the time of the occu pation of Canaan they became dwellers in towns and in houses of stone (Lev. xiv. 34, 45 ; IK. vii. 10) ; but these were not all, nor indeed in most cases, built by themselves (Deut. vi. 10 ; Num. xiii. 19). The peaceful reign and vast wealth of Solomon gave great impulse to archi tecture ; for besides the Temple and his other great works, he built fortresses and cities in various places, among which Baalath and Tadmor are in ail probability represented by Baalbeo and Pal myra (1 R. ix. 15, 24). Among the succeeding kings of Israel and of Judah, more than one is recorded as a builder: Asa (1 K. xv. 23), Baasha (xv. 17), Omri (xvi. 24), Ahab (xvi. 32, xxii. 39), Hezekiah (2 K. xx. 20 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 27-30), Jehoash, and Josiah (2 K. xii. 11, 12, xxii. 6) ; and, lastly, Jehoiakim, whose winter palace is men tioned (Jer. xxii. 14, xxxvi. 22 ; see also Am. iii. AECTURTJS 15). On the return fi-om captivity the chief cart of the rulers was to rebuild the Temple and the walls of Jerusalem in a substantial manner, with stone, and with timber from Lebanon (Ezr. iii. 8, v. S; Neh. ii. 8, iii.). But the reigns of Herod and his successors were especially remark able for their great architectural works. Not only was the Temple restored but the fortifications and other public buildings of Jerusalem were en larged and embellished (Luke xxi. 5). The town of Caesarea was built on the site of Strato's Tower; Samaria was enlarged, and received the name of Sebaste. Of the original splendour of these great works no doubt can be entertained ; but of their style and appearance we can only conjecture that they were formed on Greek and Roman models. The connexion of Solomon with Egypt and with Tyre, and the influence of the Captivity, must necessarily have affected the style of the palatial edifices of that monarch, and of the first and second temples. The enormous stones employed in the Assyrian, Persepolitan, and Egyptian buildings, find a parallel in the substructions of Baalbec and in the huge blocks which still remain at Jerusalem, relics of the buildings either of Solomon or of Herod. But few monuments are known to exist in Pales tine by which we can form an accurate idea of its buildings, and even of those which do remain no trustworthy examination has yet been made. It is probable, however, that the reservoirs known under the names of the Pools of Solomon and Heze kiah contain some portions at least of the original fabrics. The domestic architecture of the Jews, so far as it can be understood, is treated under House. Arctu'rns. The Hebrew words 'Ash and 'Aish, rendered " Arctnrus" in the A. V. of Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 32, in conformity with the Vulg. of the former passage, are now generally believed to be identical, and to represent the constellation Ursa Major, known commonly as the Great Bear, or Charles's Wain. Niebuhr {Desc. de tArab. p. 101) relates that he met with a Jew at Sana, who iden tified the Hebrew 'Ash with the constellation known to the Arabs by the name Om en-nash, or Nash simply, as a Jew of Bagdad informed him. The four stars in the body of the Bear are named En- nash in the tables of Ulugh Beigh, those in the taii being called el Bendt, " the daughters " (comp. Jot xxxviii. 32). The ancient versions differ greatly h. their renderings. The LXX. render 'Ash by the " Pleiades " in Job ix. 9 (unless the text which they had before them had the words in a different order) - and 'Aish by " Hesperus," the evening star, in Job xxxviii. 32. In the former they are followed or supported by the Chaldee, in the latter by thr Vulgate. R. David Kimchi and the Talmudist". understood by 'Ash the tail of the Ram or the head of the Bull, by which they are supposed to indicate the bright star Aldebaran in the Bull's eye. But the greatest difficulty exists in the rendering of the Syriac translators, who give as the equivalent of both 'Ash and 'Aish the word 'lyutho, which is in terpreted to signify the bright star Capella in the constellation Auriga, and is so rendered in the Arabic translation of Job. On this point, however, great difference of opinion exists. Bar Ali conjectured that 'lyutho was either Capella or the constellation Orion ; while Bar Bahlul hesitated between Ca pella, Aldebaran, and a cluster of three stars in the face of Orion. Following the rendering of the ARD Arabic, Hyde was induced to consider 'Ash and 'Aish distinct ; the former being the Great Bear, and the latter the bright star Capella, or the a of the constellation Auriga. Ard, the son of Bela and grandson of Benjamin (Gen. xlvi. 21 ; Num. xxvi. 40), there being no reason to suppose that in these passages two dif ferent persons are intended. In 1 Chi-, viii. 3, he is called Addar. Ar'dath— " the field called Ardath "—2 Esdr. ix. 26. Ard'ites, the descendants of Ard or Addar the grandson of Benjamin (Num. xxvi. 40). Ar'don, a son of Caleb, the son of Hezron, by his wife Azubah (1 Chr. ii. 18). Ar'eli, a son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16 ; Num. xxvi. 17). His descendants are caHed the Akelites (Num. xxvi. 17). Areop'agite, a member of the court of Areopagus (Acts xvii. 34). [Mars' Hill.] Areop'agus. [Mars' Hill.] A'res (1 Esdr. v. 10). [Arah 2.] Ar'etas, a common appellation of many of the Arabian kings or chiefs. Two are mentioned in the Bible.— 1, A contemporary of Antiochus Epi phanes (B.C. 170) and Jason (2 Mace. v. 8). — 2. The Aretas alluded to by St. Paul (2 Cor. xi. 32) was father-in-law of Herod Antipas. [Herod.] There is a somewhat difficult chronological ques tion respecting the subordination of Damascus to this Aretas. Under Augustus and Tiberius the city was attached to the province of Syria ; and it is probable that a change in the rulership took place after the death of Tiberius. There had been war for some time between Aretas, king of Arabia Nabataea, and Antipas. A battle was fought, and the army of Antipas entirely destroyed. Vitellius, governor of Syria, was sent to his aid ; but while on his march he heard of the death of Tiberius (a.d. 37), and remained at Antioch. By this change of affairs at Rome a complete reversal took place in the situation of Antipas and his enemy. The former was ere long (a.d. 89) banished to Lyons, and his kingdom given to. Agrippa. It would be natural that Aretas should be received into favour ; and the more so as Vitellius had an old grudge against Antipas. Now in the year 38 Caligula made several changes in the East ; and these facts, coupled with that of no Damascene coins of Caligula or Claudius existing, make it probable that about this time Damascus, which belonged to the predecessor of Aretas, was granted to him by Caligula. The other hypotheses, that the ethnarch was only visiting the city, or that Aretas had seized Damascus on Vitellius giving \ up the expedition against him are very impro bable. Are'us, a king of the Lacedaemonians, whose letter to the high priest Onias is given in 1 Mace. xii. 20-23. There were two Spartan kings of the name of Areus, of whom the first reigned B.C. 309-265. The first high priest of the name of Onias held the office B.C. 323-300, and must therefore have written the letter to Areus I. in some interval between 309 and 300. [Onias.] Ar'gob, a tract of country on the east of the Jordan, in Bashan, the kingdom of Og, containing 60 great and fortified cities. Argob was in the portion allotted to the half-tribe of Manasseh, and was taken possession of by Jair, a chief man in that tribe. It afterwards formed one of Solomon's ARIEL 63 commissariat districts, under the charge of an officer whose residence was at Ramoth-Gilead (Deut. iii. 4, 13, 14; IK. iv. 13). In later times Argob was called Trachonitis, apparently a mere translation of the older name ; and it is now appa rently identified with the Lejah, a very remarkable district south of Damascus, and east of the Sea of Galilee. This extraordinary region — about 22 miles from N. to S. by 14 from W. to E., and of a regular, almost oval, shape — has been described as an ocean of basaltic rocks and boulders, tossed about in the wildest confusion, and intermingled with fissures and crevices in every direction. Strange as it may seem, this forbiding region is thickly studded with deserted cities and villages, all solidly built and of remote antiquity. A strong pre sumption in favour of the identification of the Lejah with Argob arises from the peculiar Hebrew word constantly attached to Argob. This word is Chebel, literally " a rope," aud it designates with charming accuracy the remarkably defined boundary line of the district of the Lejah, which is spoken of repeatedly by its latest explorer as " a rocky shore ;" " sweeping round in a circle clearly denned as a rocky shore line ;" " resembling a Cyclopean wall in ruins." Ar'gob, perhaps a Gileadite officer, who was go vernor of Argob. According to some interpreters, an accomplice of Pekah in the murder of Pekahiah. But Sebastian Schmid explained that both Argob and Arieh were two princes of Pekahiah, whose influence Pekah feared, and whom he therefore slew with the king. Jarchi understands by Argob the royal palace, near which was the castle in which the murder took place (2 K. xv. 25). Ariara'thes, properly Mithridates IV., Philo pator, king ofCappadocia B.C. 163-130. He was educated at Rome, and his subservience to the wishes of the Romans (B.C. 158) cost him his kingdom ; but he was shortly afterwards restored to a share in the government ; and on the capture of his rival Olophernes by Demetrius Soter, regained the su preme power. He fell in B.C. 130, in the war of the Romans against Aristonicus. Letters were ad dressed to him from Rome in favour of the Jews (1 Mace. xv. 22), who, in after times, seem to have been numerous in his kingdom (Acts ii. 9 ; comp. 1 Pet. i. 1). Arida'i, ninth son of Haman (Esth. ix. 9). Arid'atha, sixth son of Haman (Esth. ix. 8). Ar'ieh, " the Lion," so called probably from'his daring as a warrior : either one of the accomplices of Pekah in his conspiracy against Pekahiah, king of Israel ; or, as Sebastian Schmid understands the passage, one of the princes of Pekahiah, who was put to death with him (2 K. xv. 25). Jarchi ex plains it literally of a golden lion which stood in the castle. A'riel. 1. One of the " chief men " who under Ezra directed the caravan which he led back from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 16). — The word occurs also in reference to two Moabites slain by Benaiah (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; 1 Chr. xi. 22). Many regard the word as an epithet, " lion-like ;" but it seems better to look upon it as a proper name, and translate "two [sons] of Ariel."— 2. A designation given by Isaiah to the city of Jerusalem (Is. xxix. 1,2,7). Its meaning is obscure. We must un derstand by it either " Lion of God," or " Hearth of God." The latter meaning is suggested by the use of the word in Ez. xliii. 15, 16, as a synonym 64 ARIMATHAEA for the altar of burnt-offering. On the whole it seems most probable that, as a name given to Jeru salem, Ariel means '* Lion of God," whilst the word used by Ezekiel means " Hearth of God." Arimath.ae'a (Matt, xxvii. 57 ; Luke xxiii. 51 ; John xix. 38). St. Luke calls it " a city of Ju daea ;" but this presents no objection to its identifi cation with the prophet Samuel's birth-place, the Ramah of 1 Sam. i. 1, 19, which is named in the LXX. Armathaim, and by Josephus, Armatba. The Ramathem of the Apocrypha is probably the same place. It is identified by many with the mo dern Hamlah. [Ramah.] A'rioch. 1. The king of Ellasar, one of the allies of Chedorlaomer in his expedition against his rebel lious tributaries (Gen. xiv. 1). The name accord ing to Gesenius is Assyro-Chaldaic, but Fiirst refers it to a Sanskrit root.— 2. The captain of Nebuchad nezzar's body-guard (Dan. ii. 14, &c.).— 3. Pro perly Eirioch, or Erioch, mentioned in Jud. i. 7 as king of the Elymaeans. Junius and Tremellius identify him with Deioces, king of part of Media. Arlsa'i, eighth son of Haman (Esth. ix. 9). Aristar'chus, a Thessalonian (Acts xx. 4; xxvii. 2), who accompanied St. Paul on his third mis sionary journey (Acts xix. 29). He was with the apostle on his return to Asia (Acts xx. 4) ; and ugain (xxvii. 2) on his voyage to Rome. We trace him afterwards as St. Paul's fellow-prisoner in Col. iv. 10, and Philem. 24. Tradition makes him bishop of Auamea. Aristobulus. 1. A Jewish priest (2 Mace. i. 10), who resided in Egypt in the reign of Ptole- maeus VI., Philometor. In a letter of Judas Mac- cabaeus he is addressed (165 B.C.) as the represen tative of the Egyptian Jews, and is further styled "the master" (i.e. counsellor?) of the king. There can be little doubt that he is identical with the peripatetic philosopher of that name, who dedi- ¦cated to Ptol. Philometor his allegoric exposition of the Pentateuch. Considerable fragments of this work have been preserved by Clement and Eusebius, but the authenticity of the quotations has been vigorously contested. The object of Aristobulus was to prove that the peripatetic doctrines were based on the Law and the Prophets.— 2. A resident at Rome, some of whose household are greeted in Rom. xvi. 10. Tradition makes him one of the 70 disciples, and reports that he preached the Gospel in Britain. Ark, Noah's. [Noah.] Ark of the Covenant. The first piece of the tabernacle's furniture, for which precise directions were delivered (Ex. xxv.). — I. It appears to have been an oblong chest of shittim (acacia) wood, 2£ cubits long, by 1^ broad and deep. Within and without gold was overlaid on the wood, and on the upper side or lid, which was edged round about with gold, the mercy seat was placed. The ark was fitted with rings, one at each of the four corners, and through these were passed stives of the same wood similarly overlaid, by which it was carried by the Kohathites (Num. vii. 9, x. 21). The ends of the staves were visible without the veil in the holy place of the temple of Solomon (1 K. viii. 8). The ark, when transported, was enveloped in the " veil " of the dismantled tabernacle, in the curtain of badgers' skins, and in a blue cloth over all, and was therefore not-seen (Num. iv. 5, 20). — II. Its purpose or object was to contain inviolate (lie Divine autugranh of the two tables, that " co- AKKLTE venant" from which it derived its title. It was also probably a reliquary for the pot of manna and the rod of Aaron. We read in 1 K. viii. 9, that " there was nothing in the ark save the two tables of stone which Moses put there at Horeb." Yet in Heb. ix. 4, it is asserted that, besides the two tables of stone, the "pot of manna" and "Aaron's rod that budded" were inside the ark; probably by So lomon's time these relics had disappeared. The words of the A. V. in 1 Chr. xiii. 3, seem to imply a use of the ark for the purpose of an oracle ; but this is probably erroneous, and " we sought it not" the meaning. — Occupying the most holy spot of the sanctuary, it tended to exclude any idol from the centre of worship. It was also the support of the mercy seat, materially symbolising, perhaps, the "covenant" as that on which " mercy" rested. — III. The chief facts in the earlier history of the ark (see Josh. iii. and vi.) need not be recited. In the decline of religion in a later period a supersti tious security was attached to its presence in battle. Yet — though this was rebuked by its permitted capture — when captured, its sanctity was vindicated by miracles, as seen in its avenging progress through the Philistine cities. From this period till David's time its abode was frequently shifted. It sojourned among several, probably Levitical, families (1 Sam. vii. 1 ; 2 Sam. vi. 3, 11 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 13, xv. 24, 25) in the border villages of Eastern Judah, and did not take its place in the tabernacle, but dwelt in curtains, i. e. in a separate tent pitched for it in Jerusalem by David. Its bringing up by David thither was a national festival. Subsequently the Temple, when completed, received, in the installa tion of the ark in its shrine, the signal of its inau guration by the effulgence of Divine glory instantly manifested. Several of the Psalms contain allusions to these events (e. g. xxiv., xlvii., exxxii.) and Ps. cv. appears to have been composed on the occasion of the first of them. — When idolatry became more shameless in the kingdom of Judah, Manasseh placed a " carved image" in the " house of God," and pro bably removed the ark to make way for it. This may account for the subsequent statement that it was reinstated by Josiah (2 Chi*, xxxiii. 7, xxxv. 3). It was probably taken captive or destroyed by Ne buchadnezzar (2 Esdr. x. 22). Prideaux's argu ment that there must have been an ark in the second temple is of no weight against express testi mony, such as that of Josephus. Egyptian Ark. (Wilkinson, Ane. Egypt.) Ark'ite, The, one of the families of the Ca naanites (Gen. x. 17 ; 1 Chr. i. 15), and from the context evidently located in the north of Phoenicia. The name is found in Pliny and Ptolemy, and froo Aelius Lampridius we learn that the Urb* Arcesa contained a temple dedicated to Alexander the Great ARMAGEDDON It was the birthplace of Alexander Severus, and was thence called Caesarea Libani. The site which now bears the name of 'Arka lies on the coast, 2 to 2£ hours from the shore, about 1 2 miles north of Tripoli, and 5 south of the Nahr el-Khebir. A rocky tell rises to the height of 1 00 feet close above the Nahr Arka ; on the top of this is an area of about two acres, on which and on a plateau to the north the ruins of the former town are scattered. Armageddon, " the hill, or city of Megiddo " (Rev. xvi. 16). The locality implied in the He brew term here employed is the great battle-field of the Old Testament. In a similar passage in the book of Joel (iii. 2, 12), the scene of the Divine judgments is spoken of as the " valley of Jehosha- phat," the fact underlying the image being Jeho- shaphat's great victory (2 Chr. xx. 26). So here the scene of the struggle of good and evil is sug gested by that battle-field, the plain of Esdraelon, which was famous for two great victories, of Barak over the Canaanites (Judg. iv., v.), and of Gideon over the Midianites (Judg. vii.) ; and for two great disasters, the deaths of Saul (1 Sam. xxxi. 8), and of Josiah (2 K. xxiii. 29, 30; 2 Chr. xxxv. 22). The same figurative language is used by one of the Jewish prophets (Zech. xii. 11). Armenia is nowhere mentioned under that name in the original Hebrew, though itoccursin the English version (2 K. xix. 37) for Ararat (comp. marginal read ing). Armenia is that lofty plateau whence the rivers Euphrates, Tigris, Araxes, and Acampsis, pour down theirwaters in different directions ; the two Hrst to the Persian Gulf, the last two respectively to the Caspian and Euxine seas. It may be termed the nucleus of the mountain system of western Asia : from the centre of the plateau rise two lofty chains of mountains, which run from E. to W., converging towards the Cas pian sea, but parallel to each other towards the W. The climate is severe, varying with the altitude of different localities, the valleys being sufficiently warm to ripen the gra$e, while the high lands are only adapted for pasture. The latter supported vast numbers of mules and hoi-ses, on which the wealth of the inhabitants chiefly depends (comp. Ez. xxvii. 14). The slight acquaintance which the Hebrews had with this country was probably de rived from the Phoenicians. There are signs of their knowledge having been' progressive. Isaiah, in his prophecies regarding Babylon, speaks of the hosts as coming from the " mountains " (xiii. 4), while Jeremiah employs the specific names Ararat and Minni (^li. 27). Ezekiel, apparently better ac quainted with the country, uses a name which was familiar to its own inhabitants, Togarmah. (1.) Aeakat is mentioned as the place whither the sons of Sennacherib fled (Is. xxxvii. 38). It was the central district surrounding the mountain of that name. (2.) MiNNI only occurs in Jer. li. 27. It is probably identical with the district Minyas, in the upper valley of the Murad-su branch of the Euphrates. (3.) TOGARMAH is noticed in two pas sages of Ezekiel, both of which are in favour of its identity with Armenia. In xxvii. 14 he speaks of Togarmah in connexion with Meshech and Tubal ; in xxxviii: 6, it is described as " of the north quarters" in connexion with Gomer. Coupling with these particulars the relationship between To garmah, Ashkenaz, and Riphat (Gen. x. 3), we cannot fail in coming to the conclusion that Togar mah represents Armenia. Armlet, an ornament universal in the East, COW. D. B ARMS 65 especially among women; used by princes as one of the insignia of royalty, and by distinguished persons in general. The word is not used in the A. V., as even in 2 Sam. i. 10, they render it " by the bracelet on his arm." Sometimes only one was worn, on the right arm (Ecclus. xxi. 21). From Cant. viii. 6, it appears that the signet sometimes Assyrian Armlet [From Nineveh Marbles, British Museum.) consisted of a jewel on the armlet. These orna ments were worn by most ancient princes. They are frequent on the sculptures of Persepolis and Nineveh, and were worn by the kings of Persia. In the Leyden Museum is an Egyptian armlet bearing the name of the third Thothmes. Finally, they are still worn among the most splendid regalia of modern Oriental sove reigns, and it is even said that those of the king of Persia are worth a million sterling. Now, as in an cient times, they are sometimes made plain, some times enchased ; sometimes with the ends not joined, and sometimes a complete circle. Their enormous weight may be conjectured from Gen. xxiv. 22. Armo'ni, son of Saul by Rizpah (2 Sam. xxi. 8). Arms, Armour, The subject naturally iivides itself into — I. Offensive weapons : Arms. II. Defensive weapons : Armour. I. Offensive weapons. — 1 . Apparently the earliest known, and most widely used, was the Chereb, or " Sword." Very little can be gathered as to its shape, size, material, or mode of use. Perhaps if anything is to be inferred it is that the Chereb was neither a heavy nor a long weapon. That of Ehud was only a cubit, i. e. 18 inches long, so as to have been concealed under his garment, and a consideration of the narratives in 2 Sam. ii. 16, and xx. 8-10, and also of the ease with which David used the sword of a man so much larger than him self as Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 51 ; xxi. 9), goes to Egyptian sword. 66 ARMS show that the Chereb was both » lighter and a shorter weapon than the modern sword. It was carried in a sheath (1 Sam. xvii. 51 ; 2 Sam. xx. 8 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 27), slung by a girdle (1 Sam. xxv. 13) and resting upon the thigh (Ps. xiv. 3 ; Judg. iii. 16), or upon the hips (2 Sam. xx. 8). " Girding on the sword " was a symbolical expres sion for commencing war ; and a similar expression occurs to denote those able to serve (Judg. viii. 10; 1 Chr. xxi. 5). Swords with two edges are occasionally referred to (Judg. iii. 16 ; Ps. cxlix. 6), Persian sword, or acinacea. and allusions are found to "whetting" the sword (Deut. xxxii. 41; Ps. Ixiv. 3; Ezek. xxi. 9). Doubtless it was of metal, from the allusions to its brightness and " glittering ;" but from Josh. v. 2, 3, we may perhaps infer that in early times the material was flint.— 2. Next to the sword was the Spear ; and of this weapon we meet with at least ARMS or " Javelin." When not in action the Cidon was carried on the back of the warrior (1 Sam. xvii. g a. V. " target "). c. Another kind of spear was the Romach. In the historical books it occurs in Num. xxv. 7, and 1 K. xviii. 28, and frequently in the later books, as in 1 Chr. xii. 8 ("buckler"), 2 Chr. xi. 12. d. The Shelach was probably a lighter missile or " dart." See 2 Chr. xxiii. 10, xxxii. 5 (" darts") ; Neh. iv. 17, 23 (see margin); Job xxxiii. 18, xxxvi. 12 ; Joel ii. 8. e. Shebet,n rod or staff, is used once only to denote a weapon (2 Sam. xviii. 14). — 3. Of missile weapons of offence the chief was un doubtedly the Bow, Kesheth ; it is met with in the earliest stages of the his tory, in use both for the chace (Gen. xxi. 20, xxvii. 3) and war (xlviii. 22). In later times archers accompanied the armies of the Philistines (1 Sam. xxxi. 3 ; 1 Chr. x. 3) and of the Syrians (1 K. xxii. 34). Among the Hebrews, captains high in rank (2 K. ix. 24), and even kings' sons (1 Sam. xviii. 4), carried the bow, and were expert in its use (2 Sam. i. 22). The tribe of Benjamin seems to have been especially addicted to archery (1 Chr. viii. 40, xii. 2; 2 Chr. xiv. 8, xvii. 17) ; but there were also bowmen among Reuben, Gad, Ma- _-_ nasseh (1 Chr. v. 18), and Ephraim JsJ(Ps. lxxviii. 9). Of the form of the - - bow we can gather almost nothing. It seems to have been bent by the aid of the foot (1 Chr. v. 18, viii. 40 ; 2 Chr. xiv. 8 ; Is. v. 28 ; Ps. vii. 12, &c.). Bows of steel, or rather brass, are men tioned as if specially strong (2 Sam. xxii. 35 ; Job xx. 24). It is possible that in 1 Chr. xii. 2, a kind of bow for shooting bullets or stones is alluded to (Wisd. v. 22, "stone-bow"). The Arrows, Chitzim, were carried in a quiver, Theli (Gen. xxvii. 3), or Ashp&h (Is. xxii. 6, xlix. 2 ; Ps. cxxvii. 5). From an allusion in Job vi. 4, they would seem to have been sometimes poisoned; and Ps. cxx. 4, may point to a practice of using arrows with some burning material attached to them. 4. The Sling, Kel'a, is first mentioned in Judg. xx. 16. This simple weapon with which David killed the giant Philistine was the natural attendant of a shepherd, and therefore the bold metaphor of Abigail has a natural propriety in the mouth of the wife of a man whose possessions in flocks were Persian spears. three distinct kinds, a. The Clianfth, a " Spear," and that of the largest kind. It was the weapon of Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 7, 45 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 19; 1 Chr. xx. 5), and also of other giants (2 Sam. xxiii. 21 ; 1 Chr. xi. 23) and mighty warriors (2 Sam. ii. 23, xxiii. 18; 1 Chr. xi. 11, 20). The Chantth was the habitual companion of Kino- Saul and it was this heavy weapon and not the lighter "javelin" that he cast at David (1 Sam. xviii. 10, 11, xix. 9, 10), and at Jonathan (xx. 33). 6. Appa rently lighter than the preceding was the Cidon, Egyptian bows. ARMS so great as those of Nabal (1 Sam. xxv. 29). •Later in the monarchy, slingers formed part of the regular army (2 K. iii. 25). II. Armour. — 1. The Shiryon, or Breastplate, enumerated in the description of the arms of Go liath, a " coat of mail," literally a " breastplate of scales" (1 Sam. xvii. 5), and further (38), where Shiryon alone is rendered " coat of mail." It may be noticed in passing that this passage contains the most complete inventory of the furniture of a war rior to be found in the whole of the sacred history. Shiryon also occurs in 1 K. xxii. 34, and 2 Chr. xviii. 33. The last passage is very obscure ; the real meaning is probably " between the joints and the ¦breastplate." This word has furnished one of the names of Mount Hermon (see Deut. iii. 9).— 2. The TacharA, is mentioned but twice — in reference to the gown of the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 32, xxxix. 23). Like the English " habergeon," it was pro bably a quilted shirt or doublet put on over the head.— 3. The Cob'a, or Helmet is referred to in 1 Sam. xvii. 5 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 14 ; Ezek. xxvii. 10).— Assyrian helmets/! 4. Mitzchah,Gs.EAYES, or defences for the feet made of brass, are named in 1 Sam. xvii. 6, only. Of the defensive arms borne by the warrior the notices are hardly less scanty than those just examined. — 5. Two kinds of Shield are distinguishable, o. The Tzinn&h, or large shield, encompassing (Ps. v. 12) the whole person. When not in actual conflict, it was carried before the warrior (1 Sam. xvii. 7, 41). Assyrian shields. Egyptian shield. o. Of smaller dimensions was the M&gen, a buckler or target, probably for use in hand-to-hand fight. The difference in size between this and the Tzinn&h is evident from 1 K. x. 16, 17 ; 2 Chr. ix. 15, 16, where twice as much gold is named as being used for the latter as for the former. 6. What kind of arm was the Shelet it is impossible to determine. By some translators it is rendered a " quiver," by some ARMY 67 " weapons " generally, by others a " shield." It denoted certain special weapons of gold taken by David from Hadadezer king of Zobah (2 Sam. viii. 7 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 7), and dedicated in the Temple (2 K. xi. 10 ; 2 Chr. xxiii. 9; Cant. iv. 4). In Jer. li. 11 ; Ezek. xxvii. 11, the word has the force of a foreign arm. Army. I. Jewish Army. — The military orga nization of the Jews commenced with their de parture from the land of Egypt, and was adapted to the nature of the expedition on which they ther entered. Every man above 20 years of age wa? a soldier (Num. i. 3) : each tribe formed a regi ment with its own banner and its own leader (Num. ii. 2, x. 14) : their positions in the camp or on the march were accurately fixed (Num. ii.): the whole army started and stopped at a given signal (Num. x. 5, 6) : thus they came up out of Egypt ready for the fight (Ex. xiii. 18). On the approach of an enemy, a conscription was made from the ge neral body under the direction of a muster-master (Deut. xx. 5, 2 K. xxv. 19), by whom also the officers were appointed (Deut. xx. 9). The army was then divided into thousands and hundreds under their respective captains (Num. xxxi. 14), and still further into families (Num. ii. 34 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 5, xxvi. 12) — the family being regarded as the unit in the Jewish polity. From the time the Israelites entered the land of Canaan until the establishment of the kingdom, little progress was made in military affairs: their wars resembled border forays. No general muster was made at this period ; but the combatants were summoned on the spur of the mo ment. — With the kings arose the custom of main taining a body-guard, which formed the nucleus of a standing army. Thus Saul had a band of 3000 select warriors (1 Sam. xiii. 2, xiv. 52, xxiv. 2), and David, before his accession to the throne, 600 (1 Sam. xxiii. 13, xxv. 13). This band he retained after he became king, and added the Cherethites and Pelethites (2 Sam. xv. 18, xx. 7), together with another class Shalishim, officers of high rank, the chief of whom (2 K. vii. 2 ; 1 Chr. xii. 18) was immediately about the king's person. David further organized a national militia, divided into twelve regiments under their respective officers, each of which was called out for one month in the year (1 Chr. xxvii. 1); at the head of the army when in active service he appointed a commander-in-chief (1 Sam. xiv. 50).— Hitherto the army had consisted entirely of infantry (1 Sam. iv. 10, xv. 4), the use of horses having been restrained by divine command (Deut. xvii. 16) ; but we find that as the foreign relations of the kingdoms extended, much import ance was attached to them. David had reserved a hundred chariots from the spoil of the Syrians (2 Sam. viii. 4) : these probably served as the founda tion of the force which Solomon afterwards enlarged through his alliance with Egypt (1 K. x. 26, 28, 29). It does not appear that the system esta blished by David was maintained by the kings of Judah ; but in Israel the proximity of the hostile kingdom of Syria necessitated the maintenance of a standing army. The militia was occasionally called out in time of peace (2 Chr. xiv. 8, xxv. 5, xxvi. 11); but such cases were exceptional. On the other hand the body-guard appears to have been regularly kept up (1 K. xiv. 28; 2 K. xi. 4, 11). Occasional reference is made to war-chariots (2 K. viii. 21), but in Hezekiah's reign no force of the kind could be maintained, and the Jews were obliged F 2 68 ARNA to seek the aid of Egypt for horses and chariots (2 K. xviii. 23, 24 ; Is. xxxi. 1).— With regard to the arrangement and manoeuvring of the army in the field, we know but little. A division into three bodies is frequently mentioned (Judg. vii. 16, ix. 43 ; 1 Sam. xi. 11 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 2). Jehoshaphat divided his army into five bodies, apparently re taining, however, the threefold principle of division, the heavy-armed troops of Judah being considered as the proper army, and the two divisions of light- armed of the tribe of Benjamin as an appendage (2 Chr. xvii. 14-18). The maintenance and equip ment of the soldiers at the public expense dates from the establishment of a standing army. It is doubtful whether the soldier ever received pay even under the kings (the only instance of pay being mentioned applies to mercenaries, 2 Chr. xxv. 6) : but that he was maintained, while on active service, and provided with arms, appears from 1 K. iv. 27, x. 16, 17; 2 Chr. xxvi. 14. The numerical strength of the Jewish army cannot be ascertained with any degree of accuracy : the numbers, as given in the text are manifestly incorrect, and the dis crepancies in the various statements irreconcileable. The system adopted by Judas Maccabae'us was in strict conformity with the Mosaic law (1 Mace. iii. 55) : and though he maintained a standing army (1 Mace. iv. 6 ; 2 Mace. viii. 16), yet the custom of paying the soldiers appears to have been still unknown, and to have originated with Simon (1 Mace. xiv. 32). ^The introduction of mercenaries commenced with John Hyrcanus ; the intestine commotions in the reign of Alexander Jannaeus obliged him to increase the number to 6200 men ; and the same policy was followed by Alexandra and by Herod the Great, who had in his pay Thra- cian, German, and Gallic troops. The discipline and arrangement of the army was gradually assimi lated to that of the Romans, and the titles of the officers borrowed from it. II. Roman Army. — The Roman army was di vided into legions, the number of which varied considerably, each under six tribuni (" chief cap tain," Acts xxi. 31), who commanded by turns. The legion was subdivided into ten cohorts (" band," Acts x. 1), the cohort into three maniples, and the maniple into two centuries, containing originally 100 men, as the name implies, but subsequently from 50 to 100 men, according to the strength of the legion. There were thus 60 centuries in a legion, each under the command of a centurion (Acts x. 1, 22 ; Matt. viii. 5, xxvii. 54). In addi tion to the legionary cohorts, independent cohorts of volunteers served under the Roman standards. One of these cohorts was named the Italian (Acts x. 1), as consisting of volunteers from Italy. The cohort named "Augustus"' (Acts xxvii. 1) may have consisted of the volunteers from Sebaste. Others, however, think that it was a cohors Au gusta, similar to the legio Augusta. The head quarters of the Roman forces in Judaea were at Caesarea, Ar'na, one of the forefathers of Ezra (2 Esd. i. 2), occupying the place of Zerahiah or Zaraias in his genealogy. Ar'nan. In the received Hebrew text " the sons of Aman " are mentioned in the genealogy of Ze rubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21). But according to the reading of the LXX., Vulgate, and Syriac versions, which Houbigant adopts, Arnan was the son of Rephaiah. ARPHAXAD Ar'non, the river or torrent which formed the boundary between Moab and the Amorites, on the north of Moab (Num. xxi. 13, 14, 24, 26; Judg. xi. 22), and afterwards between Moab and Israel (Reuben) (Deut. ii. 24, 36, iii. 8, 12, 16, iv. 48; . Josh. xii. 1, 2, xiii. 9, 16; Judg. xi. 13, 26). From Judg. xi. 18 it would seem to have been also the east border of Moab. By Josephus it is de scribed as rising in the mountains of Arabia and flowing through all the wilderness till it falls into the Dead Sea. There can be no doubt that the Wady el-Mojeb of the present day is the Amon. Its principal source is near Katrane, on the Haj route. On the south edge of the ravine through which it flows are some ruins called Mehatet el Haj, and on the north edge, directly opposite, those sail bearing the name of 'Ar&'ir. [Aroer.] The width across between these two spots seemed to Burckhardt to be about two miles: the descent on the south side to the water is extremely steep and almost impassable. The stream runs through a level strip of grass some 40 yards in width, with a few oleanders and willows on the margin. A'rod, a son of Gad (Num. xxvi. 17), called Arodi in Gen. xlvi. 16. A'rodi. [Arod.] A'rodites. [Arod.] Aroer, the name of several towns of Eastern and Western Palestine. 1. A city " by the brink," or " on the bank of," or " by " the torrent Amon, the southern point of the territory of Sihon king of the Amorites, and afterwards of the tribe of Reuben (Deut. ii. 36, iii. 12, iv. 48 ; Josh. xii. 2, xiii. 9, 1 6 ; Judg. xi. 26 ; 2 K. x. 33 ; 1 Chr. v. 8), but later again in possession of Moab (Jer. xlviii. 19). Burckhardt found ruins with the name 'Ar&'ir on the old Roman road, upon the very edge of the pre cipitous north bank of the Wady Mojeb. [Arnon.] —2. Aroer " that is ' facing ' Eabbah" (Rabbah of Ammon), a town built by and belonging to Gad (Num. xxxii. 34 ; Josh. xiii. 25 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 5). This is probably the place mentioned in Judg. xi. 33, which was shown in Jerome's time.— 8. Aroer, in Is. xvii. 2, if a place at all, must be still further north than either of the two already named. Gese- nius, however, takes it to be Aroer of Gad.— 4. A town in Judah, named only in 1 Sam. xxx. 28. Robinson (ii. 199) believes that he has identified its site in Wady 'Ar'arah, on the road from Petra to Gaza. Aro'erite. Hothan the Aroerite was the father of two of David's captains (1 Chr. xi. 44). A'rom, the "sons of Arom," to the number of 32, are enumerated in 1 Esd. v. 16 among those who returned with Zorobabel. Unless it is a mis take for Asom and represents Hashum in Ezr. ii. 19, it has no parallel in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah. Ar'pad or Ar'phad (Is. xxxvi. 19, xxxvii. 13), a city or district in Syria, apparently dependent on Damascus (Jer. xlix. 23). It is invariably named with Hamath, but no trace of its existence has yet been discovered, nor has any mention of the place been found except in the Bible (2 K. xviii. 34, xis. 13; Is. x. 9). Ar'phad. [Arpad.] Arphax ad, the son of Shem and ancestor of Eber (Gen. a. 22, 24, xi. 10). Bochart supposed that the name was preserved in that of the province Arrapachitis in Northern Assyria. Ewald interprets it the stronghold of the C/taldees.—Z. Arphaxad, ARROWS a king " who reigned over the Medes in Ecbatana, and strengthened the city by vast fortifications" (Jud. i. 1-4). He has been frequently identified with Deioces, the founder of Ecbatana; but it seems better to look for the original of Arphaxad in his son Phraortes, who fell in a battle with the Assyrians, 633 B.C. Niebuhr endeavours to identify the name with Astyages. Arrows. [Arms.] Arsa'ces VI., a king of Parthia, who assumed the royal title Arsaces in addition to his proper name, Mithridates I. His general defeated the great army of Demetrius Nicator, and took the king prisoner, B.C. 138 (1 Mace. xiv. 1-3). Mithridates treated his prisoner with respect, but kept him in confinement till his own death, cir. B.C. 130. Ar'sareth, a region beyond Euphrates, appa rently of great extent (2 Esd. xiii. 45). Artaxer'xes, the name probably of two different kings of Persia mentioned in the 0. T. 1. The first Artaxerxes is mentioned in Ezr. iv. 7, and appears identical with Smerdis, the Magian im postor, and pretended brother of Cambyses, who usurped the throne B.C. 522, and reigned eight months. The name Artaxerxes may have been adopted or conferred on him as a title.— 2. In Neh. ii. 1 we have another Artaxerxes, who permits Nehemiah to spend twelve years at Jerusalem, in order to settle the affairs of the colony there, which had fallen into great confusion. We may sately identify him with Artaxerxes Macrocheir or Longi manus, the son of Xerxes, who reigned B.C. 464-425. And we believe that this is the same king who had previously allowed Ezra to go to Jerusalem for a similar purpose (Ezr. vii. 1). Ar'temas, a companion of St. Paul (Tit. iii. 12). According to tradition he was bishop of Lystra. Ar uboth, the third of Solomon's commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 10). It included Sochoh, and was therefore probably a name for the rich corn- growing lowland country. A'rnmali, a place apparently in the neighbour hood of Shechem, at which Abimelech resided (Judg. ix. 41). Arumah is possibly the same place as Ruma, under which name it is given by Eusebius and Jerome. According to them it was then called Arimathaea (see also Arima). Arvad, a place in Phoenicia, the men of which are named in close connexion with those of Zidon as the navigators and defenders of the ships of Tyre in Ez. xxvii. 8, 11. In agreement with this is the mention of "the Arvadite" in Gen. x. 18, and 1 Chr. i. 16, as a son of Canaan, with Zidon, Hamath, and other northern localities. There is thus no doubt that Arvad is the island of Ruad, which lies off Tortosa {Tortus), 2 or 3 miles from the Phoenician coast, some distance above the mouth of the river Eleutherus, now the Nahr el-Kebir. The island is high and rocky, but very small, hardly a mile in circumference. Ar'vadite. [Arvad.] Ar'za, prefect of the palace at Tirzah to Elah king of Israel, who was assassinated at a banquet in his house by Zimri (1 K. xvi. 9). In the Targum of Jonathan the word is taken as the name of an idol, and in the Arabic version in the London Polyglot the last clause is rendered " which belongs to the idol of Beth-Arza." A'sa, son of Abijah, and third king of Judah (B.C. 956-916), was conspicuous for his earnestness in supporting the worship of God. In his zeal ASAHIAH 69 against heathenism he did not spare his grand mother Maachah, who occupied the special dignity of " King's Mother," to which great importance was attached in the Jewish court. Asa burnt the symbol of her rehgion (1 K. xv. 13), and threw its ashes into the brook Kidron, and then deposed Maachah from her dignity. He also placed in the Temple certain gifts which his father had dedicated, and renewed the great altar which the idolatrous priests apparently had desecrated (2 Chr. xv. 8). Besides this, he fortified cities on his frontiers, and raised an army, amounting, according to 2 Chr. xiv. 8, to 580,000 men, a number probably exaggerated by an error of the copyist. Thus Asa's reign marks the return of Judah to a consciousness of the high destiny to which God had called her. The good effects of this were visible in the enthusiastic lesistance offered by the people to Zerah, an invader, who is called a Cushite or Ethiopian. [Zerah.] At the head of an enormous host (a million of men, we read in 2 Chr. xiv. 9) he attacked Mareshah or Marissa in the S.W. of the country, near the later Eleutheropolis. There he was utterly defeated, and driven back with immense loss to Gerar. The peace which followed this victory was broken by the attempt of Baasha of Israel to fortify Ramah, " that he might not suffer any to go out or to come in unto Asa king of Judah." To stop this Asa purchased the help of Benhadad I. king of Damas cus, by a large payment of treasure, forced Baasha to abandon his purpose, and destroyed the works which he had begun at Ramah. The wells which he sunk at Mizpeh were famous in Jeremiah's time (xii. 9). The means by which he obtained this success were censured by the prophet Hanani, who seems even to have excited some discontent in Je rusalem, in consequence of which he was impri soned, and suffered other punishments (2 Chr. xvi. 10). In his old age Asa suffered from the gout, and it is mentioned that " he sought not to the Lord, but to the physicians." He died greatly loved and honoured in the 41st year of his reign.— 2. Ancestor of Berechiah, a Levite who resided in one of the villages of the Netophathites after the return from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 16). Asadias, son of Chelcias, or Hilkiah, and one of the ancestors of Baruch (Bar. i. 1). The name is probably the same as that elsewhere represented by Hasadiah (1 Chr. iii. 20). A'sael, an ancestor of Tobit (Tob. i. 1), and perhaps the same as Jahzeel or Jaeziel, one of the four sons of Naphtali. A'sahel, nephew of David, being the youngest son of his sister Zeruiah. He was celebrated for his swiftness of foot, a gift much valued in ancient times. When fighting under the command of his brother Joab against Ishbosheth's army at Gibeon, he pursued A.bner, who, after vainly warning him to desist, was obliged to kill him in self-defence (2 Sam. ii. 18 ff.). [Abner.]— 2. One of the Levites in the reign of Jehoshaphat, who went throughout the cities of Judah to instruct the people in the knowledge of the law, at the time of the revival of the true worship (2 Chr. xvii. 8).— 3. A Levite in the reign of Hezekiah, who had charge of the tithes and dedicated things in the Temple under Cononiah and Shimei (2 Chr. xxxi. 13).— 4. A priest, father of Jonathan in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 15). He is called Azael in 1 Esd. ix. 14. Asahi'ah, a servant of king Josiah, sent by him, 70 ASAIAH together with others, to seek information of Jehovah respecting the book of the law which Hilkiah found in the Temple (2 K. xxii. 12, 14; also called ASAIAH, 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20). Asai'ah. 1, A prince of one of the families of the Siraeonftes in the reign of Hezekiah, who drove out the Hamite shepherds from Gedor (1 Chr. iv. 36).— 2. A Levite in the reign of David, chief of the family of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 30). With 120 of his brethren he took part in the solemn service of bringing the ark from the house of Obed-edom to the city of David (1 Chr. xv. 6, 11).— 3. The firstborn of " the Shilonite," according to 1 Chr. ix. 5, who with his family dwelt in Jerusalem after the return from Babylon. In Neh. xi. 5 he is called Maaseiah, and his descent is there traced from Shiloni, which is explained by the Targum of R. Joseph on 1 Chr. as a patronymic from Shelah the son of Judah, by others as " the native or inhabitant of Shiloh."— 4. 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20. [Asahiah.] A'sana, 1 Esd. v. 31. [Asnah.] A'saph. 1. A Levite, son of Berechiah, one of the leaders of David's choir (1 Chr. vi. 39). Psalms 1. and lxxiii.-lxsxiii. are attributed to him ; and he was in after times celebrated as a seer as well as a musical composer (2 Chr. xxix. 30 ; Neh. xii. 46). The office appears to have remained hereditary in his family, unless he was the founder of a school of poets and musical composers, who were called after him " the sons of Asaph," as the Homeridae from Homer (1 Chr. xxv. 1 ; 2 Chr. xx. 14; Ezr. ii. 41).— 2. The father or ancestor of Joah, the recorder or chronicler to the kingdom of Judah in the reign of Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 18, 37 ; Is. xxxvi. 3, 22). It is not improbable that this Asaph is the same as the preceding, and that Joah was one of his numerous descendants known as the Bene-Asaph.— 3. The keeper of the royal forest or " paradise " of Artaxerxes (Neh. ii. 8). His name would seem to indicate that he was a Jew, who like Nehemiah was in high office at the court of Persia.— 4. Ancestor of Mattaniah, the conductor of the temple-choir after the return from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 15 ; Neh. xi. 17). Most probably the same as 1 and 2. Asa'reel, a son of Jehaleleel, whose name is abruptly introduced into the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16). Asaro'lah, one of the sons of Asaph, set apart by David to " prophesy with harps and with psalteries and with cymbals " (1 Chr. xxv. 2) ; called Jesharelaii in ver. 14. As'calon. [Ashkelon.] Ase'as, 1 Esd. ix. 32. [Ishijah.] Asebebi'a, a Levite (1 Esd. viii. 47). [Shere- biah.] Asebi'a, 1 Esd. viii. 48. [Hashabiah.] As'enath, daughter of Potipherah, priest, or possibly prince, of On [Potipherah], wife of Joseph (Gen. xii. 45), and mother of Manasseh and Ephraim (xii. 50, xlvi. 20). Her name has been considered to be necessarily Egyptian, and Egyptian etymologies have therefore hem proposed, but these must be regarded as doubtful. If we are guided by the custom of the Hebrews, and the only parallel case, that of Bithiah [Bitiiiah], we must suppose that hit) Egyptian wife received a Hebrew name from Joseph. If Hebrew, Asenath may be com pared to the male proper name Asnah (Ezr. ii. 50). A'ser, Tob. i. 2 ; Luke ii. 36 ; Rev. vii. 6. [Asher.] ASHER A'serer = Sisera (1 Esd. v. 32 ; comp. Ezr. ii. 53). Ash (Heb. oren) occurs only in Is. xliv. 14, as one of the trees out of the wood of which idols were carved : " He heweth him down cedars, and taketh the cypress and the oak, which he strengtheneth for himself among the trees of the forest ; he planteth an ash, and the rain doth nourish it." It is impos sible to determine what is the tree denoted by the Hebrew word oren ; the LXX. and the Vulg. under stand some species of pine-tree. Perhaps the larch {Zaryx Europaea) may be intended. A'shan, a city in the low country of Judah (Josh. xv. 42). In Josh. xix. 7, and 1 Chr. iv. 32, it is mentioned again as belonging to Simeon ; and in 1 Chr. vi. 59, it is given as a priests' city, occu pying the same place as the somewhat similar word Ain in Josh. xxi. 16. It has not yet been identi fied, unless it be the same as Ain ; in which case Robinson found it at Al Ghuweir. Ashbe'a, a proper name, but whether of a per son or place is uncertain (1 Chr. iv. 21). Houbi- gant would understand it of the latter, and would render " the house of Ashbea" by Beth-ashbea. The whole clause is obscure. The Targum of R. Joseph paraphrases it, "and the family of the house of manufacture of the fine linen for the gar ments of the kings and priests, delivered to the house of Eshba." Ash'bel, 2nd son of Benjamin and ancestor of the Ashbelites (Gen. xlvi. 21; Num. xxvi. 38; 1 Chr. viii. 1). Ash'chenaz (1 Cm-, i. 6 ; Jer. li. 27). [Ash- EENAZ.] Ash'dod, or Azo'tus (Acts viii. 40), one of the five confederate cities of the Philistines, situated about 30 miles from the southern frontier of Pales tine, 3 from the Mediterranean Sea, and nearly mid way between Gaza and Joppa. It was assigned to the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 47), but was never subdued by the Israelites ; and even down to Nehe miah' s age it preserved its distinctiveness of race and language (Neh. xiii. 23, 24). But its chief im portance arose from its position on the high-road from Palestine to Egypt : it was on this account besieged by Tartan, the general of the Assyrian king Sargon, about B.C. 716, apparently to frus trate the league formed between Hezekiah and Egypt (Is. xx. 1). The effects of its siege by Psammetdchus (B.C. 630) are incidentally referred to in Jer. xxv. 20. It was destroyed by the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 68, x. 84), and lay in ruins until the Roman conquest of Judaea, when it was restored by Gabinius (B.C. 55). It is now an in significant village, with no memorials of its ancient importance, but is still called Esdud. Ash'dodites, the inhabitants of Ashdod (Neh. iv. 7) ; called Ashdothites in Josh. xiii. 3. Ash'dotb. Pis'gah, a curious and probably a very ancient term, found only in Deut. iii. 17 ; Josh. xii. 3, xiii. 20 ; and in Deut. iv. 49, A. V. "springs of Pisgah ." In the two passages from Deuteronomy the words form part of a formula, by which appa rently the mountains which enclose the Dead Sea on the east side are defined ; but whether it be the springs poured forth at the base of the mountains' of Moab, or the roots or spurs of those mountains, or the mountains themselves, it is useless at present to conjecture. Ash'dothites, Josh. xiii. 3. [Ashdodttes.] A'sher, Apocr. and N. T. A'ser, the 8th son of ASHER ASHKELON 71 Jacob, by Zilpah, Leah's handmaid (Gen. xxx. 13). Of the tribe descended from Asher no action is re corded during the whole course of the sacred his tory. The general position of the tribe was on the sea-shore from Carmel northwards, with Manasseh on the south, Zebulun and Issachar on the south east, and Naphtali on the north-east. The bound aries and towns are given in Josh. xix. 24-31, xvii. 10, 11 ; and Judg. i. 31, 32. The southern boundary was probably one of the streams which enter the Mediterranean south of that place — either Nahr el-Defneh or Nahr Zurka. The tribe then possessed the maritime portion of the rich plain of Esdraelon, probably for a distance of 8 or 10 miles from the shore. The boundary would then appear to have run northwards, possibly bending to the east to embrace Ahlab, and reaching Zidon by Kanah, whence it turned and came down by Tyre to Achzib (now es-Zib). This territory contained some of the richest soil in all Palestine ; and to this fact, as well as to their proximity to the Phoenicians, the degeneracy of the tribe may be attributed (Judg. i. 31, v. 17). At the numbering of Israel at Sinai, Asher was more numerous than either Ephraim, Manasseh, or Benjamin (Num. i. 32-41) ; but in the reign of David, so insignificant had the tribe become, that its name is altogether omitted from the list of the chief rulers (1 Chr. xxvii. 16-22). " One name alone shines out of the general obscurity — the aged widow ' Anna the daughter of Phanuel of the tribe of Aser,' who in the very close of the history departed not from the . Temple, but ' served God with fastings and prayers night and day ' " (Stanley, Sin. fy Pal. 265). A'sher, a place which formed one boundary of the tribe of Manasseh on the south (Josh. xvii. 7). It is placed by Eusebius on the road from Shechem to Bethshan or Scythopolis, about 15 miles from the former. Three quarters of an hour from Tub&s, the ancient Thebez, is the hamlet of Tey&sir, which Mr. Porter suggests may be the Asher of Manasseh {Handb. p. 348). Ash'erah, the name of a Phoenician goddess, or rather of the idol itself. Our translators, following the rendering of the LXX. and of the Vulg., trans late the word by " grove." Asherah is so closely connected with Ashtoreth and her worship (Judg. iii. 7, comp. ii. 3 ; Judg. vi. 25 ; IK. xviii. 19), that many critics have regarded them as identical. The view maintained by Bertheau appears to be the more correct one, that Ashtoreth is the proper name of the goddess, whilst Asherah is the name of her image or symbol. This symbol seems in all cases to have been of wood (see Judg. vi. 25-30 ; 2 K. xxiii. 14). [Ashtoreth.] Aah'erites, descendants of Asher, and members of his tribe (Judg. i. 32). Ashes. The ashes on the altar of burnt- offering were gathered into a cavity in its surface. On the days of the three solemn festivals the ashes were not removed, but the accumulation was taken away afterwards in the morning, the priests casting lots for the office. The ashes of a red heifer burnt entire, according to regulations prescribed in Num. xix., had the ceremonial efficacy of purify ing the unclean (Heb. ix. 13), but of polluting the clean. [Sacrifice.] Ashes about the person, especially on the head, were used as a sign of sorrow. [MOUENING.] Ash'ima, a god whose worship was introduced into Samaria by the Hamathite colonists whom Shalmanezer settled in that land (2 K. xvii. 30). Ashima has been regarded as identical with the Mendesian god of the Egyptians, the Pan of the Greeks. It has also been identified with the Phoe nician god Esmfin, to whom belong the charac teristics both of Pan and of Aesculapius. Ash/kelon, As'kelon, Apocr. As'oalon, one of the five cities of the lords of the Philistines (Josh. xiii. 3 ; 1 Sam. vi. 17), but less often mentioned 72 ASHKENAZ and apparently less known to the Jews than the other four. The site, which retains its ancient name, fully bears out this inference. Samson went down from Timnath to Ashkelon (Judg. xiv. 19), as if to a remote place whence his exploit was not likely to be heard of; and the only other mention of it in the historical books is in the formulistic passages, Josh. xiii. 3, and 1 Sam. vi. 17, and in the casual notices of Jud. ii. 28 ; 1 Mace. x. 86, xi. 60, xii. 33. In the poetical books it occurs 2 Sam. i. 20; Jer. xxv. 20, xlvii. 5, 7 ; Am. i. 8; Zeph. ii. 4, 7 ; Zech. ix. 5. In the post-biblical times Ashkelon rose to considerable importance. Near the town were the temple and sacred lake of Der- ceto, the Syrian Venus. The soil around was re markable for its fertility. Ascalon played a memo rable part in the struggles of the Crusades, and within the walls and towers now standing Richard held his court. By the Mohammedan geographers it was called " the bride of Syria." Its position is naturally very strong, and a small harbour towards the east advances a little way into the town. Ash'kenaz, one of the three sons of Gomer, son of Japhet (Gen. x. 3), that is, one of the peoples or tribes belonging to the great Japhetic division of the human race, and springing immediately from that part of it which bears the name of Gomer. fhe original seat of the people of Ashkenaz was undoubtedly in the neighbourhood of Armenia, since they are mentioned by Jeremiah (li. 27) in con nexion with the kingdoms of Ararat and Minni. We may probably recognise the tribe of Ashkenaz on the northern shore of Asia Minor, in the name of Lake Ascanius, and in Europe in the name Scand-'m, Scand-ma.v'vA. Knobel considers that Ashkenaz is to be identified with the German race. Ash'nah, the name of two cities, both in the Lowland of Judah : (1) named between Zoreah and Zanoah, and therefore probably N.W. of Jerusalem (Josh. xv. 33); and (2) between Jiphtah and Nezib, and therefore to the S.W. of Jerusalem (Josh. xv. 43). Each, according to Robinson's Map (1857), would be about 16 miles from Jerusalem. Ashpenaz, the master of the eunuchs of Ne buchadnezzar (Dan. i. 3). A'shriel, properly As'riel (1 Chr. vii. 14). Ashtaroth, and once As'taroth, a city on the E. of Jordan, in Bashan, in the kingdom of Og, doubtless so called from being a seat of the wor ship of the goddess of the same name. [Ash toreth.] It is generally mentioned as a descrip tion or definition of Og (Deut. i. 4; Josh. ix. 10, xii. 4, xiii. 12). It fell into possession of the half tribe of Manasseh (Josh. xiii. 31), and was given with its suburbs or surrounding pasture-lands to the Gershonites (1 Chr. vi. 71 [56]). Jerome states that in his time it lay 6 miles from Adra, which again was 25 from Bostra. The only trace of the name yet recovered in these interesting districts is Tell-Ashterah, or Asherah, and of this nothing more than the name is known. Ashte'rathite, a native or inhabitant of Ashta- roth (1 Chr. xi. 44) beyond Jordan. Uzziah the Ashterathite was one of David's mighties. Ash'teroth Karna'im = " Ashtaroth of the two horns or peaks," a place of very great antiquity, the abode of the Rephaim at the time of the incur sion of Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 5), while the cities of the plain were still standing in their oasis. The name reappears but once, and that in the later history of the Jews, as Carnaim, or Carnion (1 ASIA Mace. v. 26, 43, 44 ; 2 Mace. xii. 21, 26), in " the land of Galaad." It is usually assumed to be the same plaee as the preceding [Ashtaroth], but the few facts that can be ascertained are all against such an identification. Es-Sanamein, by which the word is rendered in the Arabic version of Saadiah, can hardly be other than the still important place of the same name, on the Haj route, about 25 miles S. of Damascus, and to the N.W. of the Lejah. There we are disposed to fix the site of Ashtaroth- Karnaim in the absence of further evidence. Ashto'reth, the principal female divinity of the Phoenicians. From the connexion of this goddess with Baal or Bel we should naturally conclude that she would be found in the Assyrian pantheon, and in fact the name Ishtar appears to be clearly identified in the list of the great gods of Assyria. There is no reason to doubt that this Assyrian goddess is the Ashtoreth of the Old Testament and the Astarte of the Greeks and Eomans. The wor ship of Astarte seems to have extended wherever Phoenician colonies were founded. But if we seek to ascertain the character and attributes of this goddess we find ourselves involved in considerable perplexity. There can be no doubt that the general notion symbolized is that of productive power, as Baal symbolizes that of generative power ; and it would be natural to conclude that as the sun is the great symbol of the latter, and therefore to be identified with Baal, so the moon is the symbol of the former and must be identified with Astarte. That this goddess was so typified can scarcely be doubted. At any rate it is certain that she was by some ancient writers identified with the moon. Oa the other hand it appears to be now ascertained that the Assyrian Ishtar was not the moon-goddess, but the planet Venus ; and it is certain that Astarte was by many ancient writers identified with the goddess Venus (or Aphrodite) as well as also with the planet of that name. The inquiry as to the worship paid to the goddess is not less perplexed than that of the heavenly body in which she was symbolized. It is certain that the worship of Astarte became identified with that of Venus, and that this worship was connected with the most im pure rites is apparent from the close connexion of this goddess with Asherah (1 K. xi. 5, 33 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13). Ash'ur, the posthumous son of Hezron by his wife Abiah (1 Chr. ii. 24, iv. 5). He became " father "_ or founder of the town of Tekoa. Ash'nrites, the. This name occurs only in the enumeration of those over whom Ishbosheth was made king (2 Sam. ii. 9). By some of the old in terpreters the name is taken as meaning the Geshu- rites, the members of a small kingdom to the S. or S.E. of Damascus. It would therefore be perhaps safer to follow the Targum of Jonathan, which has Beth-Asher, " the house of Asher," a reading sup ported by several MSS. of the original text. " The Asherites" will then denote the inhabitants of the whole of the country W. of the Jordan above Jezreel. Ash'vath, one of the sons of Japhlet, of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 33). Asia. The passages in the N. T., where this word occurs, are the following : Acts ii. 9, vi. 9, xvi. 6, xix. 10, 22, 26, 27, xx. 4, 16, 18, xxi. 27, xxvii. 2 ; Rom. xvi. 5; 1 Cor. xvi. 19 ; 2 Cor. i. 8; 2 Tim. i. 15 ; 1 Pet. i. 1 ; Rev. i. 4, 11. [Chief of Asia : see Asiarchae.] In all these passages it may be confidently stated that the word is used, ASIARCHAE not for " the continent of Asia," nor for what we commonly understand by " Asia Minor," but for a Roman province which embraced the western part of the peninsula of Asia Minor, and of which Ephe sus was the capital. This province originated in the bequest of Attalus, king of Pergamus, or king of Asia, who left by will to the Roman Republic his hereditary dominions in the west of the peninsula (B.C. 133). In the division made by Augustus of senatorial and imperial provinces, .it was placed in the former class, and was governed by a proconsul. It contained many important cities, among which were the seven churches of the Apocalypse, and was divided into assize districts for judicial business (Acts xix. 38). It included the territory anciently subdivided into Aeolis, Ionia, and Doris, and after wards into Mysia, Lydia, and Caria. The title " King of Asia" was used by the Seleucid monarchs of Antioch, 1 Mace. xi. 13. Asiar'chae {chief of Asia, A. V. ; Acts xix. 31), officers chosen annually by the cities of that part of the province of Asia, of which Ephesus was, under Roman government, the metropolis. They had charge of the public games and religious theatrical spectacles, the expenses of which they bore. Their office was thus, in great measure at least, religious. The office of Asiarch was annual, and subject to the approval of the proconsul, but might be newed ; and the title appears to have been continued to those who had at any time held the office. Asibi'as, one of the sons of Phoros or Parosh in 1 Esd. ix. 26, whose name occupies the place of MALCHUAH in Ezr. x. 25. A'siel. 1. A Simeonite whose descendant Jehu lived in the reign of Hezekiah (1 Chr. iv. 35).— 2. One of the five swift writers whom Esdras was commanded to take to write the law and the history of the world (2 Esd. xiv. 24). As'ipha, 1 Esd. v. 29. [Hasdpha.] As'kelon. [Ashkelon.] Asmode'us (Tob. iii. 8, 17), the same as Abad don or Apollyon (Rev. ix. 11 ; comp. Wisd. xviii. 25). From the fact that the Talmud calls him " king of the demons," some assume him to be identical with Beelzebub, and others with Azrael. In the book of Tobit this evil spirit is represented as loving Sara, the daughter of Raguel, and causing the death of seven husbands. As'nah. The children of Asnah were among the Nethinim who returned with Zerubabel (Ezr. ii. 50). In the parallel list of Neh. vii. 52 the name is omitted, and in 1 Esd. v. 31 it is written Asana. Asnap'per, mentioned in Ezr. iv. 10, with the epithets " great and noble," as the person who settled the Cuthaeans in the cities of Samaria. He has been variously identified with Shalmaneser, Sennacherib, and Esar-haddon, but was more pro bably a general of the latter king. A'som, 1 Esd. ix. 33. [Hashum.] Asp {pethen). The Hebrew word occurs in the six following passages : — Deut. xxxii. 33 ; Job xx. 14, 16 ; Ps. Iviii. 5, xci. 13 ; Is. xi. 8. It is ex pressed in the passages from the Psalms by adder in the text of the A. V., and by asp in the margin : elsewhere the text of the A. V. has asp as the repre sentative of the original word pethen. That some kind of poisonous serpent is denoted by the Hebrew word is clear from the passages quoted above. We further learn from Ps. Iviii. 5, that thepetJien was a snake upon which the serpent-charmers practised their art. In this passage the wicked are compared ASS 73 to " the deaf adder that stoppeth her ear, which will not hearken to the voice of charmers, charming never so wisely ;" and from Is. xi. 8, " the sucking child shall play on the hole of the asp," it would appear that the pethen was a dweller in holes of walls, &c. The true explanation of Ps. Iviii. 5, is that there are some serpents which defy all the at tempts of the charmer : in the language of Scripture such individuals may be termed deaf. The point of the rebuke consists in the fact that the pethen was capable of hearing the charmer's song, but refused to do so. The individual case in question was an exception to the rule. Serpents, though comparatively speaking deaf to ordinary sounds, are no doubt capable of hearing the sharp, shrill sounds which the charmer produces either by his voice or by an instrument ; and this comparative deafness is, it appears to us, the very reason why such sounds as the charmer makes produce the desired effect in the subject under ti-eatmeut. [Serpent-charm ing.] As the Egyptian cobra is more frequently than any other species the subject upon which the serpent-charmers of the Bible lands practise their science, and as it is fond of concealing itself in walls and in holes (Is. xi. 8), it appears to have the best claim to represent the pethen. Egyptian cobra, (A'aia haje>) Aspal'athus, the name of some sweet perfume mentioned in Ecclus. xxiv. 15. Theophrastus enu merates it with cinnamon, cassia, and many other articles which were used for ointments. The Lignum Phodianum is by some supposed to be the substance indicated by the aspalathus\ the plant which yields it is the Convolvulus scoparius of Linnaeus. Aspa'tha, third son of Haman (Esth. ix. 7). As'phar, the pool in the " wilderness of Thecoe" (1 Mace. ix. 33). Is it possible that the name is a corruption of lacus AsphaUites? Aspha'rasus, 1 Esd. v. 8. [Mispereth, Mizpar.] As'riel, the son of Gilead, and great-grandson of Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 31 ; Josh. xvii. 2). He was the founder of the family of the Asrielites. The name is erroneously written Ashriel in the A. V. of 1 Chr. vii. 14. According to the rendering of the latter passage by the LXX., Asriel was the son of Manasseh by his Syrian concubine. As'rielites, Num. xxvi. 31. [Asriel.] Ass. Five Hebrew names of the genus Asinus occur in the 0. T. 1. Chamor denotes the male domestic ass, though the word was no doubt used 74 ASS in a general sense to express any ass whether male or female. The ass is frequently mentioned in the Bible : it was used for carrying burdens, for riding, for ploughing, for grinding at the mill, and for car rying baggage in wars. The ass in eastern coun tries is a very different animal from what he is in western Europe, The most noble and honourable amongst the Jews were wont to be mounted on asses : and in this manner our Lord himself made his triumphant entry into Jerusalem (Matt. xxi. 2). He came indeed " meek and lowly," but it is a mistake to suppose that the fact of his riding on the ass had ought to do with his meekness; although thereby, doubtless, he meant to show the peaceable nature of his kingdom, as horses were used only for war purposes. In illustration of the passage in Judg. v. 10, " Speak ye that ride on white asses," it may be mentioned that Buckingham tells us that one of the peculiarities of Bagdad is its race of white asses, which are saddled and bridled for the conveyance of passengers . . . that they are large and spirited, and have an easy and steady pace. In Deut. xxii. 10 " plowing with an ox and an ass together" was forbidden by the law of Moses, pro bably because they could not pull pleasantly to gether on account of the difference in size and strength; perhaps also this prohibition may have some reference to the law given in Lev. xix. 19. The ass was not used for food. The Mosaic law considered it unclean, as " not dividing the hoof and chewing the cud." In extreme cases, however, as in the great famine of Samaria, when " an ass's head was sold for eighty pieces of silver" (2 K. vi. 25), the flesh was eaten.— 2. Athon, the com mon domestic she-ass. Balaam rode on a she-ass. The asses of Kish which Saul sought were she-asses. The Shunammite (2 K. iv. 22, 24) rode on one when she went to seek Elisha. They were she-asses which formed the special care of one of David's officers (1 Chr. xxvii. 30).— 3. 'Air the name of a young ass, which occurs Gen. xxxii. 16, xlix. 11 ; Judg. x. 4, xii. 14; Job xi. 12 ; Is. xxx. 6, 24; Zech. ix. 9. Sometimes the 'Air is spoken of as being old enough for riding upon, for carrying burdens, and for tilling the ground.— 4. Pere, a species of wild ass mentioned Gen. xvi. 12 ; Ps. civ. 11 ; Job vi. 5, xi. 12, xxiv. 5, xxxix. 5 ; Hos. viii. 9 ; Jer. ii. 24, xiv. 6; Is. xxxii. 14. Hosea com pares Israel to a wild ass of the desert, and Job (xxxix. 5) gives an animated description of this ani mal, and one which is amply confirmed by both ancient and modern writers.— 5. 'Arod occurs only in Job xxxix. 5 ; bu' in what respect it differs from Syrian Wild Aae. (.lsinur Hemippus.) Specimen in Zoological Gardens. ASSYRIA the Pere is uncertain.— The species known to the ancient Jews are Asinus hemippus, which inhabits the deserts of Syria, Mesopotamia, and the northern parts of Arabia; the Asinus vulgaris of the N.E. of Africa, the true onager or aboriginal wild ass, whence the domesticated breed has sprang ; and pro bably the Asinus onager, the Koulan or Ghorkhur, which is found in Western Asia from 48° N. lati tude southward to Persia, Beluchistan, and Western India. Mr. Layard remarks that in fleetness the wild ass {Asinus hemippus) equals the gazelle, and to overtake them is a feat which only one or two of the most celebrated mares have been known to accomplish. Assabi'as, 1 Esd. i. 9. [Hashabiah 6.] Assal'imoth, 1 Esd. viii. 36. [Shelomith.] Assani'as, 1 Esd. viii. 54. [Hashabiah 8.] Asshur. [Assyria.] Assh'nrim, a tribe descended from Dedan, the grandson of Abraham (Gen. xxv. 3). Like the other descendants of Keturah, they have not been identU fied with any degree of certainty. Knobel con siders them the same with the Asshur of Ez. xxvii. 23, and connected with southern Arabia. Asside'ans, i. e. the pious, " puritans," the name assumed by a section of the orthodox Jews (1 Mace. ii. 42, vii. 13 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 6) as dis tinguished from the Hellenizing faction. They appear to have existed as a party before the Macca- baean rising, and were probably bound by some peculiar vow to the external observance of the Law. As'sir. 1. Son of Korah (Ex. vi. 24; 1 Chr. vi. 22).— 2. Son of Ebiasaph, and a forefather of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37).— 3. Son of Jeconian (1 Chr. iii. 17), unless " Jeconiah the captive" be the true rendering. As'sos or As'sus, a seaport of the Roman pro vince of Asia, in the district anciently called Mysia. It was situated on the northern shore of the gulf of Apramyttium, and was only about seven miles from the opposite coast of Lesbos, near Methymna. A good Roman road, connecting the towns of the central parts of the province with Alexandria Troas [Tkoas] passed through Assos, the distance be tween the two latter places being about 20 miles. These geographical points illustrate St. Paul's rapid passage through the town (Acts xx. 13, 14). The ship in which he was to accomplish his voyage from Troas to Caesarea went round Cape Lectum, while he took the much shorter journey by land. Thus he was able to join the ship without difficulty, and in sufficient time for her to anchor off Mitylene at the close of the day on which Troas had been left. Assue'rus, Tob. xiv. 15. [Ahasuerus.] As'sur. 1. (Ezr. iv. 2 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 8 ; 2 Esd. ii. 8; Jud. ii. 14, v. 1, vi. 1, 17, vii. 20, 24, xiii. 15, xiv. 3, xv. 6, xvi. 4. [ASSHUR; ASSVRIA.] 2. 1 Esd. v. 31. [Harhur.] Assyr'ia, Assh'rir, was a great and powerful country lying on the Tigris (Gen. ii. 14),' the capital of which was Nineveh (Gen. x. 1 1, &c). It derived its name apparently from Asshur, the son of Shem (Gen. a. 22), who in later times was worshipped by the Assyrians as their chief god. The boundaries of Assyria differed greatly at different periods. Probably in the earliest times it was confined to a small tract of low country, lying chiefly on the left bank of the Tigris. Gradually its limits were ex tended, until it came to be regarded as comprising the whole region between the Armenian mountains (lat. 37° 30') upon the north, and upon the south ASSYRIA 75 Asms. The Acropolis. the country about Baghdad (lat. 33° SO1). East ward its boundary was the high range of Zagros, or mountains of Kurdistan; westward, it was, ac cording to the views of some, bounded by the Mesopotamian desert, while, according to others, it reached the Euphrates. — 1. General character of the country. On the N. and E. the high mountain- chains of Armenia and Kurdistan are succeeded by low ranges of limestone-hills of a somewhat arid aspect, which detach themselves from the principal ridges, running parallel to them, and occasionally inclosing, between their northern or north-eastern flank and the main mountain-line, rich plains and fertile valleys. To these ridges there succeeds at first an undulating zone of country, well watered and fairly productive, which finally sinks down with some suddenness upon the great Mesopotamian plain, the modern district of El-Jezireh. This vast flat, which extends in length for 250 miles, is in terrupted only by a single limestone-range. Above and below this barrier is an immense level tract, now for the most part a wilderness, scantily watered on the right bank of the Tigris, but abundantly supplied on the left, which bears marks of having been in early times well cultivated and thickly peopled throughout. All over this vast flat, on both sides of the Tigris, rise " grass-covered heaps, marking the site of ancient habitations " which serve to mark the extent of the real Assyrian dominion. They are numerous on the left bank of the Tigris, and on the right they thickly stud the entire country. —2. Provinces of Assyria. — The classical geogra phers divided Assyria into a number of regions, which appear to be chiefly named from cities, as Arbelitis from Arbela ; Calacene (or Calachine) fi-om Calah or Halah (Gen. x. 11 ; 2 K. xvii. 6) ; Apolloniatis from Apollonia ; Sittacene from Sittace, 8re. Adiabene, however, the richest region of all, derived its appellation from the Zab {Diab) river on which it lay.— 3. Chief cities. — The chief cities of Assyria in the time of its greatness appear to have been the following : — Nineveh, which is marked by the mounds opposite Mosul {Nebi- Yunus and Kouyunjik) ; Calah or Halah, now Nimrud; Asshur, now Kileh Sherghat ; Sargina, or Dur-Sargina, now Khorsabad; Arbela, still Arbil ; Opis at the junc tion of the Diyaleh with the Tigris ; and Sittace, a little further down the latter river, if this place should not rather be reckoned to Babylonia.—^, 4. History of Assyria — original peopling. — Scrip ture informs us that Assyria was peopled from Babylon (Gen. x. 11), and both classical tradition and the monuments of the country agree in this representation. In Herodotus (i. 7), Ninus, the mythic founder of Nineveh, is the son (descendant) of Belus, the mythic founder of Babylon — a tradition in which the derivation of Assyria from Babylon,. and the greater antiquity and superior position of the latter in early times are shadowed forth suffi ciently. The researches recently carried on in the two countries clearly show that Babylonian great ness and civilization was earlier than Assyrian, and that while the former was of native growth, the latter was derived from the neighbouring country.— 5. Date of the foundation of the kingdom. — As a country, Assyria was evidently known to Moses (Gen. ii. 14, xxv. 18 ; Num. xxiv. 22, 24) ; but it does not appear in Jewish history as a kingdom till the reign of Menahem (about B.C. 770). Herodotus relates that the Assyrians were " lords of Asia " for 520 years, till the Median kingdom was formed, B.C. 708. He would thus, it appears, have assigned to the foundation of the Assyrian empire a date not very greatly anterior to B.C. 1228. Berosus, who made the empire last 526 years to the reign of Pul, must have agreed nearly with this view ; at least he would certainly have placed the rise of the king dom within the 13th century. This is, perhaps, the utmost that can be determined with any ap proach to certainty.— 6. Early kings, from the 76 ASSYRIA foundation of the kingdom to Put. — The Mesopo tamian researches have rendered it apparent that the original seat of government was not at Nineveh. The oldest Assyrian remains have been found at Kileh-Sherghat, on the right bank of the Tigris, 60 miles south of the later capital ; and this place the monuments show to have been the residence of the earliest kings. The kings proved to have reigned there are fourteen in number, divisible. into three groups ; and their reigns are thought to have covered a space of nearly 350 years, from B.C. 1273 to B.C. 930. The most remarkable monarch of the series was called Tiglath-pileser. He appears to have been king towards the close of the twelfth century, and thus to have been contemporary with Samuel. The other monarchs of the Kileh-Sherglvd series, both before and after Tiglath-pileser, are comparatively insignificant. The later kings of the series are only known to us as the ancestors of two great monarchs. Sardanapalus the first, who appears to have been the warlike Sardanapalus of the Greeks, transferred the seat of government from Kileh-Sherghat to Nimrud (probably the Calah of Scripture), where he built the first of those magnificent palaces which have recently been ex humed by our countrymen. His son, Shalmaneser or Shalmanubar, the monarch who set up the Black Obelisk, now in the British Museum, to commemo rate his victories, was a still greater conqueror. His son and grandson followed in his steps, but scarcely equalled his glory. The latter is thought to be identical with the Biblical Pul, Phul, or Phaloch [Pul]. — 7. The kings from Pul to Esar- haddon. — The succession of the Assyrian kings from Pul almost to the close of the empire is rendered tolerably certain, not merely by the inscriptions, but also by the Jewish records. In the 2nd book of Kings we find the names of Pul, Tiglath-pileser, Shalmaneser, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon, follow ing one another in rapid succession (2 K. xv. 19 and 29, xvii. 3, xviii. 13, xix. 37) ; and in Isaiah we have the name of " Sargon, king of Assyria" (xx. 1), who is a contemporary of the prophet, and who must evidently therefore belong to the same series. The inscriptions, by showing us that Sargon was the father of Sennacherib, fix his place in the list, and give us for the monarchs of the last half of the 8th and the first half of the 7th century B.C. the (probably) complete list of Tiglath-pileser II. , Shal maneser IL, Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon. — 8. Zower Dynasty. — It seems to be certain that at, or near, the accession of Pul, about B.C. 770, a great change of some kind or other occurred in Assyria. It was only 23 years later, that the Babylonians considered their independence to have commenced (B.C. 747). Tradition seems to show that about the middle of the eighth century B.C. there must have been a break in the line of Assyrian kings, and probably the Pul or Phaloch of Scrip ture was really the last king of the old monarchy, and Tiglath-pileser II., his successor, was the founder of what has been called the " Lower Empire." — 9. Supposed loss of the empire at this period. — Many writers of repute have been inclined to accept the statement of Herodotus with respect to the breaking up of the whole empire at this period. It is evident, however, both from Scrip ture and from the monuments, that the shock sustained through the domestic revolution has been greatly exaggerated. It is plain, from Scripture, that in the reigns of Tiglath-pileser, Shalmaneser, ASSYRIA Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon, Assyria was as great as at any former era. These kings all waned successfully in Palestine and its neighbour hood ; some attacked Egypt (Is. xx. 4) ; one appears as master of Media (2 K. xvii. 6) ; while another has authority over Babylon, Susiana, and Elymais (2 K. xvii. 24; Ezr. iv. 9). The Assyrian annals for the period are in the most complete accordance with these representations, and the statements ofthe inscriptions are fully borne out by the indications of greatness to be traced in the architectural monu ments. On every ground it seems necessary to conclude that the second Assyrian kingdom was really greater and more glorious than the first; that under it the limits of the empire reached their fullest extent, and the internal prosperity was at the highest. Even as regards Babylon, the Assyrian loss was not permanent. Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon, all exercised full authority over that country.— 10. Successors of Esarhaddon.— By the end of the reign of Esarhaddon the triumph of the arms of Assyria had been so complete that scarcely an enemy was left who could cause her serious anxiety. In Scripture it is remarkable that we hear nothing of Assyria after the reign of Esar haddon, and profane history is equally silent until |he attacks begin which brought about her downfall. —11. Fall of Assyria. — The fall of Assyria, long previously prophesied by Isaiah (x. 5-19), was effected by the growing strength and boldness of the Medes. If we may trust Herodotus, the first Median attack on Nineveh took place about the year B.C. 633. For some time their efforts were unsuccessful ; but after a while, having won over the Babylonians to their side, they became superior to the Assyrians in the field, and about B.C. 625, or a little earlier, laid final siege to the capital [Me dia]. Saracus, the last king — probably the grand son of Esarhaddon — made a stout and prolonged defence, but at length, finding resistance vain, he collected his wives and his treasures in his palace, jand with his own hand setting fire to the bmlding, perished in the flames.— 12. Fulfilment of prophecy. — The prophecies of Nahum and Zephaniah (ii. 13-15) against Assyria were probably deUvered shortly before the catastrophe. Ezekiel, writing about B.C. 584, bears witness historically to the complete destruction which had come upon the Assyrians (ch. xxxi.). In accordance with Nahum's announcement (iii. 19) we find that Assp-ia never succeeded in maintaining a distinct nationality. Once only was revolt attempted, about a century after the Median conquest, but it failed signally, and appears never to have been repeated, the Assyrians remaining thenceforth submissive subjects of the Persian empire.— 13. General character of the empire. — Like all the early monarchies which attained to any great extent, it was composed of a number of separate kingdoms. The Assyrian monarchs bore sway over a number of petty kings through the entire extent of their dominions. These native princes were feudatories ofthe Great Monarch, of whom they held their crown by the double tenure of homage and tribute. Menahem (2 K. xv. 19), Hoshea (ibid. xvii. 4), Ahaz (ibid. xvi. 8), Heze kiah (ibid, xviii. 4), and Manasseh (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11-13), were certainly in this position; as were ' many native kings of Babylon. It is not quite certain how far Assyria required a religious con formity from the subject people. '" Her religion was i a gross arid complex polytheism, comprising the ASTAROTH worship of thirteen principal and numerous minor divinities, at the head of all of whom stood the chief god, Asshur, who seems to be the deified patriarch ofthe nation (Gen. x. 22). The inscrip tions appear to state that in all countries over which the Assyrians established their supremacy, they set up " the laws of Asshur," and " altars to the Great; Gods." It was probably in connexion with~"this Assyrian requirement that Ahaz, on his return from Damascus, where he had made his submission to Tiglath-pileser, incurred the guilt of idolatry (2 K.xvi. 10-16).— 14. Its extent. — On the west, the Mediterranean and the river Halys appear to have been the boundaries; on the north, a fluctuating line, never reaching the Euxine nor extending be yond the northern frontier of Armenia ; on the east, the Caspian Sea and the Great Salt Desert ; on the south, the Persian Gulf and the Desert of Arabia. The countries included within these limits are the following: — Susiana, Chaldaea, Babylonia, Media, Matiene, Armenia, Assyria Proper, Mesopotamia, parts of Cappadocia and Cilicia, Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, and Idumaea. Cyprus was also for a while a dependency of the Assyrian kings, and they may perhaps have held at one time certain portions of Lower Egypt.— 15. Civilisation of the Assyrians? — The civilisation of the Assyrians, as has been already observed, was derived originally from the Babylonians. They were a Shemitic race, originally resident in Babylonia (which at that time was Cushite), and thus acquainted with the Babylonian inventions and discoveries, who ascended the valley of the Tigris and established in the tract imme diately below the Armenian mountains a separate and distinct nationality. Their modes of writing and building, the form and size of their bricks, their architectural ornamentation, their religion and worship, in a great measure, were drawn from Babylon, which they always regarded as a sacred land — the original seat of their nation, and the true home of all their gods, with the one exception of Asshur. Still, as their civilisation developed, it became in many respects peculiar. Their art is of home growth. Their pictures of war, and of the chace, and even sometimes of the more peaceful incidents of human life, have a fidelity, a spirit, a boldness, and an appearance of life, which place them high among realistic schools. The advanced condition of the Assyrians in various other respects is abundantly evidenced alike by the representations on the sculptures and by the remains discovered among their buildings. They were still, however, in the most important points barbarians. Their government was rude and inartificial ; their religion coarse and sensual ; their conduct of war cruel ; even their art materialistic and so debasing ; they had served their purpose when they had prepared the East for centralised government, and been God's scourge to punish the people of Israel (Is. x. 5-6) ; they were, therefore, swept away to allow the rise of that Aryan race which, with less appreciation of art, was to introduce into Western Asia a more spiritual form of rehgion, a better treatment of cap tives, and a superior governmental organisation. As'taroth, Deut. i. 4. [Ashtaroth.] Astar'te. [Ashtoreth.] As'tath, 1 Esd. viii. 38. [Azqad.] i Astronomy. [Star.] Astyages, the last king of the Medes, B.C. 595- 560, or B.C. 592-558, who was conquered by Cyrus (Bel and Dragon, 1). The name is identified ATAROTH 77 by Rawlinson and Niebuhr with Deioccs = Ash- dahal-, the emblem of the Median power. Asap'pim, and House of, 1 Chr. xxvi. 15, 17, literally " house of the gatherings." Some under stand it as a proper name of chambers on the-south side of the Temple. Gesenius and Bertheau explain it of certain store-rooms, and Furst, following the Vulgate, of the council-chambers in the outer court of the Temple in which the elders held their deli berations. The same word in A. V. of Neh. xii. 25, is rendered " thresholds," and is translated " lintels " in the Targum of R. Joseph on 1 Chr. Asyn'critos, a Christian at Rome, saluted by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 14). A' tad, the threshing-floor of, a spot "beyond Jordan," at which Joseph and his brethren, on their way from Egypt to Hebron, made their seven days' " great and very sore mourning " over the body of Jacob ; in consequence of which we are told it acquired from the Canaanites the new name of Abel- Mizraim (Gen. I. 10, 11). According to Jerome it was in his day called Bethgla or Bethacla (Beth- Hogla) . Beth-Hogla is known to have lain between the Jordan and Jericho, therefore on the west side of Jordan. [Beth-Hogla.] At'arah, a wife of Jerahmeel, and mother of Onam (1 Chr. ii. 26). Atar'gatis, or Derceto, a Syrian goddess, re presented generally with the body of a woman and the tail of a fish (comp. Dagon). Her most famous temples were at Hierapolis (Mabug) and Ascalon. Herodotus identified her with Aphrodite Urania. Lucian compared her with Here, though he allowed that she combined traits of other deities. Plutarch says that some regarded her as " Aphro dite, others as Here, others as the cause and natural power which provides the principles and seeds for all things from moisture." This last view is pro bably an accurate description of the attributes of the goddess, and explains her fish-like form and popular identification with Aphrodite. There was a temple of Atargatis (2 Mace. xii. 26) at Karnion, which was destroyed by Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. v. 44). The name is rightly derived by Michaelis from Syr. Targeto, an opening. Some have supposed that Atargatis was the tutelary goddess of the first Assyrian dynasty, and that the name appears in Tiglath or Tiglath-pileser. At'aroth. 1. One of the towns in the "land of Jazer and land of Gilead " (Num. xxxii. 3), taken and built by the tribe of Gad (xxxii. 34). From its mention with places which have been identified on the N.E. of the Dead Sea near the mountain of Jebel Attaris, a connexion has been assumed be tween Ataroth and that mountain. But some other identification is necessary.— 2. A place on the (south ?) boundary of Ephraim and Manasseh (Josh. xvi. 2, 7). It is impossible to say whether Ataroth is or is not the same place as, 3. Ataroth- ADAR, or -ADDAR on the west border of Benjamin, " near the ' mountain ' that is on the south side of the nether Beth-horon" (Josh. xvi. 5, xviii. 13). In the Onomasticon mention is made of an Atharoth in Ephraim, in the mountains, 4 miles N. of Sebaste ; as well as two places of the name not far from Jerusalem. — 4. "Ataroth, the house of Joab," a place (?) occurring in the list of the descendants of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 54). A'ter. 1. The children of Ater were among the porters or gate-keepers of the Temple who returned with Zerubabel (Ezr. ii. 42 ; Neh. vii. 45). They 73 ATEREZIAS are called in 1 Esd. v. 28, " the sons of Jatal.— 2. The children of Ateh of Hezekiah to the number of 98 returned with Zerubabel (Ezr. ii. 16 ; Neh. vii. 21), and were among the heads of the people who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (x. 17). The name appears in 1 Esd. v. 15 as Atere- zias. Aterezi'as, a corruption of Ater of Hezekiah (1 Esd. v. 15). A'thach, one of the places in the tribe of Judah, which David and his men frequented during the time of his residence at Ziklag (1 Sam. xxx. 30). As the name does not occur elsewhere, it has been suggested that it is an error of the trans criber for Ether, a town in the low country of Judah (Josh. xv. 42). In the Vat. LXX.. it is written Nombe. Athai'ah, a descendant of Pharez, the son of Judah, who dwelt at Jerusalem after the return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 4), called TJthai in 1 Chr. ix. 4. Athali'ali, daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, married Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat king of Judah, .and introduced into the S. kingdom the worship of Baal. After the great revolution by which Jehu seated himself on the throne of Samaria, she killed all the members of the royal family of Judah who had escaped his sword (2 K. xi. 1), availing herself probably of her position as King's Mother [Asa], to perpetrate the crime. From the slaughter of the royal house, one infant named Joash, the youngest son of Ahaziah, was rescued by his aunt Jehosheba, who had married Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxii. 11) the high-priest (2 Chr. xxiv. 6). The child was brought up under Jehoiada's care, and concealed in the Temple for six years, during which period Athaliah reigned over Judah. At length Jehoiada thought it time to produce the lawful king to the people, trusting to their zeal for the worship of God, and loyalty to the house of David, which had been so strenuously called out by Asa and Jehosha phat. After communicating his design to five " captains of hundreds," whose names are given in 2 Chr. xxiii. 1, and securing the co-operation ofthe Levites and chief men in the country-towns in case of necessity, he brought the young Joash into the Temple to receive the allegiance of the soldiers of the guard. It was cus tomary on the Sabbath for a third part of them to do duty at the palace, while two-thirds restrained the crowd of visitors and wor shippers who thronged the Temple. On the day fixed for the outbreak there was to be no change in the ar rangement at the palace, lest Athaliah, who did not worship in the Temple, should form any suspi cions from missing her usual guard. She was first roused to a sense o( her danger by the shouts and music which accom panied the inauguration of her grandson, and hurried ATHENS into the Temple. She arrived, however, too late, and was immediately put to death by Jehoida's commands, without the precincts. The only other recorded victim of this happy and almost bloodless revolution, was Mattan the priest of Baal.— 2. A Benjamite, one of the sons of Jeroham who dwelt at Jerusalem (1 Chr. viii. 26).— 3. One of theBene- Elam, whose son Jeshaiah with 70 males returned with Ezra in the second caravan from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 7). Athari'as, a corruption of the Tieshatha (1 Esd. v. 40). Athenians, natives of Athens (Acts xvii. 21). Athene "bius, " the king's friend," an envoy sent by Antiochus VII., Sidetes, to Simon the Jewish high priest (1 Mace. xv. 28-36). Athens, the capital of Attica, and the chief seat of Grecian learniag and civilisation during the golden period of the history of Greece. An account of this city would be out of place in the present work. St. Paul visited it in his journey from Macedonia, and appears to have remained there some time (Acts xvii. 14-34; comp. 1 Thess. iii. 1). During his residence he delivered his me morable discourse on the Areopagus to the " men of Athens" (Acts xvii. 22-31). The Agora or "market," where St. Paul disputed daily, was situated in the valley between the Acropolis, the Areopagus, the Pnyx and the Museum, being bounded by the Acropolis on the N.E. and E., by the Areopagus on the N., by the Pnyx on the N.W. and W., and by the Museum on the S. The annexed plan shows the position of the Agora. The remark of the sacred historian respecting the inqui sitive character ofthe Athenians (xvii. 21) is attested by the unanimous voice of antiquity. Demosthenes rebukes his countrymen for their love of constantly going about in the market, and asking one another What news ? The remark of St. Paul upon the "superstitious" character of the Athenians (xvii. 22) is in like manner confirmed by the ancient writers. Thus Pausanias says that the Athenians surpassed all other states in the attention which they paid to the worship of the gods ; and hence Plan of Atnens, showing the position, of the Agora. ATHT.ftT the city was crowded in every direction with tem ples, altars, and other sacred buildings. Of the Christian church, founded by St. Paul at Athens, according to ecclesiastical tradition, Dionysius the Areopagite was the first bishop. [Dionysius.] Ath'lai, one of the sons of Bebai, who put away his foreign wife at the exhortation of Ezra (Ezr. i. 28). He is called Amatheis in 1 Esd. ix. 29. At'ipha, 1 Esd. v. 32. [Hatipha.] Atonement, the Day of, the great day of national humiliation, and the only one commanded in the Mosaic law. [Fasts.] The mode of its observance is described in Lev. xvi., and the conduct of the people is emphatically enjoined in Lev. xxiii. 26-32. — II. It was kept on the tenth day of Tisri, that is, from the evening of the ninth to the evening of the tenth of that month, five days before the Feast of Tabernacles. [Festivals.] — III. The observances of the day, as described in the law, were as follow. It was kept by the people as a solemn sabbath. On this occasion only the high priest was permitted to enter into the Holy of Holies. Having bathed his person and dressed himself entirely in the holy white linen garments, he brought forward * young bullock for a sin- offering and a ram for a burnt-offering, purchased at his own cost, on account of himself and his family, and two young goats for a sin-offering with a ram for a burnt-offering, which were paid for out of the public treasury, on account of the people. He then presented the two goats before the Lord at the door of the tabernacle and cast lots upon them. On one lot " for Jehovah " was inscribed, and on the other " for Azazel." He next sacrificed the young bullock as a sin-offering for himself and his family. Taking with him some of the blood of the bullock, he filled a censer with burning coals from the brazen altar, took a handful of incense, and entered into the most holy place. He then threw the incense upon the coals and enveloped the mercy-seat in a cloud of smoke. Then, dipping his finger into the blood, he sprinkled it seven times before the mercy- seat eastward. The goat upon which the lot " for Jehovah " had fallen was then slain, and the high- priest sprinkled its blood before the mercy-seat in the same manner as he had done that of the bullock. Going out from the Holy of Holies he purified the holy place, sprinkling some of the blood of both the victims on the altar of incense. At this time no one besides the high priest was suffered to be present in the holy place. The purification of the Holy of Holies, and of the holy place, being thus completed, the high priest laid his hands upon the head of the goat on which the lot "for Azazel " had fallen, and confessed over it all the sins of the people. The goat was then led, by a man chosen for the purpose, into the wilderness, into " a land not inhabited," and was there let loose. The high- priest after this returned into the holy place, bathed himself again, put on his usual garments of office, and offered the two rams as burnt-offerings, one for himself and one for the people. He also burnt upon the altar the fat of the two sin-offerings, while their flesh was carried away and burned out side the camp. They who took away the flesh and the man who had led away the goat had to bathe their persons and wash their clothes as soon as their service was performed. The accessory burnt-offeriDgs mentioned Num. xxix. 7-11, were a young bullock, a ram, seven lambs, and a young goat.— IV. A few , particulars given by Josephus are worthy of notice. ATONEMENT, DAT OF 79 He states that the high-priest sprinkled the bipod with his finger seven times on the ceiling and seven times on the floor of the most holy place, and seven times towards it (as it would appear, outside the veil), and round the golden altar. Then going into the court he either sprinkled or poured the blood round the great altar.— V. The following details from the Mishna, appear either to be in teresting in themselves or to illustrate the language of the Pentateuch. 1. The high priest himself- dressed in his coloured official garments, used, on the Day of Atonement, to perform all the duties o: the ordinary daily service, such as lighting the lamps, presenting the daily sacrifices, and offering the incense. After this he bathed himself, put on the white garments, and commenced the special rites of the day. 2. The high priest went into the Holy of Holies four times in the course of the day. Three of the entrances seem to be very distinctly implied in Lev. xvi. 12, 14, and 15. 3. It is said that the blood of the bullock and that of the goat were each sprinkled eight times, once towards the ceiling and seven times on the floor. 4. After he had gone into the most holy place the third time, and had returned into the holy place, the high priest sprinkled the blood of the bullock eight times towards the veil, and did the same with the blood of the goat. Having then mingled the blood of the two victims together and sprinkled the altar of incense with the mixture, he came into the court and poured out what remained at the foot of the altar of burnt-offering. 5. Most careful directions are given for the preparation of the high priest for the services ofthe day. For seven days previously he kept away from his own house, and dwelt in a chamber appointed for his use. This was to avoid the accidental causes of pollution which he might meet with in his domestic life. 6. Several curious particulars are stated regarding the scapegoat. The two goats of the sin-offering were to be of similar appearance, size, and value. The lots were put into a little box or urn, into which the high priest put both his hands and took out a lot in each, while the two goats stood before him, one at the right side and the other on the left. The lot in each hand belonged to the goat in the corresponding position. The high priest then tied « piece of scarlet cloth on the scapegoat's head, called " the scarlet tongue," from the shape in which it was cut. A prayer was then offered by the priest, and the goat was led away by the man appointed. As soon as it reached a certain spot, a signal was made to the high priest, who waited for it. The man who led the goat is said to have taken him to the top of a high precipice and thrown him down back wards, so as to dash him to pieces. 7. The high priest, as soon as he had received the signal that the goat had reached the wilderness, read some lessons from the law, and offered up some prayers. He then bathed himself, resumed his coloured garments, and offered either the whole, or a great part, of the accessory offering (mentioned Num. xxxix. 7-11) with the regular evening sacrifice. After this, he washed again, put on the white garments, and entered the most holy place for the fourth time, to fetch out the censer. and the incense-plate. This terminated the special rites of the day. 8. The Mishna gives very strict rules for the fasting of the people. In the law itself no express mention is made of abstinence from food.— VI. There has been much discussion regarding the meaning of the word 80 ATONEMENT, DAY OF Azazel. The opinions which seem most worthy of notice are the following : — 1. It has been regarded as a designation of the goat itself. This view has been most favoured by the old interpreters. They in general supposed it to mean the goat sent away, or let loose. But the application of Azazel to the goat itself involves the Hebrew text in insuperable difficulties. If one expression is to be rendered for Jehovah, it would seem that the other must be for Azazel, with the preposition in the same sense. If this is admitted, taking Azazel for the goat itself, it does not seem possible to make sense out of Lev. xvi. 10 and 26. 2. Some have taken Azazel for the name of the place to which the goat was sent. 3. Others who have studied the subject most closely take Azazel for a personal being to whom the goat was sent, a) Gesenius supposes it to be some false deity who was to be appeased hj such a sacrifice as that of the goat, b) But others, in the spirit of a simpler faith, have regarded him as an evil spirit, or the devil himself. Spencer supposes that the goat was given up to the devil. Hengstenberg affirms that Azazel cannot possibly be anything but another name for Satan. He does not doubt that the goat was sent away laden with the sins of God's people, now forgiven, in order to mock their spiritual enemy. Few, perhaps, will be satisfied with Hengstenberg' s mode of meeting this difficulty. 4. An explanation of the word which seems less objectionable, if it is not wholly satisfactory, would render the designation of the lot " for complete sending away."— VII. As it might be supposed, the Talmudists miserably degraded the meaning of the Day of Atonement. They looked upon it as an opportunity afforded them of wiping off the score of their more heavy offences. Philo regarded the day in a far nobler light. He speaks of it as an occa sion for the discipline of self-restraint in regard to bodily indulgence, and for bringing home to our minds the truth that man does not live by bread alone, but by whatever God is pleased to appoint. It cannot be doubted that what especially distin guished the symbolical expiation of this day from that of the other services of the law, was its broad and national character, with perhaps a deeper refer ence to the sin which belongs to the nature of man. In considering the meaning of the particular riles of the day, three points appear to be of a very dis tinctive character. 1. The white garments of the high priest. 2. His entrance into the Holy of Holies. 3. The scapegoat. The writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews (ix. 7-25) teaches us to apply the first two particulars. The high priest himself, with his person cleansed and dressed in white garments, was the best outward type which a living man could present in his own person of that pure and holy One who was to purify His people and to cleanse them from their sins. But respecting the meaning of the scapegoat, we have no such light to guide us, and the subject is one of great doubt and difficulty. Of those who take Azazel for the Evil Spirit, some have supposed that the goat was a sort of bribe, or retaining fee, for the accuser of men. Spencer made it a symbol of the punishment of the wicked ; while Hengstenberg considers it significant of the freedom of those who had become reconciled to God. Some few have supposed that the goat was taken into the wilder ness to suffer there vicariously for the sins of the people. But it has been generally considered that it was dismissed to signify the carrying awav of AUGUSTUS CAESAR their sins, as it were, out of the sight of Jehovah. If we keep in view that the two goats are spoken of as parts of one and the same sin-offering, we shall not have much difficulty in seeing that they form together but one symbolical expression. This is implied in the reasoning of the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews on the office and sacrifice of Christ (Heb. ix.). Hence some, regarding each goat as a type of Christ, supposed that the one which was slain represented his death, and that the goat set free signified his resurrection. But we shall take a simpler, and perhaps a truer view, if we look upon the slain goat as setting forth the act of sacrifice, in giving up its own life for others " to Jehovah," in accordance with the requirements of the Divine law ; and the goat which carried off its load of sin " for complete removal," as signifying the cleansing influence of faith in that sacrifice. At'roth, a city of Gad (Num. xxxii. 35.). No doubt the name should be taken with that following it, Shophan, to distinguish this place from Ataroth in the same neighbourhood. At'tai. 1. Grandson of Sheshan the Jerah- meelite through his daughter Ahlai, whom he gave in marriage to Jarha, his Egyptian slave (1 Chr. ii. 35, 36). His grandson Zabad was one of David's mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 41). —2. One of the lion- faced warriors of Gad, captains of the host, who forded the Jordan at the time of its overflow, and joined David in the wilderness (1 Chr. xii. 11).— 3. Second son of King Rehoboam by Maachah the daughter of Absalom (2 Chr. xi. 20). Attali'a, a coast-town of Pamphylia, mentioned (Acts xiv. 25), as the place from which Paul and Barnabas sailed on their return to Antioch from their missionary journey into the inland parts of Asia Minor. It was built by Attalus Philadelphns, king of Pergamus, and named after the monarch. All its remains are characteristic of the date of its foundation. Leake fixes Attalia at Adalia, on the S. coast of Asia Minor, N. of the Duden Su the ancient Catarrhactes. Attains, the name of three kings of Pergamus who reigned respectively B.C. 241-197, 159-138 (Philadelphus), 138-133 (Philometor). It is un certain whether the lettera sent from Rome in favour of the Jews (1 Mace. xv. 22) were addressed to Attalus II. or Attalus IU., as their date falls in B.C. 139-8 [Lucius], about the time when the latter succeeded his uncle. Atthara'tes, 1 Esd. ix. 49, a corruption of " The Tirshatha." [Athakias.] Au'gia, the daughter of Berzelus, or Barzillai, according to 1 Esd. v. 38, whose descendants by Addus were among the priests whose genealogy could not be substantiated after the return from Babylon. The name does not occur either in Ezra or Nehemiah. Angus'tns Caes'ar, the first Roman emperor. During his reign Christ was born (Luke ii. 1 ff) He was born a.U.C. 691, B.C. 63. His father was Caius Octavius; his mother Atia, daughter of Julia the sister of C. Julius Caesar. He bore the same name as his father, Caius Octavius. He was principally educated by his great^uncle Julius Caesar, and was made his heir. After his murder, the young Octavius, then Caius Julius Caesar Octa- vianus, was taken into the Triumvirate with Antony and Lepidus, and, after the removal of the latter, divided the empire with Antony. The struggle for the supreme power was terminated in favour of AUGUSTUS' BAND Octavianus by the battle of Actium, B.C. 31. On this victory, he was saluted Imperator by the senate, who conferred on him the title Augustus (B.C. 27). The first link binding him to N. T. history is his treatment of Herod after the battle of Actium. That prince, who had espoused Antony's side, found himself pardoned, taken into favour and confirmed, nay even increased in his power. After Herod's death in A.D. 4, Augustus divided his do minions almost exactly according to his dying direc tions, among his sons. Augustus died at Nola in Campania, Aug. 19, A.U.C. 767, A.D. 14, in his 76th year ; but long before his death he had asso ciated Tiberius with him in the empire. Augustus' Band (Acts xxvii. 1). [Armv.] Aura'nus, leader of a riot at Jerusalem (2 Mac. iv. 40). Aute'as, name of a Levite (1 Esd. ix. 48). [Hodijah.] A'va, a place in the empire of Assyria, appa rently the same as Ivah (2 K. xvii. 24). [Ivah.] Av'aran, the surname of Eleazar, brother of Judas Maccabeus (1 Mac. ii. 5). Two distinct derivations from the Arabic have been proposed for it ; both, however, tracing its origin to the feat of killing the royal elephant in the battle of Bethza- charias, by which Eleazar met his death (1 Mac. vi. 43-46). In the latter passage he is called Savaran, which is apparently an erroneous reading, as Josephus twice calls him Auran {Ant. xii. 6 §1, 9 §4). A'ven. 1. The " plain of Aven" is mentioned by Amos (i. 5) in his denunciation of Syria and the country to the N. of Palestine. It has not been identified with certainty.— 2. In Hos. x. 8, " the high places of Aven," the word is clearly an abbre viation of Beth-aven, that is Bethel (comp. iv. 15, &c.).— 3. In this manner are pointed, in Ez. xxx. 17, the letters of the name which is elsewhere given as On, the sacred city of Heliopolis or On, in Egypt. [Ox.] A'vim, A'vims, or A'yites, Heb. the Avvim. — 1. A people among the early inhabitants of Pales tine, whom we meet with in the S.W. corner of the sea-coast, whither they may have made their way northwards from the Desert. The only notice of them which has come down to us is contained in a remarkable fragment of primeval history preserved in Deut. ii. 23. Here we see them dwelling in the villages in the S. part of the Shefelah, or great western lowland, " as far as Gaza." In these rich possessions they were attacked by the invading Philistines, " the Caphtorim which came forth out ofCaphtor," and who after "destroying" them and "dwelling in their stead," appear to have pushed them further north. Possibly a trace of their existence is to be found in the town " Avim " (or " the Awim "), which occurs among the cities of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 23). It is a curious fact that both the LXX. and Jerome identified the Awim with the Hivites, and also that the town of ha-Awim was in the actual district of the Hi vites (Josh. ix. 7, 17, compared with xviii. 22-27). —2. The people of Awa, among the colonists who were sent by the king of Assyria to re-inhabit the depopulated cities of Israel (2 K. xvii. 31). They were idolaters, worshipping gods called Nibhaz and Tartak. [Ava.] A'vith, the city of Hadad ben-Bedad, one of the tings of Edom before there were kings in Israel (Gen. xxxvi. 35 : 1 Chr. i. 46). The name may Con. D. B. AZARA 81 be compared with el-Ghoweitheh, a "chain of low hills," mentioned by Burckhardt as lying to the E. of the district of Kerek in Moab. Awl, a tool of which we do not know the aucient form. The only notice of it is in connexion with the custom of boring the ear of the slave (Ex. xxi. 6 ; Deut. xv. 17). Axe. Seven Hebrew words are rendered " ax " in the A. V.— 1. Garzen, from a root signifying " to cut or sever," as " hatchet," from " hack," corresponds to the Lat. securis. It consisted of a head of iron (cf. Is. x. 34), fastened, with thongs or otherwise, upon a handle of wood, and so liable to slip off (Deut. xix. 5; 2 K. vi. 5). It was used for felling trees (Deut. xx. 19), and also for shaping the wood when felled, perhaps like the modern adze (1 K. vi. 7). — 2. Chereb, which is usually translated " sword," is used of other cut ting instruments, as a " knife " (Josh. v. 2) or razor (Ez. v. 1), or a tool for hewing or dressing stones (Ex. xx. 25), and is once rendered "axe" (Ez. xxvi. 9), evidently denoting a weapon for destroying buildings, a pick-axe.— 3. Casshil occurs but once (Ps. lxxiv. 6), and is evidently a. later word, denoting a large axe. It is also found in the Targum of Jer. xlvi. 22. — 4. Magzer&h (2 Sam. xii. 31), and, 5, Megerah (1 Chr. xx. 3) are found in the description of the punishments inflicted by David upon the Ammonites of Rabbah. The latter word is properly "a saw," and is appa rently an error of the transcriber for the former. —6. Ma'ats&d, rendered "ax" in the margin of Is. xliv. 12, and Jer. x. 3, was an instrument employed both by the iron-smith and the carpenter, and is supposed to be a curved knife or bill, smaller than-7. Kardom, which was a large axe used for felling trees (Judg. ix. 48 ; 1. Sam. xiii. 20, 21 ; Ps. lxxiv. 5 ; Jer. xlvi. 22). The words 1, 5, and 7 have an etymological affinity with each other, the idea of cutting being that which is expressed by their roots. — The " battle-ax" {map- pets, Jer. li. 20) was probably, as its root indicates, a heavy mace or maul, like that which gave his surname to Charles Martel. Egyptian Axe. (British Museum.) Az'ael = Asahel 4 (1 Esd. ix. 14). Azae'lus, an Israelite in the time of Esdras: the name is probably merely a repetition of that preceding it (1 Esd. ix. 34). A'zal, a name only occurring in Zech. xiv. 5. It is mentioned as the limit to which the ravine of the Mount of Olives will extend when " Jehovah shall go forth to fight." Several commentators agree with Jerome in taking Azal as an appellative. Azali'ah, the father of Shaphan the scribe in the reign of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 3; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). Azani'ali, the father or immediate ancestor of Jeshua the Levite in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. x. 9). Aza'phion, 1 Esd. v. 33. Possibly a corruption of Sophereth. Az'ara, one of the " servants of the Temple " (1 Esd. v. 31). No corresponding name can be traced in the parallel list in Ezra. G 82 AZAEAEL Aza'rael, a Levite-musician (Neh. xii. 36). Aza'reel. 1. A Korhite who joined David in his retreat at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 6).— 2. A Levite musician of the family of Heman in the time of David, 1 Chr. xxv. 18: called Uzziel in xxv. 4. — 3. Son of Jeroham, and prince of the tribe of Dan when David numbered the people (1 Chr. xxvii. 22). —4. One of the sons of Bani, who put away his foreign wife on the remonstrance of Ezra (Ezr. x. 41) : apparently the same as ESRIL in 1 Esd. ix. 34.-5. Father or ancestor of Maasiai, or Amashai, a priest who dwelt in Jerusalem after the return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 13, comp. 1 Chr. ix. 12). Azari'ah, a common name in Hebrew and espe cially in the families of the priests of the line of Eleazar, whose name has precisely the same meaning as Azariah. It is nearly identical, and is often confounded with Ezra as well as with Zerahiah and Seraiah. The principal persons who bore this name were: — 1. Son of Ahimaaz (1 Chr. vi. 9). He appears from 1 K. iv. 2, to have suc ceeded Zadok, his grandfather, in the high-priest hood, in the reign of Solomon, Ahimaaz having died before Zadok. [Ahimaaz.] To him, it cau scarcely be doubted, instead of to his grandson, Azariah the son of Johanan, belongs the notice in 1 Chr. vi. 10, " He it is that executed the priest's office in the temple that Solomon built at Jerusalem." Josephus merely mentions Azarias as the son and successor of Ahimaaz.— 2. A chief officer of Solomon's, the son of Nathan, perhaps David's grandson (1 K. iv. 5).— 3. Tenth king of Judah, more frequently called Uzziah (2 K. xiv. 21, xv. 1, 6, 7, 8, 17, 23, 27; 1 Chr. iii. 12).— 4. Son of Ethan, of the sons of Zerah, where, perhaps, Zerahiah is the more probable reading (1 Chr. ii. 8).— 5. Son of Jehu of the family of the Jerahmeelites, and descended from Jarha the Egyp tian slave of Sheshan (1 Chr. ii. 38, 39). He was probably one of the captains of hundreds in the time of Athaliah mentioned in 2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ; and there called the son of Obed. This fact assigns the compi lation of the genealogy in 1 Chr. ii. 36-41 to the reign of Hezekiah.— 6. The son of Johanan (1 Chr. vi. 10). He must have been high-priest in the reigns of Abijah and Asa, as we know his son Amariah was in the days of Jehoshaphat, the son of Asa. His name is almost lost in Joseph us's list of the high- priests. —7. Another Azariah is inserted between Hilkiah, in Josiah's reign, and Seraiah, who was put to death by Nebuchadnezzar, in 1 Chr. vi. 13, 14. It seems likely that he may have been inserted to assimilate the genealogy to that of Ezra vii. 1.— 8. Son of Zephaniah, a Kohathite, and ancestor of Samuel the prophet (1 Chr. vi. 36). Apparently the same as Uzziah in ver. 24.-9. Azariah, the son of Oded (2 Chr. xv. 1), called simply Oded in ver. 8, was a remarkable prophet in the days of king Asa, and a contemporary of Azariah the son of Johanan the high-priest, and of Hanani the seer. — 10. Son of Jehoshaphat king of Judah (2 Chr. xxi. 2). — 11. Another son of Jehoshaphat, and brother of the preceding (2 Chr. xxi. 2).— 12. In 2 Chr. xxii. 6. Azariah is a clerical error for Ahaziah. —13. Son of Jeroham, one of the captains of Judah in the time of Athaliah (2 Chr. xxiii. 1).— 14. The high-priest in the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah, whose name, perhaps from this circumstance, is often corrupted into Azariah (2 K. xiv. 21, xv. 1, 6, 7, 8, &c). The most memorable event of his life is that which is recorded in 2 Chr. xxvi. 17-20. When king AZEKAH Uzziah, elated by his great prosperity and power, " transgressed against the Lord his God, and went into the Temple of the Lord to bum incense upon the altar of incense," Azariah the priest, accompanied' by eighty of his brethren, went in boldly after him, and withstood him. Azariah was contemporary with Isaiah the prophet, and with Amos and Joel, and doubtless witnessed the great earthquake in Uzziah's reign (Am. i. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 5).— 15. Son of Johanan, one of the captains of Ephraim in the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12), who sent back the captives and spoil that were taken in the inva sion of Judah by Pekah.— 16. A Kohathite, father of Joel in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12).— 17. A Merarite, son of Jehalelel, in the time of Hezekiah, contemporary with the son of the pre ceding (2 Chr. xxix. 12).— 18. The high-priest in ths days of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 10, 13). He appears to have cooperated zealously with the king in that thorough purification of the Temple and restoration of the temple-services which was so con spicuous a feature in his reign. He succeeded Urtjah,. who was high-priest in the reign of Ahaz.— 19, Son of Maaseiah, who repaired part of the wall of Jeru salem in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 23, 24).— 20. One of the leaders of the children of the pro vince who went up from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7). Elsewhere called Seraiah (Ezr.ii. 2) and Zacharias (1 Esd. v. 8). — 21. One of the le- vites who assisted Ezra in instructing the people in the knowledge of the law (Neh. viii. 7). Called Azarias in 1 Esd. ix. 43. — 22. One ofthe priests who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 2), and probably the same with the Azariah who assisted in the dedication of the city wall (Neh. xii. 33).— 23. Jer. xliii. 2 (Jezaniah).— 24. The original name of Abed-nego (Dan. i. 6, 7, 11, 19). He appears to have been of the seed -royal of Judah. Azari'as. 1. (1 Esd. ix. 21) = Uzziah, Ezr. i. 21.— 2. (1 Esd. ix. 43) = Urijah, Neh. viii. 4.-3; (1 Esd. ix. 48) = Azariah, Neh. viii. 7.-4. Priest in the line of Esdras (2 Esd. i. 1), elsewhere Azariah and Ezerias.— 5. Name assumed by the angel Raphael (Tob. v. 12, vi. 6, 13, vii. 8,ix,2). —6. A captain in the army of Judas Maccabaens (1 Mac. v. 18, 56, 60). A'zaz, a Reubenite, father of Bela (1 Chr. v. 8). Azari'ah. 1. A Levite-musician in the reign of David, appointed to play the harp in the service which attended the procession by which the ark was brought up from the house of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xv. 21).— 2. The father of Hoshea, prince of the tribe of Ephraim when David numbered the people (1 Chr. xxvii. 20).— 3. One of the Levites in the reign of Hezekiah, who had charge of the tithes and dedicated things in the Temple under Cononiah and Shimei (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). Azbaz'areth, king of the Assyrians, probably a corruption of Esarhaddon (1 Esd. v. 69; comp. Ezr. iv. 2). Az'buk, father or ancestor of Nehemiah the prince of part of Bethzur (Neh. iii. 16). Az'ekah, a town of Judah, with dependent vil lages, lying in the Shefelah or rich agricultural plain. It is most clearly defined as being near Shochoh [Shochoh] (1 Sam. xvii. 1). Joshua's pursuit of the Canaanites after the battle of Beth-horon ex tended to Azekah (Josh. x. 10, 11). Between Azekah and Shochoh the Philistines encamped before the battle in which Goliath was killed (1 Sam. xvii. 1). It was fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chr. AZEL xi. 9), was still standing at the time of the Baby lonian invasion (Jer. xxxiv. 7), and is mentioned as one of the places re-occupied by the Jews after their return from captivity (Neh. xi. 30). The position of Azekah has not yet been recognised. A'zel, a descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 37, 38, ix. 43, 44). A'zem, a city in the extreme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 29), afterwards allotted to Simeon (xix. 3). Elsewhere it is Ezeji. Azephu'rith, or more properly Arsiphurith, a name which in the LXX. of 1 Esd. v. 16 occupies the place of Jorah in Ezr. ii. 18, and of Hariph in Neh. vii. 24. It is altogether omitted in the Vul gate. Burrington conjectures that it may have originated in a combination of these two names corrupted by the mistakes of transcribers. The second syllable in this case probably arose from a confusion of the uncial 2 with E. Aze'tas. The name of a family which returned with Zorobabel according to 1 Esd. v. 15, but not mentioned in the catalogues of Ezra and Nehemiah. Az'gad. The children of Azgad, to the number of 1222 (2322 accordingto Neh. vii. 17) were among the laymen who returned with Zorobabel (Ezr. ii. 12). A second detachment of 110, with Johanan at their head, accompanied Ezra in the second caravan (Ezr. viii. 12). With the other heads of the people they joined in the covenant with Nehe miah (Neh. x. 15). The name appears as Sadas in 1 Esd. v. 13, and the number of the family is there given 3222. In 1 Esd. viii. 38, it is written Astath. Azi'a, a " servant of the temple " (1 Esd. v . 31), elsewhere called Uzza. Azi'ei (2 Esd. i. 2), one of the ancestors of Esdras, elsewhere called Azariah and Ezias. A'ziel, a Levite (1 Chr. xv. 20). The name is a shortened form of Jaaziel in ver. 18. Az'iza, a layman of the family of Zattu, who had married a foreign wife after the return from Baby lon (Ezr. x. 27): called Sardeus in 1 Esd. ix. 28. Azma'veth. 1. One of David's mighty men, a native of Bahurim (2 Sam. xxiii. 31 ; 1 Chr. xi. 33), and therefore probably a Benjamite.— 2. A de scendant of Mephibosheth, or Merib-baal (IChr. viii. 36, ix. 42).— 3. The father of Jeziel and Pelet, two of the skilled Benjamite slingers and archers who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3), perhaps identical with 1. It has been suggested that in this passage " sons of Azmaveth " may denote natives of the place of that name.— 4. Overseer of the royal treasures in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). Azma veth, a place to all appearance in Benja min, being named with Anathoth, Kirjath-Jearim and other towns belonging to that tribe. Forty- two of the Bene-Azmaveth returned from the captivity with Zorobabel (Ezr. ii. 24). The " sons of the singers " seemed to have settled round it (Neh. xii. 29). The name elsewhere occurs as Beth-Azmaveth. Az'mon, a place named as being on the S. boundary of the Holy Land, apparently near the torrent of Egypt {Wadi el-Arish) (Num. xxxiv. ' i, 5 ; Josh. xv. 4). It has not yet been identified. Az'noth-ta'bor, the ears (a. e. possibly the sum- ; mits) of Tabor, one of the landmarks of tho ' boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 34). The town, if town it be, has hitherto escaped recognition. A'zor, son of Eliakim, in the line of our Lord (Matt. i. 13, 14). BAAL 83 Azo'tus. [Ashdod.] Azo'tns, Mount. In the fatal battle in which Judas Maccabeus fell, he broke the right wing of Bacchides' army, and pursued them to Mount Azotus (1 Mac. ix. 15). Josephus calls it Aza, or Azara, according to many MSS., which Ewald finds in a mountain west of Birzeit, under the form Atara, the Philistine Ashdod being out of the question. Az'riel. 1. The head of a house of the half- tribe of Manasseh beyond Jordan, a man of renown (1 Chr. v. 24).— 2. A Naphtalite, ancestor of Jerimoth the head of the tribe at the time of David's census (1 Chr. xxvii. 19) : called Uzziel in two Heb. MSS., and apparently in the LXX.— 3. The father of Seraiah, an officer of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 26). Az'rikam. 1, A descendant of Zerubbabel, and son of Neariah of the royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 23). — 2, Eldest son of Azel, and descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44).— 8. A Levite, ancestor of Shemaiah who lived in the time of Nehemiah (1 Chr. ix. 14; Neh. xi. 15). — 4. Governor of the house, or prefect of the palace to king Ahaz, who was slain by Zichri, an Ephraim ite hero, in the successful invasion of the southern kingdom by Pekah long of Israel (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). Az'ubah. 1. Wife of Caleb, son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 18, 19).— 2. Mother of king Jehosha phat (1 K. xxii. 42 ; 2 Chr. xx. 31). A'zur, properly Az'zur. 1. A Benjamite of Gibeon, and father of Hananiah the false prophet (Jer. xxviii. 1). Hitzig suggests that he may have been a priest, as Gibeon was one of the priestly cities. —2. Father of Jaazaniah, one of the princes of the people against whom Ezekiel was commanded to prophesy (Ez. xi. 1). Azu'ran, the sons of Aznran are enumerated in 1 Esd. v. 15 among those who returned from Babylon with Zorobabel, but there is no corre sponding name in the catalogues of Ezra and Nehe miah. Azuran may perhaps be identical with Azzur in Neh. x. 17. Az'zah. The more accurate rendering of the name of the well-known Philistine city, Gaza (Deut. ii. 23; IK. iv. 24; Jer. xxv. 20). [Gaza.] Az'zan, the father of Paltiel, prince of the tribe of Issachar, who represented his tribe in the division of the promised land (Num. xxxiv. 26). Az'zur, one of the heads of the people who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 17). The name is probably that of a family, and in Hebrew is the same as is elsewhere represented by Azur. BA'AL. 1. A Reubenite, whose son or descendar Beerah was carried off by the invading army of Assyria under Tiglath-Pileser (1 Chr. v. 5).— 2. The son of Jehiel, father or founder of Gibeon, by his wife Maachah ; brother of Kish, and grand father of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 36). Ba'al, the supreme male divinity of the Phoe nician and Canaanitish nations, as Ashtoreth was their supreme female divinity. Both names have the peculiarity of being used in the plural, and it seems certain that these plurals designate not statues of the divinities, but different modifications of the 6 2 8A BAAL divinities themselves. The plural Baalim is found frequently alone (Judg. ii. 11, x. 10 ; 1 K. xviii. 18 ; Jer. ix. 14 ; Hos. ii. 17), as well as in connexion with Ashtoreth (Judg. x. 6 ; 1 Sam. vii. 4) and with Asherah, or, as our version renders it, "the groves" (Judg. iii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 3). The word is in Hebrew a common noun of frequent occurrence, having the meaning Zord, not so much, however, in the sense of Ruler as of Master, Owner, Possessor. There can be no doubt of the very high antiquity of the worship of Baal. We find it established amongst the Moabites and their allies the Midianites in the time of Moses (Num. xxii. 41), and through these nations the Israelites were seduced to the worship of this god under the particular form of Baal-Peor (Num. xxv. 3-18 ; Deut. iv. 3). Notwithstanding the fearful punishment which their idolatry brought upon them in this instance, the succeeding generation returned to the worship of Baal (Judg. ii. 10-13), and, with the exception of the period during which Gideon was judge (Judg. vi. 25, &c, viii. 33), this form of idolatry seems to have prevailed amongst them up to the time of Samuel (Judg. x. 10 ; 1 Sam. vii. 4), at whose rebuke the people renounced the worship of Baalim. In the times of the kings the worship of Baal spread greatly, and together with that of Asherah became the religion ofthe court and people of the ten tribes (1 IC. xvi. 31-33, xviii. 19, 22). And though this idolatry was occasionally put down (2 K. iii. 2, x. 28) it appears never to have been permanently abolished among them (2 K. xvii. 16). In the kingdom of Judah also Baal-worship extensively prevailed. During the short reign of Ahaziah and the subsequent usurpation of his mother Athaliah, the sister of Ahab, it appears to have been the reli gion of the court (2 K. viii. 27; comp. xi. 18), as it was subsequently under Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 3 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 2), and Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 3). The worship of Baal amongst the Jews seems to have been appointed with much pomp and cere monial. Temples were erected to him (1 K. xvi. 32 ; 2 K. xi. 18) ; his images were set up (2 K. x. 26) ; his altars were very numerous (Jer. xi. 13), were erected particularly on lofty eminences (1 K. xviii. 20), and on the roofs of houses (Jer. xxxii. 29) ; there were priests in great numbers (1 K. xviii. 19), and of various classes (2 K. x. 19) ; the worshippers appear to have been arrayed in appropriate robes (2 K. x. 22) ; the worship was performed by burning incense (Jer. vii. 9) and offering bumt-sacrifices, which occasionally con sisted of human victims (Jer. xix. 5). The offi ciating priests danced with frantic shouts around the altar, and cut themselves with knives to excite the attention and compassion of the god (1 K. xviii. 26-28). Throughout all the Phoenician colonies we continually find traces of the worship of this god ; nor need we hesitate to regard the Babylonian Bel (Is. xlvi. 1) or Belus, as essentially identical with Baal, though perhaps under some modified form. ^ The same perplexity occurs respecting the connexion of this god with the heavenly bodies, as we have already noticed in regard to Ashtoreth. Creuzer and Movers declare Baal to be the Sun-god ; on the other hand, the Babylonian god is identified with Zeus, by Herodotus, and there seems to be no doubt that Bel-Merodach is the planet Jupiter. It is quite likely that in the case of Baal, as well as of Ashtoreth, the symbol of the god varied at different times and in different localities. Among the com- BAAL pounds of Baal which appear in the 0. T. are: — 1. Ba'al-be'rith. This form of Baal was wor shipped at Shechem by the Israelites after the death of Gideon (Judg. viii. 33, ix. 4). The name sig nifies the Covenant- Baal, the god who comes into covenant with the worshippers.— 2. Ba'al-ze'bub, worshipped at Ekron (2 K. i. 2, . 3, 16). The meaning of the name is Baal or Zord of the fly. Similarly the Greeks gave the epithet Apomyios (from myia " a fly ") to Zeus, and Pliny speaks of a Fly-god Myiodes. The name occurs in the N. T. in the well-known form Beelzebub.— 3. Ba'al- ha'nan. 1. The name of one of the early kings of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 49, 50). 2. The name of one of David's officers, who had the superintendence of his olive and sycomore plan tations (1 Chr. xxvii. 28). He was ofthe town of Gederah (Josh. xv. 36) or Beth-Gader (1 Chr. ii. 51), and from his name we may conjecture that he was of Canaanitish origin.— 4. Ba'al-pe'ob. We have already ( referred to the worship of this god. The narrative (Num. xxv.) seems clearly to show that this form of Baal-worship was connected with licentious rites. Baal-Peor was identified by the Rabbins and early fathers with Priapus. Ba'al, geographical. This word occurs as the prefix or suffix to the names of several places in Palestine. It never seems to have become a natu ralized Hebrew word ; and such places called by this name or its compounds as can be identified, were either near Phoenicia, or in proximity to some other acknowledged seat of heathen worship. The places in the names of which Baal forms a part are as follows : — 1. Ba'al, a town of Simeon, named only in 1 Chr. iv. 33, and which form the parallel list in Josh. xix. seems to have been identical with Baalath-Beer. — 2. Ba'alah. (a.) Anothei name for Kirjath-Jearim, or Kirjath-Baal, the well-known town, now Kuriet el Enab. It is mentioned in Josh. xv. 9, 10 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 6. In Josh. xv. 11, it is called Mount Baalah, and in xv. 60, and xviii. 14, Kirjath-Baal. It would seem as if Baalah were the earlier or Canaanite appellation of the place. In 2 Sam. vi. 2, the name occurs slightly altered as " Baale of Judah." (6.) Atom in the south of Judah (Josh. xv. 29), which in xix. 3 is called Balah, and in the par allel list (1 Chr. iv. 29) Bilhah.— 3. Ba'alath, a town of Dan named with Gibbethon, Gath-rimmon, and other Philistine places (Josh. xix. 44).— 4 Ba'alath- be'er = Baal 1, a town among those in the south part of Judah, given to Simeon, which also bore the name of Ramath-Negeb, or " the height of the South " (Josh. xix. 8).— 5. Ba'al-gad, used to denote the most northern (Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7), or perhaps north-western (xiii. 5), point to which Joshua's victories extended. It was in all proba bility a Phoenician or Canaanite sanctuary of Baal under the aspect of Gad, or Fortune. [Gad.] No trace of its site has yet been discovered. The con jecture of Schwarz is, that the modern representa tive of Baalgad is Banias. [Caesarea Phtlippi.] —6. Ba'al-ha'mon, a place at which Solomon had a vineyard, evidently of great extent (Cant. viii. 11)- The only possible clue to its situation is the mention in Judith viii. 3, of a Belamon or Balamon (A. V. Balamo) near Dothaim ; and therefore in the mountains of Ephraim, not far north of Samaria.— 7. Ba'al-ha'zor, a place " ' by ' Ephraim," where Absalom appears to have had a sheep-farm, and where Amnon was murdered (2 Sam. xiii. 23).-" BAALAH 8. Mount Ba'al-her'mon (Judg. iii. 3), and simply Baal-hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). This is usually considered as a distinct place from Mount Hermon ; but we know that this mountain had at least three names (Deut. iii. 9), and Baal-hermon may have been a fourth in use among the Phoenician wor shippers of Baal.— 9. Ba'al-me'on, one of the towns which were built by the Reubenites (Num. xxxii. 38), and to which they " gave other names." It also occurs in 1 Chr. v. 8, and on each occa sion with Nebo. In the time of Ezekiel it was Moabite, one of the cities which were the " glory of the country" (Ez. xxv. 9). In the days of Eusebius and Jerome it was still called Balmano, 9 miles distant from Heshbon, and reputed to be the native place of Elisha.— 10. Ba'al-per'azim, the scene of a victory of David over the Philistines, and of a great destruction of their images (2 Sam. v. 20 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 11). The place and the circumstance appear to he again alluded to in Is. xxviii. 21, where it is called Mount P.— 11. Ba'al-shali'sha; place named only in 2 K. iv. 42 ; apparently not far from Gilgal (comp. ver. 38). It was possibly situated in the district, or "land," of the same name. [Shalisha.] — 12. Ba'al-ta'mar, a place named only in Judg. xx. 33, as near Gibeah of Ben jamin. The palm-tree {t&mar) of Deborah (iv. 5) was situated somewhere in the locality, and is pos sibly alluded to.— 13. Ba'al-ze'phon, a place in Egypt near where the Israelites crossed the Red Sea (Ex. xiv. 2, 9 ; Num. xxxiii. 7). From the position of Goshen and the indications afforded by the narrative of the route of the Israelites, we place Baal-zephon on the western shore of the Gulf of Suez, a little below its head, which at that time was about 30 or 40 miles northward of the present head. Ba'alali. [Baal, No. 2.] Ba'alath. [Baal, Nos. 3, 4.] Ba'ale of Judan. [Baal, No. 2, a.] Ba'alim. [Baal.] Ba'alis, king of the Ammonites at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. xl. 14). Ba'ana. 1. The son of Ahilud, Solomon's com missariat officer in Jezreel and the north of the Jordan valley (1 K. iv. 12).— 2. Father of Zadok, who assisted in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 4).— 3. =Baanah, 4 (1 Esd. v. 8 ; see Ezr. ii. 2). Ba'anah, 1. Son of Rimmon, a Benjamite, who with his brother Rechab murdered Ish-bosheth. For this they were killed by David, and their muti lated bodies hung up over the pool at Hebron (2 Sam. iv. 2, 5, 6, 9).— 2. A Netophathite, father of Heleb or Heled, one of David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 29 ; 1 Chr. xi. 30).— 3. Accurately Baana, son of Hushai, Solomon's commissariat officer in Asher (1 K. iv. 16).— 4. A man who accompanied Zorobabel on his return from the captivity (Ezr. ii. 2; Neh. vii. 7). Possibly the same person is in tended in Neh. x. 27. [Baana, 3.] Ba'ara, one of the wives of Shabaraim, a de scendant of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 8). Baasei'ah, a Gershonite Levite, one of the fore fathers of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. vi. 40 [25]). Ba'asha, B.C. 953-931, third sovereign of the separate kingdom of Israel, and the founder of its second dynasty. He was son of Ahijah of the tribe of Issachar, and conspired against King Nadab, son of Jeroboam, when he was besieging the Philistine BABEL, BABYLON 85 town of Gibbethon (1 K. rv. 27), and killed him with his whole family. He appears to have been of humble origin (1 K. xvi. 2). It was probably in the 13th year of his reign that he made war on Asa, and began to fortify Ramah. He was defeated by the unexpected alliance of Asa with Benhadad I. of Damascus. Baasha died in the 24th year of his reign, and was honourably buried in the beautiful city of Tirzah (Cant. vi. 4), which he had made his capital (1 K. xvi. 6 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 1-6). Ba'bel, Bab'ylon, is properly the capital city of the country, which is called in Genesis Shinar, and in the later Scriptures Chaldaea, or the land of the Chaldaeans. The architectural remains discovered in southern Babylonia, taken in conjunction with the monumental records, seem to indicate that it was not at first the capital, nor, indeed, a town of very great importance. Erech, Ur, and Ellasar, appear to have been all more ancient than Babylon, and were capital cities when Babil was a provincial village. The first rise of the Chaldaean power was in the region close upon the Persian Gulf; thence the nation spread northwards up the course of the rivers, and the seat of government moved in the same direction, being finally fixed at Babylon, per haps not earlier than B.C. 1700.— I. Topography of Babylon — Ancient descriptions of the city. — The descriptions of Babylon which have come down to us in classical writers are derived chiefly from two sources, the works of Herodotus and of Ctesias. According to the former, the city, which was built on both sides of the Euphrates, formed a vast square, enclosed within a double line of high walls, the extent of the outer circuit being 480 stades, or about 56 miles. The entire area included would thus have been about 200 square miles. The houses, which were frequently three or four stories high, were laid out in straight streets crossing each other at right angles. In each division of the town there was a fortress or stronghold, consisting in the one case of the royal palace, in the other of the great temple of Belus. The two portions of the city were united by a bridge, composed of a series of stone piers with moveable platforms of wood stretching from one pier to another. According to Ctesias the circuit of the city was not 480 but 360 stades — which is a little under 42 miles. It lay, he says, on both sides of the Euphrates, and the two parts were connected together by a stone bridge five stades (above 1000 yards) long, and 30 feet broad, of the kind described by Herodotus. At either extremity of the bridge was a royal palace, that in the eastern city being the more magnificent of the two. The two palaces were joined, not only by the bridge, but by a tunnel under the river ! Ctesias' account of the temple of Belus has not come down to us. In examining the truth of these descriptions, we shall most conveniently commence from the outer circuit of tho town. All the ancient writers appear to agree in the fact of a district of vast size, more or less inhabited, having been en closed within lofty walls, and included under the name of Babylon. With respect to the exact extent of the circuit they differ. The estimate of Hero dotus and of Pliny is 480 stades, of Strabo 385, of Q. Curtius 368, of Clitarchus 365, and of Ctesias 360 stades. It is evident that here we have merely the moderate variations to be expected in inde pendent measurements, except in the first of the numbers. Perhaps the true explanation is that Herodotus spoke of the outer wall, which could be 86 BABEL, BABYLON traced in his time, while the later writers, who never speak of an inner and an outer barrier, give the measurement of Herodotus' inner wall, which may have alone remained in their day. Taking the lowest estimate of the extent of the circuit, we shall have for the space within the rampart an area of above 100 square miles ; nearly five times the size of London ! It is evident that this vast space cannot have been entirely covered with houses. Diodorus confesses that but a small part of the enclosure was inhabited in his own day, and Q. Curtius says that as much as nine-tenths consisted, even in the most flourishing times, of gardens, parks, paradises, fields and orchards. With regard to the height and breadth of the walls there is nearly as much difference of statement as with regard to their extent. Herodotus makes the height 200 royal cubits, or 337^ feet ; Ctesias 50 fathoms, or 300 feet ; Pliny and Solinus 200 royal feet ; Strabo 50 cubits, or 75 feet. We are forced to fall back on the earlier authorities, who are also the only eye-witnesses ; and, surprising as it seems, perhaps we must believe the statement, that the vast enclosed space above mentioned was surrounded by walls which have well been termed " artificial mountains," being nearly the height of the dome of St. Paul's ! The estimates for the thickness of the wall are the following : — Herodotus, 50 royal cubits, or nearly 85 feet ; Pliny and Solinus, 50 royal, or Present State of tho Ttuins of Babylon. BABEL, BABYLON about 60 common feet ; and Strabo, 32 feet. The latter may belong properly to the inner wall, which was of less thickness than the outer. According to Ctesias the wall was strengthened with 250 towers, TEMELE OG BELUS Portions of Ancient Babylon distinguishable in the present Ruin*. irregularly disposed, to guard the weakest parts; and according to Herodotus it was pierced with a hundred gates, which were made of brass, with brazen lintels and side-posts. The gates and walls are alike mentioned in Scripture ; the height of the one and the breadth of the other being specially noticed (Jer. li. 58; comp. 1. 15, and li. 53). Herodotus and Ctesias both relate that the banks of the river as it flowed through the city were on each side ornamented with quays. Some remains of a quay or embankment (E) on the eastern side of the stream still exist, upon the bricks of which is read the name of the last king. Perhaps a remark able mound (K) which interrupts the long fiat valley — evidently the ancient course of the river — may be a trace of the bridge which both these writers describe.— II. Present State of the Ruins.— About five miles above Hilah, on the opposite or left bank of the Euphrates, occurs a series of arti ficial mounds of enormous size. They consist chiefly of three great masses of building — the high pile (A) of unbaked brickwork called by Rich ' Mujellibe,' but which is known to the Arabs as ' Babil ;' the building denominated the ' Kasr' or palace (B) ; and a lofty mound (C), upon which BABEL, BABYLON stands the modern tomb of Amrdm-ibn-'Alb. Besides these principal masses the most remarkable features are two parallel lines of rampart (F F) bounding the chief ruins on the east, some similar but inferior remains on the north and west (I I and H), an embankment along the river-side (E), a remarkable isolated heap (K) in the middle of a long valley, which seems to have been the ancient bed of the stream, and two long lines of rampart (G G), meeting at a right angle, and with the river forming an irregular triangle, within which all the ruins on this side (except Babil) are enclosed. On the west, or right bank, the remains are very slight and scanty. Scattered over the country on both sides of the Euphrates, are a number of remarkable mounds, usually standing single, which are plainly of the same date with the great mass of ruins upon the river bank. Of these, by far the most striking is the vast ruin called the Birs-Nimrud, which many regard as the tower of Babel, situated about six miles to the S.W. of Hillah. [Babel, tower OF.]— III. Identification of sites. — On comparing BABEL, BABYLON 87 the existing ruins with the accounts of the ancient writers, the great difficulty which meets us is the position of the remains almost exclusively on the left bank of the river. All the old accounts agree in representing the Euphrates as running through the town, and the principal buildings as placed on the opposite sides of the stream. Perhaps the most probable solution is to be found in the fact, that a large canal (called Shebii) intervened in ancient times between the Kasr mound (B) and the ruin now called Babil (A), which may easily have been confounded by Herodotus with the main stream. If this explanation be accepted as probable, we may identify the principal ruins as follows : — 1. The great mound of Babil will be the ancient temple of Belus. It formed the tower of the temple, and was surmounted by a chapel, but the main shrine, the altars, and no doubt the residences of the priests, were at the foot, in a sacred precinct. 2. The mound of the Kasr will mark the site of the great Palace of Nebuchadnezzar. It is an irregular square of about 700 yards each way, and may be regarded View of Babil. from tho West as chiefly formed of the old palace-platform. No plan of the palace is to be made out from the exist ing remains, which are tossed in apparent confusion on the highest point of the mound. 3. The mound of Amrdm is thought by M. Oppert to represent the "hanging gardens" of Nebuchadnezzar; but this conjecture does not seem to be a very happy one. Most probably it represents the ancient palace, coeval with Babylon itself, of which Nebuchad nezzar speaks in his inscriptions as adjoining his own more magnificent residence. 4. The ruins marked DD on either side of the Euphrates, together with all the other remains on the right bank, may be considered to represent the lesser Palace of Ctesias, which is said to have been connected with the greater by a bridge across the river, as well as by a tunnel under the channel of the stream. 5. The two long parallel lines of embankment on the east (FF in the plan), may either be the lines of an outer and inner inclosure, of which Nebuchadnezzar ¦speaks as defences of his palace ; or they may re present the embankments of an enormous reservoir, which is often mentioned by that monarch as ad joining his palace towards the east. 6. The embank ment (E) is composed of bricks marked with the name of Labynetus or Nabunit, and is undoubtedly a portion of the work which Berosus ascribes to the last king. The most remarkable fact connected with the magnificence of Babylon, is the poorness of the material with which such wonderful results were produced. With bricks made from the soil of the country, in many parts an excellent clay, and at first only " slime for mortar " (Gen. xi. 3), were constructed edifices of so vast a size that they still remain among the most enormous ruins in the world. —IV. History of Babylon. — Scripture repre sents the " beginning of the kingdom " as belonging to the time of Nimrod, the grandson of Ham (Gen. x. 6-10). The most ancient inscriptions appear to show that the primitive inhabitants of the country were really Cushite, *. e. identical in race with the early inhabitants of Southern Arabia and of Ethiopia. 88 BABEL, BABYLON The seat of government at this early time was, as has been stated, in lower Babylonia, Erech ( Warka) and Ur (Mugheir) being the capitals. The country was called Shinar, and the people the Akkadim (comp. Accad of Gen. x. 10). Of the art of this period we have specimens in the ruins of Mugheir and Warka, the remains of which date from at least the 20th century before our era. The early annals of Babylon are filled by Berosus, the native his torian, with three dynasties ; one of 49 Chaldaean kings, who reigned 458 years ; another of 9 Arab kings, who reigned 245 years ; and a third of 49 Assyrian monarchs, who held dominion for 526 years. It would appear then as if Babylon, after having had a native Chaldaean dynasty, fell wholly under Semitic influence, becoming subject first to Arabia for two centuries and a half, and then to Assyria for above five centuries, and not regaining even a qualified independence till the time marked by the close of the Upper and the formation of the Lower Assyrian empire. But the statement, is too broad to be exact ; and the monuments show that Babylon was at no time absorbed into Assyria, or even for very many years together a submissive vassal. The line of Babylonian kings becomes exactly known to us from the year B.C. 747. The " Canon of Ptolemy " gives us the succession of Babylonian monarchs, with the exact length of the reign of each, from the year B.C. 747, when Nabo- nassar mounted the throne, to B.C. 331, when the last Persian king was dethroned by Alexander. Of the earlier kings of the Canon, the only one worthy of notice is Mardocempalus (B.C. 721), the Merodach-Baladan of Scripture, but it is not till we come to Nabopolassar, the father of Nebu chadnezzar, that anew era in the history of Babylon commences. He was appointed to the government of Babylon by the last Assyrian king, at the moment when the Medes were about to make their final attack: whereupon, betraying the trust re posed in him, he went over to the enemy, arranged a marriage between his son Nebuchadnezzar and the daughter of the Median leader, and joined in the last siege of the city. [Nineveh.] On the success of the confederates (B.C. 625) Babylon be came not only an independent kingdom, but an empire. At a later date hostilities broke out with Egypt. Nechoh, the son of Psamatik I., about the year B.C. 608, invaded the Babylonian dominions on the south-west (2 K. xxiii. 29, and xxiv. 7). Nabopolassar was now advanced in life ; he there fore sent his son, Nebuchadnezzar, against the Egyptians, and the battle of Carchemish restored to Babylon the former limits of her territory (comp. 2 K. xxiv. 7 with Jer. xlvi. 2-12). Nebuchad nezzar upon his father's death was acknowledged king (B.C. 604). A complete account of the works and exploits of this great monarch — by far the most remarkable of all the Babylonian kings — is given under Nebuchadnezzar. He died B.C. 561, having reigned for 43 years, and was succeeded by Evil-Merodach, his son, who is called in the Canon Illoarudamus. This prince was murdered, after having held the crown for two years only, by Neriglissar, his brother-in-law. [Evil-Merodach.] Neriglissar — the Nerigassolassar of the canon is (apparently) identical with the " Nergal-shar-ezer, Rab-Mag " of Jeremiah (xxxix. 3, 13). Neriglissar built the palace at Babylon, which seems to have been placed originally on the right bank of the river. He reigned but four years, and left the BABEL, TOWER OF crown to his son, Laborosoarchod. This prince, when he had reigned nine months, became the victim of a conspiracy. Nabonidus (or Labynetus), one of the conspirators, succeeded in tho year B.C. 555, very shortly before the war broke out between Cyrus and Croesus. Having entered into alliance with the latter of these monarchs against the former, he provoked the hostility of Cyrus, who, in the year B.C. 539, advanced at the head of his irresistible hordes, but wintered upon the Diyaleh or Gyndes, making his final approaches in the ensuing spring. Nabonidus took the field in person at the head of his army, leaving his son Belshazzar to command in the city. He was defeated and forced to shut himself up in Borsippa (marked now by the Birs- Nimrud), till after the fall of Babylon, Belshazzar guarded the city, but allowed the enemy to enter the town by the channel of the river. Babylon was thus taken by a surprise, as Jeremiah had prophe sied (li. 31) — by an army of Medes and Persians, as intimated 170 years earlier by Isaiah (xxi. 1-9), and, as Jeremiah had also foreshown (li. 39), during a festival. In the carnage which ensued upon the taking of the town, Belshazzar was slain (Dan. v. 30). According to the book of Daniel, it would seem as if Babylon was taken, not by Cyrus, king of Persia, but by a Median king, named Darius (v. 31). There is, however, sufficient indication that " Darius the Mede " was not the real con queror, but a monarch with a certain delegated authority (see Dan. v. 31, and ix. 1). With the conquest by Cyrus commenced the decay and ruin of Babylon, though it continued a royal residence through the entire period of the Persian empire. The defences and public buildings suffered grie vously from neglect during the long period of peace which followed the reign of Xerxes. After the death of Alexander the Great, the removal of the seat of empire to Antioch under the Seleucidaegave the finishing blow to the prosperity of the place. Since then Babylon has been a quarry from which all the tribes in the vicinity have derived the bricks with which they have built their cities. The " great city," " the beauty of the Chaldees' excel lency," has thus emphatically "become heaps" (Jer. li. 37). Her walls have altogether disap peared — they have " fallen " (Jer. li. 44), been "thrown down" (1. 15), been "utterly broken" (li. 58). " A drought is upon her waters " (1. 39); for the system of irrigation, on which, in Babylonia, fertility altogether depends, has long been laid aside ; "her cities" are everywhere "a desolation" (li. 43); her "land a wilderness;" "wild beasts of the desert" (jackals) "lie there;" and " owls dwell there " (comp. Layard, Nin. and Bab. p. 484, with Is. xiii. 21, 22, and Jer. 1. 39) : the natives regard the whole site as haunted, and neither will the " Arab pitch tent, nor the shepherd fold sheep there " (Is. xiii. 20). Ba'bel, Tower of. The "tower of Babel" is only mentioned once in Scripture (Gen. xi. 4-5), and then as incomplete. It was built of bricks, and the "slime" used for mortar was probably bitumen. A Jewish tradition declared that fire fell from heaven, and split the tower through to its foundation ; while Alexander Polyhistor and the other profane writers who noticed the tower, said that it had been blown down by the winds. Such authorities therefore as we possess, represent the building as destroyed soon after its erection. When the Jews, however, were carried captive into Baby- BABEL, TOWER OF Ionia, they were struck with the vast magnitude and peculiar character of certain of the Babylonian temples, in one or other of which they thought to recognise the very tower itself. The predominant opinion was in favour of the great temple of Nebo at Borsippa, the modem Birs-Nimrud, although the distance of that place from Babylon is an in superable difficulty in the way of the identification. There are in reality no real grounds either for iden tifying the tower with the Temple of Belus, or for supposing that any remains of it long survived the check which the builders received (Gen. xi. 8). But the Birs-Nimrud, though it cannot be the tower of Babel itself, may well be taken to show the probable shape and character of the edifice. This building appears to have been a sort of oblique pyramid built in seven receding stages. " Upon a BABEL, TOWER OP 89 platform of crude brick, raised a few feet above the level of the alluvial plain, was built of burnt brick the first or basement stage — an exact square, 272 feet each way, and 26 feet in perpendicular height. Upon this stage was erected a second, 230 feet each way, and likewise 26 feet high ; which, however, was not placed exactly in the middle of the first, but considerably nearer to the south-western end, which constituted the back of the building. The other stages were arranged similarly — the third being 188 feet, and again 26 feet high ; the fourth 146 feet square, and 15 feet high; the fifth 104 feet square, and the same height as the fourth ; the sixth 62 feet square, and again the same height ; and the seventh 20 feet square and once more the same height. On the seventh stage there was probably placed the ark or tabernacle, which seems Temple of Birs-Nimrud at Borsippa. to have been again 15 feet high, and must have nearly, if not entirely, covered the top of the seventh story. The entire original height, allowing three feet for the platform, would thus have been 156 feet, or, without the platform, 153 feet. The whole formed a sort of oblique pyramid, the gentler slope facing the NJE., and the steeper in- clining to the S.W. On the N.E. side was the grand entrance, and here stood the vestibule, a separate building, the deTiris from which having joined those from the temple itself, fill up the intermediate space, and very remarkably prolong the mound in this direction" (Eawlinson's Herodotus, vol. ii. pp. 582-3). The Birs temple, which was called the " Temple of the Seven Spheres," was ornamented with the planetary colours, but this was most likely a peculiarity. It is not necessary to sup pose that any real idea of " scaling heaven " was present to the minds of those who raised either the Tower of Babel or any other of the Babylonian temple-towers. The expression used in Genesis (xi. 4) is a mere hyperbole for great height (comp. Deut. i. 28 ; Dan. iv. 11, &c), and should not be taken literally. Military defence was probably the primary object of such edifices in early times : but with the wish for this may have been combined further secondary motives, which remained when such defence was otherwise provided for. Diodorus states that the great tower of the temple of Belus was used by the Chaldaeans as an observatory (ii. 9), and the careful emplacement of the Baby lonian temples with the angles facing the four 90 BABI cardinal points, would be a natural consequence, and may be regarded as a strong confirmation of the reality of this application. Ba'bi, 1 Esd. viii. 37. [Bebai.] Bab'ylon {Ba$v\, to dip), is the rendering of the Hebrew by the LXX. in 2 K. v. 14. The Latin Fathers render fjaTrTifap by tingere, mergere, and mergitare. By the Greek Fathers, the word flairrifeiv is often used, fre quently figuratively, for to immerse or overwhelm with sleep, sorrow, sin, &c. Hence /Sdir-riff/to. properly and literally means immersion.— 2. "The Water" is a name of baptism which occurs in Acts x. 47. With this phrase, "the water," used of baptism, compare "the breaking of bread" as a title ofthe Eucharist, Acts ii. 42.— 3. "Washing of Water" (lit. " the bath of the water"), is another Scriptural term, by which baptism is sig nified (Eph. v. 26). There appears clearly in these words a reference to the bridal bath; but the allusion to baptism is clearer still.— 4. " The washing of regeneration " (lit. " the bath of regene ration ") is a phrase naturally connected with the foregoing. It occurs Tit. iii. 5. All ancient and most modern commentators have interpreted it of baptism. There is so much resemblance, both in the phraseology and in the argument, between this passage in Titus and 1 Cor. vi. 11, that the latter ought by all means to be compared with the former. Another passage containing very similar BAPTISM thoughts, clothed in almost the same words, is Acts xxii. 16.— 5. "Illumination." It has been much questioned whether " enlightened," in Heb. vi. 4, x. 32, be used of baptism or not. Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, and almost all the Greek Fathers, use (pariahs as a synonym for baptism. It will be remembered that Qararyuyta was a term for admission into the ancient mysteries. Baptism was without question the initiatory rite in reference to the Christian faith. Now, that Christian faith is more than once called, by St. Paul the Christian " mystery " (Eph. i. 9, iii. 4, vi. 19 ; Col. iv. 3). Hence, as baptism is the initia tory Christian rite, admitting us to the service of God and to the knowledge of Christ, it may not improbably have been called ipario-^s, and after wards tpwraywyla, as having reference, and as admitting, to the mystery of the Gospel, and to Christ Himself, who is the Mystery of God (Col. i. 27, ii. 2).— VIII. From the names of baptism we must now pass to a few of the more prominent passages, not already considered, in which baptism is referred to.— 1. The passage in John iii. 5 — " Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God"— has been a well-established battle-field from the time of Calvin. Stier quotes with entire approbation the words of Meyer (on John iii. 5) : — " Jesus speaks here concerning a spiritual baptism, as in chap. vi. concerning a spiritual feeding; in both places, however, with reference to their visible auxiliary means.".— 2. The prophecy of John the Baptist, that our Lord should baptize with the Holy Ghost and with fire (Matt. iii. 11), may more properly be interpreted by a eV 5:a Svo7y. The water of John's baptism could but wash the body; the Holy Ghost, with which Christ was to baptize, should purify the soul as with fire.— 3. Gal. iii. 27 : " For as many as have been baptized into Christ have put on Christ." The contrast is between the Christian and the Jewish church : one bond, the other free ; one infant, the other adult. And the transition-point is naturally that at which by baptism the service of Christ is undertaken and the promises of the Gospel are claimed. This is repre sented as putting on Christ and in Him assuming the position of full-grown men. In this more pri vileged condition there is the power of obtaining justification by faith, a justification which the Law had not to offer. — 4. 1 Cor. xii. 13: "For by one Spirit {or, in one spirit) we were all baptized into one body, whether Jews or Greeks, whether bond or free, and were all made to drink of one Spirit." The resemblance of this passage to the last is very clear. Possibly there is an allusion to both sacra ments. Both our baptism and our partaking of the cup in the communion are tokens and pledges of Christian unity.— 5. Rom. vi. 4 and Col. ii. 12 are so closely parallel that we may notice them together. Probably, as in the former passages St. Paul had brought forward baptism as the symbol of Christian unity, so in these he refers to it as the token and pledge of the spiritual death to sin and resurrection to righteousness ; and of the final vic tory over death in the last day, through the power of the resurrection of Christ.— IX. Recipients of Baptism. — The command to baptize was co-exten sive with the command to preach the Gospel. All nations were to be evangelized ; and they were to be made disciples, admitted into the fellowship of Christ's religion, by baptism (Matt, xxviii. 19). BAPTISM 95 Every one who was convinced by the teaching of the first preachers of the Gospel, and was willing to enrol himself in the company of the disciples, appears to have been admitted to baptism on a confession of his faith. There is no distinct evi dence in the New Testament that there was in those early days a body of catechumens gradually pre paring for baptism, such as existed in the ages immediately succeeding the Apostles. The great question has been, whether the invitation extended, not to adults only, but to infants also. The uni versality of the invitation, Christ's declaration con cerning the blessedness of infants and their fitness for His kingdom (Mar. x. 14), the admission of infants to circumcision and to the baptism of Jewish proselytes, the mention of whole households, and the subsequent practice of the Church, have been principally relied on by the advocates of infant baptism. The silence of the New Testament con cerning the baptism of infants, the constant men tion of faith as a pre-requisite or condition of baptism, the great spiritual blessings which seem attached to a right reception of it, and the respon sibility entailed on those who have taken its obliga tions on themselves, seem the chief objections urged against paedo-baptism. But here, once more, we must leave ground which has been so extensively occupied by controversialists.— X. The mode of Baptism. — The language of the New Testament and of the primitive fathers sufficiently points to immersion as the common mode of baptism. But in the case of the family of the jailor at Philippi (Acts xvi. 33), and of the three thousand converted at Pentecost (Acts ii.) it seems hardly likely that immersion should have been possible. Moreover the ancient Church, which mostly adopted immer sion, was satisfied with effusion in case of clinical baptism — the baptism ofthe sick and dying.— Ques tions and answers. — In the earliest times of the Christian Church we find the catechumens required to renounce the Devil and to profess their faith in the Holy Trinity and in the principal articles of the Creed. It is generally supposed that St. Peter (1 Pet. iii. 21) refers to a custom of this kind as existing from the first.— XI. The formula of Bap tism.- — It should seem from our Lord's own direc tion (Matt, xxviii. 19) that the words made use of in the administration of baptism should be those which the Church has generally retained. The expressions in the book of Acts (ii. 38, viii. 16, x. 48, xix. 5) mean only that those who were bap tized with Christian baptism were baptized into the faith of Christ, not that the form of words was different from that enjoined by our Lord in St. Matthew.— Sponsors. — There is no mention of sponsors in the N. T. In very early ages of the Church sponsors were in use both for children and adults.— XII. Baptism for the dead. — 1 Cor. xv. 27. " Else what shall they do who are baptized for the dead, if the dead rise not at all 1 Why are they then baptized for the dead?" 1. Tertullian tells us of a custom of vicarious baptism as existing among the Marcionites ; and St. Chrysostom relates of the same heretics, that, when one of their cate chumens died without baptism, they used to put a living person under the dead man's bed, and asked whether he desired to be baptized ; the living man answering that he did, they then baptized him in place of the departed (Chrys. Horn. xl. on 1 Cor. xv). Epiphanius relates a similar custom among the Cerinthians {Haeres. xxviii.), which, he said, 90 BARABBAS prevailed from fear that in the resurrection those should suffer punishment who had not been baptized. The question naturally occurs, Did St. Paul allude to a custom of this kind, which even iu his days had begun to prevail among heretics and ignorant persons ? If so, he no doubt adduced it as an argumentum ad hominem. " If the dead rise not at all, what benefit do they expect who baptize vicariously for the dead?" The greater number of modern commentators have adopted this, as the simplest and most rational sense of the Apostle's words. It is, however, equally conceivable that the passage in St. Paul gave rise to the subsequent practice among the Marcionites and Cerinthians. 2. Chrysostom believes the Apostle to refer to the profession of faith in baptism, part of which was " I believe in the resurrection of the dead." The former of the two interpretations above mentioned commends itself to us by its simplicity ; the latter by its antiquity. The following are some of the various other explanations which have been given. —3. " What shall they do, who are baptized when death is close at hand? (Epiphan. Haeres. xxviii. 6). —4. " Over the graves of the martyrs." Vossius adopted this interpretation ; but it is very unlikely that the custom should have prevailed in the days of St. Paul.— 5. " On account of a dead saviour." —6. "What shall they gain, who are baptized for the sake of the dead in Christ?"— 7. " What shall they do, who are baptized in the place of the dead ?" i. e. who, as the ranks of the faithful are thinned by death, come forward to be baptized, that they may fill up the company of believers. Barab'bas, a robber (John xviii. 40), who had committed murder in an insurrection (Mark xv. 7 ; Luke xxiii. 19) in Jerusalem, and was lying in prison at the time of the trial of Jesus before Pilate. Bar'achel, " the Buzite," father of Elihu (Job xxxii. 2, 6). [Buz.] Barachi'as, Matt, xxiii. 35. [Zacharias.] Ba'rak, son of Abinoam of Kedesh, a refuge- city in Mount Napthali, was incited by Deborah, a prophetess of Ephraim, to deliver Israel from the yoke of Jabin. Accompanied, at his own express desire, by Deborah, Barak led his rudely-armed force of 10,000 men from Napthali and Zebulon to an encampment on the summit of Tabor, and utterly routed the unwieldy host of the Canaanites in the plain of Jezreel (Esdraelon), "the battle field of Palestine." The victory was decisive, Harosheth taken (Judg. iv. 16), Sisera murdered, and Jabin ruined. The victors composed a splendid epinician ode in commemoration of then- deliverance (Judg. v.). Lord A. Hervey supposes the narra tive to be a repetition of Josh. xi. 1-12. A great deal may be said for this view, but it is fair to add that there are geographical difficulties in the way. [Deborah.] Barbarian. " Every one not a Greek is a bar barian" is the common Greek definition, and in this strict sense the word is used in Rom. i. 14 "I am debtor both to Greeks and barbarians."' " Hellenes and barbarians " is the constant division found in Greek literature, but Thucvdides (i. 3) points out that this distinction is subsequent to Homer. It often retains this primitive meaning, as in 1 Cor. xiv. 11 (of one using an unknown tongue), and Acts xxviii. 2,4 (of the Maltese, who spoke a Punic dialect). The ancient Egyptians, like the modem Chinese, had an analogous word BARNABAS (Herod, ii. 158). So completely was the term " barbarian " accepted, that even Josephus and Philo scruple as little to reckon the Jews among them, as the early Romans did to apply the term to themselves. Afterwards only the savage nations were called barbarians. Barhu'mite, the. [Bahurim.] Bari'ah, one of the sons of Shemaiah, a de scendant of the royal family of Judah (1 Chi-. iii. 22). Bar-Je'sus. [Elymas.] Bar-Jo'na. [Peter.] Bar'kos. " Children of Barkos " were amono- the Nethinim who returned from the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 53 ; Neh. vii. 55). Barley (Heb. seordh), the well-known cereal, which is mentioned in many passages of the Bible. It was grown by the Hebrews (Lev. xxvii. 16; Deut. viii. 8 ; Ruth ii. 17, &c), who used it for bak ing into bread, chiefly amongst the poor (Judg. vii. 13 ; 2 K. iv. 42 ; John vi. 9, 13) ; for making into bread by mixing it with wheat, beans, lentiles, millet, &c. (Ez. iv. 9) ; for making into cakes (Ez. iv. 1 2) ; and as fodder for horses (1 K. iv. 28). The barley harvest is mentioned Ruth i. 22, ii. 23; 2 Sam. xxi. 9, 10. It takes place in Palestine in March and April, and in the hilly districts as late as May ; but the period of course varies according to the localities where the corn grows. The barley harvest always precedes the wheat harvest, in some places by a week, in others by fully three weeks (Robinson, Bib. Res. ii. 99, 278). In Egypt the barley is about a month earlier than the wheat; whence its total destruction by the hail-storm (Ex. ix. 31). Barley was sown at any time between November and March, according to the season. Barley bread is even to this day little esteemed in Palestine. This fact is important, as serving to elucidate some passages in Scripture. Why, for instance, was barley meal, and not the ordinary meal-offering of wheat flour, to be the jealousy- offering (Num. v. 15) ? Because thereby is denoted the low reputation in which the implicated parties were held. The homer and a half of bailey, as part of the purchase-money of the adulteress (Hos. iii. 2), has doubtless a similar typical meaning. With this circumstance in remembrance, how forcible is the expression in Ezekiel (xiii. 19), " Will ye pollute me among my people for hand- fuls of barley ?" The knowledge of this fact aids to point out the connexion between Gideon and the barley-cake, in the dream which the "man told to his fellow" (Judg. vii. 13). Gideon's " family was poor in Manasseh — and he was the least in his father's house ;" and doubtless the Midianites knew it. On this passage Dr. Thomson remarks, " If the Midianites were accustomed in their extemporaneous songs to call Gideon and his band ' cakes of barley bread,' as their successors the haughty Bedawin often do to ridicule their enemies, the application would be all the more natural." Bar'nahas, a name signifying " son of pro phecy," or " exhortation " (or, but not so probably, " consolation," as A. V.), given by the Apostles (Acts iv. 36) to Joseph (or Joses), a Levite of the island of Cyprus, who was early a disciple of Christ. Iu Acts ix. 27, we find him introducing the newly-converted Saul to the Apostles at Jerfl- salem, in a way which seems to imply previous acquaintance between the two. On tidings coming BARODIS to the church at Jerusalem that men of Cyprus and Cyrene had been preaching to Gentiles at Antioch, Barnabas was sent thither (Acts xi. 19-26), and went to Tarsus to seek Saul, as one specially raised up to preach to the Gentiles (Acts xxvi. 17). Having brought Saul to Antioch, he was sent with hiir. to Jerusalem with relief for the brethren in Judaea (Acts xi. 30). On their return to An tioch, they (Acts xiii. 2) were ordained by the church for the missionary work, and sent forth (a.d. 45). From this time Barnabas and Paul enjoy the title and dignity of Apostles. Their first missionary journey is related in Acts xiii. xiv. ; it was confined to Cyprus and Asia Minor. Some time after their return to Antioch (a.d. 47 or 48), they were sent (A.D. 50), with some others, to Jerusalem, to determine with the Apostles and Elders the difficult question respecting the necessity of circumcision for the Gentile converts (Acts xv. 1 ff.). On that occasion Paul and Barnabas were recognized as the Apostles of the uncircumcision. After another stay in Antioch on their return, a variance took place between Barnabas and Paul on the question of taking with them, on a second mis sionary journey, John Mark, sister's son to Bar nabas (Acts xv. 36 ff.). " The contention was so sharp, that they parted asunder," and Barnabas took Mark, and sailed to Cyprus, his native island. Here the Scripture notices of him cease. As to his further labours and death, traditions differ. Some say that he went to Milan, and became first bishop of the church there. There is extant an apocryphal work, probably of the fifth century, Acta et Passio Barnabae in Cypro; and a still later encomium of Barnabas, by a Cyprian monk Alexander. We have an Epistle in 21 chapters called by the name of Barnabas. Its authenticity has been defended by some great writers ; but it is veiy generally given up now, and the Epistle is believed to have been written early in the second century. Baro'dis, a name inserted in the list of those "servants of Solomon" who returned with Zoro babel (1 Esd. v. 34). Bar'sabas. \Joseph Barsabas ; Judas Bab- sabas.] Bar'tacns, the father of Apame, the concubine of King Darius (1 Esd. iv. 29). " The admirable" was probably an official title belonging to his rank. Barthol'omew, one of the Twelve Apostles of Christ (Matt. x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi. 14; Acts i. 13). It has been not improbably conjec- Mired that he is identical with Nathanael (John i. 45 ff.). If this may be assumed, he was bom at Cana of Galilee : and is said to have preached the Gospel in India, that is, probably, Arabia Felix. Some allot Armenia to him as his mission-field, and report him to have been there flayed alive and then crucified with his head downwards. Bartimae'us, a blind beggar of Jericho who (Mark x. 46 ff.) sat by the wayside begging as our Lord passed out of Jericho on His last journey to Jerusalem. Ba'ruch. 1. Son of Neriah, the friend (Jer. xxxii. 12), amanuensis (Jer. xxxvi. 4-32), and faithful attendant of Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi. 10 ff. ; B.C. 603), in the discharge of his prophetic office. He was of a noble family (comp. Jer. li. 59 ; Bar. i. 1), and of distinguished acquirements ; and his brother Seraiah held an honourable office in the Con. D. B. BARTJCH, THE BOOK OP 97 court of Zedekiah (Jer. li. 59). His enemies accused him of influencing Jeremiah in favour of the Chaldaeans (Jer. xliii. 3 ; cf. xxxvii. 13) ; and he was thrown into prison with that prophet, where he remained till the capture of Jerusalem, B.C. 586. By the permission of Nebuchadnezzar he remained with Jeremiah atMizpeh (Jos. Ant. x. 9, §1) ; but was afterwards forced to go down to Egypt (Jer. xliii. 6). Nothing is known certainly of the close of his life.— 2. the son of Zabbai,'who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 20).— 3. A priest, or family of priests, who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 6).— 4. The son of Col-hozeh, a descendant of Perez, or Pharez, the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 5). Barach, the Book of, is remarkable as the only book in the Apocrypha which is formed on the model of the Prophets ; and though it is wanting in originality, it presents a vivid reflection of the ancient prophetic fire. It may be divided into two main parts i.-iii. 8, and iii. 9-end.— 1. The book at present exists in Greek, and in several translations which were made from the Greek. Of the two Old Latin versions which remain, that which is incorporated in the Vulgate is generally literal ; the other is more free. The vulgar Syriac and Arabic follow the Greek text closely.— 2. The assumed author is undoubtedly the companion of Jeremiah, but the details of the book are inconsistent with the assumption. It exhibits not only historical inaccuracies, but also evident traces of a later date than the beginning of the captivity (iii. 9 ff., iv. 22 ff. ; i. 3 ff. Comp. 2 K. xxv. 27).— 8. The book was held in little esteem among the Jews ; though it is stated in the Greek text of the Apostolical Constitutions that it was read, together with the Lamentations, " on the tenth day of the month Gorpiaeus" (i. e. the Day of Atonement). From the time of Irenaeus it was frequently quoted both in the East and in the West, and generally as the work of Jeremiah. It was, however, " obelized" throughout in the LXX. as deficient in the Hebrew. At the Council of Trent Baruch was admitted into the Romish Canon ; but the Protestant churches have unanimously placed it among the Apocryphal books.— 4. Con siderable discussion has been raised as to the ori ginal language of the book. Those who advocated its authenticity generally supposed that it was first written in Hebrew. Others again have maintained that the Greek is the original text. The truth appears to lie between these two extremes. The two divisions of the book are distinguished by marked peculiarities of style and language. The Hebraic character of the first part is such as to mark it as a translation and not as the work of a Hebraizing Greek. The second part, on the other hand, closely approaches the Alexandrine type.— 5. The most probable explanation of this contrast is gained by supposing that some one thoroughly conversant with the Alexandrine translation of Jeremiah found the Hebrew fragment which forms the basis of the book already attached to the writings of that prophet, and wrought it up into its present form.— 6. There are no certain data by which to fix the time of the composition of Baruch. The present boo must be placed con siderably later, probably about the time of the war of liberation (B.C. 16 ), or somewhat earlier. — 7. Tlie Epistle of Jere iah, which, according to the authority of some G eek MSS., stands in the H 98 BARZILLAI English version as the 6th chapter of Baruch, is the work of a later period. It may be assigned with probabiUty to the first century B.C. — 8. A Syriac first Epistle of Baruch " to the nine and a half tribes" is found in the London and Paris Polyglotts. Fritzsche considers it to be the pro duction of a Syrian monk. Barzil'lai. 1. A wealthy Gileadite who showed hospitality to David when he fled from Absalom (2 Sam. xvii. 27). On the score of his age, and probably from a feeling of independence, he declined the king's offer of ending his days at court (2 Sam. xix. 32-39). The descendants of his daughter, who married into a priestly family, were unable, after the captivity, to prove their genealogy (Ezr. ii. 61 ; Neh. vii. 63.) — 2. A Meholathite, whose son Adriel married Michal, Saul's daughter (2 Sam. xxi. 8). Baa'aloth, 1 Esd. v. 31. [Bazlith.] Bas'oama, a place in Gilead where Jonathan Maccabaeus was killed by Trypho (1 Mace. xiii. 23). No trace of the name has yet been discovered. Ba'shan, a district on the east of Jordan. It is not, like Argob and other districts of Palestine, dis tinguished by one constant designation, but is some times spoken of as the " land of Bashan," (1 Chr. v. 11; and comp. Num. xxi. 33, xxxii. 33), and sometimes as "all Bashan;" (Deut. iii. 10, 13 ; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 12, 30), but most commonly without any addition. It was taken by the children of Israel after their conquest of the land of Sihon from Arnon to Jabbok. They " turned " from their road over Jordan and " went up by the way of Bashan" to Edrei on the western edge of the Zejdh, [Edrei.] Here they encountered Og king of Bashan, who " came out " probably from the na tural fastnesses of Argob, only to meet the entire destruction of himself, his sons, and all his people (Num. xxi. 33-35 ; Deut. iii. 1-3). The limits of Bashan are very strictly defined. It extended from the " border of Gilead " on the south to Mount Hermon on the north (Deut. iii. 3, 10, 14 ; Josh. xii. 5 ; 1 Chr. v. 23), and from the Arabah or Jordan valley on the west to Salchah {Sulkhad) and the border of the Geshurites, and the Maachathites on the east (Josh. xii. 3-5 ; Deut. iii. 10). This im portant district was bestowed on the half tribe of Manasseh (Josh. xiii. 29-31), together with " half Gilead." It is just named in the list of Solomon's commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 13). And here, with the exception of one more passing glimpse, closes the history of Bashan as far as the Bible is concerned. It vanishes from our view until we meet with it as being devastated by Hazael in the reign of Jehu (2 K. x. 33). After the captivity, Basnan is mentioned as divided into four provinces — Gaulanitis [Golan], Auranitis [Hauran], Tra- chonitis [Argob], and Batanaea, or Ard-el-Bath- anyeh, which lies on the east of the Lejah and the north of the range of Jebel Hauran or ed Bruze. Ba'shan-ha'voth-ja'ir, a name given to Argob after its conquest by Jair (Deut. iii. 14). Bash'emath, daughter of Ishmael, the last mar ried of the three wives of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 3, 4, 13), from whose son, Reuel, four tribes of the Edomites were descended. When first mentioned she is called Mahalath (Gen. xxviii. 9) ; whilst, on the other hand, the name Bashemath is in the nar rative (Gen. xxvi. 34) given to another of Esau's wives, the daughter of Elon the Hittite. The BASKET Samaritan text seeks to remove this difficulty by reading Mahalath instead of Bashemath in the gene alogy. We might with more probability suppose that this name (Bashemath) has been assigned to the wrong person in one or other of the passages ; but if so it is impossible to determine which is erroneous. Basin. Among the smaller vessels for the Tabernacle or Temple service, many must have been required to receive from the sacrificial victims the blood to be sprinkled for purification. Moses, on the occasion of the great ceremony of purifica tion in the wilderness, put half the blood in " the basins " or bowls, and afterwards sprinkled it on the people (Ex. xxiv. 6, 8). Among the vessels cast in metal, whether gold, silver, or brass, by Hiram, for Solomon, besides the laver and great, sea, mention is made of basins, bowls, and cups. Of the first (marg. bowls) he is said to have made 100 (2 Chr. iv. 8 ; 1 K. vii. 45, 46 ; comp. Ex. xxv. 29 and 1 Chr. xxviii. 14, 17). The form and material of these vessels can only be conjectured from the analogy of ancient Assyrian and Egyptian specimens of works of the same kind. The " basin " from which our Lord washed the disciples' feet, ra-rijp, was probably deeper and larger than the hand-basin for sprinkling. Basket. The Hebrew terms used in the descrip tion of this article are as follows : (1) Sal, so called from the twigs of which it was originally made, specially used for holding bread (Gen. xL, 1G ff. Ex. xxix. 3, 23 ; Lev. viii. 2, 26, 31 ; Num. vi. 15, 17, 19). The form of the Egyptian bread-basket is delineated in Wilkinson's Anc. Egypt, iii. 226, after the specimens represented in the tomb of Rameses IH. We must assume that the term sal passed from its strict etymological meaning to any vessel applied to the purpose. In Judg. vi. 19, meat is served up in a sal, which could hardly have been of wickerwork. (2) Salsilloth, a word of kin dred origin, applied to the basket used in gathering grapes (Jer. vi. 9). (3) Tene, in which the first- fruits of the harvest were presented (Deut. xxvi. 2, 4). From its being coupled with the kneading- Egyptian Baskets. (From Wilkinson.) bowl (A. V. " store," Deut. xxviii. 5, 17), we may infer that it was also used for household pur poses, perhaps to bring the corn to the mill. (4) Cilib, so called from its similarity to a birdcage or trap, probably in regard to its having a lid : it was used for carrying fruit (Am. viii. 1, 2). (5) Bvi, used for carrying fruit (Jer. xxiv. 1, 2), as well as on a larger scale for carrying clay to the brickyatrr (Ps. lxxxi. 6 ; pots, A.V.), or for holding bulky articles (2 K. x. 7). In the N. T. baskets are de scribed under the three following terms, iciipivosr BASMATH ffmipls, ffapy&vn. The last occurs only in 2 Cor. xi. 33, in describing St. Paul's escape from Da mascus. With regard to the two former words, it may be remarked that the first is exclusively used in the description of the miracle of feeding the five thousand (Matt. xiv. 20, xvi. 9 ; Mark vi. 43 ; Luke ix. 17 ; John vi. 13), and the second, in that of the four thousand (Matt. xv. 37 ; Mark viii. 8) : the distinction is most definitely brought out in Mark viii. 19, 20. Bas'math, a daughter of Solomon, married to Ahimaaz, one of his commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 15). Bas'sa, 1 Esd. v. 16. [Bezai.] Ba'stai, 1 Esd. v. 31. [Besai.] Bastard. Among those who were excluded from entering the congregation, even to the tenth genera tion, was the mamzer (A. V. bastard), who was classed in this respect with the Ammonite and Moabite (Deut. xxiii. 2). The term is not, how ever, applied to any illegitimate offspring, born out of wedlock, but is restricted by the Rabbins to the issue of any connexion within the degrees prohibited by the Law. A mamzer, according to the Mishna {Yebamoth, iv. 13), is one, says R. Akiba, who is bom of relations between whom marriage is forbidden. Simeon the Temanite says, it is every one whose parents are liable to the punishment of " cutting off" by the hands of Heaven ; R. Joshua, every one whose parents are liable to death by the house of judgment, as, for instance, the offspring of adultery. The ancient versions (LXX., Vulg., Syr.), add another class, the children of a harlot, and in this sense the term manzer or manser sur vived in Pontifical law (Selden, de Succ. in bon. defunct., c. iii.) : " Manzeribus scortnm, sed moecha nothis dedit ortnm." The child of a goi, or non-Israelite, and a mamzer was also reckoned by the Talmudists a mamzer, as was the issue of a slave and a mamzer, and of a mamzSr and female proselyte. The term also occurs in Zech. ix. 6, " a bastard shall dwell iu Ashdod," where it seems to denote a foreign race of mixed and spurious birth. Dr. Geiger infers from this passage that mamzer specially signifies the issue of such marriages between the Jews and the wo men of Ashdod as are alluded to in Neh. xiii. 23, 24, and applies it exclusively to the Philistine bastard. Bat {'atalleph). There is no doubt whatever that the A. V. is correct in its rendering of this word. It is true that in the A. V. of Lev. xi. 19, and Deut. xiv. 18, the 'atalleph closes the lists of BATH-ZACHARIAS 99 Bat (Taphaews per/oratui.) "fowls that shall not be eaten ;" but it must be remembered that the ancients considered the bat to partake of the nature of a bird, and the Hebrew oph, " fowls," which literally means " a wine," might be applied to any winged creature. Besides the passages cited above, mention of the bat occurs in Is. ii. 20 : "In that day a man shall cast his idols of silver and his idols of gold .... to the moles and to the bats ;" and in Baruch vi. 22, in the passage that so graphically sets forth the vanity of the Babylonish idols : " Then- faces are blacked through the smoke that cometh out of the temple : upon their bodies and heads sit bats, swallows, and birds, and the cats also." Many travellers have noticed the immense numbers of bats that are found in caverns in the East, and Layard says that on the occasion of a visit to a cavern these noisome beasts compelled him to retreat. Bath, Bathing. This was a prescribed part of the Jewish ritual of purification in cases of acci dental, leprous, or ordinary uncleanness (Lev. xv. xvi. 28, xxii. 6 ; Num. xix. 7, 19 ; 2 Sam. xi. 2, 4 ; 2 K. v. 10); as also after mourning, which always implied defilement (Ruth iii. 3; 2 Sam. xii. 20.) The high-priest at his inaugura tion (Lev. xiii. 6) and on the day of atonement, once before each solemn act of propitiation (xvi. 4, 24), was also to bathe. A bathing-chamber was probably included in houses even of no great rank in cities from early times (2 Sam. xi. 2) ; much more in those of the wealthy in later times ; often in gardens (Susan. 15). With bathing, anointing was customarily joined j the climate making both these essential alike to health and pleasure, to which luxury added the use of perfumes (Susan. 17 ; Jud. x. 3 ; Esth. ii. 12). The " pools," such as that of Siloam, and Hezekiah (Neh. iii. 15, 16 ; 2 K. xx. 20; Is. xxii. 11 ; John ix. 7), often sheltered by porticoes (John v. 2), are the first indications we have of pubhc bathing accommodation. Bath. [Measures.] Bath-rab'bim, the gate of, one of the gates of the ancient city of Heshbon [Cant. vii. 4 [5]). The " Gate of Bathrabbim " at Heshbon would, according to the Oriental custom, be the gate point ing to a town of that name. The only place in this neighbourhood at all resembling Bathrabbim in sound is Rabbah. Future investigations may settle this point. Bathshe'ba (2 Sam. xi. 3, &c. ; also called Bath- shua in 1 Chr. iii. 5), the daughter of Eliam (2 Sam. xi. 3), or Ammiel (1 Chr. iii. 5), the son of Ahithophel (2 Sam. xxiii. 34), and wife of Uriah the Hittite. The child which was the fruit of her adulterous intercourse with David died ; but after marriage she became the mother of four sons, Solo mon (Matt. i. 6), Shimea, Shobab, and Nathan. When Adonijah attempted to set aside in his own favour the succession promised to Solomon, Bath sheba was employed by Nathan to inform the king of the conspiracy (1 K. i. 11, 15, 23). After the accession of Solomon, she, as queen-mother, re quested permission of her son for Adonijah to take in maniage Abisbag the Shunamite (1 K. ii. 21- 25). Bath-shn'a. [Bathsheba.] Bath-zachari'as, a place, named only 1 Mace. vi. 32, 33, to which Judas Maccabaeus marched from Jerusalem, and where he encamped for the relief of Bethsura. The two places were seventy stadia apart, and the approaches to Bathzacharias were H 2 100 BATTLE-AX intricate and confined. This description is met in every respect by the modern Beit Sak&rieh, nine miles north of Beit sir. [Bethzur.] Battle-ax, Jer. li. 20 [Maul]. Bav'ai, son of Henadad, ruler of the district of Keilah in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 18). Bay-tree {ezr&ch). It is difficult to see upon what grounds the translators of the A. V. have understood the Hebrew word of Ps. xxxvii. 35 to signify a " bay-tree." Most of the Jewish doctors understand by the term ezr&ch "a tree which grows in its own soil " — one that has never been transplanted ; which is the interpretation given in the margin of the A. V. The word ezr&ch, literally signifies a "native," in contradistinction to "a stranger," or " li foreigner." Baz'lith, " Children of B." were amongst the Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 54). In Ezr. ii. 52, the name is given as Bazluth, and in 1 Esd. v. 31 as Basaloth. BazTuth [Bazliih]. Bdellium (bedolach), a precious substance, the name of which occurs in Gen. ii. 12, with " gold" and " onyx stone," as one of the productions ofthe land of Havilah, and in Num. xi. 7, where manna is in colour compared to bdellium. It is quite im possible to say whether bedolach denotes a mineral, or an animal production, or a vegetable exudation. Bdellium is an odoriferous exudation from a tree which is perhaps the Borassus fiabelliformis, Lin., of Arabia Felix. Beali'ah, a Benjamite, who went over to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). Be'aloth, a town in the extreme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 24). Be'an, Children of, a tribe, apparently of pre datory Bedouin habits, who were destroyed by Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. v. 4). The name has been supposed to be identical with Beon. Beans (2 Sam. xvii. 28 ; Ez. iv. 9). Beans are cultivated in Palestine, which produces many of the leguminous order of plants, such as lentils, kidney-beans, vetches, &c. Beans are in blossom in January ; they have been noticed in flower at Lydda on the 23rd, and at Sidon and Acre even earlier ; they continue in flower till March. In Egypt beans are sown in November and reaped in the middle of February, but in Syria the harvest is later. Bear. The Syrian bear ( Ursus Syriacus), which is without doubt the animal mentioned in the Bible, is still found on the higher mountains of Palestine. During the summer months these bears keep to the snowy parts of Lebanon, but descend in winter to the villages and gardens • it is probable Syrian Bear, (t/rjuj Syriucue.) BEARD also that at this period in former days they ex tended their visits to other parts of Palestine. We read in Scripture of bears being found in a wood between Jericho and Bethel (2 K. ii. 24) ; it is not improbable therefore that the destruction of the forty -two children who mocked Elisha took place some time in the winter, when these animals in habited the lowlands of Palestine. The ferocity of the bear when deprived of its young is alluded to in 2 Sam. xvii. 8 ; Prov. xvii. 12 ; Hos. xiii. 8 ; its attacking flocks in 1 Sam. xvii. 34, &c. ; its crafti ness in ambush in Lam. iii. 10, and that it was a dangerous enemy to man we Ieam from Am. v. 19. The passage in Is. lix. 11 would be better translated, " we groan like bears," in allusion to the animal's plaintive groaning noise. The bear is mentioned also in Rev. xiii. 2 ; in Dan. vii. 5 ; Wisd. xi. 17 ; Ecclus. xlvii. 3. Beard. Western Asiatics have always cherished the beard as the badge of the dignity of manhood, and attached to it the importance of a feature. The Egyptians on the contrary, sedulously, for the most part, shaved the hair of the face and head, and compelled then- slaves to do the like. The enemies Beards. Egyptian, from Wilkinson (top row). Of other nations, from Rosellini and Layard. of the Egyptians, including probably many of the nations of Canaan, Syria, and Armenia, &c., are represented nearly always bearded. In the Ninevite monuments is a series of battle-views from the capture of Lachish by Sennacherib, in which the captives have beards very hke some of those in the Egyptian monuments. There is, however, an appearance of conventionalism both in Egyptian and Assyrian treatment of the hair and beard on monu ments, which prevents our accepting it as charac teristic. Nor is it possible to decide with certainty the meaning of the precept (Lev. xix. 27, xxi. 5) regarding the " corners of the beard." Probably the Jews retained the hair on the sides of the face between the ear and the eye, which the Arabs and others shaved away. Size and fulness of beard are said to be regarded, at the present day, as a mark of respectability and trustworthiness. The beard is the object of an oath, and that on which blessings or shame are spoken of as resting. The custom was and is to shave or pluck it and the hair out in mourning (Is. 1. 6, xv. 2 ; Jer. xii. 5, xlviii. 37; Ezr. ix. 3 ; Bar. vi. 31) ; to neglect it in seasons of permanent affliction (2 Sam. xix. 24), and to re gard any insult to it as the last outrage which enmity can inflict (2 Sam. x. 4). The beard was the object of salutation (2 Sam. xx. 9). The dress ing, trimming, anointing, &c. of the beard, was performed with much ceremony by persons of wealth and rank (Ps. exxxiii. 2). The removal of the beard BEAST was a part of the ceremonial treatment proper to a leper (Lev. xiv. 9). Beast. The representative in the A. V. of the following Hebrew words :— 1. Behem&h, which is the general name for " domestic cattle" of any kind, is used also to denote " any large quadruped," as opposed to fowls and creeping things (Gen. vi. 7, 20, vii. 2 ; Ex. ix. 25 ; Lev. xi. 2 ; 1 K. iv. 33 ; Prov. xxx. 30, &c); or for "beasts of burden," horses, mules, &c, as ia 1 K. xviii. 5, Neh. ii. 12, 14, &c. ; or the word may denote " wild beasts," as in Deut. xxxii. 24, Hab. ii. 17, 1 Sam. xvii. 44. —2. B£ir is used either collectively of " all kinds of cattle," like the Latin pecus (Ex. xxii. 5 [4] ; Num. xx. 4, 8, 1 1 ; Ps. lxxviii. 48), or specially of "beasts of burden" (Gen. xiv. 17). This word has a more limited sense than the preceding.— 3. Chayydh is used to denote any animal. It is, however, very frequently used specially of " wild beast," when the meaning is often more fully ex pressed by the addition of the word hassadeh, (wild beast) "ofthe field" (Ex. xxiii. 11; Lev. xxvi. 22 ; Deut. vii. 22 ; Hos. ii. 12 [14], xiii. 8 ; Jer. xii. 9, &c). Beba'i. 1. " Sons of Bebai," 623 (Neh. 628) in number, returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 11 ; Neh. vii. 16 ; 1 Esd. v. 13), and at a later period twenty-eight more, under Zechariah the son of Bebai, returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 11). Four of this family had taken foreign wives {Ezr. i. 28; 1 Esd. ix. 29). The name occurs also among those who sealed the covenant (Neh. i. 15). —2. Father of Zechariah, who was the leader of the twenty-eight men of his tribe mentioned above (Ezr. viii. 11). Beba'i, a place named only in Jud. xv. 4. Be'cher. 1. The second son of Benjamin, ac cording to the list both in Gen. xlvi. 21, and 1 Chr. vii. 6; but omittted in 1 Chr. viii. 1. No one, however, can look at the Hebrew'text of 1 Chr. viii. 1, without at least suspecting that becoro, his first-born, is a corruption of Becker, so that the genuine reading would be, Benjamin begat Bela, Becker, and Ashbel, in exact agreement with Gen. xlvi. 21. There is, however, another view which may be taken, viz., that 1 Chron. viii. 1 is right, and that in Gen. xlvi. 21, and 1 Chr. vii. 8, Becker, as a proper name, is a corruption of becor, first born, so that Benjamin had no son Becher. Not withstanding all the arguments in favour of this, the first supposition is, it can scarcely be doubted, substantially the true one. Becher was one of Benjamin's three sons, Bela, Becher, Ashbel, and came down to Egypt with Jacob, being one of the fourteen descendants of Rachel who settled in Egypt. As regards the posterity of Becher, we have to notice the singular fact of there being no family named after him at the numbering of the Israelites in the plains of Moab, as related in Num. xxvi. But the no less singular circumstance of there being a Becher, and a family of Backrites, among the 6ons of Ephraim (ver. 35), seems to supply the true explanation. The slaughter of the sons of Ephraim by the men of Gath, who came to steal their cattle out of the land of Goshen, in that border affray related in 1 Chr. vii. 21, had sadly thinned the house of Ephraim of its males. The daughters of Ephraim must therefore have sought husbands in other tribes, and in many cases must have been heiresses. It is therefore highly probable that Becher, or his heir and head of his house, married BED 101 an Ephraimitish heiress, a daughter of Shuthelah (1 Chr. vii. 20, 21), and so that his house was reckoned in the tribe of Ephraim, just as Jair, the son of Segub, was reckoned in the tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. ii. 22 ; Num. xxxii. 40, 41). The time when Becher first appears among the Ephraimites, viz., just before the entering into the promised land, when the people were numbered by genealogies for the express purpose of dividing the inheritance equi tably among the tribes, is evidently highly favour able to this view. (See Num. rxvi. 52-56, xxvii.) The junior branches of Becher's family would of course continue in the tribe of Benjamin. — 2. Son of Ephraim, Num. xxvi. 35, called Bered 1 Chr. vii. 20. Same as the preceding. Beoho'rath, son of Aphiah, or Abiah, and grand son of Becher, according to 1 Sam. ix. 1, 1 Chr. vii. 8. Bec'tileth, the plain of, mentioned in Jud. ii. 21, as lying between Nineveh and Cilicia. The name has been compared with BaKra'iaWd, a town of Syria named by Ptolemy, Bactiali in the Peutinger Tables, which place it 21 miles from Antioch. Bed and Bed-chamber. We may distinguish in the Jewish bed five principal parts: — 1. the mat tress ; 2. the covering ; 3. the pillow ; 4. the bed stead or support for 1 ; 5. the ornamental por tions.— 1. This portion of the bed was limited Beds. (From FeUows, Asia Miner.) to a mere mat, or one or more quilts. —2. A quilt finer than those used in 1. In summer a thin blanket or the outer garment worn by day (1 Sam. xix. 13) sufficed. Hence the law pro vided that it should not be kept in pledge after sunset, that the poor man might not lack his needful covering (Deut. xxiv. 13).— 3. The only material mentioned for this is that which occurs 1 Sam. xix. 13, and the word used is of doubtful meaning, but seems to signify some fabric woven or plaited of goat's-hair. It is clear, however, that it was something hastily adopted to serve as a pillow, and is not decisive of the ordinary use. In Ez. xiii. 18, occurs the word cesetk, which seems to be the proper term. Such pillows are common to this day in the East, formed of sheep's fleece or goat's-skin, with a stuffing of cotton, &c.— 4. The bedstead was not always necessary, the divan, or platform along the side or end of an Oriental room, sufficing as a support for the bedding. Yet some slight and portable frame seems implied among the senses of the word, which is used for a " bier " (2 Sam. iii. 31), and for the ordinary bed (2 K. iv. 10), for the litter on which a sick person might be carried (1 Sam. xix. 15), for Jacob's bed of sick ness (Gen. xrvii. 31), and for the couch on which guests reclined at a banquet (Esth. i. 6).— 5. The ornamental portions were pillars and a canopy (Jud. 102 BEDAD xiii. 9), ivory carvings, gold and silver, and pro bably mosaic work, purple and fine linen (Esth. i. 6 ; Cant. iii. 9, 10). The ordinary furniture of a bedchamber in private life is given in 2 K. iv. 10. Bed and Head-rest (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians.) The " bed-chamber " in the Temple where Joash was hidden, was, probably, a store-chamber for keeping beds (2 K. xi. 2 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 11). The posi tion of the bed-chamber in the most remote and secret parts of the palace seems marked in the pas sages, Ex. viii. 3, 2 K. vi. 12. Be'dad, the father of Hadad king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 46). Be'dan. 1. mentioned 1 Sam. xii. 11, as a Judge of Israel between Jerubbaal (Gideon) and Jephthah. Some maintain him to be the Jair mentioned in Judg. x. 3. The Chaldee Paraphrast reads Samson for Bedan; the LXX., Syr., and Arab, all have Barak, a very probable correction except for the order of the names. Ewald suggests that it may be a false reading for Abdon.— 2. Son of Ulam, the son of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 17). Bedei'ah, one of the sons of Bani, in the time of Ezra, who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 35). Bee (deborah), Deut. i. 44 ; Judg. xiv. 8 ; Ps. cxviii. 12 ; Is. vii. 18. That Palestine abounded in bees is evident from the description of that land by Moses, for it was a land " flowing with milk and honey ;" nor is there any reason for sup posing that this expression is to he understood otherwise than in its literal sense. Modern travel lers occasionally allude to the bees of Palestine. Dr. Thomson {The Zand and the Book, p. 299) speaks of immense swarms of bees which made their home in a gigantic cliff of Wady Kurn. "The people of M'alia, several years ago," he says, " let a man down the face of the rock by ropes. He was entirely protected from the assaults of the bees, and extracted a large amount of honey ; but he was so terrified by the prodigious swarms of bees that he could not be induced to repeat the exploit." This forcibly illustrates Deut. xxxii. 13, and Ps. lxxxi. 16, as to " honey out of the stony rock," and the two passages out of the Psalms and Judges quoted above, as to the fearful nature of the attacks of these insects when irritated. English naturalists know little of the species of bees that are found in Palestine. Mr. F. Smith, our best authority on the Hymenoptera, is inclined to believe that the honey-bee of Palestine is distinct from the honey-bee (A. mellifica) of this country. There can be no doubt that the attacks of bees in Eastern countries are more to be dreaded than they are in more temperate climates. Swarms in the East are far larger than they are with us, and, on account of the heat of the climate, one can readily imagine that their stings must give rise to very dangerous symptoms. We can well, therefore. BEELZEBTJL understand the full force of the Psalmist's com plaint, "They came about me like bees." The passage about the swarm of bees and honey in the lion's carcase (Judg. xiv. 8) admits of easy explana tion. The lion which Samson slew had been dead some little time before the bees had taken up then- abode in the carcase, for it is expressly stated that " after a time," Samson returned and saw the bees and honey in the lion's carcase, so that as has been well observed, " if any one here represents to himself a corrupt and putrid carcase, the occurrence ceases to have any true similitude, for it is well known that in these countries at certain seasons of the year, the heat will in the course of twenty-fonr hours so completely dry up the moisture of dead camels, and that without their undergoing decom position, that their bodies long remain, like mum mies, unaltered and entirely free from offensive odour." The passage in Is. vii. 18, "the Lord shall hiss for the bee that is in the land of Assyria," has been understood by some to refer to the practice of " calling out the bees from their hives by a hiss ing or whistling sound to their labour in the fields, and summoning them again to return " in the even ing. In all probability, however, the expression in Isaiah has reference, as Mr. Denham says, " to the custom of the people in the East of calling the attention of any one by a significant hiss or rather hist." Beeli'ada, one of David's sons, bom in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 7). In the lists in Samuel the name is Eliada. Beel'sarus, 1 Esd. v. 8. [Bilshan.] Beelteth'mus, an officer of Artaxerxes residing in Palestine (1 Esd. ii. 16, 25). The name is a corruption of the title of Rehum, A. V. "chan cellor," the name immediately before it (Ezr. iv. 8). Beel'zebul, the title of a heathen deity, to whom the Jews ascribed the sovereignty of ihe evil spirits (Matt. x. 25, xii. 24; Mark iii. 22; Luke xi. 15 ff.). The correct reading is without doubt Beelzebul, and not Beelzebub as given in the Syriac, the Vnlg., and some other versions.— 1. The explanations offered in reference to the change of the name may be ranged into two Classes, according as they are based on the sound, or the meaning of the word. We should prefer the assumption, in connexion with the former view, that the change was purely of an : accidental nature. The second class of explanations carries the greatest weight of authority with it: these proceed on the ground that the Jews inten tionally changed the pronunciation of the word, so as either to give a significance to it adapted to their own ideas, or to cast ridicule upon the idolatry of the neighbouring nations, in which case we might compare the adoption of Sychar for Sychem, Beth- aven for Bethel. Some connect the term with zem, habitation, thus making Beelzebul = oiKo5«nr 8 5 -S I. Cosciltak Catalogues : [Laodlcene] . . a.c. 363 Carthaginian . . . . 397 (?) * * Mr Cone. Laod. Can. llx. * * * * * * Cone Carthag. iii. Can. xxxix. (Aliixlvii.) Apostolic Canons . . * t *? * Can. Apost. lxxvi. (Alii lxxxv.) IT. ParvATE Catalogues : (a) Greek writers. Melito .. .. a.c. c. 160 Ap. Kuseb. JET. E. iv. 26. Origen . . c. 183-253 * ? * t Ap. Euseb. M. E. vi. 25. Athanasius . . 296-373 * * t t t t + Ep. Fest. 1. 767, Ed. Ben. Cyril of Jems. .. 315-386 * * * CatecJu iv. 35. Synopsis S. Script. t t" t + + Credner, Zur Gescli. d. Kan. 127, &c. [Nicephori] Stkuometria Gregory ofNaz. . . 300-391 * t t t t t t Credner, ibid. 117, &c. Carm. xii. 31, Ed. Par. 1840. Amphilochius . . c. 380 ? Amphiloch. Ed. Combef. p. 132. Epipbanius . . c. 303-403 « t t De Mensuris, p. 162, Ed. Petav. Leontlus . . . . c. 590 De Sectis, Act. ii. (Gallandi, xii. 625, 6). Joannes Damasc. . . f 750 * t t Defide orthod. iv. 17. Nicephorus Callist. c. 1330 ? ? ? Hody, p. 64S. Cod. Gr. Saec. X. . . + t t t t t Montfaucon, Bibl. Coislin. p. 193. 4. (b) Latin writers. HilariusPictav. a.c. +c. 370 * ? * ? ? Prol. in Ps. 15. Hieronymus .. 329*420 * * + t t t r Prol. Galeat. ix. pp. 547, &c Ed. Mignc. Ruffinus . . . . c 380 * + J- t t t Expos. Symb. 37, 8. Augustlnus . . 355-430 * * * * * * De Doctr. Christ, ii. S. [Damasus^ * * * * * * * ¦ * Credner, p. 183. [Innocentius] . . * * * * * * Ep. ad Exsup. {Gallandi, viii. 5t>, 7). Cassiodorus , . +570 * * * * * * De Instit. Div. litt. xiv. Jsidorus Hispal. . . f 696 * * * * * * * De Orig. vi. l. Sacram. Gullic. *' ante annos * * * * Hody, p. 654. 1000" No. IT.— QUOTATIONS OF THE APOCRYPHA AS SCRIPTURE.* Additions to Additions to 1, 2 Mace. Baruch. Ecclesiasticus. Wisdom. Tobit. Judith. Esther. Daniel. I. Greek writers. Clemens Rom ., . , [Ep. ad Cor. 27.] [Ep. ad Cor. 55.] , , , . [Ep. adPhil. 10.] . , [Ep. c. 6.] •¦ Adv. Jiaer. v. 35, 1. ¦• [-4dt>. haer. iv. 38, 3.] [.4e Mortal. 23. De Orat. Dom. 32. De Orat. Dom. 8. HlLAItlUS PlCTAV, In Ps. lxviii. 19. De Trin. iv. 142. 7» Ps. 1-xvi. 9, &c. In Ps. cxviii. 2, 8. In Ps. exxix. 1. In Ps. exxv. 6. In Ps. Hi. 19, &c. •• In Ps. cxviii. 18, 2. i)(j &o?m> mortis, 8. De Sp. S. iii. 18, 135, &c. Lib. de ToUa, 1. De Sp. S. iii. 6, 39. [D/fl7. c. Pe?n<7. i. 33.] [Dial. c. Pelag. i. 33.] ¦• • • De non pare. pp. 1 1 Pro Athan. i. p. Pro Athan. i. p. De non pare. p. Pro Athan. ii. pp. 958, &c. 860, ed. Migne. 871. 955. 894, &c. . . DeSch. Don. iii. 3. DeSch. Don. ii. 25. •* De Civ. xviii. 34. JftPs. lxvii. 8, &c. ImPs. lvii. 1. •• Serm. cccxliii. * The quotations in brackets are donhtful either as to the reference, or as to the character assigned to the hook quoted. CO 13G CANON the current of Greek opinion, in accordance with the unanimous agreement of the ancient Greek Catalogues, coincides with this judgment.— The history of the Syrian Canon of the 0. T. is involved in great obscurity from the scantiness of the evi dence which can be brought to bear upon it. The Peshito Version was made, in the first instance, directly from the Hebrew, and consequently adhered to the Hebrew Canon ; but as the LXX. was used afterwards in revising the version, so many of the Apocryphal books were translated from the Greek at an early period, and added to the original col lection. Yet this change was only made gradually. —The Armenian Canon, as far as it can be ascer tained from editions, follows that of the LXX., but it is of no critical authority ; and a similar remark applies to the Aethiopian Canon.— IV. The history of the Canon of the New Testament. — The history of the Canon of the N. T. presents a remarkable analogy to that of the Canon of the 0. T. The chief difference lies in the general consent with which all the Churches of the West have joined in ratifying one Canon of the N. T., while they are divided as to the position ofthe 0. T. Apocrypha. The history of the N. T. Canon may be con veniently divided into three periods. The first extends to the time of Hegesippus (c. A.D. 170), and includes the era of the separate circulation and gradual collection of the Apostolic writings. The second is closed by the persecution of Diocletian (a.d. 303), and marks the separation of the sacred writings from the remaining ecclesiastical literature. The third may be defined by the third Council of Carthage (a.d. 397), in which a catalogue of the books of Scripture was formally ratified by concilia!- authority.— 1 . The history of the Canon of the New Testament to 170 A.D. — The writings of the N. T. themselves contain little more than faint, and perhaps unconscious, intimations of the position which they were destined to occupy. The mission of the Apostles was essentially one of preaching, and not of writing: of founding a present Church, and not of legislating for a future one. The prevailing method of interpreting the 0. T., and the peculiar position which the first Christians occupied, as standing upon the verge of " the coming age," seemed to preclude the necessity and even the use of a " New Testament." Yet even thus, though there is nothing to indicate that the Apostles re garded their written remains as likely to preserve a perfect exhibition of the sum of Christian truth, co ordinate with the Law and the Prophets, they claim for their writings a public use (1 Thess. v. 27 ; Col. iv. 16; Rev. xxii. 18), and an authoritative power (1 Tim. iv. l,&c; 2 Thess. iii. 6 ; Rev. xxii. 19); and, at the time when 2 Peter was written, which on any supposition is an extremely early writing, the Epistles of St. Paul were placed in significant connexion with " the other Scriptures." — The transition from the Apostolic to the sub- Apostolic age is essentially abrupt and striking. An age of conservatism succeeds an age of creation ; but in feeling and general character the period which followed the working of the Apostles seems to have been a faithful reflection of that which they moulded. The writings ofthe Apostolic Fathers (c. 70-120 a.d.) are all occasional. They spranc out of peculiar circumstances, and offered little scope for quotation. At the same time they show that the Canonical books supply an adequate expla nation of the belief of the next age, and must there- CANON fore represent completely the earlier teaching on which that was based. In three places, however, in which it was natural to look for a more distinct reference, Clement {Ep. 47), Ignatius {ad Eph. 12), and Polycarp (Ep. 3) refer to Apostolic Epistle* written to those whom they were themselves ad dressing. The casual coincidences of the writings ofthe Apostolic Fathers with the language of the Epistles are much more extensive. With the ex ception of the Epistles of Jude, 2 Peter, and 2, 3 John, with which no coincidences occur, and 1 , 2 Thessalonians, Colossians, Titus, and Philemon, with which the coincidences are very questionable, all the other Epistles were clearly known, and used by them ; but still they are not quoted with the- formulas which preface citations from the 0. T.,. nor is the famous phrase of Ignatius {ad Philad. 5) sufficient to prove the existence of a collection of Apostolic records as distinct from the sum of Apostolic teaching. The coincidences with the Gospels, on the other hand, are numerous and interesting, but such as cannot be referred to the exclusive use of our present written Gospels. The details of the life of Christ were still too fresh to be sought for only in fixed records ; and even where memory was less active, long habit interposed a. barrier to the recognition of new Scriptures. The sense of the infinite depth and paramount authority of the 0. T. was too powerful even among Gentile converts to require or to admit of the immediate addition of supplementary books. But the sense of the peculiar position which the Apostles occupied, as the original inspired teachers of the Christian Church, was already making itself felt in the sub- Apostolic age.— The next period (120-170 A.D.), which may be fitly termed the age of the Apologists, carries the history of the formation of the Canon. one step further. The facts of the life of Christ acquired a fresh importance in controversy with Jew and Gentile. The oral tradition, which still remained in the former age, was dying away, and a variety of written documents claimed to occupy its place. Then it was that the Canonical Gospels were definitely separated from the mass of similar narratives in virtue of their outward claims, which had remained, as it wei-e, in abeyance during the period of tradition. Other narratives remained cur rent for some time, but where the question of au thority was raised, the four Gospels were ratified by universal consent. The testimony of JoSTIJf Mart ye (t c. 246 a.d.) is in this respect most important. An impartial examination of his Evan gelic references shows that they were derived cer tainly in the main, probably exclusively, from our Synoptic Gospels, and that each Gospel is distinctly recognised by him. The references of Justin to £t. John are less decided ; and of the other books of the N. T. he mentions the Apocalypse only by name {Dial. c. 81), and offers some coincidences of language with the Pauline Epistles. — The evidence of Pawas (c. 140-150 A.D.) is nearly contempo rary with that of Justin, but goes back to a still earlier generation. It seems on every account most reasonable to conclude that he was acquainted with our present Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark, the former of which he connected with an earlier Hebrew original ; and probably also with the Gospel of St. John, the former Epistles of St. John and St. Peter, and the Apocalypse. Meanwhile the Apostolic writings were taken by various mystical teachers as the foundation of strange schemes of CANON speculation, which are popularly confounded to gether under the general title of Gnosticism, whe ther Gentile or Jewish in their origin. The need of a definite Canon must have made itself felt during the course ofthe Gnostic controversy. The Canon of Marcion (c. 140 A.D.) contained both a Gospel (" The Gospel of Christ ") which was a mutilated recension of St. Luke, and an " Apostle " or Apostolicon, which contained ten Epistles of St. Paul — the only true Apostle in Marcion's judgment —excluding the pastoral Epistles, and that to the Hebrews. The narrow limits of this Canon were a necessaiy consequence of Marcion's belief and posi tion, but it offers a clear witness to the fact that Apostolic writings were thus early regarded as a complete original rule of doctrine.— The close of this period of the history of the N. T. Canon is marked by the existence of two important testi monies to the N. T. as » whole. Hitherto the evidence has been in the main fragmentary and occasional ; but the MuRATORIAN CANON in the West, and the Peshito in the East, deal with the collection of Christian Scriptures as such. Up to this point 2 Peter is the only book of the N. T. which is not recognised as an Apostolic and au thoritative writing ; and in this result, the evidence from casual quotations coincides exactly with the enumeration in the two express catalogues.— 2. The history ofthe Canon of the N. T. from 170 A.D. to 303 A.D.- — From the close of the second century Christian writers take the foremost place intel lectually as well as morally ; and the powerful influence of the Alexandrine Church widened the range of Catholic thought, and checked the spread of speculative heresies. From the first the common elements ofthe Roman and Syrian Canons form a Canon of acknowledged books, regarded as a whole, authoritative and inspired, and coordinate with the 0. T. Each of these points is proved by the testi mony of contemporary Fathers who represent the Churches of Asia Minor, Alexandria, and North Africa. Irenaeus speaks of the Scriptures as a whole, without distinction of the Old or New Tes taments, as " perfect, inasmuch as they were uttered by the Word of God and His Spirit." " There could not be," he elsewhere argues, " more than four Gospels or fewer." Clement of Alexandria, again, marks " the Apostle" as a collection definite as " the Gospel," and combines them as " Scriptures of the Lord" with the Law and the Prophets. Tertullian notices particularly the introduction of the word Testament for the earlier word Instru ment, as applied to the dispensation and the record, and appeals to the New Testament, as made up of the " Gospels" and " Apostles." This comprehen sive testimony extends to the four Gospels, the Acts, 1 Peter, 1 John, 13 Epistles of St. Paul, and the Apocalypse ; and, with the exception of the Apoca lypse, no one of these books was ever afterwards rejected or questioned till modern times. But this important agreement as to the principal contents of the Canon left several points still undecided. The East and West, as was seen in the last section, severally received some books which were not uni versally accepted. So far the error lay in defect; but in other cases apocryphal or unapostolic books obtained a partial sanction or a popular use before they finally passed into oblivion. Generally it may be said that of the " disputed " books of the N. T. the Apocalypse was universally received, with the single exception of Dionysius of Alexandria, by all CANON 137 the writers of the period ; and the Epistle to the Hebrews, by the Churches of Alexandria, Asia (?), and Syria, but not by those of Africa and Rome. The Epistles of St. James and St. Jude, on the other hand, were little used, and the Second Ep. of St. Peter was barely known..— 3. The history of the N. T. Canon from A.D. 303-397. — The per secution of Diocletian was directed in a great mea sure against the Christian writings. The plan of the emperor was in part successful. Some were found who obtained protection by the surrender of the sacred books, and at a later time the question of the readmission of these " traitors " (traditores), as they were emphatically called, created a schism in the Church. The Donatists, who maintained the sterner judgment on their crime, may be regarded as maintaining in its strictest integrity the popular judgment in Africa on the contents of the Canon of Scripture which was the occasion of the dissension ; and Augustine allows that they held in common with the Catholics the same " Canonical Scrip tures," and were alike " bound by the authority of both Testaments." The complete Canon of the N. T., as commonly received at present, was ratified at the third Council op Carthage (a.d. 397), and from that time was accepted throughout the Latin Church, though occasional doubts as to the Epistle to the Hebrews still remained. Meanwhile the Syrian Churches, faithful to the conservative spirit of the East, still retained the Canon of the Peshito. Chrysostom (f407 a.d.), Theodore of Mopsuestia (+429 a.d.), and Thf.odoret, who represent the Church of Antioch, furnish no evidence in support of the Epistles oijude, 2 Peter, 2, 3 John, or the Apocalypse. Junilius, in his account of the public teaching at Nisibis, places the Epistles of James, Jude, 2, 3 John, 2 Peter in a second class, and mentions the doubts which existed in the East as to the Apocalypse. And though Ephrem Syrus was acquainted with the Apoca lypse, yet his genuine Syrian works exhibit no habitual use of the books which were not contained in the Syrian Canon..— The Churches of Asia Minor seem to have occupied a mean position as to the Canon between the East and West. With the ex ception of the Apocalypse, they received generally all the books of the N. T. as contained in the African Canon. The well-known Festal Letter of Athanasius (-f-373 a.d.) bears witness to the Alexandrine Canon. This contains a clear and positive list of the books of the N. T. as they are received at present ; and the judgment of Athanasius is confirmed by the practice of his successor Cyril. —One important Catalogue yet remains to be men tioned. After noticing in separate places the orio-in and use of the Gospels and Epistles, Eusebius sums up in a famous passage the results of his inquiry into the evidence on the Apostolic books furnished by the writings of the three first cen turies (H. E. iii. 25). In the first class of acknow ledged books he places the four Gospels, the Epistles of St. Paul (i. e. fourteen), 1 John, 1 Peter, and, in case its authenticity is admitted (such seems to be his meaning), the Apocalypse. The second class ot disputed books he subdivides into two parts, the first consisting of such as were generally known and recognised, including the Epistles of James, Jude, 2 Peter, 2, 3 John ; and the second of those which he pronounces spurious, that is, which were either unauthentic or unapostolic, as the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Apocalypse 138 CANOPY of John (if not a work of the Apostle), and accord ing to some the Gospel according to the Hebrews. These two great classes contain all the books which had received ecclesiastical sanction, and were in common distinguished from a third class of here tical forgeries {e. g. the Gospels of Thomas, Peter, Mathias, &c.).— At the era of the Reformation the question of the N. T. Canon became again a subject of great though partial interest. The hasty decree of the Council of Trent, which affirmed the au thority of all the books commonly received, called out the opposition of controversialists, who quoted and enforced the early doubts. Erasmus denied the Apostolic origin of the Epistle io the Hebrews, 2 Peter, and the Apocalypse, but left their ca nonical authority unquestioned. Luther, on the other hand, created a purely subjective standard for the canonicity of the Scriptures, and while he placed the Gospel and first Epistle of St. John, the Epistles of St. Paul to the Romans, Galatians, Ephesians, and the first Epistle of St. Peter, in the first rank as containing the " kernel of Christianity," he set aside the Epistle to the Hebrews, St. Jude, St. James, and the Apocalypse, at the end of his ver sion, and spoke of them and the remaining Anti- legomena with varying degrees of disrespect, though he did not separate 2 Peter and 2, 3 John from the other Epistles. The doubts which Luther rested mainly on internal evidence were variously extended by some of his followers ; but their views received no direct sanction in any of the Lutheran symbolic books. The doubts as to the Antilegomena of the N. T. were not confined to the Lutherans. CARL- stadt placed the Antilegomena in a third class. Calvin, while he denied the Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and at least ques tioned the authenticity of 2 Peter, did not set aside their canonicity, and he notices the doubts as to St. James and St. Jude only to dismiss them.— The language of the Articles of the Church of Eng land with regard to the N. T. is remarkable. In the Articles of 1552 no list of the books of Scrip ture is given ; but in the Elizabethan Articles (1562, 1571) a definition of Holy Scripture is given as " the Canonical books of the Old and New Testament, of whose authority was never any doubt in the Church" (Art. vi.). This definition is fol lowed by an enumeration ofthe books of the 0. T. and of the Apocrypha ; and then it is said sum marily, without a detailed catalogue, " all the books of the N. T., as they are commonly received, we do receive and account them for Canonical." A dis tinction thus remains between the " Canonical " books, and such " Canonical books as have never been doubted in the Church;" and it seems im possible to avoid the conclusion that the framers of the Articles intended to leave a freedom of judgment on a point on which the greatest of the continental reformers, and even of Romish scholars, were di vided. — The judgment of the Greek Church in the case of the 0. T. was seen to be little more than a reflection of the opinions of the West. The con fession of Metrophanes gives a complete list of the books. At present, as was already the case at the close ofthe 17th century, the Antilegomena are reckoned by the Greek Church as equal in Canonical authority in all respects with the remaining books. Canopy (Jud. x. 21, xiii. 9, xvi. 19). The canopy of Holofernes is the only one mentioned, although, perhaps, from the " pillars" of the litter described in Cant. iii. 10, it may be argued that its CANTICLES equipage would include a canopy. It probably retained the mosquito nets or curtains in which the name originated, although its description (Jud. x. 21) betrays luxury and display rather than such simple usefulness. Canticles, Song of Songs, i. e. the most beau tiful of songs, entitled in the A. V. The Sons of Solomon.— I. Author and date. — By the Hebrew title it is ascribed to Solomon ; and so in all the versions, and by the majority of Jewish and Chris tian writers, ancient and modern. In fact, if we except a few of the Talmudical writers, who assigned it to the age of Hezekiah, there is scarcely a dis sentient voice down to the close of the last century. More recent criticism, however, has called in ques tion this deep-rooted, and well accredited tradition. Among English scholars Kennicott, among German Eichhorn and Rosenmiiller, regard the poem as be longing to the age of Ezra and Nehemiah. The charge of Chaldaism has been vigorously pressed by Rosenmiiller, and especially by Eichhom. But Ge senius assigns the book to the golden age of Hebrew literature, and traces "the few solitary Chaldaisms" which occur in the writings of that age to the hands of Chaldee copyists. He has moreover sug gested an important distinction between Chaldaisms, and dialectic varieties indigenous to N. Palestine, where he conjectures that Judges and Canticles were composed. Nor is this conjecture inconsistent with the opinion which places it among the " one thou sand and five" songs of Solomon (1 K. iv. 32). It is probable that Solomon had at least a hunting- seat somewhere on the slopes of Lebanon (comp. Cant. iv. 9), and in such a retreat, and under the influence of its scenery, and the language of the sur rounding peasantry, he may have written Canticles. On the whole it seems unnecessary to depart from the plain meaning of the Hebrew title. Supposing the date fixed to the reign of Solomon, there is great difficulty in determining at what period of that monarch's life the poem was written.— II. Form. — This question is not determined by the Hebrew title. The non-continuity which many critics attribute to the poem is far from beiug a modern discovery. Ghislerius (16th cent.) consi dered it a drama in five acts. Down to the 18th cent., however, the Canticles were generally regarded as continuous. Gregory of Nazianzus calls it "a bridal drama and song." According to Patrick, it is a " Pastoral Eclogue," or a " Dramatic poem ;" according to Lowth, " an epithalamium of a pastoral kind." Michaelis and Rosenmiiller, while differing as to its interpretation, agree in making it conti nuous. Bossuet divided the Song into 7 parts, or scenes of a pastoral drama, corresponding with the 7 days of the Jewish nuptial ceremony. His division is impugned by Taylor (Fragm. Calmet), who proposes one of 6 days ; and considers the drama to be post-nuptial, not ante-nuptial, as it is explained by Bossuet. The entire nuptial theory has been severely handled by J. D. Michaelis, and the literal school of interpreters in general. Lowth makes it a drama, but only of the minor kind, i. e. dramatic as a dialogue ; and therefore not more dra matic than an Idyll of Theocritus, or a Satire of Horace. The fact is, that he was unable to dis cover a plot ; and evidently meant a good deal more by the term " pastoral" than by the term "drama ." Moreover, it seems clear, that if the only dramatic element in Cant, be the dialogue, the rich pastoral character of its scenery, and allusions, renders the CANTICLES term drama less applicable than that of idyll. The idyllic form seems to have recommended itself to the allegorical school of translators as getting rid of that dramatic unity and plot which their system of interpretation reduced to a succession of events without any culminating issue. But the majority of recent translators belonging to the literal school have adopted the theory of Jacobi, since developed by Umbreit, Ewald, Meier, &c. Based as this theory is upon the dramatic evolution of a simple love- story, it supplies that essential movement and in terest, the want of which was felt by Lowth ; and justifies the application of the term drama, to a composition of which it manifests the vital principle and organic structure. —III. Meaning. — The schools of interpretation may be divided into three ; — the mystical, or typical; the allegorical; and the literal.— \. The mystical interpretation is properly an offshoot of the allegorical, and probably owes its origin to the necessity which was felt of supplying a literal basis for the speculations of the allegorists. This basis is either the marriage of Solomon with Pharaoh's daughter, or his marriage with an Israel- itish woman, the Shulamite. The mystical inter pretation makes its first appearance in Origen, who wrote a voluminous commentary upon the Cant. It reappears in Abulpharagius (1226-1286), and was received by Grotius, approved of, and system atized by Bossuet, endorsed by Lowth, and used for the purpose of translation by Percy and Williams. —2. Allegorical. — Notwithstanding the attempts which have been made to discover the principle of interpretation in the LXX. (Cant. iv. 8) ; Jesus Sirachides (xlvii. 14-17 ; Wisd. viii. 2) ; and Joseph. (c. Apion. i. § 8) ; it is impossible to trace it with any certainty farther back than the Talmud. Ac cording to the Talmud the beloved is taken to be God, the loved one, or bride, is the congregation of Israel. This general relation is expanded into more particular detail by the Targum, or Chaldee Para phrase, which treats the Song of songs as an alle gorical history of the Jewish people from the Exodus to the coming of the Messiah, and the building of the third temple. Elaborate as it was, the inter pretation of the Targum was still further deve loped by the mediaeval Jews, who introduced it into their liturgical services. A new school of Jewish exegesis was originated by Mendelssohn (1729- 1786) ; which, without actually denying the exist ence of an allegorical meaning, determined to keep it in abeyance, and meanwhile to devote itself to the literal interpretation. In the Christian Church, the Talmudical interpretation, imported by Origen, was all but universally received. It was called in question by Erasmus and Grotius, and was gra dually superseded by the typical theory of Grotius, Bossuet, Lowth, &c. In the 18th century the alle gorical theory was reasserted, and reconstructed by Puffendorf (1776), and the reactionary allegorists. Some of the more remarkable variations of the allegorical school are: — (a.) The extension of the Chaldee allegory to the Christian Church. (6.) Lu ther's theory limits the allegorical meaning to the contemporaneous history of the Jewish people under Solomon, (c.) According to Ghislerius, and Corn. a Lapide the Bride is the Virgin Mary, (d.) Puffen dorf refers the spiritual sense to the circumstances of our Saviour's death and burial.— 3. The Literal interpretation seems to have been connected with the general movement of Theodore Mopsuest. (360- 429) and his followers, in opposition to the extra- CAPERNATJM 139 vagances of the early Christian allegorists. Its scheme was nuptial, with Pharaoh's daughter as the bride. The nuptial theory was adopted by Grotius as the literal basis of a secondary and spiritual interpretation ; and, after its dramatical develop ment by Bossuet, long continued to be the standard scheme of the mystical school. In 1803 it was reconstructed by Good, with a Jewish instead of an Egyptian bride. Michaelis (1770) regarded the Song as an exponent of wedded love, innocent, and happy. The most generally received interpretation of the modem literalists is that which was origin ally proposed by Jacobi (1771), adopted by Herder, Ammon, Umbreit, Ewald, &c. ; and more recently by Prof. Meier of Tubingen (1854), and in England by Mr. Ginsburg, in his very excellent translation (1857). According to the detailed application of this view as given by Mr. Ginsburg, the Song is intended to display the victory of humble and con stant love over the temptations of wealth and royalty. The drama is divided into 5 sections, indicated by the thrice repeated formula of adjuration (ii. 7, iii. 5, viii. 4), and the use of another closing sentence (v. 1). It must not be supposed, however, that the supporters of the allegorical interpretation have been finally driven from the field. Even in Ger many a strong band of reactionary Allegorists have maintained their ground. On the whole, their ten dency is to return to the Chaldee Paraphrase ; a tendency which is specially marked in Rosenmiiller. The allegorical interpretation has been defended in America by Professors Stuart and Bun-owes. The following are specimens of the internal arguments adduced by them : — (a.) Particulars not applicable to Solomon (v. 2) : (6.) particulars not applicable to the wife of Solomon (i. 6, 8 ; v. 7 ; vii. 1, cf. i. 6) : (c.) Solomon addressed in the second person (viii. 12): (d.) particulars inconsistent with the ordinary conditions of decent love (v. 2) : (e.) date 20 years after Solomon's marriage with Pharaoh's daughter (comp. Cant. vii. 4, and 1 K. vii. 2). It will readily be observed that these arguments do not in any way affect the literal theory of Jacobi. For external arguments the allegorists depend prin cipally upon Jewish tradition, and the analogy of Oriental poetry. The strongest argument on the side of the allegorists is the matrimonial metaphor so frequently employed in the Scriptures to describe the relation between Jehovah and Israel (Ex. xxxiv. 15, 16; Num. xv. 39; Ps. lxxiii. 27; Jer. iii. 1-11 ; Ez. xvi., xxiii., &c). — IV. Canonicity. — The book was rejected from the Canon by Castellio and Whiston ; but in no case has its rejection been de fended on external grounds. It is found in the LXX. , and in the translations of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion. It is contained in the catalogue given in the Talmud, and in the catalogue of Melito ; and in short we have the same evidence for its canonicity as that which is commonly adduced for the ca nonicity of any book of the 0. T. Caper'naum, a name with which all are familiar as that of a scene of many acts and incidents in the life of Christ. There is no mention of Capernaum in the 0. T. or Apocrypha, but the passage Is. ix. 1 (in Hebrew, viii. 23) is applied to it by St. Mat thew. The few notices of its situation in the N. T. are not sufficient to enable us to determine its exact position. It was on the western shore of the Sea of Galilee (Matt. iv. 13 ; comp. John vi. 24), and, if recent discoveries are to be trusted, was of sufficient importance to give to that Sea, in whole or in part, 140 CAPHAK the name ofthe "lake of Capernaum ." It was in the " land of Gennesaret" (Matt. xiv. 34, compared with John vi. 17, 21, 24"), that is, the rich, busy plain on the west shore of the lake, which we know irom the descriptions of Josephus and from other sources to have been at that time one ofthe most prosperous and crowded districts in all Palestine. Being on the shore, Capernaum was lower than Na zareth and Cana of Galilee, from which the road to it was one of descent (John ii. 12 ; Luke iv. 31). It was of sufficient size to be always called a " city" (Matt. ix. 1 ; Mark i. 33) ; had its own synagogue, in which our Lord frequently taught (John vi. 59 ; Mark i. 21 ; Luke iv. 33, 38) — a synagogue built by the centurion of the detachment of Roman soldiers which appears to have been quartered in the place (Luke vii. 1, comp. 8 ; Matt. viii. 8). But besides the garrison there was also a customs station, where the dues were gathered both by stationary (Matt. ix. 9 ; Mark ii. 14 ; Luke v. 27) and by itinerant (Matt. xvii. 24) officers. The only interest attach ing to Capernaum is as the residence of our Lord and his Apostles, the scene of so many miracles and "gracious words." At Nazareth He was " brought up," but Capernaum was emphatically His "own city ;" it was when He returned thither that He is said to have been " at home1* (Mark ii. 1). Here He chose the Evangelist Matthew or Levi (Matt. ix. 9). The brothers Simon Peter and Andrew be longed to Capernaum (Mark i. 29), and it is perhaps allowable to imagine that it was on the sea- beach that they heard the quiet call which was to make them forsake all and follow Him (Mark i. 16, 17, comp. 28). It was here that Christ worked the miracle on the centurion's servant (Matt. viii. 5; Luke vii. 1), on Simon's wife's mother (Matt. viii. 14 ; Mark i. 30 ; Luke iv. 38), the paralytic (Matt. ix. 1; Mark ii. 1; Luke v. 18), and the man afflicted with an unclean devil (Mark i. 32 ; Luke iv. 33). At Capernaum occurred the incident of the child (Mark ix. 33; Matt, xviii. 1 ; comp. xvii. 24) ; and in the synagogue there was spoken the wonderful discourse of John vi. (see verse 59). The doom which our Lord pronounced against Ca pernaum and the other unbelieving cities of the plain of Gennesareth has been remarkably fulfilled. The spots which lay claim to its site are 1. Khan Minyeh, a mound of ruins which takes its name from an old khan hard by. This mound is situated close upon the sea-shore at the north-western ex- /tremity ofthe plain (now El Ghxweir). 2. Three miles north of Khan Minyeh is the other claimant, TeU Hum, — ruins of walls and foundations covering a space of "half a mile long by a quarter wide," on a point of the shore projecting into the lake and backed by a very gently rising ground. Khan Minyeh Et-Tabighah, and Tell Hum, are all, with out doubt, ancient sites, but it is impossible to say which of them represents Capernaum, which Cho- lazin, or which Bethsaida. Ca'phar, one of the numerous words employed in the Bible to denote a village or collection of dwellings smaller than a city {Tr). Mr. Stanley proposes to render it by " hamlet." In names of places it occurs in Chepiiar-ha-Ammonat, Che phirah, Caphar-salama. To us its chief interest arises from its forming a part of the name of Ca pernaum, i. e. Capharnahum. Ca'phor-sal'ama, a place at which a battle was fought between Judas Maccabaeus and Nicanor (1 Mace. vii. 31). Ewald places it north of Ramla on CAPPAX>OCIA the Samaritan boundary, but no certain traces of it seem to have been yet found. Caphen'atha, a place apparently close to and on the east side of Jerusalem, which was repaired by Jonathan Maccabaeus (1 Mace. xii. 37). Caph'ira, 1 Esd. v. 19. [Chephirah.] Caph'tor ; Oaph'torim, thrice mentioned as the primitive seat of the Philistines (Deut. ii. 23 ; Jer. xlvii. 4; Am. ix. 7), who are once called Caph- torims (Deut. ii. 23), as of the same race as the Mizraite people of that name (Gen. jt. 14 ; "Caph- thorim," 1 Chr. i. 12). The position ofthe countiy, since it was peopled by Mizraites, must be supposed to be in Egypt or near to it in Africa, for the idea of the south-west of Palestine is excluded by the migration of the Philistines. Mr. R. S. Poole has proposed to recognise Caphtor in the ancient Egyp tian name of Coptos. We must not suppose, how ever, that Caphtor was Coptos : it must rather be compared to the Coptite nome, probabiy in prim itive ages of greater extent than under the Pto lemies, for the number of nomes was in the course of time greatly increased. The Caphtorim stand last in the list of the Mizraite peoples in Gen. and Chr., probably as dwellers in Upper Egypt, the names next before them being of Egyptian, and the earliest names of Libyan peoples. The migration of the Philistines is mentioned or alluded to in all the passages speaking of Caphtor or the Caphtorim. The period of the migration must have been very remote, since the Philistines were already established in Palestine in Abraham's time (Gen. xxi. 32, 34). The evidence of the Egyptian monuments, which is indirect, tends to the same conclusion, but takes us yet further back in time. We find from the sculp tures of Rameses III. at Medeenet Haboo, that the Egyptians about 1200 B.C. were at war with the Philistines, the Tok-kaju, and the Shayratana of the Sea, and that other Shayratana served them as mercenaries. This evidence points therefore to the spread of a seafaring race cognate to the Egyptians at a very remote time. It is probable that the Philistines left Caphtor not long after the firet arrival of the Mizraite tribes, while they had not yet attained that attachment to the soil that after wards so eminently characterized the descendants of those which formed the Egyptian nation. Gappado'cia. This eastern district of Asia Minor is interesting in reference to New Testament history only from the mention of its Jewish residents among the hearers of St. Peter's first sermon (Acts ii. 9), and its Christian residents among the readers of St. Peter's first Epistle (1 Pet. i. 1). The Jewish community in this region, doubtless, formed the nucleus of the Christian : and the former may pro bably be traced to the first introduction of Jewish colonists into Asia Minor by Seleucus. The range of Mount Taurus and the upper course of the Eu phrates may safely be mentioned, in general terms, as natural boundaries of Cappadocia on the south and east. Its geographical limits on the west and north were variable. In early, times the name reached as far northwards as the Euxine Sea. Cap padocia is an elevated table-land intersected by mountain-chains. It seems always to have been deficient in wood ; but/ it was a good grain country, and particularly famous for grazing. Its Roman metropolis was Caesarea. The native Cappadocians seem originally to have belonged to tie Syrian stock : and since Ptolemy places the cities of Iconium and Derbe within the limits of this region, we may CAPTAIN possibly obtain from this circumstance some light on " the speech of Lycaonia " (Acts xiv. 11). Captain. (1.) As a purely military title, Cap tain answers to sar in the Hebrew army, and ~Xi\iapxos (tribunus) in the Roman. The " cap tain ofthe guard" in Acts xxviii. 16 was probably the praefectus praetorio. (2.) Katsin, occasionally rendered captain, applies sometimes to a military (Josh. x. 24; Judg. xi. 6, 11 ; Is. xxii. 3; Dan. xi. 18), sometimes to a civil command (e. g. Is. i. 10, iii. 6). (3.) The " captain of the temple " men tioned by St. Luke (xxii. 4; Acts iv. 1, v. 24) superintended the guard of priests and Levites, who kept wateh by night in the Temple. The office appears to have existed from an early date. (4.) The term rendered " captain " (Heb. ii. 10), has no reference whatever to a military office. Captivities of the Jews. The bondage of Israel in Egypt, and their subjugation at different times by the Philistines and other nations, are sometimes included under the above title ; and the Jews them selves, perhaps with reference to Daniel's vision (ch. vii.), reckon their national captivities as four — the Babylonian, Median, Grecian, and Roman. But the present article is confined to the forcible deport ation of the Jews from their native land, and their forcible detention, under the Assyrian or Babylonian kings. The kingdom of Israel was invaded by three or four successive kings of Assyria. Pul or Sarda napalus, according to Rawlinson, imposed a tribute (B.C. 771 or 762 Rawl.) upon Menahem (1 Chr. v. 26, and 2 K. xv. 19). Tiglath-Pileser carried away (B.C. 740) the trans-Jordanic tribes (1 Chr. v. 26) and the inhabitants of Galilee (2 K. xv. 29., compare Is. ix. 1) to Assyria. Shalmaneser twice invaded (2 K. xvii. 3, 5) the kingdom which re mained to Hoshea, took Samaria (B.C. 721) after a siege of three years, and carried Israel away into Assyria. Sennacherib (B.C. 713) is stated to have carried into Assyria 200,000 captives from the Jewish cities which he took (2 K. xviii. 13). Nebu chadnezzar, in the first half of his reign (B.C. 606- 562), repeatedly invaded Judaea, besieged Jerusalem, carried away the inhabitants to Babylon, and de stroyed the city and Temple. Two distinct depor tations are mentioned in 2 K. xxiv. 14 (including 10,000 persons) and xxv. 11. One in 2 Chr. xxxvi. 20. Three in Jer. Iii. 28-30, including 4600 persons, and one in Dan. i. 3. The two principal deportations were, (1) that which took place B.C. 598, when Jehoiachin with all the nobles, soldiers, and artificers was earned away ; and (2) that which followed the destruction of the Temple and the capture of Zedekiah B.C. 588. The three which Jeremiah mentions may have been the contributions of a particular class or district to the general cap tivity; or they may have taken place under the orders of Nebuchadnezzar, before or after the two principal deportations. The captivity of certain selected children B.C. 607, mentioned by Daniel, who was one of them, may have occurred when Nebuchadnezzar was colleague or lieutenant of his father Nabopolassar, a year before he reigned alone. The 70 years of captivity predicted by Jeremiah (xxv. 12) are dated by Prideaux from B.C. 606. The ¦captivity of Ezekiel dates from B.C. 598, when that prophet, like Mordecai the uncle of Esther (Esth. ii. 6), accompanied Jehoiachin. The captives were ¦ treated not as slaves but as colonists. There was nothing to hinder a Jew from rising to the highest eminence in the state (Dan. ii. 48), or holding the CARABASION 141 most confidential office near the person of the kino- (Neh. i. 11 ; Tob. i. 13, 22). The advice of Jere° miah (xxix. 5, &c.) was generally followed. The exiles increased in numbers and in wealth. They observed the Mosaic law (Esth. ii. 8 ; Tob. xiv. 9). They kept up distinctions of rank among themselves (Ez. xx. 1). Their genealogical tables were pro- served, and they were at no loss to tell who was the rightful heir to David's throne. They had neither place nor time of national gathering, no Temple ; and they offered no sacrifice. But the right of cir cumcision and their laws respecting food, &c, were observed ; their priests were with them (Jer. xxix. 1) ; and possibly the practice of erecting synagogues in every city (Acts xv. 21) was begun by the Jews in the Babylonian captivity. The captivity is not without contemporaneous literature. In the book of Tobit we have a picture of the inner life of a family of the tribe of Naphtali, among the captives whom Shalmaneser brought to Nineveh. The book of Baruch seems, in Mr. Layard's opinion, to have been written by one whose eyes, like those of Ezekiel, were familiar with the gigantic forms of Assyrian sculpture. Several of the Psalms appear to express the sentiments of Jews who were either pal-takers or witnesses of the Assyrian captivity. But it is from the three great prophets, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, that we learn most of the con dition of the children of the captivity. The Baby lonian captivity was brought to a close by the decree (Ezr. i. 2) of Cyrus (B.C. 536), and the return of a portion of the nation under Sheshbazzar or Ze rubbabel (B.C. 535), Ezra (B.C. 458), and Nehemiah (B.C. 445). The number who returned upon the decree of B.C. 536 was 42,360, besides servants. Among them about 30,000 are specified (compare Ezr. ii. and Neh. vii.) as belonging to the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Levi. It has been inferred that the remaining 12,000 belonged to the tribes of Israel (compare Ezr. vi. 17). Those who were left in Assyria (Esth. viii. 9, 11), and kept up their national distinctions, were known as The Dispersion (John vii. 35 ; 1 Pet. i. 1 ; James i. 1) : and, in course of time, they served a great purpose in diffusing a knowledge of the true God, and in afford ing a point for the commencement of the efforts of the Evangelists of the Christian faith. Many attempts have been made to discover the ten tribes existing as a distinct community. Josephus be lieved that in his day they dwelt in large multi tudes, somewhere beyond the Euphrates, in Arsareth, according to the author of 2 Esdr. xiii. 45. The imagination of Christian writers has sought them in the neighbourhood of their last recorded habita tion. But though history bears no witness of their present distinct existence, it enables us to track the footsteps of the departing race in four directions after the time of the Captivity. (1.) Some returned and mixed with the Jews (Luke ii. 36 ; Phil. iii. 5, &c). (2.) Some were left in Samaria, mingled with the Samaritans (Ezr. vi. 2-1; John iv. 12), and became bitter enemies ofthe Jews. (3.) Many remained in Assyria, and were recognised as an in tegral part ofthe Dispersion (see Acts ii. 9, xxvi. 7). (4.) Most, probably, apostatized in Assyria, adopted the usages and idolatry of the nations among whom they were planted, and became wholly swallowed up in them. Caraba'sion, a corrupt name to which it is diffi cult to find anything corresponding in the Hebrew text (1 Esdr. ix. 34). 142 CARBUNCLE Carbuncle. The representative in the A. V. ofthe Hebrew words 'ekdach and b&rkath or b&reketh.— 1. 'Ekd&ch occurs only in Is. liv. 12 in the descrip tion of the beauties of the new Jerusalem. Per haps the term may be a general one to denote any bright sparkling gem, but as it occurs only once, it is impossible to determine its real meaning.— 2. Burekath, b&reketh, the third stone in the first row of the sacerdotal breastplate (Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxix. 10), also one ofthe mineral treasures ofthe king of Tyre (Ez. xxviii. 13). Braun supposes with much probability that the smaragdus or eme rald is the precious stone signified. This view is supported by the LXX., the Vulgate, and Josephus. Car'cas, the seventh ofthe seven " chamberlains" (i. e. eunuchs) of king Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). Car'chamis, 1 Esd. i. 25. [Carchemish.] Car'chemisn is not, as has generally been sup posed, the classical Circesium. It lay very much higher up the Euphrates, occupying nearly the site of the later Mabug, or Hierapolis. It seems to have commanded the ordinary passage of the Eu phrates at Bir, or Bireh-jik, and thus in the con tentions between Egypt and Assyria its possession was of primary consequence (comp. 2 Chr. xxxv. 20, with Jer. xlvi. 2). Carchemish appeal's to have been taken by Pharaoh-Necho shortly after the battle of Megiddo (c. B.C. 608), and retaken by Nebuchadnezzar after a battle three years later, B.C. 605 (Jer. xlvi. 2). Care'an, father of Johanan (2 K. xxv. 23), else where in the A. V. spelt Kareah. Ca'ria, the southern part of the region which in the N. T. is called Asia, and the south-western part of the peninsula of Asia Minor. In the Roman times the name of Caria was probably less used than previously. At an earlier period we find it mentioned as a separate district (1 Mace. xv. 23). At this time (B.C. 139) it was in the enjoyment of the privilege of freedom, granted by the Romans. A little before it had been assigned by them to Rhodes, and a little later it was incorporated in the province of Asia. Car'me, 1 Esdr. v. 25. [Haeim.] Car'mel. Nearly always with the definite article, " the park," or " the well-wooded place." 1. (In Kings, generally " Mount C," in the Prophets, " Carmel.") A mountain which forms one of the most striking aud characteristic features of the country of Palestine. As if to accentuate more distinctly the bay which forms the one indentation in the coast, this noble ridge, the only headland of lower and central Palestine, forms its southern boundary, running out with a bold bluff promontory all but into the very waves of the Mediterranean. From this point it stretches in a nearly straight line, bearing about S.S.E., for a little more than twelve miles, when it terminates suddenly in a bluff somewhat corresponding to its western end, breaking down abruptly into the hills of Jenin and Samaria, which form at that part the central mass of the country. Carmel thus stands as . Channune'us, 1 Esd. viii. 48. Chapiter. The capital of a pillar ; also possibly a roll moulding at the top of a building or work of art, as in the case (1) of the pillars of the Taber nacle and Temple, and of the two pillars called especially Jachin and Boaz ; and (2) of the lavers belonging to the Temple (Ex. xxxviii. 17 ; 1 K. vii. 27, 31, 38). Cliaraath'alar, a corruption of " Cherub, Ad- dan," in Ezr. ii. (1 Esd. v. 36). Char'aca, a place mentioned only in 2 Mac. xii. 17, and there so obscurely that nothing can be certainly inferred as to its position. It was on the east of Jordan, and it was 750 stadia from the city Caspin. Ewald places it to the extreme east, and identifies it with Eaphon. The only name now known on the east of Jordan which recals Charax is Kerak, the ancient Kir-Moab, on the S.E. ofthe Dead Sea. Char'ashim, The Valley of (" ravine of crafts men"), a place mentioned twice; — 1 Chr. iv. 14, as having been founded or settled by Joab, a man of the tribe of Judah and family of' Othniel ; and Neh. xi. 35, as being reinhabited by Benjamites after the Captivity. In this passage it is rendered " valley of craftsmen." Char'chamis, 1 Esd. i. 25. [Carchemish.] Char'cliemisn, 2 Chr. xxxv. 20. [Carche- MISH.] Char'cus, 1 Esd. v. 32. Corrupted from Barkos. Cha'rea, 1 Esd. v. 32. [Harsha.] Charger. A shallow vessel for receiving water or blood, also for presenting offerings of fine flour with oil (Num. vii. 79). The " chargers " men tioned in Numbers are said to have been of silver, and to have weighed each 130 shekels, or 65 oz. The daughter of Herodias brought the head of St. John Baptist in a charger (Matt. xiv. 8) : pro bably a trencher or platter. [Basin.] Chariot. 1. Receb, sometimes including the horses (2 Sam. viii. 4, x. 18).— 2. BScub, a chariot or horse (Ps. civ. 3).— 3. Mercdb, from same root as (1) a chariot, litter, or seat ( Lev. xv. 9 ; Cant. iii. 10). —4. Mcrcdbdh. — 5. 'Agaldh (Ps. xlvi. 9 [10J ).— 6. Aphiryon (Cant. iii. 9 ; between 1-4 no difference of signification). A vehicle used either for warlike or peaceful purposes, but most com monly the former. Of the latter use the following only are probable instances as regards the Jews, 1 K. xviii. 44, aud as regards other nations, Gen. xii. 43, xlvi. 29 ; 2 K. v. 9; Acts viii. 28. The earliest mention of chariots in Scripture is in Egypt, where Joseph, as a mark of distinction, was placed in Pharaoh's second chariot (Geu. xii. 43), and later when he went in his own chariot to meet his father on his entrance into Egypt from Canaan (xlvi. 29). In the funeral procession of Jacob chariots also formed a part, possibly by way of escort or as a guard of honour (1. 9). The next mention of Egyptian chariots is for a warlike purpose (Ex. xiv. 7). In this point of view chariots among some nations of antiquity, as elephants among others, may be regarded as filling the place of heavy artil lery in modern times, so that the military power of a nation might be estimated by the number of its chariots. Thus Pharaoh in pursuing Israel took with him 600 chariots. The Canaanites of the valleys of Palestine were enabled to resist the Israelites successfully in consequence of the num ber of their chariots of iron, i. e. perhaps armed with iron scythes (Ges. s. v.; Josh. xvii. 18; Judg. i. 19). Jabin, king of Canaan, had 900 chariots (Judg. iv. 3). The Philistines in Saul's time had 30,000, a number which seems excessive (1 Sam. xiii. 5). David took from Hadadezer king of Zobah 1000 chariots (2 Sam. viii. 4), and from the Syrians a little later 700 (x. 18), who in order 150 CHARIOT to recover their ground collected 32,000 chariots (1 Chr. xix. 7). Up to this time the Israelites possessed few or no chariots, partly no doubt in consequence of the theocratic prohibition against multiplying horses, for fear of intercourse with Egypt, and the regal despotism implied in the possession of them (Deut. xvii. 16 ; 1 Sam. viii. 11, 12). But to some extent David (2 Sam. viii. 4), and in a much greater degree Solomon, broke through the prohibition. He raised, therefore, and maintained a force of 1400 chariots (1 K. x. 25) by taxation on certain cities agreeably to Eastern custom in such matters (1 K. ix. 19, x. 25; Xen. CHEBEL Anah. i. 4, 9). The chariots themselves and also- the horses were imported chiefly fi-om Egypt, and the cost of each chariot was 600 shekels of silver, aud of each horse 150 (1 K. x. 29). From this time chariots were regarded as among the most important arms of war, though the supplies of them and of horses appear to have been still mainly drawn from Egypt (1 K. xxii. 34 ; 2 K. ix. 16, 21, xiii. 7, 14, xviii. 24, xxiii. 30 ; Is. xxxi. 1). Most commonly 2 persons," and sometimes 3 rode in the- chariot, of whom the third was employed to cany the state umbrella (2 K. ix. 20, 24 ; 1 IC. xxii. 34 ; Acts viii. 38). A second chariot usually accom- Egyptian princes in their chariot (Wilkinson.) panied the king to battle to be used in case of neces sity (2 Chr. xxv. 34). The prophets allude fre quently to chariots as typical of power (Ps. xx. 7, civ. 3 ; Jer. li. 21 ; Zech. vi. 1). Chariots of other nations are mentioned, as of Assyria (2 K. xix. 23 ; Ez. xxiii. 24), Syria (2 Sam. viii. and 2 K. vi. 14, 15), Persia (Is. xxii. 6), and lastly Antiochus Eu- pator is said to have had 300 chariots armed with scythes (2 Mac. xiii. 2). In the N. T., the only mention made of a chariot except in Rev. ix. 9, is in the case of the Ethiopian or Abyssinian eunuch of Queen Candace (Acts viii. 28, 29,38). Jewish chariots were no doubt imitated from Egyptian models, if not actually imported from Egypt. Assyrian chariot. ¦ Chariots armed with scythes may perhaps be in tended by the " chariots of iron " of the Canaan ites ; they are mentioned as part of the equipment of Antiochus (2 Mac. xiii. 2), and of Darius (Diod. Sic. xvii. 53 ; Appian. Syr. 32). Char mis, son of Melchiel, one of the three " ancients " or " rulers " of Bethulia (Jud. vi. 15, viii. 10, x. 6). Char'ran, Acts vii. 2, 4. [Haran.] Chase. [Hunting.] Chas'eba, probably a mere corruption of Ga- zera (1 Esd. v. 31). Che'bar, a river in the "land of the Chaldaeans " (Ez. i. 3), on the banks of which some ofthe Jews were located at the time ofthe captivity, and where Ezekiel saw his earlier visions (Ez. i. 1, iii. 15, 23, &c). It is commonly regarded as identical with the Habor, or river of Gozan, to which some por tion of the Israelites were removed by the Assyrians (2 K. xvii. 6). But this is a mere conjecture.. The Chebar of Ezekiel must be looked for in Baby lonia. It is a name which might properly have been given to any great stream. Perhaps the view that the Chebar of Ezekiel is the Nalir Malcha or Royal Canal of Nebuchadnezzar — the greatest of all the cuttings in Mesopotamia — may be regarded as best deserving acceptance. Cheb'el, one of the singular topographical terms in which the ancient Hebrew language abounded, and which give so much force and precision to its records. The ordinary meaning of the word Ohelel is a "rope "or "cord;" but in its topographical sense, as meaning a " tract " or " district," we find it always attached to the region of Argob, which is invariably designated by this, and by no other term (Deut. iii. 4, 13, 14; IK. iv. 13). It has been. CHEDORLAOMER already shown how exactly applicable it is to the circumstances of the case. No clue is afforded us to the reason of this definite localization of the term Chebel. Chedorlao'mer, a king of Elam, in the time of Abraham, who with three other chiefs made war upon the kings of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Ze- boim, and Zoar, and reduced them to servitude (Gen. xiv. 17). The name of a king is found upon the bricks recently discovered in Chaldaea, which is read Kudur-mapula. This man has been sup posed to be identical with Chedorlaomer, and the opinion is confirmed by the fact that he is further distinguished by a title which may be translated " Ravager of the west." " As however one type alone of'his legends has been discovered," says Col. Rawlinson, " it is impossible to pronounce at pre sent on the identification. Chedorlaomer may have been the leader of certain immigrant Chaldaean Elamites who founded the great Chaldaean empire of Berosus in the early part of the 20th century B.C. Cheese is mentioned only three times in the Bible, and on each occasion under a different name in the Hebrew (Job x. 10 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 18 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). It is difficult to decide how far these terms correspond with our notion of cheese ; for they simply express various degrees of coagulation. It may be observed that cheese is not at the present day common among the Bedouin Arabs, butter being decidedly preferred ; but there is a substance, closely corresponding to those mentioned in 1 Sam. xvii. ; 2 Sam. xvii., consisting of coagulated buttermilk, which is dried until it becomes quite hard, and is then ground: the Arabs eat it mixed with butter (Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins, i. 60). Chela!, Ezr. x. 30. Chelci'as. 1. Ancestor of Baruch (Bar. i. 1). —2. Hilkiah the high priest in the time of Isaiah (Bar. i. 7).— 3. The father of Susanna (Hist, of Sus. 2, 29, 63). Tradition represents him as the brother of Jeremiah, and identical with Hilkiah who found the copy of the law in the time of Jo siah (2 K. xxii. 8). Chel'lians, The (Jud. ii. 23). [Chellus.] Chel'luh, Ezr. x. 35. Chel'lus, named amongst the places beyond (i. e. on the west of; Jordan to which Nabuchodonosor sent his summons (Jud. i. 9). Except its mention with "Kades" there is no clue to its situation. Reland conjectures that it may have been Elusa. Che'lod. " Many nations of the sons of Chelod " were among those who obeyed the summons of Na buchodonosor to his war with Arphaxad (Jud. i. 6). The word is apparently corrupt. Che'lub. 1. A man among the descendants of Judah, described as the brother of Shuah and the father of Mechir. — 2, Ezri the son of Chelub was the overseer of those who "did the work ofthe , field for tillage of the ground," one of David's officers (1 Chr. xxvii. 26). Chel'ubai, the son of Hezron, of one ofthe chief families of Judah. The name occurs in 1 Chr. ii. 9 only, and from a comparison of this passage with ii. 18 and 42, it would appear to be but another form of the name Caleb. Chem'arims, The. This word only occurs in the text ofthe A. V. in Zeph. i. 4. In 2 K. xxiii. 5 it is rendered " idolatrous priests," and in Hos. x. 5 " priests," and in both cases " chemarim " is given in the margin. So far as regards the Hebrew usage of the word it is exclusively applied to the priests CHERITH 151 of the false worship, and was in all probability a term" of foreign origin. In Syriac the word cumro is found without the same restriction of meaning. being used in Judg. xvii. 5, 12, of the priest of Micah, while in Is. Ixi. 6 it denotes the priests of the true God, and in Heb. ii. 17 is applied to Christ himself. Kimchi derived it from a root signifying " to be black," because the idolatrous priests wore black garments ; but this is without foundation. Che'mosh, the national deity of the Moabites (Num. xxi. 29; Jer. xlviii. 7, 13, 46). In Judg. xi. 24, he also appears as the god ofthe Ammonites. Solomon introduced, and Josiah abolished, the wor ship of Chemosh at Jerusalem (1 K. xi. 7 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13). Jerome identifies him with Baal-Peor ; others with Baal-Zebub, on etymological grounds ; others, as Gesenius, with Mars, and others with Saturn. Chena'anah, 1. Son of Bilhau, son of Jedinel, son of Benjamin, head of a Benjamite house (1 Chr. vii. 10), probably of the family of the Belaites. [Bela.]— 2. Father, or ancestor of Zedekiah the false prophet (1 K. xxii. 11, 24 ; 2 Chr.xviii. 10,23). Chen'ani, one of the Levites who assisted at the solemn purification of the people under Ezra (Neh. ix. 4). Chenani'ah, chief of the Levites, when David carried the ark to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 22, xxvi. 29). Che'phar-Haammona'i, " Hamlet of the Am monites;" a place mentioned among the towns of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 24). No trace of it has yet been discovered. Chephi'rah, " the hamlet ;" one ofthe four cities ofthe Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 17), named afterwaids among the towns of Benjamin, with Ramah, Beeroth, and Mizpeh (xviii. 26). The men of Chephirah returned with Zerubbabel from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 25 ; Neh. vii. 29). Dr. Robinson seems to have dis covered it under the scarcely altered name of Kefir, about 2 miles west of Yalo (Ajalon). [Caphira.] Che'ran, one of the sons of Dishon the Horite " duke " (Gen. xxxvi. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 41). Chc'reas, a brother of Timotheus (1 Mace. v. 6), who held Gazara (1 Mace. v. 8), where he was slain (2 Mace. x. 32, 37) . Cher'ethims, Ez. xxv. 16. The plural form of the word elsewhere rendered Cherethites : which see. Cher'ethites and Pel'ethites, the life-guards of King David (2 Sam. viii. 18, xv. 18, xx. 7, 23 ; 1 K. i. 38, 44 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 17). These titles are commonly said to signify " executioners and couriers." It is plain that these royal guards wei e employed as executioners (2 K. xi. 4), and an couriers (1 K. xiv. 27). But it has been con jectured that they may have been foreign merce naries. They are connected with the Oittites a foreign tribe (2 Sam. xv. 21) ; and the Cherethites are mentioned as a nation (1 Sam. xxx. 14), dwelling apparently on the coast, and therefore probably Philistines, of which name Pelethites may be only another form. Che'rith, The Brook, the torrent-bed or wady in which Elijah hid himself during the early part ofthe three years' drought (1 K. xvii. 3, 5). The position of the Cherith has been much disputed. Eusebius and Jerome place it beyond Jordan, where also Schwarz would identify it in a Wadi/ Alias, opposite Bethshean. This is the Wady el- 152 CHERUB Yabis (Jabesh). The only tradition on the subject is one mentioned by Marinus Sanutus in 1321 ; that it ran by Phasaelus, Herod's city in the Jordan valley. This would make it the Ain Fusail which falls from the mountains of Ephraim into the G hor, south of Kurn Surtabeh, and about 15 miles above Jericho. This view is supported byBachiene, and in our own time by Van de Velde (ii. 310). Dr. Robinson on the other hand would find the name in the Wady Kelt behind Jericho. The two names are however essentially unlike. Tne argument from probability is in favour ofthe Cherith being on the east of Jordan, and the name may possibly be dis covered there. Cher'ub, apparently a place in Babylonia from which some persons of doubtful extraction returned to Judaea with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii, 59 ; Neh. vii. Cl). Cherub, Cher'ubim, The symbolical figure so called was a composite creature -form, which finds a parallel in the religious insignia of As^yiia, Egypt, The winged female sphinx. (Wilkinson.) and Persia, e. g. the sphinx, the winged bulls and lions of Nineveh, &c, a general prevalence which prevents the necessity of our regarding it as a mere adoption from the Egyptian ritual. In such forms every imaginative people has sought to embody its notions either ofthe attributes of Divine essence, or of the vast powers of nature which transcend that of man. The Hebrew idea seems to limit the number ofthe cherubim. A pair (Ex. xxv. 18, &c.) were placed on the mercy-seat of the ark : a pair of colossal size overshadowed it in Solomon's Temple with the canopy of their contiguously extended wings. Eze kiel, i. 4-14-, speaks of four, and similarly the apo calyptic "beasts" (Rev. iv. 6) are four. So at the front or east of Eden were posted "the cherubim," as though the whole of some lecog- nised number. They utter no voice, though one is " heard from above them," nor have dealings with men save to awe and repel. The cheru bim are placed beneath the actual presence of Jehovah, whose moving throne they appear to draw (Gen. iii. 24 ; Ez. i. 5, 25, 2fi, .v. 1,2,6,7; Is. vi. 2, 3, 6). The glory sym bolising that presence which eye can not see rests or rides on them,' or one of them, thence dismounts to the temple threshold, and then departs and mounts again (Ez. x. 4, 18 ; comp. ix. 3 ; Ps. xviii. 10). There is in them an entire absence of human sympathy, and even on the mercy-seat they probably appeared not merely CHERUB as admiring and wondering (1 Pet. i. 12), but as guardians of the covenant and avengers of its breach. Those on the ark were to be placed with wings stretched forth, one at each end of the mercy-seat, and to be made "of the mercy-seat." ^^ Assyrian Gryphon. (layard, ii. 439.) They are called the cherubim of glory (Heb. ix. 5), as on them the glory, when visible, rested. They were anointed with the holy oil, like the ark itself, and the other sacred furniture. Their wings were to be stretched upwards, and their faces " towards each other and towards the mercy-seat." It is re markable that with such precise directions as to their position, attitude, and material, nothing save that they were winged, is said concerning their shape. On the whole it seems likely that the word " cherub " meant not only the composite creature- form, of which the man, lion, ox, and eagle were the elements, but, further, some peculiar and mys tical form, which Ezekiel, being a priest, would know and recognise as "the face of a cherub" (Ez. .\. 14) ; but which was kept secret from all others ; and such probably were those on the ark, though those on the hangings and panels might be of the popular device. What this peculiar cherubic form was is perhaps an impenetrable mystery. It might well be the symbol of Him whom none could behold and live. For as sym bols of Divine attributes, e. g. omnipotence and omniscience, not as representations of actual beings, the cherubim should be regarded. Many etymo logical sources for the word cherub have been proposed. The two best worth noticing, and be tween which it is difficult to choose are, (1) the Syriac cerub, great, strong ; (2) the Syriac cerab, to plough, i. e. to cut into ; hence, " that which Assyrian sphinx. (Layard, IE. 348.) CHESALON ploughs " = the ox, or, that which is carved = an image. Besides these two, wisdom or intelligence has been given by high authority as the true meaning of the name. Though the exact form of the cherubim is uncertain, they must have borne a general resemblance to the composite religious figures found upon the monuments of Egypt, As syria, Babylonia, and Persia. In the sacred boats or arks of the Egyptians, there are sometimes found two figures with extended wings, which remind us of the description of the cherubim " covering the mercy-seat with their wings, and their faces [look ing] one to another " (Ex. xxv. 20). CHILDREN 153 Che'salon, a place named as one of the land marks on the west part of the north boundary of Judah, apparently situated on the shoulder of Mount Jearim (Josh. xv. 10). Dr. Robinson has observed a modern village named Kesla, about six miles to the N.E. of Ain-shems, on the western mountains of Judah. Eusebius and Jerome, in the Onomasticon, mention a Chaslon, but they differ as to its situation, the former placing it in Benjamin, the latter in Judah : both agree that it was a very large village in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem. Che sed, fourth son of Nahor (Gen. xxii. 22). Che'sil, a town in the extreme south of Palestine, named with Hormah and Ziklag (Josh. xv. 30). In Josh. xix. 4 the name Betiiul occurs in place of it, as if the one were identical with, or a cor ruption of, the other. This is con finned by the reading of 1 Chr. iv. 30, Bethuel. In this case we can only conclude that Chesil was an early variation of Bethul. Chest. By this word are translated in the A. V. two distinct Hebrew terms : 1. ardn ; this is in variably used for the Ark of the Covenant, and Egyptian cbest or box from Tliebes (Wilkinson.) with two exceptions, for that only. The two ex ceptions alluded to are {a) the " coffin " in which the bones of Joseph were carried from Egypt (Gen. 1. 26) ; and (b) the " chest" in which Jehoiada the priest collected the alms for the repairs of the Temple (2 K. xii. 9, 10 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 8-11). Of the former the accompanying wood-cut is probably a near repre sentation.— 2. genazim, "chests" (Ez. xxvii. 24 only). Chestnut-Tree (Heb. 'armon). Mention is made of the 'armon in Gen. xxx. 37, and in Ezek. xxxi. 8, it is spoken of as one of the glories of Assyria. The balance of authority is certainly in favour of the "plane-tree" being the tree denoted. The A. V. which follows the Rabbins is certainly to be rejected, for the context of the passages where the word occurs, indicates some tree which thrives best in low and rather moist situations, whereas the chestnut-tree is a tree which prefers dry and hilly ground. The plane-trees of Palestine in ancient days were probably more numerous than they are now ; though modern travellers occasionally refer to them. Chesulloth (lit. "the loins"), one of the towns of Issachar, deriving its name, perhaps, from its situation on the slope of some mountain (Josh. xix. 18). From its position in the lists it appears to be between Jezreel and Shunem (Salam). Chet'tiim, 1 Mace. i. 1. [Chittim.] Che'zib, a name which occurs but once (Gen. xxxviii. 5). In the absence of any specification of the position of Chezib, we may adopt the opinion of the interpreters, ancient and modern, who identify it with ACIIZIE. Chi'don, the name which in 1 Chr. xiii. 9 is given to the threshing-floor at which the accident to the ark, on its transport from Kirjath-jearim to Jerusalem, took place, and the death of Uzzah. In the parallel account in 2 Sam. vi. the name is given as Nachox. Children. The blessing of offspring, but espe cially, and sometimes exclusively, of the male sex is highly valued among all Eastern nations, while the absence is regarded as one of the severest punish ments (Gen. xvi. 2 ; Deut. vii. 14 ; 1 Sam. i. 6 ; 2 Sam. vi. 23; 2 K. iv. 14; Is. xlvii. 9; Jer. xx. 15 ; Ps. exxvii. 3, 5). Childbirth is in the East usually, but not always, attended with little diffi culty, and accomplished with little or no assistance (Gen. xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 28; Ex. i. 19 ; 1 Sam. iv. 19, 20). As soon as the child was born, and the umbilical cord cut, it was washed in a bath, rubbed with salt, and wrapped in swaddling clothes. Arab mothers sometimes rub their children with earth or sand (Ez. xvi. 4 ; Job xxxviii. 9 ; Luke ii. 7). On the 8th day the rite of circumcision, in the case of a boy, was performed, and a name given, sometimes, but not usually, the same as that of the father, and generally conveying some special meaning. After the birth of a male child the mother was considered unclean for 74-33 days ; if the child were a female, for double that period, 14+66 days. At the end ofthe time she was to make an offering of purification of a lamb as a burnt-offering, and a pigeon or turtle-dove as a sin- offering, or in case of poverty, two doves or pigeons, one as a burnt-offering, the other as a sin-offering (Lev. xii. 1-8 ; Luke ii. 22). The period of nurs ing appears to have been sometimes prolonged to o years (Is. xlix. 15 ; 2 Mace. vii. 27). Nurses were employed in cases of necessity (Ex. ii. 9 ; Gen. xxiv. 59, xxxv. 8; 2 Sam. iv. 4; 2 K. xi. 2 ; 2 Chr. 154 CHILE AB xxii. 11). The time of weaning was an occasion of rejoicing (Gen. xxi. 8). Arab children wear little or no clothing for 4 or 5 years : the young of both sexes are usually earned by the motheis on the hip or the shoulder, a custom to which allusion is made by Isaiah (Is. xlix. 22, lxvi. 12). Both boys and girls in their early years were under the care ofthe women (Prov. xxxi. 1). Afterwards the boys wei e taken by the father under his charge. Those in wealthy families had tutors or governors, who were sometimes eunuchs (Num. xi. 12; 2 K. x. 1, 5; Is. xlix. 23; Gal. iii. 24; Esth. ii. 7). Daughters usually remained in the women's apart ments till marriage, or, among the poorer classes, were employed in household work (Lev. xxi. 9 ; Num. xii. 14 ; 1 Sam. ix. 11 ; Prov. xxxi. 19, 23; Ecclus. vii. 25, xiii. 9; 2 Mace. iii. 19). The fhstbom male children were regarded as devoted to God, and were to be redeemed by an offering (Ex. ziii. 13; Num. xviii. 15; Luke ii. 22). The authority of parents, especially of the father, over children was very great, as was also the reverence enjoined by the law to be paid to parents. The disobedient child, the striker or reviler of a parent, was liable to capital punishment, though not at the independent will of the parent. The inheritance was divided equally between all the sons except the eldest, who received a double portion (Deut. xxi. 17 ; Gen. xxv. 31, xlix. 3; 1 Chr. v. 1, 2; Judg. xi. 2, 7). Daughters had by right no portion in the inheritance ; but if a man had no son, his inheri tance passed to his daughters, who were forbidden to marry out of their father's tribe (Num. xxvii. 1, 8, xxxvi. 2, 8). Chil'eab. [Abigail ; Daniel.] Chil'ion, the son of Elimelech and Naomi, and husband of Orpah (Ruth i. 2-5, iv. 9). He is described as "an Ephrathite of Bethlehem-judah." Chil mad, a place or country mentioned in con junction with Sheba and Asshur (Ez. xxvii. 23j. The only name bearing any similarity to it is Char- mande, a town near the Euphrates between the Mascas and the Babylonian frontier, but it is highly improbable that this place was of sufficient import ance to rank with Sheba and Asshur. Chim'hani, a follower, and probably a son of Barzillai the Gileadite, who returned from beyond Jordan with David (2 Sam. xix. 37, 38, 40). David appears to have bestowed on him a posses sion at Bethlehem, on which, in later times, an inn or Khan was standing (Jer. xii. 17). In 2 Sam. xix. 40, the name is in the Hebrew text Ciiimhax. Chim'han. [Chimham.] Chin'nereth, accurately Cinnareth, a fortified city in the tribe of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35 only), of which no trace is found in later writers, and no remains by travellers. By S. Jerome Chinnereth was identified with the later Tiberias. This may have been from some tradition then existing. Chin'nereth, Sea of (Num. xxxiv. 11 ; Josh. xiii. 27), the inland sea, which is most familiarly known to us as the " lake of Gennesareth." Thi's is evident from the mode in which it is mentioned as being at the end of Jordan opposite to the " Sea of the Arabah," i. e. the Dead Sea ; as having the Arabah or Ghor below it, &c. (Deut. iii. 17 • Josh. xi. 2, xii. 3). In the two latter of these passages it is in n plural form, Chinneroth. It seems likely that Cinnereth was an ancient Canaanite name existing long prior to the Israelite conquest. CMn'neroth. [Chinnereth.] chiun Chi'os. The position of this island in reference to the neighbouring islands and coasts could hardly be better described than in the detailed account of St. Paul's return voyage from Troas to Caesarea (Acts xx. xxi.). Having come from Assos to lli- tylene in Lesbos (xx. 14), he arrived the next day over against Chios (V. 1 d), the next day at Samos and tarried at Trogyllium {ib.) : and the following day at Miletus (ib.) : thence he went by Cos and Rhodes to Patara (xxi. 1). At that time Chios enjoyed the privilege of freedom, and it is not certain that it ever was politically a part ofthe province of Asia, though it is separated from the mainland only by a strait of 5 miles. Its length is about 32 miles, and in breadth it varies from 8 to 18. Its outline is mountainous and bold; audit has always been celebrated for its beauty and fruit- fulness. In recent times it has been too well known, under its modem name of but >he settlements in China belong to a modern date. The Greek conquests in Asia extended the limits of the Dispersion. Seleucus Nicator transplanted large bodies of Jewish colonists from Babylonia to the capitals of his western provinces. His policy was followed by his successor Antiochus the Great ; and the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes only served to push forward the Jewish emigration to the remoter districts of his empire. Large settle ments of Jews were established in Cyprus, in the islands of the Aegaean, and on the western coast of Asia Minor. The Jews of the Syrian provinces gradually formed a closer connexion with then new homes, and together with the Greek language adopted in many respects Greek ideas. This Hel- lenizing tendency, however, found its most free development at Alexandria. The Jewish settle ments established there by Alexander and Ptolemy I. became the source of the African dispersion, which spread over the north coast of Africa, and perhaps inland to Abyssinia. At Cyrene and Berenice (Tri poli) the Jewish inhabitants formed a considerable portion of the population. The African Dispersion, like all other Jews, preserved their veneration for the " holy city,'* and recognised the universal claims of the Temple by the annual tribute. But the distinction in language led to wider differences, which were averted in Babylon by the currency of an Aramaic dialect. After the destruction of the Temple the Zealots found a reception in Cyrene ; and towards the close of the reign of Trajan, A.D. 115, the Jewish population in Africa rose with ter rible ferocity. The Jewish settlements in Rome were consequent upon the occupation of Jerusalem by Pompey, B.C. 63. The captives and emigrants whom he brought with him were located in the trans-Tiberine quarter. In the reign of Claudius the Jews became objects of suspicion from their immense numbers; and the internal disputes led to their bauishment from the city (Acts xviii. 2). This expulsion, if general can only have been tem porary, for in a few years the Jews at Rome were numerous (Acts xxviii. 17 ff.). The influence of the Dispersion on the rapid promulgation of Christi- DIVINATION anity can scarcely be ovenated. The course of the apostolic preaching followed in a regular progress the line of Jewish settlements. The mixed assembly from which the first converts were gathered on the day of Pentecost represented each division of the Dispersion (Acts ii. 9-11 ; (1) Parthians .... Mesopotamia ; (2) Judaea (i. e. Syria) . . . Pam- phylia; (3) Egypt . . . Greece; (4) Romans . . . ), and these converts naturally prepared the way for the apostles in the interval which preceded the be ginning of the separate apostolic missions. Divination (Ez. xiii. 7 ; Wisd. xvii. 7 ; Is. xlvii. 9). This art " of taking an aim of divine matters by human, which cannot but breed mixture of imaginations" (Bacon, Ess. xvii.) has been universal in all ages, and all nations alike civilized and savage. The first kind of divination was called Natural, in which the medium of inspiration was transported from his own individuality, and became the passive instrument of supernatural utterances. The other hind of divination was artificial, and pro bably originated in an honest conviction that external nature sympathised with and frequently indicated the condition and prospects of mankind ; a convic tion not in itself ridiculous, and fostered by the accidental synchronism of natural phenomena with human catastrophes. When once this feeling was established the supposed manifestations were in finitely multiplied. The invention of divination is ascribed to Prometheus, to the Phrygians and Etru rians, especially sages, or to the devil. In the same way Zoroaster ascribes all magic to Ahrimau. Similar opinions have prevailed in modern times. Many forms of divination are mentioned in Scrip ture, and the subject is so frequently alluded to that it deserves careful examination. Diviners are first mentioned as a prominent body in the Egyptian court, Gen. xii. 8.— 1. Chartummim. They were a class of Egyptian priests, eminent for learning.— 2. Chacamim (Ex. vii. 1 1). Possibly these, as well as their predecessors, were merely a learned class, invested by vulgar superstition with hidden power. Daniel was made head of the college by Nebuchad nezzar (Dan. v. 11).— 3. Mecassliephim (Ex. vii. 11, casshaphim). The word seems to denote mere jugglers, of the class to which belonged Jannes and Jambres (2 Tim. iii. 8). How they produced the wonders which hardened the heart of Pharaoh is idle to conjecture. Michaelis explains them to be " astrologers," such as in ancient times were sup posed to be able to control the sun and moon by spells. Women were supposed to be peculiarly addicted to these magical arts (Ex. xxii. 18).— 4. Tiddg'ontm (Lev. xix. 31, xx. 6), wizards. Those that could by whatever means reveal the future.— 5. Oboth (Lev. xx. 6; Is. viii. 19, xix. 3). The word properly ' means " spirits of the dead," and then by an easy metonymy those who consulted them. They are also called Pythones. Hence the " spirit of Python," Acts xvi. 16. These ventriloquists "peeped and muttered" from the earth to imitate the voice of the revealing familiar (Is. xxix. 4, &c. ; 1 Sam. xxviii. 8 ; Lev. xx. 27). 06 properly means a bottle (Job xxxii. 19), and was applied to the magician, because he was sup posed to be inflated by the spirit. Of this class was the witch of Endor.— 6. Kosem kesamim (Deut. xviii. 10). This word may be taken to mean astrologers, magi, &c— 7. Me'dnen (Mic. v. 12 ; 2 K. xxi. 6 ; A. V. " an observer of times "). It is derived by some from 'dnan, to cover, and DIVINATION 207 may mean generally " using hidden arts " (Is. ii. 6 ; Jer. xxvii. 9). If it be derived from 'ain, au eye, it will mean " one who fascinates with the eyes," as in tlie Syr. Vers. A belief in the evil eye was universal, and is often alluded to in Scrip ture (Deut. xxiii. 6 ; Matt. xx. 15 ; Tob. iv. 7 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 9. "Saul eyed David"). Others again make the 'onenim (Is. ii. 6, &c), " sooth sayers," who predicted " times" as in A. V., from the observation of the clouds. In Judg. ix. 37, the expression "terebinth of MSonSnim" refers not so much to the general sacredness of great trees as to the fact that (probably) here Jacob had buried his amulets (Gen. xxxv. 4).— 8. Menachashim (Ps. Iviii. 5; 2 K. xvii. 17, xxi. 6, &c. A. V. en chanters) who were supposed to render serpents innocuous and obedient (Ex. vii. 9 ; Jer. viii. 17 ; Eccl. i. 11), chiefly by the power of music; but also no doubt by the possession of some genuine and often hereditary secret. They had a similar power over scorpions. The root has, however, a general meaning of " learning by experience," like " to augur,'' in English, Gen. xxx. 27.-9. Chober chebdrim. Those who acquired power by uttering spells, &c. — 10. Belomants. Alluded to in Ez. xxi. 21, where Nebuchadnezzar, at the parting of two ways, uses divination by arrows to decide whether he shall proceed against Jerusalem or Rab- hah. Jerome explains it of mingling in a quiver arrows on which were inscribed the names of various cities, that city being attacked the name of which was drawn out. Estius says he threw up a bundle of arrows to see which way they would light, and falling on the right hand he marched towards Jerusalem.— 11. Closely connected with this was. divination by rods (Hos. iv. 12).— 12. Cup divi nation (Gen. xliv. 5).' Parkhurst and others, deny ing that divination is intended, make it a mere cup of office " for which he would search carefully." But in all probability the A. V. is right. The divination was by means of radiations from the water or from magically inscribed gems, &c. thrown into it.— 13. Consultation of Teraphim (Zech. x. 2 ; Ez. xxi. 21 ; 1 Sam. xv. 23). These were wooden images (1 Sam. xix. 13) consulted as " idols," from which the excited worshippers fancied that they received oracular responses [Teraphim]. —14. Divination by the liver (Ez. xxi. 21). The liver was the most important part of the sacrifice. Thus the deaths of both Alexander and Hephaestion were foretold. — 15. Divination by dreams (Deut. xiii. 2, 3; Judg. vii. 13; Jer. xxiii. 32). Many warnings occur in Scripture against the impostures attendant on the interpretation of dreams (Zech. x. 2, &c.) We find however no direct trace of seek ing for dreams.— 16. The consultation of oracles- may be considered as another form of divination (Is. xii. 21-24, xliv. 7). The term oracle is applied to the Holy of Holies (1 K. vi. 16 ; Ps. xxviii. 2). That there were several oracles of heathen gods known to the Jews we may infer both from the mention of that of Baal-zebub at Ekron (2 K. i. 2-6), and from the towns named Debir. Moses forbade every species of divination because a prying into the future clouds the mind with superstition", and because it would have been an incentive to idolatry ; indeed the frequent denunciations of the sin in the prophets tend to prove that these for bidden arts presented peculiar temptations to apo state Israel. But God supplied his people with substitutes for divination, which would have ren- 208 DIVORCE dered it superfluous, and left them m no doubt as to his will in circumstances of danger, had they continued faithful. It was only when they were unfaithful that the revelation was withdrawn (1 Sam. xxviii. 6; 2 Sam. ii. 1; v. 23, &c). Superstition not unfrequently goes hand in hand with scepticism, and hence, amid the general in fidelity prevalent through the Roman empire at our Lord's coming, imposture Was rampant ; as a glance at the pages of Tacitus will suffice to prove. Hence the lucrative trades of such men as Simon Magus (Acts viii. 9), Bar-jesus (Acts xiii. 6, 8), the slave with tlie spirit of Python (Acts xvi. 16), the vaga bond Jews, exorcists (Luke xi. 19 ; Acts xix. 13), and others (2 Tim. iii. 13; Rev. xix. 20, &c), as well as the notorious dealers in magical books at Ephesus (Acts xix. 19). Divorce. The law regulating this subject is found Deut. xxiv. 1-4, and the cases in which the right of a husband to divorce his wife was lost, are Stated ib, xxii. 19, 29. The ground of divorce is a point on which the Jewish doctors of the period of the N. T. widely differed ; the school of Shammai seeming to limit it to a moral delinquency in the woman, whilst that of Hillel extended it to trifling causes, e. g., if the wife burnt the food she was cooking for her husband. The Pharisees wished perhaps to embroil our Saviour with these rival schools by their question (Matt. xix. 3) ; by His answer to which, as well as by His previous maxim (v. 31), he declares that but for their hardened state o? heart, such questions would have no place. Yet from the distinction made, " but I say unto you," v. 31, 32, it seems to follow, that He re garded all the lesser causes than " fornication " as standing on too weak ground, and declined the question of how to interpret the words of Moses. It would be unreasonable, therefore, to suppose that by " some uncleanness," to which he limited the remedy of divorce, Moses meant " fornication," i.e. adultery, for that would have been to stultify the law " that such should be stoned" (John viii. 5; Lev. xx. 10). The practical difficulty, however, which at tends on the doubt which is now found in inter preting Moses' words will be lessened if we consider, that the mere giving "a bill (or rather "book,") of divorcement" (comp. Is. 1. 1; Jer. iii. 8), would in ancient times require the intervention of a Levite, not only to secure the formal correctness of the instrument, but because the art of writing was then generally unknown. This would bring the matter under the cognizance of legal authority, and tend to check the rash exercise of the right by the husband. But the absence of any case in point in the period which lay nearest to the lawgiver himself, or in any, save a much more recent one, makes the whole question one of great uncertainty. Di'zahab, a place in the Arabian Desert, men tioned Deut. i. 1, as limiting the position of the spot in which Moses is there represented as address ing the Israelites. It is by Robinson identified witli Dahab, a cape on the W. shore ofthe Gulf of Akabah. Do'eus, a " little hold " near Jericho (1 Mace. xvi. 15, comp. verse 14) built by Ptolemeus the son of Abubus. The name still remains attached to the copious and excellent springs of Ain-Dv.li, which burs''', forth in the Wady Nawa'imeh, at tlie foot of tlie mountain of Quarantania {Kuruntul), about 4 miles N.W. of Jericho. Above the springs are traces of ancient foundations, which may be DOR those of Ptolemy's castle, but more probably of that of the Templars, one of whose stations this was. Dod'ai, an Ahohite who commanded the course of the 2nd month (1 Chr. xxvii. 4). It is probable that he is the same as Dodo, 2. Do'danim, Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 7 (in some copies and in marg. of A. V. 1 Chr. i. 7, Rodanim), a family or race descended from Javan, the son of Japhet (Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 7). The weight of authority is in favour ofthe former name. Dodanim is regarded as identical with Dardani. The Dardani were found in historical times in Ulyricura and Troy: the former district was regarded as their original seat. They were probably a semi-Pelasgic race, and are grouped with the Chittim in the genealogical table, as more closely related to them, than to the other branches of the Pelasgic race. Ivalisch identifies Dodanim with the Daunians, who occupied the coast of Apulia. LVdavah, a man of Maresha in Judah, father of Eliezer who denounced Jehoshaphat's alliance with Ahaziah (2 Chr. xx. 37). Do'do. 1. A man of Bethlehem, father of El- hanan, who was one of David's thirty captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 24 : 1 Chr. xi. 26). He is a different person from — 2. Dodo the Ahohite, father of Eleazar, the 2nd of the three mighty men who were over the thirty (2 Sam. xxiii. 9 ; 1 Chr. xi. 12). He, or his son — in which ease we must sup pose the words " Eleazar son of " to have escaped from the text — probably had the command of the second monthly course (1 Chr. xxvii. 4). In the latter passage the name is Dodai.— 3. A man of Issachar, forefather of Tola the Judge (Judg. x. 1). Do'eg, an Idumaean, chief of Saul's herdmen. He was at Nob when Ahimelech gave David the sword of Goliath, and not only gave information to Saul, but when others declined the office, himself executed the king's order to destroy the priests of Nob, with their families, to the number of 85 persons, together with all their property (1 Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 9, 18, 22 : Ps. Iii.). Dog, an animal frequently mentioned in Scrip ture. It was used by the Hebrews as a watch for their houses (Is. Ivi. 10), and for guarding their flocks (Job xxx. 1). Then also as now, troops of hungry and semi-wild dogs used to wander about the fields and streets ofthe cities, devouring dead bodies and other offal (1 K. xiv. 11, xvi. 4, xxi. 19, 23, xxii. 38, 2 K. ix. 10, 36 ; Jer. xv. 3, Ps. lix. 6, 14), and thus became such objects of dislike that fierce and cruel enemies are poetically styled dogs in Ps. xxii. 16, 20. Moreover the dog being an no- clean animal (Is. lxvi. 3), the terms dog, dead dog, dog's head were used as terms of reproach, or of humility in speaking of one's self (1 Sam. xxiv. 14 ; 2 Sam. iii. 8, ix. 8, xvi. 9 ; 2K. viii. 13). Stanley mentions that he saw on the very site of Jezreel the descendants of the dogs that devoured Jezebel, prowling on the mounds without the walls for offal and can-ion thrown out to them to consume. Doors. [Gates.] Doph'kah, a place mentioned Num. xxxiii. 12, as a station in the Desert where the Israelites en camped ; see Wilderness. Dor (Josh. xvii. 11, 1 K. iv. 11 ; 1 Mace. xv. 11), an ancient royal city of the Canaanites (Josh. xii. 23), whose ruler was an ally of Jabin king of Hazor against Joshua (Josh. xi. 1, 2). It was probably the most southern settlement of the Phoe nicians on the coast of Syria. Josephus describes it DORA as a maritime city, on the west border of Manasseh and the north border of Dan near Mount Carmel. It appears to have been within the territory of the tribe of Asher, though allotted to Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 11 ; Judg. i. 27). The original inhabitants were never expelled; but during the prosperous reigns of David and Solomon they were made tribu tary (Judg. i. 27, 28), and the latter monarch sta tioned at Dor one of his twelve purveyors (1 K. iv. 11). Tryphon, the murderer of Jonathan Macca baeus and usurper of the throne of Syria, having sought an asylum in Dor, the city was besieged and captured by Antiochus Sidetes (1 Mace. xv. 11). Of the site of Dor there can be no doubt. The de scriptions of Josephus and Jerome are clear and full. Tho latter places it on the coast, " in the ninth mile from Caesarea, on the way to Ptole mais." Just at the point indicated is the small village of Tantura, probably an Arab corruption of Dora, consisting of about thirty houses, wholly con structed of ancient materials. Do'ra. 1 Mace. xv. 11, 13, 25. [Dor.] Dor'cas. [Tabitha.] Dorym'enes, father of Ptolemy, surnamed Macron (1 Mace. iii. 38 ; 2 Mace. iv. 45). It is probable that he is the same Dorymenes who fought against Antiochus the Great. Dosith'eus. 1. " A priest and Levite," who car ried the translation of Esther to Egypt (Esth. xi. 1, 2).— 3. One of the captains of Judas Maccabaeus in the battle against Timotheus (2 Mace. xii. 19, 24).— 8. A horse-soldier of Bacenor's company, a man of prodigious strength, who, in attempting to capture Gorgias, was cut down by a Thracian (2 Mace. xii. 35).— 4. The son of Drimylus, a Jew, who had renounced the law of his fathers, and was in the camp of Ptolemy Philopator at Raphia (3 Mace. i. 3). He was perhaps a chamberlain. Do'thaim. [Dothan.] Dothan, a place first mentioned (Gen. xxxvii. 17) in connexion with the history of Joseph, and apparently as in the neighbourhood of Shechem. It next appears as the residence of Elisha (2 K. vi. 13). Later still we encounter it as a landmark in the account of Holofernes' campaign against Bethulia (Jud. iv. 6, vii. 3, 18, viii. 3). Dothaim is due to the Greek text, from which this book is trans lated. Dothain was known to Eusebius, who places it 12 miles to the N. of Sebaste (Samaria) ; and here it has been at length discovered in our own times, still bearing its ancient name unimpaired, and situ ated at the south end of a plain of the richest pas turage, 4 or 5 miles S.W. of Jenin, and separated only by a swell or two of hills from the plain of Esdraelon. Dove (Heb. Yonah). The first mention of this bird occurs in Gen. viii. The dove's rapidity of flight is alluded to in Ps. lv. 6 ; the beauty of its plumage iu Ps. lxviii. 13; its dwelling in the rocks and valleys in Jer. xlviii. 28, and Ez. vii. 16 ; its mournful voice in Is. xxxviii. 14, lix. 11; Nah. ii. 7; its harmlessness in Matt. x. 16; its simplicity in Hos. vii. 11, and its amativeness in Cant, i, 15, ii. 14. Doves are kept in a domesticated state in many parts of the East. The pigeon-cote is an uni versal feature in the houses of Upper Egypt. In Persia pigeon-houses are erected at a distance from the dwellings, for the purpose of collecting the dung as manure. There is probably an allusion to such > ' a custom in Is. Ix. 8. Dove's Dung. Various explanations have been Con. D. B. DREAMS 209 given ofthe passage in 2 K. vi. 25, which describes the famine of Samaria to have been so excessive, that " an ass's head was sold for fourscore pieces of silver, aud the fourth part of a cab of dove's dung for five pieces of silver." The old versions and very many ancient commentators are in favour of a literal interpretation of the Heb. word. BocHart has laboured to show that it denotes a species of cicer, " chick-pea," which he says the Arabs call usn&n, and sometimes improperly " dove's or spar row's dung." Linnaeus suggested that tlie chiryo- nim may signify the Ornithogalum umbellatum, " Star of Bethlehem." With regard to Bochart's opinion, Celsius, who advocates the literal inter pretation, has shown that it is founded on an error. It can scarcely be believed that even in the worst horrors of a siege a substance so vile as is implied by the literal rendering should have been used for food, and in the absence of further evidence we must refrain from deciding. Dowry. [Marriage.] Drachm (2 Mace. iv. 19, x. 20, xii. 43; Luke xv. 8, 9), a Greek silver coin, varying in weight on account of the use of different talents. The Jews must have been acquainted with three talents, the Ptolemaic, the Phoenician, and the Attic. The drachmae of these talents weigh respectively, during the period ofthe Maccabees, about 55 grs. troy, 58"5, and 66. In Luke (A. V. *' piece of silver") denarii seem to be intended. [Money ; Silver, piece op.] Dragon. The translators of the A. V., appar ently following the Vulgate, have rendered by the same word "dragon "the two Hebrew words Tan and Tannin, which appear to be quite distinct in meaning.— I. The former is used, always in the plural, in Job xxx. 29 ; Is. xxxiv. 13, xliii. 20 ; in Is. xiii. 22 ; in Jer. x. 22, xlix. 33 ; in Ps. xliv. 19 ; and in Jer. ix. 11, xiv. 6, li. 37 ; Mic. i. 8. It is always applied to some creatures inhabiting the desert, and we should conclude from this that it refers rather to some wild beast than to a serpent. The Syriac renders it by a word which, according to Pococke, means a " jackal."— II. The word tannin seems to refer to any great monster, whether of the land or the sea, being indeed more usually applied to some kind of serpent or reptile, but not exclusively restricted to that sense. When we examine special passages we find the word used in Gen. i. 21, of the great sea-monsters, the representatives of the inhabitants of the deep. On the other hand, in Ex. vii. 9, 10, 12, Deut. xxxii. 33, Ps. xci. 13, it refers to land-serpents of a powerful and deadly kind. In the N. T. it is only found in the Apoca lypse (Rev. xii. 3, 4,7, 9, 16, 17, &c), as applied metaphorically to " the old serpent, called the Devil, and Satan," the description ofthe "dragon" beino- dictated by the symbolical meaning of the ima^e rather than by any reference to any actually existing creature. The reason of this scriptural symbol is to be sought not only in the union of gigantic power with craft and malignity, of which the serpent is the natural emblem, but in the record of the serpent's agency in the temptation. (Gen. iii.). Dram. [Daric] Dreams.— I. The main difference between our sleeping and waking thoughts appears to lie in this —that, in the former case, the perceptive faculties of the mind are active, while the reflective powers are generally asleep. Yet there is a class of dreams in which the reason is not wholly asleep. In these cases it seems to look on as it were from without, 1' 210 DRESS and so to have a double consciousness. In either case the ideas suggested are accepted by the mind in dreams at once and inevitably, instead of being weighed and tested, as in our waking hours. But it is evident that the method of such suggestion is still undetermined, and in fact is no more capable of being accounted for by any single cause than the sug gestion of waking thoughts. The material of these latter is supplied either by ourselves, through the senses, the memory, and the imagination, or by other men. generally through the medium of words, or lastly by the direct action of the Spirit of God, or of created spirits of orders superior to our own, or the spirit within us. So also it is in dreams. On the first two points experience gives undoubted testimony ; as to the third, it can, from the nature of the case, speak but vaguely and uncertainly. The Scripture declares, not as any strange thing, but as a thing of course, that the influence of the Spirit of God upon the soul extends to its sleep ing as well as its waking thoughts.— II. It is, of course, with this last class of dreams that we have to do in Scripture. The dreams of memory or imagination are indeed referred to in Eccl. v. 3 ; Is. xxix. 8 ; but it is the history of the Revelation of the Spirit of God to the spirit of man, whether sleeping or waking, which is the proper subject of Scripture itself. It must be observed that, in ac cordance with the principle enunciated by S. Paul in 1 Cor. xiv. 15, dreams, in which the understanding is asleep, are recognised indeed as a method of di vine revelation, but placed below the visions of pro phecy, in which the understanding plays its part. It is true that the book of Job, standing as it does on the basis of** natural religion," dwells on dreams and " visions in deep sleep " as the chosen method of God's revelation of Himself to man (see Job iv. 13, vii. 14-, xxxiii. 15). But inNum. xii. 6; Deut. xiii. 1, 3, 5 ; Jer. xxvii. 9 ; Joel ii. 28, &c, dreamers of dreams, whether true or false, are placed below "prophets," and even below "diviners;" and si milarly in the climax of 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, we read that "Jehovah answered Saul not, neither by dreams, nor by Urim [by symbol], nor by prophets." Under the Christian dispensation, while we read frequently of trances and visions, dreams are never referred to as vehicles of divine revelation. In exact accordance with this principle are the actual records of the dreams sent by God. The greater number of such dreams were granted, for pre diction or for warning, to those who were aliens to the Jewish covenant. And, where dreams are re corded as means of God's revelation to His chosen servants, they are almost always referred to the periods of their earliest and most imperfect know ledge of Him. The general conclusion therefore is, first, that tlie Scripture claims the dream as a medium through which God may speak to man either directly, or indirectly in virtue of a general influence upon all his thoughts ; and secondly, that it lays far greater stress on that divine influence by which the understanding also is affected, and leads us to believe that as such influence extends more and more, revelation by dreams, unless in very pecu liar circumstances, might be expected to pass away. Dress. This subject includes the following par ticulars:—!. Materials. 2. Colour and decoration. o. Name, form, and mode of wearing the various articles. 4. Special usages relating thereto.— 1. The earliest and simplest robe was made out of the leaves of a tree, portions of which were sewn DRESS together, so as to form an apron (Gen. iii. 7), After the fall, the skins of animals supplied a more durable material (Gen. iii. 21), which was adapted to a rude state of society, and is stated to have been used by various ancient nations. Skins were not wholly disused at later periods: the "mantle" worn by Elijah appears to have been the skin of a sheep or some other animal with the wool left on. It was characteristic of a prophet's office from its mean appearance (Zech. xiii. 4; cf. Matt. vii. 15). Pelisses of sheep-skin still form an ordinary article of dress in the East. The art of weaving hair was known to the Hebrews at an early period (Ex. xxvi. 7, xxxv. 6) ; the sackcloth used by mourners was of this material. John the Baptist's robe was of camel's hair (Matt. iii. 4). Wool, we may pre sume, was introduced at a veiy early period, the flocks of the pastoral families being kept partly for their wool (Gen. xxxviii. 12) : it was at all times largely employed, particularly for the outer gar ments (Lev. xiii. 47 ; Deut. xxii. 11 ; &c). It is probable that the acquaintance of the Hebrews with linen, and perhaps cotton, dates from the period of the captivity in Egypt, when they were instructed in the manufacture (1 Chr. iv. 21). After their return- to Palestine we have frequent notices of linen. Silk was not introduced until a very late period (Rev. xviii. 12). The use of mixed material, such as wool and flax, was forbidden (Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 11).— 2. Colour and decoration. The prevailing colour of the Hebrew dress was the natural white of the materials employed, which might be brought to a high state of brilliancy by the art of the fuller (Mark ix. 3), It is uncertain when the art of dyeing became known to the Hebrews ; the dress worn by Joseph (Gen. xxxvii. 3, 23) is variously taken to be either a " coat of diva's colours," or a tunic furnished with sleeves and reaching down to the ankles. The latter is pro bably the correct sense. The notice of scarlet thread (Gen. xxxviii. 2&) implies some acquaintance with dyeing. The Egyptians had carried the art of weaving and embroidery to a high state of per fection, and from them the Hebrews learned various methods of producing decorated stuffs. The ele ments of ornamentation were — (1) weaving with threads previously dyed (Ex. xxxv. 25); (2) the introduction of gold thread or wire (Ex. xxviii. 6 ff.) ; (3) the addition of figures. These devices may have been either woven into the stuff, or cut out of other stuff and afterwards attached by needlework : in the former case the pattern would appear only on one side, in the latter the pattern might be varied. Robes decorated with gold (Ps. xiv. 13), and at a later period with silver thread (cf. Acts xii. 21), were worn by royal personages ; other kinds of embroidered robes were worn by the wealthy both of Tyre (Ez. xvi. 13) and Palestine (Judg. v. 30 ; Ps. xiv. 14). The art does not appear to have been maintained among the Hebrews : the Baby lonians and other eastern nations (Josh. vii. 21 ; Ez. xxvii. 24), as well as the Egyptians (Ez. xxvii. 7), excelled in it. Nor does the art of dyeing ap pear to have been followed up in Palestine: dyed robes were imported from foreign countries (Zeph. i. 8), particularly from Phoenicia, and were not much used on account of their expensiveness: purple (Prov. xxxi. 22 ; Luke xvi. 19) and scarlet (2 Sam. i. 24) were occasionally worn by the wealthy. _ The surrounding nations were more lavish in their use of them : the wealthy Tynans (Ez. xxvii. 7), the DRESS Midianitish kings (Judg. viii. 26), the Assyrian nobles (Ez. xxiii. 6), and Persian officers (Esth. viii. 15), are all represented in purple.— 3. Tlie names, forms, and mode of wearing the robes. It is difficult to give a satisfactory account of the various articles of dress mentioned in the Bible. The general cha racteristics of Oriental dress have indeed preserved a remarkable uniformity in all ages: the modern Arab dresses much as the ancient Hebrew did ; there are the same flowing robes, the same distinction be tween the outer and inner garments, the former heavy and warm, the latter light, adapted to the rapid and excessive changes of temperature in those countries ; and there is the same distinction between the costume of the rich and the poor, consisting in the multiplication of robes of a finer texture and more ample dimensions. Hence the numerous illus trations of ancient costume, which may be drawn from the usages of modern Orientals, supplying in great measure the want of contemporaneous repre sentations. The costume ofthe men and women was veiy similar ; there was sufficient difference, how ever, to mark the sex, and it was 6trictly forbidden to a woman to wear the appendages such as the staff, signet-ring, and other ornaments, or, according to Josephus, the weapons of a man ; as well as to a man to wear the outer robe of a woman (Deut. xxii. 5). We shall first describe the robes which were common to the two sexes, and then those which were peculiar to woman. (1.) The cethoneth was the most essential article of dress. It was a closely fitting garment, resembling in form and use our shirt, though unfortunately translated coat in the A. V. The material of which it was made was either wool, cotton, or linen. The primitive cetho neth was without sleeves and reached only to the knee. Another kind reached to the wrists and ankles. It was in either case kept close to the body by a girdle, and the fold formed by the overlapping of the robe served as an inner pocket. A person wearing the ctth&neth alone was described as naJted, A. V. The annexed woodcut (fig. 1) represents DRESS 211 Fig: 1.— An Egyptian. CLano's Modern Eaj/pliam.) the simplest style of Oriental dress, a long loose shirt or cithoneth without a girdle, reaching nearly t° the ankle. (2.) The sadin appears to have been a wrapper of fine linen, which might be used in various ways, but especially as a night-shirt ('Mark xiv. 51). (3.) The meil was an upper or second tunic, the difference being that it was longer than the first. As an article of ordinary di'ess it was wor.n by kings (1 Sam. xxiv. 4), prophets (1 Sam. xxviii. 14), nobles (Job i. 20), and youths (1 Sam. ii. 19). It may, however, be doubted whether the term is used in its specific sense in these passages, and not rather for any robe that chanced to be worn over the cethoneth. Where two tunics are mentioned (Luke iii. 11) as being worn at the same time, the second would be a mill ; travellers generally wore two, but the practice was forbidden to the disciples (Matt. x. 10 ; Luke ix. 3). The dress of the middle and upper classes in modern Egypt (fig. 2) illus- Fig. 2. — An Egyptian of the upper classes. (Lane.) trates the customs of the Hebrews. (4.) The ordi nary outer garment consisted of a quadrangular piece of woollen cloth, probably resembling in shape a Scotch plaid. The size and texture would vaiy with the means of the wearer. The Hebrew terms referring to it are — simlah, sometimes put for clothes generally (Gen. xxxv. 2, xxxvii. 34 ; Ex. iii. 22, xxii. 9 ; Deut. x. 18 ; Is. iii. 7, iv. 1); beged, which is more usual in speaking of robes of a hand some and substantial character (Gen. xxvii. 15, xii. 42 ; Ex. xxviii. 2 ; IK. xxii. 10 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 9 ; Is. lxiii. 1) ; cesuth, appropriate to passages where covering or protection is the prominent idea (Ex. xxii. 26; Job xxvi. 6, xxxi. 19) ; and lastly ISbush, usual in poetry, but specially appUed to a warrior's cloak (2 Sam. xx. 8), priests' vestments (2 K. A. 22), and royal apparel (Esth. vi. 11, viii. 15). An other term, mad, is specifically applied to a long cloak (Judg. iii. 16; 2 Sam. xx. 8), and to the priest's coat (Lev. vi. 10). The beged might be worn in various ways, either wrapped round the body, or worn over the shoulders, like a shawl, with the ends or "skirts" hanging down in front- or it might be thrown over the head, so as to con ceal the face (2 Sam. xv. 30 ; Esth. vi. 12). The ends were skirted with a fringe and bound with a dark purple riband (Num. xv. 38) : it was confined at the waist by a girdle, and the fold, formed by the overlapping of the robe, served as a pocket. The dress of the women differed from that of tho men in regard to the outer garment, the cethoneth P2 21'2 DRESS being worn equally by both sexes (Cant. v. 3). The names of their distinctive robes were as follows : — (1) mitpachath (veil, wimple, A. V.), a kind of shawl (Ruth iii. 15 ; Is. iii. 22) ; (2) ma'ataphah (mantle, A. V.), another kind of shawl (Is. iii. 22) ; (3) tsaiph (veil, A. V.), probably a light summer dress of handsome appearance and of ample dimen sions; (4) radid (veil, A. V.), a similar robe (Is. iii. 23 ; Cant. v. 7). (5) petldgil {stomacher, A. V.), a term of doubtful origin, but probably signi ficant of a gay holiday dress (Is. iii. 24); (6) gilyonim (Is. iii. 23), also a doubtful word, pro bably means, as in the A. V., glasses. The gar ments of females we:n terminated by an ample Fig. 3. — An Egyptian Woman. (Lane.,) border or fringe (skirts, A. V.), which concealed the feet (Is. xlvii. 2 ; Jer. xiii. 22). Figs. 3 and 4 illus trate some ofthe peculiarities of female dress; the Tig. 4.— A woman of tho souUiora province of Upper E~yDt (Lane.) ' former is an Egyptian woman (in her walking dress) : the latter represents ,i dress, probably of great antiquity, still worn by the peasants in the DRESS south of Egypt. Having now completed our de scription of Hebrew dress, wo add a few remarks relative to the selection of equivalent terms in our own language. CSthoneth answers in many re spects to " frock." In the sacerdotal dress a more technical term might be used : " vestment," in its specific sense as = the chasuble, or casula would represent it very aptly. Me"il may perhaps be best rendered "gown." In sacerdotal dress "alb" exactly meets it. Addereth answers in several respects to " pelisse," although this term is now applied almost exclusively to female dress. Sadin = "linen wrapper." Simlah we would render " garment," and in the plural " clothes," as the broadest term of the kind ; beged " vestment," as being of superior quality ; lebush " robe," as still superior; mad "cloak," as being long; and mal- bush " dress," in the specific sense in which the term is not unfrequently used as = fine di'ess. In female costume mitpachath might be rendered "shawl," ma'ataphah "mantle," ts&'iph "hand some dress," radid " cloak." The dresses of fo reign nations are occasionally referred to in the Bible ; that of the Persians is described in Dan. iii. 21 in terms which have been variously understood, but which may be identified in the following man ner: — (1) The sarbalin (A. V. "coats") or drawers, which were the distinctive feature in the Persian as compared with the Hebrew dress; (2 J the pattish (A. V. " hosen ") or inner tunic ; (3) the carbeld (A. V. " hat ") or upper tunic, corre sponding to the meil of the Hebrews ; (4) the lebush (A. V. "garment") or cloak, which was worn, like the beged, over all. In addition to these terms, we have notice of a robe of state of fine linen, tacric, so called from its ample dimensions (Esth. viii. 15). The references to Greek or Roman dress are few : the ^Aa/iiis (2 Mace. xii. 35 ; Matt, xxvii. 28) was either the paludamentum, the military scarf of the Roman soldiery, or the Greek chlamys itself, which was introduced under the Emperors : it was especially worn by officers. The travelling cloak referred to by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 13) is generally identified with the Roman paenula, of which it may be a corruption. It is, however, otherwise explained as a travelling case for carrying clothes or books.— 4. Special usages relating io dress. The length of the dress rendered it incon venient for active exercise; heoce the outer gar ments were either left in the house by a person working close by (Matt. xxiv. 18) or were thrown off when the occasion arose (Mark x. 50 ; John xiii. 4; Acts vii. 58), or, if this was not possible, as in the case of a person travelling, they were girded up (1 K. xviii. 46 ; 2 K. iv. 29, ix. 1 ; 1 M. l. 13) ; on entering a house the upper garment was probably laid aside and resumed on going out (Acts xii. 8). In a sitting posture, the garments con cealed the feet ; this was held to be an act of rever ence (Is. vi. 2). The number of suits possessed by the Hebrews was considerable: a single suit con sisted of an under and upper garment. The pre sentation of a robe in many instances amounted to installation or investiture (Gen. xii. 42 ; Esth. viii. 15; Is. xxii. 21); on the other hand, taking it away amounted to dismissal from office (2 Mace. iv. 38). The production of the best robe was a mark of special honour in a household (Luke xv. 22). The number of robes thus received or kept in store for presents was very large, and formed one of the main elements of wealth in the East (Job xxvii. lo' i DRINK, STRONG Matt. vi. 19 ; James v. 2), so that to Iiave clothit = to be wealthy and powerful (Is. iii. 6, 7). On grand occasions the entertainer offered becoming robes to his guests. The business of making clothes devolved upon women in a family (Prov. xxxi. 22 ; Acts ix. 39) ; little art was required in what we may term the tailoring department ; the garments came forth for the most part ready made from the loom, so that the weaver supplanted the tailor. Drink, Strong. The Hebrew term shecar, in its etymological sense, applies to any beverage that had intoxicating qualities. We may infer from Cant. viii. 2 that the Hebrews were in the habit of expressing the juice of other fruits besides the grape for the purpose of making wine ; the pome granate, which is there noticed, was probably one out of many fruits so used. With regard to the application of the term in later times we have the explicit statement of Jerome, as well as other sources of information, from which we may state that the following beverages were known to the Jews : — 1. Beer, which was largely consumed in Egypt under the name of zythus, and was thence introduced into Palestine. It was made of barley ; certain herbs. such as lupin and skirrett, were used as substitutes for hops. 2. Cider, which is noticed in the Mishna as apple-wine. 3. Honey-wine, of which there were two sorts, one, consisting of a mixture of wine, honey, and pepper ; the other a decoction of the juice of the grape, termed dibash (honey) by the Hebrews, and dibs by the modern Syrians. 4. Date- wine, which was also manufactured in Egypt. It was made by mashing the fruit in water in certain proportions. 5. Various other fruits and vegetables are enumerated by Pliny as supplying materials for factitious or home-made wine, such as figs, millet, the carob fruit, &c. It is not improbable that the Hebrews applied raisins to this purpose in the simple manner followed by the Arabians, viz., by putting them in jars of water and burying them in the ground until fermentation takes place. Dromedary. The representative in the A. V. of the Heb. words becer or bicrah, recesh and ram- mac. As to the two former terms, see under Camel. 1. Recesh, is variously interpreted in our version by "dromedaries" (1 K. iv. 28), " mules " (Esth. viii. 10, 14), "swift beasts" (Mic. i. 13). There seems to be no doubt that it denotes " a superior kind of horse." 2. R&mmac (Esth. viii. 10) is pro perly a " mare." Drusil'la, daughter of Herod Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 1, 19 IT.) and Cypros. She was at first be trothed to Antiochus Epiphanes, prince of Com- magene, but was married to Azizus, king of Emesa. Soon after, Felix, procurator of Judaea, brought about her seduction by means of the Cyprian sor cerer Simon, and took her as his wife. In Acts xxiv. 24, we find her in company with Felix at Caesarea. Felix had by Drusilla a son named Agrippa, who, together with his mother, perished in the eruption of Vesuvius under Titus. Dulcimer (Heb. Sumphoniah), a musical instru ment, mentioned in Daniel, iii. 5, 15. Rabbi Saadia Gaon describes the Sumphoniah as the bag-pipe, an opinion adopted by the majority of biblical critics. The same instrument is still in use amongst peasants in the N.W. of Asia and in Southern Eu rope, where it is known by the similar name Sam- pogna or Zampogna. With respect to the etymology of the word a great difference of opinion prevails.0 Du'mah, a son of Ishmael, most probably the founder of an Ishmaelite tribe of Arabia, and thence EAGLE 213 the name of the principal place, or district, inha bited by that tribe (Gen. xxv. 14; 1 Chr. i. 30; Is. xxi. 11). The name of a town in the. north western part of the peninsula, Doomat-el-Jendel, is held by Gesenius and others to have been thus de rived. It signifies " Dumah of the stones or blocks of stone," and seems to indicate that the place was built of unhewn or Cyclopean masonry, similar to that of very ancient structures. Du'rnah, a city in the mountainous district of Judah, near Hebron (josh. xv. 52). Robinson passed the ruins of a village called ed-Daumeh, 6 miles south-west of Hebron, and this may possibly be Dumah. Dung. The uses of dung were twofold, as ma nure, and as fuel. The manure consisted either of straw steeped in liquid manure (Is. xxv. 10), or the sweepings (Is. v. 25) of the streets and roads, which were carefully removed from about the houses and collected in heaps outside the walls of the towns at fixed spots (hence the dung-gate at Jerusalem, Neh. ii. 13), and thence removed in due course to the fields. The mode of applying manure to trees was by digging holes about their roots and inserting it (Luke xiii. 8), as still practised in Southern Italy. In the case of sacrifices the dung was burnt outside the camp (Ex. xxix. 14; Lev. iv. 11, viii. 17 ; Num. xix. 5) : hence the extreme opprobrium of the threat in Mal. ii. 3. Particular directions were laid down in the law to enforce cleanliness with regard to human ordure (Deut. xxiii. 12 ff.) : it was the grossest insult to turn a man's house into a receptacle for it (2 K. x. 27 ; Ezr. vi. 11 ; Dan. ii. 5, iii. 29, " dunghill " A. V.) ; public establishments of that nature are still found in the large towns of the East. The difficulty of procuring fuel in Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, has made dung in all ages valuable as a substitute : it was probably used for heating ovens and for baking cakes (Ez. iv. 12, 15), the equable heat, which it produced, adapting it peculiarly for the latter opera tion. Cow's and camel's dung is still used for a similar purpose by the Bedouins. Dungeon. [Prison.] Du'ra, the plain where Nebuchadnezzar set up the golden image (Dan. iii. 1), has been sometimes identified with a tract a little below Tekrit, on the left bank of the Tigris, where the name Dur is still found. M. Oppert places the plain (or, as he calls it, the " valley ") of Dura to the south-east of Babylon in the vicinity of the mound of Dowair or Diair. Dust. [Mourning.] E _ le (Heb. neslier). The Hebrew word, which occurs frequently in the 0. T., may denote a par ticular species ofthe Falconidae, as in Lev. xi. 13; Deut. xiv. 12, where the neslier is distinguished from the ossifrage, osprey, and other raptatorial birds; but the term is used also to express the griffon vulture ( Vultur fukus) in two or three passages. At least four distinct kinds of eagles have been observed in Palestine, viz. the golden eagle (Aquila Chrysae'tos), the spotted eagle (A. naevia), the commonest species in the rocky districts (see Ibis, i. 23), the imperial eagle (Aquila Heliaca), and the very common Circaetos gallicus, which preys on the numerous reptilia of Palestine. The Heb. nesher may stand for any of these different species, though 214 EANES perhaps more particular reference to the golden and imperial eagles and the griffon vulture may be in tended. The passage in Mic. i. 16, " Enlarge thy baldness as the eagle," has been understood by Bochart and others to refer to the eagle at the time of its moulting in the spring. But if the nesher is supposed to denote the griffon vulture {Vultur fulvus), the simile is peculiarly appropriate, for the whole head and neck of this bird are destitute of true feathers. The " eagles " of Matt. xxiv. 28, Luke xvii. 37, may include the Vultur fulvus and Neophron percnopterus ; though, as eagles fre quently prey upou dead bodies, there is no necessity to restrict the Greek word to the Vulturidae. The figure of an eagle is now and has been long a favourite military ensign. The Persians so em ployed it ; a fact which illustrates the passage in Is. xlvi. 11. The same bird was similarly employed by the Assyrians and the Romans. jlquild Heliaea. E'anes, 1 Esd. ix. 21, a name which stands in the place of Harim, Maaseiah, and Elijah, in the parallel list of Ezra x. Earnest (2 Cor. i. 22, v. 5 ; Eph. i. 14). The equivalent in the original is fyfiaPuv, a Graecised form of the Heb. 'erabon, which was introduced by the Phoenicians into Greece, and also into Italy, where it reappears under the forms arrhabo and arrlm. It may again be traced in the French arrhes, and in the old English expression Earl's or Arle's money. The Hebrew word was used gen erally for pledge (Gen. xxxviii. 17), and in its cognate forms for surety (Prov. xvii. 18) and host age (2 K. xiv. 14). The Greek derivative, how ever, acquired a more technical sense as signifying the deposit paid by the purchaser on entering into an agreement for the purchase of any thing. Earrings. The word neiem, by which these ornaments are usually described, is unfortunately ambiguous, originally referring to the nose-ring (as its root indicates), and thence transferred to the ear ring. The material of which earrings were made was generally gold (Ex. xxxii. 2), and their form cir cular. They were worn by women and by youth of both sexes (Ex. I. a). It has been inferred from the passage quoted, and from Judg. viii. 24, that they EARTH were not worn by men : these passages are, however, by no means conclusive. The earring appears to have been regarded with superstitious reverence as an amu let. On this account they were surrendered along with the idols by Jacob's household (Gen. xxxv. 4). Chardin describes earrings, with talismanic figures and characters on them, as still existing in the East. Jewels were sometimes attached to the rings. The size of the earrings still worn in eastern countries far exceeds what is usual among ourselves ; hence they formed a handsome present (Job xiii. 11), or offering to the service of God (Num. xxxi. 50). EgypUnn Earrings, from Wilkinson. Earth. The term is used in two widely different senses: (1) for the material of which the earth's surface is composed ; (2) as the name of the planet on which man dwells. The Hebrew language dis criminates between these two by the use of separate terms, AdamoJi for the former, Erets for the latter. As the two are essentially distinct we shall notice them separately.— I. Adamah is the earth in the sense of soil or ground, particularly as being sus ceptible of cultivation. The earth suppUed the elementary substance of which man's body was formed, and the terms adam and adamah are brought into juxtaposition, implying an etymolo gical connexion (Gen. ii. 7).— H. Erets is applied in a more or less extended sense: — 1. to the whole world (Gen. i. 1); 2. to land as opposed to sea (Gen. i. 10) ; 3. to a country (Gen. xxi. 32) ; 4. to a plot of ground (Gen. xxiii. 15); and 5. to the ground on which a man stands (Gen. xxxiii. 3). The two former senses alone concern us, the first involving an inquiiy into the opinions of the He brews on Cosmogony, the second on Geography.— I. Cosmogony. — The views of the Hebrews on this subject are confessedly imperfect and obscure. 1. The earth was regarded not only as the central point of the universe, but as the universe itself, every other body — the heavens, sun, moon, and stars — being subsidiary to, and, as it were, the com plement of the earth. The Hebrew language has no expression equivalent to our universe; "the heavens and the earth" (Gen. i. 1, xiv. 19; Ex. xxxi. 17) has been regarded as such ; but it is clear that the heavens were looked upon as a necessary adjunct of the earth — the curtain of the tent in which man dwells (Is. xl. 22), the sphere above which fitted the sphere below (comp. Job xxii. 14, and Is. xl. 22) — designed solely for purposes of beneficence in the economy of the earth. As with the heaven itself, so also with the heavenly bodies ; they were regarded solely as the ministers of the earth. 2. The earth was regarded in a twofold aspect ; in relation to God, as the manifestation of His infinite attributes ; in relation to man, as the scene of his abode. (1.) The Hebrew cosmogony EARTH is based upon the leading principle that the universe exists, not independently of God by any necessity or any inherent power, nor yet contemporaneously with God, as being co-existent with Him, nor yet in opposition to God, as a hostile element, but de- pendently upon Him, subsequently to Him, and in subjection to Him. (2.) The earth was regarded in relation to man, and accordingly each act of creation is a preparation of the earth for his abode — light, as the primary condition of all life ; the hea vens, for purposes already detailed ; the dry land, for his home ; " grass for the cattle and herb for the service of man" (Ps. civ. 14) ; the alternations of day and night, the one for his work and the other for his rest (Ps. civ. 23) ; fish, fowl, and flesh for his food ; the beasts of burden, to lighten his toil. The work of each day of creation has its specific application to the requirements and the comforts of man, and is recorded with that special view. 3. Creation was regarded as a progressive work — a gradual development from the inferior to the superior orders of things. Thus it was with the earth's surface, at first a chaotic mass, and thence gradually brought into a state of order and beauty. Thus also with the different portions of the uni verse, the earth before the light, the light before the firmament, the firmament before the dry land. Thus also with the orders of living beings ; firstly, plants ; secondly, fish and birds ; thirdly, cattle ; and lastly, man. 4. Order involves time; a suc cession of events implies a succession of periods ; and accordingly Moses assigns the work of creation to six days, each having its specific portion. The manner, in which these acts are described as having been done, precludes all idea of time in relation to their performance : it was miraculous and instanta neous: " God said" and then "it was." But the progressiveness, and consequently the individuality ofthe acts, does involve an idea of time as elapsing between the completion of one and the commence ment of another ; otherwise the work of creation would have resolved itself into a single continuous act. The period assigned to each individual act is a day — the only period which represents the entire cessation of a work through the interposition of night. That a natural day is represented under the expression "evening was and morning was," admits we think, of no doubt. The interpretation that " evening and morning " = beginning and end, is opposed not only to the order in which the words stand, but to the sense of the words elsewhere. 5. The Hebrews, though regarding creation as the immediate act of God, did not ignore the evi dent fact that existing materials and intermediate agencies were employed both then and in the sub sequent operations of nature. 6. With regard to the earth's body, the Hebrews conceived its surface to be an immense disc, supported like the flat roof of an Eastern house by pillars (Job ix. 6 ; Ps. lxxv. 3), which rested on solid foundations (Job xxxviii. 4, 6 ; Ps. civ. 5 ; Prov. viii. 29) ; but where those foundations were on which the " sockets " of the pillars rested, none could tell (Job xxxviii. 6). The more philosophical view of the earth being sus pended in free space seems to be implied in Job xxvi. 7. Other passages (Ps. xxiv. 2, cxxxvi. 6) seem to imply the existence of a vast subterraneous ocean ; the words, however, are susceptible of the sense that the earth was elevated above the level of the seas. Beneath the earth's surface was sheol, the hollow place, " hell" (Num. xvi. 30 ; Dent. EARTH 215 xxxii. 22 ; Job xi. 8). It extended beneath the sea (Job xxvi. 5, 6), and was thus supposed to be con terminous with the upper world.— II. Geography. — We shall notice (1 ) the views of the Hebrews as to the form and size of the earth, its natural divi sions, and physical features ; (2) the countries into which they divided it and their progressive ac quaintance with those countries. — (1.) There seem to be traces of the same ideas as prevailed among the Greeks, that the world was a disc (Is. xl. 22), bordered by the ocean (Deut. xxx. 13 ; Job xxvi. 10 ; Ps. cxxxix. 9 ; Prov. viii. 27), with Jerusalem as its centre (Ez. v. 5), which was thus regarded, like Delphi, as the navel (Judg. ix. 37 ; Ez. xxxviii. 12), or, according to another view, the highest point of the world. But Jerusalem might be re garded as the centre ofthe world, not only as the seat of religious light and truth, but to a certain extent in a geographical sense. A different view has been gathered from the expression " four corners," as though implying the quadrangular shape of a gar ment stretched out ; but the term " corners " may be applied in a metaphorical sense for the extreme ends of the world (Job xxxvii. 3 ; Is. xi. 12 ; Ez. vii. 2). As to the size of the earth, the Hebrews had but a very indefinite notion. Without unduly pressing the language of prophecy, it may be said that their views on this point extended but little beyond the nations with which they came in con tact; its solidity is frequently noticed, its dimen sions but seldom (Job xxxviii. 18 ; Is. xiii. 5). The earth was divided into four quarters or regions corresponding to the four points of the compass; these were described in various ways, sometimes according to their positions relatively to a person facing the east, before, behind, the right hand, and the left hand, representing respectively E., W., S., and N. (Job xxiii. 8, 9) ; sometimes relatively to the sun's course, the rising, the setting (Ps. 1. 1), the brilliant quarter (Ez. xl. 24), and the dark quarter (Ex. xxvi. 20) ; sometimes as the seat of the four winds (Ez. xxxvii. 9) ; and sometimes ac cording to the physical characteristics, the sea for the W. (Gen. xxviii. 14), the parched for the S. (Ex. xxvii. 9), and the mountains for the N. (Is. xiii. 4). The north appears to have been regarded as the highest part of the earth's surface, in conse quence perhaps of the mountain ranges which existed there, and thus the heaviest part of the earth (Job xxvi. 7). The north was also the quarter in which the Hebrew el-Dorado lay, the land of gold mines (Job xxxvii. 22 ; margin; comp. Her. iii. 116). — (2.) We proceed to give a brief sketch of the geo graphical knowledge of the Hebrews down to the period when their distinctive names and ideas were superseded by those of classical writers. Ofthe physical objects noticed we may make the follow ing summary, omitting of course the details of the geography of Palestine: — 1. Seas— the Mediterra nean, which was termed the " great sea " (Num. xxxiv. 6), the " sea of the Philistines" (Ex. xxiii. 31), and the "western sea" (Deut. xi. 24); the Red Sea, under the names of the "sea of Suph or sedge" (Ex. x. 19), and the "Egyptian sea" (Is. xi. 15); the Dead Sea, under the names "Salt Sea" (Gen. xiv. 3), "Eastern Sea" (Joel ii. 20), and "Sea of the Desert" (Deut. iv. 49); and the Sea of Chinnereth, or Galilee (Num. xxxiv. 11) ; 2. Rivers — the Euphrates, which was specifically " tlie river" (Gen. xxxi. 21), or " the great river" (Deut. i. 7) ; the Nile, which was named either 216 EARTH ygor (Gen. xii. 1), or Sihor (Josh. xiii. 3) ; the Tigris, under the name of Hiddekel (Dan. x. 4) ; the Chebar, Chaboras, a tributary to the Euphrates (Ez. i. 3) ; the Habor, probably the same, but sometimes identified with the Chaboras that falls into the Tigris (2 K. xvii. 6) ; the river of Egypt (Num. xxxiv. 5) ; and the rivers of Damascus, Abana (Barada), and Pharpar (2 K. v. 12). For the Gihon and Pison (Gen. ii. 11, 13), see Eden. 3. Mountains — Ararat or Armenia (Gen. viii. 4) ; Sinai (Ex. xix. 2) ; Horeb (Ex. iii. 1) ; Hor (Num. xx. 22j near Petra ; Lebanon (Deut. iii. 25) ; and Sephar (Gen. *. 30) in Arabia. The distribution of the nations over the face of the earth is system atically described in Gen. x., to which account sub sequent, though not very important, additions are made in caps. xxv. and xxxvi., and in the pro phetical and historical books. Although the table in Gen. x. is essentially ethnographical, yet the geo graphical element is also strongly developed: the writer had in his mind's eye not only the descent but the residence of the various nations. Some of the names indeed seem to be purely geographical designations. Commencing from the west, the " isles ofthe Gentiles," i. e. the coasts and islands of the Mediterranean sea, were occupied by the Japhetites in the following order: — Javan, the Io- nians, in parts of Greece and Asia Minor ; Eli- shah, perhaps the Aeolians, in the same countries ; Dodanim, the Dardani, in Illyricum ; Thus in Thrace; Kittim, at Citium, in Cyprus; Ashkenaz in Phrygia; Gomer in Cappadocia, and Tarshish in Cilicia. In the north, Tubal, the Tibareni, in Pontus ; Meshech, the Moschici in Colchis; Magog, Gogarene, in northern Armenia ; Togarmah in Ar menia ; and Madai in Media. The Hamites repre sent the southern parts of the known world. This sketch is filled up, as far as regards northern Arabia, by a subsequent account, in cap. xxv., of the settlement of the descendants of Abraham by Keturah and of Ishmael. The countries, however, to which historical interest attaches are Mesopo tamia and Egypt. The hereditary connexion of the Hebrews with the former of these districts, and the importance of the dynasties which bore sway in it, make it by far the most prominent feature in the map of the ancient world. The Egyptian captivity introduces to our notice some of the localities in Lower Egypt, viz. the province of Goshen, and the towns Rameses (Gen. xlvii. 11; ; On, Heliopolis (Gen. xii. 45); Pithom, Patumusl (Ex. i. 11); and Migdol, Magdoluml (Ex. xiv. 2). It is diffi cult to estimate the amount of information which the Hebrews derived from the Phoenicians ; but there can be no doubt that it was from them that they learned the route to Ophir, and that they also became acquainted with the positions and produc tions of a great number of regions comparatively unknown. From Ez. xxvii. we may form some idea of the extended ideas of geography which the Hebrews had obtained. The progress of informa tion on the side of Africa is clearly marked: the distinction between Upper and Lower Egypt is shown by the application of the name Pathros to the former (Ez. xxix. 14). Memphis, the capital of Lower Egypt, is first mentioned in Hosea (ix. 6) under the name Moph, and afterwards frequently as Noph (Is. xix. 13) ; Thebes, the capital of Upper Egypt, at a later period, as No-Ammon (Nah. iii. 8) and No (Jer. xlvi. 25) ; and the distant Syene (Ez. xxix. 10). Several other towns are noticed in EAST the Delta. The wars with the Assyrians and Ba bylonians, and the captivities which followed, bring us back again to the geography of the East. Inci dental notice is taken of several important places in connexion with these events. The names of Persia (2 Chr. xxxvi. 20) and India (Esth. i. 1) now occur : whether the far-distant China is no ticed at an earlier period under the name Sinim (Is. xlix. 12) admits of doubt. The names of Greece and Italy are hardly noticed in Hebrew geo graphy: the earliest notice of the former, subse quently to Gen. x., occurs in Is. lxvi. 19, under the name of Javan. If Italy is described at all, it is under the name Chittim (Dan. xi. 30). In the Maccabaean era the classical names came into com mon use ; and henceforward the geography of the Bible, as far as foreign lands are concerned, is ab sorbed in the wider field of classical geography. Earthenware. [Pottery.] Earthquake. Earthquakes, more or less violent, are of frequent occurrence in Palestine, as might be expected from the numerous traces of volcanic agency visible in the features of that country. The recorded instances, however, are but few ; the most remarkable occurred in the reign of Uzziah (Am. i. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 5), which Josephus connected with the sacrilege and consequent punishment of that monarch (2 Chr. xxvi. 16 ff.). From Zech. xiv. 4 we are led to infer that a great convulsion took place at this time in the Mount of Olives, the mountain being split so as to leave a valley between its summits. Josephus records something of the sort, but his account is by no means clear. We cannot but think that the two accounts have the same foundation, and that the Mount of Olives was really affected by the earthquake. An earth quake occurred at the time of our Saviour's cruci fixion (Matt, xxvii. 51-54), which may be deemed miraculous rather from the conjunction of circum stances than from the nature of the phenomenon itself. Earthquakes are not unfrequently accom panied by fissures of the earth's surface ; instances of this are recorded in connexion with the destruc tion of Korah and his company (Num. xvi. 32), and at the time of our Lord's death (Matt, xxvii. 51) ; the former may be paralleled by a similar oc currence at Oppido in Calabria A.D. 1783, where the earth opened to the extent of 500, and a depth of more than 200 feet. East. The Hebrew terms, descriptive of the east, differ in idea, and, to a certain extent, in application ; (1) kedem properly means that which is before or in front of a person, and was applied to the east fi-om the custom of turning in that direc tion when describing the points of the compass, before, behind, the rigid and the left, representing respectively E., W., S., and N. (Job xxiii. 8, 9) ; (2) mizrach means the place of the sun's rising. Bearing in mind this etymological distinction, it is natural that kedem should be used when the four quarters ofthe world are described (as in Gen. xiu. 14, xxviii. 14; Job xxiii. 8, 9 ; Ez. xlvii. 18 ff.), and mizrach when the east is only distinguished from the west (Josh. xi. 3 ; Ps. 1. l", ciii. 12, cxiii. 3 ; Zech. viii. 7), or from some other one quarter (Dan. viii. 9, xi. 44 ; Am. viii. 12); exceptions to this usage occur in Ps. cvii. 3, and Is. xhu. o, each, however, admitting of explanation. Again, kedem is used in a strictly geographical sense to describe a spot or country immediately before another in an easterly direction ; hence it occurs in EASTER such passages as Gen. ii. 8, iii. 24, xi. 2, xiii. 11, xxv. 6 ; and hence the subsequent application of the term, as a proper name (Gen. xxv. 6, eastward, unto the land of Kedem), to the lands lying imme diately eastward of Palestine, viz. Arabia, Mesopo tamia and Babylonia ; on the other hand mizrach is used of the far east with a less definite signification (Is. xii. 2, 25, xliii. 5, xlvi. 11). Easter. The occurrence of this word in the A. V. of Acts xii. 4, is chiefly noticeable as an example of the want of consistency in the translators. In tho earlier English versions Easter had been frequently used as the translation of mxffxa. At the last revi sion Passover was substituted in all passages but this. [Passover.] East Wind, [Winds.] E'bal. 1. One of the sons ef Shobal the, son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; 1 Chr. i. 40).— 2. Obal the son of Joktnn (1 Chr. i. 22 ; comp. Gen. x. 28). E'bal, Mount, a mount in the promised land, on which, according to the command of Moses, the Israelites were, after their entrance on the promised land, to "put" the curse which should fall upon them if they disobeyed the commandments of Je hovah. The blessing consequent on obedience was to be similarly localised on Mount Gerizim ( Deut. xi. 26-29). Where then were Ebal and Gerizim situated f The all but unanimous reply to this is, that they are tho mounts which form the sides of the fertile valley in which lies Ndblus, the ancient Shechem — Ebal on the north and Gerizim on the south. (1.) It is plain that they were situated near together, with a valley between. (2.) Gerizim was very near Shechem (Judg. ix. 7), and in Jo- sephns's time the names appear to have been attached to the mounts, which were then, as now, Ebal on the north and Gerizim on the south. Eu sebius and Jerome place them in the Jordan valley, near Gilgal; but they speak merely from hearsay. It is well known that one of the most serious varia tions between the Hebrew text of the Pentateuch and the Samaritan text, is in reference to Ebal and Gerizim. In Deut. xxvii. 4, the Samaritan has Ge rizim, while the Hebrew (as in A. V.) has Ebal, as the mount on which the altar to Jehovah, and the inscription of the law were to be erected. Upon this basis they ground the sanctity of Gerizim and the authenticity of the . temple and holy place, which did exist and still exist there. Two points may merely be glanced at here which have appa rently escaped notice. 1. Both agree that Ebal was the mount on which the cursings were to rest, Gerizim that for the blessings. It appears incon sistent, that Ebal, the mount of cursing, should be the site of the altar and the record of the law, while Gerizim, the mount of blessing, should remain unoccupied by a sanctuary of any kind. 2. Taking into account the known predilection of Orientals for ancient sites on which to fix their sanctuaries, it is more easy to believe (in the absence of any evidence to the contrary) that in building their temple on Gerizim, the Samaritans were making use of a spot already enjoying a reputation for sanctity, than that they built on a place upon which the curse was laid in the records which they received equally with the Jews. Thus the very fact of the occupation of Gerizim by the Samaritans would seem an argument for its original sanctity. The structure of Gerizim is uummuhtic limestone with occasional outcrops of igneous rock, and that of Ebal is probably similar. At its base above the EBONY 217 valley of Nablus are numerous caves and sepulchral excavations. The modern name of Ebal is Sitti Sa- lamiyah, fi-om a Mohammedan female saint, whose tomb is standing on the eastern part of the ridge, a little before the highest point is reached. E'bed, 1. (many MSS., and the Syr. and Arab. Versions, have EliER), father of Gaal, who with his brethren assisted the men of Shechem in their revolt against Abimelech (Judg. ix. 26, 28, 30, 31, 35).— 2. Son of Jonathan; one of the Bene- Adin who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 6). In 1 Esdras the name is given Oeeth. Eb'ed-Mel'ech, an Aethiopian eunuch in the service of king Zedekiah, through whose inter ference Jeremiah was released from prison (Jer. xxxviii. 7 ff., xxxix. 15 ff.). His name seems to be an official title — King's slave, i. e. minister. Eb'en-e'zer (" the stone of help "), a stone set up by Samuel after a signal defeat of the Philistines, as a memorial of the " help " received on the occa sion from Jehovah (1 Sam. vii. 12). Its position is carefully defined as between MIZPEH and Shen. Neither of these points, however, has been identified with any certainty — the latter not at all. E'ber. 1. Son of Salah, and great-grandson of Shem (Gen. x. 24; 1 Chr. i. 19). For confusion between Eber and Heber see Heber.— 2. Son of Elpaal and descendant of Shaharaim of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 12).— 3. A priest in the days of Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 20). Ebi'asaph, a Kohathite Levite of the family of Korah, one of the forefathers of the prophet Samuel and of Heman the singer (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37). The same man is probably intended in ix. 19. The name appears also to be identical with AniASAPH, and in one passage (1 Chr. xxvi. 1) to be abbreviated to Asaph. Dioapyro* Ebenum. Ebony (Heb. hobnim) occurs only in Ez. xxvii. 15, as one of the valuable commodities imported into Tyre by the men of Dedan. The best kind of ebony is yielded by the Diospyros ebenum, a tree which grows in Ceylon and Southern India ; but there are many trees of the natural order Ebenaceae which produce this material. There is every reason for believing that the ebony afforded by the Dios pyros ebenum was imported from India or Ceylon by Phoenician traders; though it is equally pro bable that the Tyrian merchants were supplied with ebony from trees which grew in Ethiopia. It is not known what tree yielded the Ethiopian ebony. 218 EBRONAH Ebro'nah. [Abronah.] Eca'nus, one of the five swift scribes who at tended on Esdras (2 Esdr. xiv. 24). Ecbat'ima (Heb. Achmitha). It is doubtful whether the name of this place is really contained in the Hebrew Scriptures. Many of the best com mentators understand the expression, in Ezr. vi. 2, differently, and translate it " in a coffer." If a city is meant, there is little doubt of one of the two Ecbatanas being intended, for except these towns there was no place in the province of the Medes which contained a palace, or where records are likely to have been deposited. In the apocryphal books Ecbatana is frequently mentioned (Tob. iii. 7, xiv. 12, 14 ; Jud. i. 1, 2 ; 2 Mace. ix. 3, &c). Two cities of the name of Ecbatana seem to have existed in ancient times, one the capital of Northern Media, the Media Atropaten^ of Strabo; the other the metropolis of the larger and more important province known as Media Magna. The site ofthe former appeal's to be marked by the very curious ruins at Takht-i-Suleiman (lat. 36° 28', long. 47° 9') ; while that of the latter is occupied by Hamadan, which is one of the most important cities of modern Persia. There is generally some diffi culty in determining, when Ecbatana is mentioned, whether the northern or the southern metropolis is intended. Few writers are aware of the existence of the two cities, and they lie sufficiently near to one another for geographical notices in most cases to suit either site. The northern city was the " seven-walled town " described by Herodotus, and declared by him to have been me capital of Cyrus (Herod, i. 98-99, 153) ; and it was thus most pro bably there that the roll was found which proved to Darius that Cyrus had really made a decree allowing the Jews to rebuild their temple. The peculiar feature of the site of Takht-i-Suleiman, which it is proposed to identify with the northern Ecbatana, is a conical hill rising to the height of about 150 feet above the plain, and covered both on its top and sides with massive ruins of the most antique and primitive character. A perfect en ceinte, formed of large blocks of squared stone, may be traced round the entire hill along its brow; within there is an oval enclosure about 800 yards Explanation. 1. Remains of a rfre-TempIe. 5. Cometery. 2. Ruined Mosque. e. Rlage „, Eock ^^ „ (ho Drn „ 3. Ancient buildings with shafts and capitals. 7. Hill called " Tawnah," or " the Stable 4. Ruins of tho Palaco of Abakai Khnn. 8. Ruins of Knlisiah. 9. Rocky bin of Zindanl-Soleiiuan. ECCLESIASTES in its greatest and 400 in its least diameter, strewn with ruins, which cluster round a remarkable lake. On three sides — the south, the west, and the north — the acclivity is steep and the height above the plain uniform, but on the east it abuts upon a hilly tract of ground, and here it is but slightly elevated above the adjacent country. The northern Ecba tana continued to be an important place down to the 13th century after Christ. By the Greeks and Romans it appears to have been known as Gaza, Gazaca, or Canzaca, " the treasure city," on account ofthe wealth laid up in it; while by the Orientals it was termed Shiz. Its decay is referable to the Mogul conquests, ab. A.D. 1200 ; and its final ruin is supposed to date from about the 15th or 16th century. In the 2nd book of Maccabees (ix. 3, &c.) the Ecbatana mentioned is undoubtedly the southern city, now represented both in name and site by Hamadan. This place, situated on the northern flank of the great mountain called for merly Orontes, and now Elwend, was perhaps as ancient as the other, and is far better known in histoiy. If not the Median capital of Cyrus, it was at any rate regarded from the time of Darius Hystaspis as the chief city of the Persian satrapy of Media, and as such it became the summer re sidence of the Persian kings from Darius down wards. The Ecbatana of the book of Tobit is thought by Sir H. Rawlinson to be the northern city. Eeclesias'tes (Heb. Koheleth). — I. Title. The title of this book is taken from the name by which the son of David, or the writer who personates him, speaks of himself throughout it. The apparent anomaly of the feminine termination indicates that the abstract noun has been transferred from the office to the person holding it ; and hence, with the single exception of Eccl. vii. 27, the noun, notwith standing its form, is used throughout in the mascu line. The word has been applied to one who speaks publicly in an assembly, and there is, to say the least, a tolerable agreement in favour of this inter pretation. On the other hand, Grotius has sug gested" compiler" as a better equivalent.— II. Ca nonicity. In the Jewish division of the books of the Old Testament, Ecclesiastes ranks as one of the five Megilloth or Rolls, and its position, as having cano nical authority, appears to have been recognised by the Jews from the time in which the idea of a canon first presented itself. We find it in all the Jewish ca talogues ofthe sacred books, and from them it has been received universally by the Christian Church. Some singular passages in tlie Talmud indicate, however, that the recognition was not altogether unhesitat ing, and that it was at least questioned how far the book was one which it was expedient to place among the Scriptures that were read publicly.— Ill- Author and Date. The hypothesis which is na turally suggested by the ECCLESIASTES account that the writer gives of himself in ch. i. and ii. is that it was written by the only " son of David " (i. 1), who was " king over Israel in Jerusalem" (i. 12). The belief that Solomon was actually the author was, it need hardly be said, received generally by the Rabbinic commentators and the whole series of Patristic writers. Grotius was indeed almost the first writer who called it in question and started a different hypothesis. The objections which have been urged against the traditional belief by Grotius and later critics, and the hypotheses which they have substituted for it, are drawn chiefly from the book itself. 1. The language of the book belongs to the time when the older Hebrew was becoming largely intei-mingled with Aramaic forms and words, and as such takes its place in the latest group of books of the Old Testament. The prevalence of abstract forms is urged as belonging to a later period than that of Solomon in the development of Hebrew thought and language. The answers given to these objections by the defenders of the received belief are (a) that many of what we call Aramaic or Chaldee forms may have belonged to the period of pure Hebrew, though they have not come down to us [in any extant writings ; and (6) that so far as they are foreign to the Hebrew of the time of Solomon, he may Lave learnt them from his " strange wives," or from the men who came as ambassadors from other countries. 2. It has been asked whether Solomon would have been likely to speak of himself as in i. 12, or to describe with bitterness the misery and wrong of which his own misgovernment had been the cause, as in iii. 16, iv. 1. On the hypo thesis that he was the writer, the whole book is an acknowledgment of evils which he had occasioned, while yet there is no distinct confession and repent ance. The question here raised is, of course, worth considering, but it can hardly be looked on as lead ing in either direction to a conclusion.. 3. It has been urged that the state of society indicated in this book leads to the same conclusion as its language, and carries us to a period after the return from the Babylonian captivity, when the Jews were enjoying comparative freedom from invasion, but were ex posed to the evils of misgovernment under the satraps of the Persian king. Significant, though not conclusive, in either direction, is the absence of all reference to any contemporaneous prophetic ac tivity, or to any Messianic hopes. The use through out the book of Elohim instead of Jehovah as the divine Name, leaves the question as to date nearly where it was. The indications of rising questions as to the end of man's life, and the constitution of his nature, of doubts like those which afterwards developed into Sadduceism (iii. 19-21), of a copious literature connected with those questions, confirm, it is urged, the hypothesis of the later date. It may be added too, that the absence of any reference to such a work as this in the enumeration of Solo mon's- writings in 1 K. iv. 32, tends, at least, to the same conclusion. In this case, however, as in others, the arguments of recent criticism are stronger against the traditional belief than in support of any rival theory, content to rest their case upon the dis cordant hypotheses of their opponents. On the assumption that the book belongs, not to the time of Solomon, but to the period subsequent to the captivity, the dates which have been assigned to it occupy a range of more than 300 years. Grotius supposes Zerubbabel to be referred to in xii. 11, as the " One Shepherd," and so far agrees with Keil, ECCLESIASTES 219 who fixes it in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah. Ewald and De Wette conjecture the close of the period of Persian or the commencement of that of Macedonian rule; Bertholdt the period between Alexander the Great and Antiochus Epiphanes; Hitzig, circ. 204 B.C. ; Hartmann, the time of the Maccabees. — IV. Plan. The book of Ecclesiastes comes before us as being conspicuously, among the writings ofthe 0. T. the great stumbling-block or commentators. Some, at least, of the Rabbinical writers were perplexed by its teachings. Little can be gathered from the series of Patristic interpreters. The book is comparatively seldom quoted by them. No attempt is made to master its plan and to enter into the spirit of its writer. When we descend to- the more recent developments of criticism, we meet with an almost incredible divergence of opinion. Luther sees in it a noble " Politica vel Oeconomica," leading men in the midst of all the troubles and disorders of human society to a true endurance and reasonable enjoyment. Grotius finds in it only a collection of many maxims, connected more or less closely with the great problems of human life. Others reject these views as partial and one-sidedr and assert that the object of the writer was to point out the secret of a true blessedness in the midst of all the distractions and sorrows of the world as consist ing in a tranquil calm enjoyment of the good that comes from God. The variety of these opinions in dicates sufficiently that the book is as far removed as possible from the character of a formal treatise. It is that which it professes to be — the confession of a man of wide experience looking back upon his past life and looking out upon the disorders and calamities which surround him. The true utter ances of such a man are the records of his struggles after truth, of his occasional glimpses of it, of his ultimate discovery. The writer of Ecclesiastes is not a didactic moralist, nor a prophet, but a man who has sinned in giving way to selfishness and sensu ality, who has paid the penalty of that sin in satiety and weariness of life ; in whom the mood of spirit, over-reflective, indisposed to action, has become dominant in its darkest form, but who has through all this been under the discipline of a'divine education, and has learnt from it the lesson which God meant to teach him. What that lesson was will be seen from an examination of the book itself. It is tole rably clear that the recurring burden of " Vanity of vanities " and the teaching which recommends a life of calm enjoyment, mark, whenever they occur,. a kind of halting-place in the succession of thoughts. Taking this, accordingly, as our guide, we may look on the whole book as falling into four divisions, and closing with that which, in its position no less than its substance, is " the conclusion of the whole- matter." (1.) Ch. i. and ii. This portion of the book more than any other has the character of a personal confession. The Preacher starts with re producing the phase of despair and weariness into which his experience had led him (i. 2, 3). To the man who is thus satiated with life the order and regularity of nature are oppressive (i. 4-7). That which seems to be new is but the repetition of the old (i. 8-11). Then, having laid bare the depth to which he had fallen, he retraces the path by which he had travelled thitherward. First he had sought after wisdom as that to which God seemed to call him (i. 13), but the pursuit of it was a sore tra vail, and there was no satisfaction in its possession. The first experiment in the search after happiness 220 ECCLESIASTES had failed and he tried another (ii. 1-9). But this also failed to give him peace (ii. 11). The first section closes with that which, in different forms, is the main lesson of the book — to make the best of what is actually around one (ii. 24) — to substitute for the reckless feverish pursuit of pleasure the calm enjoyment which men may yet find both for the senses and the intellect. (2.) Ch. iii. 1 — vi. 9. The order of thought in this section has a different starting-point. One who looked out upon the infi nitely varied phenomena of men's life might yet discern, in the midst of that variety, traces of un order. There are times and seasons for each of them in its turn, even as there are for the vicissi tudes of the world of nature (iii. 1-8). The heart of mau with its changes is the mirror of the uni- veise (iii. 11), and is, like that, inscrutable. And from this there comes the same conclusion as from the personal experience. Calmly to accept the changes and chances of life, entering into whatever joy they bring, as one accepts the order of nature, this is the way of peace (iii. 13), The thought of the ever recurring cycle of nature, which had before been irritating and disturbing, now whispers the same lesson. The transition from this to the opening thoughts of ch. iv. seems at first somewhat abrupt. Instead of the self-centred search after happiness he looks out upon the miseries and disorders ofthe world, and learns to sympathise with suffering (iv. 1). And in this survey of life on a large scale, as in that of a personal experience, there is a cycle which is ever being repeated. The opening of ch. v. again presents the appearance of abruptness, but it is because the survey of human life takes a yet wider range. The eye of the Preacher passes from the dwellers in palaces to the worshippers in the Temple, the devout and religious men. Have they found out the secret of life, the path to wis dom and happiness ? The answer to that question is that there the blindness and folly of mankind bhow themselves in their worst forms. The com mand '* Fear thou God" meant that a man was to take no part in beds, was there any of the herbage left, which in those countries is so cer tain an indication of the presence of moisture. It is the moment for the reappearance of the prophet. He shows himself first to tho minister. There, suddenly planted in his path, is the man whom he and his master have been seeking for more than three years. Before the sudden apparition of that wild figure, and that stern, unbroken countenance, Obadiah could not but fall on his face. Elijah, however, soon calms his agitation — ." As Jehovah of hosts liveth, before whom I stand, I will surely show myself to Ahab ;" and thus relieved of his fear that, as on a former occasion, Elijah would dis appear before he could return with the king, Oba diah departs to inform Ahab that the man they seek is there. Ahab-anived, Elijah makes his charge — " Thou hast forsaken Jehovah and followed the Baals." He then commands that all Israel be col lected to Mount Carmel with the four hundred and fifty prophets of Baal, and the four hundred of Asherah (Ashtardlh), the latter being under the especial protection of the queen. There are few more sublime stories in history than this. On the one hand the solitary servant of Jehovah, accom panied by his ono attendant ; with his wild shaggy hair, his scanty garb and sheepskin cloak, but with calm dignity of demeanour and the minutest regu larity of procedure, repairing the ruined altar of Jehovah with twelve stones, — on the other hand ELIJAH 237 the 850 prophets of Baal and Ashtaroth, doubtless in all the splendour of their vestments (2 K. x. 22), with the wild din of their vain repetitions and the maddened fury of their disappointed hopes, and the silent people surrounding all. The conclu sion of the long day need only be glanced at. The fire of Jehovah consuming both sacrifice and altar — the prophets of Baal killed, it would seem by Elijah's own band (xviii. 40) — the king, with an apathy almost unintelligible, eating and drinking in the very midst of the carnage of his own adherents — the rising storm — the ride across the plain to Jez reel, a distance of at least 16 miles; the prophet, with true Arab endurance, running before the cha riot, but also with true Arab instinct stopping short of the city, and going no further than the " entrance of Jezreel." So far the triumph had been com plete; but the spirit of Jezebel was not to be so easily overcome, and her first act is h vow of vengeance against the author of this destruction. Elijah takes refuge in flight. The danger was great, and the refuge must be distant. The first stage on the journey was Beersheba. Here Elijah halted. His servant he left in the town ; while he himself set out alone into the wilderness. His spirit is quite broken, and he wanders forth over the dreary sweeps of those rocky hills wishing for death. But God, who had brought His servant into this diffi culty, provided him with the means of escaping from it. The prophet was wakened from his dream of despondency beneath the solitary bush of the wilderness, was fed with the bread and the water which to this day are all a Bedouin's requirements, and went forward, in the strength of that food, a journey of forty days to the mount of God, even to Horeb. Here, in the cave, one of the numerous caverns in those awful mountains, he remained for certainly one night. In the morning came the " word of Jehovah " — the question, " what doest thou here, Elijah " ? In answer to this invitation the Prophet opens his griefs. The reply comes in that ambiguous and indirect form in which it seems necessary that the deepest communications with the human mind should be couched, to be effectual. He is directed to leave the cavern and stand on the mountain in the open air, face to face with Jehovah. Then, as before with Moses (Ex. xxxiv. 6), " The Lord passed by," passed in all the terror of His most appalling manifestations ; and penetrating the dead silence which followed these, came the myste rious symbol — the " still small voice," and still as it was it spoke in louder accents to the wounded heart of Elijah than the roar and blaze which had preceded it. To him no less unmistakeably than to Moses, centuries before, it was proclaimed that Jehovah was " merciful and gracious, long-suffering and abundant in goodness and truth." Elijah knew the call, and at once stepping forwaid and hiding his face in his mantle, stood waiting for the Divine communication. Three commands were laid on him — three changes were to be made. Of these three commands the two first were reserved for Elisha to accomplish, the last only was executed by Elijah himself. His first search was for Elisha. Apparently he soon found him ; we must conclude at his native place, Abel-meholah. Elisha was ploughing at the time, and Elijah " passed over to him" — possibly crossed the river — and cast his mantle, the well-known sheepskin cloak, upon him, as if, by that familiar action, claiming him for his son. A moment of hesitation, and then com- 238 ELIJAH menced that long period of service and intercourse which continued till Elijah's removal, and which after that time procured for Elisha one of the best titles to esteem and reverence — " Elisha the son of Shaphat, who poured water on the hands of Elijah." — 2. Ahab and Jezebel now probably believed that their threats had been effectual, and that they had seen the last of their torment-or. After the murder of Naboth, Ahab loses no time in entering on his new acquisition. But his triumph was a short one. Elijah had received an intimation from Jehovah of what was taking place, and rapidly as the accusa tion and death of Naboth had been hurried over, he was there to meet his ancient enemy on the very scene of his crime. And then follows the curse, in terms fearful to any Oriental — peculiarly terrible tc a Jew — and most of all significant to a successor of the apostate princes of the northern kingdom. The whole of Elijah's denunciation may possibly be recovered by putting together the words recalled by Jehu, 2 If. ix. 26, 36, 37, and those given in 1 If. xxi. 19-25. — 3. A space of three or four years now elapses (comp. 1 If. xxii. 1, 51 ; 2 If. i. 17) before we again catch a glimpse of Elijah. Ahaziah has met with a fatal accident, and is on his death-bed (2 If. i. 1, 2 ; 1 If. xxii. 51). In his extremity he sends to an oracle or shrine of Baal at the Philistine town of Ekron, to ascertain the issue of his illness. But the oracle is nearer at hand than the distant Ekron. An intimation is conveyed to the prophet, probably at that time inhabiting one ofthe recesses of Carmel, and, as on the former occasions, he suddenly appears on the path ofthe messengers, without preface or inquiry utters his message of death, and as rapidly disappears. But this check only roused the wrath of Ahaziah. A captain was despatched, with a party of fifty, to take Elijah prisoner. " And there came down fire from heaven and consumed him and his fifty." A second party was sent, only to meet the same fate. The altered tone of the leader of a third party brought Elijah down. But the king gained no thing. The message was delivered to his face in the same words as it had been to the messengers, and Elijah was allowed to go harmless. — 4. It must have been shortly after the death of Ahaziah that Elijah made a communication with the southern kingdom. When Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat began " to walk in the ways of the kings of Israel," Elijah sent him a letter denouncing his evil doings, and predicting his death (2 Chr. xxi. 12-15). In its contents the letter bears a strong resemblance to the speeches of Elijah, while in the details of style it is very peculiar, and quite different from the narrative in which it is imbedded. — 5. The closing transaction of Elijah's life introduces us to a locality heretofore unconnected with him. It was at Gilgal — probably on the western edge of the hills of Ephraim — that the prophet received the di vine intimation that his departure was at hand. He was at the time with Elisha, who seems now to have become his constant companion, and whom he endeavours to persuade to remain behind while he goes on an errand of Jehovah. But Elisha will not so easily give up his master. They went to gether to Bethel. Again Elijah attempts to escape to Jericho, and again Elisha protects that he will not be separated from him. At Jericho he makes a final effort to avoid what they both so much dread. But Elisha is not to be conquered, and the two set oft' across the undulating plain of burning sand, to ELIOENAI the distant river, — Elijah in his mantle or cape of sheep-skin, Elisha in ordinary clothes. Fifty men of the sons of the prophets ascend the abrupt heights behind the town to watch what happens in the distance. Talking as they go, the two reach the river, and stand on the shelving bank beside its swift brown current. But they are not to stop even here. It is as if the aged Gileadite cannot rest till he again sets foot on his own side of the river. He rolls up his mantle as into a staff, and with his old energy strikes the waters as Moses had done before him,' — strikes them as if they were an enemy; and they are divided hither and thither, and they two go over on dry ground. " And it came to pass as they still went on and talked, that, behold, a chariot of fire and horses of fire, and parted them both asunder, and Elijah went up hv the whirlwind into the skies." — And here ends ail the direct information which is vouchsafed to us oi the life and work of this great Prophet. How deep was the impression which he made on the mind of the nation may be judged of from the fixed belief which many centuries after prevailed that Elijah would again appear for the relief and restora tion of his country. But on the other hand, the deep impression which Elijah had thus made on his nation only renders more remarkable the departure which the image conveyed by the later references to him evinces, from that so sharply presented in the records of his actual life. With the exception of the eulogiums contained in the catalogues of worthies in the book of Jesus the son of Sirach (xlviii.) and 1 Mace. ii. 58, and the passing allu sion in Luke ix. 54, none of these later references allude to his works of destruction or of portent. They all set forth a very different side of his cha racter to that brought out in the historical narra tive. They speak of his being a man of like passions with ourselves (James v. 17) ; of his kindness to the widow of Sarepta (Luke iv. 25) ; of his "re storing all things " (Matt. xvii. 11) ; "turning the hearts of the fathers to the children, and the dis obedient to the wisdom of the just" (Mal. iv. 5, I 6 ; Luke i. 17).— 2. A priest ofthe sons of Harim, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. a. 21). El'ika, a Harodite, one of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 25). E'lim (Ex. xv. 27 ; Num. xxxiii. 9), the second station where the Israelites encamped after crossing the Red Sea. It is distinguished as having had , "twelve wells (rather 'fountains') of water, and threescore and ten palm-trees." Laborde supposed Wady Vseit to be Elim, the second of four v/adys lying between 29°7',and 29° 20', which descend from the range of et-Tih (here nearly parallel to the shore), towards the sea. Dean Stanley says " Elim must he Ghurundel,Useit,or Taiyibeh." Lepsius takes another view, that Elim is to be found in W. Slaibeikeh. EUm'elecll, a man of the tribe of Judah, and of the family of the Hezronites, who dwelt in Beth- lehem-Ephratah in the days of the Judges. In con sequence of a great dearth in the land he went witn his wife Naomi, and his two sons, Mahlon and Chilion, to dwell in Moab, where he and his sons died without posterity (Ruth i. 2, 3, &c). Elioena'i. 1. Eldest son of Keariah, the son of Shemaiah (1 Chr. iii. 23, 24).— 2. Head of a family of the Simeonites (1 Chr. iv. 36).— 3. Head of one of the families of the sons of Becher, tlie son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8).— 4. Seventh son of Meshelemiah, the son of Ifore, of the sons of ELIONAS Asaph, a Iforhite Levite, and one of the doorkeepers of the " house of Jehovah " (1 Chr. xxvi. 3).— S. A priest of the sons of Pashur, in the days of Ezra, one of those who had married 'foreign wives (Ezr. x. 22). He is possibly the same as— 6. who is mentioned in Neh. xii. 41, as one of the priests who accompanied Nehemiah with trumpets at the dedication ofthe wall of Jerusalem. — 7. An Israelite, of the sons of Zattu, who had also married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 27). Elio'nas. 1. 1 Esd. ix. 22. [Elioenai, 5.]— 2. 1 Esd. ix. 32. [Eliezer, 10.] El'iphal, son of Ur, one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 35). [Eliphelet, 3.] Eliphal'at, 1 Esd. ix. 33. [Eliphelet, 6.] Eliphal'et. 1. The last of the thirteen sons horn to David, after his establishment in Jeru salem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 7). [Eliphe let, 2.]— 2. 1 Esdr. viii. 39. [Eliphelet, 5.] El'iphaz. 1. The son of Esau and Adah, and father of Teman (Gen. xxxvi. 4; 1 Chr. i. 35, 36). —2. The chief ofthe " three friends" of Job. He is called " the Temanite ;" hence it is naturally in ferred that he was a descendant of Teman. On him falls the main burden of the argument, that God's retribution in this world is perfect and certain, and that consequently suffering must be a proof of previous sin (Job iv. v. xv. xxii.). The great truth brought out by him is the unapproachable majesty and purity of God (iv. 12-21, xv. 12-16). Eliph'eleh, a Merarite Levite ; one of the gate keepers appointed by David to play on the harp " on the Sheminith " on the occasion of bringing up the Ark to the city of David (1 Chr. xv. 18, 21). Eliphelet. 1. The name of a son of David, one of the children born to him after his establish ment in Jerusalem (1 Chr. iii. 6).— 2. Another son of David, belonging also to the Jerusalem family, and apparently the last of his sons (1 Chr. iii. 8) — 3. Son of Ahasbai, son of the Maachathite. One of the thirty warriors of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 34).— 4. SonofEshek, a descendant of king Saul through Jonathan (1 Chr. viii. 39).— 5. One of the leaders of the Bene-Adonikam, who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13).— 6. A man of the Bene-Hashum in the time of Ezra who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33). Elis'abeth, the wife of Zacharias and mother of John the Baptist. She was herself of the priestly family, and a relation (Luke i. 36) of the mother of our Lord. Elise'us, the form in which the name Elisha appears in the A. V. of the Apocrypha and the N. T. (Ecclus. xlviii. 12 ; Luke iv. 27). Eli'sha, son of Shaphat of Abel-meholah. The attendant and disciple of Elijah, and subsequently his successor as prophet of the kingdom of Israel. The earliest mention of his name is in the com mand to Elijah in the cave at Horeb (1 If. xix. 16, 17). But our first introduction to the future pro phet is in the fields of his native place. Abel-me holah was probably in the valley of the Jordan. Elijah, on his way from Sinai to Damascus by the Jordan valley, lights on his successor engaged in the labours of the field. To cross to him, to throw over his shoulders the rough mantle — a token at once of investiture with the prophet's office, and of adoption as a son — was to Elijah but the work of an instant, and the prophet strode on as if what he had done were nothing — " Go back again, for what have I done unto thee?" Elisha was not a man ELISHA 239 who, having put his hand to the plough, was likely to look back ; he delayed merely to give the fare well kiss to his father and mother, and preside at a parting feast with his people, and then followed the great prophet on his northward road. Seven or eight years must have passed between the call of Eliaha and the removal of his master, and during the whole of that time we hear nothing of him. But when that period had elapsed he reappears, to become the most prominent figure in the history of his country during the rest of his long life. In almost every respect Elisha presents the most com plete contrast to Elijah. The copious collection of his sayings and doings which are preserved fi-om tho 3rd to the 9th chapter of the 2nd book of Kings, though in many respects deficient in that remark able vividness which we have noticed in the records of Elijah, is yet full of testimonies to this contrast. Elijah was a true Bedouin child of the desert. The clefts of the Cherith, the wild shrubs of the desert, the cave at Horeb, the top of Carmel, were his haunts and his resting-places. If he enters a city, it is only to deliver his message of fire and be gone. Elisha, on the other hand, is a civilised man, an in habitant of cities. And as with his manners so with his appearance. The touches of the narrative are very slight, but we can gather that his dress was the ordinary garment of an Israelite, the beged, probably similar in form to the long abbeyeh of the modern Syrians (2 K. ii. 12), that his hair was worn trimmed behind, in contrast to the disordered locks of Elijah (ii. 23, as explained below), and that he used a walking-staff (iv. 29) of the kind ordin arily carried by grave or aged citizens (Zech. viii. 4). If from these external peculiarities wc turn to the internal characteristics of the two, and to the results which they produced on their con temporaries, the differences which they present aie highly instructive. In considering these differences the fact must not be lost sight of that, notwith standing their greater extent and greater detail, the notices of Elisha really convey a much more im perfect idea of the man than those of Elijah. The prophets of the nation of Israel — both the prede cessors of Elisha, like Samuel and Elijah, aud his successors, like Isaiah and Jeremiah — are repre sented to us as preachers of righteousness, or cham pions of Jehovah against false gods, or judges and deliverers of their country, or counsellors of their sovereign in times of peril and difficulty. Their miracles and wonderful acts are introduced as means towards these ends, and are kept in the most complete subordination thereto. But with Elisha, as he is pictured in these narratives, the case is completely reversed. With him the miracles are everything, the prophet's work nothing. The man who was for years the intimate companion of Elijah, on whom Elijah's mantle descended, and who was gifted with a double portion of his spirit, appeai-s in these records chiefly as a worker of prodigies, a predicter of future events, a revealer of secrets, and things happening out of sight or at a distance. The call of Elisha seems to have taken place about four years before the death of Ahab. He died in the reign of Joash, the grandson of Jehu. This em braces a period of not less than 65 years, for cer tainly 55 of which he held the office of " prophet in Israel" (2 K. v. 8). — After the departure of his master, Elisha returned to dwell at Jericho (2 If. ii. 18). The town had been lately rebuilt (1 If. xvi. 34), and was the residence of a body of the 240 ELISHA " sons of the prophets " (2 If. ii. 5, 15). No one who has visited the site of Jericho can forget how prominent a feature in the scene are the two peren nial springs which rise at the base of the steep hills of Quarantania behind the town. One of the springs was noxious at the time of Elisha's visit. At the request of the men of Jericho he remedied this evil. He took salt in a new vessel, and cast it into the water at its source in the name of Jehovah. From the time of Josephus to the present, the tradition of the cure has been attached to the large spring N.W. of the present town, which now bears, pro bably in reference to some later event, the name of Ain es-Sult&n. — 2, We next meet with Elisha at Bethel, in the heart of the country, on his way from Jericho to Mount Carmel (2 If. ii. 23). His last visit had been made in company with Elijah on their road down to the Jordan (ii. 2). The road to the town winds up the defile of the Wady Suweinit. Here the boys of the town were clus tered, waiting, as they still wait at the entrance of the villages of Palestine, for the chance passer-by. In the short-trimmed locks of Elisha, how were they to recognise the successor of the prophet, with whose snaggy hair streaming over his shoulders they were all familiar ? So with the license of the Eastern children they scoff at the new comer as he walks by — " Go up, roundhead ! go up, round head ! " For once Elisha assumed the sternness of his master. He turned upon them and cursed them in the name of Jehovah, and we all know the cata strophe which followed. — 3. Elisha extricates Je horam king of Israel, and the kings of Judah and Edom, from their difficulty in the campaign against Moab, arising from want of water (iii. 4-27). This incident probably took place at the S.E. end ofthe Dead Sea. — 4. The widow of one of the sons of the prophets is in debt, and her two sons are about to be taken from her and sold as slaves. She has no property but u pot of oil. This Elisha causes (in his absence, iv. 5) to multiply, until the widow has filled with it all the vessels which she could borrow. — 5. The next occurrence is at Shunem and Mount Carmel (iv. 8-37). The story divides itself into two parts, separated from each other by several years, (a.) Elisha, probably on his way between Carmel and the Jordan valley, calls accidentally at Shunem. Here he is hospitably entertained by a woman of substance, apparently at that time igno rant of the character of her guest. There is no occasion here to quote the details of this charming narrative. (6.) An interval has elapsed of several years. The boy is now old enough to accompany his father to the corn-field, where the harvest is proceeding. The fierce rays of the morning sun are too powerful for him, and he is carried home to his mother only to die at noon. She says nothing of their loss to her husband, hut depositing her child on the bed of the man of God, at once starts in quest of him to Mount Carmel. No explanation ,s needed to tell Elisha the exact state of the case. The heat of the season will allow of no delay in taking the necessary steps, and Gehazi is at once despatched to run back to Shunem with the utmost speed. He takes the prophet's walking-staff in his hand which he is to lay on the face of the child. The mother and Elisha follow in haste. Before they reach the village the sun of that lono-, anxious, summer afternoon must have set, Gehazi meets them on the road, but he has no reassuring report to give, the placing of the staff on the face of the ELISHA dead boy had called forth no sign of life. Then Elisha enters the house, goes up to his own chamber, " and he shut- the door on them twain, and proved unto Jehovah." The child is restored to life". — 6. The scene now changes to Gilgal, apparently at a time when Elisha was residing there (iv. 38-41). The sons of the prophets are sitting round him. It is a time of famine. The food of the party must consist of any herbs that can be found. The great caldron is put on at the command of Elisha, and one of the company brings his blanket full of such wild vegetables as he has collected, and empties it into the pottage. But no sooner have they begun their meal than the taste betrays the presence of some noxious herb, and they cry out, " there is death in the pot, oh man of God !" In this case the cure was effected by meal which Elisha cast into the stew in the caldron. — 7. (iv. 42-44). This in all probability belongs to the same time, and also to the same place as the preceding. A man from Baal-shalisha brings the man of God a present of the first-fruits, which under the law (Num. xviii. 8, 12 ; Deut. xviii. 3, 4) were the perquisite of the ministers of the sanctuary. — 8. The simple records of these domestic incidents amongst the sons of the prophets are now interrupted by an occurrence of a more important character (v. 1-27). The chief captain of the army of Syria, to whom his country was indebted for some signal success, was afflicted with leprosy (v. 27). One of the members of his establishment is an Israelite girl, kidnapped by the marauders of Syria in one of their forays over the border, and she brings into that Syrian household the fame of the name and skill of Elisha. The news is com municated by Naaman himself to the king. Ben hadad had yet to leai-n the position and character of Elisha. He writes to the king of Israel a letter very characteristic of a military prince. With this letter, and with a present, and a full retinue of attendants (13, 15, 23), Naaman proceeds to Sa maria, to the house of Elisha. Elisha still keeps in the background, and while Naaman stands at the doorway, contents himself with sending out a mes senger with the simple direction to bathe seven times in the Jordan. The independent behaviour of the prophet, and the simplicity of the prescrip tion all combined to enrage Naaman. His slaves, however, knew how to deal with the quick but not ungenerous temper of their master, and the result is that he goes down to the Jordan and dips himself seven times, "and his flesh came again like the flesh of a little child, and he was clean." His first business after his cure is to thank his benefactor. He returns with his whole following, and this time he will not be denied the presence of Elisha, but making his way in, and standing before him, he gratefully acknowledges the power of the t>od of Israel, and entreats him to accept the present which he has brought from Damascus. Elisha is firm, and refuses the offer, though repeated with the strongest adjuration. But Gehazi cannot allow such treasures thus to escape him. So he frames a story by which tlie generous Naaman is made to send back with him to Elisha's house a considerable present in money and clothes. He then went in and stood before his master as if nothing had hap pened. But the prophet was not to be so deceived. His heart had gone after his servant through the whole transaction, even to its minutest details, and he visits Gehazi with the tremendous punishment ELISHA of the leprosy, from which he has just relieved Naaman. — 9. (vi. 1-7). We now return to the sons of the prophets, but this time the scene appears to be changed, and is probably at Jericho, and during the residence of Elisha there. As one of them was cutting at a tree overhanging the stream, the iron of his axe flew off and sank into the water. His cry soon brought the man of God to his aid. The stream of the Jordan is deep up to the very bank, especially when the water is so low as to leave the wood dry, and is moreover so turbid that search would be useless. But the place at which the lost axe entered the water is shown to Elisha ; lie breaks off a stick and casts it into the stream, and the iron appears on the surface, and is recovered by its possessor. — 10. (vi. 8-23). Elisha is now residing at Dothan, halfway on the road between Samaria and Jezreel. The incursions of the Syrian marauding bands (comp. v. 2) still continue ; but apparently with greater boldness. Their manoeu vres aie not hid from the man of God, and by his warnings he saves the king " not once nor twice." A strong party with chariots is despatched to effect the capture of Elisha. They march by night, and before morning take up their station round the base of the eminence on which the ruins of Dothan still stand. Elisha's servant is the first to discover the danger. But Elisha remains unmoved by his fears. He prays to Jehovah, and the whole of the Syrian warriors are struck blind. Then descending, he offers to lead them to the person and the place which they seek. He conducts them to Samaria. There, at the prayer of the prophet, their sight is jestored, and they find themselves not in a retired country village, but in the midst of the capital of Israel, and iu the presence of the king and his troops. After such a repulse it is not surprising that the marauding forays of the Syrian troops ceased. — 11. (vi. 24 — vii. 2). But the king of Syria could not rest under such dishonour. Pie abandons his marauding system, and gathers a re gular army, with which he lays siege to Samaria. The awful extremities to which the inhabitants of the place were driven need not here be recalled. — 12. (viii. 1-6). We now go back several years to an incident connected with the lady of Shunem, at a period antecedent to the cure of Naaman and the transfer of his leprosy to Gehazi (v. 1, 27). Elisha had been made aware of a famine which Jehovah was about to bring upon the land for seven years ; and he had warned his friend the Shunammite thereof that she might provide for her safety. At the end of the seven years she returned to her native place, to find that during her absence her house with the field-land attached to it had been appropriated by some other person. To the king therefore the Shunammite had recourse. And now occurred one of those rare coincidences which it is impossible not to ascribe to something more than mere chance. At the very moment of the entrance ofthe woman and her son, the king was listening to a recital by Gehazi of "all the great things which Elisha had done." The woman was instantly recognized by Gehazi. From her own mouth the king hears the repetition ofthe wondeiful tale, and, whether from regard to Elisha, or struck by the extraordinary coincidence, orders her land to be re stored with the value of all its produce during her absence.— 13. (viii. 7-15). Hitherto we have met with the prophet only in his own countiy. We now find him at Damascus. He is there to carry Con. D. B. ELISHA 241 out the command given to Elijah on Horeb to anoint Hazael to be king over Syria. At the time of his arrival Benhadad was prostrate with his last illness. The king's first desire is naturally to as certain his own fate ; and Hazael is commissioned to be the bearer of a present to the prophet, and to ask the question on the part of his master, "Shall I recover of this disease ? " The present is one of royal dimensions ; a caravan of 40 camels, laden with the riches and luxuries which that wealthy city could alone furnish. The reply, probably ori ginally ambiguous, is doubly uncertain in the pre sent doubtful state of the Hebrew text ; but the general conclusion was unmistakeable : — " Jehovah hath showed me that he shall surely die." But this was not all that had been revealed to the pro phet. If Benhadad died, who would be king in his stead but the man who now stood before him ? The prospect was one which drew forth the tears of the man of God. At Hazael's request Elisha con fesses the reason of his tears. But the prospect is one which has no sorrow for Hazael. His only doubt is the possibility of such good fortune for one so mean. " But what is thy slave, dog that he is, that he should do this great thing?" To which Elisha replies, " Jehovah hath showed me that thou wilt be king over Syria." Returning to the king, Hazael tells him only half the dark saying of the man of God — " He told me that thou shouldest surely recover.'' But that was the last day of Benhadad's life.— 14. (ix. 1-10). Two of the in junctions laid on Elijah had now been carried out ; the third still remained. The time was come for the fulfilment of the curse upon Ahab by anoint ing Jehu king over Israel. Elisha's personal share in the transaction was confined to giving directions to one of the sons of the prophets. [Jehu.] — 15. Beyond this we have no record of Elisha's having taken any part in the revolution of Jehu, or the events which followed it. He does not again appear till we find him on his deathbed in his own house (xiii. 14-19).— 16. (xiii. 20-22). The power of the prophet, however, does not terminate with his death. Even in the tomb he restores the dead to hfe. Before closing this account of Elisha we must not omit to notice the parallel which he pre sents to our Lord — the more necessary because, un like the resemblance between Elijah and John the Baptist, no attention is called to it in the New Tes tament. It is not merely because he healed a leper, raised a dead man, or increased the loaves, that Elisha resembled Christ, but rather because of that loving gentle temper and kindness of disposition — characteristic of him above all the saints of the 0. T.— ever ready to soothe, to heal, and to conci liate, which attracted to him women and simple people, aud made him the universal friend and " father," not only consulted by kings and generals, but resorted to by widows and poor prophets in their little troubles and perplexities. Eli'shah, the eldest son of Javan (Gen. x. 4). The residence of his descendants is described in Ez. xxvii. 7, as the «* isles of Elishah " whence the Phoe nicians obtained their purple and blue dyes. Jo sephus identified the race of Elishah with the Aeolians. His view is adopted by Knobel in pre ference to the more generally received opinion that Elishah = Elis, and in a more extended sense Pelo ponnesus, or even Hellas. It appears correct to treat it as the designation of a race rather than of a locality, R 242 ELISHAMA Elish'ama. 1. Son of Ammihud, the " prince" or " captain" of the tribe of Ephraim in the Wil derness of Sinai (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, *. 22). From 1 Chr. vii. 26, we find that he was grand father to the great Joshua.— 2. A son of King David, born to him of his wives after his establish ment in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. iii. 8, xiv. 7). — 3. Another son of David (1 Chr. iii. fi), who in the other lists is called Elishua..— 4. A descendant of Judah; the son of Jekamiah (1 Chr. ii. 41).— 5. The father of Nethaniah and grand father of Ishmael (2 K. xxv. 25; Jer. xii. 1).— 6. Scribe to King Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12, 20, 21). — 7. A priest in the time of Jehoshaphat (2Chr. xvii. 8). Elish'aphat, son of Zichri ; one of the cap tains of hundreds in the time of Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). Elishe'ba, the wife of Aaron (Ex. vi. 23). She was the daughter of Amminadab, and sister of Naashon the captain of the host of Judah (Num. ii. 3). Elishu'a, one of David's sons, horn after his settlement in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 15; 1 Chr. xiv. 5). Eli'simns, 1 Esd. ix. 28. [Eliashie.] Eli'u., one of the forefathers of Judith (Jud. viii. 1). El'iud, son of Achim in the genealogy of Christ (Matt. i. 15). Eliz'aphan. 1. A Levite, son of Uzzinl, chief of the house of the Kohathites at the time of the census in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. iii. 30). — 2. Son of Parnach ; prince of the tribe of Zebulun (Num. xxxiv. 25). El'izur, son of Shedeur ; prince of the tribe, and over the host of Reuben (Num. i. 5, ii. 10, vii. 30, 35, x. 18). Elkanah. 1. Son, or rather grandson (see 1 Chr. vi. 22, 23 [7, 8]) of Korah, according to Ex. vi. 24.-2. A descendant of the above in the line of Ahimoth, otherwise Mahath, 1 Chr. vi. 26, 35 (Hebr. 11, 20).— 3. Another Kohathite Levite, in the line of Heman the singer. He was son of Je roham, and father of Samuel the illustrious Judge and Prophet (1 Chr. vi. 27, 34). All that is known of him is contained in the above notices and in 1 Sam. i. 1, 4, 8, 19, 21, 23, and ii. 2, 20.— 4. A Levite (1 Chr. ix. 16).— 5. A Korhite who joined David while he was at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 6). — 6. An officer in the household of Ahaz, king of Judah, who was slain hy Zichri the Ephraimitc, when Pekah invaded Judah. He seems to have been the second in command under the prefect of the palace (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). El'kosh, the birthplace of the prophet Nahum, hence called "the Elkoshite," Nah. i. 1. Two widely differing Jewish traditions assign as widely different localities to this place. In the time of Jerome it was believed to exist in a small village of Galilee. According to Schwartz, the grave of Nahum is shown at Kefr Tanchum, a village 2J English miles north of Tiberias. But mediaeval tradition attached the fame of the prophet's burial place to Alkush, a village on the east bank of the Tigris near the monastery of Kabban Hormuzd, and about two miles north of Mosul. The former is more in accordance with the internal evidence afforded by the prophecy, which gives no sign of having been written in Assyria. El'lasar, the city of Arioch 'Gen. xiv. 1), seems EMBALMING to be the Hebrew representative of the old Chal daean town called in the native dialect Larsa or Larancha. Larsa was a town of Lower Babylonia or Chaldaea, situated nearly half-way between Ur (Mugheir) and Erech ( Warka), on the left bank of the Euphrates. It is now Senkereh. Elm, Hos. iv. 13. See Oak. Elmo'dam, son of Er, in the genealogy of Joseph (Luke iii. 28). Elna'am, the father of Jeribai and Joshavinli two of David's guard, according to 1 Chr. xi. 46. ETnathan. 1. The maternal grandfather of Jehoiachin, distinguished as ' '• E. of Jerusalem " (2 K. xxiv. 8). He is doubtless the samemanwith Elnathan the son of Achbor (Jer. xxvi. 22, xxxvi. 12, 25).— 2. The name of three persons, apparently Levites, in the time of Ezra (Ezr. viii. 16). E'lon. 1. A Hittite, whose daughter was one of Esau's wives (Gen. xxvi. 34, xxxvi. 2).— 2. The second of the three sons atfibuted to Zebulun (Gen. xlvi. 14; Num. xxvi. 26); and the founder of the family of the Elonites.— 3. Elon the Zebulonite, who judged Israel for ten years, and was buried in Aijalon in Zebulun (Judg. xii. 11, 12). E'lon, one of the towns in the border of the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 43). No town correspond ing in name has yet been discovered. E lon-beth'-Lanan, is named with two Danite towns as forming one of Solomon's commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 9). E'lonites, the. Num. xxvi. 26. [Elon, 2.] E'loth. 1 K. ix. 26 ; 2 Chi-, viii. 17, xxvi. 2. [Elatii.] Elpa'al, a Benjamite, son of Hushim and brother of Abitub (1 Chr. viii. 11). He was the founder of a numerous family. Elpa'let, one of David's sons bora in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 5). El-pa'ran. Literally "the terebinth of Parar." (Gen. xiv. 6). [Paran.] ETtekeh, one of the cities in the border of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), which with its suburbs was allotted to the Kohathite Levites (xxi. 23). El'tekon, one of the towns of the tribe of Judah, in the mountains (Josh. xv. 59). It has not yet been identified. El'tolad, one of the cities in the south of Judah (Josh. xv. 30) allotted to Simeon (Josh. xix. 4); and in possession of that tribe until the time of David (1 Chr. iv. 29). Elu'l, Neh. vi. 15; 1 Mace. xiv. 27. [MONTHS.] Eluza'i, one of the warriors of Benjamin, who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). Elymae'ans, Jud. i. 6. [Elamites.] El'ymas, the Arabic name of the Jewish magus or sorcerer Barjesus (Acts xiii. 6 ff). El'zabad. 1. One of the Gadite heroes who came across the Jordan to David (1 Chr. xii. 12). 2. A Korhite Levite (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). El'zaphan, second son of Uzziel, who was tho son of Kohath son of Levi (Ex. vi. 22). Embalming, the process by which dead bodies are preserved from putrefaction and decay. It was most general among the Egyptians, and it is in con nexion with this people that the two instances which we meet with in tlie O. T. are mentioned (Gen. 1. 2, 26). Of the Egyptian method of em balming there remain two minute accounts, which have a general kind of agreement, though they differ in details. Herodotus (ii. 86-89) describes three. modes, varying in completeness and expense, and EMBALMING- practised by persons regularly trained to the pro fession, who were initiated into the mysteries of the art by their ancestors. The most costly mode, which is estimated by Diodorus Siculus (i. 91) at a talent of silver, was said by the Egyptian priests to belong to him whose name in such a matter it was not lawful to mention, viz. Osiris. The embalmers first removed part of the brain through the nostrils, by means of a crooked iron, and destroyed the rest by injecting caustic drugs. An incision was then made along the flank with a sharp Ethiopian stone, and the whole of the intes tines removed. The cavity was rinsed out with palm-wine, and afterwards scoured with pounded perfumes. It was then filled with pure myrrh pounded, cassia, and other aromatics, except frank incense. This done, the body was sewn up and steeped in natron for seventy days. When the seventy days were accomplished, the embalmers washed the corpse and swathed it in bandages of linen, cut in strips and smeared with gum. They then gave it up to the relatives of the deceased, who provided for it a wooden case, made in the shape of a man, iu which the dead was placed, and deposited in an erect position against the wall of the sepulchral chamber. Diodorus Siculus gives ^mmimimHiiiiiiiiiiiiiHHfir- miif iilii 11 1 iiiii iLiiuii tiiiiiiiirmii EMIMS 243 ¦HHHR Tho mummy's head, seen at an open panel of tho coffin. (WUkinson.j some particulars of the process which are omitted by Herodotus. The second mode of embalming cost about 20 minae. In this case no incision was made in the body, nor were the intestines removed, but cedar-oil was injected into the stomach by the rectum. The oil was prevented from escaping, and the body was then steeped in natron for the ap pointed number of days. On the last day the oil was withdrawn, and carried off with it the stomach and intestines in a state of solution, while the flesh was consumed by the natron, and nothing was left hut the skin and bones. The body in this state was returned to the relatives of the deceased. The third mode, which was adopted by the poorer classes, and cost but little, consisted in rinsing out the intestines with syrmaea, an infusion of senna and cassia, and steeping the body for the usual number of days iu natrum. The medicaments employed in embalming were various. From n chemical analysis of the substances found in mummies, M. Rouelie detected three modes of embalming — 1 . with asphaltum, or Jew's pitch, called also funeral gum, or gum of mummies; 2. with a mixture of asphaltum and cedria, the liquor distilled from the cedar; 3. with this mixture together with some resinous and aro matic ingredients. The powdered aromatics men tioned by Herodotus were not mixed with the bituminous matter, but sprinkled into the cavities of the body. It does not appear that embalming, properly so called, was practised by the Hebrews. Embroiderer. This term is given in the A. V. as the equivalent of rdkem, the productions of the art being described as "needlework" {rikmah). In Exodus the embroiderer is contrasted with the " cunning workman " (chosheb). Various explana tions have been offered as to the distinction between them, but most of these overlook the distinction marked in the Bib e itself ', viz. that the rdkem wove simply a variegated texture, without gold thread or figures, and that the chosheb interwove gold thread or figures into the variegated texture. The dis tinction, as given by the Talmudists, is this — that rikmah, or " needlework," was where a pattern was attached to the stuff by being sewn on to it on one side, and the work of the chosheb when the pattern was worked into the stuff by the loom, and so appeared on both sides. This view appears to be entirely inconsistent with the statements of the Bible, and with the sense of the word rikmah else where. The absence of the figure or the gold thread in the one, and its presence in the other, constitute the essence of the distinction. Again, looking at the general sense of the words, we shall find that chosheb involves the idea of invention, or designing patterns ; rikmah the idea of texture as well as variegated colour. Further than this, rikmah involves the idea of a regular disposition of colours, which demanded no inventive genius. We have lastly to notice the incorrect rendering ofthe Heb. word shdbats in the A. V. — " broider," " em broider" (Ex. xxviii. 4, 39). It means stuff worked in a tessellated manner, i. e. with square cavities such as stones might be set in (comp. ver. 20). The art of embroidery by the loom was extensively practised among the nations of antiquity. In addi tion to the Egyptians, the Babylonians were cele brated for it ; but embroidery in the proper sense of the term, i. e. with the needle, was a Phrygian in vention of later date (Plin. viii. 48). Emerald, a precious stone, first in the second row on the breastplate of the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11), imported to Tyre from Syria (Ez. xxvii. 16), used as a seal or signet (Ecclus. xxxii. G), as an ornament of clothing and bedding (Ez. xxviii. 13 ; Jud. x. 21), and spoken of as one of the foundations of Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 19; Tob. xiii. 16). The rainbow round the throne is com pared to emerald in Rev. iv. 3. Emerods (Heb. 'dphdlim, techonin ¦ Deut. xxviii. 27 ; 1 Sam. v. 6, 9, 12, vi. 4, 5, 11). The probabilities as to the nature of the disease are mainly dependent on the probable roots of these two Hebrew words. It appears that the former word means the disease, and the latter the part affected, which must necessarily have been in cluded in the actually existing image, and have struck the eye as the essential thing represented, to which the disease was an incident. As some morbid swelling, then, seems the most probable nature of the disease, so no more probable conjecture has been advanced than that hemorrhoidal tumours, or bleeding piles, are intended. These are very com mon in Syria at present, oriental habits of want of exercise and improper food, producing derangement of the liver, constipation, &c, being such as to cause them. E'mims, a tribe or family of gigantic stature R 2 244 EMMANUEL which originally inhabited the region along the eastern side of the Dead Sea. They were related to the Anakim, and were generally called by the same name; but their conquerors the Moabites termed them Emim — that is "terrible men" (Deut. ii. 11) — most probably on account of their fierce aspect. Emman'uel, Matt. i. 23. [Immanuel.] Emma'us, the village to which the two disciples were going when our Lord appeared to them on the way, on the day of His resurrection (Luke xxiv. 13). Luke makes its distance from Jerusalem sixty stadia (A. V. "threescore furlongs"), or about 1\ miles ; and Josephus mentions " a village called Emmaus" at the same distance. From the earliest period of which we have any record, the opinion prevailed among Christian writers that the Emmaus of Luke was identical with the Emmaus on the border of the plain of Philistia, afterwards called Nicopolis, and which was some 20 miles from Jerusalem. Then, for some reason unknown to us, it began to be supposed that the site of Emmaus was at the little village of Kubeibeh, about 3 miles west of Neby Samwil (the ancient Mizpeh), and 9 miles from Jerusalem. There is not, however, a shadow of evidence for this supposition. In fact the site of Emmaus remains yet to be identified. Emma'ns, or Nicop'olis (1 Mace. iii. 40), a town in the plain of Philistia, at the foot of the mountains of Judah, 22 Roman miles from Jeru salem, and 10 from Lydda. It was fortified by Bacchides, the general of Antiochus Epiphanes, when he was engaged in the war with Jonathan Maccabaeus (1 Mace. ix. 50). It was in the plain beside this city that Judas Maccabaeus so signally defeated the Syrians with a mere handful of men, as related in 1 Mace. iii. 57, iv. 3, &c. A small miserable village called 'Arnicas still occupies the site of the ancient city. Em'mer, 1 Esd. ix. 21. [Immer.] Em'mor, the father of Sychem (Acts vii. 16). [Hamor.] E nam, one of the cities of Judah in the Shefelah or lowland (Josh. xv. 34). From its mention with towns which are known to have been near Timnath, this is very probably the place in the " doorway " of which Tamar sat before her interview with her father-in-law (Gen. xxxviii. 14). E'nan. Ahira ben-Enan was " prince '' of the tribe of Naphtali at the time of the numbering of Israel in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 15). Ena'sibus, 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Eliashib.] Encampment (Heb. machdneh, in all places ex cept 2 K. vi. 8, where tachanoth is used). The word primarily denoted the resting-place of an army or company of travellers at night (Ex. xvi. 13 ; Gen. xxxii. 21), and was hence applied to the army or caravan when on its march (Ex. xiv. 19 ; Josh. x. 5, xi. 4 ; Gen. xxxii. 7, 8). Among nomadic tribes war never attained to the dignity of a sci ence, and their encampments were consequently devoid of all the appliances of more systematic war- faro. The description of the camp of the Israelites, on their march from Egypt (Num. ii., iii.), sup plies the greatest amount of information on the subject: whatever else may be gleaned is from scattered hints. The tabernacle, corresponding to the chieftain's tent of an ordinary encampment, was placed in the centre, and around aud facta* it (Num. ii. 1), arranged in four grand divisions, cor responding to the four points of the compass, lay ENCHANTMENTS the host of Israel, according to their standards (Num. i. 52, ii. 2). In the centre, round the taber nacle, and with no standard but the cloudy or tierv pillar which rested over it, were the tents of tho priests and Levites. The former, with Moses and Aaron at their head, were encamped on the eastern side. The order of encampment was preserved on the march (Num. ii. 17), the signal for which was given by a blast of the two silver trumpets (Num. x. 5). In this description of the order ofthe en campment no mention is made of sentinels, who, it is reasonable to suppose, were placed at the gates (Ex. xxxii. 26, 27) in the four quarters of the camp. This was evidently the case in the camp of the Levites (comp. 1 Chr. ix. 18, 24; 2 Chr. xxxi. 2). The sanitary regulations of the camp of the Israelites were for the twofold purpose of pre serving the health of the vast multitude and the purity of the camp as the dwelling-place of God (Num. v. 3; Deut. xxiii. 14). The execution of criminals took place without the ca^ip (Lev. xxiv. 14 ; Num. xv. 35, 36 ; Josh. vii. 24), as did the burning of the young bullock for the sin-offerincr (Lev. iv. 12). These circumstances combined ex plain Heb. xiii. 12, and John xix. 17, 20, His;h ground appears to have been uniformly selected for the position of a camp, whether it were on a hill or mountain side, or in an inaccessible pass (Judg. vii. 1 8). The carelessness of the Midianites in encamp ing in the plain exposed them to the night surprise by Gideon, and resulted in their consequent dis comfiture (Judg. vi. 33, vii. 8, 12). But another important consideration in fixing upon a position for a camp was the propinquity of water : hence it is found that in most instances camps were pitched near a spiing or well (Judg. vii. 3 : 1 Mace. ix. 33), The camp was surrounded by the ma'gdlah (1 Sam. xvii. 20), or ma'gdl (1 Sam. xxvi. 5, 7), which some explain as an earthwork thrown up round the encampment, others as the barrier formed by the baggage- waggons. We know that, in the case of a siege, the attacking army, if possible, surrounded the place attacked (1 Mace. xiii. 43), and drew about it a line of circum vallation (2 K. xxv. 1), > which was marked by a breastwork of earth (Is. lxii. 10 ; Ez. xxi. 27 [22] ; comp. Job xix. 12) for the double purpose of preventing the escape ofthe be sieged and of pi'otecting the besiegers from their sallies. But there was not so much need of a formnb entrenchment, as but few instances occur in which engagements were fought in the camps themselves, and these only when the attack was made at night. To guard against these attacks, sentinels were posted (Judg. vii. 20 ; 1 Mace. xii. 27) round thp camp, and the neglect of this precaution by Zebah and Zalmunna probably led to their capture by Gideon, and the ultimate defeat of their army (Judg. vii. 19). The valley which separated the hostile camps was generally selected as the fighting ground (1 Sam. iv. 2, xiv. 15; 2 Sam. xviii. 6), upon which the contest was decided, and hence the- valleys of Palestine have played so conspicuous a part in its history (Josh. viii. 13; Judg. vi. 33; 2 Sam. v. 22, viii. 13, &c). When the fighting men went forth to the place of marshalling (1 Sam. xvii. 20), a detachment was left to protect the camp and baggage (1 Sam. xvii. 22, xxx. 24). The beasts of burden were probably tethered to the tent-pegs (2 K. vii. 10; Zech. xiv. 15). Enchantments. 1. Heb. Idttm or IShatim (Ex. vii. 11, 22, viii. 7), secret arts.— 2. CesJidphim ENDOR (2 K. ix. 22 ; Mic. v. 12 ; (fah. iii. 4), "muttered spells." The belief in the power of certain formulae was universal in the ancient world. — 3. Lech&shim (Eccl. x. 11). This word is especially used of the charming of serpents, Jer. viii. 17 (cf. Ps. Iviii. 5 ; Ecclus. xii. 13; Eccl. x. 11). — 4-. The word nSch&- shtm is used of the enchantments sought by Balaam (Num. xxiv. 1). It properly alludes to ophiomancy, but in this place has a general meaning of endea vouring to gain omens. — '5. Cheber is used for magic (Is. xlvii. 9, 12). Any resort to these methods of imposture was strictly forbidden in Scripture (Lev. xix. 26; Is. xlvii. 9, &c), but to eradicate the tendency is almost impossible (2 K. xvii. 17 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 6), and we find it still flourishing at the Christian era (Acts xiii. 6, 8, viii. 9, 11 ; Gal. v. 20 ; Rev. ix. 21). En'-dor, a place in the territory of Issachar, and yet possessed by Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 11). Endor was long held in memory by the Jewish people as connected with the great victory over Sisera and Jabin. It was known to Eusebius, who describes it as a large village 4 miles S. of Tabor. Here to the N. of Jebel Dully the name still lingers, attached to a considerable but now deserted village. The dis tance from the slopes of Gilboa to Endor is 7 or 8 miles, over difficult ground. En-egla'im, a place named only by Ezekiel (xlvii. 10), apparently as on the Dead Sea; but whether near to or far from Engedi, on the west or east side of the Sea, it is impossible to ascertain from the text. Enemea'sar is the name under which Shalma neser appears in the book of Tobit (i. 2, 15, &c). Ene'nius, one of the leaders of the people who returned from captivity with Zorobabel (1 Esdr. v. 8) Engad'di, Ecclus. xxiv. 14. [Engedi.] En-gan'nim. 1. A city in the low country of Judah, named between Zanoah and Tappuah (Josh. xv. 34). — 2. A city on the border of Issachar (Josh. xix. 21), allotted with its "suburbs" to the' Ger- shonite Levites (xxi. 29). There is great proba bility in the conjecture of Robinson (ii. 315) that it is identical with the Ginaia of josephus (Ant. xx. 6, §1), which again, there can he little doubt, survives in the modern Jenin, the first village encountered on the ascent from the great plain of Esdraelon into the hills of the central country. Enged'i, a town in the wilderness of Judah (Josh. xv. 62), on the western shore of the Dead Sea (Ez. xlvii. 10). Its original name was Hazazon- Tainar, doubtless, as Josephus says, on account of the palm-groves which surrounded it <2 Chr. xx. 2; Ecclus. xxiv. 14). Its site is now well known. It is about the middle of the western .shore of the lake. Here is a rich plain, half a mile square, sloping very gently from the base of the mountains to the water, and shut in on the north .by a lofty promontory. About a mile up the western acclivity, aud at an elevation of some 400 feet above the plain, is the fountain of Ain Jidy, from which the place gets its name. Its banks are now cultivated by a few families of Arabs, who generally pitch their tents near this spot. Traces of the old cify exist upon the plain and lower de clivity of tho mountain, on the south bank of the brook. The history of Engedi, though it reaches hack nearly 4000 years, may be told in a few sen tences. It was immediately after an assault upon the "Amorites, that dwelt in Hazazon-Tamar," ENOCH 245 that the five Mesopotamian kings were attacked by the rulers of the plain of Sodom (Gen. xiv. 7 ; comp. 2 Chr. xx. 2). Saul was told that David was in the " wilderness of Engedi ;" and he took " 3000 men, and went to seek David and his men upon the rocks of the wild goats" (1 Sam. xxiv. 1-4). At a later period Engedi was the gathering- place of the Moabites and Ammonites who went up against Jerusalem, and fell in the valley of Berachah (2 Chr. xx. 2). The vineyards of Engedi were cele brated by Solomon (Cant i. 14), its balsam by Josephus, and its palms by Pliny. Engine, a term exclusively applied to military affairs in the Bible. The engines to which the term is applied in 2 Chr. xxvi. 15, were designed to propel various missiles from the walls of a besieged town: one, like the balista, was for stones, con sisting probably of a strong spring and a tube to give the right direction to the stone ; another, like the catapulta, for arrows, an enormous stationary how. Another war-engine, with which the Hebrews were acquainted, was the battering-ram, described in Ez. xxvi. 9, and still more precisely in Ez. iv. 2, xxi. 22. The marginal rendering, " engines of shot" (Jer. vi. 6, xxxii. 24; Ez. xxvi. 8), is in correct. MM Assyrian war-engine. (From Botto, pi. 160.J Engraver. The specific description of an en graver was chdrash eben (Ex. xxviii. 11), and his chief business was cutting names or devices on rinos and seals ; the only notices of engraving are in con nexion with the high-priest's dress — the two onyx- stones, the twelve jewels, and the mitre-plate having inscriptions on them (Ex. xxviii. 11, 21 36). En-had'dah, one of the cities on the border of Issachar named next to Engannim (Josh. xix. 21). Van de Velde would identify it with Ain-haud oii the western side of Carmel, and about 2 miles onlv from the sea; but this 'is surely out of the limits of the tribe of Issachar, and rather in Asher or Manasseh. En-hak'kore, the spring which buret out in answer to the cry of Samson after his exploit with the jawbone (Judg. xv. 19\ Van de Velde en deavours to identify Lechi with Tell-el-Lekiyeh i miles N. of Beersheba, and Enhakkoie with the large spring between the Tell and K/ieuelfeh. En-ha'zor, one of the fenced cities in the inhe ritance of Naphtali, distinct from Hazor (Josh. xix. 37). ft has not yet been identified. En-mish'pat, Gen. xiv. 7. [Kadesh.] E'nooh. 1. The eldest son of Cain (Gen. iv. 171, 246 ENOCH who called the city which he built after his name (18). Ewald fancies that there is u. reference to the Phrygian Icouium. Other places have been identified with the site of Enoch with little proba bility : e. g. Anachta in Susiana, the Heniochi in the Caucasus, &c— 2. The son of Jared and father of Methuselah (Gen. v. 21 ff. ; Luke iii. 28). In the Epistle of Jude (v. 24) he is described as " the seventh from Adam ;" and the number is probably noticed as conveying the idea of divine completion and rest, while Enoch was himself a type of per fected humanity. The other numbers connected with his history appear too symmetrical to be with out meaning. After the birth of Methuselah it is said (Gen. v. 22-4) that Enoch " walked with God 300 years . . . and he was not ; for God took him." The phrase "walked with God" is elsewhere only used of Noah (Gen. vi. 9; cf. Gen. xvii. 1, &c), and is to be explained of a prophetic life spent in immediate converse with the spiritual world. In the epistle to the Hebrews the spring and issue of Enoch's life are clearly marked. The biblical notices of Enoch were a fruitful source of specula tion in later times. Some theologians disputed with subtilty as to the place to which he was re moved. Both the Latin and Greek fathers com monly coupled Enoch and Elijah as historic wit nesses of the possibility of a resurrection of the body and of a true human existence in glory ; and the voice of early ecclesiastical tradition is almost un animous in regarding them as " the two witnesses" (Kev. xi. 3 ff.) who should fall before " the beast." — 3. In 2 Esdr. vi. 49, 51, Enoch stands in the Latin (and Eng.) Version for Behemoth in the Aethiopic. Enoch, the Book of, is one of the most im portant remains of that early apocalyptic liteiatnre of which the book of Daniel is the great prototype. 1. The history of the book is remarkable. The first trace of its existence is generally found in the Epistle of St. Jude (14, 15 ; cf. Enoch i. 9), but the words of the Apostle leave it uncertain whether he derived his quotation from tradition or from writing, though the wide spread of the book in the second century seems almost decisive in favour of the latter supposition. It appeals to have been known to Justin, Irenaeus, and Anatolius. Clement of Alexandria and Origen both make use of it. Ter tullian expressly quotes the book as one which was " not received by some, nor admitted into the Jewish canon." Considerable fragments are pre served in the Chronographia of Georgius Syncellus (c. 792 a.d.), and these, with the scanty notices of earlier writers, constituted the sole remains of the book known in Europe till the close of the last century. Meanwhile, however, a report was cur rent that the entire book was preserved in Abys sinia ; and at length, in 1773, Bruce brought with him on his leturn fiom Egypt three MSS. contain ing the complete Aethiopic translation. — 2. The Aethiopic translation was made from the Greek, and probably towards the middle or close of the fourth century. The general coincidence of the translation with the patristic quotations of corre sponding passages shows satisfactorily that the text from which it was derived was the same as that current in the early Church. But it is still un certain whether the Greek text was the original, or itself a translation. One ofthe earliest retei ences to tlie book occurs in the Hebrew Book of Jubilees, and the names of the angels and winds are derived EN-EIMMON from Aramaic roots. In addition to this a Hebrew book of Enoch was known and used by Jewish writers till the thirteenth century, so that on these grounds, among others, many have supposed that the book was first composed in Hebrew (Aramaean). — 3. In its present shape the book consists of a series of revelations supposed to have been given to Enoch and Noah, which extend to the most varied aspects of nature and life, and are designed to offer a comprehensive vindication of the action of Provi dence. It is divided into five parts. The first part (Cc. 1-36), after a general introduction, contains an account of the fall of the angels (Gen. vi. 1) and of the judgment to come upon them and upon the giants, their offspring (6-16) ; and this is followed by the description of the journey of Enoch through the earth and lower heaven in~ company with an angel, who showed to him many of the great mys teries of nature, the treasure-houses of the storms and winds, and fires of heaven, the prison of the fallen and the land of the blessed (17-36). The second part (37-71) is styled " a vision of wisdom," and consists of three " parables," in which Enoch relates the revelations of the higher secrets of heaven and of the spiritual world which were given to him. The first parable (38-44) gives chiefly a picture of the future blessings and mani festations of the righteous, with further details as to the heavenly bodies : the second (45-57) describes in splendid imagery the coming of Messiah, and the results which it should work among " the elect" and the gainsayers: the third (58-69) draws out at further length the blessedness of " the elect and holy," and the confusion and wretchedness of the sinful rulers ofthe world. The third part (72-82) is styled " the book of the course of the lights of heaven," and deals with the motions of the sun and moon, and the changes of the seasons ; and with this the narrative of the journey of Enoch closes. The fourth part (83-91) is not distinguished by any special name, but contains the record of a dream which was granted to Enoch in his youth, in which he saw the history of the kingdoms of God aud of the world up to the final establishment of the throne of Messiah. The fifth part (92-105) con tains the last addresses of Enoch to his children, in which the teaching of the former chapteis is made the groundwork of earnest exhortation. The signs which attended the birth of Noah are next noticed (100-7); and another short "writing of Enoch" (l08) forms the close to the whole book.— 4. The general unity which the book possesses in its pie- sent form marks it, in the main, as the work of one man ; but internal coincidence shows with equal clearness that different fragments were incorpo rated by the author into his work, and some addi tions have been probably made afterwards. The whole book appears to be distinctly of Jewish origin, and it may be regarded as describing an important phase of Jewish opinion shortly before the coming of Christ. Notwithstanding the quotation in St. Jude, and the wide circulation of the book itself, the apocalypse of Enoch was uniformly and dis tinctly separated from the canonical scriptures. E'non. [Aeson.] E'nos. The son of Seth ; properly called Enosh, as in 1 Chr. i. 1 (Gen. iv. 26, v. 6, 7, 9, 10, Hi Luke iii. 38). E'nosh. The same as the preceding (1 Chr. i. 1)- En-rim'mon, one of the places which the men- of Judah re-inhabited after their return from the EN-ROGEL Captivity (Neh. xi. 29). Perhaps the same as "Ain and Rimmon" (Josh. xv. 32), and " Am, Remmon" (xix. 7 ; and see 1 Chr. iv. 32). En-ro'gel, a spring which formed one of the landmarks on the boundary-line between Judah (Josh. xv. 7) and Benjamin (xviii. 16). Here, apparently concealed from the view of the city, Jonathan and Ahimaaz remained, after the flight of David, awaiting intelligence from within the walls (2 Sam. xvii. 17) ; and here, by the stone Zoheleth, which is close to En-rogel, Adonijah held tlie feast, which was the first and last act of his attempt on the crown (1 K. i. 9). These are all the occurrences of the name in the Bible. By Josephus on the last incident its situation is given as " without the city, in the royal garden." In more modern times, a tradition, apparently first recorded by Brocardus, would make En-rogel the well of Job or Nehemiah {Bir Eyub), below the junction of the valleys of Ivedron and Hinnom, and i^fiuth of the Pool of Siloam. Against this general belief, some strong arguments are urged by Dr. Bonar in favour of identifying En-rogel with the present "Fountain of the Virgin," 'Am Umm ed- Daraj — the perennial source from which the Pool of Siloam is supplied. En-sh.em'esn., a spring which formed one of the landmarks on the north boundary of Judah (Josh. xv. 7) and the south boundary of Benjamin (xviii. 1 7). The Ain-Haud or Ain-Chot -the " Well of the Apostles," — about a mile below Bethany, is generally identified with En-Shemesh. Ensign {nes; in the A. V. generally " ensign," sometimes "standard;'1 degel, " standard," with the exception of Cant. ii. 4, " banner;" 6th, " ensign"). Egyptian standards. (From Wilkinson.) The distinction between these three Hebrew terms is sufficiently marked by their respective uses : nes is a signal ; degel a military standard for a large division of an army ; and 6th, the same for a small one. Neither of them, however, expresses the idea which "standard" conveys to our minds, viz. a fiag ; the standards in use among the Hebrews pro bably resembled those of the Egyptians and Assy rians — a figure or device of some kind elevated on a pole. (1.) The notices ofthe nes or "ensign" are most frequent ; it consisted of some well under stood signal which was exhibited on the top of a pole from a bare mountain top (Is. xiii. 2, xviii. 3). What the nature of the signal was, we have no EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 247 means of stating. The important point to be ob served is, that the nes was an occasional signal, and not a military standard. (2.) The term degel is used to describe the standards which were given to each of the four divisions of the Israelite aimy at the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 52, ii. 2 ff., x. 14 ff.). The character of the Hebrew military standards is quite a matter of conjecture ; they probably re sembled the Egyptian, which consisted of a sacred emblem such as an animal, a boat, or the king's name. En-tappu'ah, It is probably identical with Tap- puah, the position of which will be elsewhere ex amined (Josh. xvii. 7). Epae'netus, a Christian at Rome, greeted by St. Paul in Rom. xvi. 5, and designated as his beloved, and the first fruit of Asia unto Christ. Ep'apnras, a fellow-labourer with the Apostle Paul, mentioned Col. i. 7, as having taught the Colossian church the grace of God in truth, and designated a faithful minister of Christ on their be half. He was at that time with St. Paul at Rome (Col. iv. 12), and seems by the expression there used to have been a Colossian by birth. We find him again mentioned in the Epistle to Philemon (ver. 23), which was sent at the same time as that to the Colossians. Epaphras may be the same as Epaphroditus, but the notices in the N. T. do not enable us to speak with any confidence. Epaphrodi'tus (Phil. ii. 25, iv. 18). See above under EPAPHRAS. E'phah, the first, in order, ofthe sons of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33), afterwards mentioned by Isaiah (lx. 6, 7). No satisfactory identification of this tribe has been discovered. E'phah. 1. Concubine of Caleb, in the line of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 46).— 2. Son of Jahdai; also in the line of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 47). Ephah. [Measures.] E'phai, a Netophathite, whose sons were among the '¦ captains of the forces " left in Judah after the deportation to Babylon (Jer. xl. 8, xii. 3, comp. xl. 1 3). E'pher, tlie second, in order, of the sons of aiidian (Gen. xxv. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 33). His settle ments have not been identified with any probabilitv. E'pher. 1. A son of Ezra, among the descend ants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 17).— 2. One of the heads of the families of Manasseh on the east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). E'phes-dam'mim, a place between Socoh and Azekah, at which the Philistines were encamped before the affray in which Goliath was killed (1 Sam. xvii. 1). Under the shorter form of P.AS- dammiji it occurs once again in a similar connexion (1 Chr. xi. 13). [Elah.] Ephesians, the Epistle to the, was written by the Apostle St. Paul during his first captivity at Rome (Acts xxviii. 16), apparently immediately after ke had written the Epistle to the Colossians [Colossians, ep. to], and during that period (per haps the early part of a.d. 62) when his imprison ment had not assumed the severer character which seems to have marked its close. This sublime epistle was addressed to the Christian church at the ancient and famous city of Ephesus, that church which the Apostle had himself founded (Acts xix. 1 sq., comp. xviii. 19), with which he abode so long (Acts xx. 31), and from the elders of which he parted with such a warm-hearted and affecting farewell (Acts xx. 18-35). The contents of this epistle easily admit of being divided into two par- 248 EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE tions, the first mainly doctrinal (ch. i. — iii.), the second hortatory and practical. With regard to the authenticity and genuineness of this epistle, it is not too much to say that there are no just grounds for doubt. The testimonies of antiquity are un usually strong. Even if we do not press the sup posed allusions in Ignatius and Polycarp, we can confidently adduce Irenaeus, Clem. Alex,, Origen, Tertullian, and after them the constant and persistent tradition ofthe ancient Church. Even Marcion did not deny that the epistle was written by St. Paul nor did heretics refuse occasionally to cite it as con fessedly due to him as its author. 1n recent times, however, its genuineness hab been somewhat vehe mently callea in question. De Wette labours to prove that it is a mere spiritless expansion of the Epistle to the Colossians, though compiled in the Apostolic age : Schwegler, Baur, and others advance a step further, and reject both epistles as of no higher antiquity than the age of Montanism and early Gnosticism. For a detailed reply to the argu ments of De Wette and Baur, the student may be referred to Meyer, Einleit. z. Eph. p. 19 sq. (ed. 2) ; Davidson, Introd. to N. T. ii. p. 352 sq. ; and Alford, Prolegomena, p. 8. Two special points require a brief notice: — (1.) The readers for whom this epistle was designed. In the opening para graph the words ^'Eecr are omitted by X, B, 67, Basil, and possibly Tertullian. This, combined with the somewhat noticeable omission of all greet ings to the members of a Church with which the Apostle stood in such affectionate relation, and some other internal objections, have suggested a doubt whether these words really fonned a part of the original text. At first sight these doubts seem plausible ; but when we oppose to them (a) the overwhelming weight of diplomatic evidence for the insertion of the words, (6) the testimony of all the versions, (c) the universal designation of this epistle by the ancient Church (Marcion standing alone in his assertion that it was written to the Laodiceans) as an epistle to the Ephesians, (d) the extreme dif ficulty in giving any satisfactory meaning to the isolated participle, and the absence of any parallel usage in the Apostle's writings, — we can scarcely teel any doubt as to the propriety of removing the brackets in which these words are enclosed in the EPHESUS 2nd edition of Tischendorf, and of considering thpm an integral part of the original text. — (2.) The question of priority in respect of composition be tween this epistle and that to the Colossians is verv difficult to adjust. On the whole, both internal and external considerations seem somewhat in favour of the priority of the Epistle to the Colossians. Eph'esus, an illustrious city in the district of Ionia, nearly opposite the island of Samos, and about the middle ofthe western coast of the penin- •sula commonly called Asia Minor. Of the Roman province of Asia Ephesus was the capital.— 1. Geo graphical Relations. — All the cities of Ionia were remarkably well situated for the growth of com mercial prosperity, and none more so than Ephesus. [r the time of Augustus it wras the great emporium of all the regions of Asia within the Taurus : its harbour (named Panormus), at the mouth of tlie Cayster, was elaborately constmcted. St. Paul's life alone furnishes illustrations of its mercantile relations with Achaia on the W., Macedonia on the N., and Syria on the E. As to the relations of Ephesus to the inland regions of the continent, these also are prominently brought before us in the Apostle's travels. The " upper coasts " (Acts xix. 1) through which he passed, when about to take up his residence in the city, were the Phrygian table lands of the interior. Two great roads at least, in the Roman times, led eastward from Ephesus ; one through the pas=es of Tmolus to Sardis (Rev. iii. 1) and thence to Galatia aud the N.E., the other round the extremity of Pactyas to Magnesia, and so up the valley of the Maeander to Iconium, whence the communication was direct to the Euphrates and to the Syrian Antioch. There seem to have been Sar- dian and Magnesiau gates on the E. side of Ephesus corresponding to these roads respectively. There were also coast-roads leading northwards to Smyrna and southwards to Miletus. By the latter of these it is probable that the Ephesian elders travelled when summoned to meet Paul at the latter city (Acts xx. 17, IS).— 2. Temple and Worship of Diana. — Conspicuous at the head ofthe harbour of Ephesus was the great temple of Diana or Artemis, the tutelary divinity of the city. This buildiDg was raised on immense substructions, in consequence of the swampy nature of the ground. Tlie earlier Silo of Ephesus. (From Liiborde.) EPHESUS temple, which had been begum before the Persian war, was burnt down in the night when Alexander EPHESUS 249 Flan of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus. (From GuM's Ephfriaca.) the Gi eat was born ; and another structure, raised by the enthusiastic co-operation of all the inhabitants of " Asia" had taken its place. The magnificence of this sanctuary was a proverb throughout the civilised world. In consequence of this devotion the city of Ephesus was called vedicopos (Acts xix. 35) or " warden " of Diana. Another consequence of the celebrity of Diana's wor ship at Ephesus was, that a large manufac tory grew up there of portable shrines, which strangers purchased, and devotees carried with thern on journeys or set up in their houses. Of the manufacturers engaged in this business, perhaps Alexander the " coppersmith "(2 Tim. iv. 14) was one. The case of Demetrius the " silversmith " is explicit.— 3. Study and Prac tice of Magic. — Not unconnected with the preceding subject was the remarkable prevalence of magical aits at Ephesus. In illustration of the magical books which were publicly burnt (ver. 19) under the in fluence of St. Paul's preaching, it is enough here to refer to the 'EqieVia ypiafiara (mentioned by Plu tarch and others), which were regarded as a charm when pronounced, and when written down were carried about as amulets.— 4-. Provincial and Mu nicipal Government. — It is well known that Asia was a proconsular province ; and in harmony with this fact we find proconsuls (A. V. " deputies,") specially mentioned (ver. 38). Again we learn from Pliny (v. 31) that Ephesus was an assize-town ; and in the sacred narrative (ver. 38) we find the court>days alluded to as actually being held (A. V. "the law is open") during the uproar. Ephesus itself was a " free city," and had its own assemblies and its own magistrates. The senate is mentioned by Josephus ; and St. Luke, in the narrative before us, speaks of the Brgj-os (ver. 30, 33, A. V. " the people") and of its customary assemblies (ver. 39, A. V. "a lawful assembly"). We even find con spicuous mention made of one of the most important- municipal officers of Ephesus, the " Town-Clerk" or keeper of the records, whom we know from other sources to have been a person of great influence and responsibility. It is remarkable how all these political and religious characteristics of Ephesus, which appear in the sacred narrative, are illustrated by inscriptions and coins. The coins of Ephesus are full of allusions to the worship of Diana in various aspects. That Jews were established there in con siderable numbers is known from Josephus (ll. c), and might be inferred from its mercantile eminence ; but it is also evident from Acts ii. 9, vi. 9. It is here, and here only, that we find disciples of John the Baptist explicitly mentioned after the ascension of Christ (Acts xviii. 25, xix. 3). The case of Apol los (xviii. 24) is an exemplification further of the intercourse between this place and Alexandria. The first seeds of Christian truth were possibly sown at Ephesus immediately after the Great Pentecost (Acts ii.). In St. Paul's stay of more than two years (xix. 8, 10, xx. 31), which formed the most important passage of his third circuit, and during which he laboured, first in the synagogue (xix. 8), and then in the school of Tyrannus (ver. 9), aud also in private houses (xx. 20), and during which he wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians, we have the period of the chief evangelization of this shore of the Aegean. The address at Miletus shows that the church at Ephesus was thoroughly organised under its presbyters. At a later period Timothy was set over them, as we learn from the two epistles addressed to him. Among St. Paul's other com panions, two, Trophimus and Tychicus, were natives of Asia (xx. 4), and the latter probably (2 Tim. iv. 12), the former certainly (Acts xxi. 29„ natives of Ephesus. In the same connexion we ought to men- Coin of Ephesus, exhibiting the Temple of Dinua. tion Cnesiphorus (2 Tim. i. 16-18) and his house hold (iv. 19';. On the other hand must he noticed certain specified Ephesian antagonists ofthe Apostle, the sons of Sceva and his party (Acts xix. 14), Hy- menaeus and Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20 ; 2 Tim. iv. 14), and Phygellus and Hermogenes (2 TJm. i. 15). The site of aucient Ephesus has been visited and examined by many travellers during the last 200 years. The whole place is now utterly desolate, with the exception of the small Turkish village at Ayasaluk. The ruins are of vast extent, both on Coressus and on the plain ; but there is preat doubt 250 View of the Theatre at Ephesus. (From Laborde.) as to many topographical details. It is satisfactory, liowever, that the position of the theatre on Mount Prion is absolutely certain. Eph'lal, a descendant of Judah, of the family of Hezron and of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 37). Ephod, a sacred vestment originally appropriate to the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 4), but afterwards worn by ordinary priests (1 Sam. xxii. IS), and deemed characteristic of the office (1 Sam. ii. 28, xiv. 3 ; Hos. iii. 4). For a description of the robe itself see High-Priest. The importance of the ephod as the receptacle of the breastplate led to its adoption in the idolatrous forms of worship insti tuted in the time of the Judges (Judg. viii. 27, xvii. 5, xviii. 14 ff.). E'phod. Father of Hauniel of the tribe of Ma nasseh (Num. xxxiv. 23). E'phiaim, the second son of Joseph by his wife Asenath. The first indication we have of that ascendancy over his elder brother Manasseh, which at a later period the tribe of Ephraim so unmis- takeably possessed, is in the blessing ofthe children by Jacob, Gen. xlviii. — a passage on the age and genuineness of which the severest criticism has cast no doubt. Ephiaim would appear at that time to have been about 2 1 years old. He was born before the beginning of the seven years of famine, towards the latter part of which Jacob had come to Egypt, 17 years before his death (Gen. xlvii. 28). Before Joseph's death Ephraim's family had reached the third generation (Gen. 1. 23), and it must have been about this time that the affray mentioned in 1 Chr. vii. 21 occurred. To this early period too must probably be referred the circumstance alluded to in Ps. lxxviii. 9. The nunibeis of the tribe do not at once fulfil the promise of the blessing of Jacob. At the census in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 32, 33, ii. 19) its numbers were 40,500, placing it at the head of the children of Rachel ; Manasseh's number being 32,200, and Benjamin's 35,400. But 40 years later, on the eve of the conquest (Num. xxvi. 37), without any apparent cause, while Ma nasseh had advanced to 52,700, and Benjamin to 45,600, Ephraim had decreased to 32 500, the only smaller number being that of Simeon, 22,200. It is at the time of the sending of the spies that we are first introduced to the great hero to whom the tribe owed much of its subsequent greatness. Under Joshua, and in spite of the smallness of its numbers, the tribe must have taken a high position in the nation, to judge from the tone which the Ephraimites assumed on occasions shortly subsequent to the con quest. The boundaries of the portion of Ephraim are given in Josh. xvi. 1-10. The south boundary was coincident for part of its length with the north boundary of Benjamin. Commencing at the Jordan, at the reach opposite Jericho, it ran to the "water of Jericho," probably the Ain Dili or Ain Sultan: thence by one of the ravines, the Wady Harith or W. Suweinit, it ascended through the wilderness— Midbar, the uncultivated waste hills — to Mount Bethel and Luz; and thence by Ataroth, "the Japhletite," Bethhoron the lower, and Gezer— all w:th one exception unknown — to the Mediterranean, probably about Joppa. The general direction cf this line is X.E. by E. In Josh. xvi. 8 we pro bably have a fragment of the northern boundary (comp. xvii. 10), the torrent Kanah being the Nahr el AkMar just below the ancient Caesarea. But it is very possible that there never was any definite subdivision of the territory assigned to the two brother tribes. Among the towns named as Manasseh's were Bethshean in the Jordan Valley, Endor on the slopes ofthe " Little Hermon," Taanach on the north side of Carmel, and Dor on the sea-coast south of the same mountain. Here the boundary— the north boundary — joined that of Asher, which dipped below Carmel to take in an angle of the plain of Sharon: N. and N.W. of Manasseh lay Zebulun and Issachar respectively. The territory thus allotted to the " house of Joseph " may be roughly estimated at 55 miles from E. to >i . by it. from N. to S., a portion about equal in extent to the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk combined. But though similar in size, nothing can be more different in its nature from those level counties than this broken and hilly tract. Central Palestine consists of an elevated "district which rises from the flat EPHRAIM ranges of the wilderness on the south of Judah, and terminates on the north with the slopes which de- seeud into the great plain of Esdraelon. On the west a flat strip separates it from the sea, and on the east another flat strip forms the valley of the Jordan. Of this district the northern half was occupied by the great tribe we are now considering. This was the Har-Ephraim, the " Mount Ephraim," a district which seems to extend as far south as llamab. and Bethel (1 Sam. i. 1, vii. 17 ; 2 Chr. xiii. 4, 19, compared with xv. 8), places but a few miles north of Jerusalem, and within the limits of Benjamin. In structure it is limestone — rounded hills separated by valleys of denudation, but much less regular and monotonous than the part more to the south, about and below Jerusalem ; with wide plains in the heart of the mountains, streams of running water, and continuous tracts of vegetation. The wealth of their possession had not the same immediately degrading effect on this tribe that it had on some of its northern brethren. Various causes may have helped to avert this evil. 1. The central situation of Ephraim, in the highway of all communications from one part of the country to another. 2. The position of Shechem, with the two sacred mountains of Ebal and Gerizim, and of Shiloh, and further of the tomb and patrimouy of Joshua. 3. There was a spirit about the tribe itself which may have been both a cause and a consequence of these advantages of position. That spirit, though sometimes taking the form of noble remonstrance and reparation (2 Chr. xxviii. 9-15), usually manifests itself in jealous complaint at some enterprise undertaken or advantage gained in which they had not a chief share. The unsettled state of the country in general, and of the interior of Ephraim in particular (Judg. ix,), and the continual incursions of foreigners, prevented the power of the tribe from manifesting itself in a more formidable manner than by these murmurs, during the time of the Judges and the first stage of the monarchy. But the reign of Solomon, splendid in appearance but oppressive to the people, developed both the circumstances of revolt, and the leader who was to turn them to account. Solomon saw through the crisis, and if he could have succeeded in killing Jeroboam as he tried to do (1 K. xi. 40), the dis ruption might have been postponed for another cen tury. As it was, the outbreak was deferred for a time, but the irritation was not allayed, and the insane folly of his son brought tlie mischief to a head. From the time of the revolt in two senses the history of Ephraim is the history of the king dom of Israel, since not only did the tribe become a kingdom, but the kingdom embraced little besides the tribe. This is not surprising, and quite sus ceptible of explanation. North of Ephraim the country appears never to have been really taken possession of by the Israelites. And in addition to this original defect there is much in the physical formation and circumstances of the upper portion of Palestine to explain why those tribes never took any active part in the kingdom. But on the other hand the position of Ephraim was altogether different. It was one at once of. great richness and great security. Her fertile plains and well watered valleys could only be reached by a laborious ascent through steep and narrow ravines, all but impassable for an army. There is no record of any attack on the central kingdom, either from the Jordan valley or the maritime plain. On the north side, from the plain EPHRON, MOUNT 251 of Esdraelon, it was more accessible, and it was from this side that the final invasion appears to have been made. Ephraim. In " Baal - hazor which is by Ephraim " was Absalom's sheep-farm, at which took place the murder of Amnon, one of the earliest precursors of the great revolt (2 Sam. xiii. 23). There is unfortunately no clue to its situation. E'phraim, a city " in the district near the wil derness" to which our Lord retired with his dis ciples when threatened with violence by the priests (John xi. 54). Dr. Robinson conjectures that Oph- rah and Ephraim are identical, and that their mo dern representative is et-Taiyibeh. It is situated 4 or 5 miles east of Bethel, and 16 from Jerusalem. E'phiaim, Gate of, one of the gates of the city of Jerusalem (2 K. xiv. 13; 2 Chr. xxv. 23 ; Neh. viii. 16, xii. 39), probably at or near the position of the present " Damascus gate." E'phraim, the Wood of, a wood, or rather a forest on the E. of Jordan, in which the fatal battle was fought between the armies of David and of Absalom (2 Sam. xviii. 6). The suggestion is due to Grotius that the name was derived from the slaughter of Ephraim at the fords of Jordan by the Gileadites under Jephthah (Judg. xii. 1 , 4, 5). Is it not at least equally probable that the forest derived its name from this very battle ? Eph'raimite. Of the tribe of Ephraim ; else where called " Ephrathite " (Judg. xii. 5) . Ephra'in, a city of Israel, which with its de pendent hamlets Abijah and the army of Judah captured from Jeroboam (2 Chr. xiii. 19). It has been conjectured that this Ephrain or Ephron is identical with the Ephraim by which Absalom's sheep-farm of Baal-hazor was situated ; with the city called Ephraim near the wilderness in which onr Lord lived for some time ; and with Ophrah, a city of Benjamin, apparently not far from Bethel. But nothing more than conjecture can be arrived at on these points. Eph'ratah, or Eph'rath. 1. Second wife of Caleb tlie son of Hezron, mother of Hur, and grand mother of Caleb the spy, according to 1 Chr. ii. 19, 50, and probably 24, and iv. 4. — 2. The ancient name of Bethlehem- Judah, as is manifest from Gen. xxxv. 16, 19, xlviii. 7. It cannot therefore have derived its name from Ephratah, the mother of Hur. It seems obvious therefore to infer that, on the con trary, Ephratah, the mother of Hur, was so called from the town of her birth, and that she probably was the owner of the town and district. Another possible explanation is, that Ephratah may have been the name given to some daughter of Benjamin to commemorate the circumstance of Rachel his mo ther having died close to Ephrath. But it would not account for Ephratah's descendants being settled at Bethlehem.— 3. Gesenius thinks that in Ps. cxxxii. 6, Ephratah means Ephraim. Eph'rathite. 1. An inhabitant of Bethlehem (Ruth i. 2).— 2. An Ephraimite (1 Sam. i. 1 • 1 K xi.26.). ' Eph'ron, the son of Zochar, a Hittite, from whom Abraham bought the field and cave of Mach pelah (Gen. xxiii. 8-17 ; xxv. 9, xlix. 29, 30, 1. 13V Eph'ron, a very strong city on the east of Jordan between Carnaim (Ashteroth-Karnaim) and Bethshean, attacked and demolished by Judas Mac cabaeus (1 Mace. v. 46-52 ; 2 Mace. xii. 27). Eph'ron, Monnt. The "citiesof Mount Ephron" formed one of the landmarks on the northern bound- 252 EPICUREANS aiy of the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 9). Ephron is probably the range of hills on the west side of Wadg Beit-Hanina, opposite Lifta. Epicureans, the, derived their name from Epi curus (342-271 B.C.), a philosopher of Attic descent, whose " Garden " at Athens rivalled iu popularity the "Porch" and the "Academy." The doctrines of Epicurus found wide acceptance in Asia Minor and Alexandria, and they gained a brilliant advo cate at Rome in Lucretius (95-50 B.C.). The object of Epicurus was to find in philosophy a practical guide to happiness. True pleasme and not abso lute truth was the end at which he aimed; expe rience and not reason the test on which he relied. It is obvious that a system thus framed would de generate by a natural descent into mere materialism ; and in this form Epicureism was the popular philo sophy at the beginning of the Christian era (cf. Diog. L. x. 5, 9). When St. Paul addressed " Epicu reans and Stoics " (Acts xvii. 18) at Athens, the phi losophy of life was practically reduced to the teach ing of those two antagonistic schools. Epiph'anes (1 Mace. i. 10, x. 1). [Antiochus Epiphaxes.] Ep'iphi (3 Mace. vi. 38), name of the eleventh month ofthe Egyptian Vague year, and the Alex andrian or Egyptian Julian year. Epistle. It is proposed in the present article to speak of the Epistle or letter as a means of com munication. The use of written letters implies, it needs hardly be said, a considerable progress in the development of civilised life. In the early nomadic stages of society accordingly, we find no traces of any but oral communications. The first recorded letter in the history of the 0. T. was that which David wrote to Joab, and sent by the hand of Uriah (2 Sam. xi. 14), and this must obviously have been sealed with the king's seal. The material used for the impression of the seal was probably the " clay " of Job xxxviii. 14. Written communica tions become more frequent in the later histoiy. The king of Syria sends a letter to the king of Israel (2 K. v. 5, 6). Elijah the prophet sends a writing to Jehoram (2 Chr. xxi. 12). The books of Ezra and Nehemiah contain or refer to many such documents (Ezr. iv. 6, 7, 11, v. 6, vii. 11 ; Neh. ii. 7, 9, vi. 5). The Epistles of the N. T. in their outward form are such as might be expected from men who were brought into contact with Greek and Roman customs, themselves belonging to a different race, and so reproducing the imported style with only partial accuracy, they begin (the Epistle to the Hebrews and 1 John excepted) with the names of the writer, and of those to whom the Epistle is addressed. Then follows the formula of salutation. Then the letter itself commences, in the first person, the singular and plural being used indiscriminately. When the substance of the'letter has been completed, come the individual messages. The conclusion in this case was probably modified by the fact that the letters were dictated to an amanuensis. When he had done his work, the Apostle took up the pen or reed, and added, in his own large characters (Gal. vi. 11), the authenticat ing autograph. In one instance, Rom. xvi. 22, the amanuensis in his own name adds his salutation. An allusion in 2 Cor. iii. 1 brings before us another class of letters which must have been in frequent use in the early ages of the Christian Church, by which travellers or teachers were commended by one church to the good offices of others. ESAR-HADDON Er. , 1. First-bom of Judah. Er" was wicked in the sight ofthe Lord; and the Lord slew him." It does not appear what the nature of his sin was ; but, from his Canaanitish birth on the mother's side, it was probably connected with the abominable idolatries of Canaan (Gen. xxxviii. 3-7 ; Num. xxvi. 19).— 2. Descendant of Shelah the son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21). — 3. Son of Jose, and father of Elmodam (Luke iii. 28). E'ran, son of Shuthelah, eldest son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 36). Eran was the head of the fa mily of E'ranites, the, Num. xxvi. 36. Er'ech, one of the cities of Nimrod's kingdom in the land of Shinar (Gen. x. 10). It is doubtless the same as Orchoe, 82 miles S., and 43 E. of Babylon, the modern designations of the site, Warka, Irka, and Irak, bearing a considerable affinity to the original name. This place appears to have been the necropolis of the Assyrian kings. Erast'ns. 1. One of the attendants or deacons of St. Paul at Ephesus, who with Timothy was sent forward into Macedonia while the Apostle himself remained in Asia (Acts xix. 22). lie is probably the same with Erastus who is again men tioned in the salutations to Timothy (2 Tim. iii. 20), though not the same with Erastus the cham berlain of Corinth (Rom. xvi. 23;. — 2. Ei-astus the chamberlain, or rather the public treasurer of Co rinth, who was one of the early converts to Chi is- tianity (Rom. xvi„ 23). According to the tradi tions of the Greek Church, he was first treasurer to the Church at Jerusalem, and afterwards Bishop of Pan eas. E'ri, son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16), and ancestor ofthe Erites (Num. xxvi. 16). Esa'ias. The form of the name of the prophet Isaiah in the N. T. E'sar-ha'ddon. One of the greatest of the kings of Assyria. He was tne son of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 37) and the grandson of Sargon who succeeded Shalmaneser. Nothing is really known of Esar haddon until his accession (ab. B.C. 680 ; 2 K. xix. 37; Is. xxxvii. 38). He appears by his monu ments to have been one of the most powerful — if not the most powerful — of all the Assyrian monarchs. He carried his arms over all Asia be tween the Persian Gulf, the Armenian mountains, and the Mediterranean. In consequence of the dis affection of Babylon, and its frequent revolts from former Assyrian kings, Esar-haddon, having sub dued the sons of Merodach-Baladan who headed the national party, introduced the new policy of substi tuting for the former government by viceroys, a direct dependance upon the Assyrian crown. He is the only Assyrian monarch whom we find to have actually reigned at Babylon, where he built himself a palace, bricks from which have been re cently recovered bearing his name. His Babylonian reign lasted thirteen years, from B.C. 680 to B.C. 667. As a builder of great works Esar-haddon is particularly distinguished. Besides his palace at Babylon, which has been already mentioned, he built at least three others in different parts of Jus dominions, either for himself or his sou ; while in a single inscription he mentions the erection by his hands of no fewer than thirty temples in Assyria and Mcsopotam ia. The south-west palace at Ninirud is the best preserved of his constructions. It is impossible to fix the length of Esai'-haddon's reign or the order of the events which occurred in it. It ESAU has been conjectured that he died about B.C. 660, after occupying the throne for twenty years. E'sau, the eldest son of Isaac, and twin-brother of Jacob. The singular appearance of the child at his birth originated the name (Gen. xxv. 25). This was not the only remarkable circumstance connected with the birth of the infant. Even in the womb the twin-brothers struggled together (xxv. 22). Esau's robust frame and "rough" aspect were the types of a wild and daring nature. The pecu liarities of his character soon began to develope themselves. He was, in fact, a thorough Bedawy, a " son of the desert," who delighted to roam free ns the wind of heaven, and who was impatient of the restraints of civilized or settled life. His old father, by a caprice of affection not uncommon, loved his wilful, vagrant boy ; and his keen relish for savoury food being gratified by Esau's venison, he liked him all the better for his skill in hunting (xxv. 28). An event occurred which exhibited the reckless character of Esau on the one hand, and the selfish, grasping nature of his brother on the other. There is something revolting in this whole transac tion. Jacob takes advantage of his brother's distress to rob him of that which was dear as life itself to an Eastern patriarch. Esau married at the age of 40, and contrary to the wish of his parents. His wives were both Canaanites ; and they " were bit terness of spirit unto Isaac and to Rebekah " (Gen. xxvi. 34, 35). The next episode in the history of Esau and Jacob is still more painful than the former. Jacob, through the craft of his mother, is again successful, and secures irrevocably the coven ant blessing. Esau vows vengeance. But he knew not a mother's watchful care. By a characteristic piece of domestic policy Rebekah succeeded both in exciting Isaac's anger against Esau , and obtaining his consent to Jacob's departure. When Esau heard that his father had commanded Jacob to take a wife of the daughters of his kinsman Laban, he also re solved to try whether by a new alliance he could propitiate his parents. He accordingly married his cousin Mahalath, the daughter of Ishmael (xxviii. 8, 9). This marriage appears to have brought him into connexion with the Ishmaelitish tribes beyond the valley of Arabah. He soon afterwards esta bhshed himself in Mount Seir ; still retaining, how ever, some interest in his father's property in Southern Palestine. He was residing in Mount Seir when Jacob returned from Padan-aram, and had then become so rich and powerful that the im pressions of his brother's early offences seem to have been almost completely effaced. It does not appear that the brothers again met until the death of their father about 20 years afterwards. They united in laying Isaac's body in the cave of Machpelah. Of Esau's subsequent history nothing is known ; for that of his descendants see Edom and Edomites. E'san, 1 Esd. v. 29. [Ziba.] E'say, Ecclus. xlviii. 20, 22 ; 2 Esd. ii. 18. [Isaiah.] Esdraelon. This name is merely the Greek form of the Hebrew word Jezreel. It occurs in this exact shape only twice in the A. V. (Jud. iii. 9, iv. 6). In Jud. iii. 3 it is Esdraelom, and in i. 8 Esdeelom, with the addition of "the great plain." In the 0. T. the plain is called the Valley of Jezreel ; by Josephus " the great plain." The name is derived from the old royal city of Jezreel, which occupied a commanding site, near the eastern extremity of the plain, on a spur of Mount Gilboa. ESDRAS, FIRST BOOK OP 253 " The Great plain of Esdraelon " extends across Central Palestine from the Mediterranean to the Jordan, separating the mountain ranges of Carmel and Samaria from those of Galilee. The western section of it is properly the plain of Accho, or 'Akka. The main body of the plain is a triangle. Its base on the east extends from Jenin (the ancient Engannim) to the foot ofthe hills below Nazareth, and is about 15 miles long ; the north side, formed by the hills of Galilee, is about 12 miles long ; and the south side, formed by the Samaria range, is about 18 miles. The apex on the west is a narrow pass opening into the plain of 'Akka. From the base of this triangular plain three branches stretch out eastward, like fingers from a hand, divided by two bleak, grey ridges — one bearing the familiar name of Mount Gilboa ; the other called by Franks Little Herinon, but by natives Jebel ed-Duhy. The central branch is the richest as well as the most celebrated. This is the " Valley of Jezreel " proper — the battle-field on which Gideon triumphed, and Saul and Jonathan were overthrown (Judg. vii. 1, sq. ; 1 Sam. xxix. and xxxi.). Two things are worthy of special notice in the plain of Esdraelon. 1 . its wonderful richness. 2. its desolation. If we except the eastern branches, there is not a single in habited village on its whole surface, and not more than one-sixth of its soil is cultivated. It is the home of the wild wandering Bedawin. Es'dras. The form of the name of Ezra the scribe in 1 and 2 Esdr. Es'dras, First Book of, the first in order of the Apocryphal books in the English Bible. In the Vatican and other quasi-modern editions of the LXX., our 1st Esdr. is called the first book of Esdras, in relation to the canonical Book of Ezra which follows it, and is called the second Esdras. But in the Vulgate, 1st Esdr. means the canonical Book of Ezra, and 2nd Esdr. meaus Nehemiah, ac cording to the primitive Hebrew arrangement, mentioned by Jerome, in which Ezra and Nehe miah made up two parts of the one book of Ezra ; and 3rd and 4th Esdr. are what we now call 1 and 2 Esdras. In all the earlier editions of the English Bible the books of Esdras are numbered as in the Vulgate. The Geneva Bible first adopted the clas sification used in our present Bibles. As regards the antiquity of this book and the rank assigned to it in the early Church, it may suffice to mention that Jo sephus quotes largely from it, and follows its author ity. It is quoted also by Clemens Alexandrinus, by Cyprian, Augustine, Athanasius, and other fathers. Nothing can be clearer on the other hand than that it is rightly included by us among the Apocrypha. That it was never known to exist in Hebrew and formed no part of the Hebrew Canon, is admitted by all. As regards the contents of the book, and tlie author or authors of it — the first chapter is a transcript of the two last chapters of 2 Chr. for the most part verbatim, and only in one or two parts slightly abridged and paraphrased, and show ing some corruptions of the text, the use of a different Greek version, and some various readings. Chapters iii., iv., and v., to the end of v. 6, are the original portions of the book, and the rest is a transcript more or less exact of the book of Ezra, with the chapters transposed and quite otherwise arranged, and a portion of Nehemiah. Hence a two fold design in the compiler is discernible. One to introduce and give Scriptural sanction to the legend about Zerubbabel ; the other to explain the great 254 ESDRAS, SECOND BOOK OP obscurities of the book of Ezra, in which however he lias signally failed. As regards the time and place when the compilation was made, the original portion is that which alone affords much clue. This seems to indicate that the writer was thoroughly conversant with Hebrew, even if he did not write the book in that language. He was well acquainted too with the books of Esther and Daniel (1 Esdr. iii. 1, 2 sqq.), and other books of Scripture {ib. 20, 21, 39, 41, &c, and 45 compared with Ps. cxxxvii. 7). But that he did not live under the Persian kings, appears by the undiscriminating way in which he uses promiscuously the phrase Medes and Persians, or, Persians and Medes, according as he happened to be imitating the language of Daniel or of the book of Esther. Es'dras, tlie Second Book of, in the English Version of the Apocrypha, and so called by the author (2 Esdr. i. 1), is more commonly known, according to the reckoning of the Latin Version, as the fourth book of Ezra. The original title, " the Apocalypse of Ezra," is far more appropriate. — 1. For a long time this Book of Ezra was known only hy au old Latin version, which is preserved in some MSS. of the Vulgate. A second Arabic text was discovered by Mr. Gregory about the middle of the 17th century in two Bodleian MSS. A third Aethi opic text was published in 1820 by [Archbp.] Unvrence with English and Latin translations, like wise from a Bodleian MS. — 2. The three versions were all made directly from a Greek text; and in default of direct evidence to the contrary, it must be supposed that the book was composed in Greek. — '•>. The common Latin text, whicli is followed in tlie English version, contains two important inter polations (Ch. i. ii. ; xv. xvi.) which are not found in the Arabic and Aethiopic versions, and are sepa rated from the genuine Apocalypse in the best Latin MSS. Both of these passages are evidently of Christian origin. Another smaller interpolation occurs in the Latin version in vii. 28, where filius mens Jesus answers to " My Messiah " iu the Aethiopic, and to " My Son Messiah" in the Ara bic. On the other hand, a long passage occurs in the Aethiopic and Arabic versions after vii. 35, which is not found in the Latin. — 4. The original Apocalypse (iii.-xiv.) consists of a series of angelic revelations and visions in which Ezra is instructed in some of the great mysteries of the moral world, and assured of the final triumph of the righteous. The subject of the first revelation {ii'i .— v. 15) is the unsearchableness of God's purposes, and the signs of.the last age. The second revelation (v. 20.-vi. 34) carries out this teaching yet further, and lays open the gradual progress of the plan of Providence, and the nearness ofthe visitation before which evil must attain its most terrible climax. The third revelation (vi. 35-ix. 25) answers the objections which arise from the apparent narrowness of the limits within which the hope of blessedness is con fined, and describes the coming of Messiah and the last scene of Judgment. After this follow three visions. The first vision (ix. 26-x. 59) is of a woman (Sion) in deep sorrow, lamenting the death, upon his bridal day, of her only son (the city built hy Solomon), who had been born to her after she had had no child for thirty years. But while Ezra looked, her face "upon a sudden shined exceed ingly," and " the woman appeared no more, but there was a city builded." The second vision (xi., tii.), in a dream, is of an eagle (Rome) which ESH-BAAL "camp up from the sea" and "spread her wines over all the earth." The third vision (xiii.), m a dream, is of a man (Messiah) "flying with tne clouds of heaven," against whom the nations of the earth are gathered, till he destroys' them with the blast of his mouth, and gathers together tlie lost tribes of Israel and offers Sion, " prepared and builded," to His people. The last chapter (xiv.) recounts an appearance to Ezra of the Lord who showed Himself to Moses in the bush. — 5. The date of the book is much disputed, though the limits within which opinions vary are narrower than in the case of the book of Enoch. Lucke places it hi the time of Caesar ; Van dei* Vlis shortly after tho death of Caesar. Lawrence brings it down some what lower, to 28-25 B.C. On the other hand Gfrorer assigns the book to the time of Domitian. — 6. The chief characteristics of the "three-headed eagle," which refer apparently to historic details, are " twelve feathered wings" (duodecim alae pen- narum), " eight counter-feathers " (contrariae pen- nae), and "three heads"; but though the writer expressly interprets these of kings (xii. 14, 20) and " kingdoms" (xii. 23), he is, perhaps intentionally, so obscure in his allusions, that the interpretation only increases the difficulties of the vision itself. One point only may be considered certain, — the eagle can typify no other empire than Rome. But when it is established that the interpretation ofthe vision is to be sought in the history of Rome, tlie chief difficulties of the problem begin. All is evi dently as yet vague and uncertain, and will pro bably remain so till some clearer light can he thrown upon Jewish thought and history during the critical period 100 E.C.-100 A.c. — 7. But while the date of the book must be left undetermined, there can be no doubt that it is a genuine product of Jewish thought. The Apocalypse was probably written in Egypt ; the opening and closing chapters certainly were. — 8. In tone and character the Apocalypse of Ezra offers a striking contrast to that of Enoch. Triumphant anticipations are overshadowed by gloomy forebodings of the destiny of the world, The idea of victory is lost in that of revenge. — 9. One tradition which the hook contains obtained a wide reception in early times, and served as a pendant to the legend of the origin of the LXX. Ezra, it is said, for forty days and forty nights dictated to his scribes, who wrote ninety-four books, of which twenty-four were delivered to the people in place ofthe books which were lost (xiv^20-48). This strange story probably owed its origin to the tradition which regarded Ezra as tlie representative ofthe men ofthe " Great Synagogue."— 10. Though the book was assigned to the "prophet" Ezra by Clement of Alexandria, it did not maintain its eccle siastical position in the Church. Jerome speaks ot it with contempt, and it is rarely found in MSS. of the Latin Bible. It is found, however, in the printed copies of the Vulgate older than the Council of Trent. On the other hand, though this book is included among those which are " read for examples of life " by the English Church, no use of it is there made in public worship. Es'ehon, Jud. v. 15. [Heshbon.] Ksebri'as, 1 Esd. viii. 54. [Sherebiaii.] E'sek, a well, which the herdsmen of Isaac dug in the valley of Gerar (Gen. xxvi. 20). Esh-ba'al, the fourth son of Saul, according to the genealogies of 1 Chr. viii. 33 and ix. 39. He is doubtless the same person as Istl-BOSHETH. ESHBAN Esh'ban, a Horite; one of the four sons of Disfian (Gen. xxxvi. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 41). Esh'col, brother of Mamre the Amorite, and of Aner; and oue of Abraham's companions in his pursuit ofthe four kings who had carried off Lot 'vGen. xiT. 13, 24). Esh'col, the Valley, or the Brook, of, a wady in the neighbourhood of Hebron, explored by the spies who were sent by Moses from Kadesh-barnea. From the terms of two ofthe notices of this trans action (Num. xxxiii. 9 ; Deut. i. 24) it might be gathered that Eshcol was the furthest point to which the spies penetrated. But this would be to contradict the express statement of Num. xiii. 21, that they went as far as Rehob. The name has been lately observed still attached to a spring of remarkably fine water called ' Ain-Eshliali, in a valley which crosses the vale of Hebron N.E. and S.W., and about two miles north of the town. Esh'ean, one of the cities of Judah (Josh. xv. 52). E'shek, a Benjamite, one of the late descendants of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 39). Esh'kalonites, the, Josh. xiii. 3. [Ashke lon.] Esh'taol, a town in the low country — the She felah — of Judah. It is the first of the first group of cities in that district (Josh. xv. 33) enumerated with Zoreah, in company with which it is com monly mentioned. Zorah and Eshtaol were two of the towns allotted to the tribe of Dan out of Judah (Josh. xix. 41). Here, among the old warriors of the tribe, Samson spent his boyhood, and hither after his last exploit his hody was brought (Judg. xiii. 25, xvi. 31, xviii. 2, 8, 11, 12). In the Ono- masticon of Eusebius and Jerome Eshtaol is twice mentioned — (1) as Astaol of Judah, described as then existing between Azotus and Ascalon under the name of Astho; (2) as Esthaul of Dan, ten miles N. of Eleutlieropolis. In more modern times, however, the name has vanished. Esb/taulites, the, with the Zareathites, were among the families of Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 53). Eshtemoa, and in shorter form Eshtemoh', a town of Judah, in the mountains (Josh. xv. 50). With its suburbs Eshtemoa was allotted to the priests (xxi. 14; 1 Chr. vi. 57). It was one of the places frequented by David and his followers during the long period of their wanderings (1 Sam. xxx. 28, comp. 31). The place was known in the time of Eusebius and Jerome. There is little doubt that it has been discovered by Dr. Robinson at Semu'a, a village seven miles south of Hebron Eshtemoa appears to have been founded by the de scendants of the Egyptian wife of a certain Mered (1 Chr. iv. 17). Esh'ton, a name which occurs in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 11, 12). Es'li, son of Nagge or Naggai, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 25). Eso'ra, a place fortified by the Jews on the approach of the Assyrian army under Holofemes (Jud. iv. 4). Perhaps Hazor, or Zorah, but it is not certain. Es'ril, 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Azareel, or Shakai.] Ea'rom, Matt. i. 3 ; Luke iii. 33. [Hezron.] Esse'nes. 1. In the description of Josephus the Essenes appear to combine the ascetic virtues of the Pythagoreans and Stoics with a spiritual know ledge of the Divine Law. 2. The name Essene or Essaean is itself full of difficulty. Various deriva- ESSENES 255 tions have been proposed for it, and all are more or less open to objection. It seems probable that Essene signifies " seer," or " the silent, the mys terious." 3. The obscurity of the Essenes as a distinct body arises from the fact that they repre sented originally a tendency rather than an organis ation. As a sect they were distinguished by an aspiration after ideal purity rather than by any special code of doctrines. From the Maccabaean age there was a continuous effort among the stricter Jews to attain an absolute standard of holiness. Each class of devotees was looked upon as prac tically impure by their successors, who carried the laws of purity still further; and the Essenes stand at the extreme limit of the mystic asceticism which was thus gradually reduced to shape. To the Pha risees they stood nearly in the same relation as that in which the Pharisees themselves stood with regard to the mass of the people. 4. The traces of the existence of Essenes in common society are not wanting nor confined to individual cases. Not only was a gate at Jerusalem named from them, but a later tradition mentions the existence of a congre gation there which devoted " one third of the day to study, one third to prayer, and one third to labour." The isolated communities of Essenes fur nished the type which is preserved in the popular descriptions. These were regulated by strict rules, analogous to those of the monastic institutions of a later date. 5. The order itself was regulated by an internal jurisdiction. Excommunication was equivalent to a slow death, since an Essene could not take food prepared by strangers for fear of pol lution. All things were held in common, without distinction of property or house ; and special pro vision was made for the relief of the poor. Self- denial, temperance, and labour — especially agricul ture — were the marks of the outward life of the Essenes ; purity and divine communion the objects of their aspiration. Shivery, war, and commerce were alike forbidden. 6. In doctrine, as has been seen already, they did not differ essentially from strict Pharisees. Moses was honoured by them next to God. They observed the Sabbath with singular strictness, turned their attention specially to the mysteries of the spiritual world, and looked upon the body as a mere prison of the soul. 7. The number of the Essenes is roughly estimated by Philo at 4000. Their best-known settlements were on the N.W. shore of the Dead Sea. 8. In the Talmudic writings there is, as has been already said, no direct mention of the Essenes, but their existence is recognised by the notice of peculiar points of practice and teaching. 9. The character of Essenism limited its spread. Out of Palestine Levitical purity was impossible, for the very land was impure ; and thus there is no trace of the sect in Babylonia. The case was different in Egypt, and the tendency which gave birth to the Es°senes found a fresh development in the pure speculation of the Therapeutae. 10. From the nature of the case Essenism in its extreme form could exercise very little influence on Christianity. In all its practical bearings it was diametrically opposed to the Apostolic teaching. The only real similarity between Essenism and Christianity lay in the com mon element of true Judaism. Nationally, how ever, the Essenes occupy the same position as that to which John the Baptist was personally called. They mark the close of the old, the longing for the new, hut in this case without the promise. At a 256 ESTHER later time traces of Essenism appear in the Cle mentines. Es'ther, the Persian name of Hadassa.it, daugh ter of Abihail the son of Shimei, the son of Kish, a Benjamite. Esther was a beautiful Jewish maiden, whose ancestor Kish had been among the captives led away from Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar when Jehoiachin was taken captive. She was an orphan without father or mother, and had been brought up by her cousin Mordecai, who had an office in the household of Ahasuerus king of Persia, and dwelt at " Shushan the palace." When Vashti was dis missed from being queen, and all the fairest virgins of the kingdom had been collected at Shushan for the king to make choice of a successor to her from among them, the choice fell upon Esther. The king was not aware, however, of her race and parentage ; and so, on the representation of Haman the Agagite that the Jews scattered through his empire were a pernicious race, he gave him full power and au thority to kill them all, young and old, women and children, and take possession of all their property. The means taken by Esther to avert this great calamity from her people and her kindred are fully related in the book of Esther. History is wholly silent both about Vashti and Esther. Herodotus only happens to mention one of Xerxes' wives ; Scripture only mentions two, if indeed either of them were wives at all. It seems natural to con clude that Esther, a captive, and one of the harem, was not of the highest rank of wives, but that a special honour, with the name of queen, may have been given to her, as to Vashti before her, as the favourite concubine or inferior wife, whose offspring, however, if she had any, would not have succeeded to the Persian throne. Es'ther, Book of, one of the latest of the canonical books of Scripture, having been written late in the reign of Xerxes, or early in that of his son Artaxerxes Longimanus. The author is not known, but may very probably have been Mordecai himself. Those who ascribe it to Ezra, or the men of the Great Synagogue, may have merely meant that Ezra edited and added it to the canon of Scrip ture, which he probably did. The book of Esther appears in a different form in the LXX., and the translations therefrom, from that in which it is found in the Hebrew Bible. In speaking of it we shall first speak of the canonical book found in Hebrew, to which also the above observations refer ; and next of the Greek book with its apocryphal additions. The canonical Esther then is placed among the hagiographa by the Jews, aud in that first portion of them which they call " the five rolls.'* It is sometimes emphatically called Me- gillah ("roll"), without other distinction, aud is read through by the Jews in their synagogues at the feast of Purim. It has often been remarked as a peculiarity of this book that the name of God does net once occur in it. It was always reckoned in the Jewish canon, and is named or implied in almost every enumeration of the books composing it, from Josephus downwards. Jerome mentions it by name, as do Augustine, Origen, and many others. The style of writing is remarkably chaste and simple. It does not in the least savour of romance. The Hebrew is very like that of Ezra and parts of the Chronicles ; generally pure, but mixed with some words of Persian origin, and some of Chaldaic affinity. In short it is just what one would expect to find in a work of the age to which the book of ETHAN Esther professes to belong. As regards the LXX. version of the book, it consists of the canonical Esther with various interpolations prefixed, inter spersed, and added at the close. Though, however, the interpolations of the Greek copy are thus mani fest, they make a consistent and intelligible story. But the Apocryphal additions as they are- inserted in some editions of the Latin Vulgate, and in the English Bible, are incomprehensible ; the history of which is this: — When Jerome translated the Book of Esther, he first gave the version- of the Hebrew alone as being alone authentic. He then added at the end a version in Latin of those several passages which he found in the LXX., and which were not in the Hebrew, stating where each passage came in, and marking them aU with an obelus. Having an nexed this conclusion, he then gives the Prooemium, which he says forms the beginning of the Greek Vulgate, beginning with what is now verse 2 of chapter xi. ; and so proceeds with the other pas sages. But in subsequent editions all Jerome's explanatory matter has been swept away, and the disjointed portions have been printed as chapters xi., xii., xiii., xiv., xv., xvi., as if they formed a nar rative in continuance of the canonical book. As regards the place assigned to Esther in the LXX., in the Vatican edition, and most others, it comes between Judith and Job. Tobit and Judith have been placed between it and Nehemiah, doubtless for chronological reasons. But in the veiy ancient Codex published by Tischendoif, and called C. Friderico- Augustanus, Esther immediately follows Nehemiah, and precedes Tobit. E tarn. 1. A village of the tribe of Simeon, specified only in the list in 1 Chi*, iv. 32 (comp. Josh. xix. 7).— 2. A place in Judah, fortified and garrisoned by Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 6). From its position in this list we may conclude that it was near Bethlehem and Tekoah. Here, according to the statements of Josephus and the Talmudists, were the sources of the water from which Solomon's gardens and pleasure-grounds were fed, and Beth lehem and the Temple supplied. —3. A name oc curring in the lists of Judah's descendants (1 Chr. iv. 3), but probably referring to the last mentioned place. E'tam, tlie Bock, a cliff or lofty rock, into a cleft or chasm of which Samson retired after his slaughter of the Philistines (Judg. xv. 8, 11). This natural stronghold was in the tribe of Judah; and near it, probably at its foot, was Lehi or Ramath- lehi, and En-hakkore (xv. 9, 14, 17, 19). The name Etam was held by a city in the neighbour hood of Bethlehem (2 Chi*, xi.6), which is known to have been situated in the extremely uneven and broken country round the modern Urtas. Here is a fitting scene for the adventure of Samson. In the abundant springs and the numerous eminences of the district round Urtas, the cliff Etam, RamaUi- lehi, and En-hakkore may be yet discovered. E'tham. [Exodus, the, p. 262.] E'than. 1. Etiiax the Ezrahite, one ofthe four sons of Mahol, whose wisdom was excelled by Solomon (1 K. iv. 31; 1 Chr. ii. 6). His name is in the title of Ps. lxxxix.— 2. Son of Kishi or Kushaiah ; a Merarite Levite, head of that family in the time of king David (1 Chr. vi. 44 ; Heb. 29), aud spoken of as a <( singer." With Heman and Asaph, the heads of the other two families of Levites, Ethan was appointed to sound with cymbals (xv. 17, 19). It has been conjectured that the ETHANIM two names Ethan and Jeduthun belonged to one man, or are identical, but there is no direct evidence of this.— 3. A Gershonite Levite, one of the an cestors of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. vi. 42, Heb. 27). Eth'anim. [Months.] Ethba'al, king of Sidon and father of Jezebel (1 K. xvi. 31). Josephus represents him as king of the Tyrians as well as the Sidonians. We may thus identify him with Eithobalus, noticed by Me- nander, a priest of Astarte, who, after having assassinated Pheles, usurped the throne of Tyre for 32 years. The date of Ethbaal's reign may be given as about B.C. 940-908. E ther, one of the cities of Judah in the low country, the Shefelah (Josh. xv. 42), allotted to Simeon (xix. 7). The name of Ether has not yet been identified with any existing remains ; but Van de Velde heard of a Tel Athar in the desert country below Hebron. Ethio'pia. The country which the Greeks and Romans described as " Aethiopia " and the Hebrews as " Cush" lay to the S. of Egypt, and embraced. in its most extended sense, the modern Nubia, Sennaar, Kordofan, and northern Abyssinia, and iu its more definite sense the kingdom of Meroe. The only direction in which a clear boundary can be fixed is in the N., where Syene marked the divi sion between Ethiopia and Egypt (Ez. xxix. 10) : in other directions the boundaries can be only gene rally described as the Red Sea on the E., the Libyan desert on the W., and the Abyssinian highlands on the S. The name " Ethiopia " is probably an adaptation of the native Egyptian name " Ethaush,"' which bears a tolerably close resemblance to the Gentile form " Aethiops." The Hebrews do not appear to have had much practical ¦ acquaintance with Ethiopia itself, though the Ethiopians were well known to them through their intercourse with Egypt. They were, however, perfectly aware of its position (Ez. xxix. 10) and its tropical characteristics, and they earned on commercial intercourse with it. The country is for the most part mountainous, the ranges gradually increasing in altitude towards the S., until they attain an elevation of about 8000 feet in Abyssinia. The inhabitants of Ethiopia were' a Hamitic race (Gen. x. 6). They were divided into various tribes, of which the Sabaeans were the most powerful. The history of Ethiopia is closely inter woven with that of Egypt. The two countries were not unfrequently united under the rale of the same sovereign. Esarhaddon is stated in the Assyrian inscriptions to have conquered both Egypt and Ethiopia. At the time of the conquest of Egypt, Cambyses advanced against Meroe and subdued it ; but the Persian rule did not take any root there, nor did the influence of the Ptolemies generally extend beyond northern Ethiopia. Shortly before our Saviour's birth a native dynasty of females, holding the official title of Candace (Plin. vi. 35), held sway in Ethiopia, and even lesisted the advance of the Roman arms. One of these is the queen noticed in Acts viii. 27. - Ethio'pian. Properly " Cushite" (Jer. xiii. 23): used of Zerah (2 Chr. xiv. 9 [8]), and Ebed- melech_(Jer. xxxviii. 7, 10, 12, xxxix. 16). Ethio'pian Woman. The wife of Moses is so described in Num. xii. 1. She is elsewhere said to have been the daughter of a Midianite, and fa con sequence of this some have supposed that the allu sion is to another wife whom Moses married after the death of Zipporah. Con. D. B. EUNUCH 257 Ethiopians. Properly "Cush" or "Ethiopia"' in two passages (Is. xx. 4; Jer. xlvi. 9). Else where "Cushites," or inhabitants of Ethiopia (2 Chr. xii. 3, xiv. 12 [11], 13 [12], xvi. 8, xxi. 16 ; Dan. xi. 43; Am. ix. 7 ; Zeph. if. 12). Eth'ma, 1 Esd. ix. 35 ; apparently a corruption of 'Nebo in the parallel list of Ezra x. 43. Eth'nan, one of the sons of Helah the wife of Ashur (1 Chr. iv.' 7). Eth'ni, a Gershonite Levite (1 Chr. vi. 41 ; Heb. 26). Eubu'lus, a Christian at Rome mentioned by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 21). Euer'getes, a common surname and title of honour in Greek states. The title was borne by two of the Ptolemies, Ptol. III., Euergetes I., B.C. 247-222, and Ptol. VII., Euergetes II., B.C. (170) 146-117. The Euergetes mentioned in the pro logue to Ecclesiasticus has been identified with each of these. Eu'menes II., king of Pergamus, succeeded his father Attalus I., B.C. 197.. In the war with Antiochus the Great he rendered the most im portant services to the growing republic. After peace was made (b,c. 189) he repaired to Rome to claim the reward of his loyalty ; and the Senate conferred on him the provinces of Mysia, Lydia, and Ionia (with some exceptions), Phrygia, Lyca onia, and the Thracian Chersonese. The exact date of his death is not mentioned, but it must have taken place in B.C. 159. Eu'natan, 1 Esd. viii. 44. [Elnathan.] Euni'oe, mother of Timotheus (2 Tim. i. 5). Eunuch. The original Hebrew word clearly im plies the incapacity which mutilation involves, and perhaps includes all the classes mentioned in Matt. xix. 1 2, not signifying an office merely. The law (Deut. xxiii. 1 ; comp. Lev. xxii. 24) is repugnant to thus treating any Israelite ; and Samuel, when describing the arbitrary power of the future king (1 Sam. viii. 15, marg.), mentions " his eunuchs," but does not say that he would make " their sons" such. This, if we compare 2 K. xx. 18, Is. xxxix. 7, possibly implies that these persons would be foreigners. It was a barbarous custom of the East thus to treat captives (Herod, iii. 49, vi. 32), not only of tender age, but, it should seem, when past puberty. The "officer" Potiphar (Gen. xxxvii. 36, xxxix. 1, marg. "eunuch") was an Egyptian, was married, and was the " captain of the guard ;" and iu the Assyrian monuments a eunuch often appears, sometimes armed, and in a warlike capa city, or as a scribe, noting the number of heads and amount of spoil, as receiving the prisoners, and even as officiating in religious ceremonies. The origination of the practice is ascribed to Semiramis, and is no doubt as early, or nearly so, as Eastern despotism itself. The complete assimilation of the kingdom of Israel, and latterly of Judah, to the neighbouring models of despotism, is traceable in the rank and prominence of eunuchs (2 K. viii. 6, ix. 32, xxiii. 11, xxv. 19; Is. lvi. 3, 4; Jer'. xxix. 2, xxxiv. 19, xxxviii. 7, xii. 16, Iii. 25). They mostly appear in one of two relations, either military as " set over the men of war," greater trustworthiness possibly counterbalancing inferior courage and military vigour, or associated, as we mostly recognise them, with women and children. We find the Assyrian Rab-Saris, or chief eunuch (2 K. xviii. 17), employed together with other high officials as ambassador. It is probable that Daniel S 258 EUODIAS and his companions were thus treated, in fulfilment of 2 K. xx. 17,18; Is. xxxix. 7 ; comp. Dan. i. 3, 7. The court of Herod of course had its eunuchs, as had also that of Queen Candace (Acts viii. 27.) Euo'dias, a Christian woman at Philippi (Phil. iv. 2). The name is correctly Euodia. Euphra'tes is probably a word of Aryan origin, signifying " the good and abounding river." It is most frequently denoted in the Bible by the term "the river." The Euphrates is the largest, the longest, and by far the most important of the rivers of Western Asia. It rises from two chief sources iu the Armenian mountains, one of them at Domli, 25 miles N.E. of Erzeroum, and little more than a degree from the Black Sea ; the other on the northern slope of the mountain range called Ala- Tagh, near the village of Diyadin, and not far from Mount Ararat. Both branches flow at first towards the W. or S.W., passing through the wildest moun tain districts of Armenia ; they meet at Kebban- Maden, nearly in long. 39° E. from Greenwich, having run respectively 400 and 270 miles. Here the stream formed by their combined waters is 120 yards wide, rapid, and very deep ; it now flows nearly southward, but in a tortuous course, forcing a way through the ranges of Taurus and Anti- Taurus, and still seeming as if it would empty itself into the Mediterranean ; but prevented from so doing by the longitudinal ranges of Amanus and Lebanon, which here run parallel to the Syrian coast, and at no great distance from it ; the river at last desists from its endeavour, and in about lat. 36° turns towards the S.E., and proceeds in this direc tion for above 1000 miles to its embouchure in the Persian Gulf. The entire course is calculated at 1780 miles, and of this distance more than two- thirds (1200 miles) is navigable for boats. The width of the river is greatest at the distance of 700 or 800 miles from its mouth— that is to say, from its junction with the Khabour to the village of Werai. It there averages 400 yards. The annual inundation of the Euphrates is caused by the melt ing of the snows in the Armenian highlands. It occurs in the month of May. The great hydraulic works ascribed to Nebuchadnezzar had for their great object to control the inundation. The Euphrates has at all times been of some importance as fur nishing a line of traffic between the East and the West. Herodotus speaks of persons, probably mer chants, using it regularly on their passage from the Mediterranean to Babylon. There are sufficient grounds for believing that thrbughout the Babylon ian and Persian periods this route was made use of by the merchants of various nations, and that by it the East and West continually interchanged their most important products. The Euphrates is fii'st mentioned in Scripture as one of the four rivers of Eden (Gen. ii. 14). Its celebrity is there suffi ciently indicated by the absence of any explanatory phrase, such as accompanies the names ofthe other streams. We next hear of it in the covenant made with Abraham (Gen. xv. 18), where the whole country from " the great river, the river Euphrates" to the river of Egypt is promised to the chosen race. During the reigns of David and Solomon the do minion of Israel actually attained to the full extent both ways of the original promise, the Euphrates forming the boundary of their empire to the N.E., and the river of Egypt to the S.W. This wide spread territory was lost upon the disruption of the empire under Rehoboam ; and no more is heard EVANGELIST in Scripture of the Euphrates until the expedition of Necho against the Babylonians in the reign of Josiah. The river still brings down as much water as of old, but the precious element is wasted by the neglect of man ; the various watercourses along which it was in former times conveyed are dry; the main channel has shrank ; and the water stag nates in unwholesome marshes. Euporemns, the " son of John, the son of Accos," one of the envoys sent to Rome by Judas Maccabaeus, cir. B.C. 161 (1 Mace. viii. 17; 2 Mace. iv. 11). He has been identified with the historian of the same name, but it is by no means clear that the historian was of Jewish descent. Euroe'lydon, the name given (Acts xxvii. 14) to the gale of wind which off the south coast of ' Crete seized the ship in which St. Paul was ulti mately wrecked on the coast of Malta. It came down from the island, and therefore must have blown, more or less, from the northward. Next, the wind is described as being like a typhoon or whirlwind. The long duration of the gale, the over clouded state of the sky, and even the heavy rain which concluded the storm (xxviii. 2), could easily be matched with parallel instances in modem times. We have seen that the wind was more or less northerly. The context gives us fall materials for determining its direction with great exactitude. We come to the conclusion that it blew from the N.E. or E.N.E. This is quite in harmony with the natural sense of Evpaiclihccv (Euroaquilo, Vulg.), which is regarded as the true reading by Bentley, and is found in some of the best MSS. ; but we are disposed to adhere to the Received Text. Eu'tychns, a youth at Troas (Acts xx. 9), who sitting in a window, and having fallen asleep while St. Paul was discoursing far into the night, tell from the third story, and being taken up dead, was miraculously restored to life by the Apostle. Evangelist. The constitution of the Apostolic Church included an order or body of men known as Evangelists. The meaning of the name, " The pub lishers of glad tidings," seems common to the work of the Christian ministry generally, yet in Eph. iv. 11, the '"evangelists" appear on the one hand after the " apostles " and " prophets :" on the other before the " pastors " and " teachers." This pas sage accordingly would lead us to think of them as standing between the two other groups— sent forth as missionary preachers of the Gospel by the first, and as such preparing the way for the labours of the second. The same inference would seem to follow the occurrence of the word as applied to Philip in Acts xxi. 8. It follows from what has been said that the calling of the Evangelist is the proclamation of the glad tidings to those who have. ! not known them, rather than the instruction and pastoral care of those who have believed and been baptised. It follows also that the name denotes a work rather than an order. The Evangelist might or might not be a Bishop-Elder or a Deacon. The Apostles, so far as they evangelized (Acts viii. 25, xiv. 7 ; 1 Cor. i. 17), might claim the title, though there were many Evangelists who were not Apostles. Theodoret describes the Evangelists as travelling missionaries. The account given hy Eusebius, though somewhat rhetorical and vague, gives prominence to the idea of itinerant missionary preaching. If the Gospel was a written book, an.. the office of the Evangelists was to read or distil bute it, then the writers of such books were kot EVE Qoxf)v the Evangelists. In later liturgical lan guage the word was applied to the reader of the Gospel for the day. Eve, the name given in Scripture to the first woman. The account of Eve's creation is found at Gen. ii. 21, 22. Various explanations of this nar rative have been offered. Perhaps that which we are chiefly intended to learn fi-om it is the founda tion upon which the union between man and wife is built, viz. identity of nature and oneness of origin. Through the subtlety of the serpent, Eve was beguiled into a violation of the one command ment which had been imposed upon her and Adam. The different aspects under which Eve regarded her mission as a mother are seen in the names of her sons. The Scripture account of Eve closes with the birth of Seth. E'vi, one of the five kings or princes of Midian, slain by the Israelites (Num. xxxi. 8 ; Josh. xiii. 21). E'vil-Mer'odach (2 K. xxv. 27) according to Berosus and Abydenus, was the son and successor of Nebuchadnezzar. He reigned but a short time, having ascended the throne on the death of Nebuchad nezzar in B.C. 561, and being himself succeeded by Neriglissar in B.C. 559. At the end of this brief space Evil-Merodach was murdered by Neriglissar. Excommunication. Excommunication is a power founded upon a right inherent in all religious so cieties, and is analogous to the powers of capital punishment^ banishment, and exclusion from mem bership, which are exercised by political and muni cipal bodies.— I. Jewish Excommunication. — The Jewish system of excommunication was threefold. For a first offence a delinquent was subjected to the penalty of Niddui. The twenty-four offences for which it was inflicted are various, and range in heinousness from the offence of keeping a fierce dog to that of taking God's name in vain. The offender was first cited to appear in court ; and if he refused to appear or to make amends, his sentence was pro nounced. The term of this punishment was thirty days ; and it was extended to a second and to a third thirty days when necessary. If at the end of that time the offender was still contumacious, he was subjected to the second excommunication termed Cherem, a word meaning something devoted to God (Lev. xxvii. 21, 28 ; Ex. xxii. 20 [19] ; Num. xviii. 14). Severer penalties were now attached. The sentence was delivered by a court of ten, and was accompanied by a solemn malediction. Lastly fol lowed Shammath&, which was an entire cutting off from the congregation. It has been supposed by some that these two latter forms of excommunica tion were undistinguishable from each other. The punishment of excommunication is not appointed by the Law of Moses. It is founded on the natural right of self-protection which all societies enjoy. The ease of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram (Num. xvi.), the curse denounced on Meroz (Judg. v. 23), the commission and proclamation of Ezra (vii. 26, x. 8), and the reformation of Nehemiah (xiii. 25), are appealed to by the Talmudists as precedents by which their proceedings are regulated. In the New Testament, Jewish excommunication is brought pro minently before us in the case of the man that was born blind (John ix.). The expressions here used refer, no doubt, to the first form of excommunica tion, or Niddui. In Luke vi. 22, it has been thought that our Lord referred specifically to the three forms of Jewish excommunication : " Blessed EXCOMMUNICATION 259 are ye when men shall hate you, and when they shall separate you from their company, and shall reproach you, and cast out your name as evil, for the Son of Man's sake." The three words very accurately express the simple separation, the addi tional malediction, and the final exclusion of niddui, cherem, and shamrndthd.— II. Christian Excom munication. — Excommunication, as exercised by the Christian Church, is not merely founded on the natural right possessed _by all societies, nor merely on the example of the Jewish Church and nation. It was instituted by our Lord (Matt, xviii. 15, 18), and it was practised and commanded by St. Paul (1 Tim. i. 20 ; 1 Cor. v. 11 ; Tit. iii. 10). In the Epistles we find St. Paul frequently claiming the right to exercise discipline over his converts (comp. 2 Cor. i. 23, xiii. 10). In two cases we find him exercising this authority to the extent of cutting off offenders from the Church. What is the full mean ing of the expression, " deliver unto Satan," is doubtful. All agree that excommunication is con tained in it, but whether it implies any further punishment, inflicted by the extraordinary powers committed specially to the Apostles, has been ques tioned. Introduction into the Church is,, in St. Paul's mind, a translation from the kingdom and power of Satan to the kingdom and government of Christ. This being so, he could hardly more naturally describe the effect of excluding a man from the Church than by the words, " deliver him unto Satan."— Apostolic Precept. — In addition to the claim to exercise discipline, and its actual exer cise in the form of excommunication, by the Apostles, we find Apostolic precepts directing that discipline should be exercised by the rulers of the Church, and that in some cases excommunication should be resorted to (2 Thess. iii. 14) ; Rom. xvi. 17 ; Gal. v. 12; 1 Tim. vi. 3; Tit. iii. 10; 2 John 10; 3 John 10 ; Rev. ii. 20). There are two passages still more important to our subject (Gal. i. 8, 9 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 22). It has been supposed that these two expressions, " let him be Anathema," " let him be Anathema Maranatha," refer respectively to the two later stages of Jewish excommunication— the cherem and the shammdth&.— Restoration to Communion. — Two cases of excommunication are related in Holy Scripture ; and in one of them the restitution of the offender is specially recounted (2 Cor. ii.).— The Nature of Excommunication is made more evident by these acts of St. Paul than by any investigation of Jewish practice or of the etymology of words. We thus find, (1) that it is a spiritual penalty, involving no temporal punishment, except accidentally ; (2) that it consists in separation from the communion of the Church ; (3) that its object is the good of the sufferer (1 Cor. v. 5), and the protection of the sound members of the Church (2 Tim. iii. 17) ; (4) that its subjects are those who are guilty of heresy (1 Tim. i. 20), or gross immorality (1 Cor. v. 1) ; (5) that it is inflicted by the authority of the Church at large (Matt, xviii. 18), wielded by the highest ecclesiastical officer (1 Cor. v. 3 ; Tit. iii. 10) ; (6) that this officer's sentence is promulgated by the congregation to which the offender belongs (1 Cor. v. 4), in defer ence to his superior judgment and command (2 Cor. ii. 9), and in spite of any opposition on the part of a minority {lb. 6); (7) that the exclusion may be of indefinite duration, or for a period ; (8) that its duration may be abridged at the discretion and by the indulgence of the person who has imposed the S 2 260 EXECUTIONER penalty (*&. 8) ; (9) that penitence is the condi tion on which restoration to communion is granted (Ib. 7) ; (10) that the sentence is to be publicly reversed as it was publicly promulgated (Ib. 10). Executioner. The Hebrew word describes, in the first instance, the office of executioner, and, secondarily, the general duties of the body-guard of a monarch. Thus Potiphar was " captain of the executioners" (Gen. xxxvii. 36 ; see margin). That the "captain of the guard" himself occasionally performed the duty of an executioner appears from 1 K. ii. 25, 34. Nevertheless the post was one of high dignity. The Greek aireKovKdraop (Mark vi. 27) is borrowed from the Latin speculator; ori ginally a military spy or scout, but under the emperors transferred to the body-guard. Exile. [CApnviTr.] Ex'odus, the second book of the Law or Penta teuch.— A. Contents. — The book may be divided into two principal parts: I. Historical, i. 1— xviii. 27 ; and II. Legislative, xix. 1— xl. 38. The former of these may be subdivided into (1.) the preparation for the deliverance of Israel from their bondage in Egypt ; (2.) the accomplishment of that deliverance. I. (1.) The first section (i. 1— xii. 36) contains an account of the following particulars : — The great increase of Jacob's posterity in the land of Egypt, and their oppression under a new dynasty, which occupied the throne after the death of Joseph (ch. i.) ; the birth, education, and flight of Moses (ii.) ; his solemn call to be' the deliverer of his people (iii. 1-iv. 17), and his return to Egypt in con sequence (iv. 18-31); his first ineffectual attempt to prevail upon Pharaoh to let the Israelites go, which only resulted in an increase of their burdens (v. 1-21) ; a further preparation of Moses and Aaron for their office, together with the account of their genealogies (v. 22-vii. 7) ; the successive signs and wonders, by means of which the deliverance of Israel from the land of bondage is at length accom plished, and the institution of the Passover (vii. 8-xii. 36). (2.) A narrative of events from the departure out of Egypt to the arrival of the Israel ites at Mount Sinai. II. The solemn establishment of the Theocracy on Mount Sinai. This book in short gives a sketch of the early history of Israel as a nation : and the history has three clearly marked stages. First we see a nation enslaved ; next a nation redeemed ; lastly a nation set apart, and through the blending of its religious and political life consecrated to the service of God.— B. Integrity. — According to von Lengerke (Kenaan, lxxxviii. xc.) the following portions of the book belong to the original or Elohistic document : — Chap. i. 1-14, ii. 23-25, vi. 2-vii. 7, xii. 1-28, 37, 38, 40-51 (xiii. 1, 2, perhaps), xvi., xix. 1, xx., xxv.-xxxi., xxxy.-xl. Khobel, the most recent writer on the subject, in the introduction to his commentary on F.xodus and Leviticus, has sifted these books still more carefully, and with regard to many passages has formed a different judgment. A mere com parison of the two lists of passages selected by these different writers as belonging to the original docu ment is sufficient to show how very uncertain all such critical processes must be. On the whole there seems much reason to doubt whether critical acumen will ever be able plausibly to distinguish between the original and the supplement in the book of Exodus. There is nothing indeed forced or impro bable in the supposition, either that Moses himself incorporated in his memoirs ancient tradition whe- EXODUS ther oral or written, or that a writer later than Moses made use of materials left by the great legis lator in a somewhat fragmentary form. We shall give reasons hereafter for concluding that the Pea. tateuch in its present form was not altogether the work of Moses. [Pentateuch.] For the present it is sufficient to remark that, even admitting the hand of an editor or compiler to be visible in the book of Exodus, it is quite impossible accurately to distinguish the documents from each other, or from his own additions.— C. Credibility. — Almost every historical fact mentioned in Exodus has at some time or other been called in question. But it is certain that all investigation has hitherto tended only to establish the veracity of the narrator. A comparison with other writers and an examination of the monuments confirm, or at least do not con tradict, the most material statements of this book Thus, for instance, Manetho' s story of the Hyksos points at least to some early connexion between the Israelites and the Egyptians, and is corroborative of the fact implied in the Pentateuch that, at the time of the Israelitish sojourn, Egypt was ruled by a foreign dynasty. Manetho speaks, too, of strangers from the east who occupied the eastern part of Lower Egypt. And his account shows that the Israelites had become a numerous and formidable people. According to Ex. xii. 37, the numbei' ol men, beside? women and children, who left Egypt was 600,000. This would give for the whole nation about two millions and a half. There is no doubt some difficulty in accounting for this immense in crease, if we suppose (as on many accounts seems probable) that the actual residence of the children of Israel was only 215 years. We must remember indeed that the number who went into Egypt with Jacob was considerably more than " threescore and ten souls " [see Chronology] ; we must also take into account the extraordinary fraitfulness of Egypt (concerning which all writers are agreed), and espe- • cially of that part of it in which the Israelites dwelt. Still it would be more satisfactory if we conld allow 430 years for the increase of the nation rather than any shorter period. According to De Wette the story of Moses* birth is mythical, and arises from an attempt to account etymologically for his name. As regards the etymology of the name, there can be very little doubt that it is Egyptian, and if so, the author has either played upon the name or is mis taken in his philology. Other objections are of a very arbitrary kind. ' The ten plagues are phy sically, many of them, what might be expected in Egypt, although in their intensity and in their rapid succession they are clearly supernatural. The insti tution of the Passover (ch. xii.) has been subjected to severe criticism. This has also been called a mythic fiction. The critics rest mainly on the difference between the directions given for the ob servance of this the fii'st, and those given for sub sequent passovers. But there is no reason why, | considering the veiy remarkable circumstances under which it was instituted, the fii'st Passover should not have had its own peculiar solemnities, or wbl instructions should not then have been given il a somewhat different observance for the future. [Passovek.] In minor details the writer sbowsi remarkable acquaintance with Egypt. Many other facts have been disputed, such as the passage of tte, Red Sea, the giving of the manna, &c. But respect ing these it may suffice to refer to other articles in which they are discussed. [The Exodus- MaNW EXODUS, THE The Red Sea.]— D. The authorship and date of ;the book are discussed nnder Pentateuch. . ( Ex'odus, the. 1. Date. — A preponderance of ieyidence is in favour of the year B.C. 1652. The •historical questions connected with this date are cnoticed under Egypt. Hales places the Exodus sb.c 1648, Usher B.C. 1491, and Bunsen B.C. 1320. •— 2, History.— The history of the Exodus itself commences with the close of that of the Ten Plagues. ([Plagues of Egypt.] In the night in which, 'at midnight, the firstborn were slain (Ex. xii. 29), Pharaoh urged the departureof the Israelites (ver. They at once set forth from Barneses EXODUS, THE 261 (ver. 37, 39), apparently during the night (ver. 42), but towards morning, on the 15th day of the first month (Num. xxxiii. 3). They made three journeys and encamped by the Red Sea. Here Pharaoh overtook them, and the great miracle oc curred by which they were saved, while the pursuer and his army were destroyed.— 3. Geography. — The following points must be settled exactly or. approximately : — the situation of the Land of Go shen, the length of each day's march, the position of the first station (Rameses), and the direction of the journey. The Land of Goshen must have been an outer eastern province of Lower Egypt. The Map to Ulustrate tho Exodus of the Israelites. sraelites, setting out from a town of Goshen, made ¦wo days' journey towards the Red Sea, and then ntei'ed the wilderness, a day's journey or less from >he sea. They could only therefore have gone by the I'alley now called the Wadi-t-Tumeyldt, for every ther cultivated or cultivable tract is too far from ;he Red Sea. It is not difficult to fix very nearly the length of each day's inarch of the Israelites. As ;hey had with them women, children, and cattle, it .annot be supposed that they went more than fifteen jniles daily ; at the same time it is unlikely that ihey fell far short of this. The three journeys would ;heref >re give a distance of about forty-five miles. ;rhwe|seems, however, to have been a deflexion from a direct course, so that we cannot consider the whole distance from the starting-point, Rameses, to the shore of the Red Sea as much more than about thirty miles in a direct line. Measuring from the ancient western shore of the Arabian Gulf due east ofthe Wddi-t-Tumeyldt, a distance of thirty miles in a direct line places the site of Rameses near the mound called in the present day El-'Abbaseeyeh, not far fi-om the western end of the valley. After the first day's journey the Israelites encamped at Succoth (Ex. xii. 37, xiii. 20 ; Num. xxxiii. 5, 6). This was probably a mere resting-place of caravans, or a military station, or else a town named from one of the two. Obviously such a name is verr 262 EXORCIST difficult of identification. The next camping-place was Etham, the position of which may be very nearly fixed iu consequence of its being described as " in the edge of the wilderness " (Ex. xiii. 20 ; Num. xxxiii. 6, 7). It is reasonable to place Etham where the cultivable land ceases, near the Seba Biar, or Seven Wells, about three miles from the western side of the ancient head of the gulf. After leaving Etham the direction .of the route changed. The Israelites were commanded " to turn and encamp before Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, over against Baal-zephon " (Ex. xiv. 2). We do not venture to attempt the identification of the places mentioned in the narrative with modern sites. Nothing but the discoveiy of ancient Egyptian names, and their positive appropriation to such sites, could enable us to do so. The actual passage of the sea forms the subject of another article. There can be no doubt that the direction was from the west to the east, and that the breadth at the place of crossing was great, since the whole Egyptian army perished. Prof. Lepsius attempts to identify Rameses with the ancient Egyptian site now called Aboo-Kesheyd, about eight miles from the old head of the gulf. [Rameses.] Exorcist. The use of the term exorcists in Acts xix. 13 confirms what we know from other sources as to the common practice of exorcism amongst the Jews. That some, at least, of them not only pre tended to, but possessed, the power of exorcising. appeal's by our Lord's admission when he asks the Pharisees, "If I by Beelzebub cast out devils,, by whom do your disciples cast them out?" (Matt. xii. 27). What means were employed by real exorcists we are not informed. David, by playing skilfully on a harp, procured the temporary de parture of the evil spirit which troubled Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 23). Justin Martyr has an interesting suggestion as to the possibility of a Jew successfully exorcising a devil, by employing the name of the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. But he goes on to say that the Jewish exorcists, as a class, had sunk down to the superstitious rites and usages of the heathen. It was the profane use of the name of Jesus as a mere charm or spell which led to the disastrous issue recorded in the Acts of the Apostles (xix. 13-16). The power of casting out devils was bestowed by Christ while on earth upon the apostles (Matt. x. 8) and the seventy disciples (Luke x. 17-19), and was, according to His promise (Mark xvi. 17), exercised by believers after His Ascension (Acts xvi. 18) ; but to the Christian miracle, whe ther as performed by our Lord himself or by His followers, the N. T. writers never apply the terms " exorcise " or " exorcist." Expiation. [Sacrifice.] Ez'bai, father of Naarai, who was one of David's thirty mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 37). Ez'bon. 1. Son of Gad, and founder of one of the Gadite families (Gen. xlvi. 16 ; Num. xxvi. 16). — 2. Son of Bela, the son of Benjamin, according to 1 Chr. vii. 7. Ezechi'as. 1. 1 Esd. ix. 14 ; put for Jahaziah in Ezr. x. 15.— 2. 2 Esd. vii. 40. [Hezekiah.] Ezeci'as, 1 Esd. ix. 43; for HlLKIAH in the parallel passage, Neh. viii. 4. Ezeki'as, Ecclus. xlviii. 17, 22, xlix. 4 : 2 Mace. xv. 22; Matt. i. 9, 10. [Hezekiah.] Eze'kiel, one of the four greater prophets. Ho was the son of a priest named Buzi. The Rabbis absurdly identify Buzi with Jeremiah. Another EZEKLEL. tradition makes Ezekiel the servant of Jeremiah. Unlike his predecessor in the prophetic office, who gives us the amplest details of his personal history, Ezekiel rarely alludes to the facts of his own hfe, and we have to complete the imperfect picture by the colours of late and dubious tradition. He was taken captive in the captivity of Jehoiachin, eleven years before the destruction of Jerusalem. He was a member of a community of Jewish exiles who settled on the banks of the Chebar, a " river " or stream of Babylonia. It was by this river " in the land of the Chaldaeans " that God's message first reached him (i. 3). His call took place " in the fifth year of king Jehoiachin's captivity," B.C. 595 (i. 2), " in the thirtieth year in the fourth month." The latter expression is very uncertain. It now seems generally agreed that it was the 30th year from the new era of Nabopolassar, father of Nebu chadnezzar, who began to reign B.C. 625. The use of this Chaldee epoch is the more appropriate as the prophet wrote in Babylonia, and he gives a Jewish chronology in ver. 2. The decision ofthe question is the less important because in all other places Ezekiel dates from the year of Jehoiachin's captivity (xxix. 17, xxx. 20, et passim). We learn from an incidental allusion (xxiv. 18) — the only reference which he makes to his personal history — that he was married, and had a house (viii. 1) in his place of exile, and lost his wife by a sudden and unfore seen stroke. He Hved in the highest consideration among his companions in exile, and their elders con sulted him on all occasions (viii. 1, xi. 25, xiv. 1, xx. 1, &c). The last date he mentions is the 27th year of the captivity (xxix. 17), so that his mission extended over twenty-two years, during part of which period Daniel was probably living, and already famous (Ez. xiv. 14, xxviii. 3). He is said to have been murdered in Babylon by some Jewish prince whom he had convicted of idolatry, and to have been buried in the tomb of Shem and Arphaxad, on the hanks of the Euphrates. The tomb, said to- have been built by Jehoiachin, was shown a few days' journey from Bagdad. But, as Havernick remarks, " by the side of the scattered data of his external life, those of -his internal life appear so • much the richer." He was distinguished by his stern and inflexible energy of will and character; and- we also observe a devoted adherence to the rites and ceremonies of his national religion. Ezekiel is no cosmopolite, but displays everywhere the pecu liar tendencies of a Hebrew educated under Levitical training. The priestly bias is always visible. We may also note iu Ezekiel the absorbing recognition of his high calling which enabled him cheerfully to endure any deprivation or misery, if thereby he may give any warning or lesson to his people (iv., xxiv. 15, 16, &c), whom he so ardently loved (ix. 8, xi. 13). His predictions are marvellously varied. He has instances of visions (viii.-xi.), symbolical actions (as iv. 8), similitudes (xii., xv.), parables (as xvii.), proverbs (as xii. 22, xviii. 1 sq.), poems (as xix.), allegories (as xxiii., xxiv.), open prophecies (as vi., vii., xx., &c). The depth of his matter, and the marvellous nature of his visions, make him occasionally obscure. Hence his prophecy was placed by the Jews among the " treasures," those portions of Scripture which (like the early part of Genesis, and the Canticles) were not allowed to be read till the age of thirty. The Jews classed him in the very highest rank of prophets.— Of the authenticity of Ezekiel's prophecy there has been no real dispute, EZEL, THE STONE although a few rash critics have raised questions about the last chapters, even suggesting that they might have been written by a Samaritan, to incite the Jews to suffer the co-operation in rebuilding the Temple. The book is divided into two great parts — of which the destruction of Jerusalem is the-tumiug- point ; chapters i.-xxiv. contain predictions delivered before that event, and xxv.— xlviii. after it, as we see from xxvi. 2. Again, chapters i.-xxxii. are mainly occupied with correction, denunciation, and reproof, while the remainder deal chiefly in consolation and promise. A parenthetical section in the middle of the book (xxv.— xxxii.) contains a group of prophecies against seven foreign nations, the septenary arrange ment being apparently intentional. Hiivernick divides the book into nine sections, distinguished by their superscriptions, as follows : — I. Ezekiel's call, i.-iii. 15. II. The general carrying out of the commission, iii. 16— vii. III. The rejection of the people because of their idolatrous worship, viii.— xi. IV. The sins of the age rebuked in detail, xii.-xix. V. The nature of the judgment, and the guilt which caused it, xx.-xxiii. VI. The meaning of the now commencing punishment, xxiv. VII. God's judgment denounced on seven heathen nations, xxv.— xxxii. VHI. Prophecies, after the destruction of Jerusalem, concerning the future condition of Israel, xxxiii.-xxxix. IX. The glorious consummation, xl.— xlviii. There are no direct quotations from Ezekiel in the New Testament, but in the Apoca lypse there are many parallels and obvious allusions to the later chapters (xl.— xlviii.). E'zel, the Stone. A well-known stone in the neighbourhood of Saul's residence, the scene of the parting of David and Jonathan when the former finally fled from the court (1 Sam. xx. 19). E'zem, one ofthe towns of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 29). E'zer. 1. A son of Ephraim, who was slain by the aboriginal inhabitants of Gath, while engaged in a foray on their cattle (1 Chr. vii. 21).— 2. A EZRA 263 priest who assisted in the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42) .—3. Father of Hushah ofthe sons of Hur (1 Chr. iv. 4). Ezeri'as, 1 Esd. viii. 1. [Azariah, 7.] Ezi.'as, 1 Esd. viii. 2. [Azariah; Aziei.] , E'zion-ga'ber, or Ezion-ge'ber (Num. xxxiii. 35 ; Deut. ii. 8 ; 1 K. ix. 26, xxii. 48 ; 2 Chr. viii. 1 7), the last station named for the encampment of the Israelites before they came to the wilderness of Zin. According to the latest map of Kiepert it stands at Ain el-Ghudydn, about ten miles up what is now the dry bed ofthe Arabah, but, as he supposed, was then the northern end of the gulf, which may have an ciently had, like that of Suez, a further extension. Ez'nite, the. According to the statement of 2 Sam. xxiii. 8, " Adino the Ezuite" was another name for " Josheb-basshebeth a Tachcemonite (1 Chr. xi. 11 ; A. V. 'the Tachmonite that sate in the seat '), chief among the captains." The passage is most probably corrupt. Ezra. 1. The head of one of the twenty-two courses of priests which returned from captivity with Zerubbabel aud Jeshua (Neh. xii. 2).— 2. A man of Judah. The name occurs in the obscure genealogy of 1 Chr. iv. 17. — 3. The famous Scribe and Priest, descended from Hilkiah the high-priest in Josiah's reign, from whose younger son Azariah sprung Seraiah, Ezra's father, quite a different per son from Seraiah the high-priest (Ezr. vii. 1). All that is really known of Ezra is contained in the four last chapters of the book of Ezra and in Neh. viii. and xii. 26. From these passages we learn that he was a learned and pious priest residing at Babylon in the time of Artaxerxes Longimanus. The origin of his influence with the king does not appeal', but in the seventh year of his reigu,.in spite of the unfavourable report which had been sent by Rehum. and Shimshai, he obtained leave to go to Jerusalem, and to take with him a . company of Israelites, together with priests, Levites, singers, porters, ani Tomb Of Ezra on the banks of the Euphrates 264 EZRA, BOOK OF Nethinim. The journey of Ezra and his companions from Babylon to Jerusalem took just four months ; and they brought up with them a large free-will offering of gold and silver, and silver vessels. It appears that his great design was to effect a religious reformation among the Palestine Jews, and to bring them back to the observation of the Law of Moses, from which they had grievously declined. His first step, accordingly, was to enforce a separation from their wives upon all who had made heathen mar riages, in which number were many priests and Levites, as well as other Israelites. This was effected in little more than six months after his arrival at Jerusalem. With the detailed account of this important transaction Ezra's autobiography ends abruptly, and we hear nothing more of him till, 13 years afterwards, in the 20th of Artaxerxes, we find him again at Jerasalem with Nehemiah " the Tirshatha." It seems probable that after he had effected the above-named reformation, and had ap pointed competent judges and magistrates, with authority to maintain it, he himself returned to the king of Persia. The functions he executed under Nehemiah's government were purely of a priestly and ecclesiastical character. But in such he filled the first place. As Ezra is not mentioned after Nehemiah's departure for Babylon in the 32nd Artaxerxes, and as everything fell into confusion during Nehemiah's absence (Neh. xiii.), it is not unlikely that Ezra may have died or returned to Babylon before that year. Josephus, who should be our nest best authority after Scripture, evidently knew nothing about the time or the place of his death. There was a strong Jewish tradition that he was buried in Persia. The principal works ascribed to him by the Jews are: — 1. The institu tion of the Great Synagogue. 2. The settling the canon of Scripture, and restoring, correcting, and editing the whole sacred volume. '6. The intro duction of the Chaldee character instead of the old Hebrew or Samaritan. 4. The authorship of the books of Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and, some add, Esther; and, many of the Jews say, also of the books of Ezekiel, Daniel, and the twelve prophets. 5. The establishment of synagogues. Ez'ra, Book of. The book of Ezra is manifestly a continuation of the books of Chronicles. Like these books, it consists of the contemporary his torical journals kept from time to time, which were afterwards strung together, and either abridged or added to, as the case required, by a later hand. That later hand, in the book of Ezra, was doubtless Ezra's own, as appears by the four last chapters, as well as by other matter inserted in the previous chapters. It has already been suggested [Chronicles] that the chief portion of the last chapter of 2 Chr. and Ezr. i. may probably have been written by Daniel. The evidences of this in Ezr. i. must now be given more fully. Daniel passes over in utter silence the first year of Cyrus, to which pointed allusion is made in Dan..i. 21, and proceeds in ch. x. to the third year of Cyrus. But Ezr. i., if placed between Dan. ix. and x., exactly fills up the gap, and records the event of the first year of Cyrus, in which Daniel was so deeply in terested. And not only so, but the manner of the record is exactly Daniel's. The giving the text of the decree, ver. 2-4 (cf. Dan. iv.), the mention of the name of " Mithredath the treasurer " ver. 8 (d. Dan. i. 3, 11), the allusion to the sacred vessels placed by Nebuchadnezzar in the house of his god, i FABLE ver, 7 (cf. Dan. i. 2), the giving the Chaldee name of Zerubbabel, ver. 8, 11 (cf. Dan. i. 7), and tlie whole locus standi of the narrator, who evidently wrote at Babylon, not at Jerusalem, are all circum'- stances which in a marked mannei point to Daniel as the writer of Ezr. i. As regards Ezr. ii., and as far as iii. 1, it is found (with the exception of clerical errors) in the 7th ch. of Nehemiah, where it belongs beyond a shadow of doubt. The next portion extends from iii. 2 to the end of ch. vi. With the exception of one large explanatory addition by Ezra, extending from iv. 6 to 23, this portion is the work of a writer contemporary with Zerub babel and Jeshua, and an eye-witness of the rebuild ing of the Temple in the beginning of the reign of Darius Hystaspis. That it was the prophet Haggai becomes tolerably sure when we observe further tlie remarkable coincidences in style. Ezr. iv. 6-23 is a parenthetic addition by a much later hand, and, as the passage most clearly shows, made in the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus. The compiler who in serted ch. ii., a document drawn up in the reign or Artaxerxes to illustrate the return of the captives under Zerubbabel, here inserts a notice of two his torical facts — of which one occurred in the reign of Xerxes, and the other in the reign of Artaxerxes — to illustrate the opposition offered by the heathen to the rebuilding of the Temple in the reign of Cyrus and Cambyses. The last four chapters, beginning with ch. vii,, are Ezra's own, and continue the his tory after a gap of fifty-eight years — from the sixth. of Darius to the seventh of Artaxerxes. The text of the book of Ezra is not in a, good condition. There are a good many palpable coiTuptions both in the names and numerals, and perhaps in some other points. It is written partly in Hebrew, and partly in Chaldee. The Chaldee begins at iv. 8, and continues to the end of vi. 18. The letter or decree of Artaxerxes, vii. 12-26, is also given in the original Chaldee. There has never been any doubt about Ezra being canonical, although there is no quotation from it in the N. T. The period covered by the book is eighty years, from the first of Cyrus, B.C. 536, to the beginning ofthe eighth of Artaxerxes, B.C. 456. Ez'rahite, the, a title attached to two persons — Ethan (IK. iv. 31 ; Ps. lxxxix. title) and Heman (Ps. Ixxxviu. title). Ez'ri, son of Chelub, superintendent of King David's farm-labourers (1 Chr. xxvii. 26). F Fable. Taking the words fable and parable, not in their strict etymological meaning, but in that which has been stamped upon them by current usage, looking, t. e. at the Aesopic fable as the type of the one, at the Parables of the N. T. as the type of the other, we have to ask (1.) in what rela tion they stand to each other, as instruments of moral teaching ? (2.) what use is made in the Bible of this or of that form ? Perhaps the most satis factory summing up of the chief distinctive features of each is to be found in the following extract from Neander: — " The parable is distinguished from the fable by this, that, in the latter, qualities, or acts of a higher class of beings may be attributed to a lower {e. g. those of men to brutes) ; while in the formei-, the lower sphere is kept perfectly distinct PAIRS from that which it seems to illustrate. The beings and powers thus introduced always follow the law of their nature, but their acts, according to this law, are used to figure , those of a higher race." Of the fable, as thus distinguished from the Pa rable, we have but two examples in the Bible, (1.) that ofthe trees choosing their king, addressed by Jotham to the men of Shechem (Judg. ix. 8-15) ; (2.) that of the cedar of Lebanon and the thistle, as the answer of Jehoash to the challenge of Amaziah (2 K. xiv. 9). The appearance of the fable thus early in the history of Israel, and its entire absence from the direct teaching both of the 0. and N. T. are, each of them in its way, significant. Taking the received chronology, the fable of Jotham was spoken about 1209 B.C. The Arabian traditions of Lokman do not assign to him an earlier date than that of David. The first example in the history of Rome is the apologue of Menenius Agrippa B.C. 494, and its genuineness has been questioned on the ground that the fable could hardly at that time have found its way to Latium. The land of Canaan is, so £vr as we have any data to conclude from, the fatherland of fable. The absence of fables from the teaching of the 0. T. must be ascribed to FAMINE 265 their want of fitness to be the media of the truths which that teaching was to convey. The points in which brutes or inanimate objects present analogies to man are chiefly those which belong to his lower nature, his pride, indolence, cunning, and the like. Hence the fable, apart from the associations of a grotesque and ludicrous nature which gather round it, is inadequate as the exponent of the higher truths which belong to man's spiritual life. It may serve to exhibit the relations between man and man ; it fails to represent those between man and God. To do that is the office ofthe Parable. The fables of .false teachers claiming to belong to the Christian church, alluded to by writers of the N. T. (1 Tim. i. 4, iv. 7 ; Tit. i. 14 ; 2 Pet. i. IB), do not appear to have had the character of fables, properly so called. Fair Havens, a harbour in the island of Crete (Acts xxvii. 8), not mentioned in any other ancient writing. Though not mentioned by classical writers, it is still known by its own Greek name. Lasaea too has recently been- most explicitly discovered. In fact Fair Havens appears to have been practically its harbour. These places are situated four or five miles to the E. of Cape Matala, which is the most Fair Havens lu Crete. conspicuous headland on the S. coast of Crete, and immediately to the W. of which the coast trends suddenly to the N. Fairs, a word which occurs only in Ez. xxvii. and there no less than seven times (ver. 12, 14, 16, 19, 22, 27, 33) : in the last of these verses it is rendered " wares," and this we believe to be the true meaning of the word throughout. Fallow-deer (Heb. yachmtr). The Heb. word, which is mentioned only in Deut. xiv. 5 and in 1 K. iv. 23, appears to point to the Antilope bubalis. Kitto refers the name to the Oryx leucoryx. We have little doubt but that the yachmur of the Heb. Scriptures denotes the bekker-el-wash, or " wild ox," ofBarbary and N.Africa. (Seedrawing on p. 266.) Famine. When the sweet influences of the Pleiades are bound, and the bands of Scorpio canno: be loosed, then it is that famines generally prevail in the lands ofthe Bible. In Egypt a deficiency in the rise of the Nile, with drying winds, produces the same results. The famines recorded in the Bible are traceable to both these phenomena ; and we generally find that Egypt was resorted to when scarcity afflicted Palestine. In the whole of Syria and Arabia, the fruits of the earth must ever be dependent on rain ; the watersheds having few large springs, and the small rivers not being sufficient wi the irrigation of even the level lands. If therefore the heavy rains of November and December fail, the sustenance ofthe people is cut off in the parch- Alcelaphut bvbulis. See art. 'Fallow-deer.' ing di'ought of harvest-time, when the country Is almost devoid of moisture. Egypt, again, owes all its fertility — a fertility that gained for it the striking comparison to the " garden, of the Lord " — to its mighty river, whose annual rise inundates nearly the whole land and renders its cultivation an easy certainty. The causes of dearth and famine in Egypt are occasioned by defective inundation, pre ceded and accompanied and followed by prevalent easterly and southerly winds. The first famine re corded in the Bible is that of Abraham after he had pitched his tent on the east of Bethel (Gen. xii. 10). We may conclude that this famine was extensive, although this is not quite proved by the fact of Abraham's going to Egypt ; for on the occasion of the second famine, in the days of Isaac, this patriarch found refuge with Abimelech king of the Philistines iu Gerar (Gen. xxvi. 1 sq.). We hear no more of times of scarcity until the great famine of Egypt which " was over all the face of the earth." The famine of Joseph is discussed in art. Egypt, so far as Joseph's history aud policy is concerned. It is only necessary here to consider its physical charac teristics. We have mentioned the chief causes of famines in Egypt : this instance differs in the pro vidential recurrence of seven years of plenty, whereby Joseph was enabled to provide against the coming dearth, and to supply not only the population of Egypt with com, but those of the surrounding countries (Gen. xii. 53-57). The modern history °f Egypt throws some curious light on these ancient records of famines ; and instances of their recur rence may be cited to assist us in understanding their course and extent. The most remarkable famine was that of the reign of the Fatimee Kha leefeh, El-Mustansir billah, which is the only in stance on record of one of seven years' duration in Egypt sinae the time of Joseph (a.h. 457-464, A.D. 1064-1071). This famine exceeded in severity all others of modern times, and was aggravated by the anarchy which then ravaged the country. Ve hement drought and pestilence continued for seven consecutive years, so that they [the people] ate corpses, and animals that died of themselves ; the cattle perished ; a dog was sold for 5 deenars, and a cat for three deenars . . . and an ardebb (about FASTS 5 bushels) of wheat for 100 deenars, and then it failed altogether. The historian adds, that all the horses of the Khaleefeh, save three, perished, and gives numerous instances of the straits to which the wretched inhabitants were driven, and of the organ ised bands of kidnappers who infested Cairo and caught passengers in the streets by ropes furnished with hooks and let down from the houses. The famine of Samaria resembled it in many particulars ; and that very briefly recorded in 2 K. viii. 1, 2, affords another instance of one of seven years. In Arabia, famines are of frequent occurrence. Farthing. Two names of coins in the N. T. are rendered in the A. V. by this word. — 1. ko- Spavr-ns, quadrans (Matt. v. 26 ; Mark xii. 42), a coin current in Palestine in the time of Our Lord. It was equivalent to two lepta (A. V. "mites"). The name quadrans was originaUy given to the quarter of the Roman as, or piece of three unciae, therefore also called teruncius. — 2. aaai.piov (Mattj x. 29 ; Luke xii. 6), properly a small as, assarium, but in the time of Our Lord used as the Gr. equi valent of the Lat. as. The rendering of the Vulg. in Luke xii. 6 makes it probable that a single coin is intended by two assaria. Fasts.— I. One fast only was appointed by the law, that on the day of Atonement. There is no mention of any other periodical fast in the 0. T., except in Zech. vii. 1-7, viii. 19. From these pas sages it appears that the Jews, during their cap tivity, observed four annual fasts, in the fourth, fifth, seventh, and tenth months. Zechariah simply distinguishes the fasts by the months in which they were observed ; but the Mishna and S. Jerome give statements of certain historical events which they were intended to commemorate: — The fast ofthe fourth month. — The breaking of the tables ofthe law by Moses (Ex. xxxii.), and the storming of Jeru salem by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. Iii.). The fast of the fifth month. — The return of the spies, fa, (Num. xiii., xiv.), the temple burnt by Nebuchad nezzar, and again by Titus ; and the ploughing np of the site of the temple, with the capture of Bether. The fast of the seventh month. — The complete sack of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar and the death of Gedaliah (2 K. rrv.). The fast of the tenth month. — The receiving by Ezekiel and the other captives in Babylon of the news of the destruction of Jeru salem. Some other events mentioned in the Mishna are omitted as unimportant. Of those here stated several could have had nothing to do with the fasts in the time of the prophet. The number of annual fasts in the present Jewish Calendar has been mul tiplied to twenty-eight, a list of which is given by Reland. — LT. Public fasts were occasionally pro claimed to express national humiliation, and to sup plicate divine favour. In the case of public danger, the proclamation appears to have been accompanied with the blowing of trumpets (Joel ii. 1-15 ; cf. Taanith, i. 6). The following instances are recorded of strictly national fasts :— Samuel gathered " all Israel " to Mizpeh and proclaimed a fast (1 Sam. vii. 6) ; Jehoshaphat appointed one " throughout all Judah" when he was preparing for war against Moab and Ammon (2 Chr. xx. 3) ; in the reign of Jehoiakim, one was proclaimed for " all the people in Jerusalem and all who came thither out of the cities of Judah," when the prophecy of Jeremiah was publicly read by Baruch (Jer. xxxvi. 6-10 ; cf. Baruch i. 5) ; three days after the feast of Taber nacles, when the second temple was completed, FAT " the children of Israel assembled with fasting and with sackclothes and earth upon them " to hear the law read, and to confess their sins (Neh. ix. 1). There are references' to general fasts in the Prophets (Joel i. 14, ii. 15 ; Is. Iviii.), and two are noticed in the books of the Maccabees (1 Mace. iii. 46-47 ; 2 Mace. xiii. 10-12). There are a considerable number of instances of cities and bodies of men observing fasts on occasions in which they were especially concerned.— III. Private occasional fasts are recognised in one passage of the law (Num. xxx. 13). The instances given of individuals fasting under the influence of grief, vexation, or anxiety, are numerous.— IV. In the N. T. the only references to the Jewish fasts are the mention of " the Fast," in Acts xxvii. 9 (generally understood to denote the Day of Atonement), and the allusions to the weekly fasts (Matt. ix. 14 ; Mark ii. 18 ; Luke v. 33, xviii. 12 ; Acts x. 30). These fasts originated some time after the captivity. They were observed on the second and fifth days ofthe week, which being ap pointed as the days for public fasts, seem to have been selected for these private voluntary fasts.— V. The Jewish fasts were observed with various degrees of strictness. Sometimes there was entire abstinence from food (Esth. iv. 16, &c). On other occasions, there appeal's to have been only a restric tion to a very plain diet (Dan. x. 3). Rules are given in the Talmud as to the mode iu which fasting is to be observed on particular occasions. Those who fasted frequently dressed in sackcloth or rent their clothes, put ashes on their head and went barefoot (1 K. xxi. 27 ; Neh. ix. 1 ; Ps. xxxv. 13). —VI. The sacrifice of the personal will, which gives to fasting all its value, is expressed in the old term used in the law, afflicting the soul. Fat. The Hebrews distinguished between the suet or pure fat of au animal, and the fat which was intermixed with the lean (Neh. viii. 10). Certain restrictions were imposed upon them in reference to the former : some parts of the suet, viz., about the stomach, the entrails, the kidneys, and the tail of a sheep, which grows to an excessive size in many eastern countries, and produces a large quantity of rich fat, were forbidden to be eaten in the case of animals offered to Jehovah in sacrifice (Lev. iii. 3, 9, 17, vii. 3, 23). The ground of the prohibition was that the fat was the richest part of the animal, and therefore belonged to Him (iii. 16). The pre sentation of the fat as the richest part of the animal was agreeable to the dictates of natural feeling, and was the ordinary practice even of heathen nations. The burning of the fat of sacrifices was particularly specified iu each kind of offering. Fat, i. e. Vat. The word employed in the .* . V. to translate the Hebrew term yekeb, in Joel ti. 24, iii. 13 only. The word commonly used for yekeb, indiscriminately with gath, is "winepress" or " winefat," and once "pressfat" (Hag. ii. 16) ; but the two appear to be distinct — gath the upper receptacle or "press" in which the grapes were trodden, and yekeb the " vat," on a lower level, into which the juice or must was collected. The " wine press" and "vats" appear to have been excavated out of the native rock of the hills on which the vineyards lay. Father. The position and authority of the father as the head of the family is expressly assumed and sanctioned in Scripture, as a likeness of that of the Almighty over His creatures. It lies of course at the root of that so-called patriarchal government FENCED CITIES 267 (Gen. iii. 16 ; 1 Cor. xi. 3), which was introductory to the more definite systems which followed, and which in part, but not wholly, superseded it. The father's biessing was regarded as conferring special benefit, but his malediction special injury, on those on whom it fell (Gen. ix. 25, 27, xxvii. 27-40, xlviii. 15, 20, xlix.) ; and so also the sin of a parent was held to affect, in cei'tain cases, the welfare of his descendants (2 K. y. 27}. The command to honour parents is noticed by St. Paul as the only one of the Decalogue which bore a distinct promise (Ex. xx. 12 ; Eph. vi. 2), and disrespect towards them was condemned by the Law as one of the worst of crimes (Ex. xxi. 15, 17; 1 Tim. 1, 9). It is to this well recognised theory of parental authority and supremacy that the very various uses of the term " father " in Scripture are due. " Fathers " is used in the sense of seniors (Acts vii. 2, xxii. 1), and of parents in general, or ancestors (Dan. v. 2 ; Jer. xxvii. 7 ; Matt, xxiii. 30, 32). Among Mohammedans parental authority has great weight during the time of pupilage. Fathom. [Measukes.] Feasts. [Festivals.] Felix, a Roman procurator of Judaea, appoiuted by the Emperor Claudius, whose freedman he was, on the banishment of Ventidius Cumanus iu A.D. 53. Tacitus states that Felix and Cumanus were joint procurators; Cumanus having Galilee, and Felix, Samaria. Felix was the brother of Claudius's powerful freedman Pallas. He ruled the province in a mean, cruel, and profligate manner. His period of office was full of troubles and seditions. St. Paul was brought before Felix in Caesarea. He was re manded to prison and kept there two years, in hopes of extorting money from him (Acts xxiv. 26, 27). At the end of that time Porcius Festus [Festus] was appointed to supersede Felix, who, on his return to Rome, was accused by the Jews in Caesarea, and would have suffered the penalty due to his atro cities, had not his brother Pallas prevailed with the Emperor Nero to spare him. This1 was probably in the year 60 A.D. The wife of Felix was Dru- silla, daughter of Herod Agrippa I., the former wife of Azizus King of Emesa. Fenced cities. The broad distinction between a city and a village in Biblical language consisted in the possession of walls. The city had walls, the vil lage was unwalled, or had only a watchman's tower, to which the villagers resorted in times of danger. A threefold distinction is thus obtained — 1. cities ; 2. unwalled villages; 3. villages with castles or towers (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). The district east of the Jordan, forming the kingdoms of Moab and Bashan, is said to have abounded from very early times in castles and fortresses, such as were built by Uzziah to protect the cattle, and to repel the inroads of the neighbouring tribes, besides unwalled towns (Amm. Marc. xiv. 9 ; Deut. iii. 5 ; 2 Chi-, xxvi. 10). The fortifications of the cities of Palestine, thus regularly " fenced," consisted of one or more walls crowned with battlemented parapets, haying towers at regular _ intervals (2 Chr. xxxii. 5; Jer. xrx>. 38), on which in later times engines of war were placed, and watch was kept by day and night in time of war (2 Chr. xxvi. 9, 15 ; Judg. ix. 45 ; 2 K. ix. 17). . The gateways of fortified towns were also fortified and closed with strong doors (Neh. ii. 8, iii. 3, 6, &c). In advance of the wall there appeal's to have been sometimes an outwork (1 Iv. xxi. 23 ; 2 Sam. xx. 15), which was perhaps 263 FERRET either a palisade or wall lining the ditch, or a wall raised midway within the ditch itself. In many towns there was a keep or citadel for a last resource to the defenders. These forts were well furnished with cisterns (Acts xxi. 34 ; 2 Mace. v. 5). But the fortified places of Palestine served only in a few instances to check effectually the progress of an in vading force, though many instances of determined and protracted resistance are on record, as of Sa maria for three years (2 K. xviii. 10), Jerusalem (2 K. xxv. 3) for four months, and in later times of Jotapata, Gamala, Machaerus, Masada, and above all Jerusalem itself, the strength of whose defences drew forth the admiration of the conqueror Titus. The earlier Egyptian fortifications consisted usually of a quadrangular and sometimes double wall of sun-dried brick, fifteen feet thick, and often fifty feet in height, with square towers at intervals, of the same height as the walls, both crowned with a parapet, and a round-headed battlement in shape like a shield. A second lower wall with towers at the entrance was added, distant 13 or 20 feet from the main wall, and sometimes another was made of 70 or 100 feet iu length, projecting at right angles from the main wall, to enable the defenders to annoy the assailants in flank. Ferret, one of the unclean creeping things men tioned in Lev. xi. 30. The animal referred to was probably a reptile of the lizard tribe. The Rabbi nical writers seem to have identified this animal with the hedgehog. Festivals.— I. The religious times ordained in the Law fall under three heads: — (1.) Those form ally connected with the institution of the Sabbath ; (2.) The historical or great festivals; (3.) The Day of Atonement..— (1.) Immediately connected with the institution of the Sabbath are — (a) The weekly Sabbath itself. (6) The seventh new moon or Feast of Trumpets, (c) The Sabbatical Year, (d) The Year of Jubilee.— (2.) The great feasts are : — (a) The Passover. (6) The Feast of Pentecost, of Weeks, of Wheat-harvest, or, of the First-fruits. (c) The Feast of Tabernacles, or of Ingathering. On each of these occasions every male Israelite was commanded "to appear before the Lord," that is, to attend in the court of the tabernacle or the temple, and to make his offering with a joyful heart (Deut. xxvii. 7; Neh. viii. 9-12). The at tendance of women was voluntary, but the zealous often went up to the Passover. On all the days of Holy Convocation there was to be an entire suspen sion of ordinary labour of all kinds (Ex. xii. 16 ; Lev. xvi. 29, xxiii. 21, 24, 25, 35). But on the intervening days of the longer festivals work might be carried on. Besides their religious purpose, the great festivals must have had an important bearing on the maintenance of a feeling of national unity. The frequent recurrence of the sabbatical number in the organization of these festivals is too remark able to be passed over, and seems when viewed in connexion with the sabbatical sacred times, to fur nish a strong proof that the whole system of the festivals of the Jewish law was the product of one mind. The agricultural significance of the three great festivals is clearly set forth in the account of the Jewish sacred year contained in Lev. xxiii. The times of tlie festivals were evidently ordained in wisdom, so as to interfere as little as possible with the industry ofthe people.— (3.) For the Day of Atonement see that article.— II. After the cap tivity, the Feast of Purim (Esth. ix. 20 sq.) and FIELD that of the Dedication (1 Mace. iv. 56) were insti tuted. The Festivals of Wood-carrying, as they were called, are mentioned by Josephus and the Mishna. The term, " the Festival of the Basket" is applied by Philo to the offering of the First- fruits described in Deut. xxvi. 1-11 (Philo, vol. v. p. 51, ed. Tauch.). Festus, Por'cins, successor of Felix as procu rator of Judaea (Acts xxiv. 27), sent by Nero, pro bably in the autumn of the year 60 A.D. A few weeks after Festus reached his province he heard the cause of St. Paul, who had been left a prisoner by Felix in the presence of Herod Agrippa II. and Bernice his sister (Acts xxv. 11, 12). Judea was in the same disturbed state during the procuratorship of Festus, which had prevailed through that of his predecessor. He died probably in the summer of 62 A.D., having ruled the province less than two years. Fetters. 1. The Hebrew word, nechushtaim, expresses the material of which fetters were usually made, viz. brass, and also that they were made in pairs, the word being in the dual number (Judg. xvi. 21; 2 Sam. iii. 34; 2 K. xxv. 7; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 11, xxxvi. 6 ; Jer. xxxix. 7, Iii. 11). Iron was occasionally employed for the purpose (Ps. cv. 18, cxlix. 8). 2. Cebel may perhaps apply to the link which connected the fetters. 3. Zikkim {" fe'tters," Job xxxvi. 8) is more usually trans lated " chains" (Ps. cxlix. 8; Is. xiv. 14; Nah. iii. 10), but its radical sense appeal's to refer to the contraction of the feet by a chain. Fever (kaddachath, dalleketh, charchur; Lev. xxvi. 16 ; Deut. xxviii. 22). These words, from various roots signifying heat or inflammation, are rendered in the A. V. by various words suggestive of »fever, or a feverish affection. The third word may perhaps be erysipelas. Fever constantly ac companies the bloody flux, or dysentery (Acts xxviii. 8). Fevers of an inflammatory character are mentioned as common at Mecca, and putrid ones at Djidda. Intermittent fever and dysentery, the latter often fatal, are ordinary Arabian diseases. Field. The Hebrew sadeh is applied to any cultivated ground, and in some instances in marked opposition to the neighbouring wilderness. On the other hand the sadeh is frequently contrasted with what is enclosed, whether a vineyard, a garden, or a walled town. In many passages the term implies what is remote from a house (Gen. iv. 8, xxiv. 63 ; Deut. xxii. 25) or settled habitation, as in the case of Esau (Gen. xxv. 27). The separate plots of ground were marked off by stones, which might easily be removed (Deut. xix. 14, xxvii. 17 ; cf. Job xxiv. 2 ; Prov. xxii. 28, xxiii. 10) : the absence of fences rendered the fields liable to damage from straying cattle (Ex. xxii. 5) or fire (ver. 6 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 30) : hence the necessity of constantly watching flocks and herds. From the absence of enclosures, cultivated land of any size might be termed a field. It should be observed that the expressions " fruitful field" (Is. x. 18, xxix. 17, xxxii. 15, 16), and " plentiful field" (Is. xvi. 10 ; Jer. xlviii. 33), are not connected with sadeh, but with carmel, mean ing a park or well-kept wood, as distinct from a wilderness or a forest. Another word, shedemoth, is translated " fields," and connected by Gesenius with the idea of enclosure. It is doubtful, how ever, whether the notion of burning does hot rather lie at the bottom of the word. This gives a more consistent sense throughout. In Is. xvi. 8, it FIG, FIG-TREE ¦would thus mean the withered grape ; in Hab. iii. 17, blasted corn ; in Jer. xxxi. 40, the burnt parts of the city (no " fields " intervened between the south-eastern angle of Jerusalem and the Kidron) ; while in 2 K. xxiii. 4, and Deut. xxxii. 32, the sense of a place of burning is appropriate. Fig, Fig-tree (Heb. Uendh), a word of frequent occurrence in the 0. T., where it signifies the tree Eicus Carica of Linnaeus, and also its fruit. The fig-tree is very common in Palestine (Deut. viii. 8). Mount Olivet was famous for its fig-trees in ancient times, aud they are still found there. " To sit under one's own vine and one's own fig-tree " be came a proverbial expression among the Jews to denote peace and prosperity (1 K. iv. 25 ; Mic. iv. 4 ; Zech. iii. 10). When figs are spoken of as dis tinguished from the fig-tree, the plur. form teenim is used (see Jer. viii. 13). 2. There are also the words (o) biccirah (Hos. ir. 10), signifying the first ripe of the fig4ree. (b) pag (Cant. ii. 13), the unripe fig, which hangs through the winter. (c) dibelcih, a cake of figs compressed into that form for the sake of keeping them (2 K. xx. 7). Fir (Heb. bSrosh, beroth). As the term " cedar " is in all probability applicable to more than one tree, so also " fir " in A. V. represents more than one sort of wood. The opinion of Celsius that Berosh exclusively means *' cedar" is probably in correct. On the whole it seems likely that by Berosh or Beroth is intended one or other of the following trees: — 1. Pinus sylvestris, or Scotch fir ; 2. larch ; 3. Cupressus sempervirens, or cy press, all which are at this day found in the Le banon. Fire.— I. Religious. (1.) That which consumed the burnt sacrifice, and the incense-offering, begin ning with the sacrifice of Noah (Gen. viii. 20), and continued in the ever burning fire on the altar, firet kindled from heaven (Lev. vi. 9, 13, ix. 24), and rekindled at the dedication of Solomon's Temple (2 Chr. vii. 1, 3). (2.) The symbol of Jehovah's presence, and the instrument of his power, in the way either of approval or of destruction (Ex. iii. 2, xiv. 19, &c). Parallel with this application of fire and with its symbolical meaning is to be noted the similar use for sacrificial purposes, and the respect paid to it, or to the heavenly bodies as symbols of deity, which prevailed among so many nations of antiquity , and of which the traces are, not even now extinct : e. g. the Sabaean and Magian systems of worship, and their alleged connexion with Abra ham ; the occasional relapse of the Jews themselves into sun-, or its corrupted form of fire-worship (Is. xxvii. 9 ; Deut. xvii. 3, &c), the worship or deifi cation of heavenly bodies or of fire, prevailing to some extent, as among the Persians, so also even in Egypt. Fire for sacred purposes obtained else where than from the altar was called "strange fire," and for use of such Nadab and Abihu were punished with death by fire from God (Lev. x. 1, 2 ; Num. iii. 4, xxvi. 61). (3.) In the case of thev spoil taken from the Midianites, such articles as could bear it were purified by fire as well as in the water appointed for the purpose (Num. xxxi. 23). The victims slain for sin-offerings were afterwards consumed by fire outside the camp (Lev. iv. 12, 21, vi. 30, xvi. 27; Heb. xiii. 11).— II. Domestic. Besides for cooking purposes, fire is often required m Palestine for warmth (Jer. xxxvi. 22 ; Mark xiv. 54; John xviii. 18). For this purpose a hearth with a chimney is sometimes constructed, on which FIRST-BORN 269 either lighted wood or pans of charcoal are placed. On the Sabbath, the Law forbade any fire to be kindled even for cooking (Ex. xxxv. 3 ; Num. xv. 32).— III. The dryness of the land in the hot season in Syria, of course increases liability to accident from fire. The Law therefore ordered that any one kindling a fire which caused damage to corn in a field should make restitution (Ex. xxii. 6 ; comp. Judg. xv. 4, 5; 2 Sam. xiv. 30).— IV. Punish ment of death by fire was awarded by the Law only in the cases of incest with a mother-in-law, and of unchastity on the part of a daughter of a priest (Lev. xx. 14, xxi.. 9). In certain cases the bodies of executed criminals and of infamous per sons were subsequently burnt (Josh. vii. 25 ; 2 K. xxiii. 16). Firepan, one of the vessels of the Temple ser vice (Ex. xxvii. 3, xxxviii. 3 ; 2 K. xxv. 15 ; Jer. Iii. 19). The same word is elsewhere rendered "snuff-dish" (Ex. xxv. 38, xxxvii. 23; Num. iv. 2) and " censer" (Lev. x. 1, xvi. 12 ; Num. xvi. 6 ff.). There appear, therefore, to have been two articles so called : one, like a chafing-dish, to carry live coals for the purpose of burning incense ; an other, like a snuffer-dish, to be used in trimming the lamps, in order to carry the snuffers aud convey away the snuff. Firkin. [Weights and Measures.] Firmament. The Hebrew term rdkia, so trans lated, is generally regarded as expressive of simple expansion, and is so rendered in the margin of the A. V. (Gen. i. 6). The root means to expand by beating, whether by the hand, the foot, or any in strument. It is especially used of beating out metals into thin plates fEx. xxxix. 3 ; Num. xvi. 39). The sense of solidity, therefore, is combined with the ideas of expansion and tenuity in the term. The same idea of solidity runs through all the re ferences to the rdkia. In Ex. xxiv. 10, it is repre. sented as a solid floor. So again, iu Ez. i. 22-26, the " firmament " is the floor on which the throne of the Most High is placed. Further, the office of the rdkia in the economy of the world demanded strength and substance. It was to serve as a divi sion between the waters above and the waters below (Gen. i. 7). In keeping with this view the r&kia was provided with " windows " (Gen. vii. 11; Is. xxiv. 18; Mal. iii. 10) and "doors" (Ps. lxxviii. 23), through which the rain and the snow might descend. A secondary purpose which the r&kia served was to support the heavenly bodies, sun, moon, and stars (Gen. i. 14), in which they were fixed as nails, and from which, consequently, they might be said to drop off (Is. xiv. 12, xxxiv. 4 ; Matt. xxiv. 29). In all these particulars we recog nise the same view as was entertained by the Greeks and, to a certain extent, by the Latins. If it be objected to the Mosaic account that the view em bodied in the word rdkia does not harmonise with strict philosophical truth, the answer to such an objection is, that the writer describes things as they appear rather than as they are. First-horn. That some rights of primogeniture existed in very early times is plain, but it is not so clear in what they consisted. They have been classed as, a. authority over the lest of the family ; 6. priesthood ; c. a double portion of the inherit ance. Under the Law, in memory of the Exodus, the eldest son was regarded as devoted to God, and was in every case to be redeemed by an offering not exceeding 5 shekels, within one month from birth. 270 FIRST-FRTJITS If he died before the expiration of 30 days, the Jewish doctors held the father excused, but-liable to the payment if he outlived that time (Ex. xiii. 12-15, xxii. 29 ; Num. viii. 17, xviii. 15, 16 ; Lev. xxvii. 6). This devotion of the first-bom was be lieved to indicate a priesthood belonging to the eldest sons of families, which being set aside in the case of Reuben, was transferred to the tribe of Levi. The eldest son received a double portion of the father's inheritance (Dent. xxi. 1 7), but not of the mother's. Under the monarchy, the eldest son usually, but not always, as appears in the case of Solomon, succeeded his father in the kingdom (1 K. i. 30, ii. 22). The male first-born of animals was also devoted to God (Ex. xiii. 2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, xxxiv. 19, 20). Unclean animals were to be re deemed with the addition of one-fifth of the value, or else put to death ; or, if not redeemed, to be sold, and the price given to the priests (Lev. xxvii. 13, 27, 28). First-fruits. 1. The Law ordered in general, that the first of all ripe fruits and of liquors, or, as it is twice expressed, the first of first-fruits, should be offered in God's house (Ex. xxii. 29, xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26). 2. On the morrow after the Passover sabbath, i. e. on the 16th of Nisan, a sheaf of new com was to be brought to the priest, aud waved before the altar, in acknowledgment of the gift of fruitfulness (Lev. xxiii. 5, 6, 10, 12, ii. 12). 3. At the expiration of 7 weeks from this time, i. e. at the Feast of Pentecost, an oblation was to be made of 2 loaves of leavened bread made from the new flour, which were to be waved in like manner with the Passover sheaf (Ex. xxxiv. 22 ; Lev. xxiii. 15, 17 ; Num. xxviii. 26). 4. The feast of ingathering, i. e. the Feast of Tabernacles in the 7th month, was itself an acknowledgment of the fruits of the harvest (Ex. xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22; Lev. xxiii. 39). These four sorts of offerings were national. Besides them, the two following were of an individual kind. 5. A cake of the first dough that was baked, was to be offered as a heave-offering (Num. xv. 19, 21). 6. The first-fruits of the land were to be brought in a basket to the holy place of God's choice, and there presented to the priest, who was to set the basket down before the altar (Deut. xxvi. 2-11). The offerings, both public and private, resolve themselves into 2 classes, a. produce in general, 6. offerings, prepared produce, a. Of the public offer ings of first-fruits, the Law defined no place from which the Passover sheaf should be chosen, but the Jewish custom, so far as it is represented by the Mishna, prescribed that the wave-sheaf or sheaves should be taken from the neighbourhood of Jerusalem. The offering made at the feast ofthe Pentecost, was a thanksgiving for the conclusion of wheat harvest. It consisted of 2 loaves (according to Josephus one loaf) of new flour baked with leaven, which was waved by the priest as at the Passover. No private offerings of first-fruits were allowed before this public oblation of the 2 loaves. The private oblations of first-fruits may be classed in the same manner as the public No offerings were to be made before Pentecost, nor after the feast ofthe Dedication, on the 25th of Cisleu (Ex. xxiii. 16 ; Lev. xxiii. 16, 17). After passhig the night at Jerusalem, the pilgrims returned on the follow ing day to their homes (Deut. xvi. 7). b. The first-fruits prepai'ed for use were not required to be taken to Jerusalem. They consisted of wine, wool, bread, oil> date-honey, onions, cucumbers (Num. FISH, FISHING xv. 19, 21 ; Deut. xviii. 4). They were to be made, according to some, only by dwellers in Pa lestine ; but ' according to others, by those also who dwelt in Moab, in Ammouitis, and in Egypt. The offerings were the perquisite of the priests (Num. xviii. 11 ; Deut. xviii. 4). Nehemiah, at the Return from Captivity, took pains to reorganize the ' offerings of fii'st - fruits of both kinds, and to appoint places to receive them (Neh. x. 35, 37, xii. 44). An offering of first-fruits is mentioned as an acceptable one to the prophet Elisha (2 K iv. 42). Fish; Fishing. The Hebrews recognized fish as one of the great divisions of the animal kingdom, and, as such, give them a place in the account of the creation (Gen. i. 21, 28), as well as iu other passages where au exhaustive description of hving creatures is intended (Gen. ix. 2 ; Ex. xx. 4 ; Deut. iv. 18; IK. iv. 33). They do not, however, appear to have acquired any intimate knowledge of this branch of natural history. The Mosaic law (Lev. xi. 9, 10) pronounced unclean such fish as were devoid of fins and scales : these were and are regarded as unwholesome in Egypt. Of the various species found in the Sea of Galilee, the silurus would be classed among the unclean, while the spa ms Galilaeus, a species of bream, and the mugil, chub, would be deemed " clean " or " good." In Gen. i. 21 (as compared with verse 28), the great marine animals are distinguished from " every hving creature that creepeth," a description applying to fish, along with other reptiles, as having no legs. The Hebrews were struck with the remarkable fecundity of fish. Doubtless they became familiar with this fact in Egypt, where the abundance of fish in the Nile, and the lakes and canals, rendered it one of the staple commodities of food (Num. xi. 5). The destruction of the fish was on this ac count a most serious visitation to the Egyptians (Ex. vii. 21 ; Is. xix. 8). Among the Philistines, Dagon was represented by a figure, half man and half fish (1 Sam. v. 4). On this account the worship of fish is expressly prohibited (Deut. iv. 18). In Pa lestine, the Sea of Galilee was and still is remark ably well stored with fish, and the value attached to the fishery by the Jews is shown by the tradi tional belief that one of the ten laws of Joshua en acted that it should be open to all comers. Jeru salem derived its supply chiefly from the Mediter ranean (comp. Ez. xlvii. 10). The existence of a regular fish-market is implied in the notice of the fish-gate, which was probably contiguous to it An Egyptian Landing-Net, (Wilkinson.) FITCHES (2 Chr. xxxiii. 14; Neh. iii. 3, xii. 39; Zeph. i. 10). Numerous allusions to the art of fishing occur in the Bible. The most usual method of catching fish was by the use of the net, either the casting net (Hab. i. 15 ; Ez. xxvi. 5, 14, xlvii. 10), probably resembling the one used in Egypt, as shown in Wilkinson (iii. 55), or the draw or drag net (Is. xix. 8 ; Hab. i. 15), which was larger and required the use of a boat : the latter was probably most used on the Sea of Galilee, as the number of boats kept on it was very consider able. Angling was a favourite pursuit of the wealthy in Egypt, as well as followed by the poor who could not afford a net. A still more scientific method was with the trident or the spear, as practised in Egypt in taking the crocodile (Job xii. 7) or the hippopotamus. Fitches {i. e. Vetches), the representative in the A. V. of the two Heb. words cussemeth and ketsach. As to the former see Rye. Ketsach denotes without doubt the NigeUa sativa, an herba ceous annual plant belonging to the natural order Ranunculaceae, and sub-order HeUeboreae, which grows in the S. of Europe and in the N. of Africa, FOOD 271 ?/^ Nigella sativa. Flag, the representative in the A. V. of the two Heb. words &ch& and s&ph. 1. AchA, a word, ac cording to Jerome, of Egyptian origin, and denoting "any green and coarse herbage, such as rushes and reeds, which grows in marshy places." It seems probable that some specific plant is denoted in Job viii. 11. The word occurs once again in Gen. xii. 2, 18, where it is said that the seven well-favoured kine came up out of the river and fed in an &chA. Royle and Kitto are inclined to think that the &ch& denotes the Cyperus esculentus. Kalisch says that the &ch& " is unquestionably either the Cyperus esculentus or the Butomus umbellatus." We are quite unable to satisfy ourselves so easily on this point. 2. Sfiph occurs frequently in the 0. T. in connexion with yam, " sea, " to denote the " Red Sea." The term here appears to be used in a very wide sense to denote " weeds of any kind." The yam sUph therefore is the " sea of weeds," and per haps, as Stanley observes, suph " may be applied to any aqueous vegetation." Flagon, a word employed in the A. V. to render two distinct Hebrew terms : 1. Ashishah (2 Sam. vi. 19 ; 1 Chr. xvi. 3 ; Cant. ii. 5 ; Hos. iii. 1). The real meaning of this word is a cake of pressed raisins. 2. Nebel (Is. xxii. 24 only). Nebel is commonly used for a bottle or vessel, originally probably a skin, but in later times a piece of pottery (Is. xxx. 14;. Flax. Two Hebrew words are used for this plant in 0. T., or -ather the same word slightly modified. Eliminating all the places where the words are used for the article manufactured in the thread, the piece, or the made up garment, we re duce them to two: Ex. ix. 31, certain, and Josh. ii. 6, disputed. In the former the flax ofthe Egyp tians is recorded to have been damaged by the plague of hail. It seems probable that the cultiv ation of flax for the purpose of the manufacture of linen was by no means confined to Egypt ; but that originating in India it spread over the whole continent of Asia at a very early period of antiquity. That it was grown in Palestine even before the con quest of that country by the Israelites appears from Josh. ii. 6. The various processes employed in pre paring the flax for manufacture into cloth are indi cated : — 1 . The drying process. 2. The peeling of the stalks, and separation of the fibres. 3. The hackling (Is. xix. 9). That flax was anciently one of the most important crops in Palestine appears from Hos. ii. 5, 9. Flea, an insect twice only mentioned in Scrip ture, viz. in 1 Sam. xxiv. 14, xxvi. 20. Fleas are abundant in the East, and afford the subject of many proverbial expressions. Flesh. [Food.] Flint. The Heb. cliall&mtsh is rendered flint in Deut. viii. 15, xxxii. 13 ; Ps. cxiv. 8 ; and Is. 1. 7. In Job xxviii. 9 the same word is rendered rock in the text, and flint in the margin. In Ez. iii. 9 the English word " flint" occurs in the same sense, but there it represents the Heb. Tzor. Flood. [Noah.] Floor. [Pavement.] Flour. [Bread.] Flowers. [Palestine, Botany ot.] Flute (1 K. i. 4, marg. [Pipe]), a musical in strument, mentioned amongst others (Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15) as used at the worship of the golden image which Nebuchadnezzar had set up. Flux, Bloody (Acts xxviii. 8), the same as our dysentery, which in the East is, though sometimes sporadic, generally epidemic and infectious, and then assumes its worst form. Fly, Flies. 1. Zebvb occurs only in Eccl. x. 1 and in Is. vii. 18. The Heb. name is probably a generic one for any insect. The zebub from the rivers cf Egypt has by some writers, as by Oedmann, been identified with the zimb of which Bruce gives a description, and which is evidently some species of Tabanus. Sir G. Wilkinson has given some ac count of an injurious fly under the name oiDthebab, a term almost identical with z$bub. 2. 'Arob {" swarms of flies," " divers sorts al flies," A. V.), the name of the insect, or insects, which God sent to punish Pharaoh ; see Ex. viii. 21-31 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 45, cv. 31. As the '&rdb are said to have filled the houses of the Egyptians it seems not improbable that common flies (Muscidae) are more especially intended. The identification of the '&rob with the cockroach is purely gratuitous. Food. The diet of Eastern nations has been in all ages light and simple. As compared with our own habits, the chief points of contrast are the small amount of animal food consumed, the variety 272 FOOD of articles used as accompaniments to bread, the substitution of milk in various forms for our liquors, and the combination of what we should deem heter ogeneous elements in the same dish, or the same meal. The chief point of agreement is the large consumption of bread, the importance of which in the eyes of the Hebrew is testified by the use of the term lechem (originally food of any kind) speci fically for bread, as well as by the expression " staff of bread" (Lev. xxvi. 26 ; Fs. cv. 16 ; Ez. iv. 16, xiv. 13). Simpler preparations of com were, how ever, common ; sometimes the fresh green ears were eaten in a natural state, the husks being rubbed off by the hand (Lev. xxiii. 14; Deut. xxiii. 25; 2 K. iv. 42 ; Matt. xii. 1 ; Luke vi. 1) ; more fre- ouently, however, the grains, after being carefully picked, were roasted in a pan over a fire (Lev. ii. 14), and eaten as " parched corn," in which form they were an ordinary article of diet, particularly among labourers, or others who had not the means of dressing food (Lev. xxiii. 14; Ruth ii. 14; 1 Sam. xvii. 17, xxv. 18; 2 Sam. xvii. 28): this practice is still very usual in the East. Sometimes the grain was bruised (A. V. "Jbeaten," Lev. ii. 14, 16), and then dried in the sun ; it was eaten either mixed with oil (Lev. ii. 15), or made into a soft cake (A. V. "dough;" Num. xv. 20; Neh. x. 37 ; Ez. xliv. 30). The Hebrews used a great variety of articles (John xxi. 5) to give a relish to bread. Sometimes sal* was so used (Job vi. 6), as we learn from the passage just quoted ; sometimes the bread was dipped into the sour wine (A. V. " vinegar") which the labourers drank (Ruth ii. 14); or, where meat was eaten, into the gravy, which was either served up separately for the pur pose, as by Gideon (Judg. vi. 19), or placed in the middle of the meat-dish, as done by the Arabs. Milk and its preparations hold a conspicuous place in Eastern diet, as affording substantial nourish ment ; sometimes it was produced in a fresh state (Gen. xviii. 8), but more generally in the form of the modem leban, i. e. sour milk (A. V. *' butter ;*' Gen. xviii. 8 ; Judg. v. 25 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). Fruit was another source of subsistence : figs stand first in point of importance ; they were generally dried and pressed into cakes. Grapes were gene rally eaten in a dried state as raisins. Fruit-cake forms a part of the daily food of the Arabians. Of vegetables we have most frequent notice of lentiLs (Gen. xxv. 34 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 28, xxiii. 11 ; Ez. iv. 9), which are still largely used by the Bedouins in travelling; beans (2 Sam. xvii. 28; Ez. iv. 9), leeks, onions, and garlick, which were and still are of a superior quality in Egypt (Num. xi. 5). The modern Arabians consume but few vegetables : radishes and leeks are most in use, and are eaten raw with bread. The spices or condiments known to the Hebrews were numerous. In addition to these classes wc have to notice some other im portant articles of food: in the first place, honey, whether the natural product of the bee (1 Sam. xiv. 25 ; Matt. iii. 4), which abounds in most parts of Arabia, or of the other natural and artificial productions included under that head, especially the dibs of the Syrians and Arabians, i. e. grape-juice boiled down, which is still extensively used in the East ; the latter is supposed to be referred to in Gen. xliii. 11, and Ez. xxvii. 17. With regard to oil, it does not appear to have neen used to the extent we might have antici pated. Eggs are not often noticed, but were FOOTMAN evidently known as articles of food (Is. x. 14 lix. 5 ; Luke xi. 12). The Orientals have been at all times sparing in the use of animal food: not only does the excessive heat ofthe climate render it both unwholesome to eat much meat, and expensive from the necessity of immediately consuming a whole animal, but beyond this the ritual 'regula tions of the Mosaic law in ancient, as of the Koran in modem times, have tended to the same result. The prohibition expressed against consuming the blood of any animal (Gen. ix. 4) was more fully developed in the Levitical law, and enforced by the penalty of death (Lev. iii. 17, vii. 26, xix. 26 ; Deut. xii. 16 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 32 ff.; Ez. xliv. 7, 15). Cei'tain portions of the fat of sacrifices were also forbidden (Lev. iii. 9, 10), as being set apart for the altar (Lev. iii, 16, vii. 25 ; cf. 1 Sam. ii. 16 ff. ; 2 Chr. vii. 7). In addition to the above, Christians were forbidden to eat the flesh of animals, portions of which had been offered to idols. All beasts and birds classed as unclean (Lev. xi. 1 ff. ; Deut. xiv. 4 ff.) were also prohibited. Under these restric tions the Hebrews were permitted the free use of animal food ; generally speaking they only availed themselves of it in the exercise of hospitality (Gen. xviii. 7), or at festivals of a religious (Ex. xii. 8), public (1 K. i. 9 ; 1 Chr. xii. 40), or private cha racter (Gen. xxvii. 4; Luke xv. 23) : it was only in royal households that there was a daily consump tion of meat (1 K. iv. 23 ; Neh. v. 18). The ani mals killed for meat were — calves (Gen. xviii. 7 ; 1 Sam. xxviii. 24 ; Am. vi. 4) ; lambs (2 Sam. xii. 4 ; Am. vi. 4) ; oxen, not above three years of age (1 K. i. 9 ; Prov. xv. 17 ; Is. xxii. 13 ; Matt. xxii. 4); kids (Gen. xxvii. 9; Judg. vi. 19; 1 Sam. xvi. 20) ; harts, roebucks, and fallow-deer (1 K. iv, 23) ; birds of various kinds ; fish, with the exception of such as were without scales and fins (Lev. xi. 9 ; Deut. xiv. 9). Locusts, of which certain species only were esteemed clean (Lev, xi. 22), were occasionally eaten (Matt. iii. 4), but considered as poor fare. Meat does not appear ever to have been eaten by itself; various accompaniments are noticed in Scrip ture, as bread, milk, and sour milk (Gen. xviii. 8); bread and broth (Judg. vi. 19) ; and with fish either bread (Matt. xiv. 19, xv. 36; John xxi. 9) or honeycomb (Luke xxiv. 42). With regard to the beverages used by the Hebrews, we have already mentioned milk, and the probable use of barley- water, and of a mixture, resembling the modem sherbet, formed of fig-cake and water. It is almost needless to say that water was most generally drunk. In addition to these the Hebrews were acquainted with various intoxicating liquors. Footman, a word employed in the Auth. Version in two senses. 1. Generally, to distinguish those of the people or of the fighting-men who went on foot from those who were on horseback or in chariots. But, 2. The word occurs in a more special sense (in 1 Sam. xxii. 17 only), and as the translation of a different term from the above. This passage affords the first mention of the existence of a body of swift runners in attendance on the king, though such a thing had been foretold by Samuel (1 Sam. viii. 11). This body appeal* to have been afterwards kept up, and to have been distinct from the body-guard — the six hundred and the thirty — who were ori ginated by David. See 1 K. xiv. 27, 28 ; 2 Chr. xii. 10, 11 ; 2 K. xi. 4, 6, 11, 13, 19. In each of these cases the word is the same as the above, and is rendered " guai'd ;" but the translators were evi- FOREHEAD dently aware of its signification, for they have put the word " runners " in the margin in two instances (1 K. xiv. 27 ; 2 K. xi. 13). Forehead. The practice of veiling the face in public for women of the higher classes, especially married women, in the East, sufficiently stigmatizes with reproach the unveiled face of women of bad character (Gen. xxiv. 65 ; Jer. iii. 3). An especial force is thus given to the term " hard of forehead " as •descriptive of audacity in general (Ez. iii. 7, 8, 9). The custom among many Oriental nations both of colouring the face and forehead, and of impressing on the body marks indicative of devotion to some special deity or religious sect is mentioned else where. The "jewels for the forehead," mentioned by Ezekiel (xvi. 12), and in margin of A. V. (Gen. xxiv. 22), were in all probability nose-rings (Is. iii. 21). Forest. The corresponding Hebrew terms are ya'ar, choresh, and pardes. The first of these most truly expresses the idea of a forest, The second is seldom used, and applies to woods of less extent : it is only twice (1 Sam. xxiii. 15 ff. ; 2 Chr. xxvii. 4) applied to woods properly so called. The third, pardes, occurs' only once in reference to forest-trees (Neh. ii. 8). Elsewhere the word describes an orchard (Eccl. ii. 5 ; Cant. iv. 13). Although Palestine has never been in historical times a wood land country, yet there can be no doubt that there was much more wood formerly than there is at present. (1.) The wood of Ephraim clothed the slopes of the hills that bordered the plain of Jezreel, and the plain itself in the neighbourhood of Beth- slum (Josh. xvii. 15 ffi). (2.) The wood of Bethel (2 K. ii. 23, 24) was situated in the ravine which descends to the plain of Jericho. (3.) The forest of Hareth (1 Sam. xxii. 5) was somewhere on the border of the Philistine plain, in the southern part of Judah. (4.) The wood through which the Is raelites passed in their pursuit of the Philistines (1 Sam. xiv. 25) was probably near Aijalon (comp. v. 31). (5.) The "wood" (Ps. cxxxii. 6) implied in the name of Kirjath-jearim (1 Sam. vii. 2) must have been similarly situated, as also (6.) were the " forests " in which Jotham placed his forts (2 Chr. xxvii. 4). (7.) The plain of Sharon was partly covered with wood (Is. lxv. 10). (8.) The wood in the wilderness of Ziph, in which David concealed himself (1 Sam. xxiii. 15 ff.), lay S.E. of Hebron. The house of the forest of Lebanon (1 K. vii. 2, x. 17, 21 ; 2 Chr. ix. 16, 20) was so called pro bably from being fitted up with cedar. Fortifications. [Fenced Cities.] Fortuna'tus (1 Cor. xvi. 17), one of three Co rinthians, the others being Stephanas and Achaicus, who were at Ephesus when St. Paul wrote his first Epistle. There is a Fortunatus mentioned at the end of Clement's first Epistle to the Corinthians, who was possibly the same person. Fountain. Among the attractive features pre sented by the Land of Promise to the nation mi grating from Egypt by way of the desert, none would be more striking than the naturaL gush of waters from the ground. The springs of Palestine. though short-lived, are remarkable for their abun dance and beauty, especially those which fall into the Jordan and its lakes throughout its whole course. The spring or fountain of living water, the " eye" of the landscape, is distinguished in all Oriental languages from the artificially sunk and enclosed well. The volcanic agency which has ope- Coh. D. B. FOX 273 rated so powerfully in Palestine, has from very early times given tokens of its working in the warm springs which are found near the sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea. Jerusalem appears to have possessed either more than one perennial spring, or one issuing by more than one outlet. In Oriental cities gene rally public fountains are frequent. Traces of such fountains at Jerusalem may perhaps be found in the names En-Rogel (2 Sam. xvii. VI), the " Dragon- well " or fountain, and the " gate of the fountain " (Neh. ii. 13, 14), Fountain atWazoreth. (Roberts.) Fowl. Several distinct Hebrew and Greek words are thus rendered in the A. V. of the Bible. Of these the most common is 'oph, which is usually a collective term for all kinds of birds. In 1 K. iv. 23, among the daily provisions for Solomon's table, " fatted fowl" are included. In the N. T. the word translated "fowls" is most frequently that which comprehends all kinds of birds (including ravens, Luke xii. 24). Fowl, Fowler. [Sparrow.] Fox (Heb. shudl). We are inclined to think that the "jackal" is the animal more particularly sig nified in almost all the passages in the 0. T. where the Hebrew term occurs. The shualim of Judg. xv. 4 are evidently "jackals," and not " foxes," for the former animal is gregarious, whereas the latter is solitary in its habits. With respect to the jackals and foxes of Palestine, there is no doubt that tlie Canis Sl/riacus. 274 FRANKINCENSE common jackal of the country is the Canis aureus, which may be heard every night in the villages. Hemprich and Ehrenberg speak of a vulpine animal, under the name of Canis Syriacus, as occurring in Lebanon. The Egyptian Vulpes Niloticus, and doubtless the common fox of our own country, are Palestine species. -y-Tj^JfSS?/ Vrdpca Nilon'ciis. Frankincense, a vege'table resin, brittle, glitter ing, and of a bitter taste, used for the purpose of sacrificial fumigation (Ex. xxx. 34-36). It is ob tained by successive incisions in the bark of a tree called the arbor thuris, the first of which yields the purest and whitest kind ; while the produce of the after incisions is spotted with yellow, and as it be comes old loses its whiteness altogether. The He brews imported their frankincense from Arabia (Is. Ix. 6 ; Jer. vi. 20) , and more particularly from Saba; but it is remarkable that at present the Arabian Libanum, or Olibanum, is of a veiy inferior kind, and that the finest frankincense imported into Turkey comes through Arabia from the islands of me Indian Archipelago. There can be little doubt that the tree which produces the Indian frankin cense is the Boswellia serrata of Roxburgh, or Boswellia thurifera of Colebrooke. It is still ex tremely uncertain what tree produces the Arab. Oli banum. Lamarck proposes the Amyris Gileadensis, but, as it would seem, upon inconclusive evidence. Frog. The mention of this reptile in the 0. T. is confined to the passage in Ex. viii. 2-7, &c, in which the plague of frogs is described, and to Ps. lxxviii. 45,' cv. 30. In the N. T. the word occurs once only in Rev. xvi. 13. There is no question as to the animal meant. The only known species of frog which occurs at present in Egypt is the Rana esculenta, the edible frog ofthe continent. Frontlets, or Phylacteries (Ex. xiii. 16; Deut. vi. 8, xi. 18 ; Matt, xxiii. 5). These " frontlets" or "phylacteries" were strips of parchment, on which were written four passages of Scripture (Ex. xiii. _ 2-10, 11-17 ; Deut. vi. 4-9, 13-23) in an ink pre pared for the purpose. They were then rolled up in a case of black calfskin, which was attached to a stiffer piece of leather, having a thong one finder broad, and one and a half cubits long. They were placed at the bend ofthe left arm. Those worn on the forehead were written on four strips of parch ment, and put into four little cells within a square Frontlets or Phylacteries. FULLER'S FIELD, THE case, on which the letter K* was written. The square had two thongs, on which Hebrew letters were in scribed. That phylacte ries were used as amu lets is cei'tain, and was very natural. Scaliger even supposes that phy lacteries were designed to supersede those amu lets, the use of which had been already leamt by the Israelites in Egypt. The expression " they make broad their phylacteries " (Matt. xxiii. 5) refers not so much to the phylactery itself, which seems to have been of a prescribed breadth, as to the case in which the parchment was kept, which the Pharisees, among their other pretentious customs (Mark vii. 3, 4 ; Luke v. 33, &c), made as conspicuous as they could. It is said that the Pharisees wore them always, whereas the common people only used them at prayers. The modern Jews only wear them at morning prayers, and sometimes at noon. In our Lord's time they were worn by all Jews, except the Karaites, women, and slaves. Boys, at the age of thirteen years and a day, were bound to wear them. The Karaites ex plained Deut. vi. 8, Ex. xiii. 9, &c, as a figurative command to remember the law, as is certainly the case in similar passages (Prov. iii. 3, vi. 21, vii. 3 ; Cant. viii. 6, &c). It seems clear to us that the scope of these injunctions favours the Karaite in terpretation. The Rabbis have many rules about their use. Fuller. The trade of the fullers, so far as it is mentioned in Scripture, appears to have consisted chiefly in cleansing garments aud whitening them. The process of fulling or cleansing cloth, so far as it may be gathered from the practice of other nations, consisted iu treading or stamping on the garments with the feet or with bats in tubs of water, in which some alkaline substance answering the purpose of soap had been dissolved. The sub stances used for this purpose which are mentioned in Scripture are natrum (Prov. xxv. 20 ; Jer. ii. 22) and soap (Mal. iii. 2). Other substances also are mentioned as being employed in cleansing, which, together with alkali, seem to identify the Jewish with the Roman process, as urine and chalk. The process of whitening garments was performed by rubbing into them chalk or earth of some kind. Creta Cimolia (Cimolite) was probably the earth most frequently used. The trade of the fullers, as causing offensive smells, and also as requiring space for drying clothes, appears to have been car ried on at Jerusalem outside the city. Fuller's Field, the, a spot near Jerusalem (2 K. xviii. 17; Is. vii. 3, xxxvi. 2) so close to the walls that a person speaking from there could be heard on them (2 K. xviii. 17, 26). One resort of the fullers of Jerusalem would seem to have been below the city on the south-east side. But Rabshakeh and his " great host " must have come from the north ; and the Fuller's Field was therefore, to judge from this circumstance, on the table-land on the northern side of the city. FUNERALS Funerals. [Burial.] Furlong. [Measures.] Furnace. Various kinds of furnaces are noticed in the Bible. (1.) Tanniir is so translated in the A. V. in Gen. xv. 17 ; Is. xxxi. 9 ; Neh. iii. 11, xii. 38. Generally the word applies to the baker's oven. (2.) Cibshdn, a smelting or calcining furnace (Gen. xix. 28 ; Ex. ix. 8, 10, xix. 18), especially a lime-kiln (Is. xxxiii. 12; Am. ii. 1). (3.) Cur, a refining furnace (Prov. xvii. 3, xxvii. 21 ; Ez. xxii. 18 ff.). (4.) AttUn, a large furnace built like a brick-kiln (Dan. iii. 22, 23). The Persians were in the habit of using the furnace as a means of inflict ing capital punishment (Dan. 1. c. ; Jer. xxix. 22 ; 2 Mace. vii. 5 ; Hos. vii. 7). (5.) The potter's GAD 275 The Egyptian Potter's Furnace. (Wilkinson.) furnace (Ecclus. xxvii. 5, xxxviii. 30). (6.) The blacksmith's furnace (Ecclus. xxxviii. 28). G Oa'al, son of Ebed, aided the Shechemites in their rebellion against Abimelech (Judg. ix.). He does not seem to have been a native of Shechem, nor specially interested in the revolution, but rather one of a class of condottieri, who at such a period of anarchy would be willing to sell their services to the highest bidder. Ga'ash. On the north side of " the hill of Gaash" was the city which was given to Joshua (Josh. xxiv. 30 ; Judg. ii. 9 ; comp. Josh. xix. 49, 50). It does not appear to have been recognized. Ga'ba. The same name as Geba. It is found in the A. V. in Josh, xviii. 24 ; Ezr. ii. 26 ; Neh. vii. 30. Gab'ael. — 1. An ancestor of Tobit (Tob. i. 1). — 2. A poor Jew (Tob. i. 17, Vulg.) of " Rages in Media," to whom Tobias lent ten talents of silver (Tob. i. 14, iv. 1, 20, v. 6, ix., x. 2). Gab'atha, Esth. xii. l. [Bigthan.] Gab'bai, apparently the head of an important family of Benjamin resident at Jerusalem (Neh. xi. 8). Gab'batha, the Hebrew or Chaldee appellation of a place, also called " Pavement," where the judg ment-seat or bema was planted, from his place on which Pilate delivered our Lord to death (John xix. 13). The place was outside the praetorium, for Pilate brought Jesus forth from thence to it. It is suggested by Lightfoot that Gabbatha is a mere translation of " pavement." It is more pro bably from an ancient root signifying height or soundness. In this case Gabbatha designated the elevated Bema; and the "pavement" was possibly some mosaic or tesselated work, either forming the bema itself, or the flooring of the court immedi ately round it. Gab 'des, 1 Esd. v. 20. [Gaba.] Ga'brias, according to the present text of the LXX., the brother of Gabael, the creditor of Tobit (Tob. i. 14), though in another place (Tob. iv. 20) he is described as his father. Ga'briel. The word, which is not iu itself dis tinctive, but merely a description of the angelic office, is used as a proper name or title in Dan. viii. 16, ix. 21, and in Luke i. 19, 26. In the ordinary traditions, Jewish and Christian, Gabriel is spoken of as one of the archangels. In Scripture he is set forth only as the representative of the angelic nature in its ministration of comfort and sympathy to man. Gad, Jacob's seventh son, the first-born of Zilpah, Leah's maid, and whole-brother to Asher (Gen. xxx. 11-13, xlvi. 16, 18). (a) The passage in which the bestowal of the name of Gad is preserved — like the others, an exclamation on his birth — is more than usually obscure : "And Leah said, ' In fortune,' and she called his name Gad" (Gen. xxx. 11). Such is supposed to be the meaning of the old text of the passage. But in the marginal emendation of the Masorets the word is given, " Gad comes." (b) In the blessing of Jacob, liowever, we find the name played upon in a different manner : "Gad " is here taken as meaning a piratical band or troop (Gen. xlix. 19). (c) The force thus lent to the name has beeu by some partially transferred to the narra tive of Gen. xxx., e.g. the Samaritan Version, the Veueto-Greek, and our own A. V. — " a troop (of children) cometh." Of the childhood and life of the patriarch Gad nothing is preserved. At the time of the descent into Egypt seven sons are ascribed to him, remarkable from the fact that a majority of their names have plural terminations, as if those of families rather than persons (Gen. xlvi. 16). The position of Gad during the march to the Promised Land was on the south side ofthe Tabernacle (Num. ii. 14). The alliance between the tribes of Reuben and Gad was doubtless induced by the similarity of their pursuits. Of all the sons of Jacob these two tribes alone returned to the land which their forefathers had left five hundred years before, with their occupations unchanged. At the halt on the east of Jordan we find them comino- forward to Moses with the representation that thev " have cattle" — " a great multitude of cattle," anil the land where they now are is a " place for cattle." They did not, however, attempt to evade taking their proper share of the difficulties of sub duing the land of Canaan, and after that task had been effected they were dismissed by Joshua " to their tents," to their " wives, their little ones, and their cattle," which they had left behind them in Gilead. The country allotted to Gad appears, speaking roughly, to have lain chiefly about the centre of the land east of Jordan. The south of that district— from the Arnon {Wady Mojeb), about half way down the Dead Sea, to Heshbon, nearly due east of Jerusalem — was occupied by Reuben, and at or about Heshbon the possessions of Gad commenced. They embraced half Gilead, as the oldest record specially states (Deut. iii. 12), or half the land ofthe children of Ammon (Josh. xiii. 25), probably the mountainous district which is inter- q» o 276 GAD sectcd by the torrent Jabbok — if the Wady Zurka be the Jabbok — including, as its most northern town, the ancient sanctuary of Mahanaim. On the east the furthest landmark given is " Aroer, that faces Kabbah," the present Amman (Josh. xiii. 25). West was the Jordan (27). Such was the territory allotted to the Gadites, but there is no doubt that they soon extended themselves beyond these limits. The official records of the reign of Jotham of Judah (1 Chr. v. 11, 16) show them to have been at that time established over the whole of Gilead, and in possession of Bashan as far as Salcah, and very far both to the north and the east ofthe border given them originally, while the Manassites were pushed still further northwards to Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). The character of the tribe is throughout strongly marked — fierce and warlike — " strong men of might, men of war for the battle, that could handle shield and buckler, their faces the faces of lions, and Hke roes upon the mountains for swift ness." The history of Jephthah develops elements of a different nature and a higher order than the mere fierceness necessary to repel the attacks of the plun derers of the desert. In the behaviour of Jephthah throughout that affecting history, there are traces of a spirit which we may almost call chivaleresque. If to this we add the loyalty, the generosity and the delicacy of Barzillai (2 Sam. xix. 32-39) we obtain a very high idea of the tribe at whose head were such men as these. Nor must we, while enume rating the worthies of Gad, forget that in all proba bility Elijah the Tishbite, *' who was of the inha bitants of Gilead," was one of them. But while exhibiting these high personal qualities, Gad appears to have been wanting in the powers necessary to en able him to take any active or leading part in the confederacy of the nation. The territory of Gad was the battle-field on which the long and fierce struggles of Syria and Israel were fought out, and, as an agricultural and pastoral country, it must have suffered severely in consequence (2 K. xx. 33). Gad was carried into captivity by Tiglath-Pileser (1 Chr. v. 26), and in the time of Jeremiah the cities of the tribe seem to have been inhabited by the Ammonites. Gad, "the seer," or "the king's seer," i.e. David's (1 Chr. xxix. 29 ; 2 Chr. xxix. 25 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 11 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 9), was a, "prophet" who appears to have joined David when in the hold (1 Sam. xxii. 5). He re-appears in connexion with the punishment inflicted for the numbering of the people (2 Sam. xxiv. 11-19; 1 Chr. xxi. 9-19). He wrote a book of the Acts of David (1 Chr. xxix. 29), and also assisted in the arrangements for the musical service ofthe "house of God" (2 Chr. xxix. 25). Gad. Properly "the Gad," with the article. In the A. V. of K lxv. 11 the clause "that prepare a table for that troop " has in the margin instead ofthe last word the proper name " Gad," which evidently denotes some idol worshipped by the Jews in Babylon, though it is impossible positively to identify it. That Gad was the deity Fortune, under whatever outward form it was worshipped, is sup ported by the etymology, and by the common assent of commentators. Gesenius is probably right in his conjecture that Gad was the planet Jupiter, which was regarded by the astrologers of the East as the star of greater good fortune. Movers is in favour of the planet Venus. Illustrations of the ancient custom of placing a banqueting table in honour of idols will be found in tlie table spread for GALATIA the sun among the Ethiopians (Her. iii. 17, 18), and in the feast made by the Babylonians for their god Bel, which is described in the Apocryphal history of Bel and the Dragon (comp. also Her. i. 181, &c.). A trace ofthe worship of Gad remains in the proper name Baal Gad. Gad'ites, the. The descendants of Gad and members of his tribe. Gad'ara, a strong city situated near the river Hieromax, east of the Sea of Galilee, over against Scythopolis and Tiberias, and sixteen Roman miles distant from each of those places. Josephus calls it the capital of Peraea. A large district was attached to it. Gadara itself is not mentioned in the Bible, but it is evidently identical with the "country of the Gadarenes" (Mark v. 1; Luke viii. 26, 37). Of the site of Gadara, thus so clearly defined, there cannot be a doubt. On a partially isolated hill at the north-western extremity of the mountains of Gilead, about sixteen miles from Tibe rias, lie the extensive and remarkable ruins of Urn Keis. The whole space occupied by the ruins is about two miles in circumference. The first his torical notice of Gadara is its capture, along with Pella and other cities, by Antiochus the Great, in the year B.C. 218. The territory of Gadara, with the adjoining one of Hippos, was subsequently added to the kingdom of Herod the Great. Gadara, how ever, derives its greatest interest from having been the scene of our Lord's miracle in healing the demoniacs (Matt. viii. 28-34; Mark v. 1-21 ; Luke viii. 26-40). The whole circumstances of the nar rative are strikingly illustrated by the features of the country. Another thing is worthy of notice. The most interesting remains of Gadara are its tombs, which dot the cliffs for a considerable dis tance round the city. Gadara was captured by Vespasian on the first outbreak of the war with the Jews ; all its inhabitants massacred; and the town itself, with the surrounding villages, reduced to ashes. Gad'di, son of Susi ; the Manassite spy sent by Moses to explore Canaan (Num. xiii. 11). Gad'diel, a Zebulonite, one of the twelve spies (Num. xiii. 10). Ga'di, father of Menahem (2 K. xv. 14, 17). Ga'ham, sou of Nahor, Abraham's brother, hy his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). Galiar. The Bene-Gahar were among the families of Nethinim who returned from the cap tivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47; Neh. vii. 49). Gai'us. [John, Second and Third Epistlks OF.] Gal'aad (1 Mace. v. 9, 55 ; Jud. i. 8, xv. 5; and THE COUNTRY OF Galaad, 1 Mace. v. 17, 20, 25, 27, 36, 45, xiii. 22), the Greek form ofthe word Gilead. Ga'lal. 1. A Levite, one of the sons of Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15).— 2. Another Levite of the family of Elkanah (1 Chr. ix. 16).— 3. A third Levite, son of Jeduthun (Neh. xi. 17). Gala'tia. Galatia is literally the "Gallia" of the East. The Galatians were in their origin a stream of that great Keltic torrent which poured into Greece in the third century before the Christian eia. Some of these invaders moved on into Thrace, and appeared on the shores of the Hellespont and Bosporus, when Nicomedes I., king of Bithynia, being then engaged in a civil war, invited them across to help him. At the end of the Republic, Galatia appeal's as a dependent kingdom; at the GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE beginning of the Empire as a province (a.d. 26). The Roman province of Galatia may be roughly described as the central region of the peninsula of Asia Minor, with the provinces of Asia on the w. ,, Cappadocia on the east, Pamphylia and Cilicia on the south, and Bithynia and Pontus on the north. It would be difficult to define the exact limits. In fact they were frequently changing. At one time there is no doubt that this province contained Pisidia and Lycaonia, and therefore those towns of Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, which are conspicuous in the narrative of St. Paul's travels. But the characteristic part of Galatia lay northward from those districts. These Eastern Gauls preserved much of their ancient character, and something of their ancient language. The pre vailing speech, however, of the district was Greek. The inscriptions found at Ancyra are Greek, and St. Paul wrote his Epistle iu Greek. It is difficult at first sight to determine in what sense the word Galatia is used by the writers of the N. T,, or whe ther always in the same sense. In the Acts of the Apostles "the journeys of St. Paul through the dis trict are mentioned in very general terms. On all accounts it seems most probable that Galatia is used by St. Luke as an ethnographical term, and not for the Roman province of that name. We must not leave unnoticed the view advocated by Bottger, that the Galatia of the Epistle is entirely limited to the district between Derbe and Colossae, i. e. the extreme southern frontier of the Roman province. Galatians, The Epistle to the, was written by the Apostle St. Paul not long after his journey through Galatia and Phrygia (Acts xviii. 23), and probably in the early portion of his two years and a half stay at Ephesus, which terminated with the Pentecost of A.D. 57 or 58. The Epistle appears to have been called forth by the machinations of Judaizing teachers, who, shortly before the date of its composition, had endeavoured to seduce the churches of this province into a, recognition of cir cumcision (v. 2, 11, 12, vi. 12, sq.), and had openly sought to depreciate the apostolic claims of St. Paul (comp. i. 1, 11). The scope and contents of the Epistle are thus — (1) apologetic (i., ii.) and po lemical (iii., iv.) ; and (2) hortatory and practical (v.,vi.): the positions and demonstrations of the former portion being used with great power and persuasiveness in the exhortations of the latter. With regard to the genuineness and authenticity of this Epistle, no writer of any credit or respectability has expressed any doubts. The testimony of the early church is most decided and unanimous. Besides express references to the Epistle we have one or two direct citations found as early as the time of the Apostolic Fathers, and several apparent allusions. Two historical questions require a brief notice: — 1. The number of visits made by St. Paul to the churches of Galatia previous to his writing the Epistle. These seem certainly to have been two. The Apostle founded the churches of Galatia in the visit recorded Acts xvi. 6, during his second mis sionary journey, about A.D. 51, and revisited them at the period and on the occasion mentioned Acts xviii. 23, when he went through the country of Galatia and Phrygia. On this occasion it would seem probable that he found the leaven of Judaism beginning to work in the churches of Galatia. 2. Closely allied with the preceding question is that of the date, and the place from which the Epistle was written. Conybeare and Howson, and more GALILEE 277 ecently Lightfoot, urge the probability of its having been written at about the same time as the Epistle to the Romans. They would therefore assign Corinth as the place where the Epistle was written, and the three months that the Apostle stayed there (Acts xx. 2, 3), apparently the winter of a.d. 57 or 58, as the exact period. But it seems almost impossible to assign a later period than the commencement of the prolonged stay in Ephesus (a.d. 54). Galbanum, one of the perfumes employed in the preparation of the sacred incense (Ex. xxx. 34). The galbanum of commerce is brought chiefly from India and the Levant. It is a resinous gum of a brownish yellow colour, and strong, disagreeable smell, usually met with in masses, but sometimes found in yellowish tear-like drops. But, though galbanum itself is well known, the plant which yields it has not been exactly determined. Sprengel is in favour ofthe Ferula ferulago , L., which grows in North Africa, Crete, and Asia Minor. It was for some time supposed to be the product of the Bubon galbanum of Linnaeus, a native of the Cape of Good Hope. The Opoidia Galbanifera has been adopted by the Dublin College in their Pharmacopeia as that which yields the galbanum. But the ques tion remains undecided. Gal'eed, the name given by Jacob to the heap which he and Laban made on Mount Gilead in witness of the covenant then entered into between them (Gen. xxxi. 47, 48 ; comp. 23, 25). Gal'gala, the ordinary equivalent in the LXX. for Gilgal. In the A. V. it is named only in 1 Mace. ix. 2, and may there denote either the upper Gilgal near Bethel, or the lower one near Jericho. Gal'ilee. This name, which in the Roman age was applied to a large province, seems to have been originally confined to a little " circuit" of country round Kedesh-Naphtali, in which were situated the twenty towns given by Solomon to Hiram, king of Tyre, as payment for his work in conveying timber from Lebanon to Jerusalem (Josh. xx. 7 ; 1 K. ix. 11). They were then, or subsequently, occupied by strangers, and for this reason Isaiah gives to the district the name " Galilee of the Gentiles ** (Is. ix. 1). It is probable that the strangers increased in number, and became during the captivity the great body of the inhabitants ; extending themselves also over the surrounding country, they gave to their new territories the old name, until at length Galilee became one of the largest provinces of Palestine. In the Maccabean period Galilee contained only a few Jews living in the midst of a large heathen population (1 Mace. v. 20-23). In the time of our Lord all Palestine was divided into three provinces, Judaea, Samaria, and Galilee (Acts ix. 31 ; Luke xvii. 11 ; Joseph. B. J. iii. 3). The latter included the whole northern section of the country, including the ancient territories of Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, and Naphtali. On the west it was bounded by the territory of Ptolemais, which probably included the whole plain of Akka to the foot of Carmel. The southern border ran along the base of Carmel and of the hills of Samaria to Mount Gilboa, and then descended the valley of Jezreel by Scythopolis to the Jordan. The river Jordan, the Sea of Galilee, and the upper Jordan to the fountain at Dan, formed the eastern border ; and the northern ran from Dan westward across the mountain ridge till it touched the territory of the Phoenicians. Galilee was divided into two sections, " Lower" and " Upper.'* Lower 278 GALILEE, SEA OF Galilee included the great plain of Esdraelon with its offshoots, which run down to the Jordan and the Lake of Tiberias ; and the whole of the hill- country adjoining it on the north to the foot of the mountain-range. It extended as far as the village of Ginea, the modern Jenin, on the extreme southern side of the plain, and included the whole region from the plain of Akka, on the west, to the shores of the lake on the east. It was thus one of the richest and most beautiful sections of Palestine. The chief towns of Lower Galilee were Tiberias, Tarichaea, at the southern end of the Sea of Galilee, and Sepphoris. The towns most cele brated in N. T. history are Nazareth, Cana, and Tiberias (Luke i. 26; John ii. 1, vi. 1). Upper Galilee embraced the whole mountain-range lying between the upper Jordan and Phoenicia. Its southern border ran along the foot of the Safed range from the north-west angle of the Sea of Galilee to the plain of Akka. To this region the name " Galilee of the Gentiles " is given in the 0. and N. T. (Is. ix. 1 ; Matt. iv. 15). The town of Capernaum, on the north shore of the lake, was in upper Galilee. Galilee was the scene of the greater part of our Lord's private life and public acts. His early years were spent at Nazareth ; and when He entered on His great work He made Capernaum His home (Matt. iv. 13, ix. 1). It is a remarkable fact that the first three Gospels are chiefly taken up with our Lord's ministrations in this province, while the Gospel of John dwells more upon those in Judaea. The nature of our Lord's parables and illustrations was greatly influenced by the peculiar features and products of the country. The Apostles were all either Galileans by birth or residence (Acts i. 11). After the destruction of Jerusalem, Galilee became the chief seat of Jewish schools of learning, and the residence of their most celebrated Rabbins. Galilee, Sea of. [Gennesareth.] Gall, the representative in the A. V. of the Hebrew words merer&h, or meror&h, and rosh. 1. Merer&h or meror&h denotes etymologically " that which is bitter ;" see Job xiii. 26, " thou writest bitter things against me." Hence the term is applied to the " bile " or " gall " from its intense bitterness (Job xvi. 13, xx. 25) ; it is also used of the " poison " of serpents (Job xx. 14), which the ancients erroneously believed was their gall. 2. Rdsh, generally translated " gall" by the A. V., is in Hos. x. 4 rendered " hemlock:" in Deut. xxxii. 33, and Job xx. 16, rosh denotes the " poison" or " venom " of serpents. From Deut. xxix. 18, and Lam. iii. 19, compared with Hos. x. 4, it is evident that the Heb. term denotes some bitter, and perhaps poisonous plant. Other writers have supposed, and with some reason (from Deut. xxxii. 32), that some berry-bearing plant must be intended. Gesenius understands " poppies." The capsules of the Papa- veraceae may well give the name of rSsh (" head ") to the plant in question, just as we speak of poppy heads. The various species of this family spring up quickly in corn-fields, and the juice is extremely bitter. A steeped solution of poppy heads may be " the water of gall " of Jer. viii. 14. The passages in the Gospels which relate the circumstance of the Koman soldiers offering our Lord, just before his crucifixion, " vinegar mingled with gall," according to St. Matthew (xxvii. 34), and " wine mingled with myrrh," according to St. Mark's account (xv. 23), require some consideration. '• Matthew, in his GAMES usual way,'' as Hengstenberg remarks, " designates the drink theologically : always keeping his eye on the prophecies of the 0. T., he speaks of gall and vinegar for the purpose of rendering the fulfilment of the Psalms more manifest. Mark again (xv. 23), according to his way, looks rather at the outward quality of the drink." " Gall " is not to be under- stood in any other sense than as expressing the bitter nature of the draught. Notwithstanding the almost concurrent opinion of ancient and modern com mentators that the " wine mingled with myrrh" was offered to our Lord as an anodyne, we cannot readily come to the same conclusion. Had the sol diers intended a mitigation of suffering, they would doubtless have offered a draught drugged with some substance having narcotic properties. The drink in question was probably a mere ordinary beverage of the Romans. Gallery, an architectural term, describing the porticos or verandahs, which are not uncommon in Eastern houses. It is doubtful, however, whether the Hebrew words, so translated, have any reference to such an object. (1.) In Cant. i. 17 the word r&chit means " panelling," or " fretted work." (2.) In Cant. vii. 6, r&hit is applied to the hair, the regularly arranged, flowing locks being compared by the poet to the channels of running water seen in the pasture-grounds of Palestine. (3.) In Ez. xii. 15, xiii. 3, the word attik seems to mean a pillar used for the support of a floor. Galley. [Ship.] Gallim ( = " heaps," or possibly " springs "), a place which is twice mentioned in the Bible : — (1.) As the native place of the man to whom Michal, David's wife, was given— " Phalti the son of Laish, who was from Gallim " (1 Sam. xxv. 44). There is no clue to the situation of the place. (2.) The name occurs again in the catalogue of places terrified at the approach of Sennacherib (Is. x. 30). It was perhaps a short distance N. of Jerusalem. The name of Gallim has not been met with in modern times. Gal'lio. Junius Annaeus Gallio, the Roman pro consul of Achaia when St. Paul was at Corinth, A.D. 53, under the Emperor Claudius. He was brother to Lucius Annaeus Seneca, the philosopher. He is said to have been put to death by Nero, " as well as his brother Seneca, but not at the same time " (Winer) ; but there is apparently no au thority for this. Jerome in the Chronicle of Eu sebius says that he committed suicide in the year 65 A.D. Gallows. [Punishment.] Gam'ael, 1 Esd. viii. 29. [Daniel, 3.] Gamaliel, son of Pedahzur ; prince or captain of the tribe of Manasseh at the census at Sinai (Num. i. 10, ii. 20, vii. 54, 59), and at starting on the march through the wilderness (x. 23). Gamaliel, a Pharisee and celebrated doctor of the law, who gave prudent worldly advice in the Sanhedrim respecting the treatment of the followers of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts v. 34 ff.). We learn from Acts xxii. 3 that he was the preceptor of St. Paul. He is generally identified with the very celebrated Jewish doctor Gamaliel. This Gamaliel was son of Rabbi Simeon, and grandson ofthe cele brated Hillel ; he was president of the Sanhedrim under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, and is reported to have died eighteen years' before the destruction of Jerusalem. Games. With regard to juvenile games, tlie GAMES notices are very few. It must not, however, be inferred from this that the Hebrew children were without the amusements adapted to their age. The ¦only recorded sports, however, are keeping tame birds (Job xii. 5) and imitating the proceedings of marriages or funerals (Matt. xi. 16). With regard to manly games, they were not much followed up by the Hebrews ; the natural earnestness of their character and the influence of the climate alike in disposed them to active exertion. The chief amuse ment of the men appears to have consisted in con versation and joking (Jer. xv. 17 ; Prov. xxvi. 19). A military exercise seems to be noticed in 2 Sam. ii. 14. In Jerome's day the usual sport consisted in lifting weights as a trial of strength, as also practised in Egypt. Dice are mentioned by the Talmudists, probably introduced from Egypt. Public games were altogether foreign to the spirit of Hebrew institutions: the great religious festivals supplied the pleasurable excitement and the feelings of na tional union which rendered the games of Greece so popular, and at the same time inspired the per suasion that such gatherings should be exclusively connected with religious duties. Accordingly the erection of a gymnasium by Jason was looked upon as a heathenish proceeding (1 Mace. i. 14 ; 2 Mace. iv. 12-14). The entire absence of verbal or his torical reference to this subject in the Gospels shows how little it entered into the life of the Jews. Among the Greeks the rage for theatrical exhibitions was such that every city of any size possessed its theatre and stadium. At Ephesus an annual con test was held in honour of Diana. It is probable that St. Paul was present when these games were proceeding. A direct reference to the exhibitions "that took place on such occasions is made in 1 Cor. xv. 32. St. Paul's Epistles abound with allusions to the Greek contests, borrowed probably from the Isthmian games, at which he may well have been present during his first visit to Corinth. These •contests (2 Tim. iv. 7 ; 1 Tim. vi. 12) were divided into two classes, the pancratium, consisting of box ing and wrestling, and the pentathlon, consisting of leaping, running, quoiting, hurling the spear, and wrestling. The competitors (1 Cor. ix. 25 ; 2 Tim. ii. 5) required a long and severe course of previous training (1 Tim. iv. 8), during which a particular diet was enforced (1 Cor. ix. 25, 27). In the Olympic contests these preparatory exercises ex tended over a period of ten months, during the last of which they were conducted under the supervision -of appointed .officers. The contests took place in the presence of a vast multitude of spectators (Heb. xii. 1), the competitors being the spectacle (1 Cor. GARDEN 279 iv. 9 ; Heb. x. 33). The games were opened by the proclamation of a herald (1 Cor. ix. 27), whose office it was to give out the name and country ot each candidate, and especially to announce the name of the victor before the assembled multitude. The judge was selected for his; spotless integrity (2 Tim. iv. 8),: his office was to decide any disputes (Col. iii. 15) and to give the prize (1 Cor. ix. 24; Phil. iii. 14), consisting of a crown (2 Tim. ii. 5, iv. 8) of leaves of wild olive at the Olympic games, and of pine, or at one period, ivy, at the Isthmian games. St. Paul alludes to two only out of the five contests, boxing and running, most frequently to the latter. Iu boxing (cf. 1 Cor. ix. 26) the hands and arms were bound with the cestus, a band of leather studded with nails. The foot-race (2 Tim. iv. 7) was run in the stadium (1 Cor. ix. 24), an oblong area, open at one end and rounded in a semicircular form at the other, along the sides of which were the raised tiers of seats on which the spectators sat. The judge was stationed by the goal (Phil. iii. 14), which was clearly visible from one end of the stadium to the other. Boxing. Gam'madims. This word occurs only in Ez. xxvii. 11. A variety of explanations of the term have been offered. (1.) One class renders it " pigmies." (2.) A second treats it as a geogra phical or local term. (3.) A third gives a more general sense to the word, " brave warriors." Hitzig suggests " deserters." After all, the rendering in the LXX., " guards," furnishes the simplest ex planation. Ga'mul, a priest ; the leader of the 22nd course in the service ofthe sanctuary (l'Chr. xxiv. 17). Gar. ' * Sons of Gar " are named 'among the " sons of the servants of Solomon " in 1 Esd. v. 34. Garden. Gardens in the East, as the Hebrew word indicates, are inclosures, on the outskirts of towns, planted with various trees and shrubs. From the allusions in the Bible we learn that they were surrounded by hedges of thom (Is. v. 5), or walls of stone (Prov. xxiv. 31). For further protection lodges (Is. i. 8 ; Lam. ii. 6) or watchtowers (Mark xii. 1) were built in them, in which sat the keeper (Job xxvii. 18) to drive away the wild beasts and robbers, as is the case to this day. The gardens ot the Hebrews were planted with flowers and aromatic shrubs (Cant. vi. 2, iv. 16), besides olives, fig-trees, nuts, or walnuts (Cant. vi. 11), pomegranates, and others for domestic use (Ex. xxiii. 11 ; Jer. xxix. 5 ; Am. ix. 14). Gardens of herbs, or kitchen-gar dens, are mentioned in Deut. xi. 10, and 1 Iv. xxi. 2. Cucumbers were grown in them (Is. i. 8 ; Bar. 280 GARDEN vi. 70), and probably also melons, leeks, onions, and garlic, which are spoken of (Num. xi. 5) as the productions of a neighbouring country. The rose-garden in Jerusalem, said to have been situated westward of the temple mount, is remarkable as having been one of the few gardens which, from the time of the prophets, existed within the city walls. But of all the gardens of Palestine none is possessed of associations more sacred and imperish able than the garden of Gethsemane, beside the oil- presses on the slopes of Olivet. In addition to the ordinary productions ofthe country, we are tempted to infer from Is. xvii. 10 that in some gardens care was bestowed on the rearing of exotics. In a cli mate like that of Palestine the neighbourhood of water was an important consideration in selecting the site of a garden. _ To the old Hebrew poets " a well-watered garden," or " a tree planted by the waters," was an emblem of luxuriant fertility and material prosperity (Is. Iviii. 11 ; Jer. xvii. 8, xxxi. 12). From a neighbouring stream or cistern were supplied the channels or conduits, by which the gardens were intersected, and the water was thus conveyed to all parts (Ps. i. 3 ; Eccl. ii. 6 ; Ecclus. xxiv. 30). It is matter of doubt what is the exact meaning of the expression " to water with the foot " in Deut. xi. 10. The orange, lemon, and mulberry groves which lie around and behind Jaffa supply, perhaps, the most striking peculiarities of oriental gardens — gardens which Maundrell describes as being " a confused miscellany of trees jumbled to gether, without either posts, walks, arbours, or anything of art or design, so that they seem like thickets rather than gardens." The kings and nobles had their country-houses surrounded by gardens (1 K. xxi. 1 ; 2 K. ix. 27), and these were used on festal occasions (Cant. v. 1). The garden of Ahas uerus was in a court of the palace (Esth. i. 5), ad joining the banqueting-hall (Esth. vii. 7). In Ba bylon the gardens and orchards were inclosed by the city walls. In large gardens the orchard was pro bably, -as in Egypt, the inclosure set apart for the cultivation of date and sycomore trees, and fruit- trees of various kinds (Cant. iv. 13 ; Eccl. ii. 5). The ancient Hebrews made use of gardens as places of burial (John xix. 41). Manasseh and his son Amon were buried in the garden of their palace, the garden of Uzza (2 K. xxi. 18, 26). The retire- meut of gardens rendered them favourite places for devotion (Matt. xxvi. 36; John xviii. 1; cf. Gen. xxiv. 63). In the degenerate times of the monarchy they were selected as the scenes of idolatrous wor ship (Is. i. 29, lxv. 3, lxvi. 17) and images of the idols were probably erected in them . Gardeners are alluded to in Job xxvii. 18 and John xx. 15. But how far the art of gardening was carried among the Hebrews we have few means of ascertaining. That they were acquainted with the process of graft ing is evident from Rom. xi. 17, 24, as well as from the minute prohibitions of the Mishna. The tradi tional gardens and pools of Solomon, supposed to be alluded to in Eccl. ii. 5, 6, are shown in the Wady TJrtas (i. e. Hortus), about an hour and quarter to the south of Bethlehem (cf. Jos. Ant. viii. 7, §3). The " king's garden," mentioned in 2 K. xxv. 4 ; Neh. iii. 15 ; Jer. xxxix. 4, Hi. 7, was near the pool of Siloam, at the mouth ofthe Tyropoeon, north of Bir Eyub, and was formed by the meeting of the valleys of Jehoshaphat and Ben Hinnom. Ga'reb, one ofthe heroes of David's army (2 Sam. xxiii. 38). GATE Ga'reb, the Hill, in the neighbourhood of Jem- salem, named only in Jer. xxxi. 39. Gar'izim, 2 Mace. v. 23 ; vi. 2. [Gekizim.] Garlick (Num. xi. 5). It is the Allium Sativum of Linnaeus, which abounds in Egypt. Garment- [Dress.] Gar'mite, the. Keilah the Garmite, i. e. the de scendant of Gerem, is mentioned in the obscure ge nealogical lists of the families of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19). Garrison. The Hebrew words so rendered in the A. V. are derivatives from the root natsab to " place, erect," which may be applied to a variety of objects. (1.) Mattsab and mattsabah undoubt edly mean a " garrison," or fortified post (1 Sam. xiii. 23, xiv. 1, 4, 12, 15; 2 Sam. xxiii. 14). (2.) Netsib is also used for a " garrison " (in 1 Chr. xi. 16), but elsewhere for a "column" erected in an enemy's country as a token of conquest (1 Sam. xiii. 3). (3.) The same word elsewhere means " officers " placed over a vanquished people (2 Sam. viii. 6, 14 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 13 ; 2 Chr. xvii. 2). (4.) Mattsebah in Ez. xxvi. 11 means a " pillar." Gash'mu. A variation of the name Geshem (Neh. vi. 6). Ga'tam, the fourth son of Eliphaz the son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 11 ; 1 Chr. i. 36), and one ofthe "dukes" of Eliphaz (Gen. xxxvi. 16). Gate. The gates and gateways of eastern cities anciently held, and still hold, an important part, not only in the defence but in the public economy of the place. They are thus sometimes taken as representing the city itself (Gen. xxii. 17, xxiv. 60 ; Deut. xii. 12 ; Judg. v. 8 ; Ruth iv. 10 ; Ps. Ixxxvii. 2, exxii. 2). Among the special purposes for which they were used may be mentioned — 1. As places of public resort (Gen. xix. 1, xxiii. 10, xxxiv. 20, 24 ; 1 Sam. iv. 18, &c). 2. Places for public deliberation, administration ofjustice, or of au dience for kings and rulers, orambassadors (Deut. xvi. 18, xxi. 19, xxv. 7; Josh. xx. 4; Judg. ix. 35, &c.). 3. Public markets (2 K. vii. 1). In heathen towns the open spaces near the gates appear to have been sometimes used as places for sacrifice (Acts xiv. 13 ; comp. 2 K. xxiii. 8). Regarded therefore as posi tions of great importance the gates of cities were carefully guarded and closed at nightfall (Deut. iii. 5 ; Josh. ii. 5, 7 ; Judg. ix. 40, 44). They con tained chambers over the gateway (2 Sam. xviii. 24). The gateways of Assyrian cities were arched or square-headed entrances in tlie wall, sometimes flanked by towers. The doors themselves of the larger gates mentioned in Scripture were two-leaved, plated with metal, closed with locks and fastened with metal bars (Deut. iii. 5 ; Ps. cvii. 16 ; Is. xiv. 1, 2). Gates not defended by iron were of course liable to be set on fire by an enemy (Judg. ix. 52). The gateways of royal palaces and even of private houses were often richly ornamented. Sentences from the Law were inscribed on and above the gates (Deut. vi. 9 ; Is. liv. 12 ; Rev. xxi. 21). The gates of Solomon's Temple were very massive and costly, being overlaid with gold and carvings (1 K. vi. 34, 35; 2 K. xviii. 16). Those of the Holy Place were of olive-wood, two-leaved, and overlaid with gold ; those of the temple of fir (1 K. vi. 31, 32, 34 ; Ez. xii. 23, 24). The figurative gates of pearl and precious stones (Is. liv. 12; Rev. xxi. 21) may be regarded as having their types in the massive stone doors which are found in some of the ancient houses iu Syria. These are of single slabs GATE several inches thick, sometimes 10 feet high, and turn on stone pivots above. Egyptian doorways were often richly ornamented. The parts of the doorway were the threshold (Judg. xix. 27) ; the side-posts, the lintel (Ex. xii. 7). In the Temple, Levites, and in houses of the wealthier classes, and in palaces, persons were especially appointed to keep the door (Jer. xxxv. 4: 2 K. xii. 9, xxv. 18, &c). GAZARA 281 j^j^EX^^Hl^SSSlS i s^.-Sj^.-^^ni'M v> --wgjsae: Ancient Egyptian door. (WilkiniionO Gath, one of the five royal cities of the Philis tines (Josh. xiii. 3 ; 1 Sam. vi. 17) ; and the native place of the giant Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 4, 23). The site of Gath has for many centuries remained unknown. After a careful survey of the country, and a minute examination of the several passages of Scripture in which the name is mentioned, Mr. Porter came to the conclusion that it stood upon the conspicuous hill now called Tell-es-Safieh. This hill stands upon the side of the plain of Phi listia, at the foot of the mountains of Judah ; 10 miles E. of Ashdod, and about the same distance S. by E. of Ekron. It is irregular in, form, and about 200 ft. high. Gath occupied a strong posi tion (2 Chr. xi. 8) on the border of Judah and Philistia (1 Sam. xxi. 10; 1 Chr. xviii. 1); and from its strength and resources, forming the key of both countries, it was the scene of frequent struggles, and was often captured and recaptured (2 Chr. xi. 8, xxvi. 6 ; 2 K. xii. 17 ; Am. vi. 2). It was near Shocoh and Adullam (2 Chr. xi. 8), and appears to have stood on the way leading from the former to Ekron ; for when the Philistines fled on the death of Goliath, they went " by the way of Shaaraim, even unto Gath and unto Ekron " (1 Sam. xvii. 1, 52). All these notices combine in pointing to Tell-es-Safieh as the site of Gath. The ravages of war to which Gath was exposed appear to have de stroyed it at a comparatively early period, as it is not mentioned among the other loyal cities by the later prophets (Zeph. ii. 4 ; Zech. ix. 5, 6). It is familiar to the Bible student as the scene of one of the most romantic incidents in. the life of king David (1 Sam. xxi. 10-15). Gath-he'pher, or Git'tah-he'pher, a town on the border of the tenitory of Zebulun, not far from Japhia, now Tafa, (Josh. xix. 12, 13), celebrated as the native place of the prophet Jonah (2 K. xiv. 25). There can scarcely be a doubt that el-Mesh- had, a village 2 miles E. of Sefurieh, is the ancient Gath-hepher. Gath-rim'mon. 1. A city given out of the tribe of Dan to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 24; 1 Chr. vi. 69), situated on the plain of Philistia, apparently not far from Joppa (Josh. xix. 45). Its site is un known.— 2. A town of the half tribe of Manasseh west of the Jordan, assigned to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 25). The reading Gath-rimmon is probably an error of the transcribers. Ga'za (properly Azzah), one of the five chief cities of the Philistines. It is remarkable for its continuous existence aud importance from the very earliest times. The secret of' this unbroken history is to be found in the situation of Gaza. It is the last town in the S.W. of Palestine, on the frontier towards Egypt. The same peculiarity of situa tion has made Gaza important in a military sense. Its name means " the strong ;" and this was well elucidated in its siege by Alexander the Great, which lasted five months. This city was one of the most important military positions in the wars of the Maccabees (1 Mace. xi. 61, 62, xiii. 43). Some of the most important campaigns of the crusaders took place in the neighbourhood. The Biblical history of Gaza may be traced tlirough the following stages. In Gen. x. 19 it appears, even before the call of Abraham, as a " border " city of the Canaanites. In the conquest of Joshua the ter ritory of Gaza is mentioned as one which he was not able to subdue (Josh. x. 41, xi. 22, xiii. 3). It was assigned to the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 47), and that tribe did obtain possession of it (Judg. i. 18) ; but they did not hold it long; for soon after wards we find it in the hands of the Philistines (Judg. iii. 3, xiii. 1, xvi. 1, 21); indeed it seems to have been their capital ; and apparently con tinued through the times of Samuel, Saul, and David to be a Philistine city (1 Sam. vi. 17, xiv. 52, xxxi. 1; 2 Sam. xxi. 15). Solomon became master of " Azzah " (1 K. iv. 24). But in after times the same trouble with the Philistines recurred (2 Chr. xxi. 16, xxvi. 6, xxviii. 18). The passage where Gaza is mentioned in the N. T. (Acts viii. 26) is full of interest. It is the account of the baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch on his return from Jerusalem to Egypt. The words " which is desert " have given rise to much discussion. The probability is, that they refer to the road, and are used by the angel ^ to inform Philip, who was then in Samaria, on what route he would find the eunuch. Besides the ordinary road from Jerusalem by Ramleh to Gaza, there was another, more favourable for carnages (Acts viii. 28), further to the south through He bron, and thence through a district comparatively without towns and much exposed to the incursions of people from the desert. The modern Ghuzzeh is situated partly on an oblong hill of moderate height, and partly on the lower ground. The climate of the place is almost tropical, but it has deep wells. of excellent water, there are a few palm-trees in the town, and its fruit-orchards are very pro ductive. But the chief feature ofthe neighbourhood is the wide-spread olive-grove to the N. and N.E. Gaz'ara, a place frequently mentioned in the- wars of the Maccabees, and of great importance in 282 GAZATHITES, THE the operations of both parties (1 Mace. ix. 52, xiii. 53, xiv. 7, 33, 34, 36, xv. 28, xvi. 1 ; 2 Mace. x. 32-36). There is every reason to believe that <3azara was the same place as the more ancient Gezer or Gazer. Ga'zathites, the (Josh. xiii. 3), the inhabitants of Gaza. Ga'zer, 2 Sam. v. 25 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 16. The same place as Gezer. Gaze'ra. 1. IMacc. iv. 15; vii. 45. The place elsewhere given as Gazara. — 2. One of the " ser vants of the temple," whose sons returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 31). [Gazzam.] Ga'zez, a name which occurs twice in 1 Chr. ii. 46 ; (1) as son of Caleb by Ephah his concubine ; and (2) as son of Haran, the son ofthe same woman : the second is possibly only a repetition of the first. Ga'zites, the, inhabitants of Gaza (Judg. xvi. 2). Gaz'zam. The Bene-Gazzam were among the families of the Nethinim who returned from the cap tivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 48 ; Neh. vii. 51). Ge'ba. 1. A city of Benjamin, with " suburbs," allotted to the priests (Josh. xxi. 17 ; 1 Chr. vi. 60). It is named amongst the first group of the Benjamite towns, apparently those lying near to and along the north boundary (Josh, xviii. 24). Here the name is given as Gaba. During the wars of the earlier part of the reign of Saul, Geba was held as a garrison by the Philistines (1 Sam, xiii. 3), but they were ejected by Jonathan. Later in the same campaign we find it referred to to define the position of the two rocks which stood in the ra vine below the garrison of Michmash, iu terms which fix Geba on the south and Michmash on the north of the ravine (1 Sam. xiv. 5 : the A. V. has here Gibeah). Exactly in accordance with this is the position of the modem village of Jeba, which stands picturesquely on the top of its steep terraced hill, on the very edge ofthe great Wady Suweinit, look ing northwards to the opposite village, which also retains its old name of Mukhmas. — 2. The Geba named in Jud. iii. 10, must be the place of the same name, Jeba, on the road between Samaria and Jenin, about three miles from the former. Ge'bal, a proper name, occurring in Ps. Ixxxiii. 7, in connexion with Edom and Moab, Ammon and Amalek, the Philistines and the inhabitants of Tyre. The contexts both of the psalm and of the histor ical records will justify our assuming the Gebal of the Psalms to be one and the same city with the Gebal of Ezekiel (xxvii. 9), a maritime town of Phoenicia, and not another, as some have supposed, in the district round about Petra, which is by Jo sephus, Eusebius, and St. Jerome called Gebalene. From the fact that its inhabitants are written ¦" Giblians " in the Vulg., aud " Biblians " in the LXX., we may infer their identity with the Giblites, spoken of in connexion with Lebanon by Joshua (xiii. 5), and that of their city with the " Biblus " (or Byblus) of profane literature. It is called Jebail by the Arabs, thus reviving the old Biblical name. Ge'ber. 1. The son of Geber resided in the fortress of Ramoth-Gilead, and had charge of Havoth-Jair, and the district of Argob (1 K. iv. 13).— 2. Geber the son of CJri had a district south of the former the "land of Gilead" (1 K. iv. 19). Ge'bim, a village north of Jerusalem (Is. x. 31), apparently between Anathoth (the modern Anata) and the ridge on which Nob was situated. El- Isawiyeh occupies about the right spot. GEHENNA Gedali'ah. 1. Gedaliah, the son of Ahikara (Jeremiah's protector, Jer. xxvi. 24), and grandson of Shaphau the secretary of king Josiah. After the destruction of the Temple, B.C. 588, Nebuchad nezzar departed from Judaea, leaving Gedaliah with a Chaldean guard (Jer. xl. 5) at Mizpah, to govern the vine-dressers and husbandmen (Jer. Iii. 16) who were exempted from captivity. Jeremiah joined Gedaliah ; and Mizpah became the resort of Jews from various quarters (Jer. xl. 6, II). He was murdered by Ishmael two months after his appoint ment.— 2. A Levite, one ofthe six sons of Jeduthun who played the harp in the service of Jehovah (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 9).— 3. A priest in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 18).— 4. Son of Pashur (Jer. xxxviii. 1), one of those who caused Jeremiah to be imprisoned. —5. Grandfather of Zephaniah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1). Ged'dnr, 1 Esd. v. 30. [Gahar.] Ged'eon. 1. One ofthe ancestors of Judith (Jud. viii. 1).— 2. The Greek form ofthe Hebrew name Gideon (Heb. xi. 32). Ge'der. The king of Geder was one of the 3 1 kings who were overcome by Joshua on the west of the Jordan (Josh. xii. 13). It is possible that it may be the same place as the Geder named in 1 Chr. iv. 39. Ged'erah, a town of Judah in the lowland country (Josh. xv. 36), apparently in its eastern part. No town bearing this name has however been yet discovered in this hitherto little explored district. Ged'erathite, the, the native of a place called Gederah, apparently in Benjamin (1 Chr. xii. 4). Ged'erite, the, the native of some place named Geder or Gederah (1 Chr. xxvii. 28). Ged'eroth, a town in the low countiy of Judah (Josh. xv. 41 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 18). Gederotha'im, a town in the low countiy of Judah (Josh. xv. 36), named next in order to Ge derah. Gedo'r. ' 1. A town in the mountainous part of Judah (Josh. xv. 58), a few miles north of Hebron. Robinson discovered a Jedur half way between Bethlehem and Hebron, about two miles west of the road.— 2. The town, apparently of Benjamin, to which "Jehoram of Gedor" belonged (1 Chr. xii. 7). — 8. An ancestor of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 31; ix. 37).— 4. The name occurs twice in the genea logies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 4, 18).— 5. In the records of the tribe of Simeon, in 1 Chr. iv. 39, certain chiefs of the tribe are said to have gone, in the reign of Hezekiah, " to the entrance of Gedor, unto the east side of the valley." If what is told in ver. 42 was a subsequent incident iu the same expedition, then we should look for Gedor between the south of Judah and Mount Seir, •'. e. Petra. No place of the name has yet been met with in that direction. The LXX. read Gerar for Gedor. Geha'zi, the servant or boy of Elisha. He was sent as the prophet's messenger on two occasions to the good Shunammite (2 K. iv.) ; obtained fraudulently money and garments from Naaman, was miraculously smitten with incurable leprosy, and was dismissed from the prophet's service (2 K. v.). Later in the history he is mentioned as being engaged in relating to King Joram all the great things which Elisha had done (2 K. viii.). Gehenna, the " valley of Hinnom," or " of the son," or " children of H." (A. V.), a deep narrow glen to the S. of Jerusalem, where, after the intro duction ofthe worship of the fire-gods by Ahaz, the idolatrous Jews offered their children to Molech GELILOTH (2 Chr. xxviii. 3, xxxiii. 6 ; Jer. vii. 31, xix. 2-6). It became in later times the image of the place of everlasting punishment. Gel'iloth, a place named among the marks of the south boundary fine of the tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 17). The name Geliloth never occurs again in this locality, and it therefore seems pro bable that Gilgal is the right reading. Gemal'li, the father of Ammiel, the Danite spy (Num. xiii. 12). Gemari'ah. 1. Son of Shaphan the scribe, and father of Michaiah. He was one of the nobles of Judah, and had a chamber in the house of the Lord, from which Baruch read Jeremiah's alarming pro phecy in the ears of all the people, B.C. 606 (Jer. xxxvi.). — 2. Son of Hilkiah, was made the bearer of Jeremiah's letter to the captive Jews (Jer. xxix.). Gems. [Stones, Precious.] Genealogy. In Hebrew the term for a genealogy or pedigree is "the book of the generations;" and because the oldest histories were usually drawn up on a genealogical basis, the expression often ex tended to the whole history. Nor is this genea logical form of history peculiar to the Hebrews, or the Shemitic races. The earliest Greek histories were also genealogies. The promise of the land of Canaan to the seed of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob successively, and the separation of the Israelites from the Gentile world ; the expectation of Messiah as to spring from the tribe of Judah ; the exclu sively hereditary priesthood of Aaron with its dig nity and emoluments ; the long succession of kings in the line of David ; and the whole division and occupation of the land upon genealogical principles by the tribes, families, and houses of fathers, gave a deeper importance to the science of genealogy among the Jews than perhaps any other nation. With Jacob, the founder of the nation, the system of reckoning by genealogies was much further de veloped. In Gen. xxxv. 22-26, we have a formal account of the sons of Jacob, the patriarchs of the nation, repeated in Ex. i. 1-5. In Gen. xlvi. we have an exact genealogical census of the house of Israel at the time of Jacob's going down to Egypt. When the Israelites were in the wilderness of Sinai, their number was taken by Divine command " after their families, by the house of their fathers." Ac cording to these genealogical divisions they pitched their tents, and marched, and offered their gifts and offerings, chose the spies, and the whole land of Canaan was parcelled out amongst them. The tribe of Levi was probably the only one which had no admixture of foreign blood. In many of the Scrip ture genealogies it is quite clear that birth was not the ground of their incorporation into their re spective tribes. However, birth was, and continued to be throughout their whole national course, the foundation of all the Jewish organization, and the reigns of the more active and able kings and rulers were marked by attention to genealogical operations. When David established the temple services on the footing which continued till the time of Christ, he divided the priests and Levites into courses and companies, each under the family chief. When He zekiah reopened the temple, and restored the temple services which had fallen into disuse, he reckoned the whole nation by genealogies. When Zerub babel brought back the captivity from Babylon, one of his first cares seems to have been to take a census of those that returned, and to settle them according to their genealogies. Passing on to the GENEALOGY OF JESUS CHRIST 283 time of the birth of Christ, we have a striking in cidental proof of the continuance of the Jewish genealogical economy in the fact that when Augustus ordered the census of the empire to be taken, the Jews in the province of Syria immediately went each one to his own city. Another proof is the existence of our Lord's genealogy iu two forms as given by St. Matthew and St. Luke. The mention of Zacharias, as " of the course of Abia," of Elizabeth, as " of the daughters of Aaron," and of Anna the daughter of Phanuel, as " of the tribe of Aser," are ' further indications of the same thing. And this conclusion is expressly confirmed by the testimony of Josephus. From all this it is abundantly ma nifest that the Jewish genealogical records con tinued to be kept till near the destruction of Je rusalem. But there can be little doubt that the registers of the Jewish tribes and families pe rished at the destruction of Jerusalem, and not before. It remains to be said that just notions of the nature of the Jewish genealogical records are of great importance with a view to the right interpret ation of Scripture. Let it only be remembered that these records have respect to political and ter ritorial divisions, as much as to strictly genealogical descent, and it will at once be seen how erroneous a conclusion it may be, that all who are called " sons" of such or such a patriarch, or chief father, must necessarily be his very children. If any one family or house became extinct, some other would succeed to its place, called after its own chief father. Hence of course a census of any tribe drawn up at a later period, would exhibit different divisions from one drawn up at an earlier. The same prin ciple must be borne in mind in interpreting any particular genealogy. Again, when a pedigree was abbreviated, it would naturally specify such genera tions as would indicate from what chief houses the person descended. But then as regards the chro nological use of the Scripture genealogies, it follows from the above view that great caution is necessary in using them as measures of time, though they are invaluable for this purpose whenever we can be sure that they are complete. Another feature in the Scripture genealogies which it is worth while to notice is the recurrence of the same name, or modifications of the same name, such as Tobias, Tobit, Nathan, Mattatha, and even of names of the same signification, in the same family. The Jewish genealogies have two forms, one giving the genera tions in a descending, the other in an ascending scale. Examples of the descending form may be seen in Ruth iv. 18-22, or 1 Chr. iii. Of the ascending 1 Chr. vi. 33-43 (A. V.) ; Ezr. vii. 1-5. Females are named in genealogies when there is anything remarkable about them, or when any right or property is transmitted through them. See Gen.xi. 29, xxii. 23, xxv. 1-4, xxxv. 22-26; Ex.vi. 23; Num. xxvi. 33; 1 Chr. ii. 4, 19, 50, 35, &c. Genealogy of Jesus Christ. The New Testa ment gives us the genealogy of but one person, that of our Saviour. The following propositions will explain the true construction of these genealogies : 1. They are both the genealogies of Joseph, i. e. of Jesus Christ, as the reputed and legal son of Joseph and Mary. 2. The genealogy of St. Matthew is, as Grotius most truly and unhesitatingly asserted, Joseph's genealogy as legal successor to the throne of David. St. Luke's is Joseph's private genealogy, exhibiting his real birth, as David's son, and thus showing why he was heir to Solomon's crown. The 2S4 GENEALOGY OF JESUS CHRIST simple principle that one evangelist exhibits that genealogy which contained the successive heirs to David's and Solomon's throne, while the other ex hibits the paternal stem of him who was the heir, explains all the anomalies of the two pedigrees, their agreements as well as their discrepancies, and the circumstance of their being two at all. 3. Mary, the mother of Jesus, was in all probability the daughter of Jacob, and first cousin to Joseph her husband. But besides these main difficulties, as they have been thought to be, there are several others which cannot be passed over in any account, however concise, of the genealogies of Christ. The most startling is the total discrepancy between them both and that of Zerubbabel in the 0. T. (1 Chr. iii. 19-24). In this last, of seven sons of Zerub babel not one bears the name, or anything like the name, of Rhesa or Abiud ; and of the next genera tion not one bears the name, or anything like the name, of Eliakim or Joanna, which are in the corre sponding generation in Matthew and Luke. Rhesa is in fact not a name at all, but it is the Chaldee title of the princes of the captivity. It is very pro bable therefore that this title should have been placed against the name of Zerubbabel by some early Christian Jew, and thence crept into the text. If this be so, St. Luke will then give Joanna as the son of Zerubbabel. But Joanna is the very same name as Hananiah, the son of Zerubbabel according to 1 Chr. iii. 19. [Hananiah.] In St. Matthew this generation is omitted. In the next generation we identify Matthew's Ab-jud (Abiud) with Luke's Juda, aud both with Hodaiah of 1 Chr. iii. 24, by the simple process of supposing the Shemaiah of 1 Chr. iii. 22 to be the same person as the Shimei of ver. 19. The next difficulty is the difference in the number of generations between the two gene alogies. St. Matthew's division into three four- teens gives only 42, while St. Luke, from Abraham to Christ inclusive, reckons 56, or, which is more to the point (since the generations between Abraham and David are the same in both genealogies), while St. Matthew reckons 28 from David to Christ, St. Luke reckons 43, or 42 without Khesa. But the genealogy itself supplies the explanation. In the second tessarodecade, including the kings, we know that three generations are omitted — Ahaziah, Joash, Amaziah — in order to reduce the generations from 17 to 14: the difference between these 17 and the 19 of St. Luke being very small. So in like man ner it is obvious that the generations have been abridged in the same way in the third division to keep to the number 14. Another difficulty is tlie apparent deficiency in the number of the last tessaro decade, which seems to contain only 13 names ; but the explanation of this is, that either in the process of translation, or otherwise, the names of Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin have got confused and expressed by the one name Jechonias. The last difficulty of suf ficient importance to be mentioned here is a chrono logical one. In both the genealogies there are but three names between Salmon and David — Boaz, Obed, Jesse. But, according to the common chronology, from the entrance into Canaan (when Salmon was come to man's estate) to the birth of David was 405 years, or from that to 500 years and upwards. Now for about an equal period, from Solomon to Jehoiachin, St. Luke's genealogy con tains 20 names. Obviously therefore either the chronology or the genealogy is wrong. It must suffice here to assert that the shortening the in terval between the Exodus and David by about 200 years, which brings it to the length indicated by the genealogies, does in the most remarkable manner bring Israelitish history into harmony with Egyp tian, with the traditional Jewish date of the Exodus, with the fragment of Edomitish history preserved in Gen. xxxvi. 31-39, and with the internal evi dence of the Israelitish history itself. The follow ing pedigree will exhibit the successive generations as given by the two Evangelists : — According Adam I to | Lamech St. Luke Seih 1 Noah Enos l Shem Cainan 1 Amhaxad Maleleel 1 " 1 Cainan Jared 1 Sala Enoch. i Heber Mathusala 1 Fharez Fhalec (Peleg) I I Ezrom Eagau (Eeu) I 1 Aram (Ham) Sarach (Serug) i | Aminadab N achor 1 Kaason Thara (Terah) I 1 Salmon = Rachab According Abraham | to Mali. \ liooz = Eutli and Lithe. Isaac 1 Obed Jacob 1 Jiisse Judah i David = Bathsheba 1 i According Solomon According 1 Nathan to Malt. | to Lube. | Sob o am Mattatha Alia Ueaan 1 Asa 1 Melea 1 Jos a ph at 1 Eliakim 1 Joram (Ahaziah, I Jonon Joash, Amaziah 1 ! 1 Joseph Ozios 1 i Juda Joathnm 1 Simeon Achaz 1 Levi Ezekias 1 1 Malthat Manasses 1 Jorim Amon 1 1 Eliezer Josius 1 1 Jom? Jechonias (i.e. Je 1 hoiakim] an d his Er brothcra (i.e. Je- 1 hoahnz, Zcdekiah, Elmodam and Shallum) 1 | Cosam Jechonias y.e. Je- 1 hoiachinless , child- Addi Meichi 1 Neri (Jfaf/, and Lull) I Ills heir was . . 1 Salathiel Zorobabel (the Prince or Bhesa) Joanna (Hananiah in 1 Chr. iii. 19, omitted by Matthew, i. 13) Juda, or Abiud (Hodaiah, 1 Chr. iii. 24> Matt. Eliakim Luke. 1 Joseph Azor 1 Semei Sadoc Mattathias GENERATION GENESIS 285 EUu.l Eleazer (.Matt, and Luke) Naum I JosephJamia I Mel chi I Levi l . Matthan or Mattlrat I Jacob i (Malt, and Lute) Mary = Jacob's heir was Joseph Jesus, called Christ. Thus it will be seen that the whole number of generations from Adam to Christ, both inclusive. is 74, without the second Cainan and Ehesa. Generation. 1. Abstract: — time, either definite or indefinite. The primary meaning of the Heb. dor is revolution: hence period of time. From the general idea of a period comes the more special notion of an age or generation of men, the ordin ary period of human life. In the long-lived Patri archal age a generation seems to have been com puted at 100 years (Gen. xv. 16; comp. 13, and Ex. xii. 40) ; the latter reckoning, however, was the same which has been adopted by other civilised nations, viz. from thirty to forty years (Job xiii. 16). For generation in the sense of a definite period of time, see Gen. xv. 16 ; Deut. xxiii. 3, 4, 8, &c. As an indefinite period of time : — for time past, see Deut. xxxii. 7 ; Is. Iviii. 12 ; for time future, see Ps. xlv. 17, lxxii. 5, &c. 2. Concrete : — the men of an age, or time. So generation = con temporaries (Gen. vi. 9 ; Is. liii. 8) ; posterity. especially in legal formulae (Lev. iii. 17, &c.) ; fathers, or ancestors (Ps. xlix. 19). Dropping the idea of time, generation comes to mean a race, or class of men. In A. V. of N. Test, three words are rendered by generation. For the abstract and indefinite, see Luke i. 50, Eph. iii. 21 (A.V. " ages "), future : Acts xv. 21 (A.V. "of old time"), Eph. iii. 5 (A. V. "ages"), past. For concrete, see Matt. xi. 16. Genes'areth. In this form the name appears in the edition ofthe A.V. of 1611, in Mark vi. 53, and Luke v. 1 , following the spelling of the Vulgate. In Matt. xiv. 34 the A. V. originally followed the Received Greek Text — Genesaret. Gen'esis, the first book of the Law or Pentateuch. A. The book of Genesis has an interest and an im portance to which no other document of antiquity can pretend. If not absolutely the oldest book in the world, it is the oldest which lays any claim to being a trustworthy history. If the religious books of other nations make any pretensions to vie with it in antiquity, in all other respects they are immea surably inferior. Genesis is neither like the Vedas, a collection of hymns more or less sublime; nor like the Zendavesta, a philosophic speculation on the origin of all things ; nor like the Yih-king, an un intelligible jumble whose expositors could twist it from a cosmological essay into a standard treatise on ethical philosophy. It is a history, and itt is a religious history. The earlier portion of the book, 6o far as the end of the eleventh chapter, may be properly trained a history of the world ; the latter is a history of the fathers of the Jewish race. But from first to last it is a religious history. It is very important to bear in mind this religious aspect of the history, if we would put ourselves in a position rightly to understand it. Of course the facts must be treated like any other historical facts, sifted iu the same way, and subjected to the same laws of evidence. But if we would judge of the work as :i whole we must not forget the evident aim of the writer. It is only in this way we can understand, for instance, why the history of the Fall is given with so much minuteness of detail, whereas of whole generations of men we have nothing but a bare cata logue. And only in this way can we account for the fact that by far the greater portion of the book is occupied not with the fortunes of nations, but with the biographies of the three patriarchs.— B. Unity and Design. — That a distinct plan and method characterise the work is now generally ad mitted. What then is the plan of the writer ? First, we must bear in mind that Genesis is after all but a portion of a larger work. The five books of the Pentateuch form a consecutive whole : they are not merely a collection of ancient fragments loosely strung together, but a well-digested and con nected composition. The great subject of this his tory is the establishment of the Theocracy. Its central point is the giving of the Law on Sinai, and the solemn covenant there ratified, whereby the Jewish nation was constituted " a kingdom of priests and a holy nation to Jehovah." The book of Genesis (with the first chapters of Exodus) de scribes the steps which led to the establishment of the Theocracy. It is a part of the writer's plan to tell us what the Divine preparation of the world was, in order to show, first, the significance of the call of Abraham, and next, the true nature of the Jewish theocracy. He begins with the creation of the world, because the God who created the world and the God who revealed Himself to the fathers is the same God. The book of Genesis has thus a character at once special and universal. It em braces the world ; it speaks of God as the God of the whole human race. But as the introduction to Jewish history, it makes the universal interest sub ordinate to the national. Five principal persons are the pillars, so to speak, on which the whole super structure rests, Adam, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. It will be seen that a specific plan is pre served throughout. The main purpose is never forgotten. God's relation to Israel holds the first place in the writer's mind. It is this which it is his object to convey. The history of that chosen seed, who were the heirs of the promise and tlie guardians of the Divine oracles, is the only history which interprets man's relation to God. By its light all others shine, and may be read when the time shall come. Meanwhile, as the different fami lies drop off here and there from the principal stock, their course is briefly indicated. Beyond all doubt, then, we may trace in the book of Genesis in its present form a systematic plan. But does it follow from this that the book, as it at present stands, is the work of a single author ?— C. Integrity. — This is the next question we have to consider. Granting that this unity of design, which we have already noticed, leads to the conclusion that the work must have been by the same hand, are there any reasons for supposing that the author availed himself in its composition of earlier documents ? 286 GENESIS and if so, are we still able by critical investigation to ascertain where they have been introduced into the body of the work? 1. Now it is almost im possible to read" the book of Genesis with anything like a critical eye without being struck with the great peculiarities of style and language which certain portions of it present. Thus, for instance, chnp. ii. 3-iii. 24 'is quite different both from chap. i. and from chap. iv. Again, chap, xiv. and (ac cording to Jahn) chap, xxiii. are evidently separate documents transplanted in their original form with out correction or modification into the existing work. Iu fact there is nothing like uniformity of style till we come to the history of Joseph. 2. We are led to the same conclusion by the inscriptions which are prefixed to certain sections, as ii. 4, v. 1, vi. 9, x. 1, xi. 10, 27, and seem to indicate so many older documents. 3. Lastly, the distinct use of the Divine names, Jehovah in some sections, and Elohim in others, is characteristic of two different writers. Astruc, a Belgian physician, was the first who broached the theory that Genesis was based on a collection of older documents. Of these he pro fessed to point out as many as twelve, the use of the Divine names, however, having in the first in stance suggested the distinction. Subsequently Eichhorn adopted this theory, so far as to admit that two documents, the one Elohistic, and the other Jehovistic, were the main sources of the book, though he did not altogether exclude others. Since his time the theory has been maintained, but vari ously modified, by one class of critics, whilst an other class has strenuously opposed it. The great weight of probability lies on the side of those who argue for the existence of different documents. Here and there throughout the book we meet with a later remark, intended to explain or supplement the earlier monument. And in some instances there seems to have been so complete a fusion of the two principal documents, the Elohistic and the Jehovistic, that it is no longer possible accurately to distinguish them. Of the two principal docu ments, the Elohistic is the earlier. Hupfeld, whose analysis is very careful, thinks that he can discover traces of three original records, an earlier Elohist, a Jehovist, and a later Elohist. These three docu ments were, according to him, subsequently united and arranged by a fourth person, who acted as editor of the whole.— D. Authenticity. — Luther used to say, " Nihil pulchrius Genesi, nihil utilius." But hard critics have tried all they can to mar its beauty and to detract from its utility. Certain it is that no book has met with more determined and unsparing assailants. To enumerate and to reply to all objections would be impossible. We will only refer to some of the most important. (1.) The story of Creation, as given in the first chapter, has been set aside in two ways: first by placing it on the same level with other cosmogonies which are to be found in the sacred writings of all nations ; and next, by asserting that its statements are directly contradicted by the discoveries of modern science. Let us glance at these two objections, (a.) Now when we compare the Biblical with all other known cosmogonies, we are immediately struck with the great moral superiority of the former. There is no confusion here between the Divine Creator and His work. God is before all things, God creates all things : this is the sublime assertion of the Hebrew writer. Whereas all the cosmogonies of the heathen world err in one of two directions. Either they GENESIS are Dualistic, that is, they regard God and matter as two eternal co-existent principles ; or they are Pantheistic, i.e. they confound. God and matter, making the material universe a kind of emanation from the great Spirit which informs the mass. (6.) It would occupy too large a space to discuss at any length the objections which have been urged from the results of modern discovery against the literal truth of this chapter. One or two remarks of a general kind must suffice. It is argued, for instance, that light could not have existed before the sun, whereas the Mosaic narrative makes light created on the first day, and the sun on the fourth. But we do not know that the existing laws of crea tion were in operation when the creative fiat was first put forth. And again, it is not certain that the language of Genesis can only mean that the sun was created on the fourth day. It may mean that then only did that luminary become visible to our planet. With regard to the six days, no reasonable doubt can exist that they ought to be interpreted as six periods, without defining what the length of those periods is. No attempt, however, which has as yet been made to identify these six periods with corresponding geological epochs can be pronounced satisfactory. What we ought to maintain is, that no reconciliation is necessaiy. It is certain that the author of the first chapter of Genesis, whether Moses or some one else, knew nothing of geology or astronomy. It is certain that he made use of phraseology concerning physical tacts in accordance with the limited range of information which he possessed. It is also certain that the Bible was never intended to reveal to us knowledge of which our own faculties, rightly used, could put us in possession; and we have no business therefore to expect anything but popular language in the de scription of physical phenomena. (2.) To the description of Paradise, and the history of the Fall and of the Deluge very similar remarks apply. All nations have their own version of these facts. But if there be any one original source of these tradi tions, any root from which they diverged, we can not doubt where to look for it. The earliest record of these momentous facts is that preserved in the Bible. Opinions have differed whether we ought to take the story of the Fall in Gen. iii. to be a literal statement of facts, or whether we should regard it as an allegory. But in the latter case we ought not to deny that spiritual truth. Neither should we overlook the very important bearing which this narrative has on the whole of the subsequent history of the world and of Israel. The uni versality of the Deluge, it may be proved, is quite at variance with the most certain facts of geology. But then we are not bound to contend for a uni versal deluge. The Biblical writer described it as universal, but that was only because it covered what was then the known world. (3.) When we come down to a later period in the narrative, where we have the opportunity of testing the accuracy ofthe historian, we find it in many of the most important particulars abundantly corroborated. One of the strongest proofs of the bond fide historical character of the earlier portion of Genesis is to be found in the valuable ethnological catalogue contained in chap. x. (4.) As to the fact implied in the dispersion, that all languages had one origin, philological research has not as yet been carried far enough to lead to any very certain result. The most that has been effected is a classification of languages in three great fami- GENESIS lies. (5.) Another fact which rests on the autho rity of the earlier chapters of Genesis, the deriva tion of the whole human race from a single pair, has been abundantly confirmed by recent investiga tions. (6.) It is quite impossible, as has already been said, to notice all the objections made by hostile critics at every step as we advance. But it may be well to refer to one more instance in which sus picion has been cast upon the credibility of the nar rative. Three stories are found in three distinct portions of the Book, which in their main features no doubt present a striking similarity to one another. See xii. 10-20, xx., xxvi. 1-11. These, it is said, are clearly only three different versions of the same story. There is a further difficulty about the age of Sarah at the time of the first occurrence. But it is a minute criticism, hardly worth answering, which tries to cast suspicion on the veracity of the writer, because of difficulties such as these. The positive evidence is overwhelming in favour of his credibility. The patriarchal tent beneath the shade of some spreading tree, the wealth of flocks and herds, the free and generous hospitality to strangers, the strife for the well, the purchase of the cave of Machpelah for a burial-place — we feel at once that these are no inventions of a later writer in more civilized times. So again, what can be more life like, more touchingly beautiful, than the picture of Hagar and Ishmael, the meeting of Abraham's servant with Rebekah, or of Jacob with Rachel at the well of Haran ? There is a fidelity in the mi nutest incidents which convinces us that we are reading history, not fable. Or can anything more completely transport us into patriarchal times than the battle of the kings and the interview between Abraham and Melchisedec ? Passing on to a later poi tion of the Book, we find the writer evincing the most accurate knowledge of the state of society in GENNESARET, SEA OF 287 Egypt.— E. Author and date of composition. — This subject is discussed under Pentateuch. Genne'sar, The Water of, 1 Mace. xi. 67. [Gennesaret.] Gennes'aret, Land of. After the miracle of feeding the five thousand, our Lord and His dis ciples crossed the Lake of Gennesaret and came to the other side, at a place which is called " the land of Gennesaret" (Matt. xiv. 34; Mark vi. 54). It is generally believed that this term was applied to the fertile crescent-shaped plain on the western shore of the lake, extending from Khan Minyeh on the north to the steep hill behind Mejdel on the south, and called by the Arabs el-Ghuweir, "the little Ghor." Mr. Porter gives the length as three miles, and the greatest breadth as about one mile. Additional interest is given to the land of Gen nesaret, or el-Ghuweir, by the probability that its scenery suggested the parable of the Sower. Gennes'aret, Sea of, called in the 0. T. " the Sea of Chinnereth," or " Cinneroth" (Num. xxxiv. 11 ; Josh. xii. 3), from a town of that name which stood on or near its shore (Josh. xix. 35). At its north-western angle was a beautiful and fertile plain called " Gennesaret" (Matt. xiv. 34), from which the name of the lake was taken. The lake is also called in the N. T. " the sea of Galilee," from the province of Galilee which bordered on its western side (Matt. iv. 18 ; Mark vii. 31 ; John vi. 1) ; and " the sea of Tiberias," from the celebrated city (John vi. 1). Its modern name is Bahr Tubariyeh. Most of our Lord's public life was spent in the en virons of .the Sea of Gennesaret. This region was then the most densely peopled in all Palestine. No less than nine cities stood on the very shores of the lake. The Sea of Gennesaret is of an oval shape, about thirteen geographical miles long, and six broad. The river Jordan enters it at its northern Sea of Gennesaret 238 GENNETJS end, and passes out at its southern end. In fact the bed of the lake is just a lower section of the great Jordan valley. Its most remarkable feature is its deep depression, being no less than 700 feet below the level of the ocean. The scenery is bleak and monotonous. The great depression makes the climate of the shores almost tropical. This is very sensibly felt by the traveller in going down from the plains of Galilee. In summer the heat is in tense, and even in early spring the air has some thing of an Egyptian balminess. The water of the lake is sweet, cool, and transparent; and as the beach is everywhere pebbly it has a beautiful sparkling look. It abounds in fish now as in an cient times. Genne'us, father of Apollonius (2 Mace. xii. 2). Gentiles. I. Old Testament. — The Het). goyim signified the nations, the surrounding nations, foreigners as opposed to Israel (Neh. v. 8). Not withstanding the disagreeable connotation of the term, the Jews were able to use it, even in the plural, in a purely technical, geographical sense. So Gen. x. 5 ; Gen. xiv. 1 ; Josh. xii. 23 ; Is. ix. 1. —II. New Testament. — I. The Greek eBvos in sing. means a people or nation (Matt. xxiv. 7 ; Acts ii. 5, &c), and even the Jewish people (Luke vii. 5, xxiii. 2, &c). It is only in the pi. that it is used for heathen, gentiles. 2. "EWnv, John vii. 35 ; Rom. iii. 9. The A. V. is not consistent in its treatment of this word ; sometimes rendering it by " Greek" (Acts xiv. 1, xvii. 4 ; Rom. i. 16, x. 12), sometimes by "Gentile" (Rom. ii. 9, 10, iii. 9; 1 Cor. x. 32). The latter use ofthe word seems to have arisen from the almost universal adoption of the Greek language. Gen'ubath, the son of Hadad, an Edomite of the royal family, by an Egyptian princess, the sister of Tahpenes, the queen ofthe Pharaoh who governed Egypt in the latter part of the reign of David (IK. xi. 20 ; comp. 16). Ge'on, i. e. Gihon, one of the four rivers of Eden (Ecclus. xxiv. 27). Ge'ra, one of the " sons," i. e. descendants, of Benjamin, enumerated in Gen. xlvi. 2], as already living at the time of Jacob's migration into Egypt. He was son of Bela (1 Chr. viii. 3). The text of this last passage is very corrupt ; and the different Geras there named seem to reduce themselves into one, — the same as the son of Bela. Gera, who is named (Judg. iii. 15) as the ancestor of Ehud, and in 2 Sam. xvi. 5 as the ancestor of Shimei who cursed David, is probably also the same person. Gerah. [Weights and Measures.] Ge'rar, a very ancient city south of Gaza. It occurs chiefly in Genesis (x. 19, xx. 1, xxvi. 16) ; also incidentally in 2 Chr. xiv. 13, 14. It must have trenched on the " south" or " south country" of later Palestine. From a comparison of xxi. 32 with xxvi. 23, 26, Beersheba would seem to be just on the verge of this territory, and perhaps to be its limit towards the N.E. Eor its southern boundary, though very uncertain, none is more probable than the Wadys El Arish ("River of Egypt") and El 'Ain ; south of which the neighbouring *' wilder ness of Puran" (xx. 15, xxi. 22, 34) may be pro bably reckoned to begin. Williams speaks of a Joorf el Gerar as now existing, three hours S.S.E. of Gaza, and this may probably indicate the northern limit of the territory, if not the site ofthe town. The valley of Gerar may be almost any important wady within the limits indicated. GERIZIM Ger'asa. This name does not occur iu the 0. T. or in the Received Text of the N. T. But it is now generally admitted that in Matt. viii. 28, " Gerasenes" supersedes " Gadarenes." Gerasawas a celebrated city on the eastern borders of Peraea. It is situated amid the mountains of Gilead, 20 miles east of the Jordan, and 25 north of Phil adelphia, the ancient Rabbath-Ammon. It is not known when or by whom Gerasa waa founded. It is first mentioned by Josephus as having been cap tured by Alexander Jannaeus (circ. B.C. §5). It is indebted for its architectural splendour to the age and genius of the Antonines (a.d. 138-80). The ruins of Gerasa are by far the most beautiful and extensive east of the Jordan. They are situated on both sides of a shallow valley that runs from north to south through a high undulating plain, and falls into the Zurka (the ancient Jabbok) at the distance of about 5 miles. The form of the city is an irre gular square, each side measuring nearly a mile. Its modem name is Jerash. Ger'gesenes, Matt. viii. 28. [Gadara.] Ger'gesites, The, Jud. v. 16. [Girgashites.] Ger'izom, a mountain designated by Moses, in conjunction with Mount Ebal, to be the scene of a great solemnity upon the entrance of the children of Israel into the promised land. High places had a peculiar charm attached to them in these days of external observance. The law was delivered from Sinai : the blessings and curses affixed to the per formance or neglect of it were directed to be pro nounced upon Gerizim and Ebal (Deut. xxvii. ; Josh. viii.). The next question is, Has Moses de fined the localities of Ebal and Gerizim ? Standing on the eastern side of the Jordan, in the land of Moab (Deut. i. 5), he asks : " Are they not on the other side Jordan, by the way where the sun goeth down (i. e. at some distance to the W.), in the land of the Canaanites, which dwell in the champaign over against Gilgal, beside the plains of Moreh ? " There is no room for doubting the Scriptural posi tion of Ebal and Gerizim to have been — where they are now placed — in the territory of the tribe of Ephraim ; the latter of them overhanging the city of Shechem or Sicima, as Josephus, following the Scriptural narrative, asserts. It is a far more im portant question whether Gerizim was the mountain on which Abraham was directed to offer his soa Isaac (Gen. xxii. 2, and sq:). Firet, then, let it be observed that it is not the mountain, but the dis trict which is there called Moriah (of the same root with Moreh : see Corn, a Lapid. on Gen. xii. 6), and that antecedently to the occurrence which took place " upon one of the mountains" in its vicinity— a consideration which of itself would naturally point to the locality, already known to Abraham, as the plain or plains of Moreh, " the land of vision," " the high land ;" and therefore consistently "the land of adoration," or " religious worship," as it is variously explained. That all these interpretation.; are incomparably more applicable to the natural features of Ga-izim and its neighbourhood, than to the hillock (in comparison) upon which Solomon built his temple, none can for a moment doubt who have seen both. The Samaritans, therefore, through whom the tradition of the true site of Gerizim has been preserved, are probably not wrong when they point out still — as they have done from time imme morial — Gerizim as the hill upon which Abraham s " faith was made perfect." Another tradition ot the Samaritans is far less trustworthy: viz. that GERIZITES Mount Gerizim was the spot where Melchisedech met Abraham — though there cei'tainly was a Salem or Shalem in that neighbourhood (Gen. xxxiii. 18). Lastly, the altar which Jacob built was not on Gerizim, as the Samaritans contend, though pro bably about its base, at the head of the plain be tween it and Ebal, " in the parcel of a field" which that patriarch purchased from the children of Hamor, and where he spread his tent (Gen. xxxiii. 18-20). Here was likewise his well (John iv. 6), and the tomb of his son Joseph (Josh. xxiv. 32), both of which are still shown. We now enter upon the second phase in the history of Gerizim. Accord ing to Josephus, a marriage contracted between Manasseh, brother of Jaddus, the then high-priest, and the daughter of Sanballat the Cuthaean (comp. 2 K. xvii. 24), having created a great stir amongst the Jeu's, who had been strictly forbidden to con tract alien marriages (Ezr. ix. 2 ; Neh. xiii. 23), Sanballat, in order to reconcile his son-in-law to this unpopular affinity, obtained leave from Alexander the Great to build a temple upon Mount Gerizim, and to inaugurate a rival priesthood and altar there to those of Jerusalem. " Samaria thenceforth," says Prideaux, " became the common refuge and asylum of the refractory Jews." Gerizim is like wise still to. the Samaritans what Jerusalem is to the Jews, and Mecca to the Mahometans. Ger'izites, 1 Sam. xxvii. 8. [Geezites.] Gerrhe'nians, the, named in 2 Mace. xiii. 24 only. From the nature ofthe case the Gerrhenians must have been south of Ptolemais. Grotius seems to have been the first to suggest that the town Gerrhon or Gerrha was intended. Ewald, with greater probability, conjectures that the inhabitants of the ancient city of Gerar are meant. Ger'shom. 1. The first-born son of Moses and Zipporah (Ex. ii. 22, xviii. 3). The name is ex plained in these passages as = " a stranger there," in allusion to Moses' being a foreigner in Midian — " For he said, I have been a stranger (Ger) in a foreign land." Its true meaning, taking it as a Hebrew word, is "expulsion." The circumcision of Gershom is probably related in Ex. iv. 25.— 2. The form under which the name Gershon — the eldest son of Levi — is given in several passages of Chronicles, viz. 1 Chr. vi. 16, 17, 20, 43, 62, 71, xv. 7.-3. The representative ofthe priestly family of Phinehas, among those who accompanied Ezra from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 2). In Esdras the name is Gerson. Gershon, the eldest of the three sons of Levi, born before the descent of Jacob's family into Egypt ^Gen. xlvi. 11 ; Ex. vi. 16). But, though the eldest- born, the families of Gershon were outstripped in tame by their younger brethren of Kohath, from whom sprang Moses and the priestly line of Aaron. At the census in the wilderness of Sinai the whole number of the males ofthe Bene-Gershon was 7500 'Num. iii. 22), midway between the Kohathites and the Merarites. The sons of Gershon had charge of the fabrics of the Tabernacle — the coverings, cur tains, hangings, and cords (Num. iii. 25, 26, iv. 25, 26) ; for the transport of these they had two covered wagons aDd four oxen (vii. 3, 7). In the encamp ment their station was behind the Tabernacle, on the west side (Num. iii. 23). In the apportionment ofthe Levitical cities thirteen fell to the lot ofthe Gershonites. These were in the northern tribes — two in Manasseh beyond Jordan, four in Issachar, four in Asher, and three in Naphtali. Con, D. B. GETHSEMANE 289 Gershonites, the, the family descended from Gershon or Gershom, the son of Levi (Num. iii. 21, 23, 24, iv. 24, 27, xxvi. 57 ; Josh. xxi. 33 ; 1 Chr. xxiii. 7; 2 Chr. xxix. 12). "The Ger shonite," as applied to individuals, occurs in 1 Chr. xxvi. 21 (Laadan), xxix. 8 (Jehiel). Ger'son, 1 Esd. viii. 29. [Gershom, 3.] Ger'zites, the, a tribe who with the Geshurites and the Amalekites occupied the land between the south of Palestine and Egypt in the time of Saul (1 Sam. xxvii. 8). The name is not found in the text of the A. V., but only in the margin. In the name of Mount Gerizim we have the only remaining trace of the presence of this old tribe of Bedouins in central Palestine. Ge'sem, the Land of, the Greek form of the Hebrew name Goshen (Jud. i. 9). Ge'sham (properly ' Geshan, as in A. V. of 1611), one ofthe sons of Jahdai, in the genealogy of Judah and family of Caleb (1 Chr. ii. 47). Ge'shem, and Gash'mu, an Arabian, mentioned in Neh. ii. 19, and vi. 1, 2, 6. We may conclude that he was an inhabitant of Arabia Petraea, or of' the Arabian Desert, and probably the chief of a tribe. The Arabic name corresponding to Geshem cannot easily be identified. Jasim (or Gasim) is one of very remote antiquity, and Jashum is the name of an historical tribe of Arabia Proper ; the latter may more probably be compared with it. Ge'shur, a little principality in the north-eastern corner of Bashan, adjoining the province of Argob (Deut. iii. 14), and the kingdom of Aram (Syria in the A.V. ; 2 Sam. xv. 8; comp. 1 Chr. ii. 23). It is highly probable that Geshur was a section of the wild and rugged region now called el-Lejah. [Argob.] Gesh'uri and Gesh'urites. 1. The inhabitants of Geshur (Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11).— 2. An ancient tribe which dwelt in the desert between Arabia and Philistia (Josh. xiii. 2 ; 1 Sam. xxvii. 8). Geth'er, the third in order of the sons of Aram (Gen. x. 23). No satisfactory trace of the people sprung from this stock has been found. Gethsem'ane, a small " farm " (A. V. " place ;" Matt. xxvi. 36 ; Mark xiv. 32), situated across the brook Kedron (John xviii. 1), probably at the foot of Mount Olivet (Luke xxii. 39), to the N.W., and about § or | of a mile English from the walls of Jerusalem. There was a " garden," or rather orchard, attached to it, to which the olive, fi", and pomegranate doubtless invited resort by their hospitable shade. And we know from the Evan gelists Luke (xxii. 39) and John (xviii. 2) that our Lord ofttimes resorted thither with his disciples. According to Josephus the suburbs of Jerusalem abounded with gardens and pleasure-grounds. But Gethsemane has not come down to us as a scene of mirth ; its inexhaustible associations are the offspring of a single event— the Agony of the Son of God on the evening preceding His Passion. A modern garden, in which are eight venerable olive-trees, and a grotto to the north, detached from it, and in closer connexion with the Church of the Sepulchre of the Virgin. Against the contemporary antiquity of the olive-trees, it has been urged that Titus cut down all the trees round about Jerusalem. The probability would seem to be that they were planted by Christian hands to mark the spot: unless, like the sacred olive of the Acropolis, they may have reproduced themselves. U 2:i0 GEUEL. Geu'el, son of Machi, the Gadite spy (Num. xiii. 15). Gez'er, an ancient city of Canaan, whose king, Horam, or Elam, coming to the assistance of Lachish, was killed with all his people by Joshua (Josh. x. 33, xii. 12). The town, however, is not said to have been destroyed. It formed one of the land marks on the south boundary of Ephraim, between the lower Beth-horon and the Mediterranean (xvi. 3), the western limit of the tribe (1 Chr. vii. 28). It was allotted with its suburbs to the Kohathite Levites (Josh. xxi. 21; 1 Chr. vi. 67); but the original inhabitants were not dispossessed (Judg. i. 29) ; and even down to the reign of Solomon the Canaanites were still dwelling there, and paying tribute to Israel (1 K. ix. 16). Ewald takes Gezer and Geshur to be the same. In one place Gob is given as identical with Gezer (1 Chr. xx. 4 ; comp. 2 Sam. xxi. 18). The exact site of Gezer has not been discovered, but its general position is not difficult to infer. Perhaps the strongest claims for identity with Gezer are put forward by a village 'called Yasur, 4 or 5 miles east of Joppa, on the road to Ramleh and Lydd. Gez'rites, the. The word which the Jewish critics have substituted in the margin of the Bible for the ancient reading, " the Gerizite " (1 Sam. xxvii. 8). [Gerzites, the.] Gi'ah, a place named only in 2 Sam. ii. 24, to designate the position of the hill Amman. Giants. 1. They are first spoken of in Gen. vi. 4, under the name Nephilim. The word is derived either from p&lah or p&la ( = " marvellous "), or, as is generally believed, from naplml, either in the sense to throw down, or to fall ( = " fallen angels." cf. Is. xiv. 12 ; Luke x. 18). That the word means " giant " is clear from Num. xiii. 32, 33. But we now come to the remarkable conjectures about the origin of these Nephilim in Gen. vi. 1-4. We are told that "there were Nephilim in the earth," and that afterwards the " sons of God " mingling with the beautiful " daughters of men " produced a race of violent and insolent Gibborim (A. V. " mighty men "). The genealogy of the Nephilim, or at any rate of the earliest Nephilim, is not recorded in Scripture, and the name itself is so mysterious that we are lost in conjecture respecting them.— 2. The sons of tlie marriages mentioned in Gen. vi. 1-4 are called Gibborim, a general name meaning powerful. They were not necessarily giants in our sense ofthe word. Yet, as was natural, these powerful chiefs were almost uuivei'sally represented as men of extraordinary stature. But who were the parents of these giants? who are "the sons of God"? The opinions are various: — (1.) Men of power. (2.) Men with great gifts, " in the image of God." (3.) Cainites arrogantly assuming the title ; or (4.) the pious Sethites (comp. Gen. iv. 26). (5.) Worshippers of false gods. (6.) Devils, such as the Incubi and Succubi. (7.) Closely allied to this is the oldest opinion, that they were angels. The rare expression " sons of God " certainly means angels in Job xxxviii. 7, i. 6, ii. I, and that such is the meaning in Gen. vi. 4 also was the most prevalent opinion both in the Jewish and early Christian Church. It was probably this very an cient view which gave rise to the spurious Book of Enoch, and the notion quoted from it by St. Jude (6), and alluded to by St. Peter (2 Pet. ii. 4 ; comp. 1 Cor. xi. 10). Every one will remember the allu sions to tlie same interpretation in Milton, Par. GIBEAH Reg. ii. 179. — The next race of giants which we find mentioned in Scripture is, 3. The Rephaim, a name which frequently occurs, and in some re markable passages. The earliest mention of them is the record of their defeat by Chedorlaomer and some allied kings at Ashteroth Kamaim (Gen. xiv. 5). Extirpated, however, from the east of Pales tine, they long found a home in the west (2 Sam. xxi. 18, sq. ; 1 Chr. xx. 4). It is probable that they had possessed districts west of the Jordan in early times, since the " Valley of Rephaim " (2 Sam. v. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 15 ; Is. xvii. 5), a rich valley S.W. of Jerusalem, derived its name from them. They were probably one of those aboriginal people to whose existence the traditions of many nations testify, and of whose genealogy the Bible gives us no information. Some suppose them to be Japheth- ites. In A. V. the words used for it are " Rephaim," " giants," and " the dead." That it has the latter meaning in many passages is certain (Ps. lxxxviii. 10 ; Prov. ii. 18, ix. 18, xxi. 16; Is. xxvi. 14, 19). An attentive consideration seems to leave little room for doubt that the dead were called Rephaim, from some notion of Sheol (A. V. "hell") being the residence of the fallen spirits or buried giants, Branches of this great unknown people were called Emim, Anakim, and Zuzim.— 4, Emim, smitten by Chedorlaomer at Shaven Kiriathaim (Gen. xiv. 5), and occupying the country afterwards held by the Moabites (Deut. ii. 10). — 5. Anakim. The im becile terror of the spies exaggerated their propor tions into something superhuman (Num. xiii. 28, 33), and their name became proverbial (Deut. ii. 10, ix. 2).— 6. Zuzim, whose principal town was Ham (Gen. xiv. 5), and who Uved between the Anion and the Jabbok, being a northern tribe of Rephaim. No one has yet proved by experience the possibility of giant races materially exceeding in size the average height of man. There is no great variation in the ordinary standard. The general belief (until very recent times) in the exist ence of fabulously enormous men arose from fancied giant-graves, and above all from the discovery of huge bones, which were taken for those of men, in days when comparative anatomy was unknown. On the other hand, isolated instances of monstrosity are sufficiently attested to prove that beings like Goliath and his kinsmen may have existed. Gib bar. Bene-Gibbar, to the number of ninety- five, returned with Zerubbabel from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 20). Gib'bethon, a town allotted to the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), and afterwards given with its " suburbs " to the Kohathite Levites (xxi. 23). In the Onomasticon (Gabathon) it is quoted as a small village called Gabe, in the 17th mile from Caesarea. No name at all resembling it has, how ever, been discovered in that direction. Gib'ea. Sheva, " the father of Macbenah," and " father of Gibea," is mentioned with other names unmistakeably those of places and not persons, among the descendants of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 49, comp. 42). This would seem to point out Gibea. On the other hand Madmannah (ver. 49) recalls Madmenah, a town named ni connexion with Gibeali of Benjamin (Is. x. 31), and therefore lying some where north of Jerusalem. Gib'eah, a word employed in the Bible to denote a " hill." Like most words of this kind it gave its name to several towns and places in Palestine, which would doubtless be generally on or near a GIBEAH Ml. They are— 1. Gibeah, a city in the moun tain-district of Judah, named with Maon and the southern Carmel (Josh. xv. 57 ; and comp. 1 Chr. ii. 49, &c). Its site is yet to seek.— 2. GlBEATH. This is enumerated among the last group of the towns of Benjamin, next to Jerusalem (Josh, xviii. 28). It is generally taken to be the place which afterwards became so notorious as " Gibeah-of-Ben- jamin " or " of-Saul." But this was five or six miles north of Jerusalem. The name being in the " construct state " — Gibeath and not Gibeah — may it not belong to the following name Kirjath, and denote the hill adjoining that town ? — 3. The place in which the Ark remained from the time of its retum by the Philistines till its removal by David (2 Sam. vi. 3, 4; comp. 1 Sam. vii. 1, 2). — 4, Gibeah-oe-Benjamin. This town does not appear in the lists of the cities of Benjamin in Josh. xviii. (1.) We first encounter it in the tragical story of the Levite and his concubine (Judg. xix., xx.). It was then a " city," with the usual open street or square (Judg. xix. 15, 17, 20), and con taining 700 " chosen men" (xx. 15), probably the same whose skill as slingers is preserved in the next verse. In many particulars Gibeah agrees very closely with Tuleil-el-Ful, a conspicuous eminence just four miles north of Jerusalem, to the right of the road. (2.) We next meet with Gibeah of Ben jamin during the Philistine wars of Saul and Jona than (1 Sam. xiii., xiv.). It now bears its full title. The position of matters seems to have been this : — The Philistines were in possession of th'e village of Geba, the present Jeba, on the south side ofthe Wady Suweinit. South of the Philistine camp, and about three miles in its rear, was Jonathan, in Gibeah-of-Benjamin, with a thousand chosen war riors (xiii. 2). (3.) As " Gibeah of Benjamin " this place is referred to in 2 Sam. xxiii. 29 (comp. 1 Chr. xi. 31), and as " Gibeah" it is mentioned by Hosea (v. 8, ix. 9, x. 9), but it does not again appear in the history. It is, however, almost with out doubt identical with — 5. Gibea h-of-Saul This is not mentioned as Saul's city till after his anoirting (1 Sam. x. 26), when he is said to have gone "home" to Gibeah. In the subsequent nar rative the town bears its full name (xi. 4). The name of Saul has not been found in connexion with any place of modern Palestine, but it existed as late as the days of Josephus, and an allusion of his has fortunately given the clue to the identification of the town with the spot which now bears the name -of Tuleil el-Ful. Josephus, describing Titus's march from Caesarea to Jerusalem, gives his route as through Samaria to Gophna, thence a day's march to a valley " called by the Jews the Valley of Thorns, near a certain village called Gabathsaoule. distant from Jerusalem about thirty stadia," i. e. just the distance of Tuleil el-Ful. Here he was joined by a part of his army from Emmaus (Nico- polis), who would naturally come up the road by Beth-horon and Gibeon, the same which still falls into the northern road close to Tuleil el-Ful. In both these respects therefore the agreement is com plete, and Gibeah of Benjamin must be taken as identical with Gibeah of Saul. — 6. GiBEAH-m- the-Field, named only in Judg. xx. 31, as the place to which one of the " highways " led from Gibeah-of-Benjamin. It is probably the same as Geba. The "meadows of Gaba" (A. V. Gibeah ; Judg. xx. 33) have no connexion with the " field," the Hebrew words being entirely different.— 7. There GIDDEL 291 are several other names compounded of Gibeah, which are given in a translated form in the A. V., probably from their appearing not to belong to towns. Gib'eath, Josh, xviii. 28. [Gibeah, 2.] Gib'eathite, the, i. e. the native of Gibeah (1 Chr. xii. 3). Gib'eon, one of the four cities of the HrviTES, the inhabitants of which made a league with Joshua (ix. 3-15), and thus escaped the fate of Jericho and Ai (comp. xi. 19). Gibeon lay within the territory of Benjamin (xviii. 25), and with its " suburbs " was allotted to the priests (xxi. 17), of whom it became afterwards a principal station. The situa tion of Gibeon has fortunately been recovered with as great certainty as any ancient site in Palestine. The traveller who pursues the northern camel-road from Jerusalem, turning off to the left at Tuleil el-Ful (Gibeah), on that branch of it which leads westward to Jaffa, finds himself, after crossing one or two stony and barren ridges, in a district of a more open character. The hills are rounder and more isolated than those through which he has been passing, and rise in well-defined mamelons from broad undulating valleys of tolerable extent and fertile soil. This is the central plateau of the country, the "land of Benjamin;" and these round hills are the Gibeahs, Gobas, Gibeons, and Ramahs, whose names occur so frequently in the records of this district. Retaining its ancient name almost intact, El-Jih stands on the northernmost of a couple of these mamelons, just at the place where the road to the sea parts into two branches, the one by the lower level of the Wady Suleiman, the other by the heights of the Beth-horons, to Gimzo, Lydda, and Joppa. The " wilderness of Gibeon " (2 Sam. ii. 24) — i. e. rather the waste pasture-grounds — must have been to the east, beyond the circle or suburb of cultivated fields, and towards the neigh bouring swells, which bear the names of Jedireh and Bir Neballah. Its distance from Jerusalem by the main road is as nearly as possible 6 J miles ; but there is a more direct road reducing it to 5 miles. Gib'eonites, the, the people of Gibeon, and per haps also of the three cities associated with Gibeon (Josh. ix. 17) — Hivites; and who, on the discovery of the stratagem by which they had obtained the protection of the Israelites, were condemned to be perpetual bondmen, hewers of wood and drawers of water for the congregation, and for the house of God and altar of Jehovah (Josh. ix. 23, 27). Saul appears to have broken this covenant, and in a fit of enthusiasm or patriotism to have killed some and devised a general massacre of the rest (2 Sam. xxi. 1 , 2, 5). This was expiated many years after by giving up seven men of Saul's descendants to the Gibeonites, who hung them or crucified them " before Jehovah " — as a kind of sacrifice in Gibeah, Saul's own town (4, 6, 9). Gib'lites, the. The " land of the Giblite " is mentioned in connexion with Lebanon in the enu meration of the portions of the Promised Land re maining to be conquered by Joshua (Josh. xiii. 5). There is no reason to doubt that the allusion is to the inhabitants of the city Gebal. Giddal'ti, one of the sons of Heman, the king's seer (1 Chi', xxv. 4). Gid'del. 1. Children of Glddel were among the Nethinim who returned from the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47 ; Neh. vii. 49).— 2. Bene- Giddel were also among the " servants of Solomon ' U 2 292 GIDEON GILBOA who returned to Judaea in the same caravan (Ezr. ii. 56 ; Neh. vii. 58). Gid'eon, a Manassite, youngest son of Joash of the Abiezrites, an undistinguished family who lived at Ophrah, a town probably on the west of Jordan (Judg. vi. 15), although its exact position is un known. He was the fifth recorded Judge of Israel, and for many reasons the greatest of them all. When we first hear of him he was grown up and had sons (Judg. vi. 11, viii. 20), and from the apostrophe of the angel (vi. 12) we may conclude that he had already distinguished himself in war against the roving bands of nomadic robbers who had oppressed Israel for seven years, and whose countless multitudes (compared to locusts from their terrible devastations, vi. 5) annually destroyed all the produce of Canaan, except such as could be concealed in mountain-fastnesses (vi. 2). It was probably during this disastrous period that the emigration of Elimelech took place (Ruth i. 1, 2). When the angel appeared, Gideon was threshing wheat with a flail in the winepress, to conceal it from the predatory tyrants. His call to be a deliverer, and his destruction of Baal's altar, are related in Judg. vi. After this begins the second act of Gideon's life. Clothed by the Spirit of God (Judg. vi. 34; comp. 1 Chr. xii. 18; Luke xxiv. 4-9), he blew a trumpet, and was joined by Zebulun, Naphtali, and even the reluctant Asher. Strength ened by a double sign from God, he reduced his army of 32,000 by the usual proclamation (Deut. xx. 8 ; comp. 1 Mace. iii. 56). By a second test at " the spring of trembling " he again reduced the number of his followers to 300 (Judg. vii. 5, sq.). The midnight attack upon the Midianites, their panic, and the rout and slaughter that followed, are told in Judg. vii. The memory of this splendid deliverance took deep root in the national traditions ( 1 Sam. xii. 11 ; Ps. Ixxxiii. 11 ; Is. ix. 4, x. 26 ; Heb. xi. 32). After this there was a peace of 40 years, and we see Gideon in peaceful possession of his well-earned honours, and surrounded by the dignity of a numerous household (viii. 29-31). It is not improbable that, like Saul, he had owed a part of his popularity to his princely appearance (Judg. viii. 18). In this third stage of his life occur alike his most noble and his most questionable acts, viz. the refusal of the monarchy on theocratic grounds, and the irregular consecration of a jewelled ephod formed out of the rich spoils of Midian, which proved to the Israelites * temptation to idolatry, although it was doubtless intended for use in the worship of Jehovah. Gid'eoni, a Benjamite, father of Abidan (Num. 11, iii. 22, vii. 60, 65, x. 24). Gi dom, a place named only in Judg. xx. 45. It would appear to have beeu situated between Gibeah (Tuleil el-Ful) and the cliff Rimmon; but no trace of the name has yet been met with. Gier-Eagle, an unclean bird mentioned in Lev. xi. 18 and Deut. xiv. 17. There is no reason to doubt that the r&ch&m of the Heb. Scriptures is identical in reality as in name with the racham of the Arabs, viz. the Egyptiau vulture {Neophron percnopterus). Gift. The giving and receiving of presents has in all ages been not only a more frequent, but also a more formal and significant proceeding in the East than among ourselves. We cannot adduce a more remarkable proof of the important part which presents play in the social life of the East than the Egyptian vulture. See art. ' Gier-Eagle.' fact that the Hebrew language possesses no lea- than fifteen different expressions for the one idea. Many of these expressions have specific meanings: for instance, minchah applies to a present from an inferior to a superior, as from subjects to a king (Judg. iii. 15 ; 1 K. x. 25 ; 2 Chr. xvii. 5) : masetk expresses the converse idea of a present from a superior to an inferior, as from a king to his sub jects (Esth. ii. 18). Again, shochad is a gift for the purpose of escaping punishment, presented either to a' judge (Ex. xxiii. 8 ; Deut. x. 17), or to a conqueror (2 K. xvi. 8). It is clear that the term "gift" is frequently used where we should substitute " tribute," or " fee." The tribute of subject states was paid not in a fixed sum of money, but in kind, each nation presenting its particular product ; and hence the expression " to bring pre sents " = to own submission (Ps. lxviii. 29, lxxvi. 11 ; Is. xviii. 7). Friends brought presents to friends on any joyful occasion (Esth. ix. 19, 22), those who asked for information or advice to those who gave it (2 K. viii. 8), the needy to the wealthy from whom any assistance was expected (Gen. xliii. 11 ; 2 K. xv. 19, xvi. 8) ; on the occasion of a marriage, the bridegroom not only paid the parents for his bride (A. V. " dowry "), but also gave the bride certain presents (Gen. xxxiv. 12 ; comp. Gen. xxiv. 22). The nature of the presents was as various as were the occasions. The mode of pre sentation was -with as much parade as possible. The refusal of a present was regarded as a high indignity. No less an insult was it, not to bring a present when the position of the parties demanded it (1 Sam. x. 27). Gi'hon. 1. The second river of Paradise (Gen. ii. 13).— 2. A place near Jerusalem, memorable as the scene of the anointing and proclamation of So lomon as king (1 K. i. 33, 38, 45). The locality of Gihon will be investigated under Jerusalem. Gilalai', one of the priests' sons at the consecra tion of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 36). Gilbo'a, a mountain range on the eastern side of the plain of Esdraelon, rising over the city of Jezreel (comp. 1 Sam. xxviii. 4 with xxix. 1). It is only mentioned in Scripture in connexion with one event in Israelitish history, the defeat and death of Saul and Jonathan by the Philistines (1 Sam. xxxi. 1 ; 2 Sam. i. 6, xxi. 12 ; 1 Chr. x. 1, 8). Ofthe ident ity of Gilboa with the ridge which stretches east ward, from the ruins of Jezreel, no doubt can be GILEAD entertained. The village is now called Jelbdu. 'The range of Gilboa extends in length some ten miles from W. to E. The greatest height is not more than 500 or 600 feet above the plain. Their modern local name is Jebel Fukuah. Gilead. 1. A mountainous region east of the Jordan ; bounded on the north by Bashan, on the east by the Arabian plateau, and on the south by Moab and Ammon (Gen. xxxi. 21 ; Deut. iii. 12-17). It is sometimes called " Mount Gilead " (Gen. xxxi. 25), sometimes " the land of Gilead " (Num. xxxii. 1) ; and sometimes simply " Gilead " (Ps. Ix. 7 ; Gen. xxxvii. 25) ; but a comparison of the several passages shows that they all mean the same thing. The name Gilead, as is usual in Palestine, describes the physical aspect of the country. It signifies " a Jiard rocky region." The statements in Gen. xxxi. 48, are not opposed to this etymology. The old name of the district was Gilead, but by a slight change in the pronunciation, the radical letters being retained, the meaning was made beautifully applicable to the " heap of stones " Jacob and Laban had built up — " the heap of witness." Those ac quainted with the modern Arabs and their literature will see how intensely such a play upon the word would be appreciated by them. The extent of Gilead we can ascertain with tolerable exactness from incidental notices in the Holy Scriptures. The Jordan was its western border (1 Sam. xiii. 7 ; 2 K. x. 33). A comparison of a number of pas sages shows that the river Hieromax, the modern Sheriat el-Mandhur, separated it from Bashan on the north. On the east the mountain range melts away gradually into the high plateau of Arabia. The boundary of Gilead is here not so clearly de- Jined, but it may be regarded as running along the foot of the range. The valley of Heshbon may, in sill probability, be the southern boundary of Gilead. Gilead thus extended from the parallel ofthe south end of the Sea of Galilee to that of the north end of the Dead Sea — about 60 miles; and its average breadth scarcely exceeded 20. The section of Gilead lying between the Jabbok and the Hieromax is now called Jebel Ajlun ; while that to the south of the Jab bok constitutes the modern province of Belka, One of the most conspicuous peaks in the mountain range still retains the ancient name, being called Jebel Jit ad, " Mount Gilead." The mountains of Gilead have a real elevation of from two to three thousand feet; but their apparent elevation on the western side is much greater, owing to the depression of the Jordan valley, which averages about 1000 feet. Their outline is singularly uniform, resembling a massive wall running along the horizon. The name Galaad occurs several times in the history of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 9 sq.).— 2. Possibly the name of a mountain west of the Jordan, near Jezreel (Judg. vii. 3). We are inclined, however, to agree with the suggestion of Clericus and others, that the true reading in this place should be Gilboa.— 3. Son of Machir, grandson of Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 29, 30).— 4. The father of Jephthah (Judg. xi. 1, 2). GU'eadites, the, Judg. xii. 4, 5 ; Num. xxvi. 29 ; Judg. x. 3. A branch of the tribe of Ma nasseh, descended from Gilead. There appears to .have been an old standing feud betwen them and the Ephraimites, who taunted them with being de serters. See Judg. xii. 4, which may be rendered, " And the men of Gilead smote Ephraim, because •they said, Runagates of Ephraim are ye (Gilead is GIN 292 between Ephraim and Manasseh) ;" the last clause being added parenthetically. Gil'gal. 1. The site of the first camp of the Israelites on the west of the Jordan, the place at which they passed the first night after crossing the river, and where the twelve stones were set up which had been taken from the bed of the stream (Josh. iv. 19, 20, comp. 3) ; where also they kept their first passover in the land of Canaan (v. 10). It was in the "end ofthe east of Jericho" (A. V. "in the east border of Jericho ") apparently on a hillock or rising ground (v. 3, comp. 9) in the Ar- both-Jericho (A. V. " the plains "), that is, the hot depressed district of the Ghor which lay between the town and the Jordan (v. 10). (2.) We again encounter Gilgal in the time of Saul, when it seems to have exchanged 'its military associations for those of sanctity. (3.) We again have a glimpse of it, some sixty years later, in the history ot David's return to Jerusalem (2 Sam. xix.). Beyond the general statements above quoted, the sacred text contains no indications of the position of Gilgal. Neither in the Apocrypha nor the N. T. is it men tioned. No modern traveller has succeeded in elicit ing the name, or in discovering a probable site. In Van de Velde' s map (1858) a spot named Mo- harfer, a little S.E. of er-Riha, is marked as pos sible; but no explanation is afforded either in his Syria, or his Memoir. But, 2. this was certainly a distinct place from the Gilgal which is connected with the last scene in the life of Elijah, and with one of Elisha's miracles (2 K. ii.). The mention of Baal-shalisha (iv. 42) gives a clue to its situa tion, when taken with the notice of Eusebius {Onom. Bethsarisa) that that place was fifteen miles from Diospolis (Lydda) towards the north. In that very position stand now the ruins bearing the name of Jiljilieh, i. e. Gilgal. — 3. The " king of the na tions op Gilgal," or rather perhaps the " king of Goim-at-Gilgal," is mentioned in the catalogue of the chiefs overthrown by Joshua (Josh. xii. 23). The name occurs next to Dor (22) in an enumera tion apparently proceeding southwards, and there fore the position of the Jiljilieh just named is not wholly inappropriate. A place of the same name has also been discovered nearer the centre of the countiy, to the left of the main north road, four miles from Shiloh (Seilun), and rather more than the same distance from Bethel (Beitin). It may be the Beth-Gilgal of Neh. xii. 29 ; while the Jil jilieh north of Lydd may be that of Josh. xii. 23. Another Gilgal, under the slightly different form of Kilkilieh, lies about two miles E. oi Kefr Saba.— 4. A Gilgal is spoken of in Josh. xv. 7, in describing the north border of Judah. Giloh, a town in the mountainous part of Judah, named in the first group, with Debir and Eshtemoh (Josh. xv. 51) ; it was the native place of the famous Ahithophel (2 Sam. xv. 12). The site has not yet been met with. Gilonite, the, native of Giloh (2 Sam. xv. 12 ; xxiii. 34). Gim'zo, a town which with its dependent villages was taken possession of by the Philistines in the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 18). The name {Jimzu) still remains attached to a large village between two and three miles S.W. of Lydda, south of the road between Jerusalem and Jaffa. Gin, a trap for birds or beasts : it consisted of a net (Is. viii. 14), and a stick to act as a springe (Am. iii. 5). 294 GINATH Gi'nath, father of Tibni (1 K. xvi. 21, 22). Gin'netho, one of the chief of the priests and Levites who returned to Judaea with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 4). He is doubtless the same person as Gin'nethon, a priest who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 6). Girdle, an essential article of dress in the East, and worn both by men and women. The common girdle was.made of leather (2 K. i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4), like that worn by the Bedouins of the present day. A finer girdle was made of linen (Jer. xiii. 1 ; Ez. xvi. 10), embroidered with silk, and sometimes with gold and silver thread (Dan. x. 5 ; Rev. i. 13, xv. 6), and frequently studded with gold and pre cious stones or peails. The manufacture of these girdles fonned part of the employment of women (Prov. xxxi. 24). The girdle was fastened by a clasp of gold or silver, or tied in a knot so that the ends hung down in front, as in the figures on the ruins of Persepolis. It was worn by men about the loins (Is. v. 27, xi. 5). The girdle of women was generally looser than that of the men, and was worn about the hips, except when they were ac tively engaged (Prov. xxxi. 17). The military girdle was worn about the waist ; the sword or dagger was suspended from it (Judg. iii. 16 ; 2 Sam. xx. 8 ; Ps. xiv. 3). Hence girding up the loins denotes preparation for battle or for active exertion. In times of mourning, girdles of sackcloth were worn as marks of humiliation and sorrow (Is. iii. 24, xxii. 12). In consequence of the costly ma terials of which girdles were made, they were fre quently given as presents (1 Sam. xviii. 4; 2 Sam. xviii. 11). They were used as pockets, as among the Arabs still, and as purses, one end of the girdle being folded back for the purpose (Matt. x. 9; Mark vi. 8). The abnet, or girdle worn by the priests about the close-fitting tunic (Ex. xxviii. 39, xxxix. 29), is described by Josephus as made of linen so fine of texture as to look like the slough of a snake, and embroidered with flowers of scarlet, purple, blue, and fine linen. It was about four fingers' broad, and was wrapped several times round the priest's body, the ends hanging down to the feet. The "curious girdle" (Ex. xxviii. 8) was made of the same materials and colours as the ephod, that is of "gold, blue, and purple, and scarlet, and fine twined linen." Josephus describes it as sewn to the breastplate. After passing once round it was tied in front upon the seam, the ends hanging down. Gir'gashites, the, one of the nations who were in possession of Canaan before the entrance thither of the children of Israel. The name occurs in the following passages : — Gen. x. 16, xv. 21 ; Deut, vii. 1; Josh. iii. 10, xxiv. 11 ; 1 Chr. i. 14; Neh.ix. 8. Gir'gasite, the (Gen. x. 16). See the foregoing. Gis'pa, one of the overseers of the Nethinim, in " the Ophel," after the return from captivity (Neh. xi. 21). Git'tah-Hepher, Josh. xix. 13. [Gath-He- PHER.] Gitta'im, a place incidentally mentioned in 2 Sam. iv. 3. Gittaim is again mentioned in the list of places inhabited by the Benjamites after their return from the captivity. Gittaim is the dual form ofthe word Gath, which suggests the Philistine plain as its locality. But there is no evidence for or against this. Git'tites, the 600 men who followed David from Gath, under Ittai theGittite (2 Sam. xv. 18, 19), and who probably acted as a kind of body-guard. GOAT Obed-edom " the Gittite " may have been so named from the town of Gittaim in Benjamin (2 Sam. iv. 3; Neh. xi. 33), or from Gath-rimmon. Git'tith, a musical instrument, by some sup posed to have been used by the people of Gath ; and by others to have been employed at the festivities ofthe vintage (Ps. viii., lxxxi., Ixxxiv.). Gi'zonite, the. " The sons of Hashem the Gi- zonite" are named amongst the warriors of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 34). Kennicott concludes that the name should be Gor/Nl. Glass. The Heb. word occurs only in Job xxviii. 17, where in A. V., it is rendered " crystal." It seems that Job xxviii. 17 contains the only allusion to glass found in the 0. T., and even this reference- is disputed. In spite of this absence of specific allusion to glass in the sacred writings, the He brews must have been aware of the invention,. From paintings representing the process of glass- blowing which have been discovered at Beni-Hassan, and in tombs at other places, we know that the invention is at least as remote as the age of Osirtasen the first (perhaps a contemporaiy of Jo seph), 3500 years ago. Fragments too of wine- vases as old as the Exodus have been discovered in Egypt. The art was known to the ancient Assyrians. There is little doubt that the honour of the discovery belongs to the Egyptians. Glass- was not only known to the ancients, but used hy them far more extensively thau in modern times* The Egyptians knew the art of cutting, grinding,. and engraving it, and they could even inlay it with gold or enamel, and " permeate opaque glass with designs of various colours." Besides this they could colour it with such brilliancy as to be able to- imitate precious stones in a manner which often defied detection. In the N. T. glass is alluded to as an emblem of brightness (Rev. iv. 6, xv. 2, xxi. 18). Gleaning. The remarks under Corser on the- definite character of the rights of the poor, or rather of poor relations and dependants, to a share of the crop, are especially exemplified in the in stance of Ruth gleaning in the field of Boaz. The gleaning of fruit trees, as well as of cornfields, was reserved for the poor. Glede, the old name for the common kite {mil- vus ater) occurs only in Deut. xiv. 13 among the' unclean birds of prey. Gnat, mentioned only in the proverbial expres sion used by our Saviour in Matt, xxiii. 24. Goad. The equivalent terms in the Hebrew are (1) maimed (Judg. iii. 31) and (2) ddrebdn (lSam. xiii. 21; Eccl. xii. 11). The latter may refer to anything pointed, and the context of Eccl. xii. re quires rather the sense of a peg or nail, anything in short which can he fastened ; while in 1 Sara. xiii. the point of the ploughshare is more probably in tended. The former does probably refer to the goad, the long handle of which might be used as a formidable weapon. The instrument, as still used in the countries of southern Europe and western Asia, consists of a rod about eight feet long, brought to a sharp point and sometimes cased with, iron at the head. Goat. Of the Hebrew words which are trans lated goat aud she-goat in A. V. the most common is "e~, which denotes either a he-goat or a she-goat.. All the other words, with two exceptions, denote the lie-goat. These are ye' elim, wild or mountain goats (1 Sam. xxiv. 2 ; Job xxxix. 1, and Ps. civ. IS) ; and ahko, rendered the vnld goat in Deut. GOAT, SCAPE xiv. 5. It is more properly the tragelaphus or goat-deer. There appear to be two or three va rieties of the common goat (Hircus aegagrus) at present bred in Palestine and Syria, but whether they are identical with those which were reared by the ancient Hebrews it is not possible to say. The most marked varieties are the Syrian goat (Capra Mambrica, Linn.), and the Angora goat (Capra Angorensis, Linn.), with fine long hair. There is also a variety that differs but little from British specimens. As to the ye'elim (" wild goats,' A. V.), it is not at all improbable that some species of ibex is denoted, perhaps the Capra Sinaitica, the Beden or Jatla of Egypt and Arabia. GOLIATH 295 Lon?-oared Syrian goat. Goat, Scape. [Atonement, Day of.]. Go'ath, a plaee apparently in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, and named, in connexion with the hill Gareb, only in Jer. xxxi. 39. Gob, a place mentioned only in 2 Sam. xxi. 18, 19, as the scene of two encounters between David's warriors and the Philistines. In the parallel account in 1 Chr. xx. 4, the name is given as Gezer. On the other hand the LXX. and Syriac have Gath in the first case, a name which in Hebrew somewhat resembles Gob. Goblet, a circular vessel for wine or other liquid. Gog. 1. A Eeubenite (1 Chr. v. 4), son of Shemaiah. 2. [Magog.] Golan, a city of Bashan (Deut. iv. 43) allotted out of the half tribe of Manasseh to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 27), and one of the three cities of refuge east of the Jordan (xx. 8). Its very site is now unknown. The city of Golan is several times referred to by Josephus ; he, however, more frequently speaks of the province which took its name from it, Gaulanitis. It seems that when the city of Golan rose to power it became the head of a large province, the extent of which is pretty accurately given by Josephus. It lay east of Ga lilee, and north of Gadaritis (Gadara). The river Hieromax may be regarded as the south border of Gaulanitis. The Jordan from the Sea of Galilee to its fountains at Dan and Caesarea- Philippi, formed the western boundary. It is important to obseive that the boundaries of the modern province of Jaul&n (which is the Arabic form of the Hebrew Golan), correspond so far with those of Gaulanitis ; we may, therefore, safely assume that their northern and eastern boundaries are also identical. Jaulan is bounded on the north by Jedur (the ancient Itu- raea), and on the east by Haui^n. The greater part of Gaulanitis is a flat and fertile table-land, well watered, and clothed with luxuriant grass. It is probably to this region the name Mishor is given in 1 K. xx. 23, 25 — " the plain " in which the Syrians were overthrown by the Israelites, near Aphek, which perhaps stood upon the site of the modern Fih. The western side of Gaulanitis, along the Sea of Galilee, is steep, rugged, and bare. It was once densely populated, but is now almost completely deserted. Gold, the most valuable of metals, from its colour, lustre, weight, ductility, and other useful properties (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 19). Hence it is used as an emblem of purity (Job xxiii. 10) and nobility (Lam. iv. 1). Gold was known from the very earliest times (Gen. ii. 11). It was at fii'st chiefly used for ornaments, &c. (Gen. xxiv. 22). Coined money was not known to the ancients till a comparatively late period ; and on the Egyptian tombs gold is represented as being weighed in rings for commercial purposes. (Comp. Gen. xliii. 21). Gold was extremely abundant in ancient times (1 Chr. xxii. 14 ; 2 Chr. i. 15, ix. 9 ; Nah. ii. 9 ; Dan. iii. 1) ; but this did not depreciate its value, because of the enormous quantities consumed by the wealthy in furniture, &c. (1 K. vi. 22, x. passim ; Cant. iii. 9, 10 ; Esth. i. 6 ; Jer. x. 9). The chief countries mentioned as producing gold are Arabia, Sheba, and Ophir (1 K. ix. 28, x. 1 ; Job xxviii. 16). Other gold-bearing countries were Uphaz (Jer. x. 9 ; Dan. x. 5) and Parvaim (2 Chr. iii. 6). Metallurgic processes are mentioned in Ps. lxvi. 10 ; Prov. xvii. 3, xxvii. 21 ; and in Is. xlvi. 6, the trade of goldsmith (cf. Judg. xvii. 4) is alluded to in connexion with the overlaying of idols with gold-leaf. Gol'gotha, the Hebrew name of the spot at which our Lord was crucified (Matt, xxvii. 33 ; Mark xv. 22 ; John xix. 17). By these three Evangelists it is interpreted to mean the " place of a skull." St. Luke's words are really as follows — " the place which is called ' a skull'" — not, as in the other Gospels, " of a skull," thus employing the Greek term exactly as they do the Hebrew one. Two explanations of the name are given : (1) that it was a spot where executions ordinarily took place, and therefore abounded in skulls. Or (2) it may come from the look or form of the spot itself, bald, round, and skull-like, and therefore a mound or hillock, in accordance with the common phrase — for which there is no direct authority — " Mount Calvary." Whichever of these is the correct ex planation, Golgotha seems to have been a known spot. Its locality in regard to Jerusalem is fully examined in the description ofthe city. Goli'ath, a famous giant of Gath, who " morn ing and evening for forty days " defied the armies of Israel (1 Sam. xvii.). He was possibly descended from the old Rephaim, of whom a scattered remnant took refuge with the Philistines after their disper sion by the Ammonites (Deut. ii. 20, 21 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 22). His height was " six cubits and a span," which, taking the cubit at 21 inches, would make him 10£ feet high. But the LXX. and Josephus 296 GOMER read " four cubits and a span.'* The scene of his combat with David was the Valley of the Terebinth, between Shochoh and Azekah, probably among the western passes of Benjamin, although a confused modern tradition has given the name of Ain Jah- lood (spring of Goliath) to the spring of Harod (Judg. vii. 1). In 2 Sam. xxi. 19, we find that another Goliath of Gath was slain by Elhanan, also a Bethlehemite. [Elhanan.] Go'mer. 1. The eldest son of Japheth, and the father of Ashkenaz, Riphath, and Togarmah (Gen. a. 2, 3). His name is subsequently noticed but once (Ez. xxxviii. 6) as an ally or subject of the Scythian king Gog. He is generally recognised as the progenitor ofthe early Cimmerians, ofthe later Cimbri and the other branches of the Celtic family, and ofthe modern Gael and Cymry, the latter pre serving with very slight deviation the original name. — 2. The daughter of Diblaim, and concubine of Hosea (i. ?¦>). Gomor'rah, one of the five " cities of the plain,'' or "vale of Siddim," that under their respective kings joined battle there with Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2-8) and his allies, by whom they were dis comfited till Abraham came to the rescue. Four out of the five were afterwards destroyed by the Lord with fire from heaven (Gen. xix. 23-29). One of them only, Zoar or Bela, which was its original name, was spared at the request of Lot, in order that he might take refuge there. Of these Gomor rah seems to have been only second to Sodom in importance, as well as in the wickedness that led to their overthrow. What that atrocity was may be gathered from Gen. xix. 4-8. Their geographical position is discussed under Sodom. Gomo'rrha, the manner in which the name Gomorrah is written in the A. V. of the Apo cryphal books and the N. Testament. Gopher wood. Only once in Gen. vi. 14. The Heb. word does not occur in the cognate dialects. The A. V. has made no attempt at translation. Two principal conjectures have been proposed : — 1. That the "trees of Gopher" are any trees of the resinous kind, such as pine, fir, &c. 2. That Gopher is cypiess. Gor'gias, a general in the service of Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mace. iii. 38), who was appointed by his regent Lysias to a command in the expedition against Judaea (B.C. 166), in which he was defeated by Judas Maccabaeus with great loss (1 Mace. iv. 1 ff.). At a later time (B.C. 164) he held a gar rison in Jamnia, and defeated the forces of Joseph and Azarias, who attacked him contrary to the orders of Judas (1 Mace. v. 56 ff. ; 2 Mace. xii. 32). The account of Gorgias in 2 Mace, is very obscure. Gorty'na, a city of Crete, and in ancient times its most important city, next to Cnossus (1 Mace. xv. 23). It was nearly half-way between the Eastern and Western extremities of the island, and seems to have been the capital under the Romans. Go'shen, a word of uncertain etymology, the name of a part of Egypt where the Israelites dwelt for the whole period of their sojourn in that country. It is usually called the "land'of Goshen," but also Goshen simply. It appears to have borne another name, "the land of Rameses " (Gen. xlvii. 11), unless this be the name of a district of Goshen. It was between Joseph's residence at the time and the frontier of Palestine, and apparently the extreme province towards that frontier (Gen. xlvi. 29). GOSPELS Gen. xlvi. 33, 34 shows that Goshen was scarcely regarded as a part of Egypt Proper, and was not peopled by Egyptians — characteristics that would positively indicatea frontier-province. The next men tion of Goshen confirms the previous inference that its position was between Canaan and the Delta (Gen. xlvii. 1, 5, 6, 11). Goshen was a pastoral country where some of Pharaoh's cattle were kept. The clearest indications of the exact position of Goshen are those afforded by the narrative of the Exodus. The Israelites set out from the town of Kameses in the land of Goshen, made two days' journey to " the edge of the wilderness," and in one day more reached the Red Sea. At the starting-point two routes lay before them, " the way of the land of the Philistines . . . that [was] near," and " the way of the wilderness of the Red Sea " (Ex. xiii. 17, 18). From these indications we infer that the land of Goshen must have in part been near the eastern side of the ancient Delta, Rameses lying within the valley now called the Wddi-t- Tumeyldt, about thirty miles in a direct course from the an cient western shore of the Arabian Gulf. The results of an examination of Biblical evidence are that the land of Goshen lay between the eastern part of the ancient Delta and the western border of Palestine, that it was scarcely a part of Egypt Proper, was inhabited by other foreigners besides the Israelites, and was in its geographical names rather Shemitic than Egyptian; that, it was a pasture-land, espe cially suited to a shepherd-people, and sufficient for the Israelites, who there prospered, and were separate from the main body of the Egyptians ; and lastly, that one of its towns lay near the western extremity ofthe Wddi-t-Tumeyldt. These indica tions seem to us decisively to indicate the Wddi-t- Tumeyldt, the valley along which anciently flowed the canal of the Red Sea. Other identifications seem to us to be utterly untenable.— 2. The " land" or the " country of Goshen," is twice named as a district in Southern Palestine (Josh. a. 41, xi. 16), apparently between the south country and the low lands of Judah. — 3. A town of the same name is once mentioned in company with Debir, Socoh, and others, as in the mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 51). It has not yet been identified. Gospels. The name Gospel is applied to the four inspired histories of the life and teaching of Christ contained in the New Testament, of which separate accounts will be given in their place. They were all composed during the latter half of the first century : those of St. Matthew and St. Mark some years before the destruction of Jerusalem ; that of St. Luke probably about a.d. 64; and that of St. John towards the close of the century. Before the end of the second century, there is abundant evi dence that the four Gospels, as one collection, were generally used and accepted. For this we have the testimony of Irenaeus, Papias, Tertullian, Origen, Theophilus, and Tatian. The Muratorian fragment describes the Gospels of Luke and John; but time and carelessness seem to have destroyed the sentences relating to Matthew and Mark. Another source of evidence is open to us, in the citations from the Gospels found in the earliest writers. Barnabas, Clemens Romanus, and Polycarp, quote passages from them, but not with verbal exactness. The testimony of Justin Martyr (bom about A.D. 99, martyred A.D, 1 65) is much fuller ; many of his quotations are found verbatim in the Gospels oi St. Matthew, St.. Luke, and St. John, and possibly GOSPELS of St. Mark also, whose words it is more difficult to separate. Besides these, St. Matthew appears to be quoted by the author of the Epistle to Diognetus, by Hegesippus, Irenaeus, Tatian, Athenagoras, and Theophilus. Eusebius records that Pantaenus found in India (? the south of Arabia) Christians who used the Gospel of St. Matthew. All this shows that long before the end of the second century the Gospel of St. Matthew was in general use. From the fact that St. Mark's Gospel has few places pecu liar to it, it is more difficult to identify citations not expressly assigned to him ; but Justin Martyr and Athenagoras appear to quote his Gospel, and Irenaeus does so by name. St. Luke is quoted by Justin, Irenaeus, Tatian, Athenagoras, and Theo philus ; and St. John by all of these, with the addition of Ignatius, the Epistle to Diognetus, and Polycrates. From these we may conclude that before the end of the second century the Gospel col lection was well known and in general use. There is yet another line of evidence. The heretical sects, as well as the Fathers of the Church, knew the Gospels ; and as there was the greatest hostility between them, if the Gospels had become known in the Church after the dissension arose, the heretics would never have accepted them as genuine from such a quarter. But the Gnostics and Marcionites arose early in the second century ; and therefore it is probable that the Gospels were then accepted, and thus they are traced back almost to the times of the Apostles! As a matter of literary history, nothing can be better established than the genuineness of the Gospels. On comparing these four books one with another, a peculiar difficulty claims attention, which has had much to do with the controversy as to their genuineness. In the fourth Gospel the nar rative coincides with that of the other three in a few passages only. Putting aside the account of the Passion, there are only three facts which John relates in common with the other Evangelists. Two of these are, the feeding of the five thousand, and the storm on the Sea of Galilee (ch. vi.). The third is the anointing of His feet by Mary. Whilst the others present the life of Jesus in Galilee, John fol lows him into Judaea ; nor should we know, but for him, that our Lord had journeyed to Jerusalem at the prescribed feasts. The received explanation is the only satisfactory one, namely, that John, writing last, at the close of the first century, had seen the other Gospels, and purposely abstained from writing anew what they had sufficiently recorded. In the other three Gospels there is a great amount of agreement. If we suppose the history that they contain to be divided into sections, iu 42 of these all the three narratives coincide, 12 more are given by Matthew and Mark only, 5 by Mark and Luke only, and 14 by Matthew and Luke. To these must be added 5 peculiar to Matthew, 2 to Mark, and 9 to Luke ; and the enumeration is complete. But this applies only to general coincidence as to the facts narrated : the amount of verbal coincidence, that is, the passages either verbally the same, or coinciding in the use of many of the same words, is much smaller. Without going minutely into the examin ation of examples, which would be desirable if space permitted, the leading facts connected with the subject may be thus summed up: — The verbal and material agreement of the three fii'st Evangelists is such as does not occur in any other authors who have written independently of one another. The verbal agreement is greater where the spoken words GOSPELS 297 of others are cited than where facts are recorded ; and greatest in quotations of the words of our Lord. But in some leading events, as in the call of the four first disciples, that of Matthew, and the Trans figuration, the agreement even in expression is re markable : there are also narratives where there is no verbal harmony in the outset, but only in the crisis or emphatic part of the story (Matt. viii. 3 = Mark i. 41 = Luke v. 13, and Matt. xiv. 19, 20 = Mark vi. 41-43 = Luke ix. 16', 17). The language of all three is Greek, with Hebrew idioms: the Hebraisms are most abundant in St. Mark, and fewest in St. Luke. In quotations from the Old Testament, the Evangelists, or two of them, some times exhibit & verbal agreement, although they differ from the Hebrew and from the Septuagint version (Matt. iii. 3 = Mark i. 3 = Luke iii. 4. Matt. iv. 10 = Luke iv. 8. Matt. xi. 10 = Mark i. ?,= Luke vii. 27, &c). Except as to 24 verses, the Gospel of Mark contains no principal facts which are not found in Matthew and Luke ; but he often supplies details omitted by them, and these are often such as would belong to the graphic account of an eye-witness. There are no cases in which Matthew and Luke exactly harmonise, where Mark does not also coincide with them. In several places the words of Mark have something in common with each of the other narratives, so as to form a con necting link between them, where their words slightly differ. The examples of verbal agreement between Mark and Luke are not so long or so numerous as those between Matthew and Luke, and Matthew and Mark ; but as to the arrangement of events Mark and Luke frequently coincide, where Matthew differs from them. These are the leading particulars; but they are very far from giving a complete notion of a phenomenon that is well worthy of that attention and reverent study of the sacred text by which alone it can be fully and fairly apprehended. The attempts at a solution are so many, that they can be more easily classified than enumerated. The first and most obvious suggestion would be, that the narrators made use of each other's work. Accordingly Grotius, Mill, Wetstein, Griesbach, and many others, have endeavoured to ascertain which Gospel is to be regarded as the first ; which is copied from the first ; and which is the last, and copied from the other two. But the theory in its crude form is in itself most improb able; and the wonder is that so much time and learning have been devoted to it. It assumes that an Evangelist has taken up the work of his prede cessor, and, without substantial alteration, has made a few changes in form, a few additions and retrench ments, and has then allowed the whole to go forth under his name. The supposition of a common original from which the three Gospels were drawn, each with more or less modification, would natur ally occur to those who rejected the notion that the Evangelists had copied from each other. It appeared to Eichhorn that the portions which are common to all the three Gospels were contained in a certain common document, from which they all drew. He considers himself entitled to assume that he can reconstruct the original document, and also that there must have been four other documents to account for the phenomena of the text. Thus he makes — 1. The original document. 2. An altered copy which St. Matthew used. 3. An altered copy which St. Luke used. 4. A third copy, made from the two preceding, used by St. Mark. 5. A fourth 298 GOSPELS altered copy, used by St., Matthew and St. Luke in common. As there is no external evidence worth considering that this original or any of its numerous copies ever existed, the value of this elaborate hypothesis must depend upon its furnishing the only explanation, and that a sufficient one, of the facts of the text. Bishop Marsh, however, finds it necessary, in order to complete the account of the text, to raise the number of documents to eight, still without producing any external evidence for the existence of any of them ; and this, on one side, deprives Eichhorn's theory of the meiit of complete ness, and, on the other, presents a much broader surface to the obvious objections. He assumes the existence of — 1. A Hebrew original. 2. A Greek translation. 3. A transcript of No. 1, with alter ations and additions. 4. Another, with another set of alterations and additions. 5. Another, combining both the preceding, used by St. Mark, who also used No. 2. 6. Another, with the alterations and addi tions of No. 3, and with further additions, used by St. Matthew. 7. Another, with those of No. 4 and further additions, used by St. Luke, who also used No. 2. 8. A wholly distinct Hebrew docu ment, in which our Lord's precepts, parables, and discourses were recorded, hut not in chronological order; used both by St. Matthew and St. Luke. It will be allowed that this elaborate hypothesis, whether in the form given it by Marsh or by Eichhorn, possesses almost every fault that can be charged against an argument of that kind. For every new class of facts a new document must be assumed to have existed. The " original Gospel" is supposed to have been of such authority as to be circulated everywhere : yet so defective, as to re quire annotation from any hand, so little reverenced that no hand spared it. If all the Evangelists agreed to draw from such a work, it must have been widely if not universally accepted in the Church ; and yet there is no record of its existence. The force of this dilemma has been felt by the sup porters of the theory : if the work was of high authority, it would have been preserved, or at least mentioned ; if of lower authority, it could not have become the basis of three canonical Gospels: and various attempts have been made to escape from it. There is another supposition to account for these facts, of which perhaps Gieseler has been the most acute expositor. It is probable that none of the Gospels was written until many years after the day of Pentecost on which the Holy Spirit descended on the assembled disciples. From that day com menced at Jerusalem the work of preaching the Gospel and converting the world. Prayer and pi caching were the business of the Apostles' lives. Now their preaching must have been, from the nature ofthe case, in great part historical; it must have been based upon an account of the life and acts of Jesus of Nazareth. There was no written record to which the hearers might be referred for historical details, and therefore the preachers must furnish not only inferences from the life of our Lord, but the facts ofthe life itself. The preaching, then, must have been of such a kind as to be to the hearers what the reading of lessons from the Gospels is to us. There is no improbability in sup posing that in the course of twenty or thirty years' assiduous teaching, without a written Gospel, the matter of the apostolic preaching should have taken a settled form. Not only might the Apostles think it well that their own accounts should agree, as in GOSPELS substance so in form ; but the teachers whom they sent forth, or left behind in the churches they visited, would have to be prepared for their mis sion ; and, so long as there was no written Gospel to put into their hands, it might be desirable that the oral instruction should he as far as possible one and the same to all. The guidance of the Holy Spirit supplied for a time such aid as made a writ ten Gospel unnecessary ; but the Apostles saw the dangers and errors which a traditional Gospel would be exposed to in the course of time ; and, whilst they were still preaching the oral Gospel in the strength of the Holy Ghost, they were admonished by the same Divine Person to prepare those written records which were hereafter to be the daily spi ritual food of all the Church of Christ.- Nor is there anything unnatural in the supposition that the Apostles intentionally uttered their witness in the same order, and even, for the most part, in the same form of words. The language of their first preaching was the Syro -Chaldaic, which was a poor and scanty language ; and though Greek was now widely spread, and was the language even of several places in Palestine, though it prevailed in Antioch, whence the first missions to Greeks and Hellenists, or Jews who spoke Greek, proceeded (Acts xi. 20, xiii. 1-3), the Greek tongue, as used by Jews, partook of the poverty of the speech which it replaced; as, indeed, it is impossible to borrow a whole language without borrowing the habits of thought upon which it has built itself. It is sup posed, then, that the preaching of the Apostles, and the teaching whereby they prepared others to preach, as they did, would tend to assume a com mon form, more or less fixed ; and that the portions of the three Gorpels which harmonise most exactly owe their agreement not to the fact that they were copied from each other, although it is impossible to say that the later writer made no use of the earlier one, nor to the existence of any original document now lost to us, hut to the fact that the apostolic preaching had already clothed itself in a settled or usual form of words, to which the writers inclined to conform without feeling bound to do so; and the differences which occur, often in the closest proximity to the harmonies, arise from the feeling of independence with which each wrote what he had seen and heard, or, in the case of Mark and Luke, what apostolic witnesses had told him. T,he harmonies begin with the baptism of John ; that is, with the consecration of the Lord to His Messianic office ; and with this event prob ably the ordinary preaching of the Apostles would begin, for its purport was that Jesus is the Messiah, and that as Messiah He suffered, died, and rose again. They are very frequent as we approach the period of the Passion, because the sufferings of the Lord would he much in the mouth of every one who preached the Gospel, and all would become familiar with the words in which the Apostles described it. But as regards the Resurrection, which differed from the Passion in that it was a fact which the enemies of Christianity felt bound to dispute (Matt, xxviii. 15), it is possible that the divergence arose from the intention of each Evangelist to contribute some thing towards the weight of evidence for this central truth. Accordingly, all the four, even St. Mark (xvi. 14), who oftener throws a new light upon old ground than opens out new, men tion distinct acts and appearances of the Lord to establish that He was risen indeed. The verbal GOTHOLIAS agreement is greater where the words of others are recorded, and greatest of all where they are those of Jesus, because here the apostolic preaching would be especially exact; and where the historical fact is the utterance of certain words, the duty of the historian is narrowed to a bare record of them. That this opinion would explain many of the facts con nected with the text is certain. Whether, besides conforming to the words and arrangement of the apostolic preaching, the Evangelists did in any cases make use of each other's work or not, it would require a more careful investigation of details to discuss than space permits. How does this last theory bear upon our belief in the inspiration ofthe Gospels ? Supposing that the portion of the three first Gospels which is common to all has been de rived from the preaching ofthe Apostles in general, then it is drawn directly from a source which we know from our Lord Himself to have been inspired. Now the inspiration of an historical writing will consist in its truth, and in its selection of events. Everything narrated must be substantially and exactly true, and the comparison of the Gospels one with another offers us nothing that does not answer to this test. There are differences of arrangement of events ; here some details of a narrative or a dis course are supplied which are wanting there ; and if the writer had professed to follow a strict chrono logical order, or had pretended that his record was not only true but complete, then one inversion of order, or one omission of a syllable, would convict him of inaccuracy. But if it is plain — if it is all but avowed — that minute chronological data are not part of the writer's purpose — if it is also plain that nothing but a selection of the facts is intended, or, indeed, possible (John xxi. 25) — then the proper test to apply is, whether each gives us a picture of the life and ministry of Jesus of Nazareth that is self-consistent and consistent with the others, such as would be suitable to the use of those who were to believe on His Name — for this is their evident intention. About the answer there should be no doubt. We have seen that each Gospel has its own features, and that the divine element has con trolled the human but not destroyed it. But the picture which they conspire to draw is one full of harmony. The histories are true according to any test that should be applied to a history ; and the events that they select — though we could not pre sume to say that they were more important than what are omitted, except from the fact of the omis sion — are at least such as to have given the whole Christian Church a clear conception of the Re deemer's life, so that none has ever complained of insufficient means of knowing Him. Gotholi'as. Josias, son of Gotholias, was one of the sons of Elam who relumed from Babylon with Esdras (1 Esd. viii. 33). Gotho'niel, father of Chabris (Jud. vi. 15). Gourd. 1. KikdySn, only in Jon. iv. 6-10. A difference of opinion has long existed as to the plant which is intended by this word ; but there can be no reasonable doubt that the kik&yon which afforded shade to the prophet Jonah before Nineveh is the Ricinus communis, or castor-oil plant, which, formerly a native of Asia, is now naturalised in America, Africa, and the south of Europe. This plant varies considerably in size, Tieing in India a tree, but in England seldom attain ing a greater height than three or four feet. The leaves are large and palmate, with serrated lobes, GOURD 299 and would form an excellent shelter for the sun- stricken prophet. The seeds contain the oil so well known under the name of " castor-oil," which has Castor-oil plant for ages been in high repute as a medicine. 2. Pak ku'oth and plk&'im. (i.) In 2 K. iv. 39, a fruit used as foodff disagreeable to the taste, and supposed to be poisonous, (ii.) In 1 K. vi. 18, vii. 24, as an architectural ornament, where A. V. " knops." With regard to the " wild gourds " {pakku'oth) of 2 K. iv. 39, which one of " the sons of the pro phets" gathered ignorantly, supposing them to be good for food, there can be no doubt that it is a species of the gourd tribe {Cucurbitaceae), which contains some plants of a very bitter and dangerous character. The leaves and tendrils of this family of plants bear some resemblance to those of the Colocyoib. 300 GOVERNOR. vine. Hence the expression "wild vine;" and as several kinds of Cucurbitaceae, such as melons, pumpkins, &c, are favourite articles of refreshing food amongst the Orientals, we can easily under stand the cause of the mistake. The etymology of the word from pdlia', " to split or burst open," has been thought to favour the identification of the plant with the Ecbalium elaterium or " squirting cucumber," so called from the elasticity with which the fruit, when ripe, opens and scatters the seeds when touched. Celsius, Rosenmiiller, Winer, and Gesenius are in favour of this explanation, and, it must be confessed, not without some reason. The old versions, however, understand the colocynth, the fruit of which is about the size of an orange. The drastic medicine in such general use is a pre paration from this plant. Since the dry gourds of the colocynth, when crushed, burst with a crashing noise, there is much reason for being satisfied with an explanation which has authority, etymology, and general suitableness in its favour. Governor. Iu the Auth. Ver. this one English word is the representative of no less than ten He brew and four Greek words. 1 . Alluph, the chief of a tribe or family (Judg. vi. 15; Is. Ix. 22; Mic. v. 1), and equivalent to the " prince of a thousand " of Ex. xviii. 21, or the "head of a thousand" of Num. i. 16. It is the term applied to the " dukes " of Edom (Gen. xxxiv.).— 2. Chokek (Judg. v. 9), and 3. me'chokek (Judg. v. 14), denote a ruler in his capacity of lawgiver and dispenser of justice (Gen. xlix. 10 ; Prov. viii. 15 ; comp. Judg. v. 14, with Is. x. 1).— 4. Moshel, a ruler considered espe cially as having power over the property and per sons of his subjects (Josh. xii. 2 ; Ps. cv. 20 : Gen. xxiv. 2). The " governors of the people," in 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, appear to have been the king's body-guard (cf. 2 K. xi. 19).— 5. Nagid denotes a prominent personage, whatever his capacity. It is applied to a king as the military and civil chief of his people (2 Sam. v. 2, vi. 21 ; 1 Chr. xxix. 22), to the general of an army (2 Chr. xxxii. 21), and to the head of a tribe (2 Chr. xix. 11). It denotes an officer of high rank in the palace, the lord high chamberlain (2 Chr. xxviii. 7).— 6. N&si. The prevailing idea in this word is that of elevation. It is applied to the chief of the tribe (Gen. xvii. 20 ; Num. ii. 3, &c), to the heads of sections of a tribe (Num. iii. 32, vii. 2), and to a powerful sheykh (Gen. xxiii. 6). In general it denotes a man of elevated rank. — 7. Pech&h is a word probably of Assyrian origin. It is applied in 1 K. x. 15 to the petty chieftains who were tributary to Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 14) ; to the military commander ofthe Syrians (1 K. xx. 24), the Assyrians (2 K. xviii. 24, xxiii. 6), the Chaldeans (Jer. li. 23), and the Medes (Jer. li. 38). Under the Persian viceroys, during the Babylonian captivity, the land of the Hebrews appears to have been portioned out among "governors" (pachoth) inferior in rank to the satraps (Ezr. viii. 36), like the other provinces which were under the dominion of the Persian king (Neh. ii. 7, 9). It is impossible to determine the precise limits of their authority, or the func tions which they had to perform. It appears from Ezr. vi. 8 that these governors were entrusted with the collection of the king's taxes ; and from Neh. v. 18, xii. 26, that they were supported by a contribution levied upon the people, which was technically termed "the bread of the governor" (comp. Ezr. iv. 14). They were. probably assisted GRASS in discharging their official duties by a council (Ezr. iv. 7, vi. 6). The " governor " beyond the river had a judgment-seat at Jerusalem, from which probably he administered justice when making a pro gress through his province (Neh. iii. 7).— 8. Pdkid denotes simply « person appointed to any office. It is used of the officers proposed to be appointed by Joseph (Gen. xii. 34) ; of Zebul, Abimelech's lieutenant (Judg. ix. 28) ; of an officer of the high- priest (2 Chr. xxiv. 11); and of a priest or Levite of high rank (Neh. xi, 14, 22).— 9. Shallit, a man of authority. Applied to Joseph as Pharaoh's prime minister (Gen. xiii. 6) ; to Arioch, the captain of the guard ; to the king of Babylon (Dan. ii. 15) ; and to Daniel as third in rank under Belshazzar (Dan. v. 29).— 10. Sar, a chief, in any capacity. The term is used equally of the general of an army (Gen. xxi. 22), or the commander of a division (IK. xvi. 9, xi. 24), as of the governor of Pharaoh's prison (Gen. xxxix. 21), and the chief of his butlers and bakers (Gen. xl. 2), or herdsmen (Gen. xlvii. 6).— 11. ievapxvs (2 Cor. xi. 32), an officer of rank under Aretas, the Arabian king of Damascus. It has been conjectured that the ethnarch of Damas cus was merely the governor of the resident Jews, but it does not seem probable that an officer of such limited jurisdiction would be styled "the ethnarch of Aretes the king;" and as the term is clearly capable of a wide range of meaning, it was most likely intended to denote one who held the city and district of Damascus as the king's vassal or repre sentative.— 12. f)yept&v, the procurator of Judaea under the Romans (Matt, xxvii. 2, &c.).— 13. olm- vop.os (Gal. iv. 2), a steward, apparently entrusted with the management of a minor's property.— 14. apxirpiKXivos (John ii. 9), " the governor of the feast." Lightfoot supposes him to have been a kind of chaplain, who pronounced the blessings upon the wine that was drank during the seven days of the marriage feast. He appears to have been on intimate terms with the bridegroom, and to have presided at the banquet in his stead. The duties of the master of a feast are given at full length in Ecclus. xxxv. (xxxii.). Go'zan seems in the A. V. of 1 Chr. v. 26, to be the name of a river ; but in Kings (2 K. xvii. 6, and xviii. 11) it is evidently applied not to a river but a country. Gozan was the tract to which the Israelites were carried away captive by Pul, Tiglath- Pileser, and Shalmaneser, or possibly Sargon. It has been variously placed ; but it is probably iden tical with the Gauzanitis of Ptolemy, and may be regarded as represented by the Mygdonia of other writers. It was the tract watered by the Habor, the modern Khabour, the great Mesopotamian afflu ent of the Euphrates. Gra'ba, 1 Esd. v. 29. [Hagaba.] Grape. [Vine.] Grass. 1. This is the ordinary rendering of the Hebrew word chatsir (1 K. xviii. 5; Job xl. 5, Ps. civ. 14 ; Is. xv. 6). As the herbage rapidly fades under the parching heat of the sun of Pales tine, it has afforded to the sacred writers an image of the fleeting nature of human fortunes (Job viii. 12; Ps. xxxvii. 2), and also of the brevity of human life (Is. xl. 6, 7 ; Ps. xc. 5).— 2. In the A. V. of Jer. 1. 11, " as the heifer at grass " should be " as the heifer treading out corn " (comp. Hos. x. 11).— 3. In Num. xxii. 4, where mention is made of the ox licking up the grass of the field, the Heb. word is ycrek, which elsewhere is rendered green.— GRASSHOPPER 4. 'eseb signifies herbs for human food (Gen. i. 30 ; Ps. civ. 14), but also fodder for cattle (Deut. xi. 15 ; Jer. xiv. 6). It is the grass of the field (Gen. ii. 5 ; Ex. ix. 22) and of the mountain (Is. xiii. 15 ; Prov. xxvii. 25). In the N. T. wherever the word grass occurs it is the representative of the Greek X&p'ros. Grasshopper. [Locust.] Grave. [Burial.] Greaves (mitsclidh). This word occurs in the A. V. only in 1 Sam. xvii. 6. Its ordinary mean ing is a piece of defensive armour which reached from the foot to the knee, and thus protected the shin of the wearer. But 'the mitschdh of the above passage can hardly have been armour of this nature. It was not worn on the legs, but on the feet of Goliath, and would therefore appear to have been a kind of shoe or boot. Greece, Greeks, Grecians. The histories of Greece and Palestine are as little connected as those of any other two nations exercising the same in fluence on the destinies of mankind could well be. The Homeric Epos in its widest range does not in clude the Hebrews, while on the other hand the Mosaic idea of the Western world seems to have been sufficiently indefinite. It is possible that Moses may. have derived some geographical outlines from the Egyptians; but he does not use them in Gen. x. 2-5, where he mentions the descendants of Javan as peopling the isles of the Gentiles. From the time of Moses to that of Joel we have no notice of the Greeks in the Hebrew writings. When indeed the Hebrews came into contact with the Ionians of Asia Minor, and recognized them as the long-lost islanders of the western migration, it was natural that they should mark the similarity of sound be? tween Javan and Iones ; aud the application of that name to the Asiatic Greeks would tend to satisfy in some measure a longing to realize the Mosaic ethnography. Accordingly the 0. T. word which is Grecia, in A. V. Greece, Greeks, &c, is in Hebrew Javan (Joel iii. 6 ; Dan. viii. 21) : the Hebrew, however, is sometimes retained (Is. lxvi. 19; Ez. xxvii. 13). The Greeks and Hebrews met for the first time in the slave-market. The medium of communication seems to have been the Tyrian slave-merchants. About B.C. 800 Joel speaks of the Tyrians as selling the children of Judah to the Grecians (Joel iii. 6) ; and in Ez. xxvii. 13 the Greeks are mentioned as bartering their brazen ves sels for slaves. Prophetical notice of Greece occurs in Dan. viii. 21, &c, where the history of Alex ander and his successors is rapidly sketched. GROVE 301 Zechariah (ix. 13) foretells the triumphs of the Maccabees against the Graeco-Syrian empire, while Isaiah looks forward to the conversion of the Greeks, amongst other Gentiles, through the in strumentality of Jewish missionaries (lxvi. 19.). In 1 Mace. xii. 5-23 we have an account of an em bassy aud letter sent by the Lacedaemonians to the Jews. The most remarkable feature in the trans action is the claim which the Lacedaemonians prefer to kindred with the Jews, and which Areus pro fesses to establish by reference to a book. The notices of the Jewish people which occur in Greek writers have been collected by Josephus (c. Apion.. i. 22). The chief are Pythagoras, Herodotus,. Choerilus, Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Hecataeus. After the complete subjugation of the Greeks by the Romans, and the absorption into the Roman empire of the kingdoms which were formed out of the dominions of Alexander, the political connexion between the Greeks and Jews as two independent nations no longer existed. The name of the country, Greece, occurs once in N. T. (Acts xx. 2), as op posed to Macedonia. Greyhound. The translation in the text of the A.V. (Prov. xxx. 31) of the Hebrew words zarzir mothnayin, i. e. " one girt about the loins." Vari ous are the opinions as to what animal " comely in, going " is here intended. Some think " a leopard," others " an eagle," or " a man girt with armour," or " a zebra," or " a war-horse girt with trap pings." But, later, Maurer {Comment. Gram, in Vet. Test.) decides unhesitatingly in favour of a " wrestler," when girt about the loins for a con test. There is great probability that he is correct. Grinding. [Mill.] Grove. A word used in the A. V., with two exceptions, to translate the mysterious Hebrew term Aslierah, which is not a grove, but probably au idol or image of some kind. [See Asherah.] Itis also probable that there was a connexion between this symbol or image, whatever it was, and the sacred symbolic tree, the representation of which occurs so frequently on Assyrian sculptures, and is figured below. —2. The two exceptions noticed above are Gen. xxi. 33, and 1 Sam. xxii. 6 (margin). In the religions ofthe ancient heathen world groves play a prominent part. Iu the old times altars only were erected to the gods. It was thought wrong to shut up the gods within walls, and hence, as Pliny ex pressly tells vis, trees were the first temples ; and from the earliest times groves are mentioned in con nexion with religious worship (Gen. xii. 6, 7, xiii. 18 ; Deut. xi. 30 ; A. V. " plain"). The groves were Sicred Symbolic Tree oi the A,.yrinns. From Lord Aberdeen's Bloek Stone. CFcrgusson'e ffiimcj an! Per„Pollr, p. 298.1 302 GUARD generally found connected with temples, and often had the right of affording an asylum. Some have supposed that even the Jewish Temple had an en closure planted with palm and cedar (Ps. xcii. 1-2, 13) and olive (Ps. Iii. 8), as the mosk which stands on its site now has. This is more than doubtful ; but we know that a celebrated oak stood by the sanctuary at Shechem (Josh. xxiv. 26 ; Judg. ix. 6). There are in Scripture many memorable trees: e.g. Allon-bachuth (Gen. xxxv. 8), the tamarisk in Gibeah (1 Sam. xxii. 6), the terebinth in Shechem (Jos. xxiv. 26) under which the law was set up, the palm-tree of Deborah (Judg. iv. 5), the terebinth of enchantments (Judg. ix. 37), the terebinth of wan derers (Judg. iv. 11), and others (1 Sam. xiv. 2, x. 3, sometimes "plain" in A. V.). This observa tion of particular trees was among the heathen ex tended to a regular worship of them. Guard. (1.) Tdbbach originally signified a " cook ;" and as butchering fell to the lot of the cook in Eastern countries it gained the secondary sense of " executioner," and is applied to the body guard of the kings of Egypt (Gen. xxxvii. 36) and Babylon (2 K. xxv. 8; Jer. xxxix. 9, xl. 1 ; Dan. ii. 14).— (2.) R&ts properly means a "runner," and is the ordinary term employed for the attendants of the Jewish kings, whose office it was to run before the chariot (2 Sam. xv. 1 ; 1 K. i. 5), and to form a military guard (1 Sam. xxii. 17 ; 2 K. x. 25, xi. 6 ; 2 Chr. xii. 10).— (3.) The terms mishmereth and mishmar express properly the act of watching, . but are occasionally transferred to the persons who kept watch (Neh. iv. 9, 22, vii. 3, xii. 9 ; Job vii. 12). Gud'godah, Deut. x. 7. [Hoe Hagidgad.] Guest. [Hospitality.] Gul'loth, a Hebrew term of unfrequent occur rence in the Bible, and used only in two passages — and those identical relations of the same occur rence—to denote a natural object, viz. the springs added by the great Caleb to the south land in the neighbourhood of Debir, which formed the dowry of his daughter Achsah (Josh. xv. 19 ; Judg. i. 15). The springs were "upper" and "lower" — possibly one at the top and the other at the bottom of a ravine or glen ; and they may have derived their unusual name from their appearance being different to that of the ordinary springs of the country. The root (g&lal) has the force of rolling or tumbling over, and perhaps this may imply that they welled up iu that round or mushroom form which is not uncommon here, though apparently most rare in Palestine. The rendering of the Vat. LXX. is sin gular. In Josh, it has t$v BorDavls, and -rr\v Tovai9K&v, the latter doubtless a mere corruption of the Hebrew. The Alex. MS., as usual, is faithful to the Hebrew text. In Judges both have Klnpioats. An attempt has been lately made by Dr. Rosen to identify these springs with the Ain Nunkur near Hebron (see Zeitschrift der D. M. G. 1857) ; but the identification can hardly be received without fuller confirmation (Stanley, S. 6,- P. App. §54). [Debir.] Gu'ni. 1. A son of Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 24 ; 1 Chr. vii. 13), the founder of the family of the Gunites (Num. xxvi. 48).— 2. A descendant of Gad (1 Chr. v. 15). Gu'nites, the, descendants of Guni, son of Naph tali (Num. xxvi. 48). Gur, the going up to, an ascent or rising ground, at which Ahaziah received his death-blow HABAKKUK while flying from Jehu after the slaughter of Joram (2 K. ix. 27). It was probably some place more than usually steep on the difficult road which leads j from the plain of Esdraelon to Jenin. Gur Baal, a place or district in which dwelt Arabians, as recorded in 2 Chr. xxvi. 7. It appears from the context to have been in the country lyuw between Palestine and the Arabian peninsula ; but this, although probable, cannot be proved. The Arab geographers mention a place called Baal, on the Syrian road, north of El-Medeeneh. H Haahash'tari, a man, or a family, immediately descended from Ashur, " father of Tekoa" by his second wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6). Habai'ah. Bene-Habaiah were among the sons of the priests who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 61 ; Neh. vii. 63). Hab'akkuk. 1. Of the facts of the prophet's life wc have no certain information, and with re gard to the period of his prophecy there is great division of opinion. The Rabbinical tradition that Habakkuk was the son of the Shunammite woman whom Elisha restored to life is repeated by Abar- ] banel in his commentary, and has no other founda tion than a fanciful etymology of the prophet's name, based on the expression in 2 K. iv. 16. In the title of the history of Bel and the Dragon, as found .in the LXX. version in Origen's Tetrapla, the author is called " Habakkuk the son of Joshua, of the tribe of Levi." Pseudo-Epiphanius and Dorotheus relate that when Jerusalem was sacked by Ne buchadnezzar, Habakkuk fled to Ostracine, and re mained there till after the Chaldeans had left the city, when he returned to his own country, and died at his farm two years before the return from Babylon, B.C. 538. It was during his residence in Judaea that he is said to have carried food to Daniel in the den of lions at Babylon. — 2. The Rabbinical traditions agree in placing Habakkuk with Joel and Nahum in the reign of Manasseh. Davidson decides in favour of the early part of the reign of Josiah. Delitzsch concludes that Habakkuk delivered his prophecy about the 12th or 13th year of Josiah (B.c. 630 or 629). This view receives some con firmation from the position of his prophecy in the 0. T. Canon. The prophet commences by an nouncing his office and important mission (i. 1). He bewails the corruption and social disorganiza tion by which he is surrounded, and cries to Jehovah for help (i. 2-4). Next follows the reply of the Deity, threatening swift vengeance (i. 5-11). The prophet, transferring himself to the near future foreshadowed iu the divine threatenings, sees the rapacity and boastful impiety of tie Chaldean hosts, but, confident that God has only employed them as the instruments of correction, assumes (ii. 1) an attitude of hopeful expectancy, and waits to see the issue. He receives the divine command to write in an enduring form the vision of God's retributive justice, as revealed to his prophetic eye (ii. 2, 3). The doom of the Chaldeans is first foretold in general terms (ii. 4-6), and the announcement is followed by a series of denunciations pronounced upon them by the nations who had suffered from their oppression (ii. 6-20). The strophical arrange ment of these " woes" is a remarkable feature of the prophecy. The whole concludes with the mag- HABAZINIAH nificent Psalm in chap, iii., " Habakkuk's Pindaric ode" (Ewald), a composition unrivalled for bold ness of conception, sublimity of thought, and ma jesty of diction. Habazini'ah, apparently the head of one of the families of the Rechabites (Jer. xxxv. 3). Hab bacuc, the form in which the name of the prophet Habakkuk is given in the Apocrypha (Bel, 33-39). Habergeon, a coat of mail covering the neck and breast. [Arms.] Ha'bor, the " river of Gozan " (2 K. xvii. 6, and xviii. 11), is identified beyond all reasonable doubt with the famous affluent of the Euphrates, which is called Aborrhas by Strabo, and Chaboras by Pliny and Ptolemy. The stream in question still bears the name of the Khabour. It flows from several sources in the mountain-chain, which in about the 37th parallel closes in the valley of the Tigris upon the south — the Mons Masius of Strabo and Ptolemy, at present the Kharej Dagh. Hachali'ah, the father of Nehemiah (Neh. i. 1 ; ,. 1). Hach'ilah, the Hill, a hill apparently situated in a wood in the wilderness or waste land in the neighbourhood of Ziph ; in the fastnesses, or passes, of which David and his six hundred followers were lurking when the Ziphites informed Saul of his whereabouts (1 Sam. xxiii. 19 ; comp. 14, 15, 18). No trace of the name Hachilah has yet been discovered. By Eusebius and Jerome Ecliela is named as a village then standing ; but the situa tion — seven miles from Eleutheropolis, i. e. on the the N.W. of Hebron — would be too far from Ziph and Maon. Hach'moni, Son of, and The Hach'monite (1 Chr. xxvii. 32, xi. 11), both renderings — the former the correct one — of the same Hebrew words. Hachmon or Hachmoni was no doubt the founder of a family to which these men belonged : the actual father of Jashobeam was Zabdiel (1 Chr. xxvii. 2), and he is also said to have belonged to.the Korhites (1 Chr. xii. 6), possibly the Levites descended from Korah. Ha'dad was originally the indigenous appella- ¦ tion of the Sun among the Syrians, and was thence transferred to the king, as the highest of earthly authorities. The title appears to have been an official one, like Pharaoh. It is found occasionally in the altered form Hadar (Gen. xxv. 15, xxxvi. 39, compared with 1 Chr. i. 30, 50). 1. Son of Ish mael (Gen. xxv. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 30).— 2. A king of Edom who gained an important victory over the Midianites on the field of Moab (Gen. xxxvi. 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 46).— 3. Also a king of Edom, with Pau for his capital (1 Chr. i. 50).— 4. A member of the royal house of Edom (1 K. xi. 14 ff.). In his childhood he escaped the massacre under Joab, in which his father appears to have perished, and fled with a band of followers into Egypt. Pharaoh, the predecessor of Solomon's father-in-law, treated him kindly, and gave him his sister-in-law in marriage. After David's death Hadad resolved to attempt the recovery of his dominion: Pharaoh in vain dis couraged him, and upon this he left Egypt and returned to his own country. It does not appear from the text, as it now stands, how Hadad became subsequently to this an " adversary unto Solomon" (ver. 14), still less how he gained the sovereignty over Syria (ver. 25). The LXX., however, refers ver. 25 entirely to him, and substitutes for Aram HADRACH 303 (Syria), Edom. This reduces the whole to a con sistent and intelligible narrative. Hadade'zer (2 Sam. viii. 3-12; 1 K. xi. 23), [Hadaeezer.] Ha'dad-Rim'mon is, according to the ordinary interpretation of Zech. xii. 1 1, a place in the valley of Megiddo, named after two Syrian idols, where a national lamentation was held for the death of king Josiah. Ha'dar, a son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15), written in 1 Chr. i. 30 Hadad. The mountain Hadad, be longing to Teyma on the borders of the Syrian desert, north of El-Medeeneh, is perhaps the most likely to be correctly identified with the ancient dwellings of this tribe. — 2. One of the kings of Edom, successor of Baal-hanan ben-Acbor (Gen. xxxvi. 30), and about contemporary with Saul. Hadare'zer, son of Rehob (2 Sam. viii. 3), the king of the Aramite state of Zobah, who, while on his way to " establish his dominion " at the Euphrates, was overtaken by David, and defeated with great loss both of chariots, horses, and men (1 Chr.' xviii. 3, 4). After the first repulse of the Ammonites and their Syrian allies by Joab, Hada- rezer sent his army to the assistance of his kindred the people of Maachah, Rehob, and Ishtob (1 Chr. xix. 16 ; 2 Sam. x. 15, comp. 8). Under the com mand of Shophach, or Shobach, the captain of the host, they crossed the Euphrates, joined the other Syrians, and encamped at a place called Helam. David himself came from Jerusalem to take the command of the Israelite army. As on the former occasion, the rout was complete. Had'ashah, one of the towns of Judah, in the maritime low country (Josh. xv. 37 only). No satisfactory reason presents itself why Hadashah should not be the Adasa of the Maccabaean his tory. Hitherto it has eluded discovery iu modern times. Hadas'sah, » name, probably the earlier name, of Esther (Esth. ii. 7). Hadat'tah. According to the A. V. one of the towns of Judah in the extreme south (Josh. xv. 25) ; but the accents of the Hebrew connect the word with that preceding it, as if it were Hazor- chadattah, i. e. New Hazor, in distinction from the place of the same name in ver. 23. Ha'did, a place named, with Lod (Lydda) and Ono, only in the later books of the history (Ezr. ii. 33 ; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 34). In the time of Eusebius a town called Aditha, or Adatha, existed to the east of Diospolis (Lydda). This was probably Hadid. About three miles east of Lydd stands a village called el-Haditheh, marked in Van de Velde's map. Hadlai', a man of Ephraim (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). Had'oram, the fifth son of Joktan (Gen. x. 27 ; 1 Chr. i. 21). His settlements, unlike those of many of Joktan's sons, have not been identified.— 2. Son of Tou or Toi king of Hamath ; his father's ambassador to congratulate David on his victory over Hadarezer king of Zobah (1 Chr. xviii. 10). 3. The form assumed in Chronicles by the name of the intendant of taxes under David, Solomon, and Rehoboam (2 Chr. x. 18). In Kings the name is given in the longer form of Adonieam, but in Sa muel (2 Sam. xx. 24) as Adoram. Ha'drach, a country of Syria, mentioned once only, by the prophet Zechariah (ix. 1, 2). The position of the district, with its borders, is here ge nerally stated ; but the name itself seems to have wholly disappeared. It still remains unknown. 304 HAGAB Ha'gab. Bene-Hagab were among the Nethinim who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 46). Hag'aba. Bene-Hagaba were among the Ne thinim who came back from captivity with Zerub babel (Neh. vii. 48). The name is slightly different in form from Hag'abah, under which it is found in the pa rallel list of Ezr. ii. 45. Ha'gar, an Egyptian woman, the handmaid, or slave, of Sarah (Gen. xvi. 1), whom the latter gave as a concubine to Abraham, after he had dwelt ten years in the land of Canaan and had no children .by Sarah (xvi. 2 and 3). That she was a bondwoman is stated both in the 0. T. and in the N. T., in the latter as part of her typical character. It is re corded that " when she saw that she had conceived, her mistress was despised in her eyes " (4), and Sarah, with the anger, we may suppose, of a free woman, rather than of a wife, reproached Abraham for the results of her own act. Hagar fled, turn ing her steps towards her native land through the great wilderness traversed by the Egyptian road. By the fountain in the way to Shur, the angel of the Lord found her, charged her to return and submit herself under the hands of her mistress, and delivered the remarkable prophecy respecting her unborn child, recorded in ver. 10-12. On her re turn, she gave birth to Ishmael, and Abraham was then eighty-six years old. Mention is not again made of Hagar in the history of Abraham until the feast at the weaning of Isaac, when " Sarah saw the son of Hagar the Egyptian, which she had born unto Abraham, mocking"; and in exact sequence with the first flight of Hagar, we now read of her expulsion. The verisimilitude, oriental exactness, and simple beauty of this story are internal evidences attesting its truth apart from all other evidence. The name of Hagar occurs elsewhere only when she fakes a wife to Ishmael (xxi. 21) ; and in the gene alogy (xxv. 12). St. Paul refers to her as the type of the old covenant, likening her to Mount Sinai, the Mount of the Law (Gal. iv. 22 seqq.). In Mo hammedan tradition Hagar is represented as the wife of Abraham. Ha'garenes, Ha'garites, a people dwelling to the east of Palestine, with whom the tribe of Reu- oen made war in the time of Saul (1 Chr. v. 10, 18-20). The same people, as confederate against Israel, are mentioned in Ps. lxxxiii. Who these people were is a question that cannot readily be decided, though it is generally believed that they were named after Hagar. It is uncertain whether the important town and district of Hejer represent the ancient name and a dwelling of the Hagarenes ; but it is reasonable to suppose that they do. Hejer, or Hejer'a, is the capital town, and also a subdivi sion, of the province of north-eastern Arabia called El-Bahreyn, on the borders of the Persian Gulf. Ha'gerite, the. Jaziz the Hagerite, »'. e. the descendant of Hagar, had the charge of David's sheep (1 Chr. xxvii. 31). Hag'gai, the tenth in order of the minor pro phets, and firet of those who prophesied after the Captivity. With regard to his tribe and parentage both history and tradition are alike silent. In the absence of any direct evidence on the point, it is more than probable that he was one of the exiles whu returned with Zerubbabel and Joshua. The rebuilding of the temple, which was commenced in the reign of Cyrus (B.C. 535), was suspended dur- HAIR ing the reigns of his successors, Cambyses and Pseudo-Smerdis, in consequence of the determined hostility of the Samaritans. On the accession of Darius Hystaspis (B.C. 521), the prophets Haggai and Zechariah urged the renewal of the undertaking, and obtained the permission and assistance of the king (Ezr. v. 1, vi. 14). According to tradition, Haggai was born in Babylon, was a young man when he came to Jerusalem, and was buried with honour near the sepulchres of the priests. The names of Haggai and Zechariah are associated in the LXX. in the titles of Ps. 137, 145-148 ; in the Vul gate in those of Ps. Ill, 145; and in the Peshito Syriac in those of Ps. 125, 126, 145, 146, 147, 148. It may be that tradition assigned to these prophets the arrangement of the above-mentioned psalms for use in the temple service. According to Pseudo-Epiphanius, Haggai was the first who chanted the Hallelujah in the second temple. The style of his writing is generally tame and prosaic, though at times it rises to the dignity of severe invective, when the prophet rebukes his countiymen for their selfish indolence and neglect of God's house. But the brevity of the prophecies is so great, and the po verty of expression which characterises them so striking, as to give rise to a conjecture, not without reason, that in their present form they are but the outline or summary of the original discourses. They were delivered in the second year of Darius Hys taspis (B.C. 520), at intervals from the 1st day of the 6th month to the 24th day of the 9th month in the same year. Hag'geri. " Mibiiar son of Haggeri," was one of the mighty men of David's guard, according to 1 Chr. xi. 38. The parallel passage — 2 Sam. xxiii. 36 — has " Bani the Gadite," which is probably the correct reading. Hag'gi, second son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16 ; Num. xxvi. 15). Haggi'ah, a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. vi. 30). Hag'gites, the, a Gadite family sprang from Haggi (Num. xxvi. 15). Hag'gith, one of David's wives, the mother of Adonijah (2 Sam. iii. 4; IK. i. 5, 11, ii. 13; 1 Chr. iii. 2). Ha'gia, 1 Esd. v. 34. [Hattil.] Ha'i. The form in which the well-known place Ai appears in the A. V. on its firet' introduction (Gen. xii. 8, xiii. 3). Hair. The Hebrews were fully alive to the im portance ofthe hair as an element of personal beauty, whether as seen in the " curled locks, black as a raven," of youth (Cant. v. 11), or in the "crown of glory " that encircled the head of old age (Prov. xvi. 31). The customs of ancient nations in regard to the hair varied considerably: the Egyptians allowed the women to wear it long, but kept the heads of men closely shaved from early childhood. The Greeks admired long hair, whether in men or women. The Assyrians also wore it long. The Hebrews on the other hand, while they encouraged the growth of hair, observed the natural distinction between the sexes by allowing the women to wear it long (Luke vii. 38 ; John xi. 2 ; 1 Cor. xi. 6 ff.), while the men restrained theirs by frequent clip ping to a moderate length. This difference between the Hebrews and the surrounding nations, especially the Egyptians, arose no doubt partly from natural taste, but partly also from legal enactments : clipr ping the hair in a cei'tain manner and offering the locks, was in early times connected with religious HAIR worship : and hence the Hebrews were forbidden to "round the corners of their heads" (Lev. xix. 27), meaning the locks along the forehead and temples, and behind the ears. The prohibition against cutting off the hair on the death of a relative (Deut. xiv. 1) was probably grounded on a similar reason. In addition to these regulations, the Hebrews dreaded baldness, as it was frequently the result of leprosy (Lev. xiii. 40 ff.), and hence fonned one ofthe dis qualifications for the priesthood (Lev. xxi. 20, LXX.). Long hair was admired in the case of young men ; it is especially noticed in the descrip tion of Absalom's person (2 Sam. xiv. 26). The care requisite to keep the hair in order in such cases must have been very great, and hence the practice of wearing long hair was unusual, and only resorted to as an act of religious observance. In times of affliction the hair was altogether cut off (Is. iii. 17, 24, xv. 2 ; Jer. vii. 29). Tearing the hair (Ezr. ix. 3) and letting it go dishevelled, were similar '.tokens of grief. Wigs were commonly used by the Egyptians, but not by the Hebrews. The usual and favourite colour of the hair was black (Cant. v. 11), as is indicated in the comparisons to a " flock of goats " and the " tents of Kedar " (Cant. iv. 1, i. 5) : a similar' hue is probably intended by the purple of Cant. vii. 5. A fictitious hue was .occasionally obtained by sprinkling gold-dust on the hair. It does not appear that dyes were ordinarily used. The approach of age was marked by a sprinkling (Hos. vii. 9) of gray hairs, which soon overspread the whole head (Gen. xiii. 38, xliv. 29 ; 1 K. ii. 6, 9 ; Prov. xvi. 31, xx. 29). Pure white ¦hair was deemed characteristic of the Divine Ma jesty (Dan. vii. 9 ; Rev. i. 14). The chief beauty of the hair consisted in curls, whether of a natural or artificial character. With regard to the mode of dressing the hair, we have no very precise inform ation ; the terms used are of a general character, as of Jezebel (2 K. ix. 30), of Judith (x. 3). The terms used in the N. T. (1 Tim. ii. 9 ; 1 Pet. iii. 3) are also of a general character ; Schleusner un derstands them of curling rather than plaiting. The arrangement of Samson's hair into seven locks, or more properly braids (Judg. xvi. 13, 19) in volves the practice of plaiting, which was also fami liar to the Egyptians and Greeks. The locks were -probably kept in their place by a fillet as in Egypt. HAM 305 Egyptian Wiga. (Wilkinson.) The Hebrews, like other nations of antiquity, anointed the hair profusely with ointments, which were generally compounded of various aromatic in- Con. D. B . gradients (Ruth iii. 3 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Ps. xxiii. 5, xiv. 7, xcii. 10 ; Eccl. ix. 8 ; Is. iii. 24) ; more espe cially on occasion of festivities or hospitality (Matt. vi. 17, xxvi. 7 ; Luke vii. 4'6). It appears to have been the custom of the Jews in our Saviour's time to swear by the hair (Matt. v. 36), much as the Egyptian women still swear by the side-lock, and the men by their beards (Lane, i. 52, 71, notes). Hak'katan. Johanan, son of Hakkatan, was the chief of the Bene-Azgad who returned from Baby lon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 12). Hak'koz, a priest, the chief of the seventh course in the service of the sanctuary, as appointed by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10). In Ezr. ii. 61 and Neh. iii. 4, 21 , the name occurs again as Koz in the A. V. Haku'pha.'Bene-Hakupha were among the Ne thinim who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; Neh. vii. 53). Ha'lah is probably a different place from the Calah of Gen. x. 11. It may with some confidence be identified with the Chalcitis of Ptolemy. The name is thought to remain in the modern Gla, a large mound on the upper Khabour. Ha'lak, the Mount, a mountain twice, and twice only, named as the southern limit of Joshua's conquests (Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7), but which has not yet been identified. Hal'hul, a town of Judah in the mountain district (Josh. xv. 58). The name still remains unaltered, attached to a conspicuous hill a mile to the left of the road from Jerusalem to Hebron, between 3 and 4 miles from the latter. Ha'li, a town on the boundary of Asher, named between Helkath and Beten (Josh. xix. 25). No thing is known of its situation. Halicarnas'sus in Caria, a city of great re nown, as being the birthplace of Herodotus and of the later historian Dionysius, and as embellished by the Mausoleum erected by Artemisia, but of no Biblical interest except as the residence of a Jewish population in the periods between the Old and New Testament histories (1 Mace. xv. 23). The modern name of the place is Budrum. Hall, used of the court of the high-priest's house (Luke xxii. 55). In Matt, xxvii. 27, and Mark xv. 16, "hall" is syn. with "praetorium," which in John xviii. 28 is in A. V. "judgment- hall." The hall or court of a house or palace would probably be au enclosed but uncovered space, on a lower level than the apartments of the lowest floor which looked into it. Hallelujah. [Alleluia.] Hallo'hesh, one ofthe " chief of the people " who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh.-x. 24). Halo'hesh. Shallum, sou of Hal-lohesh, was "ruler of the half part of Jerusalem" at the time of the repair of the wall by Nehemiah (Neh iii. 12). v Ham. 1. The name of one of the three sons of Noah, apparently the second in age. It probablv signifies " warm " or " hot." This meaning seems to be confirmed by that of the Egyptian word Kem (Egypt), which we believe to be the Egyptian equi valent of Ham, and which, as an adjective, signifies "black," probably implying warmth as well as blackness. Of the history of Ham nothing is re lated except his irreverence to his father, and the curse which that patriarch pronounced. The sons of Ham are stated to have been " Cush and Mizraim and Phut and Canaan" 'Gen. x. 6 ; comp. 1 Chr. X 306 HAM i. 8). The name of Ham alone, ofthe three sons of Noah, if our identification be correct, is known to have been given to a country (Ps. lxxviii. 51, cv. 23, evi. 22). The settlements of the descend ants of Cush have occasioned the greatest difficulty to critics. We have been led to the conclusion that settlements of Cush extended from Babylonia along the shores of the Indian Ocean to Ethiopia above Egypt, and to the supposition that there was an eastern as well as a western Cush. If, as we sup pose, Mizraim in the lists of Gen. x. and 1 Chr. i. stand for Miznm, we should take the singular Mazor to be the name of the progenitor of the Egyptian tribes. It is remarkable that Mazor ap pears to be identical in signification with Ham, so that it may be but another name of the patriarch. In this case the mention of Mizraim (or Mizrim) would be geographical, and not indicative of a Mazor, son of Ham. The Mizraites, like the descendants of Ham, occupy a territory wider than that bearing the name of Mizraim. We may, however, suppose that Mizraim included all the first settlements, and that in remote times other tribes besides the Philistines migrated, or extended their territories. Phut has been always placed in Africa, where we find, in the Egyptian inscriptions, a great nomadic people corresponding to it. Respecting the geo graphical position ofthe Canaanites there is no dis pute, although all the names are not identified. The Hamathites alone of those identified were settled in early times wholly beyond the land of Canaan. Perhaps there was a primeval extension ofthe Ca naanite tribes after their first establishment in the land called after their ancestor, for before the spe cification of its limits as those of their settlements it is stated " afterward were the families of the Ca naanites spread abroad" (Gen. x. 18, 19). One of their most important extensions was to the north east. Philologers are not agreed as to a Hamitic class of language. Recently Bunsen has applied the term " Hamitism," or as he writes it, Chamitism, to the Egyptian language, or rather family. Sir H. Rawlinson has applied the term Cushite to the primitive language of Babylonia, and the same term has been used for the ancient language of the southern coast of Arabia. The Biblical evidence seems at firet sight, in favour of Hebrew being classed as a Hamitic rather than a Shemitic form of speech. It is called in the Bible " the language of Canaan" (Is. xix. IS), although those speaking it are elsewhere said to speak " Jewishly " (2 K. xviii. 26, 28; Is. xxxvi. 11, 13; Neh. xiii. 24). But the one term, as Gesenius remarks, indicates the country where the language was spoken, the other as evidently indicates a people by whom it was spoken. Elsewhere we might find evidence of the use of a so-called Shemitic language by nations either partly or wholly of Hamite origin. This evidence would favour the theory that Hebrew was Hamitic ; but on the other hand we should be un able to dissociate Shemitic languages from Shemitic peoples. The Egyptian language would also offer great difficulties, unless it were held to be but partly of Hamitic origin, since it is mainly of an entirely different class to the Shemitic. It is mainly Nigritian, but it also contains Shemitic elements. We are of opinion that the groundwork is Nigritian, and that the Shemitic part is a layer added to a com plete Nigritian language. An inquiry into the his tory of the Hamite nations presents considerable difficulties, since it cannot be determined in the HAMATH cases of the most important of those commonly held to be Hamite that they were purely of that stock. It is certain that the three most illustrious Hamite nations — the Cushites, the Phoenicians, and the Egyptians — were greatly mixed with foreign peoples. There are some common characteristics, however, which appear to connect the different branches of the Hamite family, and to distinguish them from the children of Japheth and Shem. Their architecture has a solid grandeur that we look for in vain elsewhere. The early history of each of the chief Hamite nations shows great power of organising an extensive kingdom, of acquiring material greatness, and checking the inroads of neighbouring nomadic peoples..— 2. According to the Masoretic text (Gen. xiv. 5), Chedorlaomer and his allies smote the Zuzim in a place called Ham. If, as seems likely, the Zuzim be the same as the Zamzummim, Ham must be placed in what was afterwards the Ammonite territory. Hence it has been conjectured by Tuch, that Ham is but another form of the name of the chief stronghold of the children of rimmon, Rabbah, now Am-maU.—Z. la the account of a migration of the Simeonites to the valley of Gedor, and their destroying the pastoral inhabitants, the latter, or possibly their prede cessors, are said to have been " of Ham " (1 Chr. iv. 40). This may indicate that a Hamite tribe was settled here, or, more precisely, that there was an Egyptian settlement. Haman, the chief minister or vizier of king Ahasuerus (Esth. iii. 1). After the failure of his attempt to cut off all the Jews in the Persian em pire, he was hanged on the gallows which he had erected for Mordecai. The Targum and Josephus interpret the description of him — the Agagite — as signifying that he was of Amalekitish descent : but he is called a Macedonian by the LXX. in Esth. ix. 24. Ha 'math appears to have been the principal city of Upper Syria from the time of the Exodus to that ofthe prophet Amos. It was situated in the valley of the Orontes, about half way between its source near Baalbek, and the bend which it makes at Jisr-hadid. It thus naturally commanded the whole of the Orontes valley, from the low screen of hills which forms the watershed between the Orontes and the Litany — the " entrance of Ha math," as it is called in Scripture (Num. xxxiv. 8 ; Josh. xiii. 5, &c.) — to the defile of Daphne below Antioch ; and this tract appears to .have fonned the kingdom of Hamath, during the time of its inde pendence. The Hamathites were a Hamitic race, and are included among the descendants of Canaan (Gen. x. 18). We must regard them as closely akin to the Hittites on whom they bordered, aiid with whom they were generally in alliance. No thing appears of the power of Hamath, until the time of David (2 Sam. viii. 10). Hamath seems clearly to have been included in the dominions of Solomon (1 K. iv. 21-4). The "store-cities,' which Solomon "built in Hamath" (2 Chr. viii. 4), were perhaps staples for trade. In the Assy rian inscriptions of the time of Ahab (B.C. 900) Hamath appeal's as a separate power, in alliance with the Syrians of Damascus, the Hittites, and the Phoenicians. About three-quarters of a centurjr later Jeroboam the second " recovered Hamath (2 K. xiv. 28). Soon afterwards the Assyrians took it (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13, &c), and from this time it ceased to be a place of much importance. HAMATH-ZOBAH Antiochus Epiphanes changed its name to Epipha- neia. The natives, however, called it Hamath, even in St. Jerome's time, and its present name, Hamah, is but slightly altered from the ancient form. Ha'math-Zo'bah (2 Chr. viii. 3) has been con jectured to be the same as Hamath. But the name Hamath-Zobah would seem rather suited to another Hamath which was distinguished from the " Great Hamath " by the suffix " Zobah." Ham'athlte, the, one of the families descended from Canaan, named last in the list (Gen. x. 18 ; 1 Chr. i. 16). Ham'math, one of the fortified cities in the territory allotted to Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35). It is not possible from this list to determine its position, but the notices of the Talmudists leave no doubt that it was near Tiberias, one mile distant — in fact that it had its name, Chammath, " hot baths," because it contained those of Tiberias. Josephus mentions it under the name of Emmaus as a village not far from Tiberias. The Hamm&m, at present three in number, still send up their hot and sul phureous waters, at a spot rather more than a mile south of the modern town. In the list of Levitical cities given out of Naphtali (Josh. xxi. 32) the name of this pLice seems to be given as Hammoth- DOR, and in 1 Chr. vi. 76 it is further altered to Hammon. Hammeda'tha, father of the infamous Haman (Esth. iii. 1, 10, viii. 5, ix. 24). Hammel ech, lit. " the king," unnecessarily ren dered in the A. V. as » proper name (Jer. xxxvi, 26, xxxviii. 6). Hammer. The Hebrew language has several names for this indispensable tool. (1.) Pattish, which was used by the gold-beater (Is. xii. 7, A. V. "carpenter") as well as by the quarry-man (Jer. xxiii. 29). (2.) Makk&b&h, properly a tool for hollowing, hence a stonecutter's mallet (1 K. vi. 7). (3.) Halmuth, used only in Judg. v. 26. (4.) A kind of hammer, named mappets, Jer. li. 20 (A. V. "battle-axe"), or mephits, Prov. xxv. 18 (A.V. " maul "), was used as a weapon of war. Hammolek'eth, daughter of Machir and sister of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 17-> 18). Hammon. 1. A city in Asher (Josh. xix. 28), apparently not far from Zidon-rabbah.— 2. A city allotted out of the tribe of Naphtali to the Levites (1 Chr. vi. 76), and answering to the somewhat similar names Hammath and Hammoth-dor in Joshua. Ham'moth-TJor, a city of Naphtali, allotted with its suburbs to the Gershonite Levites, and for a city of refuge (Josh. xxi. 32). Unless there were two places of the same or very similar name in Naphtali, this is identical with Hammath. Ham'onah, the name of a city mentioned in Ezekiel (xxxix. 16). Ha'mon-Gog, the Valley of, the name to be bestowed on a ravine or glen, previously known as " the raviue of the passengers on the east of the sea," after the burial there of " Gog and all his multitude" (Ez. xxxix. 11, 15). Ha'mor, a Hivite (or according to the Alex. LXX. a Horite), who at the time of the entrance of Jacob on Palestine was prince of the land and city of Shechem (Gen. xxxiii. 19, xxxiv. 2, 4, 6, 8, 13, 18, 20, 24, 26). Ha'muel, a man of Simeon ; son of Mishma, of the family of Shaul (1 Chr. iv. 26). HANANIAH 307 Ha'mul, the younger son of Pharez, Judah's son by Tamar (Gen. xlvi. 12 ; 1 Chr. ii. 5). Ha'mulites, the, the family of the preceding (Num. xxvi. 21). Ham'ntal, daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah ; one of the wives of king Josiah (2 K. xxiii. 31, xxiv. 18 ; Jer. Iii. 1). Han'ameel, son of Shallum, and cousin of Jere miah (Jer. xxxii. 7, 8, 9, 12 ; and comp. 44). Ha'nan. 1. One of the chief people of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 23).— 2. The. last ofthe six sons of Azel, a descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44).— 3. " Son of Maachah," i. e. possibly a Syrian of Aram-Maacah, one of the heroes of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 43). — 4. The sons of Hanan were among the Nethinim who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 46 ; Neh. vii. 49).— 5. One of the Levites who assisted Ezra in his public exposition of the law (Neh. viii. 7). The same person is probably mentioned in x. 10.— 6. One of the " heads " of the "people," who also sealed the covenant (x. 22).— 7. Another ofthe chief laymen on the same occasion (x. 26).— 8. Son of Zaccur, son of Mattaniah, whom Nehemiah made one of the storekeepers of the provisions collected as tithes (Neh. xiii. 13).— 9. Son of Igdaliah (Jer. xxxv. 4V Han aneel, the Tower of, a tower which formed part of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 1, xii. 39). From these two passages, particularly from the former, it might almost be inferred that Hananeel was but another name for the Tower of Meah : at any rate they were close together, and stood be tween the sheep-gate and the fish-gate. This tower is further mentioned in Jer. xxxi. 38. The remain ing passage in which it is named (Zech. xiv. 10) also connects this tower with the " corner gate," which lay on the other side of the sheep-gate. Hana'ni.— 1. One of the sons of Heman, and head of the 18th course of the service (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 25).— 2. A seer who rebuked (B.C. 941) Asa, king of Judah (2 Chr. xvi. 7). For this he was imprisoned (10). He (or another Hanani) was the father of Jehu the seer, who testified against Baasha (1 K. xvi. 1, 7), and Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xix. 2, xx. 34).— 3. One of the priests who in the time of Ezra had taken strange wives (Ezr. x. 20).— 4. A brother of Nehemiah (Neh. i. 2) was afterwards made governor of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (vii. 2). — 5. A priest mentioned in Neh. xii. 36. Hanani'ah. 1. One of the 14 sons of Heman, and chief of the 16th course of singers (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 5, 23).— 2. A general in the army of kin" Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 11).— 3. Father of Zedekiah* in the reign of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12).— 4. Son of Azur, a Benjamite of Gibeon and a false prophet in the reign of Zedekiah king of Judah. In the 4th year of his reign, B.C. 595, Hananiah withstood Jeremiah the prophet, and publicly prophesied in the temple that within two years Jeconiah and all his fellow-captives, with the vessels of the Lord's house which Nebuchadnezzar had taken away to Babylon, should be brought back to Jerusalem (Jer. xxviii.) : an indication that treacherous nego tiations were already secretly opened with Pharaoh- Hophra. Hananiah corroborated his prophecy by taking from off the neck of Jeremiah the yoke which he wore by Divine command (Jer. xxvii.) in token ofthe subjection of Judaea and the neigh bouring countries to the Babylonian empire, ,and breaking it. But Jeremiah was bid to go and tell X 2 308 HANDICRAFT Hananiah tnat for the wooden yokes which he had broken he should make yokes of iron, so firm was the dominion of Babylon destined to be for seventy years. The prophet Jeremiah added this rebuke and prediction of Hananiah 's death, the fulfilment of which closes the history of this false prophet. The history of Hananiah is of great interest, as throwing much light upon the Jewish politics of that eventful time, divided as parties were into the partisans of Babylon on one hand, and Egypt on the other.— 5. Grandfather of Irijah, the captain of the ward at the gate of Benjamin who arrested Jeremiah, on the charge of deserting to the Chal daeans (Jer. xxxvii. 13).— 6. Head of a Benjamite house (1 Chr. viii. 24).— 7. The Hebrew name of Shadrach. He was of the house of David, accord ing to Jewish tradition (Dan. i. 3, 6, 7, 11, 19 ; ii. 17).— 8. Son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19), from whom Christ derived his descent. He is the same person who is by St. Luke called Joanna. The identity of the two names Hananiah and Joanna is apparent immediately we compare them in Hebrew.— 9. One of the sons of Bebai, who re turned with Ezra from Babylon (Ezr. x. 28).— 10. A priest, one of the makers of the sacred oint ments and incense, who built a portion of the wall of Jerusalem in the days of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 8). He may be the same as is mentioned in ver. 30 as having repaired another portion. If so, he was son of Shelemiah ; perhaps the same as is mentioned xii. 41. — 11. Head of the priestly course of Jere miah in the days of Joiakim, Neh. xii. 12.— 12. Ruler of the palace at Jerusalem under Nehe miah. The arrangements for guarding the gates of Jerusalem were entrusted to him with Hanani, the Tirshatha's brother (Neh. vii. 2, 3). — 13. An Israelite, Neh. x. 23. Handicraft. (Acts xviii. 3, xix. 25 ; Rev. xviii. 22). In the present article brief notices can only be given of such handicraft trades as are mentioned in Scripture. 1. The preparation of iron for use either iu war, in agriculture, or for domestic pur poses, was doubtless one of the earliest applications of labour; and, together with iron, working in brass, or rather copper alloyed with tin, bronze, is mentioned in the same passage as practised in antediluvian times (Gen. iv. 22). We know that iron was used for warlike pur poses by the Assyriaus, and on tlie other hand that stone-tipped arrows, as was the case also in Mexico, were used in the earlier times by the Egyptians as well as the Persians and Greeks. In the construction of the Tabernacle, copper, but no iron, appeal's to have been used, though the use of iron was at the same period well known to the Jews, both from their own use of it and from their Egyptian education, whilst the Canaanite inhabitants of Palestine and Syria were in full possession of its use both for warlike and domestic purposes (Ex. xx. 25, xxv. 3, xxvii. 19; Num. xxxv. 16; Deut. iii. 11, iv. 20, viii. 9; Josh. viii. 31, xvii. 16, 18). After the establishment of tha Jews in Canaan, the occupation of a smith be came recognised as a distinct employment (1 Sam. xiii. 19). The smith's work and its results are often mentioned in Scripture (2 Sam. xii. 31 ; 1 K. vi. 7; 2 Chr. xxvi. 14 ; Is. xliv. 12, liv. 16). HANDICRAFT The worker in gold and silver must have found em ployment both among the Hebrews and the neigh bouring nations in very early times, as appears from the ornaments sent by Abraham te Rebekah (Gen. xxiv. 22, 53, xxxv. 4, xxxviii. 18; Deut. vii. 25). But, whatever skill the Hebrews pos sessed, it is quite clear- that they must have learned much from Egypt and its " iron furnaces," both in metal-work and in the arts of setting and polishing precious stones. Various processes of the gold smith's work are illustrated by Egyptian monu ments. After the conquest frequent notices are found both of moulded and wrought metal in cluding soldering, which last had long been known in Egypt; but the Phoenicians appear to have possessed greater skill than the Jews in these arts, Egyptian Blow-pipe, and amaU fireplace with cheeks to confine and reflect the heat. (Wilkinson.) at least in Solomon's time (Judg. viii. 24, 27, xvii. 4; 1 K. vii. 13, 45, 46 ; Is. xii. 7; Wisd. xv. 4; Ecclus. xxxviii. 28 ; Bar. vi. 50, 55, 57). 2. The work of the carpenter is often mentioned in Scrip ture (Gen. vi. 14; Ex. xxxvii.; Is. xliv. 13). In the palace built by David for himself the workmen employed were chiefly Phoenicians sent by Hiram (2 Sam. v. 11 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 1), as most probably were those, or at least the principal of those who were employed by Solomon in his works (1 K. v. 6). But in the repairs of the Temple, executed under Joash king of Judah, and also in the rebuilding under Zerubbabel, no mention is made of foreign. Carpenters. (Wilkinson.) drins a hole in tho seat of a chair, s. 1 1, legs of chair. u u, adzes. tr, man planing or poliBhing the leg of a chair. workmen, though iu the latter case the timber is expressly said to have been brought by sea to Joppa by Zidonians (2 K. xii. 11 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 12; Ezra iii. 7). That the Jewish carpenters must have been able to carve with some skill is evident from Is. xii. 7, xliv. 13. In N.T. the occupation of a carpenter is mentioned in connexion with Joseph the husband of the Virgin Mary, and ascribed to our Lord himself by way of reproach (Mark vi. 3 ; Matt. xiii. 55). 3. The masons employed by David and Solomon, at least the chief of them, were Phoenicians (1 K. v. 18; Ez. xxvii. 9). Among HANDKERCHIEF their implements are mentioned the saw, the plumb- line, the measuring-reed. Some of these, and also the chisel and mallet, are represented on Egyptian monuments. The large stones used in Solomon's Temple are said by Josephus to have been fitted together exactly without either mortar or cramps, but the foundation stones to have been fastened with lead. For ordinary building, mortar was used ; • sometimes, perhaps, bitumen, as was the case at Babylon (Gen. xi. 3). The lime, clay, and straw of which mortar is generally composed in the East, require to be very carefully mixed and united so as to resist wet. The wall " daubed with untempered mortar " of Ezekiel (xiii. 10) was per haps a sort of cob-wall of mud or clay without lime, which would give way under heavy rain. The use of whitewash on tombs is remarked by our Lord (Matt, xxiii. 27). Houses infected with leprosy were required by the Law to be re-plastered (Lev. xiv. 40-45). 4. Akin to the craft of the carpenter is that of ship and boat-building, which must have been exercised to some extent for the fishing-vessels on the lake of Gennesaret (Matt. viii. 23, ix. 1 ; John xxi. 3, 8). Solomon built, at Ezion-Geber, ships for his foreign trade, which were manned by Phoenician crews, an experiment which Jehoshaphat endeavoured in vain to renew (1 K. ix. 26, 27, xxii. 48; 2 Chr. xx. 36, 37). 5. The perfumes used in the religious services, aud in later times in the funeral rites of monarchs, imply knowledge and practice in the art of the "apothe caries," who appear to have formed a guild or association (Ex. xxx. 25, 35 ; Neh. iii. 8 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 14 ; Eccl. vii. 1, x. 1 ; Ecclus. xxxviii. 8). 6. The arts of spinning and weaving both wool and linen were carried on in early times, as they are still usually among the Bedouins, by women. One of the excellences attributed to the good house-wife is her skill and industry in these arts (Ex. xxxv. 25, 26; Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 11 ; 2 K. xxiii. 7; Ez. xvi. 16 ; Prov. xxxi. 13, 24). The loom, with its beam (1 Sam. xvii. 7), pin (Judg. xvi. 14), and shuttle (Job vii. 6), was, perhaps, introduced later, but as early as David's time (1 Sam. xvii. 7). Together with weaving we read also of embroidery, in which gold and silver threads were interwoven with the body of the stuff, sometimes in figure patterns, or with precious stones set in the needle work (Ex. xxvi. 1, xxviii. 4, xxxix. 6-13). 7.. Be sides these arts, those of dyeing and of dressing cloth were practised in Palestine, and those'also of tanning and dressing leather (Josh. ii. 15-18; 2 K. i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4 ; Acts ix. 43). Shoemakers, barbers, and tailors are mentioned in the Mishna (Pesach. iv. 6) : the barber, or his occupation, by Ezekiel (v. 1 ; Lev. xiv. 8 ; Num. vi. 5), and the tailor, plasterers, glaziers, and glass vessels, painters, and goldworkers are mentioned in the Mishna {Chel. viii. 9, xxix. 3, 4, xxx. 1). Tent-makers are noticed in the Acts (xviii. 3), and frequent allusion is made to the trade of the potters. 8. Bakers are noticed in Scripture (Jer. xxxvii. 21 ; Hos. vii. 4) ; and the well-known valley Tyropoeon probably derived its name from the occupation of the cheese- makers, its inhabitants. Butchers, not Jewish, are spoken of 1 Cor. x. 25. Handkerohief, Napkin, Apron. The two former of these terms, as used in the A. V. = aovodpwv, the latter = oijukIvQiov. Both words are of Latin origin : aovZipiov = sudarium from sudo, " to sweat ;" trifwcivBtov = semicinctium, i.e. "a half j HAPHRAIM 309 girdle." The sudarium is noticed in the N. T. as a wrapper to fold up money (Luke xix. 20) — as a cloth bound about the head of a corpse (John xi. 44, xx. 7), being probably brought from the crown of the head under the chin— and lastly as an article of dress that could be easily removed (Acts xix. 12), probably a handkerchief worn on the head like the keffieh of the Bedouins. According to the scholiast quoted by Schleusner, the distinction be tween the two terms is that the sudarium was worn on the head, and the semicinctium used as a hand kerchief. Ha'nes, a place in Egypt only mentioned in Is. xxx. 4 : " For his princes were at Zoan, and his messengers came to Hanes." Hanes has been sup posed by Vitringa, Michaelis, Rosenmiiller, and Ge senius, to be the same as Heracleopolis Magna in the Heptanomis. This identification depends wholly upon the similarity of the two names : a considera tion of the sense of the passage in which Hanes occurs shows its great improbability. We are dis posed to think that the Chald. Paraphr. is right in identifying it with Tahpanhes, a fortified town on the eastern frontier. Hanging; Hangings. These terms represent both different words in the original, and different articles in the furniture ofthe Temple. (1.) The "hanging" was a curtain or "covering" to close an entrance ; one was placed before the door of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 36, 37, xxxix. 38) ; another was placed before the entrance of the court (Ex. xxvii. 16, xxxviii. 18; Num. iv. 26) ; the term is also applied to the vail that concealed the Holy of Holies (Ex. xxxv. 12, xxxix. 34, xl. 21 ; Num. iv. 5). (2.) The " hangings " were used for cover ing the walls of the court of the Tabernacle, just as tapestry was in modern times (Ex. xxvii. 9, xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 9; Num. iii. 26, iv. 26). In 2 K. xxiii. 7, the term bottim, strictly " houses," A. V. " hangings," is probably intended to describe tents used as portable sanctuaries. Han'iel, one of the sons of Ulla of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 39). Han'nah, one of the wives of Elkanah, and mother of Samuel (1 Sam. i. ii.). A hymn of thanksgiving for the birth of her son is in the hio-hest order of prophetic poetry ; its resemblance to that of the Virgin Mary (comp. 1 Sam. ii. 1-10 with Luke i. 46-55 ; see also Ps. cxiii.) has been noticed by the commentators. More recent critics have, however, assigned its authorship to David. Han'nathon, one of the cities of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 14). Han'niel, son of Ephod, and prince of Manasseh (Num. xxxiv. 23). Ha'noch. 1. The third in order of the children of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4).— 2. Eldest son of Reuben (Gen. xlvi. 9 ; Ex. vi. 14 ; Num. xxvi. 5 ; 1 Chr. v. 3), and founder of the family of Ha'nochites, the, Num. xxvi. 5. Ha'nun. 1. Son of Nahash (2 Sam. x. 1,2; 1 Chr. xix. 1, 2), king of Ammon, who dishonoured the ambassadors of David (2 Sam. a. 4), and in volved the Ammonites in a disastrous war (2 Sam. xii. 31 ; 1 Chr. xix. 6).— 2. A man who, with the people of Zanoah, repaired the ravine-gate in the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 13).— 3. The 6th son of Zalaph, who also assisted in the repair of the wall, apparently on the east side (Neh. iii. 30). Haphra'im, a city of Issachar, mentioned next to Shunem (Josh. xix. 19). About 6 miles north- 310 HARA east of Lejjun, and 2 miles west of Solam (the ancient Shunem), stands the village of el- Afuleh, which may possibly be the representative of Haph- raim. . Ha'ra (1 Chr. v. 26 only), is either a place utterly unknown, or it must be regarded as identical with Haran or Charran. Har'adah, a desert station of the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 24, 25) ; its position is uncertain. Ha'ran. 1. The third son of Terah, and there fore youngest brother of Abram (Gen. xi. 26). Three children are ascribed to him — 'Lot (27, 31), and two daughters, viz. Milcah, who married her uncle Nahor (29), and Iscah (29). Haran was born in Ur of the Chaldees, and he died there while his father was still living (28). The ancient Jewish tradition is that Haran was burnt in the furnace of Nimrod for his wavering conduct during the fiery trial of Abraham.— 2. A Gershonite Levite in the time of David, one of the family of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 9). Ha'ran, a son of the great Caleb by his concu bine Ephah (1 Chr. ii. 46). Ha'ran, is the name of the place whither Abra ham migrated with his family from Ur of the Chaldees, and where the descendants of his brother Nahor established themselves" (comp. Gen. xxiv. 10, with xxvii. 43). It is said to be in Mesopotamia (Gen. xxiv. 10), or more definitely, in Padan-Aram (xxv. 20), the cultivated district at the foot of the hills, a name well applying to the beautiful stretch of country which lies below Mount Masius between the Khabour and the Euphrates. Here, about mid way in this district, is' a town still called Harrdn, which really seems never to have changed its appella tion, and beyond any reasonable doubt is the Haran or Charran of Scripture. Harrdn lies upon tlie Belilk (ancient Btlichus), a small affluent of the Euphrates, which falls into it nearly in long. 39°. It is now a small village inhabited by a few families of Arabs. Ha'rarite, the, the designation of three of David's guard. 1, Agee, a Hararite (2 Sam. xxiii. 11).— 2. Shammah the Hararite (2 Sam. xxiii. 33.)— 3. Sharar (2 Sam. xxiii. 33) or Sacar (1 Chr. xi. 35) the Hararite, was the father of Ahiam, another member of the guard. Har'bona, the third of the seven chamberlains, or eunuchs, who served king Ahasuerus (Esth. \. 10). Har'bonah (Esth. vii. 9), the same as the pre ceding. Hare (Heb. arnebeth) occurs only in Lev. xi. 6 V ^im H m '^WWlSHfrV Have of Mount Sinai. HARLOT and Deut. xiv. 7, amongst the animals disallowed as food by the Mosaic law. There is no doubt at all that arnebeth denotes a " hare ;" and in all pro bability the species Lepus Sinaiticus, and L. Sy riacus, are those which were best known to the ancient Hebrews. The hare is at this day called arneb by the Arabs in Palestine and Syria. It was erroneously thought by the ancient Jews to have chewed the cud. They were no doubt misled, as in the case of the sh&phan {Hyrax) by the habit these animals have of moving the jaw about. Har'el. In the margin of Ez. xliii. 15 the word rendered " altar" in the text is given " Harel, i. e. the mountain of God." Junius explains it of the icrx^P" or hearth of the altar of burnt-offering, co vered by the network on which the sacrifices were placed over the burning wood. Harem. [House.] Ha'reph, a name occurring in the genealogies of Judah, as a son of Caleb, and as "father of Beth- gader" (1 Chr. ii. 51, only). Ha'reth, the Forest of, in which David took refuge, after, at the instigation of the prophet Gad, he had quitted the " hold" or fastness of the cave of Adullam — if indeed it was Adullam and not Mizpeh of Moab, which is not quite clear (1 Sam. xxii. 5). Harhai'ah, father of Uzziel 6 (Neh. iii. 8). Har'has, an ancestor of Shallum the husband of Huldah (2 K. xxii. 14). Har'hur. The sons of Harhur were among the Nethinim who returned from Babylon with Zerub babel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; Neh. vii. 53). Ha'rim. 1. A priest who had charge of the third division in the house of God (1 Chr. xxiv. 8).— 2. Bene-Harim, probably descendants ofthe above, to the number of 1017, came up from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 39 ; Neh. vii. 42). The name, probably as representing the family, is men tioned on two other occasions (Neh. x. 5 ; Ezr. x. 21). — 3. It further occurs in a list of the families of priests " who went up with Zerubbabel and Jeshua," and of those who were their descendants in the next generation — in the days of Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 15). In the former list (xii. 4) the name is changed to Rehum.— 4. An other family of Bene-Harim, three hundred and twenty in number, came from the captivity in the same caravan (Ezr. ii. 32 ; Neh. vii. 35). They also appear among those who had married foreign wives (Ezr, x. 31), as well as those who sealed the covenant (Neb. x. 27). Ha'riph. A hundred and twelve of the Bene- Hariph returned from the captivity with Zerub babel (Neh. vii. 24). The name occurs again among the " heads of the people " who sealed the covenant (x. 19). Harlot. That, this class of persons existed in the earliest states of society is clear from Gen. xxxviii. 15. Kahab (Josh. ii. 1), is said by the Chaldee paraph., to have been an innkeeper, but if there were such persons, considering what we know of Canaanitish morals (Lev. xviii. 27), we may con clude that they would, if women, have been of this class. The law forbids (xix. 29) the father's com pelling his daughter to sin, but does not mention it as a voluntary mode of life on her part without his complicity. The term (kedesli&h "consecrated") points to one description of persons, and noc- riyyah ("foreign woman") to another, of whom tin's class mostly consisted. The first term refers HARNEPHER to the impure worship of the Syrian Astarte (Num. , xxv. 1 ; comp. Herod, i. 199). The latter class would grow up with the growth of great cities and of foreign intercourse, and hardly could enter into the view of the Mosaic institutes. As regards the fashions involved in the practice, similar outward marks seem to have attended its earliest forms to those which we trace in the classical writers, e. g. a distinctive dress and a seat by the way side (Gen. xxxviii. 14 ; comp. Ez. xvi. 16, 25 ; Bar. vi. 43). Public singing in the streets occurs also (Is. xxiii. 16 ; Ecclus. ix. 4). Those who thus published their infamy were of the worst repute, others had houses of resort, and both classes seem to have been known among the Jews (Prov. vii. 8-12, xxiii. 28; Ecclus. ix. 7, 8) ; the two women, 1 K. iii. 16, lived as Greek hetaerae sometimes did in a house together. In earlier times the price of a kid is mentioned (Gen. xxxviii.), and great wealth doubt less sometimes accrued to them (Ez. xvi. 33, 39, xxiii. 26). But lust, as distinct from gain, appears as the inducement in Prov. vii. 14, 15. The " harlots " are classed with " publicans," as those who lay under the ban of society in the N. T. (Matt. xxi. 32). The children of such persons were held in contempt, and could not exercise privileges nor inherit (John viii. 41 ; Deut. xxiii. 2 ; Judg. xi. 1, 2). Harneph'er, one of the sons of Zophah, of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 36). Ha'rod, the WeU of, a spring by which Gideon and his great army encamped on the morning of the day which ended in the rout of the Midianites (Judg. vii. 1), and where the trial of the people by their mode of drinking apparently took place. The Ain Jalud, with which Dean Stanley would identify Harod, is very suitable to the circumstances, as being at present the largest spring in the neigh bourhood, and as forming a pool of considerable size, at which great numbers might drink. Ha'rodite, the, the designation of two of the thirty-seven warriors of David's guard, Shammah and Elika (2 Sam. xxiii. 25), doubtless derived from a place named Harod. Haro'eh, a name occurring in the genealogical lists of Judah as one of the sons of " Shobal, father of Kirjath-jearim " (1 Chr. ii. 52). Har'orite, the, the *itle given to Shammoth, one of the warriors of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 27). Haro'sheth, or rather " Harosheth of the Gen tiles," as it was called, from the mixed races that in habited it, a city in the north of the land of Canaan, supposed to have stood on the west coast ofthe lake Merom (el-Huleh), from which the Jordan issues forth in one unbrokenstream, and in the portion ofthe tribe of Naphtali. 1 1 was the residence of Sisera, cap- 'tain of Jabin, king of Canaan (Judg. iv. 2), and it was the point to which the victorious Israelites under Barak pursued the discomfited host and chariots of the second potentate of that name (Judg. iv. 16). The site of Harosheth does not appear to have been identified by any modem traveller. Harp (Heb. kinnor). The kinnor was the na tional instrument of the Hebrews, and was well known throughout Asia. The writer of the Penta teuch assigns its invention to the antediluvian period (Gen. iv. 21). Touching the shape ofthe kinnor a great difference of opinion prevails. The author of Shilte Haggibborim describes it as resembling the modern harp ; Pfeiffer gives it the form of a guitar ; and St. Jerome declares it to have resembled hi HASHABIAH 311 shape the Greek letter delta. Josephus records that the kinnor had ten strings, and that it was played on with the plectrum ; others assign to it twenty-four, and in the Shilte Haggibborim it is said to have had forty-seven. Josephus's statement, however, is in open contradiction to what is set forth in the 1st book of Samuel (xvi. 23, xviii. 10), that David played on the kinnor with his hand. Probably there was a smaller and a larger kinnor, and these may have been played in different ways (1 Sam. x. 5). Harrow. The word so rendered 2 Sam. xii. 31, 1 Chr. xx. 3, is probably a threshing-machine, the verb rendered "to harrow" (Is. xxviii. 24; Job xxxix. 10 ; Hos. x. 11), expresses apparently the breaking of the clods, and is so far analogous to our harrowing, but whether done by any such machine as we call "a harrow," is very doubtful. Har'sha. Bene-Harsha were among the families of Nethinim who came back from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 52 ; Neh. vii. 54). Hart. The hart is reckoned among the clean animals (Deut. xii. 15, xiv. 5, xv. 22), and seems, from the passages quoted as well as from 1 K. iv. 23, to have been commonly killed for food. The Heb. masc. noun ayyal denotes, there can be no doubt, some species of Cervidae (deer tribe), either the Dama vulgaris, fallow-deer, or the Cervus Bar- barus, the Barbary deer, the southern representative ofthe European stag (C. elaphus), which occurs in Tunis and the coast of Barbary. Ha'rum, Father of Aharhel, in one of the most obscure genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 8). Har'umaph, father or ancestor of Jedaiah (Neh. iii. 10). Har'uphite, the, the designation of Shephatiah, one of the Korhites who repaired to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). Ha'ruz, a man of Jotbah, father of Meshullemeth, queen of Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 19). Harvest. [Agriculture.] Hasadi ah, one of a group of five persons among the descendants ofthe royal line of Judah' (1 Chr. iii. 20), apparently sons of Zerubbabel. Hasen'uah, a Benjamite, of one of the chief families in the tribe (1 Chr. ix. 7). Hashahi'ah. 1. A Merarite Levite (1 Chr. vi. 45 ; heb. 30).— 2. Another Merarite Levite (1 Chr. ix. 14). —3. The fourth of the six sons of Jedu thun (1 Chr. xxv. 3), who had charge of the twelfth course (19).— 4. One ofthe descendants of Hebron the son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxvi. 30).— 5. The son of Kemuel, who was prince of the tribe of Levi in the time of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 17).— 6. A Levite, one of the " chiefs " of his tribe, who officiated for King Josiah at his great passover-feast (2 Chr. xxxv. 9).— 7. A Merarite Levite who ac companied Ezra from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 19).— 8, One of the chiefs of the priests who formed part of the same caravan (Ezr. viii. 24).— 9. Ruler of half the circuit or environs of Keilah ; he repaired a portion of the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 17).— 10. One ofthe Levites who sealed the covenant of reformation after the return from the captivity (Neh. x. 11). Probably this is the person named as one ofthe chiefs ofthe Levites in the times immediately subsequent to the return from Babylon (xii. 24 ; comp. 26).— 11. Another Levite, son of Bunni (Neh. xi. 15).— 12. A Levite, son of Mattaniah (Neh. xi. 22).— 13. A priest of the family of Hilkiah in the days of Joiakim son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 21). 312 HASHABNAH Hashab'nah, one of the chief of the "people" who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. *. 25). Hashabni'ah. 1. Father of Hattush (Neh. iii. 10).— 2. A Levite who was among those who offi ciated at the great fast under Ezra and Nehemiah when the covenant was sealed (Neh. ix. 5). Hashbad'ana, one of the men (probably Levites) who stood on Ezra's left hand while he read the law to the people in Jerusalem (Neh. viii. 4). Ha'shem. The sons of Hashem the Gizonite are named amongst the members of David's guard in 1 Chr. (xi. 34). Hash'mannim. This word occurs only in the Hebrew of Ps. lxviii. 31: "Hashmannim (A. V. "princes") shall come out of Egypt, Cush shall make her hands to hasten to God." The old deri vation from the civil name of Hermopolis Magna in the Heptanomis seems to us reasonable. The an cient Egyptian name is Ha-shmen, or Ha-shmoon, the abode of eight. If we suppose that Hashman nim is a proper name and signifies Hermopolites, the mention might be explained by the circum stance that Hermopolis Magna was the great city of the Egyptian Hermes, Thoth, the god of wisdom. Hash'monah, a station of the Israelites, men tioned Num. xxxiii. 29, as next before Moseroth. Ha'shub. 1. A son of Pahath-Moab who assisted in the repair of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 11). —2. Another who assisted in the same work (Neh. iii. 23).— 3. One ofthe heads of the people who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 23).— 4. A Merarite Levite (Neh. xi. 15). Hash'uhah, the first of a group of five men, ap parently the latter half of the family of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 20). Ea'shum. 1. Bene-Hashum, two hundred and twenty-three in number, came back from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 19 ; Neh. vii. 22). Seven men of them had married foreign wives from whom they had to separate (Ezr. x. 33). The chief man of the family was among those who sealed the co venant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 18). — 2. One of the priests or Levites who stood on Ezra's left hand while he read the law to the congregation (Neh. viii. 4). Hash'upha, one of the families of Nethinim who returned from captivity in the first caravan (Neh. vii. 46). Has'rah, the form in which the name Harhas is given in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 22 (comp. 2 K. xxii. 14). Hassena'ah. The Bene-has-senaah rebuilt the fish-gate in the repair of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 3). Has'shub, a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. ix. 14), mentioned again Neh. xi. 15. Has upha. Bene-Hasupha were among the Ne thinim who returned from Babylon with Zerub babel (Ezr. ii. 43). Hat. [Head-dres8.] Ha'tach, one of the eunuchs in the court of Ahasuerus (Esth. iv. 5, 6, 9, 10). Ha'thath, one of the sons of Othniel the Ke- nazite (1 Chr. iv. 13). Hat'ipha, Bene-Hatipha were among the Ne thinim who returned from Babylon with Zerub babel (Ezr. ii. 54; Neh. vii. 56). Hat'ita. Bene-Hatita were among the "porters" (i. e. the gate-keepers), who returned from the cap tivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 42 ; Neh. vii. 45). Hat'til. Bene-Hattil were among the " children HAWK of Solomon's slaves " who came back from captivity 'with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 57; Neh. vii. 59). Hat'tush. 1. A descendant of the kings of Judah, apparently one of the sons of Shechaniah. (1 Chr. iii. 22), in the fourth or fifth generation from Zerubbabel. A person of the same name ac companied Ezra from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr.. viii. 2). In another statement Hattush is said to have returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 2).— 2„ Son of Hashabniah ; one of those who assisted Ne hemiah in the repair of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh iii. 10). Hau'ran, a province of Palestine twice mentioned by Ezekiel (xlvii. 16, 18). There can be little doubt that it is identical with the well-known Greek. province of Auranitis, and the modem Hauran. Josephus frequently mentions Auranitis in connexion. with Trachonitis, Batanea, and Gaulanitis, which with it constituted the ancient kingdom of Bashan. Hav'ilah. 1. A son of Cush (Gen. x. 7) ; and" 2. a son of Joktan (x. 29). Various theories have been advanced respecting these obscure peoples. It appears to be most probable that both stocks settled in the same country, and there intermarried ; thus receiving one name, and forming one race, with a common descent. The Cushite people of this name •formed the westernmost colony of Cush along the south of Arabia, and the Joktanites were an earlier colonization. It is commonly thought that the district of Khawlan, in the Yemen, preserves the trace of this ancient people. The district of Khaw lan lies between the city of San'a, and the Hijaz, i. e. in the north-western portion of the Yemen. It took its name, according to the Arabs, from Khawlan, a descendant of Kahtan [Joktan], or, as some say, of Kahlan, brother of Himyer. This genealogy says little more than that the name was Joktanite. Khawlan is a fertile territory, embrac ing a large part of myrrhiferous Arabia ; moun tainous ; with plenty of water ; and supporting a large population. Those who separate the Cushite and Joktanite Havilah either place them in Nie- buhr's two Khawlans, or they place 2 on the north of the peninsula, following the supposed argument derived from Gen. xxv. 18, and 1 Sara. xv. 7, and finding the name in that of the Xav\ordioi. A Joktanite settlement so far north is however very improbable. They discover 1 in the Avalitae on the African coast. Hav'ilah (Gen. ii. 11). [Eden.] Ha'voth-Ja'ir, certain villages on the east of Jordan, in Gilead or Bashan, which were taken by Jair the son of Manasseh, and called after his name (Num. xxxii. 41 ; Deut. iii. 14). In the records of Manasseh, in Josh. xiii. 30, and 1 Chr. ii. 23, the Havoth-jair are reckoned with other districts as making up sixty "cities" (comp. 1 K. iv. 13). There is apparently some confusion in these different statements as to what the sixty cities really con sisted of. No less doubtful is the number of the Havoth-jair. In 1 Chr. ii. 22 they are specified as twenty-three, but in Judg. x. 4, as thirty. Hawk (Heb. nets), the translation of the above- named Heb. term (Lev. xi. 16 ; Deut. xiv. 15 ; Job xxxix. 26). The word is doubtless generic, as ap peal's from the expression in Deut. and Lev. " after his kind," and includes various species of the Fal- conidae, with more especial allusion perhaps to the small diurnal birds, such as the kestrel (Falco tin- nunculus), the hobby {Hypotriorchis subbuteo), the gregarious lesser kestrel (Tinnunculus cenchris)y HAY common about the ruins in the plain districts of Palestine, all of which were probably known to the ancient Hebrews. With respect to the passage in Job {I. a), which appears to allude to the migratory habits of hawks, it is curious to observe that of the ten or twelve lesser raptors of Palestine, nearly all are summer migrants. The kestrel remains all the year, but T. cenchris, Micronisus gabar, Hyp. eleonorae, and F. melanopterus, are all migrants from the south. Besides the abovenamed smaller hawks, the two magnificent species, F. Saker and F. lanarius, are summer visitors to Palestine. HAZERIM 313 Hay (Heb. chdtsir), the rendering of the A. V. in Prov. xxvii. 25, and Is. xv. 6, of the above- named Heb. term, which occurs frequently in the 0. T., and denotes " grass " of any kind. Harmer, quoting from a MS. paper of Sir J. Chardin, states that hay is not made anywhere in the East, and that the " hay " of the A. V. is therefore an error of translation. It is quite probable that the modern Orientals do not make hay in our sense of the term ; but it is certain that the ancients did mow their grass, and probably made use of the dry material. See Ps. xxxvii. 2. We may remai'k that there is an express Hebrew term for " dry grass" or " hay," viz. chashash, which, in the only two places where the word occurs (Is. v. 24, xxxiii. 11) is rendered " chaff" in the A. V. We do not, however, mean to assert that the chasfiash ofthe Orientals represents our modern English hay. Doubtless the " dry grass" was not stacked, but only cut in small quan tities, and then consumed. Ha'zael was a king of Damascus, who reigned from about B.C. 886 to B.C. 840. He appears to have been previously a person in a high position at the court of Benhadad, and was sent by his master to Elisha, to inquire if he would recover from the malady under which he was suffering. Elisha's answer led to the murder of Benhadad by his am bitious servant, who forthwith mounted the throne (2 K. viii. 7-15). He was soon engaged in hos tilities with Ahaziah king of Judah, and Jehoram king of Israel, for the possession of the city of Ea- nioth-Gilead (ibid. viii. 28). The Assyrian inscrip tions show that about this time a bloody and de structive war was being waged between the Assyrians on the one side, and the Syrians, Hittites, Hamath ites, and Phoenicians on the other. Towards the close of the reign of Jehu, Hazael led them against the Israelites (about B.C. 860), whom he " smote ' in all their coasts " (2 K. x. 32), thus accomplishing the prophecy of Elisha (ibid. viii. 12). At the close of his life, having taken Gath (ibid. xii. 17 ; comp. Am. vi. 2), he proceeded to attack Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxiv. 24), and was about to assault the city, when Joash bribed him to retire (2 K. xii. 18). Hazael appears to have died about the year B.C. 840 (ibid. xiii. 24), having reigned 46 years. Hazai'ah, a man of Jndah of the family of the Shilonites, or descendants of Shelah (Neh. xi. 5). Ha'zar-ad'dar, &c. [Hazer.] HazarmaVcth, the third, in order, of the sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 26). The name is preserved, almost literally, in the Arabic Hadramawt and Hadrumdwt, and the appellation of a province and an ancient people of Southern Arabia. The pro vince of Hadramawt is situate east of the modern Yemen. Its capital is Satham, a very ancient city, and its chief ports are Mirbat, Zafari, and Kisheem, from whence a great trade was carried on, in ancient times, with India and Africa. Hazel. The Hebrew term luz occurs only in Gen. xxx. 37. Authorities are divided between the hazel and the almond tree, as representing the luz. The latter is most probably correct. Hazelelpo'ni, the sister of the sons of Etam in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 3). Ha'zer, topographically, seems generally em ployed for the "villages" of people in a roving and unsettled life, the semi-permanent collections of dwellings which are described by travellers among the modern Arabs to consist of rough stone walls covered with the tent-cloths. As a proper name it appears in the A. V.: — 1. In the plural, Hazerim, and Hazeroth, for which see below. 2. In the slightly different form of Hazor. 3. In composi tion with other words.— 1. Hazar-addar, a place named as one of the landmarks on the southern boundary of the land promised to Israel (Num. xxxiv. 4; Adar, Josh. xv. 3). Its site does not appear to have been encountered in modern times.— 2. Hazar-enan, the place at which the northern boundary of the land promised to the children of Israel was to terminate (Num. xxxiv. 9, 10 ; comp. Ez. xlvii. 17, xlviii. 1). Mr. Porter would identify Hazarenan with Kuryetein, a village more than sixty miles E.N.E. of Damascus. — 3. Hazar-gaddah, one of the towns in the southern district of Judab (Josh. xv. 27), named between Moladah and Hesh- mon.— 4. Hazar-hat-ticos, a place named in Ezekiel's prophecy of the ultimate boundaries of the land (Ez. xlvii. 16), and specified as being on the boundary of Hauran. It is not yet known. 5. Hazar-shual, a town in the southern district of Judah, lying between Hazar-gaddah and Beer sheba (Josh. xv. 28, xix. 3; 1 Chr. iv. 28).— 6. Hazar-susah, one of the " cities " allotted to Simeon in the extreme south of the territory of Judah (Josh. xix. 5).— 7. Hazar-SUSIM, the form under which the preceding name appears in the list ofthe towns of Simeon in 1 Chr. iv. 31. Ha'zerim. The Avims, or more accurately the Awim, are said to have lived " in the villages (A.V. " Hazerim") as far as Gaza" (Deut. ii. 23) before their expulsion by the Caphtorim. 314 HAZEROTH Ha'zeroth (Num. xi. 35, xii. 16, xxxiii. 17; Deut. i. 1), a station of the Israelites in the desert, and perhaps recognizable in the Arabic Hudhera. Ha'zezon-Ta'mar, and Ha'zazon-Ta'mar, the ancient name of Engedi (Gen. xiv. 7). The name occurs only once again — in the records of the reign ofHezekiah(2Chr. xx. 2). Ha'ziel, a Levite in the time of David, of the family of Shimei or Shimi, the younger branch of the Gershonites (1 Chr. xxiii. 9). Ha'zo, a son of Nahor, by Milcah his wife (Gen. xxii, 22). Ha'zor, 1. A fortified city, which on the occu pation of the country was allotted to Naphtali (Josh. xix. 36). Its position was apparently be tween Ramah and Kedesh (ibid. xii. 19), on the high ground overlooking the Lake of Merom. There is no reason for supposing it a different place from that of which Jabin was king (Josh. xi. 1 . Judg. iv. 2, 17 ; 1 Sam. xii. 9). It was the prin cipal city of the whole of North Palestine (Josh. xi. 10). It was fortified by Solomon (1 K. iv. 15), and its inhabitants were carried captive by Tiglath- Pileser (2 K. xv. 29). We encounter it once more in 1 Mace. xi. 67 (A. V. Nasor). The most pro bable site of Hazor is Tell Khuraibeh.—2. One of the " cities" of Judah in the extreme south, named next in order to Kedesh (Josh. xv. 23).— -3. Hazor- Hadattah, = " new Hazor," another of the southern towns of Judah (Josh. xv. 25).— 4. " Hezron which is Hazor" (Josh. xv. 25).— 5. A place in which the Benjamites resided after their return from the captivity (Neh. xi. 33). It would seem to have lain north of Jerusalem, but it has not yet been discovered. Head-dress. The Hebrews do not appear to have regarded a covering for the head as an essential article of dress. The earliest notice we have of such a thing is in connexion with the sacerdotal vest- ments (Ex. xxviii. 40). We may infer that it was not ordinarily worn in the Mosaic age. Even in after times it seems to have been reserved especially for purposes of ornament: thus the Ts&niph is noticed as being worn by nobles (Job xxix. 14), ladies (Is. iii. 23), and kings (Is. lxii. 3), while the Peer was au article of holiday dress (Is. Ixi. 3, A.V. " beauty;" Ez. xxiv. 17, 23), and was worn at weddings (Is. Ixi. 10). The former of these terms undoubtedly describes a kind of turban, and its form probably resembled that of the High- priest's Mitsnepheth, as described by Josephus {Ant. iii. 7, §3). The other term, Peer, primarily means an ornament, and is so rendered in the A. V. (Is. Ixi. 10; see also ver. 3, "beauty"), and is spe cifically applied to the head-dress from its orna mental character. It is uncertain what the term properly describes, but it may have applied to the jewels and other ornaments with which the turban is frequently decorated. The ordinary head-dress of the Bedouin consists of the keffieh, a. square handkerchief, generally of red and yellow cotton, or cotton and silk, folded so that three of the corners hang down over the back and shoulders, leaving the face exposed, and bound round the head by a cord. It is not improbable that a similar covering was used by the Hebrews on certain occa sions. The introduction of the Greek hat by Jason, as an article of dress adapted to the gymnasium, was regarded as a national dishonour (2 Mace. iv. 12). The Assyrian head-dress is described in Ez. xxiii. 15 under the terms " exceeding in dyed HEATHEN attire." The word rendered " hats ' 21 properly applies to a cloak. in Dan. iii. Bedouin He&d-drese ; the KeffiyeU, Hearth, One way of baking much practised in the East is to place the dough on an iron plate, either laid on, or supported on legs above the vessel sunk in the ground, which forms the oven. The cakes baked " on the hearth" (Gen. xviii. 6) were probably baked in the existing Bedouin manner, on hot stones covered with ashes. The " hearth " of king Jehoiakim's winter palace (Jer. xxxvi. 23) was possibly a pan or brazier of charcoal. Heath, Heb. 'ard'er (Jer. xlviii. 6), and 'ar'ar. There seems no reason to doubt Celsius' conclusion that the 'ar'ar (Jer. xvii. 6) is identical with the 'arar of Arabic writers, which is some species of juniper, probably the Juniperus Sabina, or savin. Heathen (Heb. goi, goyim). 1. While as yet the Jewish nation had no political existence, goyim denoted generally the nations of the world, especially including the immediate descendants of Abraham (Gen. xviii. 18 ; comp. Gal. iii. 16). The latter, as they grew in numbers and importance, were distinguished in a most marked manner from the nations iy whom they were surrounded, and were provided with a code of laws and a religious ritual which made the distinction still more peculiar. The nations from whom they were thus separated re ceived the especial appellation ot goyim. They are ever associated with the worship of false gods, and the foul practices of idolaters (Lev. xviii. xx.), and these constituted their chief distinctions, as goyim, from the worshippers of the one God, the people of Jehovah (Num. xv. 41 ; Deut. xxviii. 10). This distinction was maintained in its full force during the early times of the monarchy (2 Sam. vii. 23 ; 1 K. xi. 4-8, xiv. 24 ; Ps. evi. 35).— 2. But, even in early Jewish times, the term goyim received by anticipation a significance of wider range than the national experience (Lev. xxvi. 33, 38 ; Deut. xxx. 1) ; and as the latter was gradually developed during the prosperous, times of the monarchy, the goyim were the surrounding nations generally, with whom the Israelites were brought into contact by the extension of their commerce. In the time of the Maccabees, following the customs of the goyim denoted the neglect or concealment of circumcision (1 Mace. i. 15), disregard of sacrifices, profanation of the Sabbath, eating of swine's flesh and meat offered to idols (2 Mace. vi. 6-9, 18, xv. 1, 2), and adoption of the Greek national games (2 Mace. iv. 12, 14). In all points Judaism and heathenism are strongly contrasted. The " barbarous multitude HEAVEN in 2 Mace. ii. 21 are .opposed to those who played the men for Judaism, and the distinction now be comes an ecclesiastical one (comp. Matt, xviii. 17). But, in addition to its significance as an ethno graphical term, goyim had a^noral sense which must not be overlooked. In Ps, ix. 5,15, 17 (comp. Ez. vii. 21) the word stands in parallelism with " the wicked ;" and in ver. 17 the people thus de signated are described as " forgetters of God," that know not Jehovah (Jer. x. 25). Heaven. There are four Hebrew words thus rendered in the 0. T., which we may briefly notice. 1. R&kt'a (A. V. firmament), a solid expanse. Through its open lattices (Gen. vii. 11 ; 2 K. vii. 2, 19) or doors (Ps. lxxviii. 23) the dew and snow and hail are poured upon the earth (Job xxxviii. 22, 37). This firm vault, which Job describes as being " strong as a molten looking-glass" (xxxvii. 18), is transpaient, like pellucid sapphire, and splendid as crystal (Dan. xii. 3 ; Ex. xxiv. 10 ; Ez. i. 22 ; Rev. iv. 6), over which rests the throne of God (Is. lxvi. 1 ; Ez. i. 26), and which is opened for the descent of angels, or for prophetic visions (Gen. xxviii. 17; Ez. i. 1 ; Acts vii. 56, x. 11). Iu it, like gems or golden lamps, the stars are fixed to give light to the earth, and regulate the seasons (Gen. i. 14-19) ; and the whole magnificent, im measurable structure (Jer. xxxi. 37) is supported hj the mountains as its pillars, or strong founda tions (Ps. xviii. 7 j 2 Sam. xxii. 8 ; Job xxiv. 11).— 2. Sh&mayim. This is the word used in the ex pression " the heaven and the earth," or " the upper and lower regions" (Gen. i. 1).— 3. Marom, used for heaven in Ps. xviii. 16 ; Jer. xxv. 30 ; Is. xxiv. 18. Properly speaking it means a mountain, as in Ps. cii. 19 ; Ez. xvii. 23.-4. Shechaldm, " ex- pauses," with reference to the extent of heaven (Deut. xxxiii. 26; Job xxxv. 5). St. Paul's ex pression " third heaven " (2 Cor. xii. 2) has led to much conjecture. Grotius said that the Jews di vided the heaven into three parts, viz. 1. the air or atmosphere, where clouds gather ; 2. the firma ment, in which the sun, moon, and stars are fixed; 3. the upper heaven, the abode of God and his angels. He'ber. 1. Grandson of the patriarch Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17 ; 1 Chr. vii. 31 ; Num. xxvi. 45) 2. Of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 18).— 3. A Gadite (1 Chr. v. 13).— 4. A Benjamite (1 Chr. viii. 17). — 5. Another Benjamite (1 Chr. viii. 22).— 6. Heber, the Kenite, the husband of Jael (Judg. iv. 11-17, v. 24) — 7. The patriarch Eber (Luke iii. 35). He'berites, the, descendants of Heber, a branch of the tribe of Asher (Num. xxvi. 45). , He'brew, Hebrews. This word first occurs as applied to Abraham (Gen. xiv. 13). It was after wards given as a name to his descendants. Four derivations have been proposed: I. From Abram. — II. From '&bar, = " crossed over," applied by the Canaanites to Abraham upon his crossing the Eu phrates (Gen. xiv. 13). — III. From 'eber, " beyond, on the other side," is essentially the same with II., since both rest upon the hypothesis that Abraham and his posterity were called Hebrews in order to express a distinction between the races E. and W. of the Euphrates.— IV. From the patriarch Eber. But no special prominence is in the genealogy as signed to Eber such as might entitle him to the position of head or founder of the race. From the genealogical scheme in Gen. xi. 10-26, it does not HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE 315 appear that the Jews thought of Eber as a source primary, or even secondary of the national descent. There is, indeed, only one passage in which it is possible to imagine any peculiar resting-point as connected with the name of Eber. In Gen. x. 21 Shem is called " the father of all the children of Eber," i. e. father of the nations to the east of the Euphrates. The appellative derivation (from '&bar or 'eber) is strongly confirmed by the historical use of the word Hebrew. A patronymic would na turally be in use only among the people themselves, while the appellative which had been originally applied to them as strangers in a strange land would probably continue to designate them in their relations to neighbouring tribes, and would be their current name among foreign nations. This is pre cisely the case with the terms Israelite and Hebrew respectively. The former was used by the Jews of themselves among themselves, the latter was the name by which they were known to foreigners. Briefly, we suppose that Hebrew was originally a Cis-Euphratian word applied to Trans- Euphratian immigrants: it was accepted by these immigrants in their external relations; and after the general substitution of the word Jew, it still found a place in that marked and special feature of national con tradistinction, the language. Hebrewess, a Hebrew woman (Jer. xxxiv. 9). Hebrews, Epistle to the. Canonical authority. Was it received and transmitted as canonical by the immediate successors of the apostles? The most important witness among these, Clement (A.D. 70 or 95), refers to this Epistle in the same way as, and more frequently than, to any other canonical book. Little stress can be laid upon the few pos sible allusions to it iu Barnabas, Hermas, Polycarp, and Ignatius. It is received as canonical by Justin Martyr, and by the compilers of the Peshito ver sion of the New Testament. Basilides and Marcion are recorded as distinctly rejecting the Epistle. But at the close of that period, in the North African church, where first the Gospel found utterance in the Latin tongue, orthodox Christianity first doubted the canonical authority of the Epistle to the Hebrews. To the old Latin version of the Scriptures, which was completed probably about A.D. 173, this Epistle seems to have been added as a composition of Barnabas, and as destitute of canonical authority. During the next two cen turies the extant fathers of the Roman and North African churches regard the Epistle as a book of no canonical authority ; but in the fourth century its authority began to revive. At the end of the fourth century, Jerome, the most learned and cri tical of the Latin fathers, reviewed the conflicting opinions as to the authority of this Epistle. He considered that the prevailing, though not uni versal view of the Latin churches was of less weight than the view not only of ancient writers but also of all the Greek and all the Eastern churches, where the Epistle was received as canonical and read daily ; and he pronounced a de cided opinion in favour of its authority. The great contemporary light of North Africa, St. Augustine, held a similar opinion. The 3rd Council of Car thage, a.d. 397, and a Decretal of Pope Innocent, a.d. 416, gave a final confirmation to their deci sion. But such doubts were confined to the Latin churches from the middle ofthe second to the close of the fourth century. All the rest of orthodox Christendom from the beginning was agreed upon 316 HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE the canonical authority of this Epistle. Cardinal Cajetan, the opponent of Luther, was the first to disturb the tradition of a thousand years, and to deny its authority. Erasmus, Calvin, and Beza questioned only its authorship. Luther, when he printed his version of the Bible, separated this book from St. Paul's Epistles, and placed it with the Epistles of St. James and St. Jude, next before the Revelation; indicating by this change of order his opinion that the four relegated books are of less importance and less authority than the rest of the New Testament.— II. Who was the author of the Epistle ? — The superscription, the ordinary source of information, is wanting ; but there is no reason to doubt that at first, everywhere, except in North Africa, St. Paul was regarded as the author. Clement ascribed to St. Luke the translation of the Epistle into Greek from a Hebrew original of St. Paul. Origen believed that the thoughts were St. Paul's, the language and composition St. Luke's or Clement's of Rome. Tertullian names Barnabas as the reputed author according to the North African tradition. The view of the Alexandrian fathers, a middle point between the Eastern and Western tra ditions, won its way in the Church. Luther's con jecture that Apollos was the author has been widely adopted. Luke by Grotius. Silas by others. Neander attributes it to some apostolic man of the Pauline school, whose training and method of stating doctrinal truth differed from St. Paul's. The distinguished name of Ewald has been given recently to the hypothesis that it was written by some Jewish teacher residing at Jerusalem to a church in some important Italian town, which is supposed to have sent a deputation to Palestine. If it be asked to what extent, and by whom was St. Paul assisted in the composition of this Epistle, tlie reply must be in the words of Origen, " Who wrote [i. e. as in Rom. xvi. 22, wrote from the author's dictation] this Epistle, only God knows." The similarity in phraseology which exists between the acknowledged writings of St. Luke and this Epistle, his constant companionship with St. Paul, and his habit of listening to and recording the Apostle's arguments, form a strong presumption in his favour. — III. To whom was the Epistle sent? — This question was agitated as early as the time of Chrysostom, who replies, — to the Jews in Jerusalem and Palestine. The argument of the Epistle is such as could be used with most effect to a church con sisting exclusively of Jews by birth, personally familiar with and attached to the Temple-service. Ebrard limits the primary circle of readers even to a section of the church at Jerusalem. Some critics have maintained that this Epistle was addressed directly to Jewish believers everywhere : others have restricted it to those who dwelt in Asia and Greece. — IV. Wltere and when was it written ? — Eastern traditions of the fourth century, in con nexion with the opinion that St. Paul is the writer, name Italy and Rome, or Athens, as the place from whence the Epistle was written. Either place would agree with, perhaps was suggested by, the mention of Timothy in the last chapter. The Epistle was evidently written before the destruc tion of Jerusalem in a.d. 70. The whole aro-u- ment, and specially the passages viii. 4 and sq., ix. 6 and sq., and xiii. 10 and sq., imply that the Temple was standing, and that its usual course of Divine service was carried on without interruption. The date which best agrees, with the traditionary HEBRON account of the authorship and destination of the Epistle is A.D. 63, about the end of St. Paul's im prisonment at Rome, or a year after Albinus suc ceeded Festus as Procurator.— V. In what language was it written1? — Like St. Matthew's Gospel, the Epistle to the Hebrews has afforded ground for much unimportant controversy respecting the lan guage in which it was originally written. The earliest statement is that of Clement of Alexandria to the effect that it was written by St. Paul in Hebrew, and translated by St. Luke into Greek. But nothing is said to lead us to regard it as a tra dition, rather than a conjecture suggested by the style of the Epistle. Bleek argues in support of a Greek original, on the grounds of (1.) the purity and easy flow of the Greek ; (2.) the use of Greek words which could not be adequately expressed in Hebrew without long periphrase ; (3.) the use of paronomasia ; and (4.) the use of the Septuagint in quotations and references.— VI. Condition of the Hebrews, and scope of the Epistle.— The numerous Christian churches scattered throughout Judaea (Acts ix. 31 ; Gal. i. 22) were continually exposed to persecution from the Jews (1 Thess. ii. 14) ; but in Jerusalem there was one additional weapon in the hands of the predominant oppressors of the Christians. The magnificent national Temple might be shut against the Hebrew Christian ; and even if this affliction were not often laid upon him, yet there was a secret burden which he bore within him, the knowledge that the end of all the beauty and awfulness of Zion was rapidly approaching. What could take the place of the Temple, and that which was behind the veil, and the Levitical sacri fices, and the Holy City, when they should cease to exist ? What compensation could Christianity offer him for the loss which was pressing the Hebrew Christian more and more ? The writer of this Epistle meets the Hebrew Christians on their own ground. His answer is — " Tour new faith gives you Christ, and, in Christ, all you seek, all your fathers sought. In Christ the Son of God you have an all-sufficient Mediator, nearer than angels to the Father, eminent above Moses as a benefactor, more sympathising and more prevailing than the High- priest as an intercessor : His sabbath awaits you in heaven ; to His covenant the old was intended to be subservient ; His atonement is the eternal reality of which sacrifices are but the passing shadow; His city heavenly, not made with hands. Having Him, believe in Him with all your heart, with a faith in the unseen future, strong as that of the saints of old, patient under present, and prepared for coming woe, full of energy, and hope, and holiness, and love." Such was the teaching of the Epistle to the Hebrews. He'bron. 1. The third son of Kohath, who was the second son of Levi ; the younger brother of Amram, father of Moses and Aaron (Ex. vi. 18 ; Num. iii. 19 ; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 18, xxiii. 12). The immediate children of Hebron are not mentioned by name (comp. Ex. vi. 21, 22), but he was the founder of a family of Hebronites (Num. iii. 27, xxvi. 58 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23, 30, 31) or Bene-Hebron (1 Chr. xv. 9, xxiii. 19).— 2. In the genealogical lists of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 42, 43;, Mareshah is said to have been the " father of Hebron." It is impossible at present to say whe ther these names are intended to be those of the places themselves or of persons who founded them. He'bron. 1. A city of Judah (Josh. xv. 54) ; HEBRONITES, THE Bituated among the mountains (Josh. xx. 7), 20 Roman miles south of Jerusalem, and the same distance north of Beersheba. Hebron is one of the most ancient cities in the world still existing ; and in this respect it is the rival of Damascus. It was built, says a sacred writer, " seven years before Zoan in Egypt" (Num. xiii. 22) ; and was a well- known town when Abraham entered Canaan 3780 years ago (Gen. xiii. 18). Its Original name was Kirjath-Arba (Judg. i. 10), " the city of Arba ; " so called from Arba, the father of Anak, and pro genitor ofthe giant Anakim (Josh. xxi. 11, xv. 13, 14). The chief interest of this city arises from its having been the scene of some of the most striking events in the lives of the patriarchs. Sarah died at Hebron ; and Abraham then bought from Ephron the Hittite the field and cave of Mach pelah, to serve as a family tomb (Gen. xxiii. 2-20). The cave is still there ; and the massive walls of the Haram or mosque, within which it lies, form the most remarkable object in the whole city. Abraham is called by Mohammedans el-Khulil, " the Friend," f. e. of God, and this is the modern name of Hebron. Hebron now contains about 5000 inhabitants, of whom some 50 families are Jews. It is picturesquely situated in a narrow valley, surrounded by rocky hills. The valley runs from north to south ; and the main quarter of the town, surmounted by the lofty walls of the venerable Haram, lies partly on the eastern slope (Gen. xxxvii. 14 ; comp. xxiii. 19). About a mile from the town, up the valley, is one of the largest oak-trees in Palestine. This, say some, is the very tr5e beneath which Abraham pitched his tent, and it still bears. the name of the patriarch. — 2. One of the towns in the territory of Asher (Josh. xix. 28), on the boundary of the tribe. No one in modern times has discovered its site. Besides, it is not certain whether the name should not rather be Ebdon or Abdon, since that form is found in many MSS. Heb'ronites, the. A family of Kohathite Le vites, descendants of Hebron the son of Kohath (Num. iii. 27, xxvi. 58 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23). Hedge. Three of the Heb. words thus ren dered in the A. V. denote simply that which sur rounds or encloses, whether it be a stone wall {geder, Prov. xxiv. 31 ; Ez. xiii. 10), or a fence of other materials. G&der and geder&h are used of the hedge of a vineyard (Num. xxii. 24 ; Ps. lxxxix. 40 ; 1 Chr. iv. 23), and the latter is employed to describe the rude walls of stone, or fences of thorn, which served as a shelter for sheep in winter and summer (Num. xxxii. 16). The stone walls which surround the sheepfolds of modern Palestine are frequently crowned with sharp thorns. In order to protect the vineyards from the ravages of wild beasts (Ps. lxxx. 12) it was customary to surround them with a wall of ¦oose stones or mud (Matt. xxi. 33 ; Mark xii. 1), which was a favourite haunt of serpents (Eccl. x. 8), and a retreat for locusts from the cold (Nah. in. 17). A wall or fence of this kind is clearly distinguished in Is. v. 5 from the tangled hedge, mes&cdh (Mic. vii. 4), which was planted as an additional safeguard to the vineyard (cf. Ecclus. xxviii. 24), and was composed of the thorny shrubs with which Palestine abounds. The prickly pear, a species of cactus, so frequently employed for this purpose in the East at present, is believed to be of comparatively modern introduction. HELBON 317 Hega'i, one of the eunuchs (A. V. " chamber lains") ofthe court of Ahasuerus (Esth. ii. 8, 15). He'ge, another form of the preceding (Esth. ii. 3). Heifer. The Hebrew language has no expres sion that exactly corresponds to our heifer; for both eglah and parah are applied to cows that have calved (1 Sam. vi. 7-12 ; Job xxi. 10 ; Is. vii. 21). The heifer or young cow was not commonly used for ploughing, but only for treading out the com (Hos. x. 11 ; but see judg. xiv. 18), when it ran about without any headstall (Deut. xxv. 4) ; hence the expression an " unbroken heifer " (Hos. iv. 16 ; A. V. "backsliding"), to which Israel is compared. Heir. The Hebrew institutions relative to in heritance were of a very simple character. Under the Patriarchal system the property was divided among the sons of the legitimate wives (Gen. xxi. 10, xxiv. 36, xxv. 5), a larger portion being as signed to one, generally the eldest, on whom de volved the duty of maintaining the females of the family. The sons of concubines were portioned off with presents (Gen. xxv. 6). At a later period the exclusion of the sons of concubines was rigidly enforced (Judg. xi. 1 ff.). Daughters had no share in the patrimony (Gen. xxxi. 14), but received a marriage portion. The Mosaic law regulated the succession to real property thus: it was to be divided among the sons, the eldest receiving a double portion (Deut. xxi. 17), the others equal shares; if there were no sons, it went to the daughters (Num. xxvii. 8), on the condition that they did not marry out of their own tribe (Num. xxxvi. 6 ff. ; Tob. vi. 12, vii. 13), otherwise the patrimony was forfeited. If there were nb daugh ters, it went to the brother of the deceased ; if no brother, to the paternal uncle ; and, failing these, to the next of kin (Num. xxvii. 9-11). In the case of a widow being left without children, the nearest of kin on her husband's side had the right of marrying her, and in the event of his refusal the next of kin (Ruth iii. 12, 13) : with him rested the obligation of redeeming the property of the widow (Ruth iv. 1 ff.), if it had been either sold or mortgaged. If none stepped forward to marry the widow, the inheritance remained with her until her death, and then reverted to the next of kin. The land being thus so strictly tied up, the notion of heirship, as we understand it, was hardly known to the Jews. Testamentary dispositions were of course superfluous. The references to wills in St. Paul's writings are borrowed from the usages of Greece and Rome (Heb. ix. 17), whence the custom was introduced into Judaea. Helah, one of the two wives of Ashur, father of Tekoa (1 Chr. iv. 5). He'lam, a place east of the Jordan, but west of the Euphrates, at which the Syrians were collected by Hadarezer, and at which David met and de feated them (2 Sam. x. 16, 17). The most pro bable conjecture perhaps is that it is identical with Alamatha, a town named by Ptolemy, and placed by him on the west ofthe Euphrates near Nicepho- rium. Hel'bah, a town of Asher, probably on the plain of Phoenicia, not far from Sidon (Judg. i. 31). Hellion, a place only mentioned in Ezekiel xxvii. Geographers have hitherto represented Hel- bon as identical with the city of Aleppo, called Haleb by the Arabs ; but there are strong reasons 318 HELCHIAH against this. A few years ago Mr. Porter directed attention to ¦„ village and district within a few miles of Damascus, still bearing the ancient name Helbon, and still celebrated as producing the finest grapes in the country. There cannot be a doubt that this village, and not Aleppo, is the Helbon of Ezekiel. Helchi'ah, 1 Esd. viii. 1. [Hilkiah.] Helchi'as, 2 Esd. i. 1. [Hilkiah.] Helda'i. 1. The twelfth captain ofthe monthly courses for the temple service (1 Chr. xxvii. 15). 2. An Israelite who seems to have returned from the Captivity (Zech. vi. 10). He'leb, son of Baanah, the Netophathite, one of the heroes of king David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 29). In the parallel list the name is given as He'led, 1 Chr. xi. 30. He'lek, one of the descendants of Manasseh, and second son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 30). Hc'lekites, the, the family descended from the foregoing (Num. xxvi. 30). He'lem. 1. A descendant of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 35).— 2. A man mentioned only in Zech. vi. 14. Apparently the same as Heldai. Hel'eph, the place from which the boundary of the tribe of Naphtali started (Josh. xix. 33). Van de Velde proposes to identify it with Beitlif. Hel'ez. 1. One of " the thirty " of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 27), an Ephraimite, and captain of the seventh monthly course (1 Chr. xxvii. 10).— 2. A man of Judah, son of Azariah (1 Chr. ii. 39). He'li. 1. The father of Joseph, the husband of the Virgin Mary (Luke iii. 23) ; maintained by Lord A. Hervey, the latest investigator of the genealogy of Christ, to have been the real brother of Jacob the father of the Virgin herself. —2. The third of three names inserted between Achitob and Amarias in the genealogy of Ezra, in 2 Esd. i. 2 (compare Ezr. vii. 2, 3). Heli'as, 2 Esd. vii. 39. [Elijah.] Heliodo'rns, the treasurer of Seleucus Philo pator, who was commissioned by the king to carry away the private treasures deposited in the Temple at Jerusalem. According to 2 Mace. iii. 9 ff., he was stayed from the execution of his design by a " great apparition," and fell down speechless. He was afterwards restored at the intercession of the High-priest Onias (2 Mace. iii.). The full details of the narrative are not supported by any other evidence. Helka'i, a priest of the family of Meraioth, in the days of Joiakim (Neh. xii. 15). Hel'kath, the town named as the starting-point for the boundary of the tribe of Asher (Josh. xix. 25), and allotted with its " suburbs " to the Ger shonite Levites (xxi. 31). Its site has not been recovered. Hel'kath Haz'znrim., a smooth piece of ground, apparently close to the pool of Gibeon, where the combat took place between the two parties of Joab's men and Abner's men, which ended in the death of the whole of the combatants, and brought on a general battle (2 Sam. ii. 16). Helki'as. 1 Esd. i. 8. [Hilkiah.] Hell. This is the word generally and unfortu nately used by our translators to render the Hebrew Sheol. It would perhaps have been better to retain the Hebrew word Sheol, or else render it always by " tlie grave " or " the pit." It is deep (Job xi. 8) and dark (Job xi. 21, 22), in the centre HELLENIST of the earth (Num. xvi. 30 ; Deut. xxxii. 22), having within it depths on depths (Prov. ix. 18), and fastened with gates (Is. xxxviii. 10) and bars (Job xvii. 16). In this cavernous realm are the souls of dead men, the Rephaim and ill-spirits (Ps. lxxxvi. 13, lxxxix. 48; Prov. xxiii. 14; Ez. xxxi. 17, xxxii. 21). It is clear that in many passages of the O. T. Shtol can only mean " the grave," and is so rendered in the A. V. (see, for example, Gen. xxxvii. 35, xiii. 38 ; 1 Sam. ii. 6 ; Job xiv. 13). In other passages, however, it seems to involve a notion of punishment, and is therefore rendered in the A. V. by the word " Hell." But in many cases this translation misleads the reader. It is obvious, for instance, that Job xi. 8; Ps. exxxix. 8 ; Am. ix. 2 (where " hell " is used as the antithesis of " heaven " ), merely illustrate the Jewish notions of the locality of Sheol in the bowels of the earth. The Hebrew ideas respect ing Sheol were of a vague description. Generally speaking, the Hebrews regarded the grave as the end of all sentient and intelligent existence. In the N. T. the word Hades, like Sheol, sometimes means merely "the grave" (Rev. xx. 13; Acts ii. 31 ; 1 Cor. xv. 55), or in general "the unseen world." It is in this sense that the creeds say of our Lord " He went down into hell," meaning the state of the dead in general, without any restriction of happiness or misery, a doctrine cei'tainly, though only virtually, expressed in Scripture (Eph. iv. 9; Acts ii. 25-31). Elsewhere in the N. T. Hades is used of a place of torment (Luke xvi. 23 ; 2 Pet. ii. 4; Matt. xi. 23, &c). Consequently it has been the prevalent, almost the universal, notion that Hades is an intermediate state between death and resurrection, divided into two parts, one the abode of the blessed and the other of the lost. In holding this view, main reliance is placed on the parable of Dives and Lazarus ; but it is impossible to ground the proof of an important theological doctrine on a passage which confessedly abounds in Jewish metaphors. The word most frequently used in the N. T. for the place of future punish ment is Gehenna or Gehenna of fire (see Gehenna and Hinnom). Hellenist. In one of the earliest notices of the first Christian Church at Jerusalem (Acts vi. 1), two distinct parties are recognised among its mem bers, " Hebrews " and " Hellenists " (Grecians), who appear to stand towards one another in some degree in a relation of jealous rivalry (comp. Acts ix. 29). The name, according to its derivation, marks a class distinguished by peculiar habits, and not by descent. Thus the Hellenists as a body in cluded not only the proselytes of Greek (or foreign) parentage, but also those Jews who, by settling in foreign countries, had adopted the prevalent form of the current Greek civilisation, and with it the use of the common Greek dialect. The flexibility of the Greek language gained for it in ancient times a general currency similar to that which French enjoys in modern Europe ; but with this important difference, that Greek was not only the language of educated men, but also the language of the masses in the great centres of commerce. Peculiar words and forms adopted at Alexandria were undoubtedly of Macedonian origin, but the later Attic may be justly regarded as the real basis of Oriental Greek. The vocabulary was enriched by the addition of foreign words, and the syntax was modified by now constructions. In this way a variety of local HELMET dialects must have arisen. One of these dialects has been preserved after the ruin of the people among whom it arose, by being consecrated to the noblest service which language has yet fulfilled. The functions which this Jewish-Greek had to dis charge were of the widest application, and the lan guage itself combined the most opposite features, It was essentially a fusion of Eastern and Western thought. For disregarding peculiarities of inflexion and novel words, the characteristic of the Hellenis tic dialect is the combination of a Hebrew spirit with a Greek body, of a Hebrew form with Greek words. The conception belongs to one race, and the expression to another. This view of the Helle~ nistic dialect will at once remove one of the com monest misconceptions relating to it. For it will follow that its deviations from the ordinary laws of classic Greek are themselves bound by some com mon law, and that irregularities of construction and altered usages of words are to be traced to their first source, and interpreted strictly according to the original conception out of which they sprang. The adoption of a strange language was essentially characteristic of the true nature of Hellenism. The purely outward elements of the national life were laid aside with a facility of which history offers few examples, while the inner character of the people remained unchanged. In every respect the thought, so to speak, was clothed in a new dress. Hellenism was, as it were, a fresh incorporation of Judaism according to altered laws of life and wor ship. It accomplished for the outer world what the Return accomplished for the Palestinian Jews : it was the necessary step between a religion of form and a religion of spirit: it witnessed against Judaism as final and universal, and it witnessed for it, as the foundation of a spiritual religion which should be bound by no local restrictions. The Hellenists themselves were at once missionaries to the heathen, and prophets to their own country men. Yet this new development of Judaism was obtained without the sacrifice of national ties. In another aspect Hellenism served as the preparation for a Catholic creed. As it furnished the language of Christianity, it supplied also that literary in stinct which counteracted the traditional reserve of the Palestinian Jews. Helmet. [Aems.] He'lon, father of Eliab, of the tribe of Zebulun (Num. i. 9, ii. 7, vii. 24, 29, a. 16). Hem of Garment (Heb. tsitsith). The im portance which the later Jews, especially the Pha risees (Matt, xxiii. 5), attached to the hem or fringe of their garments was founded upon the regulation in Num. xv. 38, 39, which gave a sym bolical meaning to it. But the fringe was only in the first instance the ordinary mode of finishing the robe, the ends of the threads composing the woof being left in order to prevent the cloth from unravelling, just as in the Assyrian robes as repre sented in the bas-reliefs of Nineveh: the blue riband being added to strengthen the border. The beged or outer robe was a simple quadrangular piece of cloth, and generally so worn that two of the corners hung down in front: these corners were ornamented with a "riband of blue," or rather dark violet. He 'mam. Hori and Hemam were sons of Lotan, tlie eldest son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 22). He'man. 1. Son of Zerah (1 Chr. ii. 6 ; 1 K. iv. 31).— .2. Son of Joel, and grandson of Samuel HEPHER 319 the prophet, a Kohathite. He is called " the singer," rather, the musician (1 Chr. vi. 33), and was the first of the three Levites to whom was committed the vocal and instrumental music of the temple- service in the reign of David (1 Chr. xv. 16-22), Asaph and Ethan, or rather, according to xxv. 1, 3, Jeduthun, being his colleagues. A further ac count of Heman is given 1 Chr. xxv., where he is called (ver. 5) " the king's seer in the matters of God." We there learn that Heman had fourteen sons, and three daughters. Whether or no this Heman is the person to whom the 88th Psalm is ascribed is doubtful. He is there called " the Ezrahite;" and the 89th Psalm is ascribed to " Ethan the Ezrahite." But since Heman and Ethan are described in 1 Chr. ii. 6, as " sons of Zerah," it is in the highest degree probable that Ezrahite means "of the family of Zerah," and con sequently that Heman of the 88th Psalm is different from Heman the singer, the Kohathite. In 1 K. iv. 31 again (hebr. v. 11), we have mention, as of the wisest of mankind, of Ethan the Ezrahite, He- man, Chalcol and Darda, the sons of Mahol, a list corresponding with the names ofthe sons of Zerah, in 1 Chr. ii. 6. If Heman the Kohathite, or his father, had married an heiress ofthe house of Zerah, and was so reckoned in the genealogy of Zerah, then all the notices of Heman might point to the same person. He 'math. Another form — not warranted by the Hebrew — of the well-known name Hamath (Am. vi. 14). He math, a person, or place, named in the gene alogical lists of Judah, as the origin of the Kenites, and the " father " of the house of Rechab (1 Chr. ii. 55). Hem'dan, the eldest son of Dishon, son of Anah the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 26). [Ambam 2.] The name Hemdan is by Knobel compared with those of Hnmeidy and Hamady, who are located to the E. and S.E. of Akaba. Also with the Bene-Hamyde, who are found a short distance S. of Kerek. Hemlock. The Hebrew rosh is rendered " hem lock " in two passages (Hos. x. 4 ; Am. vi. 12), but elsewhere " gall." [Gall.] Hen. According to the A. V. of Zech. vi. 14, Hen is a son of Zephaniah, and apparently the same who is called Josiah in ver. 10. But by the LXX. and others, the words are taken to mean " for the favour of the son of Zephaniah." Hen. The hen is nowhere noticed in the Bible except in Matt, xxiii. 37 ; Luke xiii. 34. That a bird so common in Palestine should receive such slight notice, is cei'tainly singular. He'na seems to have been one of the chief cities of a monarchical state which the Assyrian kings had reduced shortly before the time of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 13 ; Is. xxxvii. 13). Here, at no great distance from Sippara (now Mosaib), is an .ancient town called Ana or Anah, which may be the same as Hena. A further conjecture identifies Ana with a town called Anat, which is mentioned in the As syrian inscriptions as situated on an island in the Euphrates. The modem Anat is on the right bank of the stream. He'nadad, the head of a family of the Levites who took a prominent part in the rebuilding of the Temple (Ezr. iii. 9). He'nooh. 1. Enoch, 2 (1 Chr. i. 3). 2. Hanoch, 1 (1 Chr. i. 33). ' He'pher. 1. The youngest of the sons of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 32), and head of the family of the 320 HEPHER Hepheeites.— 2. Son of Ashur, the " father of Tekoa" (1 Chr. iv. 6).— 3. The Mecherathite, one of the heroes of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 36). He'pher, a place in ancient Canaan, which occurs in the list of conquered kings (Josh. xii. 17). It was on the west of Jordan (comp. 7 and 1 K. iv. 10). He'pherites, the, the family of Hepher the son ¦of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 32). Heph'zi-bah. 1. A name signifying "My delight in her," which is to be borne by the restored Jeru salem (Is. lxii. 4).— 3. The queen of King Heze kiah, and the mother of Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 1). Herald. The only notice of this officer in the O. T. occurs in Dan. iii. 4. The term "herald" might be substituted for "preacher" in 1 Tim. ii. 7; 2 Tim. i. 11; 2 Pet. ii. 5. Her'cules, the name commonly applied by the Western nations to the tutelary deity of Tyre (2 Mace. iv. 19 &c), whose national title was Melkart — king of the city. The identification was based upon a similarity of the legends and attri butes referred to the two deities, but Herodotus (ii. 44) recognised their distinctness, and dwells on the extreme antiquity of the Tyrian rite. The worship of Melkart was spread throughout the Tyrian colonies, and was especially established at Carthage. There can be little doubt but that Melkart is the proper name of the Baal mentioned in the later history ofthe 0. T. Herd, Herdsman. The herd was greatly re garded both in the patriarchal and Mosaic period. The ox was the most precious stock next to horse and mule. The herd vielded the most esteemed HERMON sacrifice (Num. vii. 3 ; Ps. lxix. 31 ; Is. lxvi. 3) • also flesh-meat and milk, chiefly converted, pro bably, into butter and cheese (Deut. xxxii. 14- 2 Sam. xvii. 29), which such milk yields more co piously than that of small cattle. The full-grown ox is hardly ever slaughtered in Syria ; but, both for sacrificial and convivial purposes, the youn» animal was preferred (Ex. xxix. 1). The agricul tural and general usefulness of the ox, in ploughing, threshing, and as a beast of burden (1 Chr. xii. 40 • Is. xlvi. l)f made such a slaughtering seem wasteful. The animal was broken to service probably in his third year (Is. xv. 5 ; Jer. xlviii. 34). In the moist season, when grass abounded in the waste lands, especially in the "south" region, herds grazed there. Especially was the eastern table land (Ez. xxxix. 18 ; Num. xxxii. 4) " a place for cattle." Herdsmen, &c, in Egypt were a low, perhaps the lowest caste ; but of the abundance of cattle in Egypt, and of the care there bestowed on them, there is no doubt (Gen. xlvii. 6, 17 ; Ex. ix. 4, 20). So the plague of hail was sent to smite especially the cattle (Ps. Ixxviii. 48), the firstborn of which also were smitten (Ex. xii. 29). The Israelites departing stipulated for (Ex. x. 26) and took "much cattle" with them (xii. 38). Cattle formed thus one of the traditions of the Israelitish nation in its greatest period, and became almost a part of that greatness. When pasture failed, a mix ture of various grains (Job vi. 5) was used, as also " chopped straw " (Gen. xxiv. 25 ; Is. xi. 7, lxv. 25), which was torn in pieces by the threshing- machine and used probably for feeding in stalls. These last formed an important adjunct to cattle- Egrptiim farm-yard. (Wilkinson.) keeping, being indispensable for shelter at certain seasons (Ex. ix. 6, 19). The occupation of herds man was honourable in early times (Gen. xlvii. 6 ; 1 Sam. xi. 5 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 29, xxviii. 1). Saul ihimself resumed it in the interval of his cares as king ; also Doeg was cei'tainly high in his confidence (1 Sam. xxi. 7). Pharaoh made some of Joseph's brethren " rulers over his cattle." David's herd- masters were among his chief officers of state. The prophet Amos at first followed this occupation (Am. i. 1, vii. 14). He'res (Is. xix. 18). See Ir-ha-heees. Her'esh, a Levite attached to the tabernacle (1 Chr. ix. 15). Her'mas, the name of a Christian resident at Rome to whom St. Paul sends greeting in his Epistle to the Romans (xvi. 14). Irenaeus, Ter tullian, and Origen, agree in attributing to him the work called the Shepherd: which is supposed to have been written in the pontificate of Clement I. ; while others affirm it to have been the work of a namesake in the following age. It existed for a long time only in a Latin version , but the first part in Greek is to be found at the end of the Codex Si- naiticus. It was never received into the canon ; but yet was generally cited with respect only second to that which was paid to the authoritative books of the N. T., and was held to be in some sense inspired. Her'mes, a man mentioned in Rom. xvi. 14. According to tradition he was one of the Seventy disciples, and afterwards Bishop of Dalmatia. Hermogj'enes, a person mentioned by St. Paul in the latest of all his Epistles (2 Tim. i. 15) when all in Asia had turned away from him, and among their number " Phygellus and Hermogenes." Her'mon, a mountain on the north-eastern border of Palestine (Deut. iii. 8 ; Josh. xii. 1), over against Lebanon (Josh. xi. 17), adjoining the plateau of Bashan (1 Chr. v. 23). Its situation being thus clearly defined in Scripture, there can be no doubt as to its identity. It stands at the southern end, and is the culminating point of the anti-Libanus range ; it towers high above the ancient border-city of Dan and the fountains of the Jordan, and is the most conspicuous and beautiful mountain in Pales tine or Syria. The name Herman was doubtless suggested by its appearance — " a lofty prominent HERMONITES, THE peak," visible from afar. The Sidonians called it Sirion, and the Amorites Shenir. It was also named Sion, "the elevated" (Deut. iv. 48). So now, at the present day, it is called Jebel esh-Sheikh, " the chief-mountain ;" and Jebel eth-Thelj " snowy mountain." When the whole country is parched with the summer sun, white lines of snow streak the head of Hermon.- This mountain was the great landmark of the Israelites. It was associated with their northern border almost as intimately as the sea was with the western. Hermon has three summits, situated like the angles of a triangle, and about a quarter of a mile from each other. This may account for the expression in Ps. xiii. 7 (6), " I will remember thee from the land ofthe Jordan and the Hermans." In two passages of Scripture this mountain is called Baal-hermon (Judg. iii. 3 ; 1 Chr. v. 23), possibly because Baal was there worshipped. The height of Hermon has never been " measured, though it has often been estimated. It may safely be reckoned at 10,000 feet. Her'monites, the. Properly "the Hermons," with reference to the three summits of Mount Hermon (Ps. xiii. 6 [7]). Herod. Various accounts are given of the an cestry of the Herods ; but neglecting the exaggerated statements of friends and enemies, it seems certain that they were of Idumaean descent. But though aliens by race, the Herods were Jews in faith. The general policy of the whole Herodian family centred in the endeavour to found a great and independent kingdom, in which the power of Judaism should subserve to the consolidation of a state.— I. Herod the Great was the second son of Antipater, who was appointed procurator of Judaea by Julius Caesar, B.C. 47, and Cypros, an Arabian of noble descent. At the time of his father's elevation, though only fifteen years old, he received the go vernment of Galilee, and shortly afterwards that of Coele-Syria. When Antony came to Syria, B.C. 41, he appointed Herod and his elder brother Pha- sael tetrarchs of Judaea. Herod wan forced to abandon Judaea next year by an invasion of the Parthians, who supported the claims of Antigonus, the representative of the Asmonaean dynasty, and fled to Rome (B.C. 40). At Rome he was well re ceived by Antony and Octavian, and was appointed by the senate king of Judaea to the exclusion of the Hasmonaean line. In the course of a few years, by the help of the Romans, he took Jerusalem (B.C. 37), and completely established his authority throughout his dominions. After the battle of Actium he visited Octavian at Rhodes, and his noble bearing won for him the favour of the conqueror, who confirmed him in the possession of the king dom, B.C. 31, and in the next year increased it by the addition of several important cities, and after wards gave him the province of Trachonitis and the district of Paneas. The remainder of the reign of Herod was undisturbed by external troubles, but his domestic life was embittered by an almost un interrupted series of injuries and cruel acts of vengeance. The terrible acts of bloodshed which Herod perpetrated in his own family were accom panied by others among his subjects equally terrible, from the number who fell victims to them. Ac cording to the well-known story, he ordered the nobles whom he had called to him in his last mo ments to be executed immediately after his decease, that so at least his death might be attended by universal mourning. It was at the time of his fatal Con. D. B. HEROD 321 illness that he must have caused the slaughter of the infants at Bethlehem (Matt. ii. 16-18), and from the comparative insignificance of the murder of a few young children in an unimportant village when contrasted with the deeds which he carried out or designed, it is not surprising that Josephus has passed it over in silence. In dealing with the religious feelings or prejudices of the Jews, Herod showed as great contempt for public opinion as in the execution of his personal vengeance. But while he alienated in this manner the affections of the Jews by his cruelty and disregard for the Law, he adorned Jerusalem with many splendid monuments of his taste and magnificence. The Temple, which he rebuilt with scrupulous care, was the greatest of these works. The restoration was begun B.C. 20, and the Temple itself was completed in a year and a half. But fresh additions were constantly made in succeeding years, so that it was said that the Temple was " built in forty and six years " (John ii. 20), a phrase which expresses the whole period from the commencement of Herod's work to the completion of the latest addition then made.— II. Herod Aktipas was the son of Herod the Great by Malthace, a Samaritan. His father had originally destined him as his successor in the king dom, but by the last change of his will appointed him " tetrarch of Galilee and Peraea " (Matt. xiv. 1 ; Luke iii. 19, ix. 7 ; Acts xiii. 1. Cf. Luke iii. 1). He first married a daughter of Aretas, " king of Arabia Petraea," but after some time he made overtures of marriage to Herodias, the wife of his half-brother Herod-Philip, which she received favour ably. Aretas, indignant at the insult offered to his daughter, found a pretext for invading the ter ritory of Herod, and defeated him with great loss. This defeat, according to the famous passage in Jo sephus, was attributed by many to the murder of John the Baptist, which had been committed by Antipas shortly before, under the influence of He rodias (Matt. xiv. 4 ff. ; Mark vi. 17 ff. ; Luke iii. 19). At a later time the ambition of Herodias proved the cause of her husband's ruin. She urged him to go to Rome to gain the title of king (cf. Mark vi. 14) ; but he was opposed at the court of Caligula by the emissaries of Agrippa, and con demned to perpetual banishment at Lugdunum, A.D. 39. Herodias voluntarily shared his punish ment, and he died in exile. Pilate took occasion from our Lord's residence in Galilee to send Him for examination (Luke xxiii. 6 ff.) to Herod Antipas, who came up to Jerusalem to celebrate the Pass over. The city of Tiberias, which Antipas founded and named in honour of the emperor, was the most conspicuous monument of his long reign.— Ill Herod Philip I. (Philip, Mark vi. 17) was the son of Herod the Great, and Mariamne, and must be carefully distinguished from the tetrarch Philip. He married Herodias, the sister of Agrippa I., by whom he had a daughter Salome. Herodias, how ever, left him, and made an infamous marriage with his half-brother Herod Antipas (Matt xiv 3 • Mark vi. 17 ; Luke iii. 19). He was excluded from all share in his father's possessions in conse quence of his mother's treachery, and lived after wards in a private station.— IV. Herod Philip II was the son of Herod the Great and Cleopatra'. Like his half-brothers Antipas and Archelaus, he was brought up at home. He received as his own government Batanea, Trachonitis, Auranitis (Gaul- onitis), and some parts about Jamnia with the title Y 322 HERODIANS of tetrarch (Luke iii. 1). He built a new city on the site of Paneas, near the sources of the Jordan, which he called Caesarea (Matt. xvi. 13 ; Mark viii. 27), and raised Bethsaida to the rank of a city under the title of Julias, and died there A.D. 34. He married Salome, the daughter of Herod Philip I., and Herodias.— V. Herod Agrippa I. was the son of Aristobulus and Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great. He was brought up at Rome with Claudius and Drusus, and after a life of various vicissitudes, was thrown into prison by Tiberius, where he remained till the accession of Caius (Cali gula) A.D. 37. The new emperor gave him the governments formerly held by the tetrarchs Philip and Lysanias, and bestowed on him the ensigns of royalty and other marks of favour (Acts xii. 1). On the banishment of Antipas, his dominions were added to those already held by Agrippa. After wards Agrippa rendered important services to Clau dius, and received from him in return (A.D. 41) the government of Judaea and Samaria. Unlike his predecessors, Agrippa was a strict observer of the Law, and he sought with success the favour of the Jews. It is probable that it was with this view he put to death James the son of Zebedee, and further imprisoned Peter (Acts xii. 1 ff.). But his sudden death interrupted his ambitious projects. In the fourth year of his reign over the whole of Judaea (A.D. 44) Agrippa attended some games at Caesarea, held in honour of the Emperor. When he appeared in the theatre (Acts xii. 21) his flat terers saluted him as a god ; and suddenly he was seized with terrible pains, and being carried from the theatre to the palace died after five days' agony. — VI. Herod Agrippa II. was the son of Herod Agrippa I. and Cypros, a grand-niece of Herod the Great. At the time of the death of his father a.d. 44 he was at Rome. Not long afterwards, however, the Emperor gave him (c. A.D. 50) the kingdom of Chalcis, which had belonged to his uncle ; and then transferred him (a.d. 52) to the tetrarchies formerly held by Philip and Lysanias with the title of king (Acts xxv. 13). The relation in which he stood to his sister Berenice (Acts xxv. 13) was the cause of grave suspicion. In the last Roman war Agrippa took part with the Romans, and after the fall of Jerusalem retired with Be renice to Rome, where he died in the third year of Trajan (a.d. 100). The appearance of St. Paul before Agrippa (a.d. 60) offers several characteristic traits. The "pomp" with which the king came into the audience chamber (Acts xxv. 23) was ac cordant with his general bearing; and the cold irony with which he met the impassioned words of the Apostle (Acts xxvi. 27, 28) suits the temper of one who was contented to fake part in the de struction of his nation. Hero'dians. Iii the account which is given by St. Matthew (xxii. 15 ff.) and St. Mark (xii. 13 ff.) of the last efforts made by different sections ofthe Jews to obtain from our Lord Himself the materials for His accusation, a party under the name of He- rodtans is represented as acting in concert with the Pharisees (Matt. xxii. 16; Mark xii. 13; comp. also m. 6, vm. 15). There were probably many who saw iu the power of the Herodian family the pledge of the preservation of their national existence in the face of Roman ambition. Two distinct classes might thus unite in supporting what was a domestic tyranny as contrasted with absolute de pendence on Rome : those who saw in the Herods a protection against direct heathen rule, and those HEZEKIAH who were inclined to look with satisfaction upon such a compromise between the ancient faith and heathen civilisation, as Herod the Great and his successors had endeavoured to realise, as the true and highest consummation of Jewish hopes. Hero'dias, daughter of Aristobulus, one of the sons of Mariamne and Herod the Great, and conse quently sister of Agrippa I. She first married Herod Philip I. ; then she eloped from him to many Herod Antipas, her step-uncle, who had been long married to, and was still living with, the daughter of Aeneas or Aretas, king of Arabia. The conse quences both of the crime, and of the reproof which it incurred, are well known. Aretas made war upon Herod for the injury done to his daughter, and routed him with the loss of his whole army. The head of John the Baptist was granted to the request of Herodias (Matt. xiv. 8-11 ; Mark vi. 24-28). According to Josephus the execution took place in a fortress called Machaerus, looking down upon the Dead Sea from the south. She accom panied Antipas into exile to Lugdunum. Hero'dion, a relative of St. Paul, to whom he sends his salutation amongst the Christians of the Roman Church (Rom. xvi. 11). Heron. The Hebrew andphah appears as the name of an unclean bird in Lev. xi. 19, Deut. xiv. 18. It was probably a generic name for a well- known class of birds. The only point on which any two commentators seem to agree is that it is not the heron. On etymological grounds, Gesenius considers the name applicable to some irritable bird, perhaps the goose. He'sed, the son of Hesed, or Ben-Chesed, was commissary for Solomon in the district of " the Arubboth, Socoh, and all the land of Hepher" (1 K. iv. 10). Hesb/bon, the capital city of Sihon king of the Amorites (Num. xxi. 26). It stood on the western border of the high plain (Mishor, Josh. xiii. 17), and on the boundary-line between the tribes of Reuben aud Gad. The ruins of Hesbdn, 20 miles east of the Jordan, on the parallel of the northern end of the Dead Sea, mark the site, as they bear the name, of the ancient Heshbon. The ruins of Hesh bon stand on a low hill rising out of the great un dulating plateau. They are more than a mile in circuit, but not a building remains entire. There are many cisterns among the rains (comp. Cant. vii. 4). Hesh'mon, a place named, with others, as lying in the extreme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 27). Nothing further is known of it. Hes'ron, Hezron, the son of Reuben (Num. xxvi. 6). Hes'ronites, the. Descendants of Hesron, or Hezron, the son of Reuben (Num. xxvi. 6). Heth, the forefather of the nation of the Hit tites. In the genealogical tables of Gen. x. and 1 Chr. i., Heth is a son of Canaan. The Hittites were therefore a Hamite race, neither of the "country" nor the " kindred" of Abraham and Isaac (Gen. xxiv. 3, 4, xxviii. 1, 2). Heth'lon, the name of a place on the northern border of Palestine (Ez. xlvii. 15, xlviii. 1). In »" probability the " way of Hethlon " is the pass at tlie northern end of Lebanon, and is thus identical with " the entrance of Hamath " in Num. xxxiv. 8, te. He'zeki, a Benjaminite, one of the Bene-Elpaal, a descendant of Shaaraim (1 Chr. viii. 17). Hezeki'ah, twelfth king of Judah, son of the apostate Ahaz and Abi (or Abijah), ascended the throne at the age of 25, B.C. 726. Since, however, HEZEKIAH Ahaz died at the age of 36, some prefer to make Hezekiah only 20 years old at his accession, as otherwise lie must have been born when Ahaz was a boy of 11 years old; bu, if any change be de sirable, it is better to suppose that Ahaz was 25 and not 20 years old at his accession. Hezekiah was one of the three most perfect kings of Judah (2 K. xviii. 5 ; Ecclus. xlix. 4). His first act was to purge, and repair, and reopen with splendid sacrifices and perfect ceremonial, the Temple which had been despoiled and neglected during the careless and idolatrous reign of his father. This consecra tion was accompanied by a revival of the theo cratic spirit, so strict as not even to spare " the high places," which, although tolerated by many well-intentioned kings, had naturally been profaned by the worship of images and Asherahs (2 K. xviii. 4). A still more decisive act was the destruction •of a brazen serpent, said to have been the one used by Moses in the miraculous healing of the Israelites (Num. xxi. 9), which had become an object of adoration. When the kingdom of Israel had fallen, Hezekiah extended his pious endeavours to Ephraim ^and Manasseh ; and by inviting the scattered inhab itants to a peculiar Passover, kindled their indig nation also against the idolatrous practices which still continued among them. This Passover was, from the necessities of the case, celebrated at an unusual, though not illegal (Num. ix. 10, 11) time ; and by an excess of Levitical zeal it was continued for the unprecedented period of fourteen days. For these latter facts the Chronicler (2 Chr. xxix., xxx., xxxi.) is our sole authority, and he characteristically narrates them at great length. At the head of a repentant and united people, Hezekiah ventured to assume the aggressive against the Philistines ; and iu a series of victories not only rewon the cities which his father had lost (2 Chr. xxviii. 18), but even dispossessed them of their own cities, except Gaza (2 K. xviii. 8) and Gath. It was perhaps to the purposes of this war that he applied the money which would otherwise have been used to pay the tribute exacted by Shalmanezer, according to the agreement of Ahaz with his predecessor, Tiglath- Pileser. When, after the capture of Samaria, the king of Assyria applied for this impost, Hezekiah refused it, and in open rebellion omitted to send even the usual presents (2 K. xviii. 7). Instant war was averted by the heroic and long-continued resistance ofthe Tyrians under their king Eluloeus. This must have been a critical and intensely anxious period for Jerusalem ; and Hezekiah used every available means to strengthen his position, and render his capital impregnable (2 K. xx. 20 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 3-5, 30 ; Is. xxii. 8-11, xxxiii. 18). Accord ing to a scheme of chronology proposed by Dr. Hincks, Hezekiah's dangerous illness (2 K. xx. ; Is. xxxviii. ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 24) nearly synchronised with Sargon's futile invasion, in the fourteenth year of Hezekiah's reign, eleven years before Sennacherib's invasion. That it must have preceded the attack of Sennacherib is nearly obvious from the promise in 2 K. xx. 6, as well as from modern discoveries. Hezekiah, whose kingdom was in a dangerous crisis, who had at that time no heir (for Manasseh was not born till long afterwards, 2 K. xxi. 1), and who re garded death as the end of existence (Is. xxxviii.), " turned his face to the wall and wept sore " at the threatened approach of dissolution. God had com passion on his anguish, and heard his prayer. Isaiah had hardly left the palace when he was HEZEKIAH 323 ordered to promise the king immediate recovery, and a fresh lease of life, ratifying the promise by a sign, and curing the boil by a plaster of figs, which were often used medicinally in similar cases. What was the exact nature of the disease we cannot say : according to Mead it was fever terminating in abscess. Various ambassadors came with letters and gifts to congratulate Hezekiah on his recovery (2 Chr. xxxii. 23), and among them an embassy from Merodach-Baladan (or Berodach, 2 K. xx. 12), the viceroy of Babylon, the Mardokempados of Ptolemy's canon. The ostensible object of this mission was to compliment Hezekiah on his con valescence (2 K. xx. 12 ; Is. xxxix. 1), and " to inquire of the wonder that was done in the land " (2 Chr. xxxii. 31), a rumour of which could not fail to interest a people devoted to astrology ; but its real purpose was to discover how far an alliance between the two powers was possible or desirable, for Mardokempados, no less than Hezekiah, was in apprehension of the Assyrians. Community of inte rest made Hezekiah receive the overtures of Babylon with unconcealed gratification ; and, perhaps, to en hance the opinion of his own importance as an ally, he displayed to the messengers the princely treasures which he and his predecessors had accu mulated. If ostentation were his motive it received a terrible rebuke, and he was informed by Isaiah that from the then tottering and subordinate pro vince of Babylon, and not from the mighty Assyria, would come the ruin and captivity of Judah (Is. xxxix. 5). Sargon was succeeded (B.C. 702) by his son Sennacherib, whose two invasions occupy the greater part of the Scripture records concerning the reign of Hezekiah. The first of these took place in the third year of Sennacherib (B.C. 702), and occupies only three verses (2 K. xviii. 13-16), though the route of the advancing Assyrians may be traced in Is. x. 5, xi. The rumour of the in vasion redoubled Hezekiah's exertions, and he pre pared for a siege hy providing offensive and de fensive armour, stopping up the wells, and diverting the watercourses, conducting the water of Gihon into the city by a subterranean canal (Ecclus. xlviii. 17). But the main hope of the political faction was the alliance with Egypt, and they seem to have sought it by presents and private entreaties (Is. xxx. 6). The account given of this first invasion in the Annals of Sennacherib is that he attacked Hezekiah because the Ekronites had sent their king Padiya (or " Haddiya ") as a prisoner to Jerusalem (cf. 2 K. xviii. 8) ; that he took forty- six cities (" all the fenced cities " in 2 K. xviii. 13 is apparently a general expression, cf. xix. 8) aud 200,000 prisoners ; that he besieged Jerusalem with mounds (cf. 2 K. xix. 32) ; and although Hezekiah promised to pay 800 talents of silver (of which perhaps 300 only were ever paid) and 30 of gold (2 K. xviii. 14), yet not content with this he mulcted him of a part of his dominions, and gave them to the kings of Ekron, Ashdod, and Gaza. In almost every particular this account agrees with the notice in Scripture. Hezekiah's bribe (or fine) brought a temporary release, for the Assyrians marched into Egypt, where, if Herodotus and Josephus are to be trusted, they advanced without resistance to Pelusium. In spite of this advantage, Sennacherib was forced to raise the siege of Pelu sium, by the advance of Tirhakah or Tarakos. Returning from his futile expedition, Sennacherib "dealt treacherously" with Hezekiah (Is. xxxiii. Y 2 324 HEZION 1) by attacking the stronghold of Lachish. This was the commencement of that second invasion, respecting which we have such full details in 2 K. xviii. 17 sq. ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 9 sq. ; Is. xxxvi. Although the annals of Sennacherib on the great cylinder in the Brit. Museum reach to the end of his eighth year, and this second invasion belongs to his fifth year (B.C. 698, the twenty-eighth year of Hezekiah), yet no allusion to it has been found. So shameful a disaster was naturally concealed by national vanity. From Lachish he sent against Jerusalem an army under two. officers and his cup bearer the orator Rabshakeh, with a blasphemous and insulting summons to surrender. Hezekiah's ministers were thrown into anguish and dismay, but the undaunted Isaiah hurled back threatening for threatening with unrivalled eloquence and force. Meanwhile Sennacherib, having taken Lachish, was besieging Libnah, when, alarmed by a "rumour" of Tirhakah 's advance, he was forced to relinquish once more his immediate designs, and content him self with a defiant letter to Hezekiah. The next event of the campaign, about which we are in formed, is that the Jewish king with simple piety prayed to God with Sennacherib's letter outspread before him, and received a prophecy of immediate deliverance. Accordingly " that night the Angel of the Lord went out and smote in the camp of the Assyrians 185,000 men." There is no doubt that some secondary cause was employed in the accom plishment of this event. We are certainly " not to suppose," as Dr. Johnson observed, " that the angel went about with a sword in his hand stabbing them one by one, but that some powerful natural agent was employed." Josephus, followed by an im mense majority of ancient and modern commenta tors, attributes it to the Pestilence. Hezekiah only lived to enjoy for about one year more his well- earned peace and glory. He slept with his fathers after a reign of twenty-nine years, in the 56th year of his age (B.C. 697).— 2. Son of Neariah, one of the descendants of the royal family of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 23). —3. The same name, though rendered in the A. V. Hizkiah, is found in Zeph. i. 1.— 4. Ater-of-Hezekiah. [Ater.] - Hez'ion, a king of Aram (Syria), father of Tabrimon, and grandfather of Benhadad I. He and his father are mentioned only in 1 K. xv. 18. In the absence of all information, the natural sug gestion is that he is identical with Rezon, the con temporary of Solomon, in 1 K. xi. 23 ; the two names being very similar in Hebrew, and still more so in the versions. He'zir. 1. A priest in the time of David, leader ofthe 17th monthly course in the service (1 Chr. xxiv. 15.— 2. One of the heads ofthe people (lay men) who sealed the solemn covenant with Nehe miah (Neh. a. 20). Hezra'i, one of the thirty heroes of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 35). In the parallel list the name appears as Hez^ro, in 1 Chr. xi. 37. Hez'ron. 1. A son of Reuben (Gen. xlvi. 9 ; Ex. vi 14),— 2. A son of Pharez (Gen. xlvi. 12: Ruth iv. 18). ^ ' Hez'ronites, the. 1. Descendants of Hezron the son of Reuben (Num. xxvi. 6).— 2. A branch of the tribe of Judah, descendants of Hezron, the son of Pharez (Num. xxvi. 31). Hidda'i, one of the thirty-seven heroes of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 30). HIGH PLACES Hiddek'el, one of the rivers of Eden, the river which " goeth eastward to Assyria" (Gen. ii. 14) and which Daniel calls " the Great river" (Dan! x. 4), seems to have been rightly identified by the LXX. with the Tigris. Dekel is clearly an equi valent of Digla or Diglath, a name borne by the Tigris in all ages. The name now in use among the inhabitants of Mesopotamia is Dijleh. It las generally been supposed that Digla is a mere Shemitic corruption of Tigra,nni that this latter is the true name of the stream ; but it must be ob served that the two forms are found side by side in the Babylonian transcript of the Behistun inscrip tion, and that the ordinary name of the stream in the inscriptions of Assyria is Tiggar. Hi'el, a native of Bethel, who rebuilt Jericho in the reign of Ahab (1 K. xvi. 34) ; and in whom was fulfilled the curse pronounced bv Joshua (Josh v. i. 26). Kierap'olis. This place is mentioned only once in Scripture (Col. iv. 13), with Colossae and Laodicea. Such association is just what we should expect ; for the three towns were all in the basin of the Maeander, and within a few miles of one another. Its modern name is Pambouh- Kalessi. Hier'eel, 1 Esd. ix. 21. [Jehiel.] Hier'emoth. 1. 1 Esd. ix. 27. [Jeremoth.J —2. 1 Esd. ix. 30. [Ramoth.] Hierielus, 1 Esd. ix. 27, answers to Jehiel in Ezr. x. Hier'mas, 1 Esd. ix. 26. [Ramiah.] Hieron'ymns, a Syrian general in the time of Antiochus V. Eupator (2 Mace. xii. 2). Higgai'on, a word which occurs three times in the book of Psalms (ix. 17, xix. 15, xcii. 4). Mendelssohn translates it meditation, thought, idea. It should seem that Higgaion has two meanings, one of a general character implying thought, re flection, and another in Ps. ix. 17, and Ps. xcii. 4, of a technical nature, the precise meaning of which cannot at this distance of time be determined. High Places. From the earliest times it was the custom among all nations to erect altars and places of worship on lofty and conspicuous spots. To this general custom -we find constant allusion in the Bible (Is. lxv. 7 ; Jer. iii. 6 ; Ez. vi. 13, xviii. 6 ; Hos. iv. 13), and it is especially attributed to the Moabites (Is. xv. 2, xvi. 12; Jer. xlviii. 35). Even Abraham built an altar to the Lord on a mountain near Bethel (xii. 7, 8 ; cf. xxii. 2-4, xxxi. 54), which shows that the practice was then as innocent as it was natural ; and although it after wards became mingled with idolatrous observances- (Num. xxiii. 3), it was in itself far less likely to be abused than the consecration of groves (Hos. iv. 13). It is, however, quite obvious that if every grove and eminence had been suffered to be come a place for legitimate worship, especially in 1 country where they had already been defiled with the sins of polytheism, the utmost danger would have resulted to the pure worship of the one true God. It was therefore implicitly forbidden by the law of Moses (Deut. xii. 11-14), which also gave the strictest injunction to destroy these monuments of Canaanitish idolatry (Lev. xxvi. 30 ; Num. xxxiii. 52 ; Deut. xxxiii. 29), without stating any general reason for this command, beyond the tact that they had been connected with such associations. The * command was a prospective one, and was not to come into force until such time as the tribes were HIGH-PRIEST settled in the promised land. Thus we find that both Gideon and Manoah built altars on high places by Divine command (Judg. vi. 25, 26, xiii. 16-23), and it is quite clear from the tone of the book of Judges that the law on the subject was either totally forgotten or practically obsolete. It is more surprising to find this law absolutely ignored at a much later period, when there was no intelligible reason for its violation — as by Samuel at Mizpeh (1 Sam. vii. 10) and at Bethlehem (xvi. 5); by Saul at Gilgal (xiii. 9) and at Ajalon (? xiv. 35) ; by David (1 Chr. xxi. 26); by Elijah on Mount Carmel (1 K. xviii. 30) ; and by other prophets (1 Sam. x. 5). The explanations which are given are sufficiently unsatisfactory ; but it is at any rate certain that the worship in high places was organised and all but universal throughout Judea, not only during (1 K. iii. 2-4), but even after the time of Solomon. The convenience of them was obvious, because, as local centres of religious worship, they obviated the un pleasant and dangerous necessity of visiting Jeru salem for the celebration of the yearly feasts (2 K. xxiii. 9). Many of the pious kings of Judah were •either too weak or too ill-informed to repress the worship of Jehovah at these local sanctuaries, while they of course endeavoured to prevent it from being contaminated with polytheism. At last Hezekiah set himself in good earnest to the suppression of this prevalent corruption (2 K. xviii. 4, 22), both in Judah and Israel (2 Chr. xxxi. 1), although, so rapid was the growth of the evil, that even his sweeping reformation required to be finally con summated by Josiah (2 K. xxiii.), and that too in Jerusalem and its immediate neighbourhood (2 Chr. xxxiv. 3). After the time of Josiah we find no further mention of these Jehovistic high places. High-Priest. In treating of the office of high- priest among the Israelites it will be convenient to consider it — I. Legally. II. Theologically. III. Historically.— I. The legal view of the high- priest's office comprises all that the law of Moses ordained respecting it. The first distinct separa tion of Aaron to the office of the priesthood, which previously belonged to the firstborn, was that re corded Ex. xxviii. We find from the very first the following characteristic attributes of Aaron and the high-priests his successors, as distinguished from the other priests: — (1.) Aaron alone was anointed (Lev. viii. 12), whence one of the distinctive epi thets of the high-priest was " the anointed priest" (Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16, xxi. 10; see Num. xxxv. 25). This appeal's also from Ex. xxix. 29, 30. The anointing of the sons of Aaron, *. e. the common priests, seems to have been confined to sprinkling their garments with the anointing oil (Ex. xxix. 21, xxviii. 41, &c). The anointing of the high-priest is alluded to in Ps. cxxxiii. 2. The composition of the anointing oil is prescribed Ex. xxx. 22-25. The manufacture of it was entrusted to certain priests, called apothecaries (Neh. iii. 8). — (2.) The high- priest had a peculiar dress, which passed to his succes sor at his death. This dress consisted of eight parts, as the Rabbins constantly note, the breastplate, the ephod with its curious girdle, the robe of the ephod, the mitre, the broidercd coat or diaper tunic, and the girdle, the materials being gold, blue, red, crim son, and fine (white) linen (Ex. xxviii.). To the above are added, in ver. 42, the breeches or drawers (Lev, xvi. 4) of linen ; and to make up the number 8, some reckon the high-priest's mitre, or the plate separately from the bonnet; while others reckon HIGH-PRLEST 6i.i the curious girdle ofthe ephod separately from the ephod. Of these 8 articles of attire, 4 — viz. the coat or tunic, the girdle, the breeches, and the bonnet or turban (migb&'dh) instead of the mitre {mits- nepheth) — belonged to the common priests. Taking the articles of the high-priest's dress in the order in which they are enumerated above, we have (a.) the breastplate, or, as it is further named (vers. 15, 29, 30), the breastplate of judgment. It was, like the inner curtains of the tabernacle, the vail, and the ephod, of " cunning work." The breastplate was originally 2 spans long, and 1 span broad, but when doubled it was square, the shape in which it was worn. It was fastened at the top by rings and chains of wreathen gold to the two onyx stones on the shoulders, and beneath with two other rings and a lace of blue to two corresponding rings in the ephod, to keep it fixed in its place, above the curious girdle. But the most remarkable and most important part of this breastplate were the 12 pre cious stones, set in 4 rows, 3 in a row, thus corre sponding to the 12 tribes, and divided in the same manner as their camps were; each stone having the name of one of the children of Israel engraved upon it. According to the LXX. and Josephus, and in accordance with the language of Scripture, it was these stones which constituted the Urim and Thummim. [Urim and Thommim.] The addition of precious stones and costly ornaments expresses glory beyond simple justification (comp. Is. lxii. 3 ; Rev. xxi. 11, 12-21). But, moreover, the high- priest being a representative personage, the fortunes of the whole people would most properly be indic ated in his person. A striking instance of this, in connexion too with symbolical dress, is to be found iu Zech. iii. It seems to be sufficiently obvious that the breastplate of righteousness or judgment, resplendent with the same precious stones which symbolize the glory of the New Jerusalem, and on which were engraved the names of the 12 tribes, worn by the high-priest, who was then said to bear the judgment of the children of Israel upon his heart, was intended to express by symbols the ac ceptance of Israel grounded upon the sacrificial func tions ofthe high-priest. — (6.) The Ephod. This con sisted of two parts, of which one covered the back, and the other the front, i.e. the breast and upper part of the body. These were clasped together on the shoulder with two large onyx stones, each having engraved on it 6 of the names of the tribes of Israel. It was further united by » "curious girdle" of gold, blue, purple, scarlet, and fine twined linen round the waist [Ephod ; Girdle]. — (c.) The Robe of the ephod. This was of inferior material to the ephod itself, being all of blue (ver. 31), which implied its being only of " woven work " (xxxix. 22). It was worn immediately under the ephod, and was longer, than it. The blue robe had no sleeves, but only slits in the sides for the aims to come through. It had a hole for the head to pass through, with a border round it of woven work, to prevent its being rent. The skirt of this robe had a remarkable trimming of pomegranates in blue, red, and crimson, with a bell of gold between each pomegranate alternately. The bells were to give a sound when the high-priest went in and came out of the Holy Place.— {d.) The mitre or upper turban, with its gold plate, engraved with Holiness to the Lord, fastened to it by « ribbon of blue. Josephus applies the term mitsnepheth to the tur bans of the common priests as well, but says that 326 HIGH-PRIEST in addition to this, and sewn on to the top of it, the high-priest had another turban of blue ; that besides this he had outside the turban u triple crown of gold, consisting, that is, of 3 rims one above the other, and terminating at top in a kind of conical calyx, like the inverted calyx of the herb hyoscy- amus. Josephus doubtless gives a true account of the high-priest's turban as worn in his day. He also describes the lamina or gold plate, which he says covered the forehead of the high-priest. — ¦ (e.) The broidered coat was a tunic or long skirt of linen with a tessellated or diaper pattern, like the setting of a stone. The girdle, also of linen, was wound round the body several times from the breast downwards, and the ends hung down to the ancles. The breeches or drawers, of linen, covered the loins and thighs; and the bonnet or migbd'dh was a turban of linen, partially cover ing the head, but not in the form of a cone like that of the high-priest when the mitre was added to it. These four last were common to all priests. — (3.) Aaron had peculiar functions. To him alone it appertained, and he alone was permitted, to enter the Holy of Holies, which he did once a year, on the great day of atonement, when he sprinkled the blood of the sin-offering on the mercy-seat, and burnt incense within the vail (Lev. xvi.). He is said by the Talmudists not to have worn his full pontifical robes on this occasion, but to have been clad entirely in white linen (Lev. xvi. 4, 32). It is singular, however, that on the other hand Josephus says that the great fast day was the chief, if not the only day in the year, when the high-priest wore all his robes. — (4.) The high-priest had a peculiar place in the law of the manslayer, and his taking sanctuaiy in the cities of refuge. The manslayer might not leave the city of refuge during the life time of the existing high-priest who was anointed with the holy oil (Num. xxxv. 25, 28). It was also forbidden to the high priest to follow a funeral, or rend his clothes for the dead, according to the precedent in Lev. x. 6. The other respects in which the high-priest exercised superior functions to the other priests arose rather from his position and opportunities, than were distinctly attached to his office, and they consequently varied with the personal character and abilities of the high-priest. Even that portion of power which most naturally and usually belonged to him, the rule of the Temple, and the government of the priests and Levites who ministered there, did not invariably fall to the share of the high-priest. The Rabbins speak very frequently of one second in dignity to the high- priest, whom they call the Sagan, and who often acted in the high-priest's room. He is the same who in the 0. T. is called "the second priest" (2 K. xxiii. 4, xxv. 18). Thus too it is explained of Annas and Caiaphas (Luke iii. 2), that Annas was Sagan. Ananias is also thought by some to have beeu Sagan, acting for the high-priest (Acts xxiii. 2). It does not appear by whose authority the high-priests were appointed to their office before there were kings of Israel. But as we find it in variably done by the civil power in later times, it is probable that, in the times preceding the monarchy, it was by the elders, or Sanhedrim. It should be added, that the usual age for entering upon the functions of the priesthood, accordiuo- to 2 Chr. xxxi. 17, is considered to have been 20 years, though a priest or high-priest was not actually incapacitated if he had attained to puberty. Again, according to HIGH-PRIEST Lev. xxi., no one that had" a blemish could officiate. at the altar. — II. Theologically. The theological view of the high-priesthood does not fall within the scope of this Dictionary. It must suffice therefore to indicate that such a view would embrace the consideration of the office, dress, functions, and ministrations of the high-priest, considered as typical of the priesthood of our Lord Jesus Christ, and as setting forth under shadows the truths which are openly taught under the Gospel. This has been done to a great extent in the Epistle to the Hebrews. It would also embrace all the moral and spiritual teaching supposed to be intended by such symbols.— III. To pass to the historical view of the subject. The history of the high-priests. embraces a period of about 1370 years, and a succes sion of about 80 high-priests, beginning with Aaron, and ending with Phannias. They naturally arrange themselves into three groups — (a.) those before- David ; (6.) those from David to the captivity ; (c.) those from the return of the Babylonish cap tivity till the cessation of the office at the destruc tion of Jerusalem, (a.) The high-priests of the- first group who are distinctly made known to us as such are — 1. Aaron; 2. Eleazar; 3. Phinehas; 4. Eli ; 5. Ahitub (1 Chr. ix. 11 ; Neh. xi. 11; 1 Sam. xiv. 3) ; 6. Ahiah ; 7. Ahimelech. Phinehas- the son of Eli, and father of Ahitub, died before bis father, and so was not high-priest. Of the above, the three first succeeded in regular order, Nadab and Abihu, Aaron's eldest sons, having died in the wilderness (Lev. x.). But Eli, the 4th, was ofthe line of Ithamar. What was the exact interval be tween the death of Phinehas and the accession of Eli, what led to the transference of the chief priest hood from the line of Eleazar to that of Ithamar, we have no means of determining from Scripture. Josephus asserts that the father of Bukki — whom he calls Joseph, and Abiezer, i. e. Abishua — was the last high-priest of Phinehas's line, before Zadok. If Abishua died, leaving a son or grandson under age, Eli, as head of the line of Ithamar, might , have become high-priest as a matter of course, or . he might have been appointed by the elders. If Ahiah and Ahimelech are not variations of the name of the same person, they must have been brothers, since both were sons of Ahitub. The high-priests then before David's reign may be set down as eight in number, of whom seven are said in Scripture to- have been high-priests, and one by Josephus alone. — (6.) Passing to the second group, we begin with the unexplained circumstance of there being two priests in the reign of David, apparently of nearly equal authority, viz. Zadok and Abiathar (1 Chr. xv. 11; 2 Sam. vii. 17). It is not unlikely that after the death of Ahimelech and the secession of Abiathar to David, Saul may have made Zadok priest, and that David may have avoided the diffi culty of deciding between the claims of his faithful friend Abiathar and his new and important ally Zadok by appointing them to a joint priesthood: the firet place, with the Ephod, and Urim and Thummim, remaining with Abiathar, who was in actual possession of them. The firet considerable difficulty that meets us in the historical survey of the high-priests of the second group is to ascertain who was high-priest at the dedication of Solomon's Temple. Josephus says that Zadok was, and the Seder Olam makes him the high-priest in the reign of Solomon ; but 1 K. iv. 2 distinctly asserts that Azariah the son of Zadok was priest under Solomon, HIGH-PRIEST and 1 Chr. vi. 10 tells us of Azariah, " he it is that executed the priest's office in the temple that Solomon built in Jerusalem," obviously meaning at its first completion. We can hardly therefore be wrong in saying that Azariah the son of Ahimaaz was the first high-priest of Solomon's Temple. In constructing the list of the succession of priests of this group, our method must be to compare the genealogical list in 1 Chr. vi. 8-15 (A. V.) with the notices of high-priests in the sacred history, and with the list given by Josephus. Now as re gards the genealogy, it is seen at once that there is something defective ; for whereas from David to Jeconiah there are 20 kings, from Zadok to Jehoza- dak there are but 13 priests. Then again, while the pedigree in its six first generations from Zadok, inclusive, exactly suits the history, yet is there a great gap in the middle ; for between Amariah, the high-priest in Jehoshaphat's reign, and Shallum the father of Hilkiah, the high-priest in Josiah 's reign — an interval of about 240 years — there are but two names, Ahitub and Zadok, and those liable to the utmost suspicion from their reproducing the same sequence which occurs in the earlier part of the same genealogy — -Amariah, Ahitub, Zadok. But the historical books supply us with four or five names for this interval, viz. Jehoiada in the reigns of Athaliah and Joash, and probably still earlier Zechariah his son ; Azariah in the reign of Uzziah Urijah in the reign of Ahaz ; and Azariah in the reign of Hezekiah. If, however, in the genealogy of 1 Chr. vi., Azariah and Hilkiah have been acci dentally transposed, as is not unlikely, then the Azariah who was high-priest in Hezekiah's reign will be the Azariah of 1 Chr. vi. 13, 14. Putting the additional historical names at four, and deduct ing the two suspicious names from the genealogy, we have 15 high-priests indicated in Scripture as contemporary with the 20 kings, with room, how ever, for one or two more in the history. In addi tion to these, the Sudeas of Josephus, who cor responds to Zedekiah in the reigu of Amaziah in the Seder Olam, and Odeas, who corresponds to Hoshaiah in the reign of Manasseh, according to the same Jewish chronicle, may really represent high-priests whose names have not been preserved in Scripture. This would bring up the number to 17, or, if we retain Azariah as the father of Seraiah, to 18, which agrees nearly with the 20 kings. Review ing the high-priests of this second group, the follow ing are some of the most remarkable incidents : — (1) The transfer ofthe seat of worship from Shiloh in the tribe of Ephraim to Jerusalem in the tribe of Judah, effected by David and consolidated by the building of the magnificent Temple of Solomon. (2) The organization of the Temple service under the high-priest. (3) The revolt of the ten tribes. (4) The overthrow of the usurpation of Athaliah by Jehoiada the high-priest. (5) The boldness and success with which the high-priest Azariah with stood the encroachments of the king Uzziah upon the office and functions ofthe priesthood. (6) The repair of the Temple by Jehoiada, the restoration of the Temple services by Azariah in the reign of Hezekiah, and the discovery of the book of the law and the religious reformation by Hilkiah in the reign of Josiah. (7) In all these great religious movements, however, excepting the one headed by Jehoiada, it is remarkable how the civil power took the lead. . The preponderance of the civil ever the ecclesiastical power, as an historical fact, HIGH-PRLEST 327 in the kingdom of Judah, although kept within bounds by the hereditary succession of the high- priests, seems to be proved from these circumstances. The priests of this series ended with Seraiah, who was taken prisoner by Nebuzar-adan, and slainat Riblah by Nebuchadnezzar, together with Zepha niah the second priest or Sagan, after the burning of the Temple and the plunder of all the sacred vessels (2 K. xx. 18). His sou Jehozadak or Jo- sedech was at the same time carried away captive (1 Chr. vi. 15). The time occupied by these high- priests was about 454 years, which gives an ave rage of something more than twenty-five years to ' each high-priest. It is remarkable that not a single instance is recorded after the time of David of an inquiry by Urim and Thummim. The ministry of the prophets seems to have superseded that of the high-priests (see e. g. 2 Chr. xv., xviii., xx. 14, 15 ; 2 K. xix. 1, 2, xxii. 12-14 ; Jer. xxi. 1, 2).— (c.) An interval of about fifty-two years elapsed' between the high-priests of the second and third group, during which there was neither Temple, nor. altar, nor ark, nor priest. Jehozadak, or Josedech. as it is written in Haggai (i. 1, 14, &c), who should ' have succeeded Seraiah, lived and died a captive at - Babylon. The pontifical office revived in his son Jeshua, of whom such frequent mention is made'in Ezra and Nehemiah, Haggai and Zechariah, 1 Esdr. , and Ecclus. ; and he therefore stands at the head of. this third and last series, honourably distinguished for his zealous co-operation with Zerubbabel in re building the Temple, and restoring the dilapidated commonwealth of Israel. His successors, as far as the 0. T. guides us, were Joiakim, Eliashib, .- Joiada, Johanan (or Jonathan), and Jaddua. Jaddua was high-priest in the time of Alexander the Great. Jaddua was succeeded by Onias I., his son, and he again by Simon the Just, the last of the men of the great synagogue. Upon Simon's death, his son. Onias being under age, Eleazar, Simon's brother, succeeded him. The high-priesthood of Eleazar is memorable as being that under which the LXX. version of the Scriptures was made at Alexandria , for Ptolemy Philadelphus, according to the account of . Josephus taken from Aristeas. Viewed in its relation to Judaism and the high-priesthood, this translation was a sign, and perhaps a helping cause of their decay. It marked a growing tendency to Hellenise, utterly inconsistent with the spirit of the Mosaic economy. What, however, for a time saved the Jewish institutions, was the cruel and impolitic. persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes. The result. was that after the high-priesthood had been brought. to the lowest degradation by the apostasy and crimes of the last Onias or Menelaus, the son of Eleazar, and after a vacancy of seven years had followed the brief pontificate of Alcimus, his no less infamous. successor, a new and glorious succession of hio-h- priests arose in the Asmonean family, who united the dignity of civil rulers, and for a time of inde pendent sovereigns, to that ofthe high-priesthood. The Asmonean family were priests of the course of Joiarib, the first of the twenty-four courses (1 Chr. xxiv. 7), whose return from captivity is re corded 1 Chr. ix. 10 ; Neh. xi. 10. They were probably ofthe house of Eleazar, though this can not be affirmed with certainty. This Asmonean dynasty lasted from B.C. 153, till the family was damaged by intestine divisions, and then destroyed by Herod the Great. Aristobulus, the last high- priest of his line, brother of Mariamne, was mur- 328 HIGH-PRIEST dered by order of Herod, his brother-in-law, B.C. 35. There were no fewer than twenty-eight high-priests from the reign of Herod to the destruction of the Temple by Titus, a period of 107 years. The N. T. introduces us to some of these later, and oft- changing high-priests, viz. Annas, Caiaphas, and Ananias. Theophilus, the son of Ananus, was the high-priest from whom Saul received letters to the synagogue at Damascus (Acts ix. 1, 14}. Phannias, the last high-priest, was appointed by lot by the Zealots from the course of priests called by Josephus Eniachim (probably a corrupt reading for Jachim). The subjoined table shows the succession of high- priests, as far as it can be ascertained, and of the contemporary civil rulers. CIVIL KDXER. BIGH-FBIEST. Moses Aaron. Joshua Eleazar. Othniel Phinehas. Abishua Abishua. Eli .. Eli. Samuel Ahi tub. Saul . . Ahijah. David Zadok and Abiathar. Solomon Azariah. Abijah Johanan. Asa Azariah. Jehoshaphat Amariah. Jehoram. Jehoiada. Ahaziah , , Jehoash Do. and Zechariah. Amaziah ? Uzziah Azariah. Jotham ? Ahaz TTrijah. Hezekiah Azariah. Manasseh Shallum. Amon , , Josiah Hilkiah. Jehoiakim Azariah ? Zedekiah Seraiah. Evil-Merodach Jehozadak. Zerubbabel (Cyrus and Jeshua. Darius). Mordecai ? (Xerxes) . . . . Joiakim. Ezra and Nehemiah (Arta- Eliashib. xerxes). Darius Nothus Joiada. Artaxerxes Mnemon . . Johanan. Alexander the Great . . . . Jaddua. Onias 1. (Ptolemy Soter, Onias I. Antigonus). Ptolemy Soter Simon the Just Ptolemy Philadelphus . . Eleazar. , , Manasseh. Ptolemy Euergetes . . . . Onias II. Ptolemy Philopator .. .. Simon II. Ptolemy Epiphanes and Onias III. Antiochus. Antiochus Epiphanes . . (Joshua, or) Jason. , , Onias, or Menelaus. Demetrius Jacimus, or Alcimus. Alexander Balas Jonathan, brother of Judas . Maccabeus (Asmonean). Simon (Asmonean) .. .. Simon (Asmonean). John Hyrcanus (Asm.) . . John Hyrcanus (Do.). King Aristobulus (Asm.) . . Aristobulus (Do ). King Alexander Jannaeus Alexander Jannaeus (Do.). (Asmonean). Queen Alexandra (Asm.) . . Hyrcanus II. (Do.). King Aristobulus II. (As- Aristobulus II. (Do.). monean). Pompey the Great and Hyr- Hyrcanus II. (Do.). canus, or rather, towards ' the end of his pontificate, Antipater. Pacorus the Parthian . . . Antlgonus (Do.). Herod K. of Judaea .. .. Ananelua. » i Aristobulus (last of Asmo- neans), murdered by Herod. _ . .. » v, Ananelus restored. Herod the fareat . .* . . . . Jesus, bon of Faneus. > > Simon, son of Boethus, father-iu-law to Herod. ' i Matthias, son of Theophilus. HILLS CIVIL BULEE. HIGH-PRIKST. , , . . . . ¦ . . Jozarus, son of Simon. Archelaus K. of Judaea . . Eleazar. , , Jesus, son of Sie , , Jozarus (second time). Cyrenlns, governor of Syria, Ananus. second time. Valerius Gratus, procurator Ishmael, son of Pbabi. of Judea. , , Eleazar, son of Ananus. ,, Simon, son of Kami tb. Vitellius, governor of Syria Caiaphas, called also Joseph. , , Jonathan, son or Ananus. ,, Theophilus, brother of Jo- nathan. , Herod Agrippa Simon Cantheras. , , Matthias, brother of Jona than, son of Ananus. , , Elioneus, son of Cantheras. Herod, king of Chalcis . . Joseph, son of Oamei. , , Ananias, son of Nebedeus. , , Jonathan. , , I?mael, son of Fabi. , , Joseph, son of Simon. , , Ananus, son of Ananus, or Ananias. Appointed by the people , . Jesus, son of Gamaliel. Do. ( Whiston on B. J. iv. 3, Matthias, son of Theophilus Chosen by lot Phannias, son of SamueL Hi'len, the name of a city of Judah allotted with its suburbs to the priests (1 Chr. vi. 58). Hilki'ah. 1. Father of Eliakim (2 K. xviii. 37, Is. xxii. 20, xxxvh 22). [Eliakim.]— 2. High-priest in the reign of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 4 sqq. ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 9 sqq. ; 1 Esdr. i. 8). According to the genealogy in 1 Chr. vi. 13 (A. V.) he was son of Shallum, and from Ezr. vii. 1, apparently the ancestor of Ezra the scribe. His high-priesthood was rendered particularly illustrious by the great reformation effected under it by king Josiah, by the solemn Passover kept at Jerusalem in the 18th year of that king's reign, and above all by the discovery which he made of the book of the law of Moses iu the temple. With regard to the latter, Kennicott is of opinion that it was the original autograph copy of the Pentateuch written by Moses which Hilkiah found, but his argument is far from con> elusive. A difficult and interesting question arises, What was the book found by Hilkiah ? Our means of answering this question seem to be limited, (1) to an examination of the terms in which the depositing the book of the law by the ark was originally enjoined; (2) to an examination of the contents of the book discovered by Hilkiah, as far as they transpire ; (3) to any indications which may be gathered from the contemporary writings of Jeremiah, or from any other portions of Scrip ture. A consideration of all these points raises a strong probability that the book in question was the book of Deuteronomy.— 3. A Merarite Levite, son of Amzi (1 Chr. vi. 45; hebr. 30).— 4. An other Merarite Levite, second son of Hosah (1 Chr. xxvi. 11).— 5. One of those who stood on the right hand of Ezra when he read the law to the people. Doubtless a Levite, and probably a priest (Neh. viii. 4). He may be identical with the Hilkiah who came up in the expedition with Jeshua and Zerub babel (xii. 7).— 6. A priest of Anathoth, father of the prophet Jeremiah (Jer. i. 1).— 7. Father of Gemariah, who was one of Zedekiah's envoys to Babylon (Jer. xxix. 3). Hil'lel, a native of Pirathon in Mount Ephraim, father of Addon, one of the judges of Israel (Judg. xii. 13, 15). Hills. The structure and characteristics of the HIN hills of Palestine will be most conveniently noticed in the general description of the features of the country. But it may not be unprofitable to call attention heie to the various Hebrew terms for which the word " hill " has been employed in the Auth. Version. 1. Gibeah, from' a root which seems to have the force of curvature or humpish- ness. A word involving this idea is peculiarly applicable to the rounded hills of Palestine. 2. But our translators have also employed the same English word for the very different term har, which has a much more exteuded sense than gibeah, meaning a whole district rather than an individual eminence, and to which our word " mountain " answers with tolerable accuracy. This exchange is always un desirable, but it sometimes occurs so as to confuse the meaning of a passage where it is desirable that the topography should be unmistakeable. For in stance, in Ex. xxiv. 4, the " hill " is the same which is elsewhere in the same chapter (12, 13, 18, &c.) and book, consistently and accurately rendered *( mount" and "mountain." The country of the " hills," in Deut. i. 7 ; Josh. ix. 1, x. 40, xi. 16, is the elevated district of Judah, Benjamin and Ephraim, which is correctly called " the mountain " in the earliest descriptions of Palestine (Num. xiii. 29), and in many subsequent passages. In 2 K. i. 9 and iv. 27, the use of the word " hill" obscures the allusion to Carmel, which in other passages of the life of the prophet (e.g. 1 K. xviii. 19; 2 K. iv. 25) has the term "mount" correctly attached to it. 3. On one occasion the word Ma'aleh, better "ascent," is rendered "hill" (1 Sam. ix. 11). 4. In the N. T. the word " hill " is employed to render the Greek word fiovvds ; but on one occa sion it is used for &pos, elsewhere " mountain," so as to obscure the connexion between the two parts of the same narrative (Luke ix. 37). Kin. [Measures.] Kind, the female of the common stag or cervus elaphus. It is frequently noticed in the poetical parts of Scripture as emblematic of activity (Gen. xlix. 21 ; 2 [jam. xxii. 34; Ps. xviii. 33 ; Hab. iii. 19), gentleness (Prov. v. 19), feminine modesty (Cant. ii. 7, iii. 5), earnest longing (Ps. xiii. 1), and maternal affection (Jer. xiv. 5). Its shyness and remoteness from the haunts of men are also alluded to (Job xxxix. 1), and its timidity, causing it to cast its young at the sound of thunder (Ps. xxix. 9). Hinge. Both ancient Egyptian and modern Oriental doors were and are hung by means of pivots turning in sockets both on the upper and lower sides (1 K. vii. 50). In Syria, and especially the Hauran, there are many ancient doors consisting of stone slabs with pivots carved out of the same piece, inserted in sockets above and below, and fixed during the building of the house. The allusion in Prov. xxvi. 14 is thus clearly explained. Hin'nom, Valley of, otherwise called " the val ley of the son " or " children of Hinnom," a deep and narrow ravine, with steep, rocky sides to the S. and W. of Jerusalem, separating Mount Zion to the N. from the "Hill of Evil Counsel," and the sloping rocky plateau of the " plain of Rephaim " to the S. The earliest mention of the Valley of Hin nom in the sacred writings is in Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 16, where the boundary-line between the tribes of Judah and Benjamin is described, as passing alono- tlie bed of the ravine. On the southern brovv^ overlooking the valley at its eastern extremity, HITTITES, THE 329 Solomon erected high places for Molech (1 K. xi. 7), whose horrid rites were revived from time to time in the same vicinity by the later idolatrous kings. Ahaz and Manasseh made their children "pass through the fire" in this valley (2 K. xvi. 3; 2 Chr. xxviii. 3, xxxiii. 6), and the fiendish custom of infant sacrifice to the fire-gods seems to have been kept up in Tophet, at its S.E. extremity for a considerable period (Jer. vii. 31 ; 2 K. xxx. 10). To put an end to these abominations the place was polluted by Josiah, who rendered it cere monially unclean by spreading over it human bones, and other corruptions (2 K. xxiii. 10, 13, 14; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 4, 5), from which time it appears to have become the common cesspool of the city, into which its sewage was conducted, to be carried off by the waters of the Kidron, as well as a laystall, where all its solid filth was collected. From its ceremonial defilement, and from the detested and abominable fire of Molech, if not from the supposed everburning funeral piles, the later Jews applied the name of this valley Ge Hinnom, Gehenna, to denote the place of eternal torment. The name by which it is now known is Wady Jehennam, or Wady er Rubeb. Hippopotamus. There is hardly a doubt that the Hebrew behemoth describes the hippopotamus : the word itself bears the strongest resemblance to the Coptic name pehemout, " the water-ox," and at the same time expresses in its Hebrew form the idea of a very large beast. Though now no longer found in the lower Nile, it was formerly common there. The association of it with the crocodile in the passage in which it is described (Job xl. 15 ff.), and most of the particulars in that passage are more appropriate to the hippopotamus than to any other animal. Hi'rah, an Adullamite, the friend of Judah (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12 ; and see 20). Hi'ram, or Hu'ram. 1. The king of Tyre who sent workmen and materials to Jerusalem, first (2 Sam. v. 11, 1 Chr. xiv. 1) to build a palace for David whom he ever loved (1 K. v. 1), and again (1 K. v. 10, vii. 13, 2 Chr. 14, 16) to build the Temple for Solomon, with whom he had a treaty of peace and commerce (1 K. v. 11, 12). The contempt with which he received Solomon's present of Cabul (1 K. ix. 12) does not appear to have caused any breach between the two kings. He admitted Solomon's ships, issuing from Joppa, to a share in the profitable trade of the Mediterranean (1 K. x. 22) ; and Jewish sailors, under the guid ance of Tyrians, were taught to bring the gold of India (1 K. ix. 26) to Solomon's two harbours on the Red Sea. Dius the Phoenician historian, and Menander of Ephesus assign to Hiram a prosperous reign of 34 years ; and relate that his father was Abibal, his son and successor Baleazar. Others re late that Hiram, besides supplying timber for the Temple, gave his daughter in marriage to Solomon. —2. Hiram was the name of a man of mixed race (1 K. vii. 13, 40), the principal architect and en gineer sent by king Hiram to Solomon. Hirca'nus, " a son of Tobias," who had a large treasure placed for security in the treasury of the temple at the time of the visit of Heliodorus (c. 1 87 B.C. ; 2 Mace. iii. 1 1 ). The name appears simply to be a local appellative. Hit'tites, the, the nation descended from Cheth (A. V. " Heth "), the second son of Canaan. Our first introduction to the Hittites is in the time of 330 HIVITES, THE Abraham, when he bought from the Bene-Cheth, " Children of Heth," the field and the cave of Machpelah, belonging to Ephron the Hittite. They were then settled at the town which was after wards, under its new name of Hebron, to become one of the most famous cities of Palestine, then bearing the name of Kirjath-arba, and perhaps also of Mamre (Gen. ,\xiii. 19, xxv. 9). The propensi ties ot the tribe appear at that time to have been rather commercial than military. As Ewald well says, Abraham chose his allies in warfare from the Amorites, but he goes to the Hittites for his grave. But the tribe was evidently as yet but small, not important enough to be noticed beside " the Ca naanite and the Perizzite " who shared the bulk of the land between them (Gen. xii. 6, xiii. 7). Throughout the book of Exodus the name of the Hittites occurs only in the usual formula for the occupants of the Promised Land. From this time their quiet habits vanish, and they take their part against the invader, in equal alliance with the other Canaanite tribes (Josh. ix. 1, xi. 3, &c). Henceforward the notices of the Hittites are very few and faint. We meet with two individuals, both attached to the person of David. (1.) " Ahi melech the Hittite " (1 Sam. xxvi. 6). (2.) " Uriah the Hittite," one of "the thirty" of David's body guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 39 ; 1 Chr. xi. 41). The Egyptian annals tell ns of a very powerful con federacy of Hittites in the valley of the Orontes, with whom Sether I., or Sethos, waged war about B.C. 1340, and whose capital, Ketesh, situate near Emesa, he conquered. In the Assyrian inscriptions, as lately deciphered, there are frequent references to a nation of Khatti, whose tenitory also lay in the valley of the Orontes, and who were sometimes assisted by the people of the sea-coast, probably the Phoenicians. If the identification of these people with the Hittites should prove to be cor rect, it affords a clue to the meaning of some passages which are otherwise puzzling. Hi'vites, the. The name is, in the original, uniformly found in the singular number. In the genealogical tables of Genesis, " the Hivite " is named as one of the descendants — the sixth in order — of Canaan, the son of Ham (Gen. x. 17; 1 Chr. i. 15). In the first enumeration of the nations who, at the time of the call of Abraham, occupied the promised land (Gen. xv. 19-21), the Hivites are omitted from the Hebrew text. The name is also absent in the report of the spies (Num. xiii. 29). Perhaps this is owing to the then insignifi cance of the Hivites. We firet encounter the actual people ofthe Hivites at the time of Jacob's return to Canaan. Shechem was then in their possession, Hamor the Hivite being the " prince of the land " (Gen. xxxiv. 2). They were at this time, to judge of them by their rulers, a warm and impetuous people, credulous and easily deceived by the crafty and cruel sons of Jacob. The narrative further exhibits them as peaceful and commercial, given to " trade " (10, 21 ), and to the acquiring of " posses sions" of cattle and other "wealth" (10, 23, 28, 29). We next meet with the Hivites during the conquest of Canaan (Josh. ix. 7, xi. 19). Their character is now in some respects materially altered. They are still evidently averse to fighting, but they have acquired— possibly by long experience in traffic — an amount of craft which they did not before possess, and which enables them to turn the tables on the Israelites in a highly successful manner HOHAM (Josh. ix. 3-27). The main body of the Hivites, however, were at this time living on the northern confines of western Palestine — " under Hermon, in the land of Mizpeh" (Josh. xi. 3) — "in Mount Lebanon, fi-om Mount Baal-Hermon to the enter ing in of Hamath" (Judg. iii. 3, comp. 2 Sam. xxiv. 7). Hizki'ah, an ancestor of Zephaniah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1). HizM'jah, according to the A. V. a man who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. a. 17). But there is no doubt that the name should be taken with that preceding it, as " Ater-Hizkijah." Ho'bab. This name is found in two places only (Num. x. 29 ; Judg. iv. 11), and it seems doubtful whether it denotes the father-in-law of Moses, or his son. (1.) In favour of the latter are (a.) the express statement that Hobab was " the son of Raguel " (Num. x. 29) ; Raguel or Reuel — the Hebrew word in both cases is the same — being identified with Jethro, not only in Ex. ii. 18 (comp. iii. 1, &c), but also by Josephus. (b.) The fact that Jethro had some time previously left the Israelite camp to return to his own country (Ex. xviii. 27). (2.) In favour of Hobab's identity with Jethro are {a.) the words of Judg. iv. 11 ; but it should be remembered that this is, ostensibly, of later date than the other, and altogether a more casual statement. (&.) Josephus in speaking of Raguel remarks that he " had Iothor (»'. e. Jethro) for a surname." The Mahometan traditions are cei'tainly in favour of the identity of Hobab with Jethro. But whether Hobab was the father-in-law of Moses or not, the notice of him in Num. x. 29-32, though brief, is full of point and interest. While Jethro is preserved to us as the wise and practised administrator, Hobab appears as the ex perienced Bedouin sheikh, to whom Moses looked for the material safety of his cumbrous caravan in the new and difficult ground before them. Ho'bah, the place to which Abraham pursued the kings who had pillaged Sodom (Gen. xiv. 15). It was situated " to the north of Damascus." The Jews of Damascus affirm that the village of Jobar, not far from Burzeh, is the Hobah of Scripture. Hod, one of the sons of Zophah, among the descendants of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37). Hodai all, son of Elioenai, of the royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). Hodavi'ah. 1. A man of Manasseh, one of the heads of the half-tribe on the east of Jordan (1 Ch'. v. 24). — 2. A man of Benjamin, son of Has-senuah (1 Chr. ix. 7). — 3. A Levite, who seems to have oiven his name to an important family in the tribe (Ezr. ii. 40). Ho'desh, a woman named in the genealogies of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 9) as the wife of Shaharaim. Ho'devah, Neh. vii. 43. [Hodaviah, 3.] Hodi'ah ; one of the two wives of Ezra, a man of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19). She is doubtless tlie same person as Jehudijah in verse 18. Hodi'jah. 1. A Levite in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah (Neh. viii. 7; and probably also ix. 5; x. 10) 2. Another Levite at the same time (Neh x. 13).— 3. A layman; one ofthe "heads" o the people at the same time (Neh. a. 18). Hog'lah, the third of the five daughters of Zelo- phehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 11, Josh. xvii. 3). Hotam, king of Hebron at the time of the con quest of Canaan (Josh. a. 3\ of HOLM-TREE Holm-Tree occurs only in the apocryphal story of Susanna (ver. 58). The passage contains a cha racteristic play on the names of the two trees men tioned by the elders in their evidence. The irplvos of Theophrastus and Dioscorides denotes, there can be no doubt, the Quercus coccifera. The Lat. ilex was applied both to the holm-oak {Q. ilex) and to the Kermes-oak {Q. coccifera). Holofer'nes, or, more correctly, Olofernes, was, according to the book of Judith, a general of Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Assyrians (Jud. ii. 4), who was slain by the Jewish heroine Judith during the siege of Bethulia. Ho'lon. 1. A town in the mountains of Judah ; one of the first group, of which Debir was appa rently the most considerable (Josh. xv. 51, xxi. 15). [Hilen.]— 2. A city of Moab (Jer. xlviii. 21, only). No identification of it has yet taken place. Ho'mam, the form under which, in 1 Chr. i. 39, an Edomite name appears, which in Gen. xxxvi. is given Hemam. Homer. [Measures.] Honey. The Hebrew debash, in the first place, applies to the product of the bee, to which we ex- cl usively give the name of honey. All travellers ngree in describing Palestine as a land "flowing with milk and honey" (Ex. iii. 8); bees being abundant even in the remote parts of the wilder ness, where they deposit their honey in the crevices of the rocks or in hollow trees. In some parts of northern Arabia the hills are so well stocked with bees, that no sooner are hives placed than they are occupied. In the second place the term dtbash applies to a decoction of the juice of the grape, which is still called dibs, and which forms an article of commerce in the East ; it was this, and not or dinary bee-honey, which Jacob sent to Joseph (Gen. xliii. 11), and which the Tyrians purchased from Palestine (Ez. xxvii. 17). A third kind has been described by some writers as " vegetable " honey, by which is meant the exudations of certain trees and shrubs, such as the Tamarix mannifera, found in the peninsula of Sinai, or the stunted oaks of Luristan and Mesopotamia. The honey, which Jonathan ate in the wood (1 Sam. xiv. 25), and the " wild honey," which supported St. John (Matt. iii. 4), have been referred to this species. But it was probably the honey of the wild bees. A fourth kind is described by Josephus, as being manufactured from the juice of the date. Hook, Hooks. Various kinds of hooks are noticed in the Bible, of which the following are the most important. 1. Fishing-hooks, (Am. iv. 2 ; Job xii. 2 ; Is. xix. 8; Hab. i. 15). 2. Pro perly a ring (A. V. " thorn,") placed through the mouth of a large fish and attached by a cord to a stake for the purpose of keeping it alive in the water (Job xii. 2) ; the word meaning the cord is rendered "hook" in the A. V. 3. A ring, such as in our countiy is placed through the nose of a hull, and similarly used in the East for leading about lions (Ez. xix. 4, where the A. V. has " with chains "), camels and other animals. A similar method was adopted for leading prisoners, as in the case of Manasseh, who was led with rings (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11 ; A. V. "in the thorns"). An illustra tion of this practice is found in a bas-relief dis covered at Khorsabad (Layard, ii. 376). 4. The hooks of the pillars of the Tabernacle. (Ex. xxvi. 32, 37, xxvii. 10 ft., xxxviii. 13 ff.) 5. A vine dresser's pruning-hook (Is. ii. 4, xviii. 5 ; Mic. iv. HOE, MOUNT 331 3 ; Joel iii. 10). 6. A flesh-hook for getting up the joints of meat out of the boiling-pot (Ex. xxvii. 3; 1 Sam. ii. 13-14). 7. Probably "hooks" used for the purpose of hanging up animals to flay them (Ez. xl. 43). Hook. (Layavd's Nineveh.) Hoph'ni and Phineas, the two sons of Eli, who fulfilled their hereditary sacerdotal duties at Shiloh. Their brutal' rapacity and lust, which seemed to acquire fresh violence with their father'* increasing years (1 Sam. ii. 22, 12-17), filled the people with' disgust and indignation, and provoked the curse which was denounced against their father's house first by an unknown prophet (27-36), and! then by Samuel (1 Sam. iii. 11-14). They were both cut off in one day in the flower of their age, and the ark which they had accompanied to battle against the Philistines was lost on the same occa sion (1 Sam. iv. 10, 11). Hor, Mount. 1. The mountain on which Aaron died (Num. xx. 25, 27). The word Hor is re garded by the lexicographers as an archaic form of Har, the usual Hebrew term for " mountain." The few facts given us in the Bible regarding Mount Hor are soon told. It was " on the boundary line " (Num. xx. 23) or " at the edge " (xxxiii. 37) of the land of Edom. It was the halting-place ofthe people next after Kadesh (xx. 22, xxxiii. 37), and they quitted it for Zalmonah (xxxiii. 41) in the road to, the Red Sea (xxi. 4). It was during' ' the encampment at Kadesh that Aaron was gathered to his fathers. It is almost unnecessary to state that it is situated on the eastern side ofthe great valley of the Arabah, the highest and most con spicuous of the whole range of the sandstone mountains of Edom, having close beneath it on its eastern side the mysterious city of Petra. The ' tradition has existed from the earliest date. It is now the Jebel Nebi-Harun, "the mountain of the Prophet Aaron." Of the geological formation of Mount Hor we have no very trustworthy accounts. The general structure of the range of Edom, ot which it forms the most prominent feature, is new red sandstone, displaying istelf to an enormous thickness. Mount Hor itself is said to be entirely sandstone, in very horizontal strata. Its height, according to the latest measurements, is 4800 feet (Eng.) above the Mediterranean, that is to say about 1700 feet above the town of Petra, 4000 above the level of the Arabah, and more than 6000 above the Dead Sea. The mountain is marked far and near by its double top, which rises like a huge castellated building from a lower base, and is sur mounted by a circular dome of the tomb of Aaron, a distinct white spot on the dark red surface of the mountain. The impression received on the spot is that Aaron's death took place in the small basin between the two peaks, and that the people- were stationed either on the plain at the base of the peaks, or at that part of the Wady Abu-Kusheybeh from which the top is commanded. The chief in terest of Mount Hor will always consist in the prospect from its summit— the last view of Aaron —that view which was to him what Pisgah was to 332 HOEAM his brother. —2. A mountain, entirely distinct from the preceding, named in Num. xxxiv. 7, 8, only, as one of the marks of the northern boundary of the land which the children of Israel were about to conquer. The identification of this mountain has always been one of the puzzles of Sacred Geography. The Mediterranean was the western boundary. The northern boundary started from the sea ; the first point in it was Mount Hor, and the second the HORN entrance of Hamath. The entrance of Hamath seems to have been determined by Mr. Porter as the pass at Kalat el-Husn, close to Hums, the an cient Hamath— at the other end of the range oi Lebanon. Surely " Mount Hor " then can be nothing else than the great chain of Lebanon itself. It is so clearly the natural northern boundary of the country, that there seems no reason to doubt that the whole range is intended by the term Hor. View of the summit of Mount Hor. (From Laborde.) Ho 'ram, king of Gezer at the time of the con quest of the south-western part of Palestine (Josh. x. 33). Ho'reb. Ex. iii. 1 , xvii. 6, xxxiii. 6 ; Deut. i. 2, 6, 19, iv. 10, 15, v. 2, ix. 8, xviii. 16, xxix. 1 ; 1 K. viii. 9, xix. 8 ; 2 Chr. v. 10 ; Ps. evi. 19 ; Mal. iv. 4; Ecclus. xlviii. 7. [Sinai.] Ho'rem, one of the fortified places in the terri tory of Naphtali ; named with Iron and Migdal-el (Josh. xix. 38). Van de Velde suggests Hurah as the site of Horem. Hor Hagid'gad, the name of a desert station where the Israelites encamped (Num. xxxiii. 32), probably the same as Gudgodah (Deut. x. 7). On the west side of the Arabah Robinson has a Wady Ghiiddghidh, which may bear the same meaning ; but as that meaning might be perhaps applied to a great number of localities, it would be dangerous to infer identity. Ho'ri. 1. A Horite, son of Lotan, the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 22 ; 1 Chr. i. 39).— 2. In Gen. xxxvi. 30, the name has in the original the definite article prefixed "the Horite;" and is in fact pre cisely the same word with that which in the pre ceding verse, and also in 21, is rendered in the A. V. "the Horites."— 3. A man of Simeon; father of Shaphat (Num. xiii. 5). Ho'rites and Ho'rims, the aboriginal inhabitants of Mount Seir (Gen. xiv. 6), and probably allied to the Emims and Rephaims. The name Horite appears to have been derived from their habits as "cave-dwellers." Their excavated dwellings are still found in hundreds in the sandstone cliffs and mountains of Edom, and especially in Petra. Hormah, or Zephath, (Judg. i. 17), was the chief town of a king of a Canaanitish tribe on the south of Palestine, which was reduced by Joshua, and became a city of the territory of Judah (xv. 30 ; 1 Sam. xxx. 30), but apparently belonged to Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 30). Horn. I. Literal. (Josh. vi. 4, 5; comp. Ex. xix. 13 ; 1 Sam. xvi. 1, 13 ; 1 K. i. 39 ; Job xiii. 14.) — Two purposes are mentioned in the Scriptures to which the horn seems to have been applied. Trumpets were probably at firet merely horns perforated at the tip, such as are still used upon mountain-farms for calling home the la bourers at meal-time. The word horn is also applied to a flask, or vessel made of horn, con taining oil (1 Sam. xvi. 1, 13 ; 1 K. i. 39), or used as a kind of toilet-bottle, filled with the pre paration of antimony with which women tinged their eye-lashes.— II. Metaphorical. 1. From similarity of form. — To this use belongs the appli cation of the word horn to a trumpet of metal, as already mentioned. The horns of the altar (Ex. xxvii. 2) are not supposed to have been made of horn, but to have been metallic projections from the four cornel's. The peak or summit of a hill ' was called a horn (Is. v. 1). 2. From similarity of position and use. — Two principal applications of this metaphor will be found — strength and honour. Of strength the horn of the unicorn was the most frequent representative (Deut. xxxiii. 17, &c), but not always; comp. 1 K. xxii. 11, where probably horns of iron, worn defiantly and symbolically on the head, are intended. Among the Druses upon Mount Lebanon the married women wear silver horns on their heads. In the sense of lionow, the word horn stands for the abstract (my horn, Job xvi. 15; all tlie horns of Israel, Lam. ii. 3), and so for the supreme authority. It also stands for the HORNET concrete, whence it comes to mean king, kingdom (Dan. viii. 2, &c. ; Zech. i. 18). Out of either or both of these two last metaphors sprang the idea of representing gods with horns. HORSE 333 Heads of modern Asiatics ornamented with horns. Hornet. That the Hebrew word tzir'dh de scribes the hornet, may be taken for granted on the almost unanimous authority of the ancient ver sions. Not only were bees exceedingly numerous in Palestine, but from the name Zoreah (Josh. xv. 33) we may infer that hornets in particular in fested some parts of the country. In Scripture the hornet is referred to only as the means which Jehovah employed for the extirpation of the Canaanites (Ex. xxiii. 28 ; Deut. vii. 20 ; Josh. xxiv. 12 ; Wisd. xii. 8). Some commentators regard the word as used in its literal sense, but it more probably expresses under a vivicl image the consternation with which Jehovah would inspire the enemies of the Israelites, as declared in Deut. ii. 25, Josh. ii. 11. Horona'im, a. town of Moab, possibly a sanc tuary, named with Zoar and Luhith (Is. xv. 5 ; Jer. xlviii. 3, 5, 34). No clue is afforded to its position, either by the notices of the Bible or by mention in other works. It seems to have been on an eminence, and approached by a road which is styled the " way " (Is. xv. 5), or the " descent " (Jer. xlviii. 5). Hor'onite, the, the designation of Sanballat (Neh. ii. 10, 19 ; xiii. 28). It is derived by Ge senius from Horonaim. Horse. The most striking feature in the Bib lical notices of the horse is the exclusive application of it to warlike operations ; in no instance is that useful animal employed for the purposes of ordinary locomotion or agriculture, if we except Is. xxviii. 28, where we learn that horses (A. V. "horse men " ) were employed in threshing, not, however, in that case put in the gears, but simply driven about wildly over the strewed grain. This remark will be found to be borne out by the historical pas sages hereafter quoted ; but it is equally striking in the poetical parts of Scripture. The animated description of the horse in Job xxxix. 19-25 applies solely to the war-horse. The terms under which the horse is described in the Hebrew language are usually sus and pdrdsh. There is a marked dis tinction between the sus and the pdrdsh; the former were horses for driving in the war chariot, of a heavy build, the latter were for riding, and particularly for cavalry. This distinction is not observed in the A. V. from the circumstance that pdrdsh also signifies horseman ; the correct sense is essential in the following passages — 1 K. iv. 26, "forty thousand chariot-horses and twelve thou sand cavalry-horses ; " Ez. xxvii. 14, "driving- horses and riding-horses;" Joel ii. 4, "as riding- horses, so shall they run : " and Is. xxi. 7, "a train of horses in couples." In addition to these terms we have recesh to describe a swift horse, used for the royal post (Esth. viii. 10, 14) and similar pur poses (1 K, iv. 28; A. V. "dromedary" as also in Esth.) or for a rapid journey (Mic. i. 13) ; rammdc, used once for a mare (Esth. viii. 10) ; and susdh in Cant. i. 9, where it is regarded in the A. V. as a collective term, " company of horses ; " it rather means, according to the received punctua tion, " my mare,'* but still better, by a slight alte ration in the punctuation, "mares." The Hebrews in the patriarchal age, as a pastoral race, did not stand in need ofthe services of the horse, and for a long period after their settlement in Canaan they dispensed with it, partly in consequence of the hilly nature of the country, which only admitted ofthe use of chariots in certain localities (Judg. i. 19), and partly in consequence of the prohibition in Deut. xvii. 16, which would be held to apply at all periods. David first established a force of cavalry and chariots after the defeat of Hadadezer (2 Sam. viii. 4). But the great supply of horses was subsequently effected by Solomon through his connexion with Egypt (1 K. iv. 26). Solomon also established a very active trade in horses, which Trappings of Assyrian horse. (Layard.) were brought by dealers out of Egypt and resold at a profit to the Hittites, who lived between Pales tine and the Euphrates (1 K. x. 28, 29). In the countries adjacent to Palestine, the use of the horse was much more frequent. It was introduced into Egypt probably by the Hyksos, as it is not repre sented on the monuments before the 18th dynastv. The Jewish kings sought the assistance of the Egyptians against the Assyrians in this respect fls. xxxi. 1, xxxvi. 8 ; Ez. xvii. 15). But the cavalry ofthe Assyrians and other eastern nations was re- garded as most formidable; the horses themselves were highly bred, as the Assyrian sculptures still testify, and fully merited the praise bestowed on them by Habakkuk (i. 8). With regard to the trappings and management of the horse we have little information ; the bridle was placed over the 334- HORSELEACH horse's nose (Is. xxx. 28), and a bit or curb is also mentioned (2 K. xix. 28 ; Ps. xxxii. 9 ; Prov. xxvi. 3 ; Is. xxxvii. 29 ; in the A. V. it is incorrectly given " bridle," with the exception of Ps. xxxii.). The harness of the Assyrian horses was profusely deco rated, the bits being gilt (1 Esdr. iii. 6), and the bridles adorned with tassels; on the neck was a ¦collar terminating in a bell, as described by Zecha riah (xiv. 20). Saddles were not used until a late period. The horses were not shod, and therefore hoofs as hard "as flint" (Is. v. 28) were regarded as a great merit. The chariot-horses were covered with embroidered trappings (Ez. xxvii. 20). Horses and chariots were used also in idolatrous proces sions, as noticed in regard to the sun (2 K. xxiii. n). Horseleach (Heb. 'aluk&h) occurs once only, viz. Prov. xxx. 15. There is little if any doubt that 'aluhdh. denotes some species of leech, or rather is the generic term for any bloodsucking annelid, such as Hirudo (the medicinal leech), Haemopis (the horseleech), Limnatis, Trochetia, and Aula- stoma, if all these genera are found in the marshes and pools of the Bible-lands. The bloodsucking leeches, such as Hirudo and Haemopis, were with out a doubt known to the ancient Hebrews, and as the leech has been for ages the emblem of rapacity and cruelty, there is no reason to question that this annelid is denoted by aluhdh. The Arabs to this day denominate the Limnatis Nilotica, 'alak. As to the expression " two daughters " it is figurative, and is intended to denote its bloodthirsty propen sity. Ho'sah, a city of Asher (Josh. xix. 29), the next landmark on the boundary to Tyre. Ho'sah, a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. xxvi. 10), chosen by David to be one of the first door keepers to the ark after its arrival in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xxvi. 38). Hosan'na (" Save, we pray ") , the cry ofthe mul titudes as they thronged in our Lord's triumphal pro cession into Jerusalem (Matt. xxi. 9, 15 ; Mar. xi. 9, 10 ; John xii. 13). The Psalm from which it was taken, the 118th, was one with which they were familiar from being accustomed to recite the 25th ¦and 26th verses at the Feast of Tabernacles. On that occasion the Hallel, consisting of Psalms cxiii. -cxviii., was chanted by one of the priests, and at certain intervals the multitudes joined in the re sponses, waving their branches of willow and palm, and shouting as they waved them Hallelujah, or Hosanna, or "0 Lord, I beseech thee, send now prosperity " (Ps. cxviii. 25). On each of the seven days during which the feast lasted the people thronged in the court of the Temple, and went in procession about the altar, setting their boughs bending towards it ; the trumpets sounding as they shouted Hosanna. It was not uncommon for the Jews in later times to employ the observances of this feast, which was pre-eminently a feast of glad ness, to express their feelings on other occasions of rejoicing (1 Mace. xiii. 51 ; 2 Mace. x. 6, 7). Hose'a, son of Beeri, and first of the Minor Pro phets, as they appear in the A. V. Time. — This question must be settled, as far as it can be settled partly by reference to the title, partly by an inquiry into the contents of the book. For the beginning of Hosea's ministry the title gives us the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah, but limits this vague de finition by reference to Jeroboam II. king of Israel ; it therefore yields a date not later than B.C. 783. HOSHEA The pictures of social and political life which Hosea draws so forcibly are rather applicable to the interregnum which followed the death of Jero boam (782-772), and to the reign of the succeeding kings. It seems almost certain that very few of his prophecies were written until after the death of Jeroboam (783), and probably the life, or rather the propnetic career of Hosea, extended from 784 to 725, i. period of fifty-nine years.— Place. — There seems to be a general consent among commentators that the prophecies of Hosea were delivered in the kingdom of Israel.— Tribe and Parentage. — Tribe quite unknown. The Pseudo- Epiphanius, it is uncertain upon what ground, as signs Hosea to the tribe of Issachar. Of his father Beeri we know absolutely nothing.— Order in the Prophetic series.- — Most ancient and mediaeval in terpreters make Hosea the first of the prophets. But by moderns he is generally assigned the third place. It is perhaps more important to know that Hosea must have been more or less contemporary with Isaiah, Amos, Jonah, Joel, and Nahum.— Division of the Booh. — It is easy to recognise two great divisions, which, accordingly, have been gener ally adopted: (1.) chap. i. to iii.; (2.) iv. to end. The subdivision of these several parts is a work of greater difficulty : that of Eichhorn will be found to be based upon a highly subtle, though by no means precarious criticism. (1.) According to him the first division should be subdivided into three separate poems, each originating in a distinct aim, and each after its own fashion attempting to express the idolatry of Israel by imagery borrowed from the matrimonial relation. The first, and therefore the least elaborate of these, is contained in chap, iii., the second in i. 2-11, the third in i. 2-9, and ii. 1-23. These three are progressively elabo rate developments of the same reiterated idea. Chap. i. 2-9 is common to the second and thiid poems, but not repeated with each severally (iv. 273 ff.). (2.) Attempts have been made by Wells, Eichhorn, &c, to subdivide the second part of the book. These divisions are made either according to reigns of contemporary kings, or according to the subject-matter of the poem. The former course has been adopted by Wells, who gets five, the latter by Eichhorn, who gets sixteen poems out of this part of the book. These prophecies were probably collected by Hosea himself towards the end of his career. Hoshai'ah. 1. A man who assisted in the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem after it had been rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 32).— 2. The father of a certain Jezaniah, or Azariah, who was a man of note after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. xiii. 1, xliii. 2). Hosh'ama, one of the sons of Jeconiah, or Je hoiachin, tlie last king of Judah but one (1 Chr. iii. 18). Hoshe'a, the nineteenth, last, and best king of Israel. He succeeded Pekah, whom he slew in a successful conspiracy, thereby fulfilling a prophecy of Isaiah (Is. vii. 16). Although Josephus calls Hoshea a friend of Pekah, we have no ground for calling this a treacherous murder. It took place B.C. 737, in the 20th year of Jotham (2 E. xv. 30), i. <.-., " in the 20th year after Jotham became sole king," for he only reigned 16 years (2 K. xv.^ 33). But there must have been an interregnum ot at least eight years before Hoshea came to the throne, which was not till B.C. 729, in the 12th HOSHEA year of Ahaz (2 K. xvii. 1). It is expressly stated (2 K. xvii. 2) that Hoshea was not so sinful as his predecessors. In the third year of his reign (B.C. 726) Shalmaneser cruelly stormed the strong caves of Beth-arbel (Hos. 8. 14), and made Israel tri butary (2 K. xvii. 3) for three years. At the end of this period, encouraged perhaps by the revolt of Hezekiah, Hoshea entered into a secret alliance with So, king of Egypt, to throw off the Assyrian yoke. The alliance did him no good ; it was re vealed to the court of Nineveh by the Assyrian party in Ephraim, and Hoshea was immediately seized as a rebellious vassal, shut up in prison, and apparently treated with the utmost indignity (Mic. v. 1). Of the subsequent fortunes of Hoshea we know nothing. Hoshe'a. 1. The son of Nun, i. e., Joshua (Deut. xxxii. 44 ; and also in Num. xiii. 8, though there the A. V. has Oshea). — 2. Son of Azaziah (1 Chr. xxvii. 20) ; like his great namesake, a man of Ephraim, ruler of his tribe in the time of king David.— 3. One of the heads of the people, who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 23). Hospitality. Hospitality was regarded by most nations of the ancient world as one of the chief vir tues, and especially by peoples of the Shemitic stock ; but that it was not characteristic of these alone is amply shown by the usages of the Greeks and even the Romans. Among the Arabs we find the best illustrations of the old Bible narratives, and among them see traits that might beseem their ancestor Abraham. The laws respecting strangers (Lev. xix. 33, 34) and the poor (Lev. xxv. 14 seq. ; Deut. xv. 7), and concerning redemption (Lev. xxv. 23 seqq.), &c, are framed in accordance with the spirit of hospitality; and the strength of the national feeling regarding it is shown in the incidental mentions of its practice. In the Law, compassion to strangers is constantly enforced by the words, " for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt" (Lev. xix. 34). And before the Law, Abraham's entertainment of the angels (Gen. xviii. 1 seqq.), and Lot's (xix. 1), are in exact agreement with its precepts, and with modern usage (comp. Ex. ii. 20 ; Judg. xiii. 15, xix. 17, 20, 21). In the N. T. hospitality is yet more markedly en joined ; and in the more civilised state of society which then prevailed, its exercise became more a social virtue than a necessity of patriarchal life. The good Samaritan stands for all ages as an example of Christian hospitality, embodying the command to love one's neighbour as himself. The neglect of Christ is symbolised by inhospitality to onr neighbours (Matt. xxv. 43). The Apostles urged the church to "follow after hospitality" (Rom. xii. 13 ; cf. 1 Tim. v. 10) ; to remember Abraham's example (Heb. xiii. 2) ; to " use hospi tality one to another without grudging " (1 Pet. iv. 9) ; while a bishop must be a " lover of hos pitality " (Tit. i. 8, cf. 1 Tim. iii. 2). The prac tice of the early Christians was in accord with these precepts. They had all things in common, and their hospitality was a characteristic of their belief. Such having been the usage of. Biblical times, it is in the next place important to remark how hospitality was shown. In the patriarchal ages we may take Abraham's example as the most fitting, as we have of it the fullest account. " Hospitality," says Mr. Lane, " is a virtue for which the natives of the East in general are highly and deservedly admired ; and the people of Egypt HOUSE 335 are well entitled to commendation on this account. . . . There are very few persons here who would think of sitting down to a meal, if there was a stranger in the house, without inviting him to partake of it, unless the latter were a menial, in which case he would be invited to eat with the seiwants. . . . The account of Abraham's entertaining the three angels, related in the Bible, presents a perfect picture of the manner in which a modern Bedawee sheykh receives travellers arriving at his encampment. He immediately orders his wife or women to make bread, slaughters a sheep or some other animal, and dresses it in haste, and bringing milk and any other provisions that he may have ready at hand, with the bread and the meat which he has dressed, sets them before his guests. If these be persons of high rank, he stands by them while they eat, as Abraham did in the case above alluded to. Most Bedawees will suffer almost any injury to themselves or their families rather than allow their guests to be ill-treated while under their protection." The Oriental respect for the covenant of bread and salt, or salt alone, cei'tainly sprang from the high regard in which hospitality was held. Ho'tham, a man of Asher; son of Heber, of the family of Beriah (1 Chr. vii. 32). Ho'than, a man of Aroer, father of Shama and Jehiel (1 Chr. xi. 44). Ho'thir, the 13th son of Heman, " the king's seer " (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 28), and therefore a Koha thite Levite. Hour. The ancient Hebrews were probably un acquainted with the division of the natural day into 24 parts. The general distinctions of " morn ing, evening, and noonday " (Ps. lv. 17) were suffi cient for them at first, as they were for the early Greeks ; afterwards the Hebrews parcelled out the period between sunrise and sunset into a series of minute divisions distinguished by the sun's course. The early Jews appear to have divided the day into four parts (Neh. ix. 3), and the night into three watches (Judg. vii. 19), and even in the N. T. we find a trace of this division in Matt. xx. 1-5. The Greeks adopted the division of the day into 12 hours from the Babylonians. At what period the Jews became first acquainted with this way of reckoning time is unknown,' but it is gene rally supposed that they too learnt it from the Babylonians during the captivity. In whatever way originated, it was known to the Egyptians at a very early period. They had 12 hours of the day and of the night. There are two kinds of hours, viz. (1.) the astronomical or equinoctial hour, i. e., the 24th part of a civil day, and (2.) the natural hour, i.e., the 12th part of the natural day, or of the time between sunrise and sunset. These are the hours meant in the N. T., Josephus, and the Rabbis (John xi, 9, &c), and it must be remem bered that they perpetually vary in length, so as to be very different at different times of the year. What horologic contrivances the Jews possessed in the time of our Lord is uncertain; but we may safely suppose that they had gnomons, dials, and clepsydras, all of which had long been known to the Persians and other nations with whom they had come in contact. For the purposes of prayer the old division of the day into 4 portions was con tinued in the Temple service, as we see from Acts ii. 15, iii. 1, x. 9. Howe, a dwelling in general, whether literally, 336 HOUSE as house, tent, palace, citadel, tomb ; derivatively as tabernacle, temple, heaven ; or metaphorically as family. Although in Oriental language, every tent may be regarded as a house, yet the distinction between the permanent dwelling-house and the tent must have taken rise from the moment of the division of mankind into dwellers in tents and builders of cities, i. a., of permanent habitations (Gen. iv. 17, 20 ; Is. xxxviii. 12). The Hebrews did not become dwellers in cities till the sojourn in Egypt and after the conquest o*f Canaan (Gen. xivii. 3; Ex. xii. 7; Heb. xi. 9), while the Canaanites as well as the .Assyrians were from an earlier period builders and inhabitants of cities, and it was into the houses and cities built by the former that the Hebrews entered to take possession after the conquest (Gen. x. 11, 19, xix. 1, xxiii. 10, xxxiv. 20; Num. xi. 27 ; Deut. vi. 10, 11). The houses of the rural poor in Egypt, as well as in most parts of Syria, Arabia, and Persia, are for the most part mere huts of mud, or sunburnt bricks. In some parts of Palestine and Arabia stone is Used, and in certain districts caves in the rock are used as dwellings (Amos v. 11). The houses are usually of one story only, viz., the ground floor, and sometimes contain only one apartment. Some times a small court for the cattle is attached ; and in some cases the cattle are housed in the same building, or the people live on a raised platform, and the cattle round them on the ground (1 Sam. xxviii. 24). The windows are small apertures high up in the walls, sometimes grated with wood. The roofs are commonly but not always flat, and are usually formed of a plaster of mud and straw laid upon boughs or rafters ; and upon tlie flat roots, tents, or " booths" of boughs or rushes are often raised to be used as sleeping-places in summer The A Nestorian House, with stages upon the roof lot sleeping1, (Layard, JSineveA, i. 177.) di (Terence between the poorest houses and those of the class next above them is greater than between these and the houses of the first rank. The pre vailing plan of Eastern houses of this class presents, as was the case in ancient Egypt, a front of wall, who&e blank and mean appearance is usually re lieved only by the door and a few latticed and pro jecting windows. Within this is a court or courts HOTXSE with apartments opening into them. Over the door is a projecting window with a lattice more or less elaborately wrought, which, except in times of public celebrations, is usually closed (2 K. ix. 30\ Inner court of house in Cairo, with Mak'afl. (Lane, Modern Egyptians.) An awning is sometimes drawn over the court, and the floor strewed with carpets on festive occasions. The stairs to the upper apartments are in Syii.i usually in a comer of the court. Around part, if not the whole, of the court is a verandah, often nine or ten feet deep, over which, when there is more than one floor, runs a second gallery of like depth with a balustrade. Bearing in mind, that the reception room is raised above the level of the court, we may, in explaining the circumstances of the miracle of the paralytic (Mark ii. 3; Luke v. IS), suppose, 1. either that our Lord was standing under the verandah, and the people in front in the court. The beai ers of the sick man ascended the stairs to the roof of the house, and taking off a por tion of the boarded covering of the verandah, or removing the awning, in the former case let down the bed through the verandah roof, or in the latter, down by way of the roof, and deposited it before the Saviour. 2. Another explanation presents it self in considering the room where the company were assembled as the virepasov, and the roof opened for the bed to be the true roof of the house. 3. And one still more simple is lOimd in regarding the house as one of the rude dwellings now to be seen near the Sea of Galilee, a mere room 10 or 12 feet high and as many or more square, with no opening except the door. The roof, used as a sleep ing-place, is reached by a ladder from the outside, and the bearers of the paralytic, unable to approach the door, would thus have ascended the roof, and having uncovered it, let him down into the room where our Lord was. When there is no second floor, but more than one court, the women's apart ments, horeem, harem or haram, are usually in the second court ; otherwise they form a separate building within the general enclosure, or are above on the first floor. When there is an upper story, the Ka'ah forms the most important apartment, and thus probably answers to the virepyov, HOUSE which was often the " guest-chamber " (Luke xxii. 12; Acts i. 13, ix. 37, xx. 8). The windows of the upper rooms often project one or two feet, and form a kiosk or latticed chamber. Such may have been the •" chamber in the wall " (2 K. iv. .10, 11). The "lattice" through which Ahaziah fell, perhaps belonged to an upper chamber of this kind (2 K . i. 2), as also the " third loft," from which Eutychus fell (Acts xx. 9 ; comp. Jer. xxii. 13). There are usually no special bed-rooms in Eastern houses. The outer doors are closed with a wooden lock, but iu some cases the apart ments are divided from each other by curtains only. There are no chimneys, but fire is made when re quired with charcoal in a chafing-dish ; or a fire of wood might be kindled in the open court of the house (Luke xxii. 55). Some houses in Cairo have an apartment, open in front to the court, with two or more arches, aud a railing ; and a pillar to sup port the wall above. It was in a chamber of this kind, probably one of the largest size to be found in a palace, that our Lord was being arraigned before ithe High-priest, at the time when the denial of Him by St. Peter took place. He "turned and HUE 337 Interior of house (harem) in Damascus. looked " on Peter as he stood by the fire in the court (Luke xxii. 56, 61 ; John xviii. 24), whilst He himself was in the "hall of Judgment." In no point do Oriental 'domestic habits differ more from European than in the use of the roof. Its flat surface is made useful for various household purposes, as drying corn, hanging up linen, and preparing figs and raisins. The roofs are used as places of recreation in the evening, and often as sleeping-places at night (2 Sam. xi. 2, xvi. 22; Dan. iv. 29; 1 Sam. ix. 25, 26; Job xxvii. 18; Prov. xxi. 9). They were also used as places for devotion, and even idolatrous worship (Jer. xxxii. 29, xix. 13 ; 2 K. xxiii. 12 ; Zeph. i. 5 ; Acts x. ,9). At the time of the Feast of Tabernacles booths were erected by the Jews on the tops of their houses. Protection of the roof by parapets was enjoined by the law (Deut. xxii. 8). Special apart ments were devoted in larger houses to winter and summer uses (Jer. xxxvi, 22 ; Am. iii. 15). The ivory house of Ahab was probably a palace largely ornamented with inlaid ivory. The circumstance ot Samson's pulling down the house by means of the pillars, may be explained by the fact of the company being assembled on tiers of balconies above each other, supported by central pillars on the basement ; when these were pulled down the whole ofthe upper floors would fall also (Judg. xvi. 26). CON. 0. B. Huk'kok, a place on the boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 34) named next to Aznoth-Tabor. It lias been recovered in Yakuk, s. village in the mountains of Naphtali, west of the upper end of the Sea of Galilee. Hu'kok, a name which in 1 Chr. vi. 75 is sub stituted for Helkath in Josh. xxi. Hul, the second son of Aram, and grandson of Shem (Gen. x. 23). The geographical position of the people whom he represents is not well decided. The strongest evidence is in favour of the district about the roots of Lebanon. Hul'dah, a prophetess, whose husband Shallum was keeper of the wardrobe in the time of king Josiah. It was to her that Josiah had recourse when Hilkiah found a book of the law, to procure an authoritative opinion on it (2 K. xxii. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 22). Hurn'tah, a city of Judah, one of those in the mountain-district, the next to Hebron (Josh. xv. 54). Hunting. The objects for which hunting is practised, indicate the various conditions of society and the progress of civilization. Hunting, as a matter of necessity, whether for the extermination of dangerous beasts, or for procuring sustenance, betokens a rude and semi-civilized state ; as an amusement, it betokens an advanced state. The Hebrews, as a pastoral and agricultural people, were not given to the sports of the field ; the den sity of the population, the earnestness of their cha racter, and the tendency of their ritual regulations, particularly those affecting food, all combined to discourage the practice of hunting. There was no lack of game in Palestine; on their entrance into the land, the wild beasts were so numerous as to be dangerous (Ex. xxiii. 29). Some of the fiercer ani mals survived to a late period, as lions. The man ner of catching these animals was either by digging a pitfall, which was the usual manner with the larger animals, as the lion (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; Ez. xix. 4, 8) ; or secondly by a trap, which was set under ground (Job xviii. 10), in the run of the animal (Prov. xxii. 5), and caught it by the leg (Job xviii. 9) ; or lastly by the use of the net, of which there were various kinds, as for the gazelle (Is. li. 20, A. V. "wild bull") and other animals of that class. Birds formed an article of food among the Hebrews (Lev. xvii. 13), and much skill was exercised in catching them. The follow ing were the most approved methods : — (I.) The trap, which consisted of two parts, a net, strained over a frame, and a stick to support it, but so placed that it should give way at the slightest touch (Am. iii. 5, " gin ; " Ps. lxix. 22, " trap "). (2.) The snare (Job xviii. 9, A. V. "robber"), consisting of a cord (Job xviii. 10 ; comp. Ps. xviii. 5, cxvi. 3, cxl. 5), so set as to catch the bird by the leg. (3.) The net. (4.) The decoy, to which reference is made in Jer. v. 26, 27. Hu'pham, a son of Benjamin, founder of the family ofthe Huphamites (Num. xxvi. 39). Hu phamites, the, descendants of Hupham of the tribe of Benjamin (Num. xxvi. 39). Hnp'pah, a priest in the time of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 13). s Hup'pun, head of a Benjamite family. According to the text of the LXX. in Gen., a son of Bela, but 1 Chr. vii. 12, tells us that he was son of Ir, or Iri. Hur. ]. A man who is mentioned with Moses and Aaron on the occasion of the battle with Am- Z 338 HURAI alek at Rephidim (Ex. xvii. 10), when with Aaron he stayed up the hands of Moses (12). He is men tioned again in xxiv. 14, as being, with Aaron, left in charge of the people by Moses during his ascent of Sinai. The Jewish tradition is that he was the husband of Miriam, and that he was identical with —2. The grandfather of Bezaleel, the chief artificer of the tabernacle — " son of Huri, son of Hur — of the tribe of Judah" (Ex. xxxi. 2, xxxv. 30, xxxviii. 22). In the lists of the descendants of Judah in 1 Chr. the pedigree is more fully preserved. Hur there appears as one of the great family of Pharez. He was the son of Caleb ben-Hezron, by a second wife, Ephrath (ii. 19, 20; comp. 5, also iv. 1), the first fruit of the marriage (ii. 50, iv. 4), and the father, besides Uri (ver. 20), of three sons, who founded the towns of Kirjath-jearim, Beth lehem, and Beth-gader (51). Hur's connexion with Bethlehem would seem to have been of a closer na ture than with the others.— 3. The fourth ofthe five kings of Midian, who were slain with Balaam after the " matter of Peor " (Num. xxxi. 8). In a later mention of them (Josh. xiii. 21) they are called princes of Midian and dukes.— 4. Father of Ee- phaiah, who was ruler of half of the environs of Jerusalem, and assisted Nehemiah in -the repair of the wall (Neh. iii. 9).— 5. The " son of Hur "— Ben-Hur — was commissariat officer for Solomon in Mount Ephraim (1 K. iv. 8). Hura'i, one of David's guard — Hurai of the tor rents of Gash — according to the list of 1 Chr-. xi. 32'. [Hiddai.] Hu'ram. 1. A Benjamite ; son of Bela, the first born of the patriarch (1 Chr. viii. 5).— 2. The form in which the name of the king of Tyre in alliance with David and Solomon — and elsewhere given as HlRAM — appears in Chronicles (1 Chi-. xiv. 1 ; 2 Chr. ii. 3, 11, 12 ; viii. 2, 18 ; ix. 10, 21).— 3. The same change occurs in Chronicles in the name of Hiram the artificer, which is given as Huram in the following places: 2 Chr-. ii. 13 ; iv. 11, 16. Hu'ri, a Gadite ; father of Abihail (1 Chr. v. 14). Husband. [Marriage.] Hu'shah, a name which occurs in the genealogies of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 4)—" Ezer, father of Hushah." It may perhaps be the name of a place. Husha'i, an Archite, i. e. possibly an inhabitant of a place calied Erec (2 Sam. xv. 32 fi*., xvi. 16 ff.). He is called the " friend " of David (2 Sam. xv. 37) ; in 1 Chr. xxvii. 33, the word is rendered " companion." To him David confided the delicate and dangerous part of a pretended adherence to the cause of Absalom. He was probably the father of Baana (1 K. iv. 16). Hu'sham, one of the early kings of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 34, 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 45, 46). Hu'shathite, the, the designation of two of the heioes of David's guard. 1. Sibbechai (2 Sam. xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 29, xx. 4, xxvii. 11). Josephus, however.callshimaHittite.— 2. Mebunnai (2 Sam. xxiii. 27) a mere corruption of Sibbechai. Hu'shim. 1. In Gen. xlvi. 23, " the children of Dan " are said to have been Hushim. The name is plural, as if of a tribe rather than an individual. In Num. xxvi. the name is changed to SHUHAM.— 2. A Benjamite (1 Chr. vii. 12) ; and here again ap parently the plural nature of the name is recognized, and Hushim is stated to be " the sons of Aher."— 3. One of the two wives of Shaharaim (1 Chr viii. 8). HYMN Husks. The word rendered in the A. V. " husks " (Luke xv. 16), describes really the fruit of a parti cular kind of tree, viz.: the carob or Ceratonia siliqua of botanists. This tree is very commonly met with in Syria and Egypt; it produces pods, shaped like a horn, varying in length from 6 to 10 inches, and about a finger's breadth, or rather more. Huz, the eldest son of Nahor and Mileah (Gen xxii. 21). Huz'zab, according to the general opinion ofthe Jews, was the queen of Nineveh at the time when Nahum delivered his prophecy (Nah. ii. 7). The- modems follow the rendering in the margin of our English Bible — " that which was established." Still it is not improbable that after all Huzzab may really be a proper name. Huzzab may mean " the Zab country," or the fertile tract east of the Tigris, watered by the upper and lower Zab rivers (Zab Ala and Zab Asfal), the A-diab-ini of the geo graphers. Hyaena. Authorities are at variance as to whether the term tz&bu'a in Jer. xii. 9 means a "hyaena" as the LXX. has it, or a "speckled bird," as in the A. V. The etymological force- of the word is equally adapted to either, the hyaena being streaked. The only other instance- in which it occurs is as a proper name, Zeboim (1 Sam. xiii. 18, " the valley of hyaenas," Aquila; Neh. xi. 34). The hyaena was common in ancient as in modern Egypt, and is constantly depicted on monuments: it must therefore have been well known to the Jews, if indeed not equally common in Palestine (Ecclus. xiii. 18). Hydas'pes, a river noticed in Jud. i. 6, in con nexion with the Euphrates and Tigris. It is un certain what river is referred to. We may perhaps identify it with the Choaspes of Susiana. Hymenae'us, the name of a person occurring twice in the correspondence between St. Paul and' Timothy ; the first time classed with Alexander (ITim. i. 20) ; and the second time classed with Philetns (2 Tim. ii. 17, 18). In the error with which he was charged he stands as one of the earliest of the Gnostics. As regards the sentence passed upon him — it has been asserted by some writers of emi nence, that the " delivering to Satan " is a mere synonym for ecclesiastical excommunication. Such can hardly be the case. As the Apostles healed all manner of bodily infirmities, so they seem to have possessed and exercised the same power in inflicting them,— a power far too perilous to be continued when the manifold exigencies ofthe Apostolical age had passed away (Acts v. 5, 10, ix. 17, 40, xiii. 11). Even apart from actual intervention by the Apostles, bodily visitations are spoken of in the case of those who approached the Lord's Supper unwor thily (1 Cor. xi. 30). On the other hand Satan was held to be the instrument or executioner of all these visitations. Thus, while the " delivering to Satan may resemble ecclesiastical excommunication in some respects, it has its own characteristics likewise, which show plainly that one is not to be confounded or placed on the same level with the other. Hymn. Among the later Jews the word hymn was more or less vague in its application, and ca pable of being used as occasion should arise, lo Christians the Hymn has always been something different from tlie Psalm ; a different conception in thought, a different type in composition. There is some dispute about the hymn sung by our Lord and his Apostles on the occasion of the Last Supper ; HYSSOP but even supposing it to have been the Hallel, or Paschal Hymn, consisting of Pss. cxiii.-cxviii., it is obvious that the word hymn is in this case applied not to an individual psalm, but to a number of psalms chanted successively, and altogether forming a kind of devotional exercise which is not unaptly called a hymn. In the jail at Philippi, Paul and Silas "sang hymns" (A. V. "praises") unto God, and so loud was their song that their fellow-pri soners heard them. This must have been what we mean by singing, and not merely recitation. It was in fact a veritable singing of hymns. And it is remarkable that the noun hymn is only used in reference to the services of the Greeks, and in the same passages is clearly distinguished from the psalm (Eph. v. 19, Col. iii. 16), "psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs." It is worth while inquiring what profane models the Greek hymno- graphers chose to work after. In the old religion of Greece the word hymn had already acquired a sacred and liturgical meaning. The special forms of the Greek hymn were various. The Homeric and Orphic hymns were written in the epic style, and in hexameter verse. Their metre was not adapted for singing. In the Pindaric hymns we find a sufficient variety of metre, and a definite relation to music. These were sung to the accom paniment of the lyre ; and it is very likely that they engaged the attention of the early hymn- writers. The first impulse of Christian devotion was to run into the moulds ordinarily used by the worshippers of the old religion. In 1 Cor. xiv. 26 allusion is made to improvised hymns, which being the 'outburst of a passionate emotion would pro bably assume the dithyrambic form. It was in the Latin church that the trochaic and iambic metres became most deeply rooted, and acquired the greatest depth of tone and grace of finish. The introduction of hymns into the Latin church is commonly re ferred to Ambrose. But it is impossible to conceive that the West should have been so far behind the East : and it is more likely that the tradition is due to the very marked prominence of Ambrose as the greatest of all the Latin hymnographers. Hyssop. Perhaps no plant mentioned in the Scriptures has given rise to greater differences of opinion than this. The difficulty arises from the fact that in the LXX. the Greek Saffunros is the uniform rendering of the Hebrew ezob, and that this rendering is endorsed by the Apostle in the Epistle to the Hebrews (ix. 19, 21), when speaking of the ceremonial observances of the Levitical law. Whether, therefore, the LXX. made use of the Greek Satranros as the word most nearly resembling the Hebrew in sound, as Stanley suggests, or as the true representative of the plant indicated by the latter, is a point which, in all probability, will never be decided. Botanists differ widely even with regard to the identification of the iJo"o*ctnros of Dios- corides. The name has been given to the Satureia Graeca and the S. Juliana, to neither of which it is appropriate. Kiihn gives it as his opinion that the Hebrews used the Origanum Aegyptiacum in Egypt, the 0. Syriacum in Palestine, and that the hyssop of Dioscorides was the 0. Smyrnaeum. The ezob was used to sprinkle the doorposts of the Israelites in Egypt with the blood of the paschal lamb (Ex. xii. 22) ; it was employed in the puri fication of lepers and leprous houses (Lev. xiv. 4, 51), and in the sacrifice of the red heifer (Num. xix. 6). Iu consequence of its detergent qualities, ICONIUM 339 or from its being associated with the purificatory services, the Psalmist makes use of the expression , " purge me with ezbb" (Ps. li. 7). It is described in 1 K. iv. 33 as growing on or near walls. Bo chart decides in favour of marjoram, or some plant like it, and to this conclusion, it must be admitted, all ancient tradition points. The monks on Jebel Musa give the name of hyssop to a fragrant plant called jadeh, which grows in great quantities on that mountain. Celsius concludes that we have no alternative but to accept the Hyssopus officinalis. An elaborate and interesting paper by the late Dr. J. Forbes Eoyle, On the Hyssop of Scripture, in the Journ. of the Roy. As. Soc. viii. 193-212, goes far to throw light upon this difficult question. Dr. R., after a careful investigation of the subject, arrived at the conclusion that the hyssop is no other than the caper-plant, or capparis spinosa of Linnaeus. The Arabic name of this plant, asuf, by which it is sometimes, though not commonly, described, bears considerable resemblance to the Hebrew. In the present state of the evidence, however, there does not seem sufficient reason for departing from the old interpretation, which identi fied the Greek iioraanros with the Hebrew ezob. I'bhar, one ofthe sons of David (2 Sam. v. 15 ; 1 Chr. iii. 6, xiv. 5) born in Jerusalem. Ib'leam, a city of Manasseh, with villages or towns dependent on it (Judg. i. 27). It appears to have been situated in the territory of either Issachar or Asher (Josh. xvii. 11). The ascent of GUR was "at Ibleam" (2 K. ix. 27), somewhere near the present Jenin, probably to the north of it. Ibnei'ah, son of Jehoram, a Benjamite (1 Chr. ix. 8). Ibni'jah, a Benjamite (1 Chr. ix. 8). Ib'ri, a Merarite Levite of the family of Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 27), in the time of David. Ib'zan, a native of Bethlehem of Zebulon, who judged Israel for seven years after Jephthah (Judg. xii. 8, 10). He had 30 sons and 30 daughters, and took home 30 wives for his sons, and sent out his daughters to as many husbands abroad. He was buried at Bethlehem. Ich'abod, the son of Phinehas, and grandson of Eli (1 Sam. iv. 21). Ico'nium, the modern Konieh, is situated in the western part of an extensive plain, on the central table- land of Asia Minor, and not far to the north of the chain of Taurus. This level district was anciently called Lycaonia. Xenophon reckons Iconium as the most easterly town of Phrygia ; but all other writers speak of it as being in Ly caonia, of which it was practically the capital. It was on the great line of communication between Ephesus and the western coast of the peninsula on one side, and Tarsus, Antioch, and the Euphrates on the other. Iconium was a well chosen place for missionary operations (Acts xiv. 1, 3, 21, 22, xvi. 1, 2, xviii. 23). The Apostle's first visit was on his first circuit, in company with Barnabas ; and on this occasion he approached it from Antioch in Pisidia, which lay to the west. From its position it could not fail to be an important centre of Christian influence in the early ages of the church. In the de clining period of the Roman empire, Iconium was Z 2 340 IDALAH made a colonia. Konieh is still a town of consid erable size. Id'alah, one of the cities ofthe tribe of Zebulun, named between Shimron and Bethlehem (Josh. xix. 15). Id'bash, one of the three sons of Abi-Etam, among the families of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 3). Id'do. 1. The father of Abinadab (1 K. iv. 14). —2. A descendant of Gershom, son of Levi (1 Chr. vi. 21). — 3. Son of Zechariah, ruler of the tribe of Manasseh east of Jordan in the time of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 21). — 4. A seer whose "visions" against Jeroboam incidentally contained some of the acts of Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 29). He appears to have written a chronicle or story relating to the life and reign of Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 22), and also a hook " concerning genealogies," in which the acts of Rehoboam were recorded (xii. 15). These books are lost, but they may have formed part of the foundation ofthe existing books of Chronicles. — 5. The grandfather of the prophet Zechariah (Zech. i. 1, 7), although in other places Zechariah is called "the son of Iddo" (Ezr. v. 1; vi. 14). Iddo re turned from Babylon with Zerubbabel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 4). — 6, The chief of those who assem bled at Casiphia, at the time of the second caravan from Babylon. He was one of the Nethinim (Ezr. viii. 17; comp. 20). Idol, Image. As no less than twenty-one different Hebrew words have been rendered in the A. V. either by idol or image, and that by no means uni formly, it will be of some advantage to attempt to discriminate between them, and assign, as nearly as the two languages will allow, the English equi valents for each. But, before proceeding to the discussion of those words which in themselves indi cate the objects of false worship, it will be necessary to notice a class of abstract terms, which, with a deep moral significance, express the degradation as sociated with it, and stand out as a protest of the language jjgainst the enormities of idolatry. Such are — 1. Aven, rendered elsewhere " nought," " va nity," " iniquity," " wickedness," " sorrow," &c, and once only " idol" (Is. lxvi. 3). The primary idea of the root seems to be emptiness, nothingness, as of breath or vapour ; and, by a natural transition, in a moral sense, wickedness in its active form of mischief, and then, as the result, sorrow and trouble. Hence aven denotes a vain, false, wicked thing, and expresses at' once the essential nature of idols, and the consequences of their worship. — 2. EM, is thought by some to have a sense akin to that of " falsehood," and would therefore much resemble &ven, as applied to an idol. It is used of the idols of Noph or Memphis (Ez. xxx. 13). In strong contrast with ^Jehovah it appears in Ps. xc. 5, xcvii. 7. — 3. Emah, "horror," or "terror," and hence an object of horror or terror (Jer. 1. 38), in reference either to the hideousness of the idols or to the gross character of their worship. In this respect it is closely connected with— 4. Miphletseth, a " fright," " horror," applied to the idol of Maachah, probably of wood, which Asa cut down and burned (1 K. xv. 13 ; 2 Chr. xv. 16), and which was un questionably the phallus, the symbol of the pro ductive power of nature and the nature-goddess Ashera. With this must be noticed, though not actually rendered "image" or "idol," 5. B6- sheth, " shame," or " shameful thing" (A. V. Jer. xi. 13 ; Hos. ix. 10), applied to Baal or Baal-Peor, as characterising the obscenity of his worship. With IDOL, IMAGE SIU is found in close connexion— 6. Gillulim, also a term of contempt, but of uncertain origin (Ez. xxx. 13). The Rabbinical authorities, referrino- to such passages as Ez. iv. 2, Zeph. i. 17, have favoured the interpretation given in the margin of the A. V. to Deut. xxix. 1 7, " dungy gods." The expression is applied, principally in Ezekiel, to false gods and their symbols (Deut. xxix. 17 ; Ez. viii. 10, &c). It stands side by side with other con temptuous terms in Ez. xvi. 36, xx. 8 ; as for ex ample shekets, " filth," " abomination " (Ez. viii. 10), and— 7. The cognate shikkuts, "filth," " im purity," especially applied, like shekets, to that which produced ceremonial uncleanness (Ez. xxxvii. 23 ; Nah. iii. 6). As referring to the idols them selves, it primarily denotes the obscene rites with which their worship was associated, and hence, bv metonymy, is applied both to the objects of worship and also to their worshippers. We now come to the consideration of those words which more directly apply to the images or idols, as the outward sym bols of the deity who was worshipped through them. —8. Semel, or semel, signifies a " likeness," " sem blance " (Lat. simulacrum). It occurs in 2 Chr. xxxiii. 7, 15 (A. V. "idol"); Deut. iv. 16 (" figure "), and Ez. viii. 3, 5 (" image ").— 9. Tse- lem (Ch. id. and tselam) is by all lexicographers, ancient and modern, connected with tsel, " a sha dow." It is the "image" of God in which man was created (Gen. i. 27 ; cf. Wisd. ii. 23), distin guished fi-om demuth, or " likeness," as the " image" from the "idea" which it represents, though it would be rash to insist upon this distinction. But whatever abstract term may best define the meaning of tselem, it is unquestionably used to denote the visible forms of external objects, and is applied to figures of gold and silver (1 Sam. vi. 5; Num. xxxiii. 52; Dan. iii. 1), such as the golden imags of Nebuchadnezzar, as well as to those painted upon walls (Ez. xxxiii. 14). " Image " perhaps mostnearly represents it in all passages. Applied to the humau countenance (Dan. iii. 19) it signifies the " expres sion."— 10. Temunah, rendered " image " in Job iv. 1 6 ; elsewhere " similitude " (Deut. i. 1 2), " likeness" (Deut. i. 8) : " form," or " shape " would be better. —11. Itsab, 12. 'etseb (Jer. xxii. 28), or 13. 'otseb (Is. xlviii. 5), "a figure," all derived from a root '&tsab, " to work," or " fashion," are terms applied to idols as expressing that their origin was due to the labour of man. — 14. Tsir, once only applied to an idol (Is. xiv. 16). The word signifies " a form," or "mould," and hence an "idol."— 15. Mat- tseb&h, anything set up, a " statue " (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 45, xxxv. 14, 15). Such were the stones set up by Joshua (Josh. iv. 9) after the passage of the Jordan, and at Shechem (xxiv. 26), and by Sa muel, when victorious over the Philistines (1 Sam. vii. 12). When solemnly dedicated they were anointed with oil, and libations were poured upon them. The word is applied to denote the obelisks which stood at the entrance to the temple of the Sun at Heliopolis (Jer. xliii. 13). The Phoenicians consecrated and anointed stones like that at Bethel, which were called, as some think, from this cir cumstance Baetylia. Many such are said to have been seen on the Lebanon, near Heliopolis, dedicated to various gods. The Palladium of Troy, the black stone in the Kaaba at Mecca, said to have been brought from heaven by the angel Gabriel, and the stone at Ephesus " which fell down from Jupiter (Acts xix. 35), are examples ofthe belief, anciently IDOL so common, that the gods sent down their images upon earth. Closely connected with these "sta tues" of Baal, whether in the foi'm of obelisks or otherwise, were— 16- Chammdnim, rendered in the margin of most passages *' sun-images." The word has given rise to much discussion. Gesenius men tions the occurrence of Chamman as a synonym of Baal in the Phoenician and Palmyrene inscriptions in the sense of " Dominus Solaris," and its after application to the statues or columns erected for his worship. The Palmyrene inscription at Oxford has been thus rendered: "This column {Qlmm- mdnd), and this altar, the sons of Malchu, &c. have erected and dedicated to the Sun." From the ex pressions in Ez. vi, 4, 6, and Lev. xxvi. 30, it may be inferred that these columns, which perhaps re presented a rising flame of fire and stood upon the altar of Baal (2 Chr. xxxiv. 4) were of wood or stone.— 17. Mascith, qccurs in Lev. xxvi. 1 ; Num. xxiii. 52 ; Ez. viii. 12 : " device," most nearly suits all passages (cf. Ps. Ixxiii. 7; Prov. xviii. 11, xxv. 11). The general opinion appears to be that eben mascith, signifies a stone with figures graven upon it. Gesenius explains it as a stone with the image of an idol, Baal or Astarte, and refers to his Mon. Phoen. 21-24 for others of similar character.— 18. Teraphim. [Teraphim.] The terms which follow have regard to the material and workmanship of the idol rather than to its character as an object of worship.— 19. Pesel, and 20. pesilim, usually translated in the A. V. " graven or carved images," In two passages the latter is ambiguously rendered "quarries" (Judg. iii. 19, 26) following the Tar gum, but there seems no reason for departing from the ordinary signification. These "sculptured" images were apparently of wood, iron, or stone, co vered with gold or silver (Deut. vii. 25; Is. xxx. 22; Hab. ii. 19), the more costly being of solid metal (Is. xl. 1 9). The several stages of the process by which the metal or wood became the '* graven image" are so vividly described in Is. xliv, 10-20, that it is only necessary to refer to that passage, and we are at once introduced to the mysteries of idol manufacture, which, as at Ephesus, " brought no small gain unto the craftsmen."— 21. Nesec, or nesec, and 22. massecdh, are evidently synonymous 'Is. xii. 29, xlviii. 5; Jer. a. 14) in later Hebrew, and denote a "molten" image. Massecdh is fre quently used in 'distinction from pesel or pesilim (Deut.' xxvii. 15; Judg. xvii. 3, &c). Among the earliest objects of worship, regarded as symbols of deity, were, as has been said above, the meteoric stones which the ancients believed to have been the images of the gods sent down from heaven. From these they transferred their regard to rough unhewn blocks, to stone columns or pillars of wood, in which the divinity worshipped was supposed to dwell, and which were consecrated, like the sacred stone at Delphi, by being anointed with oil, and crowned with wool on solemn days. Such customs are remarkable illustrations of the solemn consecra tion by Jacob of the stone at Bethel, as showing the religious reverence with which these memorials were regarded. Of the forms assumed by the idol- atious images we have not many traces in the Bible. Dagon, the fish-god of the Philistines, was a numan figure terminating in a fish ; and that the Syrian deities were represented in later times in a symbolical human shape we know for certainty. The Hebrews imitated their neighbours in this re spect as in others (Is. xliv. 13; Wisd. xiii. 13). IDOLATRY 341 When the process of adorning tlie image was com pleted, it was placed in a temple or shrine appointed for it (Epist. Jer. 12, 19 ; Wisd. xiii. 15 ; 1 Cor. viii. 10). From these temples the idols were some times carried in procession (Epist. Jer. 4, 26) on festival days. , Their priests were maintained from the idol treasury, and feasted upon the meats which were appointed for the idols' use (Bel and the Dragon, 3, 13). Idolatry, strictly speaking, denotes the worship of deity in a visible form, whether the images to which homage is paid are symbolical representations of the true God, or ofthe false divinities which have been made the objects of worship in His stead.— I. The first undoubted allusion to idolatry or idolatrous customs in the Bible is in the account of Eachel's stealing her father's teraphim (Gen. xxxi. 19), a relic of the worship of other gods, whom the an cestors of the Israelites served " on the other side of the river, in old time" (Josh. xxiv. 2). These he consulted as oracles (Gen. xxx. 27, A. V. " learned by experience ") though without entirely losing sight of the God of Abraham and the God of Nahor, to whom he appealed when occasion offered (Gen. xxxi. 53), while he was ready, in the presence of Jacob, to acknowledge the benefits conferred upon him by Jehovah (Gen. xxx. 27). Such, indeed, was the character of most of the idolatrous worship of the Israelites. Like the Cuthean colonists in Samaria, who " feared Jehovah and served their own gods" (2 K. xvii. 33), they blended in a strange manner a theoretical belief in the true God with the external reverence which, in different stages of their history, they were led to pay to the idols of the nations by whom they were surrounded. And this marked feature ofthe Hebrew character is traceable through out the entire history of the people. During their long residence iu Egypt, the country of symbolism, they defiled themselves with the idols of the land, and it was long before the taint was removed (Josh. xxiv. 14; Ez. xx. 7). To these gods Moses, as the herald of Jehovah, flung down the gauntlet of de fiance, and the plagues of Egypt smote their sym bols (Num. xxxiii. 4). Yet, with the memory of their deliverance fresh in their minds, their leader absent, the Israelites clamoured for some visible shape in which they might worship the God who had brought them up out of Egypt (Ex. xxxii.). Aaron lent himself to the popular cry, and chose as the symbol of deity one with which they had long been familiar — the calf — embodiment of Apis, and em blem of the productive power of nature. For a while the erection ofthe tabernacle, and the establishment of the worship which accompanied it, satisfied that craving for an outward sign which the Israelites constantly exhibited; and for the remainder of their march through the desert, with the dwelling-place of Jehovah in their midst, they did not again degen erate into open apostasy. But it was only So long as their contact with the nations was of a hostile character that this seeming orthodoxy was main tained. During the lives of Joshua and the elders who outlived him, they kept true to their allegi ance ; but the generation following, who knew not Jehovah, nor the works he had done for Israel, swerved from the plain path of their fathers, and were caught in the toils of the foreigner (Judg. ii.). irom this time forth their history becomes little more than a chronicle of the inevitable sequence of offence and punishment (Judg. ii. 12 14) By turns each conquering nation strove to establish the 342 IDOLATRY worship of its national god. Thus far idolatry is a national sin. The episode of Micah, in Judg. xvii. xviii., sheds a lurid light on the secret practices of individuals, who without formally renouncing Je hovah, though ceasing to recognise Him as the theo cratic King (xvii. 6), linked with His worship the symbols of ancient idolatry. The house of God, or sanctuary, which Micah made in imitation of that at Shiloh, was decorated with an ephod and teraphim dedicated to God, and with a graven and molten image consecrated to some inferior deities. It is a significant fact, showing how deeply rooted in the people was the tendency to idolatry, that a Levite, who, of all others, should have been most sedulous to maintain Jehovah's worship in its purity, was found to assume the office of priest to the images of Micah; and that this Levite, priest afterwards to the idols of Dan, was no other than Jonathan, the son of Gershom, the son of Moses. In later times the practice of secret idolatry was carried to greater lengths. Images were set up on the corn-floors, in the wine-vats, and behind the doors of private houses (Is. lvii. 8 ; Hos. ix. 1, 2) ; and to check this tend ency the statute in Deut. xxvii. 15 was originally promulgated. Under Samuel's administration a fast was held, and purificatory rites performed, to mark the public renunciation of idolatry (1 Sam. vii. 3-6). But in the reign of Solomon all this was forgotten. Each of his many foreign wives brought with her the gods of her own nation ; and the gods of Ammon, Moab, and Zidon, were openly worshipped. Reho boam, the son of an Ammonite mother, perpetuated the worst features of Solomon's idolatry (1 K. xiv. 22-24) ; and in his reign was made the great schism in the national religion : when Jeroboam, fresh from his recollections of the Apis worship of Egypt, erected golden calves at Bethel and at Dan, and by this crafty state-policy severed for ever the kingdoms of Judah and Israel (1 K. xii. 26-33). The suc cessors of Jeroboam followed in his steps, till Ahab, who married a Zidonian princess, at her instigation (1 K. xxi. 25) built a temple and altar to Baal, and revived all the abominations of the Amorites (1 K. xxi. 26). Compared with the worship of Baal, the worship of the calves was a venial offence, probably because it was morally less detestable and also less anti-national (1 K. xii. 28 ; 2 K. x. 28-31). Hence forth Baal-worship became so completely identified with the northern kingdom that it is described as walking in the way or statutes of thekiugs of Israel (2 K. xvi. 3, xvii. 8), as distinguished from the sin of Jeroboam. The conquest of the ten tribes by Shalmaneser was for them the last scene of the drama of abominations which had been enacted un interruptedly for upwards of 250 years. In the northern kingdom no reformer arose to vary the long line of royal apostates : whatever was effected in the way of reformation, was done by the hands of the' people (2 Chr. xxxi. 1). The first act of Hezekiah on ascending the throne was the restora tion and purification ofthe temple which had been dismantled and closed during the latter part of his father's life (2 Chr. xxviii. 24, xxix. 3). The icono clastic spirit was not confined to Judah and Benja min, but spread throughout Ephraim and Manasseh (2 Chr. xxxi. 1), and to all external appearance idolatry was extirpated. But the reform extended little below the surface (Is. xxix. 13). With the death of Josiah ended the last effort to revive among the people a purer ritual, if not a purer faith. The lamp of David, which had long shed but a strug- IDOLATEY gling ray, flickered for a while and then went out in the darkness of Babylonian captivity. But foreign exile was powerless to eradicate the deep inbred tendency to idolatry. One of the first difficulties with which Ezra had to contend, and which brought him well nigh to despair, was the haste with which his countrymen took them foreign wives of the people of the land, and followed them in all their abominations (Ezr. ix.). The conquests of Alexander in Asia caused Greek in fluence to be extensively felt, and Greek idolatry to be first tolerated, and then practised, by the Jews (1 Mace. i. 43-50, 54). The attempt of An tiochus to establish this form of worship was vi gorously resisted by Mattathias (1 Mace. ii. 23-26). The erection of synagogues has been assigned as a reason for the comparative purity of the Jewish worship after the captivity, while another cause has been discovered in the hatred for images acquired by the Jews in their intercourse with the Persians. It has been a question much debated whether the Israelites were ever so far given up to idolatry as to lose all knowledge of the true God. It would be hard to assert this of any nation, and still more diffi cult to prove. But there is still room for grave suspicion that among the masses of the people, though the idea of a supreme Being — of whom the images they worshipped were but the distorted re presentatives — was not entirely lost, it was so ob scured as to be but dimly apprehended (2 Chr. xv. 3).— II. The old religion of the Shemitic races con sisted, in the opinion of Movers, in the deification of the powers and laws of nature ; these powers being considered either as distinct and independent, or as manifestations of one supreme and all-ruling being. In most instances the two ideas \ were co-existent. The deity following human analogy, was conceived of as male and female: the one representing the active, the other the passive principle of nature ; the former the source of spiritual, the latter of phy sical life. The sun and moon were early selected as outward symbols of this all-pervading power, and the worship of the heavenly bodies was not only the most ancient but the most prevalent system of idol atry. Taking its rise in the plains of Chaldea, it spread through Egypt, Greece, Scythia, and even Mexico and Ceylon (comp. Deut. iv. 19, xvii. 3 ; Job xxxi. 26-28). It is probable that the Israelites learnt their first lessons in sun-worship from the Egyptians, in whose religious system that luminary, as Osiris, held a prominent place. The Phoenicians worshipped him under the title of " Lord of heaven." As Molech or Milcom, the sun was worshipped by the Ammonites, and as Chemosh by the Moabites. The Hadad of the Syrians is the same deity. The Assyrian Bel or Belus, is another form of Baal. By the later kings of Judah, sacred horses and cha riots were dedicated to the sun- god, as hy the Per sians (2 K. xxiii. 11). The moon, worshipped by the Phoenicians under the name of Astarte or Baal- tis, the passive power of nature, as Baal was the active, and known to the Hebrews as Ashtaroth or Ashtoreth, the tutelary goddess of the Zidonians, appeal's early among the objects of Israelitish idol atry. But, though we have no positive historical account of star-worship before the Assyrian period, we may infer that it was early practised in a con crete form among the Israelites from the allusions in Amos v. 26, and Acts vii. 42, 43. However this may be, Movers contends that the later star-worship, introduced by Ahaz and followed by Manasseh, was IDOLATRY .purer and more spiritual in its nature than the Ssraelito-Phoenician worship of the heavenly bodies under symbolical forms as Baal and Asherah ; and that it was not idolatry in the same sense that the latter was, but of a simply contemplative character. But there is no reason to believe that the divine honours paid to the " Queen of Heaven " (or as others render " the frame " or " structure of the heavens '') were equally dissociated from image worship. The allusions in Job xxxviii. 31, 32, are too obscure to allow any inference to be drawn as to the mysterious influences which were held by the old astrologers to be exercised by the stars over human destiny, nor is there sufficient evidence to -connect them with anything more recondite than the astronomical knowledge of the period. The same may be said of the poetical figure in Deborah's *hant of triumph, " the stars from their highways warred with Sisera " (Judg. v. 20). In the later times of the monarchy, Mazzaloth, the planets, or the zodiacal signs, received, next to the sun and moon, their share of popular adoration (2 K. xxiii. 5). Beast-worship, as exemplified in the calves of Jeroboam and the dark hints which seem to point to the goat of Mendes, has already been alluded to. There is no actual proof that the Israelites ever joined in the service of Dagon, the fish-god of the Philistines, though Ahaziah sent stealthily to Baal zebub, the fly-god of Ekron (2 K. i.), and in later times the brazen serpent became the object of idola trous homage (2 K. xviii. 4). Of pure hero-wor ship among the Shemitic races we find no trace. The reference in Wisd. xiv. 15 is to a later practice ¦introduced by the Greeks. The singular reverence with which trees have been honoured is not without example in the history of the Hebrews. The tere binth at Mamre, beneath which Abraham built an altar (Gen. xii. 7, xiii. 18), and the memorial grove planted by him at Beersheba (Gen. xxi. 33), were intimately connected with patriarchal worship. Mountains and high places were chosen spots for offering sacrifice and incense to idols (1 K. xi. 7, xiv. 23) ; and the retirement of gardens and the thick shade of woods offered great attractions to their worshippers (2 K. xvi. 4 ; Is. i. 29 ; Hos. iv. 13). The host of heaven was worshipped on the house-top) 2 K. xxiii. 12 ; Jer. xix. 3, xxxii. 29 ; Zeph. i. 5). The priests of the false worship are sometimes designated Chemarim, a word of Syriac origin, to which different meanings have been as signed. It is applied to the non-Levitical priests who burnt incense on the high places (2 K. xxiii. 5) as well as to the priests of the calves (Hos. x. 5). 'In addition to the priests there were other persons intimately connected with idolatrous rites, and the impurities from which they were inseparable. Both men and women consecrated themselves to the ser vice of idols : the former as kedeshim, for which there is reason to believe the A. V. (Deut. xxiii. 17, ¦&c.) has not given too harsh an equivalent; the latter as kedHh&th, who wove shrines for Astarte (2 K. xxiii. 7). The same class of women existed among the Phcenicians, Armenians, Lydians, and Babylonians (Epist. of Jerem. ver. 43). They are distinguished from the public prostitutes (Hos. iv. 14) and associated with the performances of sacred rites. Besides these accessories there were the ord inary rites of worship which idolatrous systems had in common with the religion of the Hebrews. Offering burnt sacrifices to the idol gods (2 K. >v. 17), burning incense in their honour (1 K. xi. IDOLATRY 343 8), and bowing down in worship before their images (1 K. xix. 18) were the chief parts of their ritual ; and from their very analogy with the ceremonies of true worship were more seductive than the grosser forms. Nothing can be stronger or more positive than the* language in which these ceremonies were denounced by Hebrew law. Every detail of idol-worship was made the subject of a separate en actment, and many of the laws, which in themselves seem trivial and almost absurd, receive from this point of view their true significance. We are told by Maimonides that the prohibitions against sowing a field with mingled seed, and wearing garments of mixed material, were directed against the practices of idolaters, who attributed a kind of magical influ ence to the mixture (Lev. xix. 19). Such too were the precepts which forbade that the garments of the sexes should be interchanged (Deut. xxiii. 5). There are supposed to be allusions to the practice of necro mancy in Is. lxv. 4, or at any rate to superstitious rites in connexion with the dead. Cutting the flesh for the dead (Lev. xix. 28 ; 1 K. rviii. 28), and making a baldness between the eyes (Deut. xiv. 1) were associated with idolatrous rites: the latter being a custom among the Syrians. The law which regulated clean and unclean meats (Lev. xx. 23-26) may be considered both as a sanitary regulation and also as having a tendency to separate the Israelites from the surrounding idolatrous nations. The mouse, one of the unclean animals of Leviticus (xi. 29), was sacrificed by the ancient Magi (Is. lxvi. 17). Eating of the things offered was a neces sary appendage to the sacrifice (comp. Ex. xviii. 12, xxxii. 6; xxxiv. 15; Num. xxv. 2, &c). The Is raelites were forbidden " to print any mark upon them" (Lev. xix. 28), because it was a custom of idolaters to brand upon their flesh some symbol of the deity they worshipped, as the ivy-leaf of Bacchus (3 Mace. ii. 29). Many other practices of false worship are alluded to, and made the sub jects of rigorous prohibition, but none are more frequently or more severely denounced than those which peculiarly distinguished the worship of Mo lech. It has been attempted to deny that the wor ship of this idol was polluted by the foul stain of human sacrifice, but the allusions are too plain and too pointed to admit of reasonable doubt (Deut. xii. 31 ; 2 K. iii. 27 ; Jer. vii. 31 ; Ps. evi. 37 ; Ez. xxiii. 29). Nor was this practice confined to the rites of Molech ; it extended to those of Baal (Jer. xix. 5), and the king of Moab (2 K. iii. 27) offered his son as a burnt-offering to his god Chemosh. Kissing the images ofthe gods (IK. xix. 18; Hos. xiii. 2), hanging votive offerings in their temples (1 Sam. xxxi. 10), and carrying them to battle (2 Sam. t. 21), as the Jews of Maccabaeus* army did with the things consecrated to the idols of the Jamnites (2 Mace. xii. 40), are usages connected with idolatry which are casually mentioned, thouo-h not made the objects of express legislation. But soothsaying, interpretation of dreams, necromancy, witchcraft, magic, and other forms of divination, are alike forbidden (Deut. xviii. 9 ; 2 K. i. 2 ; Is. lxv. 4; Ez. xxi. 21).— III. It remains now briefly to consider the light in which idolatry was regarded in the Mosaic code, and the penalties with which it was visited. If one main object of the Hebrew polity was to teach the unity of God, the extermin ation of idolatry was but a subordinate end. Je hovah, the God of the Israelites, was the civil head of the State. He was the theocratic king of the 344 IDOLATRY people, who had delivered them from bondage, and to whom they had taken a willing oath of allegi ance. Idolatry, therefore, to an Israelite was a state offence (1 Sam. xv. 23), a political crime of the gravest character, high treason against the ma jesty of his king. But it was much more than all this. While the idolatry of foreign nations is stig matised merely as an abomination in the sight of God, which called for his vengeance, the sin of the Israelites is regarded as of more glaring enormity and greater moral guilt. In the figurative language ofthe prophets, the relation between Jehovah and his people is represented as a marriage bond (Is. liv. 5 ; Jer. iii. 14), and the worship of false gods with all its accompaniments (Lev. xx. 56) becomes then the greatest of social wrongs (Hos. ii. ; Jer. iii., &c). Regarded in a moral aspect, false gods are called " stumbling blocks" (Ez. xiv. 3), "lies" (Am. ii. 4; Rom. i. 25), " horrors " or *' frights" (1 K. vx. 13 ; Jer. 1. 38), " abominations" (Deut. xxix. 17, xxxii. 16; IK. xi. 5; 2 K. xxiii. 13), " guilt" (abstract for concrete, Am. viii. 14, ashm&h, comp. 2 Chr. xxix. 18, perhaps with a play on Ashima, 2 K. xvii. 30), and with a profound sense of the degradation consequent upon their worship, they are characterised by the prophets, whose mission it was to warn the people against them (Jer. xliv. 4), as " shame " (Jer. xi. 13 ; Hos. ix. 10). As considered with reference to Jehovah, they are "other gods" (Josh. xxiv. 2, 16), "strange gods" (Deut. xxxii. 16), "new gods" (Judg. v. 8), " devils, — notGod" (Deut. xxxii. 17 ; 1 Cor. x. 20, 21); and, as de noting their foreign origin, " gods of the foreigner" (Josh. xxiv. 14, 15). Idolatry, therefore, being from one point of view a political offence, could be punished without infringement of civil rights. No penalties were attached to mere opinions. For aught we know, theological speculation may have been as rife among the Hebrews as in modern times, though such was not the tendency of the Shemitic mind. It was not, however, such speculations, heterodox though they might be, but overt acts of idolatry, which were made the subjects of legis lation. The first and second commandments are directed against idolatry of every form. Indivi duals and communities were equally amenable to the rigorous code. The individual offender was de voted to destruction (Ex. xxii. 20) ; his nearest relatives were not only bound to denounce him and deliver him up to punishment (Deut. xiii. 2-10), but their hands were to strike the first blow when, on the evidence of two witnesses at least, he was stoned (Deut. xvii. 2-5). To attempt to seduce others to false worship was a crime of equal enormity (Deut. xiii. 6-10). An idolatrous nation shared a similar fate.— IV. Much indirect evidence on this subject might be supplied by an investiga tion of proper names. Traces of the sun-worship°of the ancient Canaanites remain in the nomenclature of their country. Beth-Shemesh, " house of the sun," En-Shemesh, " spring of the sun," and Ir- Shemesh, " city of the sun," whether they be the original Canaanitish names or their Hebrew render ings, attest the reverence paid to the source of light and heat, the symbol of the fertilising power" of nature. Samson, the Hebrew national hero, took his name from the same luminary, and was born in a mountain-village above the modern 'Ain Shems (En-Shemesh). The name of Baal, the sun-god, is one of the most common occurrence in compound words, and is often associated with places conse- IMMANUEL crated to his worship. The Moon, Astarte or Ash taroth, gave her name to a city of Bashan (Josh. xiii. 12, 31). Nebo enters into many compounds: Nebu-zaradan, Samgar-nebo, and the like. Bel is found in Belshazzar, Belte-shazzar, and others. Chemosh, the fire-god of Moab, appears in Carche- mish, and Peor in Beth-Peor. Malcom, a name which occurs but once, and then of a Moabite by birth, may have been connected with Molech and Milcom. A glimpse of star-worship may be seen. in the name of the city Chesil. It is impossible to pursue this investigation to any length: the hints which have been thrown out may prove suggestive. Id'nel, 1 Esd. viii. 43. [Ariel, 1.] Idume'a, Is. xxxiv. 5, 6 ; Ez. xxxv. 15, xxxvi. 5; 1 Mace. iv. 15, 29, 61, v. 3, vi. 31 ; 2 Mace. xii. 32; Mark iii. 8. [Edom.] Idnme'ans, 2 Mace. x. 15, 16. [Edom.] I 'gal. 1, One of the spies, son of Joseph, of the tribe of Issachar (Num. xiii. 7). — 2. One of the- heroes of David's guard, son of Nathan of Zobah (2 Sam. xxiii. 36). Ig-dali'ah, a prophet or holy man — " the man of God " — named once ouly (Jer. xxxv. 4), as the father of Hanan. I'geal, a son of Shemaiah ; a descendant of the royal house of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 22). I'im. 1. The partial or contracted form of the name Ije-Abakim (Num. xxxiii. 45).— 2. A town in the extreme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 28). I'je-Ab'arim, one of the later halting places of the children of Israel (Num. xxi. 11, xxxiii. 44), It was on the boundary — the S.E. boundary — ofthe territory of Moab ; not on the pasture-downs of the Mishor, the modern Belka, but in the midbar, the waste uncultivated " wilderness '* on its skirts (xxi. 11). No identification of its situation has been attempted. I'jos, a town in the north of Palestine, belonging to the tribe of Naphtali. It was taken and plun dered by the captains of Benhadad ( 1 K. xv. 20 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 4), and a second time by Tiglath-pileser (2 K. xv. 29). At the base of the mountains of Naphtali, a few miles N.W. of the site of Dan, is a fertile and beautiful little plain called Merj 'Ayun- This, in all probability, is the site ofthe long-lost Ijon. Hr/kesh, the father of Ira the Tekoite (2 Sam.. xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 9). I'lai, an Ahohite, one of the heroes of David's- guard (1 Chr. xi. 29). IUyr'icum, an extensive district lying along the eastern coast of the Adriatic from the boundary of Italy on the north to Epirus on the south, and? contiguous to Moesia and Macedonia on the east (Rom. xv. 19). Image. [Idol.] Im'la, father or progenitor of Micaiah tlie pro phet (2 Chi-, xviii. 7, 8). The form Im'lah, is employed iu the parallel narrative (1 K. xxii. S, 9). Imman'uel, the symbolical name given by the prophet Isaiah to the child who was announced to Ahaz and the people of Judah, as the sign which God would give of their deliverance from then- enemies (Is. vii. 14). It is applied by the Apostle Matthew to the Messiah, born of the Virgin (Matt. i. 23). In the early part of the reign of Ahaz the kingdom of Judah was threatened with annihilation by the combined armies of Syria aud Israel. Jeru salem was menaced with a siege. The king h'1" IMMER gone to "the conduit ofthe upper pool," when the prophet met him with the message of consolation. Not only were the designs of the hostile armies to fail, but within sixty-five years the kingdom of Israel would be overthrown. In confirmation of his words, the prophet bids Ahaz ask a sign of Jehovah, which the king, with pretended humility, refused to do. After administering a severe rebuke to' Ahaz for his obstinacy, Isaiah announces the sign which Jehovah Himself would give unasked: "behold! the virgin is with child and beareth a son, and she shall call his name Immanuel." The interpreters of this passage are naturally divided into three classes. The first class consists of those who refer the fulfilment of the prophecy to a historical event, which followed immediately upon its delivery. The majority of Christian writers, till within the last fifty years, form a second class, and apply the pro phecy exclusively to the Messiah, while a third class, almost equally numerous, agree in considering both these explanations true, and hold that the prophecy had an immediate and literal fulfilment, but was completely accomplished in the miraculous concep tion and birth of Christ. Among the first are numbered the Jewish writers of all ages, without exception. Some, as Jarchi and Aben Ezra, refer the prophecy to a son of Isaiah himself, others to Hezekiah, and others to a son of Ahaz by another wile, as Kimchi and Abarbanel. Interpreters of the second class, who refer the prophecy solely to the Messiah, of course understand by the 'almdli the Virgin Mary. Against this hypothesis of a solely Messianic reference, it is objected that the birth of the Messiah could not be a sign of deliver ance to the people of Judah in the time of Ahaz. Vitringa explains it thus : as surely as Messiah w^uld be born of the virgin, so surely would God deliver the Jews from the threatened evil. But this ex planation involves another difficulty. Before the child shall arrive at years of discretion the prophet announces the desolation of the land whose kings threatened Ahaz. In view of the difficulties which attend these explanations of the prophecy, the third class of interpreters above alluded to have recourse to a theory which combines the two pre ceding, viz., the hypothesis' of the double sense. They suppose that the immediate reference of the prophet was to some contemporary occurrence, but that his words received their true and full accom plishment in the birth of the Messiah. From the -manner in which the quotation occurs in Matt. i. 23, there can be no doubt that the Evangelist did not use it by way of accommodation, but as having in view its actual accomplishment. Whatever may have been his opimon as to any contemporary or immediate reference it might contain, this was completely obscured by the full conviction that burst upon him when he realized its completion in the Messiah. The hypothesis of the double sense satisfies most of the requirements of the problem, and as it is at the same time supported by the analogy of the Apostle's quotations from the 0. T. (Matt. ii. 15, 18, 23; iv. 15), we accept it as approximating most nearly to the true solution. Im'mer, the founder of an important family of priests (1 Chr. ix. 12 ; Neh. xi. 13% This family had charge of, and gave its name to, the sixteenth course of the service (1 Chr. xxiv. 14).— 2. Appa rently the name of a place in Babylonia (Ezr. ii. 59; Neh. vii. 61). INCENSE 345 Im'na, a descendant of Asher, son of Helem (1 Chr. vii. 35 ; comp. 40). Im'nah. 1. The first-born of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 30). — 2. Kore ben-Imnah, the Levite, assisted in the reforms of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 14). Im'rah, a descendant of Asher, of the family of Zophah (1 Chr. vii. 36). Im'ri. 1. A man of Judah of the great family of Pharez (1 Chr. ix. 4).— 2. Father or progenitor of Zaccur (Neh. iii. 2). Incense. The incense employed in the service- of the tabernacle was compounded of the perfumes stacte, onycha, galbanum, and pure frankincense. All incense which was not made of these ingredients- was forbidden to be offered (Ex. xxx. 9). According to Eashi on Ex. xxx. 34, the abovementioned per fumes were mixed in equal proportions, seventy manehs being taken of each. In addition to the four ingredients already mentioned Eashi enumerates- seven others. Josephus mentions thirteen. The proportions of the additional spices are given by Maimonides as follows. Of myrrh, cassia, spike nard, and saffron, sixteen manehs each. Of costus twelve manehs, cinnamon nine manehs, sweet bark three manehs. The weight of the whole confection was 368 manehs. To these was added the fourth part of a cab of salt of Sodom, with amber of Jordan, and a herb called "the smoke-raiser," known only to the cunning in such matters, to whom the secret descended by tradition. In the ordinary daily service one maneh was used, half in the morning and half in the evening. Allowing- then one maneh of incense for each day of the solar year, the three manehs which remained were again pounded, and used by the high-priest on the day of atonement (Lev. xvi. 12). A store of it was con stantly kept in the temple. The incense possessed the threefold characteristic of being salted (not "tempered" as in A. V.), pure and holy. Salt was the symbol of incorruptness, and nothing, says Maimonides, was offered without it, except the wine of the drink-offerings, the blood, and the wood (cf. Lev. ii. 13). Aaron, as high-priest, was originally appointed to offer incense, but in the- daily service of the second temple the office devolved upon the inferior priests, from among whom one- was chosen by lot (Luke i. 9), each morning and evening. The officiating priest appointed another,. whose office it was to take the fire from the brazen altar. The times of offering incense were specified in the instructions first given to Moses (Ex. xxx. 7, 8). The morning incense was offered when the lamps were trimmed in the Holy place, and before the sacrifice, when the watchman set for the pur pose announced the break of day. When the lamps were lighted " between the evenings," after the- evening sacrifice and before the drink-offerings were offered, incense was again burnt on the golden altar, which "belonged to the oracle" (I K, vi. 22), and stood before the veil which separated tlie Holy place from the Holy of Holies, the throne of God (Eev. viii. 4). When the priest entered the Holy place with the incense, all the people were removed from the temple, and from between the porch and the altar (cf. Luke i. 10). Profound silence was observed among the congregation who were praying without (cf. Rev. viii. 1), and at a signal from the- prefect the priest cast the incense on the fire, and bowing reverently towards the Holy of Holies re tired slowly backwards, not prolonging his prayer that he might not alarm the congregation, or cause 346 INDIA them to fear that he had been struck dead for offering unworthily (Lev. xvi. 13 ; Luke i. 21). On the day of atonement the service was different. The offering of incense has formed a part of the religious ceremonies of most ancient nations. It was an element in the idolatrous worship of the Israelites (Jer. xi. 12, 17, xlviii. 35 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 25). With regard to the symbolical meaning of incense, opinions have been many and widely differ ing. Looking upon incense in connexion with the •other ceremonial observances of the Mosaic ritual, it would rather seem to be symbolical, not of prayer itself, but of that which makes prayer acceptable, the intercession of Christ. In Rev. viii. 3, 4, the incense is spoken of as something distinct from, though offered with, the prayers of all the saints (cf. Luke i. 10) ; and in Rev. v. 8 it is the golden vials, and not the odours or incense, which are said to be the prayers of saints. India. The name of India does not occur in the Bible before the book of Esther, where it is noticed as the limit of the territories of Ahasuerus in the «ast, as Ethiopia was in the west (i. 1 ; viii. 9). The India of the book of Esther is not the penin sula of Hindostan, but the country surrounding the Indus, the Punjab and perhaps Scinde. In 1 Mace. viii. 8, India is reckoned among the coun tries which Eumenes, king of Pergamus, received ¦out of the former possessions of Antiochus the Great. A more authentic notice of the country occurs in 1 Mace. xi. 37. But though the name of India occurs so seldom, the people and productions of that country must have been tolerably well known to the . Jews. There is undoubted evidence that an active trade was carried on between India and Western Asia. The trade opened by Solomon with Ophir through the Red Sea chiefly consisted of Indian articles. The connexion thus established with India led to the opinion that the Indians were included under the ethnological title of Cush (Gen. x. 6). Inheritance. [Heir.] Ink, Inkhorn. [Writing.] Inn. The Hebrew word (m&lon) thus rendered literally signifies " a lodging-place for the night." Inns, in our sense of the term, were, as they still are, unknown in the East where hospitality is reli giously practised. The khans, or caravanserais, are the representatives of European inns, and these were established but gradually. It is doubtful whether there is any allusion to them in the Old Testament. The halting-place of a caravan was selected originally on account of its proximity to water or pasture, by which the travellers pitched their tents and passed the night. Such was un doubtedly the " inn " at which occurred the incid ent in the life of Moses, narrated in Ex. iv. 24 (comp. Gen. xiii. 27). On the more frequented routes, remote from towns (Jer. ix. 2), caravan serais were in course of time erected, often at the expense of the wealthy. The following description of one of those on the road from Bagdad to Babylon will suffice for all : — " It is a large and substantial square building, in the distance resembling a fortress, being surrounded with a lofty wall, and flanked by round towers to defend the inmates in case of attack. Passing through a strong gateway, the guest enters a large court, the sides of which are divided into numerous arched compartments, open in front, for the accommodation of separate parties and for the reception of goods. In the centre is a spacious raised platform, used for sleeping upon at night, or IE-HA-HERES for the devotions of the faithful during the day. Between the outer wall and the compartments are wide vaulted arcades, extending round the entire building, wThere the beasts of burden are placed. Upon the roof of the arcades is an excellent ten-ace and over the gateway an elevated tower containing two rooms — one of which is open at the sides, per mitting the occupants to enjoy eveiy breath of air that passes across the heated plain. The ten-ace is tolerably clean ; but the court and stabling below are ankle-deep in chopped straw and filth'' (Loftus, Chaldea, p. 13). The iravSoxeiov (Luke x. 34) probably differed from the KaraKvya (Luke ii. 7) in having a "host" or "innkeeper" (Luke x. 35), who supplied some few of the necessary provisions and attended to the wants of travellers left to his charge. Instant, Instantly. Urgent, urgently, or fer vently, as will be seen from the following passages (Luke vii. 4, xxiii. 23 ; Acts xxvi. 7 ; Rom. xii. 12). In 2 Tim. iv. 2 we find " be instant in season and out of season." The literal sense is "stand ready" — >" be alert " for whatever may happen. Io'nia. The substitution of this word for " India" in 1 Mace. viii. 8 is a conjecture of Grotius without any authority of MSS. The name was given in early times to that part of the western coast of Asia Minor which lay between Aeolis on the north and Doris on the south. In Roman times Ionia ceased to have any political significance, being absorbed ia the province of Asia. Iphedei'ah, a descendant of Benjamin, one ofthe Bene-Shashak (1 Chr. -viii. 25). Ir, 1 Chr. vii. 12. [Iri.] I'ra. 1. " The Jairite," named in the cata logue of David's great officers (2 Sam. xx. 26). —2. One of the heroes of David's guard (2 Sara. xxiii. 38 ; 1 Chr. xi. 40).— 3. Another of David's guard, a Tekoite, son of Ikkesh (2 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 28). I'rad. Son of Enoch ; grandson of Cain, and father of Mehujael (Gen. iv. 18). I'ram, a leader of the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 43 ; 1 Chr. i. 54), i. e., the chief of a family or tribe. No identification of him has been found. Ir-ha-he'res, in A. V. The City of Destruc tion, the name or an appellation of a city in Egypt, mentioned only in Is. xix. 18. There are various explanations. 1. "The city of the sun," a .trans lation of the Egyptian sacred name of Heliopolis. 2. "The city Heres,'' a transcription in the second word of the Egvptian sacred name of Helio polis, Ha-ra, "the abode (lit. "house"), ofthe sun." 3. " A city destroyed," lit. " a city of de struction," meaning that one of the five cities men tioned should be destroyed, according to Isaiahs idiom. 4. " A city preserved," meaning that one of the five cities mentioned should be preserved. The first of these explanations is highly improbable, for we find elsewhere both the sacred and the civil names of Heliopolis, so that a third name merely a variety of the Hebrew rendering of the sacred name is very unlikely. The second explanation, which we believe has not been hitherto put forth, is liable to the same objection as the preceding one, besides that it necessitates the exclusion of the "i™*-; The fourth explanation would not have been noticed had it not been supported by the name of Gesenius. The common reading and old rendering remajns, which cei'tainly present no critical difficulties. A very careful examination of the xixth chapter of IEI Isaiah, and of the xviiith and xxth, which are con nected with it, has inclined us to prefer it. Iri, 1 Esdr. viii. 62. [Uriah.] I'ri or Ir, a Benjamite, son of Bela-(1 Chr. vii. 7, 12). Iri jah, son of Shelemiah, a captain of the ward, who met Jeremiah in the gate of Jerusalem called the " gate of Benjamin," accused him of being about to desert to the Chaldeans, and led him back to the princes (Jer. xxxvii. 13, 14). Ir'-nahash. A name which, like many other names of places, occurs in the genealogical lists of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 12). No trace of the name of Ir-nahash attached to any site has been dis covered. I'ron, one of the cities of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 38) ; hitherto totally unknown. Iron (Heb. barzel ; Ch. parz'la), mentioned with brass as the earliest of known metals (Gen. 22). As it is rarely found in its native state, but generally in combination with oxygen, the know ledge of the art of forging iron, which is attributed to Tubal Cain, argues an acquaintance with the difficulties which attend the smelting of this metal. A method is employed by the natives of India extremely simple and of great antiquity, which though rude is veiy effective, and suggests the possibility of similar knowledge in an early stage of civilization. Malleable iron was iu common use. but it is doubtful whether the ancients were acquainted with cast-iron. The natural wealth of the soil of Canaan is indicated by describing it as "a land whose stones are iron" (Deut. viii. 9). The book of Job contains passages which indicate that iron was a metal well known. Of the manner of procuring it, we leam that " iron is taken from dust" (xxviii. 2). The "furnace of iron" (Deut. iv. 28 ; 1 K. viii. 51) is a figure which vividly expresses hard bondage, as represented by the severe labour which attended the operation of smelting. Sheet-iron was used for cooking utensils (Ez. iv. 3 cf. Lev. vii. 9). That it was plentiful in the time of David appears from 1 Chr. xxii. 3. The market of Tyre was supplied with bright or polished iron by the merchants of Dan and Javan (Ez. xxvii. 19). The Chalybes of the Pontus were celebrated as workers in iron in very ancient times. The pro duce of their labour is supposed to be alluded to in Jer. xv. 12, as being of superior quality. It was for a long time supposed that the Egyptians were ignorant of the use of iron, and that the allusions in the Pentateuch were anachronisms, as no traces •of it have been found in their monuments ; but in the sepulchres at Thebes butchers are represented as sharpening their knives on a round bar of metal attached to their aprons, which from its blue colou is presumed to be steel. One iron mine only has been discovered in Egypt, which was worked by the ancients. It is at Hammami between the Nile and the Red Sea ; the iron found by Mr. Burton was in the form of specular and red ore. That no articles of iron should have been found is easily accounted for by the fact that it is easily destroyed by moisture and exposure to the air. The Egyptians obtained their iron almost exclusively from Assyria Proper in the form of bricks or pigs. Specimens of Assyrian iron-work overlaid with bronze wore dis covered by Mr. Layard, and are now in the British Museum. Iron weapons of various kinds) were found at Nimroud, but fell to pieces on exposure to the air. There is considerable doubt whether the ISAAC 347 ancients were acquainted with cast-iron. The ren dering given by the LXX. of Job xl. 18 seems to imply that some method nearly like that of casting- was known, and is supported by a passage in Dio- dorus (v. 13). In Ecclus. xxxviii. 28, we have a picture of the interior of an iron-smith's (Is. xliv. 12) workshop. Ir'peel, one of the cities of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 27). No trace has yet been discovered of its situa tion. Ir'-shem'esh, a city of the Danites (Josh. xix. 41), probably identical with Beth-shemesh, and, if not identical, at least connected with Modnt Heres (Judg. i. 35). I'm, the eldest son of the great Caleb son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15). Isaac, the son whom Sarah, in accordance with the Divine promise, bore to Abraham in the hun dredth year of his age, at Gerar. In his infancy he became the object of Ishmael's jealousy ; and in his youth (when twenty-five years old, according to Joseph. Ant. i. 13, § 2) the victim, in intention, of Abraham's great sacrificial act of faith. When forty years old he married Rebekah his cousin, by whom, when he was sixty, he had two sons, Esau and Jacob. In his seventy-fifth year he and his brother Ishmael buried their father Abraham in the cave of Mach pelah. From his abode by the well Lahai-roi, in the South Country — a barren tract, comprising a few pastures and wells, between the hills of Judaea and the Arabian desert, touching at its western end Philistia, and on the north Hebron — Isaac was driven by a famine to Gerar. Here Jehovah appeared to him and bade him dwell there and not go over into Egypt, and renewed to him the promises made to Abraham. Here he subjected himself, like Abraham iu the same place and under like circumstances (Gen. xx. 2), to a rebuke from Abimelech the Philistine king for an equivoc ation. Here he acquired great wealth by his flocks j but was repeatedly dispossessed by the Philistines of the wells which he sunk at con venient stations. At Beersheba Jehovah appeared to him by night and blessed him, and he built an altar there : there, too, like Abraham, he received a visit from the Philistine king Abimelech, with whom he made a covenant of peace. After the deceit by which Jacob acquired his father's bless ing, Isaac sent his son to seek a wife in Padan- aram ; and all that we know of him during the last forty-three years of his life is that he saw that son, with a large and prosperous family, return to him at Hebron (xxxv. 27) before he died there at the age of 180 years. He was buried by his two sons in the cave of Machpelah. In the N.T. refer ence is made to the offering of Isaac (Heb. xi. 17 • and James ii. 21) and to his blessing his sons (Heb! xi. 20). As the child of the promise, and as the progenitor of the children of the promise, he is contrasted with Ishmael (Rom. ix. 7, 10 ; Gal. iv. 28.; Heb. xi. 18). In our Lord's remarkable argument with the Sadducees, his history is carried beyond the point at which it is left in the 0. T., and beyond the grave. Isaac, of whom it was said (Gen. xxxv. 29) that he was gathered to his people, is represented as still living to God (Luke xx. 38, &c.) ; and by the same Divine authority he is pro claimed as an acknowledged heir of future glory (Matt. viii. 11, &c). It has been asked what are the persecutions sustained by Isaac from Ishmael to which St. Paul refers (Gal. iv. 29) ? Rashi relates 348 ISAIAH a Jewish tradition of Isaac suffering personal vio lence from Ishmael, a tradition which, as Mr. Elhcott thinks, was adopted by St. Paul. But Origen and Augustine seem to doubt whether the passage in Gen. xxi. 9 bears the construction apparently put upon it. The offering up of Isaac by Abraham has been viewed in various lights. By Bishop Warburton {Div. Leg. b. vi. §5) the whole transaction was regarded as " merely an information by action, instead of words, of the great sacrifice of Christ for the redemption of mankind, given at the earnest request of Abraham, who longed impatiently to see Christ's day." Mr. Maurice (Patriarchs and lawgivers, iv.) draws attention to the offering of Isaac as the last and culminating point in the divine education of Abra ham, that which taught him the meaning and ground of self-sacrifice. The typical view of Isaac is barely referred to in the N. T. ; but it is drawn out with minute particularity by Philo and those interpreters of Scripture who were influenced by Alexandrian philosophy. Isai'ah, the prophet, son of Amoz. The Hebrew name, our shortened form of which occurs of other persons [see Jesaiah, Jeshaiah], signifies Salva tion of J aha (a shortened form oi Jehovah). Refer ence is plainly made by the prophet himself, Is. viii. 18, to the significance of his own name as well as of those of his two sons. Kimchi (a.d. 1 230) says in his commentary on Is. i. 1, " We know not his race, nor of what tribe he was." I. The first verse of his book runs thus : " The vision of Isaiah the son of Amoz, which he saw concerning Judah and Jerusalem in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah." A few remarks on this verse will open the way to the solution of several enquiries relative to the prophet and his writings. 1. This verse plainly prefaces at least the first part of the book (chs. i. -xxxix.), which leaves off in Hezekiah's reign. 2. We are authorized to infer, that no part of the vision, the fruits of which are recorded in this book, belongs to the reign of Manasseh, 3. Isaiah must have been an old man at the close of Hezekiah's reign. The ordinary chronology gives 758 B.C. for the date of Jotham's accession, and 698 for that of Hezekiah's death. This gives us a period of 60 years. And since his ministry commenced before Uzziah's death (how long we know not), supposing him to have been no more than 20 years old when he began to prophesy, he would have been 80 or 90 at Manasseh's acces sion. 4. If we compare the contents of the book with the description here given of it, we recognise prophesyings which are certainly to be assigned to the reigns of Uzziah, Ahaz, and Hezekiah ; but we cannot so cei'tainly find any belonging to the reign of Jotham. 5. We naturally ask, Who was the compiler of the book ? The obvious answer is, that it was Isaiah himself aided by a scribe (comp. Jer. xxxvi. 1-5). Isaiah we know was otherwise an author (2 Chr. xxvi. 22).— IL In order to realise the relation of Isaiah's prophetic ministry to his own contemporaries, we need to take account both of the foreign relations of Judah at the time, and internally of its social and religious aspects. Our materials are scanty, and are to be collected partly out of 2 K. and 2 Chr., and partly out of the remaining writings of contemporary prophets, Joel (probably), Obadiah, and Micah, in Judah; and Hoaen, Amos, and Jonah, in Israel. Of these the most assistance is obtained from Micah. 1. Under ISAIAH Uzziah the political position of Judah had greatly recovered from the blows suffered under Amaziah * the fortifications of Jerusalem itself were restored ¦ castles were built in the country ; new arrange ments in the army and equipments of defensive artillery were established; and considerable suc cesses in war gained against the Philistines, the Arabians, and the Ammonites. This prosperity continued during the reign of Jotham, except (hat towards the close of this latter reign, troubles threatened from the alliance of Israel and Syria. The consequence of this prosperity was an influx of wealth, and this with the increased means of military strength withdrew men's confidence from Jehovah, and led them to trust in worldly resources. Moreover great disorders existed in the internal administration, all of which, whether moral or religious, were, by the very nature of the common wealth, as theocratic, alike amenable to prophetic rebuke.— 2. Now what is the tenor of Isaiah's mes sage in the time of Uzziah and Jotham ? This we read in chs. i.-v. Chap. i. is very general in its con tents. The Seer stands (perhaps) in the Court of the Israelites denouncing to nobles and people, then assembling for divine worship, the whole estimate of their character formed by Jehovah, and his approaching chastisements. This discourse suitably heads the book; it sounds the keynote of the whole; fires of judgment destroying, but purifying a rem nant, — such was the burden all along of Isaiah's prophesyings. Of the other public utterances be longing to this period, chs. ii.-iv. are by almost all critics considered to be one prophesying, — the lead ing thought of which is that the present prosperity of Judah should be destroyed for her sins, to make room for the real glory of piety and virtue ; while ch. v. forms a distinct discourse, whose main pur port is that Israel, God's vineyard, shall be brought to desolation. At first he invites attention by re citing a parable (of the vineyard) in calm and com posed accents (ch. v.). But as he interprets the parable his note changes, and a sixfold "woe" is poured forth with terrible invective. It is levelled against the covetous amassers of land ; against luxurious revellers ; against bold sinners who defied God's works of judgment ; against those who con founded moral distinctions ; against self-conceited sceptics ; and against profligate perverters of judi cial justice. In fury of wrath Jehovah stretches forth His hand. Here there is an awful vagueness in the images of terror which the prophet accumul ates, till at length out of the cloud and mist of wrath we hear Jehovah hiss tor the stern and irresistible warriors (the Assyrians), who from the end of the earth should crowd forward to spoil, — after which all distinctness of description again fades away in vague images of sorrow and despair. —3. In the year of Uzziah*s death an ecstatic vision fell upon the prophet. In this vision he saw Je hovah, in the Second Person of the Godhead (John xii. 41 ; comp. Mal. iii. 1), enthroned aloft in His own earthly tabernacle, attended by seraphim, whose praise filled the sanctuary as it were with the smoke, of incense. As John at Patmos, so Isaiah was overwhelmed with awe : he felt his own sinful ness and that of all with whom he was connected, and cried " woe " upon himself as if brought before . Jehovrih to receive the reward of his deeds. But, as at Patmos the Son of Man laid his hand upon John saying " Fear not !" so, in obedience evidently to the will of Jehovah, a seraph with a hot stone ISAIAH taken from the altar touched his lips, the principal organ of good and evil in man, aud thereby re moving his sinfulness, qualified him to join the seraphim in whatever service he might be called to. This vision in the main was another mode of repre senting what, both in previous and in subsequent prophesyings, is so continually denounced — the almost utter destruction of the Hebrew people, with yet a purified remnant. It is a touching trait, illustrating the prophet's own feelings, that when he next appears before us, some years later, he has a son named Shearjashub, " Remnant-shall-return." The name was evidently given with significance; and the fact discovers alike the sorrow which ate his heart, and the hope in .which he found solace.— 4. Some years elapse . between chs. vi. and vii., .and the political scenery has greatly altered. The Assyrian power of Nineveh now threatens the He brew nation ; Tiglath-pileser has already spoiled Pekah of some of the fairest parts of his dominions. After the Assyrian army was withdrawn, the Syrian kingdom of Damascus rises into notice ; its monarch, Rezin, combines with the now weakened king of Israel, and probably with other small states around, to 'consolidate (it has been conjectured) a power which shall confront Asshur. Ahaz keeps aloof, and becomes the object of attack to the allies ; he has been already twice defeated (2 Chr. xxviii. 5, 6) ; and now the allies are threatening him with a ¦combined invasion (741). The news that " Aram is encamped in Ephraim ' (Is. vii. 2) rills both king and people with consternation, and the king is gone forth from the city to take measures, as it would seem, to prevent the upper reservoir of water from falling into the hands of the enemy. Under Jeho vah's direction Isaiah goes forth to meet the king, surrounded no doubt by a considerable company of his officers and of spectators. The prophet is di rected to take with him the child whose name, Shearjashub, was so full of mystical promise, to add greater emphasis to his message. As a sign that Judah was not yet to perish, he announces the birth ¦of the child Immanuel, who should not " know to refuse the evil and choose the good," before the land ofthe two hostile kings should be left desolate, But here the threat which mingles with the pro mise in Shearjashub appears, and again Isaiah pre dicts the Assyrian invasion.— 5. As the Assyrian empire began more and more to threaten the He brew commonwealth with utter overthrow, it is now that the prediction of the Messiah, the Restorer of Israel, becomes more positive and clear. The king was bent upon an alliance with Assyria. This Isaiah stedfastly opposes (comp. x. 20). " Neither fear Aram and Israel, for they will soon perish ; nor trust in Asshur, for she will be (hy direst oppressor." Such is Isaiah's strain. And by divine direction he employs various expedients to make his testimony the more impressive. He procured a large tablet (viii. 1), and with witnesses he wrote thereon in large characters suited for a public notice the words Hastenbooty Speedspoil; which tablet was no doubt to be hung up for public view, in the entrance (we may suppose) to the Temple. And further: his wife — who, by the way, appears to have been herself possessed of pro phetic gifts, just as this time gave birth to a son. Jehovah bids the prophet give him the name Has- tenbooty Speedspoil, adding, that before the child should be able to talk, the wealth of Damascus and the booty of Samaria should be carried away before ISAIAH 349 the king of Assyria. The people of Judah was split into political factions. The court was for Assyria, and indeed formed an alliance with Tig lath-pileser ; but a popular party was for the Syro- Ephraimitic connexion formed to resist Assyria. " Fear none but Jehovah only ! fear Him, trust Him ; He will be your safety." Such is the pur port of the discourse viii. 5-ix. 7.— 6. A Prophecy was delivered at this time against the kingdom of Israel (ix. 8-x. 4). As Isaiah's message was only to Judah, we may infer that the object of this utter ance was to check the disposition shown by many to connect Judah with the policy of the sister king dom.— 7. The utterance recorded in x. 5-xii. 6, one of the most highly wrought passages in the whole book, was probably one single outpouring of inspiration. It stands wholly disconnected with the preceding in the circumstances which it pre supposes ; and to what period to assign it, is not easy to determine.— 8. The next eleven chapters, xiii.-xxiii., contain chiefly a collection of utterances, each of which is styled a " burden." (a.) The first (xiii. 1-xiv. 27) is against Babylon ; placed first, either because it was first in point of utterance, or because Babylon in prophetic vision, particularly when Isaiah compiled his book, headed in import ance all the earthly powers opposed to God's people, and therefore was to be first struck down by the shaft of prophecy. The ode of triumph (xiv. 3-23) in this burden is among the most poetical passages in all literature. (6.) The short and pregnant " burden" against Philistia (xiv. 29-32) in the year that Ahaz died, was occasioned by the revolt of the Philistines from Judah, and their successful inroad recorded 2 Chr. xxviii. 18. (c.) The " burden of Moab" (xv. xvi.) is remarkable for the elegiac strain in which the prophet bewails the disasters of Moab, and for the dramatic character of xvi. 1-6. {d.) Chapters xvii. xviii. This prophecy is headed " the burden of Damascus ;" and yet after ver. 3 the attention is withdrawn from Damascus and turned to Israel, and then to Ethiopia. Israel appears as closely associated with Damascus. This brings us to the time of the Syro-Ephraimitic alli ance ; at all events Ephraim has not yet ceased to exist. Chap. xvii. 12-14, as well as xviii. 1-7, point again to the event of xxxvii. But why this here ? The solution seems to be that, though Assyria would be the ruin both of Aram and of Israel, and though it would even threaten Judah (" us," ver. 14), it should not then conquer Judah (comp. turn of xiv. 31, 32). (e.) In the "burden of Egypt" (xix.) the prophet seems to be pursuing the "same object. Both Israel (2 K. xvii. 4) and Judah (Is. xxxi.) were naturally disposed to look towards Egypt for succour against Assyria. Probably it was to counteract this tendency that the prophet is here directed to prophesy the utter helplessness of Egypt under God's judgments. But the result should be that numerous cities of Egypt should own Jehovah for their God. (/.) In the midst of these " bur dens " stands a passage which presents Isaiah in a new aspect, an aspect in which he appears in this instance only. The more emphatically to enforce the warning already conveyed in the " burden of Egypt>" Jsaiah was commanded to appear in the streets and temple of Jerusalem stripped of his sackcloth mantle, and wearing his vest only, with his feet also bare, (g.) In "the burden of the desert of the sea," a poetical designation of Baby lonia (xxi. 1-10), the images in which the fall of 350 ISAIAH Babylon is indicated are sketched with Aeschylean rapidity, and certainly not less than Aeschylean aw- fulness and grandeur. (A.) " The burden of Du mah," and "of Arabia" (xxi. 11-17), relate appa rently to some Assyrian invasion, (i.) In " the burden of the valley of vision " (xxii. 1-14) it is doubtless Jerusalem that is thus designated. The scene presented is that of Jerusalem during an in vasion; in the hostile army are named Elam and Kir, nations which no doubt contributed troops both to the Ninevite and to the Babylonian armies. The latter is probably here contemplated, (k.) The passage xxii. 15-25 is singular in Isaiah as a pro phesying against an individual. Shebna was one of the king's highest functionaries, and seems to have been leader of a party opposed to Jehovah (ver. 25). Perhaps he was disgraced and exiled by Hezekiah, after the event of xxxvii. If his fall was the consequence of the Assyrian overthrow, we can better understand both the denunciation against the individual and the position it occupies in the record. (I.) The last " burden " is against Tyre (xxiii.). Her utter destruction is not predicted by Isaiah as it afterwards was by Ezekiel.— 9. The next four chapters, xxiv.-xxvii., form one prophecy essentially connected with the preceding ten "burdens" (xiii.- xxiii.), of which it is in effect a general summaiy. The elegy of xxiv. is interrupted at ver. 13 by a glimpse at the happy remnant, but is resumed at ver. 16, till at ver. 21 the dark night passes away altogether to usher in an inexpressibly glorious day. In xxv., after commemorating the destruction of all oppressors, the prophet gives us in vers. 6-9 a most glowing description of Messianic blessings, which connects itself with the N. T. by numberless links, indicating the oneness of the prophetic Spirit ("the Spirit of Christ," 1 Pet. i. 11), with that which dwells in the later revelation. In xxvi., vers. 12-18 describe the new, happy state of God's people as God's work wholly. In xxvii. 1, " Le viathan the fleeing serpent, and Leviathan the twisting serpent, and the dragon in the sea," are perhaps Nineveh and Babylon — two phases ofthe same Asshur — and Egypt (comp. ver. 13) ; all, however, symbolizing adverse powers of evil.— 10. Chs. xxviii.-xxxv. The former part of this section seems to be of a fragmentary character, being pro bably the substances of discourses not fully com municated, and spoken at different times, xxviii. 1-6 is clearly predictive ; it therefore preceded Shal- maneser's invasion, when Samaria was destroyed. And here we have a picture given us of the way in which Jehovah's word was received by Isaiah's contemporaries. Priest and prophet were drunk with a spirit of infatuation, — " they erred in vision, they stumbled in judgment," and therefore only scoffed at his ministrations. — Ch. xxix. Jerusalem was to be visited with extreme danger and terror, and then sudden deliverance, vers. 1-8. But the threatening and promise seemed very enigmatical ; prophets, and rulers, and scholars, could make no thing of the riddle (9-12). Alas ! the people them selves will only hearken to the prophets and priests speaking out of their own heart ; even their so-called piety to Jehovah is regulated, not by His true organs, but by pretended ones (ver. 13) ; but all their vaunted policy shall be confounded ; the wild wood shall become a fruitful field, and the fruitful field a wild wood ; — the humble pupils of Jehovah and these self-wise leaders shall interchange their places of dishonour and prosperity (vers. 13-24). ISAIAH One instance of the false leading of these prophets and priests (xxx. 1) in opposition to the true pro phets (vers. 10, 11), was the policy of courting the help of Egypt against Assyria. Against this, Isaiah is commanded to protest, which he does both in xxx. 1-17, and in xxxi. 1-3, pointing out at the same time the fruitlessness of all measures of hu man policy and the necessity of trusting in Jehovah alone for deliverance. In xxx. 18-33, and xxxi. 4-9, there is added to each address the prediction of the Assyrian's overthrow and its consequences xxx. 19-24. As the time approaches, the spirit of prophecy becomes more and more glowin^; that marvellous deliverance from Asshur, wherein God's " Name " (xxx. 27) so gloriously came near, opens even clearer glimpses into the time when God should indeed come and reign, in the Anointed One, and when virtue and righteousness should everywhere prevail (xxxii. 1-8, 15-20); then the mighty Je hovah should be a king dwelling amongst His people (xxxiii. 17, 22). The sinners in Zion should be filled with dismay, dreading lest His terrible judg ment should alight upon themselves also (xxxiii. 14). With these glorious predictions are blended also descriptions of the grief and despair which should precede that hour, xxxii. 9-14 and xxxiii. 7-9, and the earnest prayer then to be offered' by the pious (xxxiii. 2). In ch. xxxiv. the prediction must cei'tainly be taken with a particular reference to Idumea ; we are however led both by the placing of the prophecy and by lxiii. 2, to take it in a ge neral as well as typical sense. As xxxiv. has a general sense, so xxxv. indicates in general terms the deliverance of Israel as if out of captivity, re joicing in their secure and happy march throagh the wilderness.— 11. xxxvii.-xxxix. At length the sea son so often, though no doubt obscurely foretold, arrived. The Assyrian was near with forces appar ently irresistible. In the universal consternation i / u which ensued, all the hope of the state centred upon Isaiah ; the highest functionaries ofthe state, — Shebna too, — wait upon him in the name of their sovereign. The short answer which Jehovah gave through him was, that the Assyrian king should heai" intelligence which should send him back to his own land, there to perish. How the deliverance was to be effected, Isaiah was not commissioned to tell ; but the very next night (2 K. xix. 35) brought the appalling fulfilment. A divine interposition so marvellous, so evidently miraculous, was in its magnificence worthy of being the kernel of Isaiah's whole book. — Chs. xxxviii., xxxix. chronologically precede the two previous ones.— 12. The last 27 chapters form a prophecy, whose coherence of struc ture and unity of authorship are generally admitted even by those who deny that it was written by Isaiah. The point of time and situation from which the prophet here speaks, is for the most part that of the captivity in Babylon (comp. e. g., Ixiv. 10, 11). But this is adopted on a principle which appears to characterise "vision," viz., that the prophet sees the future as if present. This second part falls into three sections, each, as it happens, consisting of nine chapters ; the two fii'st end with the refrain, " There is no peace, saith Jehovah {or " my God "), to the wicked ;" and the third with the same thought amplified. (1.) The first section (xl.-xlviii.) has for its main topic the comforting assurance of the deliverance from Babylon by Koresh (Cyrus) who is even named twice (xii. 2, 3, 25, xliv. 26, xiv. 1-4, 13, xlvi. 11, xlviii. 14, 15)- " ISCAH is characteristic of sacred prophecy in general that the " vision " of a great deliverance leads the seer to glance at the great deliverance to come through Jesus Christ. This principle of association prevails in the second part taken as a whole; but in the first section, taken apart, it appears as yet imper fectly. (2.) The second section (xlix.-lvii.) is dis tinguished from the first by several features. The person of Cyrus as well as his name, and the speci fication of Babylon disappear altogether. Return from exile is indeed repeatedly spoken of and at length (xlix. 9-26, li. 9-lii. 12, lv. 12, 13, lvii. 14) ; but in such general terms as admit of being applied to the spiritual and Messianic, as well as to the literal restoration. (3.) In the third section (Iviii .-lxvi.) as Cyrus nowhere appears, so neither does "Jehovah's servant" occur so frequently to view as in the second. The only delineation of the latter is in Ixi. 1-3 and in Ixiii. 1-6, 9. He no longer appears as suffering, but only as saving and avenging Zion. The section is mainly occu pied with various practical exhortations founded upon the views of the future already set forth. —III. Numberless attacks have been made upon the integrity of the whole book, different critics pro nouncing different portions of the first part spurious, and many concurring to reject the second part alto gether (the last 27 chapters). A few observations, particularly on this latter point, appear therefore to be necessary. The circumstance mainly urged by them is the unquestionable fact that the author takes his stand-point at the close of the Babylonish Captivity, as if that were his present, and from thence looks forward into his subsequent future. Other grounds which are alleged are confessedly secondary and externa], and are really of no great weight. The most important of these is founded upon the difference of style. On the other hand, for the authenticity of the second part the following reasons may be advanced, (a) The unanimous testimony of Jewish and Christian tradition (comp. Ecclus. xlviii. 24) ; and the evidence of the N. T. quotations (Matt. iii. 3 ; Luke iv. 17 ; Acts viii. 28 ; Rom. x. 16, 20). (b) The unity of design which connects these last 27 chapters with the preceding. The oneness of diction which pervades the whole book. The peculiar elevation and grandeur of style, which characterize the second part as well as the fii'st. The absence of any other name than Isaiah's claiming the authorship. Lastly, the Messianic pre dictions which mark its inspiration, and remove the chief ground of objection against its having been written by Isaiah. In point of style we can find no difficulty in recognising in the second part the presence of the same plastic genius as we discover in the first. And, altogether, the aesthetic criticism of all the different parts of the book brings us to the conclusion that the whole of the book origin ated in one mind, and that mind one of the most sublime and variously gifted instruments which the Spirit of God has ever employed to pour forth Its Voice upon the world. Is'cah, daughter of Haran the brother of Abram, and sister of Milcah and of Lot (Gen. xi. 29). In the Jewish traditions she is identified with Sabai. Isoar'iot. 1 Judas Iscaeiot.] Is'dael, 1 Esd. v. 33. [Giddel, 2. Ish'bah, a man in the line of Judah, commemo rated as the " father of Eshtemoa" (1 Chr.iv. 17). Ish'bak, a son of Abraham and Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32), and the progenitor of a tribe ISHMAEL 351 of northern Arabia. The settlements of this people are very obscure, and we can only suggest as pos sible that they may be recovered in the name of the valley called Sabak, or, it is said, Sibak, in the Dahna, a fertile and extensive tract, belonging to the Benee-Temeem, in Nejd, or the highland, of Arabia, on the north-east of it. There is, however, another Dahna, nearer to the Euphrates, and some confusion may exist regarding the true position of Sabak: ; but either Dahna is suitable for the settle ments of Ishbak. The first-mentioned Dahna lies in a favourable portion of the widely-stretching country known to have been peopled by the Keturahites. Ish'bi-Beno'b, son of Rapha, one of the race of Philistine giants, who attacked David in battle, but was slain by Abishai (2 Sam. xxi. 16, 17). Ish-bo'sheth, the youngest of Saul's four sons, and his legitimate successor. His name appears (1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39) to have been originally Esh-baal, " the man of Baal." He was 35 years of age at the time of the battle of Gilboa, but for five years Abner was engaged in restoring the do minion of the house of Saul over all Israel. Ishbo sheth was then " 40 years old when he began fo reign over Israel, and reigned two years" (2 Sam. iii. 10). During these two years he reigned at Mahanaim, though only in name. The wars and> negotiations with David were entirely carried on by Abner (2 Sam. ii. 12, iii. 6, 12). The death of Abner deprived the house of Saul of their last re maining support. When Ishbosheth heard of it, " his hands were feeble and all the Israelites were troubled" (2 Sam. iv. 1). In this extremity of weakness he fell a victim, probably, to revenge for a crime of his father. Two Beerothites, Baana and Rechab, in remembrance, it has been conjectured, of Saul's slaughter of their kinsmen the Gibeonites, de termined to take advantage of the helplessness of the royal house to destroy the only representative that was left, excepting the child Mephibosheth (2 Sam. iv. 4). After assassinating Ishbosheth, they took his head to David as a welcome present. They met with a stern reception. David rebuked them for the cold blooded murder of an innocent man, and ordered them to be executed. The head of Ishbosheth was carefully buried in the sepulchre of his great kins man Abner, at the same place (2 Sam. iv. 9-12). Ish'i. 1. A man of the descendants of Judah, son of Appaim (1 Chr. ii. 31) ; one of the great house of Hezron.— 2. In a subsequent genealogy of Judah we find another Ishi, with a son Zoheth (1 Chr. iv. 20).— 3. Head of a family of the tribe of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 42).— 4. One ofthe heads of the tribe of Manasseh on the east of Jordan (1 Chr v. 24). Ish'i. This word occurs in Hos. ii. 16, and signifies "my man," "my husband." It is the Israelite term, in opposition to Baalt, the Canaan ite term, with the same meaning, though with a significance of its own. Ishi'ah, the fifth of the five sons of Izrahiah ; one of the heads of the tribe of Issachar in the time of David (1 Chr. vii. 3). Ishi'jah, a lay Israelite ofthe Bene-Harim, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 31). Ish'ma, a name in the genealogy of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 3). &1 V Ish'mael, the son of Abraham by Hagar the Egyptian, his concubine ; born when Abraham was fourscore and six years old (Gen. xvi. 15, 16). Ish mael was the first-bom of his father. He was 352 ISHMAEL "born in Abraham's house, when he dwelt in the plain of Mamre; and on the institution of the covenant of circumcision, was circumcised, he being then thirteen years old (xvii. 25). With the institution of the covenant, God renewed his pro mise respecting Ishmael. He does not again appear in the narrative until the weaning of Isaac. The latter was born when Abraham was a hundred years old (xxi. 5), and as the weaning, according to Eastern usage, probably took place when the child was between two and three years old, Ishmael him self must have been then between fifteen and six teen years old. At the great feast made in cele- hration of the weaning, " Sarah saw the son of Hagar the Egyptian, which she had born unto Abraham, mocking," and urged Abraham to cast out him and his mother. The patriarch, comforted by God's renewed promise that of Ishmael He would make a nation, sent them both away, and they de parted and wandered in the wilderness oi Beersheba. It is doubtful whether the wanderers halted by the well, or at once continued their way to the " wil derness of Paran," where, we are told in the next verse to that just quoted, he dwelt, and where " his mother took him a wife out of the land of Egypt " (Gen. xxi. 9-21). This wife of Ishmael is not else where mentioned ; she was, we must infer, an Egyp tian. No record is made of any other wife of Ishmael, and failing such record, tbe Egyptian was the mother of his twelve sons, and daughter. Of the later life of Ishmael we know little. He was present with Isaac at the burial of Abraham ; and Esau contracted an alliance with him when he " took unto the wives which he had Mahalath [or Bashemath or Basmath, Gen. xxxi. 3] the daughter of Ishmael Abraham's son, the sister of Nebajoth, to be his wife." The death of Ishmael is recorded in a previous chapter, after the enume ration of his sons, as having taken place at the age of a hundred and thirty-seven years (xxv. 17, 18). It remains for us to consider, 1, the place of Ishmael's dwelling; and, 2, the names of his children, with their settlements, and the nation sprung from them. — 1. From the narrative of his expulsion, we leam that Ishmael first went into the wilderness of Beer sheba, and thence, but at what interval of time is uncertain, removed to that of Paran. His continu ance in these or the neighbouring places seems to be proved by his having been present at the burial of Abraham ; for it must be remembered that in the East sepulture follows death after a few houi"s' space ; and by Esau's marrying his daughter at a time when he (Esau) dwelt at Beersheba. There are, however, other passages which must be taken into account. He was the first Abrahamic settler in the east country (xxv. 6). The " east country " perhaps was restricted in early times to the wilder nesses of Beersheba and Paran ; or Ishmael removed to that east country, northwards, without being dis tant from his father and his brethren ; each case being agreeable with Gen. xxv. 6.-2. The sons of Ishmael were, Nebajoth (expressly stated to be his first-born), Kedar, Adbeel, Mibsam, Mishma, Du mah, Massa, Hadar, Tema, Jetur, Naphish, Kede- mah (Gen. xxv. 13-15) : and he had a daughter named Mahalath (xxviii. 9), elsewhere written Bashemath (or Basmath, Gen. xxxvi. 3), the sister of Nebajoth, before mentioned. They peopled the north and west of the Arabian peninsula, and event ually formed the chief element of the Arab nation. Their language, which is generally acknowledged to ISHMAEL have been the Arabic commonly so called, has been adopted with insignificant exceptions throughout Arabia. The term Ishmaelite occurs on three occasions, Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, 28, xxxix. 1 ; JUQV viii. 24 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 6. From the context of the first two instances, it seems to have been a general name for the Abrahamic peoples ofthe east countiy the Bene-Kedem : but the second admits also of a closer meaning. In the third instance the name is applied in its strict sense to the Ishmaelites. The notions of the Arabs respecting Ishmael are partly derived from the Bible, partly from the Jewish Rabbins, and partly from native traditions. They believe that Ishmael was the first-bom of Abraham and the majority of the doctors assert that this son and not Isaac, was offered by Abraham in sacrifice. Ishmael, say the Arabs, dwelt with his mother at Mekkeh, and both are buried in the place called the " Hejr," on the north-west (termed by the Arabs the north) side of the Kaabeh, and inclosed by a curved wall called the " Hateem."— 2. One ofthe sons of Azel, a descendant of Saul through Merib- baal, or Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44).— 3. A man of Judah, father of Zebadiah (2 Chr. xix. 11).— 4. Another man of Judah, son of Jeho- hanan ; one of the captains of hundreds who as sisted Jehoiada in restoring Joash to the throne (2 Chr. xxiii. 1).— 5. A priest, of the Bene-Pashur, who was forced by Ezra to relinquish his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 22).— 6. The son of Nethaniah; a perfect marvel of craft and villany, whose treachery forms one ofthe chief episodes ofthe history ofthe period immediately succeeding the first fall of Jeru salem. His exploits are related in Jer. xl. 7-xli. 15, with a short summary in 2 K. xxv. 23-25. His full description is " Ishmael, the son of Nethan iah, the son of Elishama, of the seed royal" of Judah (Jer. xii. 1 ; 2 K. xxv. 25). During the siege of the city he had, like many others of his countrymen (Jer. xl. 11), fled across the Jordan, where he found a refuge at the court of Baalis, the then king of the Bene- Ammon. After the depar ture of the Chaldeans, Ishmael made no secret of his intention to kill the superintendent left by the king of Babylon, and usurp his position. Of this Gedaliah was warned in express terms oy Johanan and his companions. Thirty days after, in the seventh month (xii. 1), on the third day of the month, Ishmael again appeared at Mizpah, this time accompanied by ten men. Gedaliah entertained them at a feast (xii. 1). Before its close Ishmael and his followers had murdered Gedaliah and all his attendants with such secresy that no alarm was given outside the room. The same night he killed all Gedaliah 's establishment, including some Chal dean soldiers who were there. For two days the massacre remained perfectly unknown to the people of the town. On the second day Ishmael perceived from his elevated position a large party coming southward along the main road fi-om Shechem and Samaria. He went out to meet them. They proved to be eighty devotees, who with rent clothes, and with shaven beards, mutilated bodies, and with other marks of heathen devotion, and weeping as they went, were bringing incense and offerings to the ruins of the Temple. At his invitation they turned aside to the residence of the superintendent. As the unsuspecting pilgrims passed into the court yard he closed the entrances behind them, and there he and his band butchered the whole number : ten only escaped by the offer of heavy ransom for their ISHMAELITE lives. The seventy corpses were then thrown into the well which, as at Cawnpore, was within the precincts of the house, and which was completely tilled with the bodies. This done he descended to the town, surprised and carried off the daughters of king Zedekiah, who had been sent there by Nebuchadnezzar for safety, with their eunuchs and their Chaldean guai'd (xii. 10, 16), and all the people of the town, and made off with his prisoners to the country of the Ammonites. The news of the massacre had by this time got abroad, and Ish mael was quickly pursued by Johanan and his com panions. He was attacked, two of his bravoes slain, the whole of the prey recovered ; and Ishmael him self, with the remaining eight of his people, escaped to the Ammonites. Ishmaelite. [Ishmael.] Ishma'iah, son of Obadiah: the ruler of the tribe of Zebulun in the time of king David (1 Chr. xxvii. 19). Ish'meelite (1 Chr. ii. 17) and Ish'taeelites (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, 28, xxxix. 1), the form in which the descendants of Ishmael are given in a few places in the A. V. Ishmera'i, a Benjamite; one of the family of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 18). Ish'od, one of the tribe of Manasseh on the east of Jordan, son of Hammoleketh (1 Chr. vii. 18). Ish-Pan, a Benjamite, one of the family of Sha- shak (1 Chr. viii. 22). Ish'tob, apparently one ofthe small kingdoms or states which formed part of the general country of Aram, named with Zobah, Rehob, and Maacah (2 Sam. i. 6, 8). It is probable that the real signification is "the men of Tob." Isfuah, the second son of Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17). Ish'uai, the third son of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 30), founder of a family bearing his name (Num. xxvi. 44 ; A. V. " Jesuites "). Ish'ui, the second son of Saul by his wife Ahi- noam (1 Sam. xiv. 49, comp. 50). Isle. The radical sense of the Hebrew word seems to be " habitable places," as opposed to water, and in this sense it occurs in Is. xiii. 15. Hence it means secondarily any maritime district, whether belonging to a continent or to an island : thus it is used of the shore of the Mediterranean (Is. xx. 6, xxiii. 2, 6), and of the coasts of Elishah (Ez. xxvii. 7), t. e. of Greece and Asia Minor. In this sense it is more particularly restricted to the shores of the Mediterranean, sometimes in the fuller expression " islands of the sea " (Is. xi. 11). Occasionally the word is specifically used of an island, as of Caphtor or Crete (Jer. xlvii. 4). But more generally it is applied to any region separated from Palestine by water, as fully described in Jer. xxv. 22„ Ismacbi'ah, a Levite who was one of the over seers of offerings during the revival under king Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). Ismael. 1. Jud. ii. Another form for the name Ishmael, son of Abraham.— 2. 1 Esd. ix. 29. [Ishmael, 5.] Ismai'ah, a Gibeonite, one of the chiefs of those warriors who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 4). Is'pah, a Benjamite, of the family of Beriah ; one ofthe heads of his tribe (1 Chr. viii. 16). Is'rael. 1. The name given (Gen. xxxii. 28) to Jacob after his wrestling with the Angel (Hos. xii. 4) at Peniel. Gesenius interprets Israel " sol dier of God ."—2. It became the national name of the twelve tribes collectively. They are so called Con. D. B. ISRAEL, KINGDOM OF 353 in Ex. iii. 16 and afterwards.— 3. It is used in a narrower sense, excluding Judah, in 1 Sam. xi. 8 ; 2 Sam. xx. 1 ; 1 K. xii. 16. Thenceforth it was assumed and accepted as the name of the Northern Kingdom. — 4. After the Babylonian captivity, the returned exiles resumed the name Israel as the de signation of their nation. The name Israel is also used to denote laymen, as distinguished from Priests, Levites, and other ministers (Ezr. vi. 16, ix. 1, x. 25, Neh. xi. 3, &c). Israel, Kingdom of. 1. The prophet Ahijah of Shiloh, who was commissioned in the latter days of Solomon to announce the division ofthe kingdom, left one tribe (Judah) to the house of David, and assigned ten to Jeroboam (1 K. xi. 35, 31). These were probably Joseph ( = Ephraim and Manasseh), Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, Benjamin, Dan, Simeon, Gad, and Reuben ; Levi being intentionally omitted. Eventually the greater part of Benjamin, and probably the whole of Simeon and Dan, were included as if by common consent in the kingdom of Judah. With respect to the conquests of David, Moab appears to have been attached to the kingdom of Israel (2 K. iii. 4) ; so much of Syria as re mained subject to Solomon (see 1 K. xi. 24) would probably be claimed by his successor in the northern kingdom ; and Ammon, though connected with Reho boam as his mother's native land (2 Chr. xii. 13), and though afterwards tributary to Judah (2 Chr. xxvii. 5), was at one time allied (2 Chr. xx. 1), we know not how closely or how early, with Moab. The sea-coast between Accho and Japho remained in the possession of Israel.— 2. The population of the kingdom is not expressly stated; and in drawing any inference from the numbers of fighting men, we must bear in mind that the numbers in the Hebrew text are strongly suspected to have been subjected to extensive, perhaps systematic, corruption. Jeroboam brought into the field an army of 800,000 men (2 Chr. xiii. 3). If in B.C. 957 there were actually under arms 800,000 men of that age in Israel, the whole population may perhaps have amounted to at least three millions and a half. — 3. Shechem was the first capital of the new kingdom (1 IC. xii. 25), venerable for its traditions, and beautiful in its situation. Subse quently Tirzah became the royal residence, if not the capital, of Jeroboam (1 K. xiv. 17) and of his successors (xv. 33, xvi. 8, 17, 23). Samaria, uniting in itself the qualities of beauty and fertility, and a commanding position, was chosen by Omri (1 K. xvi. 24), and remained the capital of the kingdom until it had given the last proof of its strength by sustaining for three years the onset of the hosts of Assyria. Jezreel was probably only a royal residence of some of the Israelitish kings. 4. The disaffection of Ephraim and the northern tribes having grown in secret under the prosperous but burdensome reign of Solomon, broke out at the critical moment of that monarch's death. It was just then that Ephraim, the centre of the move ment, found in Jeroboam an instrument prepared to give expression to the rivalry of centuries. 5. The kingdom of Israel developed no new power. It was but a portion of David's kingdom deprived of many elements of strength. Its frontier was as open and as widely extended as before ; but it wanted a capital for the seat of organised power. Its territory was as fertile and as tempting to the spoiler, but its people were less united and patriotic. A corrupt religion poisoned the source of national 2 A 35-i ISRAEL, KINGDOM OP life. These causes tended to increase the misfor tunes, and to accelerate the early end of the king dom of Israel. It lasted 254 years, from B.C. 975 to B.C. 721, about two-thirds ofthe duration of its more compact neighbour Judah. But it may be doubted whether the division into two kingdoms greatly shortened the independent existence of the Hebrew race, or interfered with the purposes which, it is thought, may be traced in the establishment of David's monarchy.— 6. The detailed history of the kingdom of Israel will be found under the names of its nineteen kings. A summary view may be taken in four periods: — (a.) B.C. 975-929. Jero boam had not sufficient force of character in himself to make a lasting impression on his people. A king, but not a founder of a dynasty, he aimed at nothing beyond securing his present elevation. The army soon learned its power to dictate to the iso lated monarch and disunited people. Baasha, in the midst of the army at Gibbethon, slew the son and successor of Jeroboam ; Zimri, a captain of chariots, slew the son and successor of Baasha; Omri, the captain of the host, was chosen to punish Zimri ; and after a civil war of four years he pre vailed over Tibni, the choice of half the people. — (b.) B.C. 929-884. For forty-five years Israel was governed by the house of Omri. That sagacious king pitched on the strong hill of Samaria as the site of his capital. The princes of his house culti vated an alliance with the kings of Judah, which was cemented by the marriage of Jehoram and Athaliah. The adoption of Baal-worship led to a reaction in the nation, to the moral triumph of the prophets in the person of Elijah, and to the extinc tion of the house of Ahab in obedience to the bidding of Elisha.— (c.) B.C. 884-772. Unparalleled tri umphs, but deeper humiliation, awaited the king dom of Israel under the dynasty of Jehu. Hazael, the ablest king of Damascus, reduced Johoahaz to the condition of a vassal, and triumphed for a time over both the disunited Hebrew kingdoms. Almost the first sign of the restoration of their strength was a war between them ; and Jehoash, the grandson of Jehu, entered Jerusalem as the conqueror of Amaziah. Jehoash also turned the tide of war against the Syrians ; and Jeroboam II. , the most powerful of all the kings of Israel, cap tured Damascus, and recovered the whole ancient frontier from Hamath to the Dead Sea. This short lived greatness expired with the last king of Jehu's line. — (d.) B.C. 772-721. Military violence, it would seem, broke off the hereditary succession after the obscure and probably convulsed reign of Zachariah. An unsuccessful usurper, Shallum, is followed by the cruel Menahem, who, being unable to make head against the fii'st attack of Assyria under Pul, be came the agent of that monarch for the oppressive taxation of his subjects. Yet his power at home was sufficient to insure for his son and successor Pekahiah a ten years' reign, cut short by a bold usurper, Pekah. Abandoning the northern and transjordanic regions to the encroaching power of Assyria under Tiglath-Pileser, he was very near subjugating Judah, with the help of Damascus, now the coequal ally of Israel. But Assyria inter posing summarily put an end to the independence of Damascus, and perhaps was the indirect cause of the assassination of the baffled Pekah. The irre solute Hoshea, the next and last usurper, became tributary to his invader, Shalmaneser, betrayed the Assyrian to the rival monarchy of Egypt, aud was ISSACHAR punished by the loss of his liberty, and by the cap ture, after a three years' siege, of his strong capital, Samaria. Some gleanings of the ten tribes yet re mained in the land after so many years of religious- decline, moral debasement, national degradation anarchy, bloodshed, and deportation. Even these were gathered up by the conqueror and earned to Assyria, never again, as a distinct people, to occupy their portion of that goodly and pleasant land which their forefathers won under Joshua from the heathen. Is'raelite. In 2 Sara. xvii. 25, Ithra, the father of Amasa, is called " an Israelite," or more correctly " the Israelite," while in 1 Chr. ii. 17 he appears as " Jether the Ishmaelite." The latter is un doubtedly the true reading. Is'sachar, the ninth son of Jacob and the fifth of Leah ; the firstborn to Leah after the interval which occurred in the births of her children (Gen. xxx. 17 ; comp. xxix. 35). Of Issachar the indi vidual we know nothing. At the descent into Egypt four sons are ascribed to him, who founded the four chief families of the tribe (Gen. xlvi. 13; Num. xxvi. 23, 25; 1 Chr. vii. 1). Issachar's place during the journey to Canaan was on the east of the Tabernacle, with his brothers Judah and Zebulun (Num. ii. 5), the group moving foremost in the march (x. 15). Issachar was one of the sir tribes who were to stand on Mount Gerizim during the ceremony of blessing and cursing (Deut. xxvii. 12). He was still in company with Judah, Zebulun being opposite on Ebal. The number ofthe fight ing men of Issachar, when taken in the census at Sinai, was 54,400. During the journey they seem to have steadily increased. The allotment of Issa char lay above that of Manasseh (Josh. xix. 17-23). In the words of Josephus, " it extended in length from Carmel to the Jordan, in breadth to Mount Tabor." This territory was, as it still is, among the richest land in Palestine. Westward was the famous plain which derived its name from its fer tility. On the north is Tabor, which even under the burning sun of that climate is said to retain the glades and dells of an English wood. On the east, behind Jezreel, is the opening which conducts to the plain of the Jordan — to that Beth-shean which was proverbially among the Rabbis the gate of Paradise for its fruitfulness. It is this aspect of the territory of Issachar which appears to be alluded to in the Blessing of Jacob.— One among the Judges of Israel was from Issachar — TOLA (Judg. x. 1) — but beyond the length of his sway we have only the fact recorded that he resided out of the limits of his own tribe, at Shamir in Mount Ephraim. The census of the tribe taken in the reign of David has already been alluded to. It is contained in 1 Chr. vii. 1-5, and an expression occurs in it which testifies to the nomadic ten dencies above noticed. Out of the whole number of the tribe no less than 36,000 were marauding mercenary troops — " bands," — a term applied to no other tribe in this enumeration, though elsewhere to Gad, and uniformly to the irregular bodies of the Bedouin nations round Israel.— BAASHA, the son of Ahijah, of the house of Issachar, a member of the army with which Nadab and all Israel were besieging Gibbethon, apparently not of any stand ing iu the tribe (comp. 1 K. xvi. 2), slew the king, and himself mounted the throne (1 K. xv. 27, &c). He was evidently a fierce and warlike man (xvi. 29 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 1), and an idolater like Jeroboam. The Issacharite dynasty lasted during the 24 years ISSHIAH of his reign and the two of his son Elah.— One-more notice of Issachar remains to be added to the meagre information already collected, and distant as Jezreel was from Jerusalem, they took part in the pass- over with which Hezekiah sanctified the opening of his reign (2 Chr. xxxi. 1).— 2. A Korhite Levite, one of the doorkeepers of the house of Jehovah, seventh son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5). Isshi'ah. 1. A descendant of Moses by his younger son Eliezer (1 Chr. xxiv. 21 ; comp. xxiii. 17, xxvi. 25). — 2. A Levite of the house of Kohath and family of Uzziel (1 Chr. xxiv. 25). Issue, Running-. The texts Lev. xv. 2, 3, xxii. 4, Num. v. 2, and Sam. iii. 29, are probably to be interpreted of gonorrhoea. In Lev. xv. 3 a distinc tion is introduced, which merely means that the cessation of the actual flux does not constitute cere monial cleanness, but that the patient must bide the legal time, seven days (ver. 13), and perform the prescribed purifications and sacrifice (ver. 14). Istalcu'rus. In 1 Esd. viii. 40, the " son of Istalcurus" is substituted for "and Zabbud" of the corresponding list in Ezra viii. 14. Is'uah, second son of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 30). Is'ui, third son of Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17), founder of a family called after bim, though in the A. V. appearing as THE Jesuites (Num. xxvi. 44). If aiy. This word is used in the N. T. in the usual sense of the period, i. e. in its true geogra phical sense, as denoting the whole natural penin sula between the Alps and the Straits of Messina. Itha'i, a Benjamite, son of Ribai of Gibeah, one ofthe heroes of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 31). Ith'amar, the youngest son of Aaron (Ex. vi. 23). After the deaths of Nadab and Abihu (Lev. x. 1), Eleazar and Ithamar were appointed to succeed to their places in the priestly office (Ex. xxviii. 1, 40, 43 ; Num. iii. 3, 4; 1 Chr. xxiv. 2). In the dis tribution of services belonging to the Tabernacle, and its transport on the march of the Israelites, the Gershonites and the Merarites were placed nnder the superintendence of Ithamar (Ex. xxxviii. 21 ; Num. iv. 2L-33). The high-priesthood passed into the family of Ithamar in the person of Eli, but for what reason we are not informed. Ith'iel. 1. A Benjamite, son of Jesaiah (Neh. xi. 7).— 2. One of two persons — Ithiel and Ucal — to whom Agur ben-Jakeh delivered his discourse (Prov. xxx. 1). Ith'mah, a Moabite, one of the heroes of David's guai'd (1 Chr. xi. 46). I th'nan, one of the towns in the extreme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 23). No trace of its existence has yet been discovered. IthTa, an Israelite (2 Sam. xvii. 25) or Ish- maelite (1 Chr. ii. 17), the father of Amasa by Abigail, David's sister. Ith'ran. 1. A son of Dishon, a Horite (Gen. xxxi. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 41) : and probably a phylarch of a tribe of the Horim (Gen. xxxvi. 30).— 2. A descendant of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 30-40). Ith'ream, son of David, born to him in Hebron, and distinctly specified as the sixth, and as the child of Eglah, David's wife (2 Sam. iii. 5 ; 1 Chr. iii. 3). Ith/rite, the. The designation of two of the members of David's guard, Ira and Gareb (2 Sam. xxiii. 38 ; 1 Chr. xi. 40). They may have come from Jattir, in the mountains of Judah. It'tah-ka'zin, one of the landmarks of the boundary of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 13). It has not been identified. IVORY 355 Ittai. 1. " Ittai the Gittite," i. e. the native of Gath, a Philistine in the army of King David. He appears only during the revolution of Absalom. We first discern him on the morning of David's flight. Last in the procession came the 600 heroes who had formed David's band during his wanderings in Judah, and had been with him at Gath (2 Sam. xv. 18 ; comp. 1 Sam. xxiii. 13, xxvii. 2, xxx. 9, 10). Amongst these, apparently commanding them, was Ittai the Gittite (ver. 19). He caught the eye of the king, who at once ad dressed him and besought him not to attach himself to a doubtful cause, but to return " with his brethren" and abide with the king (19, 20). Bnt Ittai is firm ; he is the king's slave, and wherever his master goes he will go. Accordingly he is allowed by David to proceed. When the army was numbered and organised by David at Maha- naim, Ittai again appears, now in command of a third part of the force (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 5, 12).— 2. Son of Ribai, from Gibeah of Benjamin ; one ofthe thirty heroes of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 29). Iturae'a, a small province on the north-western border of Palestine, lying along the base of Mount Hermon, only mentioned in Luke iii. 1. Jetur the son of Ishmael gave his name, like the rest of his brethren, to the little province he colonised (Gen. xxv. 15, 16). Ituraea, with the adjoining provinces, fell into the hands of a chief called Zenodorus; but about B.C. 20, they were taken from him by the Roman emperor, and given to Herod the Great, who bequeathed them to his son Philip (Luke iii. 1). Pliny rightly places Ituraea north of Bashan and near Damascus (v. 23) ; and J. de Vitry describes it as adjoining Trachonitis, and lying along the base of Libanus between Tibe rias and Damascus. At the place indicated is situated the modern province of Jedur, which is just the Arabic form of the Hebrew Jetur. It is bounded on the east by Trachonitis, on the south by Gaulanitis, on the west by Hermon, and on the north by the plain of Damascus. It is table-land with an undulating surface, and has little conical and cup-shaped hills at intervals. The surface of the ground is covered with jagged rocks. The rock is all basalt, and the formation similar to that of the Lejah. [Argob.] Jedur contains thirty- eight towns and villages, ten of which are now entirely desolate, and all the rest contain only a few families of poor peasants, living in wretched hovels amid heaps of ruins. I'vah, or Ava, which is mentioned in Scripture twice (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13; comp. Is. xxxvii. 13) in connexion with Hena and Sepharvaim, and once (2 K. xvii. 24) in connexion with Babylon and Cuthah, must be sought in Babylonia, and is pro bably identical with the modern Hit. This town lay on the Euphrates, between Sippara (Sephar vaim) and Anah (Hena), with which it seems to have been politically united shortly before the time of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 13). It is probably the Ahava of Ezra (viii. 15). Ivory (Heb. slien, in all passages, except 1 K. x. 22, and 2 Chr. ix. 21, where shenhabbim is so rendered). The word shin literally signifies the " tooth " of any animal, and hence more especially denotes the substance of the projecting tusks of elephants. It is remarkable that no word in Biblical Hebrew denotes an elephant, unless the latter portion of the compound shenhabbim be supposed to have this meaning. Gesenius derives it from the Sanscrit 2 A 2 356 IVY iWios, " an elephant." The Assyrians appear to have carried on a great traffic in ivory. Their early conquests in India had made them familiar with it, and (according to one rendering of the passage) their artists supplied the luxurious Tyrians with carvings in ivory from the isles of Chittim (Ez. xxvii. 6). On the obelisk in the British Museum the captives or tribute-bearers are repre sented as carrying tusks. Among the merchandise of Babylon, enumerated in Rev. xviii. 12, are in cluded "all manner vessels of ivory." The skilled workmen of Hiram, king of Tyre, fashioned the great ivory throne of Solomon, and overlaid it with pure gold (1 K. x. 18 ; 2 Chr. ix. 17). The ivory thus employed was supplied by the caravans ot Dedan (Is. xxi. 13 ; Ez. xxvii. 15), or was brought with apes and peacocks by the navy of Tharshish (1 K. x. 22). The Egyptians, at a very early period, made use of this material in decoration. The ivory used by the Egyptians was principally brought from Ethiopia (Herod, iii. 114), though their elephants were originally from Asia. The Ethiopians, according to Diodorus Siculus. (i. 55), brought to Sesostris " ebony and gold, and the teeth of elephants." According to Pliny (viii. 10), ivory was so plentiful on the borders of Ethiopia that the natives made door-posts of it, and even fences and stalls for their cattle. The Egyptian merchants traded for ivory and onyx stones to Barygaza, the port to which was carried down the commerce of Western India from Ozene {Peripl. c. 49). In the early ages of Greece ivory was frequently employed for purposes of ornament. The "ivory house "of Ahab (1 K. xxii. 39) was probably a palace, the walls of which were panelled with ivory, like the palace of Menelaus described by Homer ( Odys. iv. 73). Beds inlaid or veneered with ivory were in use among the Hebrews (Am. vi. 4), as also among the Egyptians. The great ivory throne of Solomon, the work ofthe Tyrian craftsmen, has been already mentioned (cf. Rev. xx. 11); but it is difficult to determine whether the " tower of ivory " of Cant. vii. 4 is merely a figure of speech, or whether it had its original among the things that were. By the luxurious Phoenicians ivory was employed to ornament the boxwood rowing benches (or "hatches " according to some) of their galleys (Ez. xxvii. 6). Ivy, the common Hedera helix, of which the ancient Greeks and Romans describe two or three kinds, which appear to be only varieties. Mention of this plant is made only iu 2 Mace. vi. 7. Iz'ehar. The form in which the name Izhar is given iu the A. V. of Num. iii. 19 only. Iz'eharites, the. A family of Kohathite Levites, descended from Izhar the son of Kohath (Num. iii. 27) : called also in the A. V. " Izharites." Izhar, son of Kohath, grandson of Levi, uncle of Aaron and Moses, and father of Korah (Ex. vi. 18, 21 ; Num. iii. 19, xvi. 1 ; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 18). Izhar was the head of the family of the Izharites or Izeharites (Num. iii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23, 29). Iz'harites, the. The same as the preceding (1 Chr. xxiv. 22, xxvi. 23, 30). Izrahi'ah, a man of Issachar, one of the Bene- Uzzi (1 Chr. vii. 3). Iz'rahite, the, the designation of Shamhuth (1 Chr. xxvii. 8). Its real force is probably Zerahite, that is, from the great Judaic family of Zerah. Iz'ri, a Levite leader of the fourth course or ward in the service of the house of God (1 Chr. xxv. 11). In ver. 3 he is called Zebi. JABAL Ja'akan, the same as Jakan, the forefather of the Bene-Jaakan (Deut. x. 6). Jaako'bah, one of the princes of the families of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 36). Ja'ala. Bene-Jaala were among the descendants of" Solomon's slaves" who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 58). The name also occurs as Ja'alah, Ezr. ii. 56. Ja'alain, a son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, 18 ; comp. 1 Chr. i. 35), and a phylarch (A. V. " duke ") or head of a tribe of Edom. Jaana'i. A chief man in the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 12). Ja'are-Or'egim, according to the present text of 2 Sam. xxi. 19, a Bethlehemite, and the father of Elhanan who slew Goliath. In the parallel passage, 1 Chr. xx. 5, besides other differences, Jair is found instead of Jaare, and Oregim is omitted. The con clusion of Kennicott appears a just one — that in the latter place it has been interpolated from the former, and that Jair or Jaor is the correct reading instead of Jaare. Jaasa'u, one of the Bene-Bani who had married a foreign wife, and had to put her away (Ezr. x. 37). Jaa'siel, son of the great Abner (1 Chr. xxvii. 21). Jaazani'ah. 1. One of the captains of the forces who accompanied Johanan ben-Kareah to pay his respects to Gedaliah at Mizpah (2 K. xxv. 23), and who appears afterwards to have assisted in recovering Ishmael's prey from his clutches (comp. Jer. xii. 11). After that he probably went to Egypt with the rest (Jer. xliii. 4, 5).— 2. Son of Shaphan (Ez. viii. 11). It is possible that he is identical with— 3. Son of Aznr; one of the princes of the people against whom Ezekiel was directed to prophesy (Ez. xi. 1).— 4. A Rechabite, son of Jeremiah (Jer. xxxv. 3). Ja'azer or Jazer. A town on the east of Jordan, in or near to Gilead (Num. xxxii. 1, 3 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 31). We first hear of it in possession of the Amorites, and as taken by Israel after Heshbon, and on their way from thence to Bashan (Num. xxi. 32). It seems to have given its name to a district of dependent or "daughter" towns (Num. xxi. 32, A. V. " villages ;" 1 Mace. v. 8), the " land of Jazer " (Num. xxxii. 1). Jazer was known to Eusebius and Jerome, and its position is laid down with minuteness in the Onomasficoii as 10 (or 8) Roman miles west of Philadelphia {Amm&n), and 15 from Heshbon, and as the source of a river which falls into the Jordan. Sztr, or Seir, is shown on the map of Van de Velde as 9 Roman miles W. of Amman, and about 12 from Heshbon. And here, until further investigation, we must be content to place Jazer. Jaazi'ah, apparently a third son, or a descendant, of Merari the Levite (1 Chr. xxiv. 26, 27). Jaa'ziel, one of the Levites ofthe second order who were appointed by David to perform the musical service before the ark (l.Chr. xv. 18). _ JaTjal, the son of Lamech and Adah (Gen. iv. 20) and brother of Jubal. He is described as the father of such as dwell in tents and have cattle. JABBOK Jab'bok, a stream which intersects the moun tain-range of Gilead (comp. Josb. xii. 2, and 5), aud falls into the Jordan about midway between the sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea. It was an ciently the border of the children of Ammon (Num. xxi. 24; Deut. ii. 37, iii. 16). When the Am monites were driven out by Sihon from their an cient territory, they took possession of the eastern plain, and of a considerable section of the eastern defiles of Gilead, around the sources and upper branches of the Jabbok. It was on the south bank of the Jabbok the interview took place between Jacob and Esau (Gen. xxxii. 22) ; and this river afterwards became, towards its western part, the boundary between the kingdoms of Sihon and Og (Josh. xii. 2, 5). Its modern name is Wadg Zwka. Ja'besh. 1. Father of Shallum, the 15th king of Israel (2 K. xv. 10, 13, 14).— 2. The short fbi-m of the name Jabesh-Gilead (1 Chr. *. 12 only). Jab'esh-Gil'ead, or Jabesh in the territory of Gilead. In its widest sense Gilead included the half tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. xxvii. 21) as well as the tribes of Gad and Reuben (Num. xxxii. 1-42) east of the Jordan — and of the cities of Gilead, Jabesh was the chief. It is first mentioned in Judg. xxi. 8-14. Being attacked subsequently by Nahash the Ammonite, it gave Saul an opportunity of displaying his prowess in its defence (1 Sam. xi. 1-15). As to the site of the city, it is not defined in the 0. T., but Eusebius places it beyond Jordan, 6 miles from Pella on the mountain-road to Gerasa ; where its name is probably preserved in the Wady Yabes, which, flowing from the east, enters the Jordan below Bethshan or Scythopolis. According to Dr. Robinson, the ruin ed-Deir, on the S. side of the Wady, still marks its site. Ja'bez, apparently a place at which the families of the scribes resided, who belonged to the fami lies of the Kenites (1 Chr. ii. 55).— 2. The name occurs again in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 9, 10), in a passage of remarkable detail in serted in a genealogy again connected with Bethle hem (ver. 4). Jabez was " more honourable than his brethren," though who they were is not ascer tainable. Ja'bin. 1. King of Hazor, who organised a con federacy ofthe northern princes against the Israelites (Josh. xi. 1-3). He assembled an army, which the Scripture narrative merely compares to the sands for multitude (ver. 4). Joshua surprised this vast host of allied forces by the waters of Merom (ver. 7) and utterly routed them. During the ensuing ware, Joshua again attacked Jabin aud burnt his city (xi. 1-14). — 2. A king of Hazor, whose general Sisera was defeated by Barak, whose army is de scribed in much the same terms as that of his predecessor (Judg. iv. 3, 13), and who suffered precisely the same fate. Independent considera tions tend to prove that those two chiefs were con temporaries ; and we are therefore led to regard the two accounts of the destruction of Hazor and Jabin as really applying to the same monarch, and the same event. Jab'neel. 1. One of the points on the northern boundary of Judah, not quite at the sea, though near it (Josh. xv. 11). There is no sign, however, of its ever having been occupied by Judah. Jose phus attributes it to the Danites. There was a constant struggle going on between that tribe and JACOB 357 the Philistines for the possession of all the places in the lowland plains, and it is not surprising that the next time we meet with Jabneel it should be in the hands of the latter (2 Chr. xxvi. 6). Uzziah dispossessed them of it, and demolished its fortifica tions. Here it is in the shorter form of Jabheh. In its Greek garb, Iamnia, it is frequently men tioned in the Maccabees (1 Mace. iv. 1 5, v. 58, x. 69, xv. 40), in whose time it was again a strong place. At this time there was a harbour on the coast, to which, and the vessels lying there, Judas set fire (2 Mace. xii. 9). At the time of the fall of Jerusalem, Jabneh was one of the most populous places of Judaea. The modern village of Yebna, more accurately Ibna, stands about two miles from the sea on a slight eminence just south of the Nahr Rubin. It is about 11 miles south oi Jaffa, 7 from Ramleh, and 4 from Akir (Ekron). It probably occupies its ancient site.— 2. One of the landmarks on the boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33 only). Little or no clue can be got to its situation. Doubt less it is the same place which, as Iamnia aud Iamnith, is mentioned by Josephus among the villages in Upper Galilee. Jah'neh, 2 Chr. xxvi. 6. [Jabneel.] Ja'chan, one of seven chief men of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 13). Ja'chin, one of the two pillars which were set up "in the porch" (1 K. vii. 21) or before the temple (2 Chr. iii. 17) of Solomon. Ja'chin. 1. Fourth son of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15); founder of the family of the Jachinites (Num. xxvi. 12).— 2. Head of the 21st course of priests in the time of David. Some of the course returned from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 10, xxiv. 17; Neh.xi. 10). Ja'chinites, the. The family founded by Jachin, son of Simeon (Num. xxvi. 12). Jacinth, a precious stone, forming one of the foundations of the walls of the new Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 20). It seems to be identical with the Hebrew leshem (A. V. " ligure," Ex. xxviii. 19). The jacinth or hyacinth is a red variety of zircon, which is found in square prisms, of a white, grey, red, reddish-brown, yellow, or pale-green colour. The expression in Rev. ix. 17, "of jacinth," applied to the breast-plate, is descriptive simply of a hya- cinthine, i. e. dark-purple colour. Ja'cob, the second son of Isaac and Rebekah. He was born with Esau, when Isaac was 59 and Abraham 159 years old, probably at the well Lahai-roi. His history is related in the latter half of the book of Genesis. He bought the birthright from his brother Esau ; and afterwards, at 'his mother's instigation, acquired the blessing intended for Esau, by practising a well-known deceit on Isaac. Hitherto the two sons shared the wander ings of Isaac in the South Country ; but now Jacob in his 78th year was sent from the family home, to avoid his brother, and to seek a wife amoncr his kindred in Padan-aram. As he passed through Bethel, God appeared to him. After the lapse of 21 years he returned from Padan-aram with two wives, two concubines, eleven sons, and a daughter, and, large property. He escaped from the angry pursuit of Laban, from a meeting with Esau, and from the vengeance of the Canaanites provoked by the murder of Shechem ; and in each of those three emergencies he was aided and strengthened by the interposition of God, and in sign of the grace won by a night of wrestling with God his name was 358 JACUBUS changed at Jabbok into Israel. Deborah and Rachel died before he reached Hebron ; and it was at Hebron, in the 122nd year of his age, that he and Esau buried their father Isaac. Joseph, the favourite son of Jacob, was sold into Egypt eleven years be fore the death of Isaac ; and Jacob had probably exceeded his 130th year when he went thither, being encouraged in a divine vision as he passed for the last time through Beersheba. He was pre sented to Pharaoh, and dwelt for seventeen years in Rameses and Goshen. After giving his solemn blessing to Ephraim and Manasseh, and his own sons one by one, and charging the ten to complete their reconciliation with Joseph, he died in his 147th year. His body was embalmed, carried with great care and pomp into the land of Canaan, and deposited with his fathers, and his wife Leah, in the cave of Machpelah.— The example of Jacob is quoted by the first and the last of the minor pro phets. Hosea, in the latter days of the kingdom, seeks (xii. 3, 4, 12) to convert the descendants of Jacob from their state of alienation from God, by recalling to their memory the repeated acts of God's favour shown to their ancestor. And Malachi (i. 2) strengthens the desponding hearts of the re turned exiles by assuring them that the love which God bestowed upon Jacob was not withheld from them. Besides the frequent mention of his name in conjunction with those of the other two Patri archs, there are distinct references to events in the life of Jacob in four books ofthe N. T. In. Rom. ix. 11-13, St. Paul adduces the history of Jacob's birth to prove that the favour of God is independent of the order of natural descent. In Heb. xii. 16, and xi. 21, the transfer of the birthright and Jacob's dying benediction are referred to. His vision at Bethel, and his possession of land at Shechem are cited in St. John i. 51, and iv. 5, 12. And St. Stephen, in his speech (Acts vii. 12, 16), mentions the famine which was the means of restoring Jacob to his lost' son in Egypt, and the burial of the patriarch in Shechem. Such are the events of Jacob's life recorded in Scripture. Jacu/bus, 1 Esd. ix. 48. [Akkub, 4.] Ja'da, son of Onam, and brother of Shammai, in the genealogy ofthe sons of Jerahmeel by his wife Atarah (1 Chr. ii. 28, 32). Jada'u, one of the Bene-Nebo who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 43). Jaddu'a, son, and successor in the high-priest hood, of Jonathan or Johanan. He is the last of the high-priests mentioned in the 0. T., and pro bably altogether the latest name in the canon (Neh. xii. 11, 22). All that we learn concerning him in Scripture is the fact of his being the son of Jona than, and high-priest. We gather also pretty cer tainly that he was priest in the reign of the last Persian king Darius, and that he was still high- priest after the Persian dynasty was overthrown, i. e. in the reign of Alexander the Great. Jaddu'a, one of the chief of the people, t. e. of the laymen, who sealed the covenant with Nehe miah (Neh. x. 21). Ja'don, the Meronothite, who assisted to repair the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 7). Ja'el, the wife of Heber the Kenite. In the headlong rout which followed the defeat of the Canaanites by Barak, Sisera, abandoning his chariot the more easily to avoid notice, fled unattended, and in an opposite direction from that taken by his army, to the tent of the Kenite chieftainess. He JAHAZ accepted Jael's invitation to enter, and she flumr a mantle over him as he lay wearily on the floor. When thirst prevented sleep, and he asked for water she brought him buttermilk in her choicest vessel, thus ratifying with the semblance of officious zeal the sacred bond of Eastern hospitality. At last with a feeling of perfect security, the weary general resigned himself to the deep sleep of misery and fatigue. Then it was that Jael took in her left hand one of the great wooden pins which fastened down the cords of the tent, and in her right hand the mallet used to drive it into the ground, and with one terrible blow dashed it through Sisera's temples deep into the earth. With one spasm of fruitless agony, "at her feet he bowed, he fell dead " (Judg. v. 27). She then waited to meet the pursuing Barak, and led him into her tent that she might in his presence claim the glory of the deed ! Many have supposed that by this act she fulfilled the saying of Deborah, that God would sell Sisera into the hand of a woman (Judg. iv. 9 ; Joseph. Ant. v. 5, §4) ; and hence they have supposed that Jael was actuated by some divine and hidden influence. But the Bible gives no hint of such an inspiration. If therefore we eliminate the still more monstrous supposition of the Rabbis that Sisera was slain by Jael because he attempted to offer her violence, the murder will appear in all its atrocity. Jagur, a town of Judah, one of those furthest to the south, on the frontier of Edom (Josh. xv. 21). Jab., the abbreviated form of " Jehovah," used only in poetry. It occurs frequently in the He brew, but with a single exception- (Ps. lxviii. 4) is rendered " Lord" in the A. V. The identity of Jah and Jehovah is strongly marked in two pas sages of Isaiah (xii. 2, xxvi. 4), the force of which is greatly weakened by the English rendering " the Lord." The former of these should be translated " for my strength and song is Jah Jehovah " (comp. Ex. xv. 2) ; and the latter, " trust ye in Jehovah for ever, for in Jah Jehovah is the rock of ages." " Praise ye the Lord," or Hallelujah, should be in all cases "praise ye Jah." In Ps. lxxxix. 8 [9] Jah stands in a parallelism with " Jehovah the God of hosts" in a passage which is wrongly translated in our version. It should be " Oh Jehovah, God of hosts, who hke thee is strong, 0 Jah ! " Ja'hath. 1. Son of Libni, the son of Gershom, the son of Levi (1 Chr. vi. 20).— 2. Head of a later house in the family of Gerahom, being the eldest son of Shimei, the son of Laadan (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, 11).— 3. A man in the genealogy of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 2), son of Reaiah ben-Shobal.— 4. A Levite, son of Shelomoth (1 Chr. xxiv. 22).— 5. A Merarite Levite in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). Ja'haz, also Jaha'za, Jaha'zah, and Jah'zah. Under these four forms are given in the A. V. the name of a place which in the Hebrew appeal's as Yahats and Yahtsah. At Jahaz the decisive battle was fought between the children of Israel and Sihon king of the Amorites, which ended in the overthrow of the latter, and in the occupation by Israel of the whole pastoral country included between tlie Arnon and the Jabbok, the Belka of the modern Arabs (Num. xxi. 23 ; Deut. ii. 32 ; Judg. xi. 20). It was in the allotment of Eeuben (Josh. xiii. 18). Like many others relating to the places East of tho Dead Sea, this question must await further research. JAHAZA Ja'haza, Josh. xiii. 18. [Jahaz.] Ja'hazah, Josh. xxi. 36 ; Jer. xlviii. 21. [Ja- ¦HAZ.] Jahazi'ah, son of Tikvah, apparently a priest (Ezr. x. 15). Jaha'ziel. 1. One of the heroes of Benjamin who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 4).— 2. A priest in the reign of David (1 Chr. xvi. 6).— 3. A Kohathite Levite, third son of Hebron (1 Chr. xxiii. 19 ; xxiv. 23).— 4. Son of Zechariah, a Levite of the Bene-Asaph in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14).— 5. The " son of Jahaziel " was 'the chief of the Bene-Shecaniah who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 5). Jahda'i, a man who appeal's to be thrust ab- :ruptly into the genealogy of Caleb, as the father of six sons (1 Chr. ii. 47). Jah'diel, a chieftain of Manasseh on the east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). Jah'do, a Gadite (1 Chr. v. 14), son of Buz and father of Jeshishai. Jah'leel, the third of the three sons of Zebulun (Gen. xlvi. 14 ; Num. xxvi. 26), founder of the family ofthe Jahleelites. Jah'leelites, the. A branch of the tribe of Zebulon, descendants of Jahleel (Num. xxvi. 26). Jahma'i, a man of Issachar, one of the heads of the house of Tolah (1 Chr. vii. 2). Jah'zah, 1 Chr. vi. 78. [Jahaz.] Jah zeel, the first of the four sons of Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 24), founder of the family of the Jahzeelites (Num. xxvi. 48). Jah'zeelites, the. A branch ofthe Naphtalites, •descended from Jahzeel (Num. xxvi. 48). Jahze'rah, a priest of the house of Immer (1 Chr. ix. 12). Jah'ziel, the same as Jahzeel (1 Chr. vii. 13). Ja'ir. 1. A man who on his father's side was descended from Judah, and on his mother's from Manasseh. During the conquest he performed one of the chief feats recorded. He took the whole of the tract of Argob (Deut. iii. 14), and in addition possessed himself of some nomad villages in Gilead, •which he called after his own name, HAVVOTH- Jair (Num. xxxii. 41 ; 1 Chr. ii. 23).— 2. " JAIR the Gileadite," who judged Israel for two-and- twenty years (Judg. x. 3-5). He had thirty sons who rode thirty asses, and possessed thirty cities in the land of Gilead, which, like those of their name sake, were called Havvoth-Jair. Possibly the ori ginal twenty-three formed part of these. — 3. A Ben jamite, son of Kish and father of Mordecai (Esth. ii. 5).— 4. The father of Elhanan, one of the heroes of David's army (1 Chr. xx. 5). Ja'irite, the. Ira the Jairite was a priest (A. V. " chief ruler") to David (2 Sam. xx. 26). Jai'rus. 1. A ruler of a synagogue, probably in some town near the western shore of the sea of Galilee (Matt. ix. 18 ; Mark v. 22 ; Luke viii. 41). —2. Esth. xi. 2. [Jair, 3.] Ja'kan, son of Ezer the Horite (1 Chr. i. 42). The same as Jaakan. And see Akan. Ja'keh. The A. V. of Prov. xxx. 1 has repre sented this as the proper name of the father of Agur, whose sayings are collected in Prov. xxx., and such is the natural interpretation. But beyond this we have no clue to the existence of either Agur or Jakeh. Of course if Agur be Solomon, it follows that Jakeh was a name of David of some mystical significance; but for this there is not a shadow of support. If Jakeh be the name of a JAMES 359 person, as there is every reason to believe, we know nothing more about him ; if not, there is no limit to the symbolical meanings which may be extracted from the clause in which it occurs, and which change with the ever-shifting ground of the critic's point of view. Hitzig makes Agur and Lemuel brothel's, both sons of a queen of Massa, the latter being the reigning monarch (Prov. xxxi. 1). The Heb. massd, "prophecy" or " burden," is considered as- a proper name, and identical with the region named Massa in Arabia. Ja'Mm. 1. Head of the 12th course of priests in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 12).— 2. A Benjamite, one of the Bene-Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19). Jalon, one of the sons of Ezra (1 Chr. iv. 17). Jam'bres. [See Jaknes and Jambres.] Jam'bd. Shortly after the death of Judas Mac cabaeus (B.C. 161), " the children of Jambri" are said to have made a predatory attack on a detach ment ofthe Maccabaean forces (1 Mace. ix. 36-41). The name does not occur elsewhere. It has been conjectured that the original text was " the sons of the Amorites." James. 1. James the Son of Zebedee. This is the only one of the Apostles of whose life and death we can write with certainty. Of his early life we know nothing. We first hear of him A.D. 27, when he was called to be our Lord's disciple; and he disappears from view A.D. 44, when he suf fered martyrdom at the hands of Herod Agrippa I.— I. His history. — In the spring or summer of the year 27, Zebedee, a fisherman (Mark i. 20), was out on the Sea of Galilee with his two sons, James and John, and some boatmen. He was engaged in his customary occupation of fishing, and near him was another boat belonging to Simon and Andrew, with whom he and his sons were in partnership. Finding themselves unsuccessful, the occupants of both boats came ashore, and began to wash their nets. At this time the new Teacher appeared upon the beach. At His call they left all, and became, once and for ever, His disciples, hereafter to catch men. For a full year we lose sight of St. James. He is then, in the spring of 28, called to the apostle ship with his eleven brethren (Matt. x. 2 ; Mark iii. 14 ; Luke vi. 13 ; Acts i. 13). In the list of the Apostles given us by St. Mark, and in the book of Acts, his name occurs next to that of Simon Peter : in the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke it comes third. It is worthy of notice that with one exception (Luke ix. 28), the name of James is put before that of John, and that John is twice de scribed as "the brother of James" (Mark v. 37; Matt. xvii. 1). This would appear to imply that at this time James, either from age or character, took a higher position than his brother. It would seem to have been at the time of the appointment of the twelve Apostles that the name of Boanerges was given to the sons of Zebedee. The " Sons ot Thunder" had a burning and impetuous spirit, which twice exhibits itself in its unchasteued form (Luke ix. 54 ; Mark x. 37). The first occasion on which this natural character manifests itself in St. James and his brother is at the commencement of our Lord's last journey to Jerusalem in the year 30. He was passing through Samaria, and " sent mes sengers before his face" into a certain village, " to make ready for him " (Luke ix. 52), «. e. in all probability to announce him as the Messiah. The Samaritans, with their old jealousy strong upon 360 JAMES them , refused to receive him ; and in their exaspe ration James and John entreated their Master to follow the example of Elijah, and call down tire to consume them. At the end of the same journey a similar spirit appears again (Mark x. 35). From the time of the Agony in the Garden, A.D. 30, to the time of his martyrdom, A.D. 44, we know nothing of St. James, except that after the Ascension he persevered in prayer with the other Apostles, and the women, and the Lord's brethren (Acts i. 13). In the year 44 Herod Agrippa I., son of Aristobulus, was ruler of all the dominions which at the death of his grandfather, Herod the Great, had been divided between Archelaus, Antipas, Philip, and Lysanias. Policy and inclination would alike lead such a monarch " to lay hands " (Acts xii. 1) "on certain ofthe church;" aud accord ingly, when the Passover of the year 44 had brought St. James and St. Peter to Jerusalem,. he seized them both.— II. Chronological recapitula tion. — In the spring or summer of the year 27 James was called to be a disciple of Christ. In the spring of 28 he was appointed one of the Twelve Apostles, and at that time probably received, with his brother, the title of Boanerges. In the autumn of the same year he was admitted to the miraculous raising of Jairus's daughter. In the spring of the year 29 he witnessed the Transfiguration. Very early in the year 30 he urged his Lord to call down fire from heaven to consume the Samaritan village. About three months later in the same year, just before the final arrival in Jerusalem, he and his brother made their ambitious request through their mother Salome. On the night before the Cruci fixion he was present at the Agony in the Garden. On the day of the Ascension he is mentioned as persevering with the rest of the Apostles and dis ciples in prayer. Shortly before the day of the Passover, in the year 44, he was put to death. Thus during fourteen out of the seventeen years that elapsed between his call and his death we do not even catch a glimpse of him. — 2. James the Son of Alphaeus. Matt. x. 3 ; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi. 15 ; Acts i. 13. — 3. James the Brother of the Lord. Matt. xiii. 55 ; Mark vi. 3 ; Gal. i. 19.— 4. James the Son of Mary. Matt, xxvii. 56 ; Luke xxiv. 10. Also called THE Little. Mark xv. 40. — 5. James the Brother of Jude. Jude 1. — 6. James the Brother (?) of Jude. Luke vi. 16 ; Acts i. 13. — 7. James. Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, xxi. 18 ; 1 Cor. xv. 7 ; Gal. ii. 9, 12.— 8. James the Servant of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ. James i. 1. St. Paul identifies for us Nos. 3. and 7. (see Gal. ii. 9 and 12 compared with i. ] 9). If we may translate 'loiSas 'latciiflov, Judas the brother, rather than the son of James, we may conclude that 5. and 6. are identical. We may identify 5. and 6. with 3., because we know that James the Lord's brother had a brother named Jude. We may identify 4. with 3., because we know James the son of Mary had a brother named Joses, and so also had James the Lord's brother. Thus there remain two only, James the son of Alphaeus (2.), and James the brother ofthe Lord (3.). Can we, or can we not, identify them ? This requires a longer consideration. By com paring Matt, xxvii. 56 and Mark xv. 40, with John xix. 25, we find that the Virgin Mary had a sister named like herself, Mary, who was the wife of Clopas, and who had two sons, James the Little and Joses. By referring to Matt. xiii. 55 and Mark JAMES vi. 3, we find that a James and a Joses, with two other brethren called Jude and Simon, and at least three sisters, were living with the Virgin Mary at Nazareth. By referring to Luke vi. 16 and Acts i. 13, we find that there were two brethren named James and Jude among the Apostles. It would certainly be natural to think that we had here but one family of four brothers and three or more sisters, the children of Clopas and Mary, nephews and nieces of the Virgin Mary. There are diffi culties, however, in the way of this conclusion. For, 1 . the four brethren in Matt. xiii. 55 are de scribed as the brothers of Jesus, not as His cousins- 2. they are found hving as at their home with the Virgin Mary, which seems unnatural if she were their aunt, their mother being, as we know, still alive ; 3. the James of Luke vi. 15 is described as the son not of Clopas, but of Alphaeus ; 4. the " brethren of the Lord " appear to be excluded from the Apostolic band by their declared unbelief in his Messiahship (John vii. 3-5), and by being formally distinguished from the disciples by the Gospel- writers (Matt. xii. 48 ; Mark iii. 33 ; John ii. 12 ; Acts i. 14) ; 5. James and Jude are not designated' as the Lord's brethren in the list of the Apostles ; 6. Mary is designated as the mother of James anil Joses, whereas she would have been called mother of James and Jude, had James and Jude been Apostle3, and Joses not an Apostle (Matt, xxvii. 46). The following answers maybe given: — Objection 1. — " They are called brethren." Now it is clearly not necessary to understand a5eAK rVilK fVnS, ehyeh asher ehyeli); and he said, Thus shalt thou say unto the children of Israel, I AM hath sent me unto you." That this passage is intended to indicate the etymology of Jehovah, as understood by the. Hebrews, no one has ventured to doubt : it is in fact the key to the whole mystery. But, though it certainly supplies the etymology, the interpretation must be determined from other considerations. According to this view then, mil* must be the 3rd sing. masc. fut. of the substantive verb n*n, the older form of which was Din. Of the many punctuations which have been proposed, the most correct appear to be flin* or HW, and we accept the former, i. e. Yahdveh, as the more probable, continuing at the same time for the sake of convenience to adopt the form " Jehovah " in what follows, on account of its familiarity to Eng lish readers. The next point for consideration is of vastly more importance : what is the meaning of 2 B 370 JEHOVAH Jehovah, and what does it express of the being and nature of God, more than or in distinction from the other names applied to the deity in the 0. T. ? Elohim is used in many cases of the gods of the heathen, who included in the same title the God of the Hebrews, and denoted generally the Deity when spoken of a supernatural being, and when no na tional feeling influenced the speaker. But, although the distinction between Elohim, as the general ap pellation of Deity, and Jehovah, the national God of the Israelites, contains some superficial truth, the real nature of their difference must be sought for far deeper, and as a foundation for the argu ments which will be adduced recourse must again be had to etymology. With regard to the deriva tion of Elohim, etymologists are divided in their opinions ; some connecting it with el, and the un used root, 61, "to be strong." From whatever root, however, the word may be derived, most are of opinion that the primary idea contained in it is that of strength, power; so that Elohim is the proper appellation of the Deity, as manifested in His creative and universally sustaining agency, and in the general divine guidance and government of the world. The question now arises, What is the meaning to be attached to the plural foi'm of the word ? Some have discovered therein the mystery of the Trinity, while others maintain that it points to polytheism. It is probable that the plural form Elohim, instead of pointing to polytheism, is applied to God as comprehending in Himself the fulness of all power, and uniting in a perfect degree all that which the name signifies, and all the attributes which the heathen ascribe to the several divinities of their pantheon. The singular gloah, with few exceptions (Neh. ix. 17 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 15), occurs only in poetry. It will be found, upon examina tion ofthe passages in which Elohim occurs, that it is chiefly in places where God is exhibited only in the plenitude of his power, and where no especial reference is made to his unity, personality, or ho liness, or to his relation to Israel and the theocracy. But while Elohim exhibits God displayed in his power as the creator and governor of the physical universe, the name Jehovah designates his nature as He stands in relation to man, as the only almighty, true, personal, holy Being, a spirit, and "the father of spirits" (Num. xvi. 22 ; comp. John iv. 24), who revealed himself to his people, made a covenant with them, and became their lawgiver, and to whom all honour and worship are due. If the etymology above given be accepted, and the name be derived from the future tense of the sub stantive verb, it would denote, in accordance with the general analogy of proper names of a similar form, " He that is," " the Being," whose chief attribute is eternal existence. As the Israelites were in a remarkable manner distinguished as the people of Jehovah, who became their lawgiver and supreme ruler, it is not strange that He should be put in strong contrast with Chemosh (Judg. xi. 24), Ashtaroth (Judg. x. 6) and the Baalim (Judg. iii. 7), the national deities of the surrounding na tions, and thus be pre-eminently distinguished in one aspect of his character as the tutelary deity of the Hebrews. Such and no more was He to the heathen (1 If. xx. 23) ; but all this and much more to the Israelites, to whom Jehovah was a distinct personal subsistence,' — the living God, who reveals himself to man by word and deed, helps, guides, saves, and delivers, and is to the Old what Christ JEHOVAH is to the New Testament. Jehovah was no abstract name, but thoroughly practical, and stood in inti mate connexion with the religious life of the people. While Elohim represents God only in his most oui> ward relation to man, and distinguishes him as recognised in his omnipotence, Jehovah describes him according to his innermost being. In Jehovah the moral attributes are presented as constituting the essence of his nature ; whereas in Elohim there is no reference to personality or moral character. That Jehovah is identical with Elohim, and not a separate being, is indicated by the joint use of the names Jehovah-Elohim. The antiquity of the name Jehovah among the Hebrews has formed the subject of much discussion. That it was not known before the age of Moses has been inferred from Ex. vi. 3 ; while Von Bohlen assigns to it a much more recent date. But, on the other hand, it would seem from the etymology of the word that it originated in an age long prior to that of Moses, in whose time the root nin = nTl was already an tiquated. At the same time it is distinctly stated in Ex. vi. 3, that to the patriarchs God was not known by the name Jehovah. If, therefore, this passage has reference to the first revelation of Je hovah simply as a name and title of God, there is clearly a discrepancy which requires to be explained. In renewing bis promise of deliverance from Egypt, " God spake unto Moses and said unto him, I am Jehovah ; and I appeared unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto Jacob, (by the name of) God Al mighty (El Shaddai), but by my name Jehovah was I not known to them." It follows then that, if the reference were merely to the name as a name, the passage in question would prove equally that before this time Elohim was unknown as an appel lation of the Deity, and God would appear uni formly as El Shaddai in the patriarchal history. Calvin saw at once that the knowledge there spoken of could not refer to the syllables and letters, but to the recognition of God's glory and majesty. It was not the name, but the true depth of its signi ficance which was unknown to and uncomprehended by the patriarchs. They had known God as the omnipotent, El Shaddai (Gen. xvii. 1, xxviii. 3), the ruler ofthe physical universe, and of man as one of his creatures ; as a God eternal, immutable, and true to his promises he was yet to be revealed. In the character expressed by the name Jehovah he had not hitherto been fully known ; his true attri butes had not been recognised in his working and acts for Israel. Referring to other passages in which the phrase "the name of God " occurs, it is clear that something more is intended by it than a mere appellation, and that the proclamation of the name of God is a revelation of his moral attributes, and of his true character as Jehovah (Ex. xxxiii. 19, xxxiv. 6, 7) the God of the covenant. Great stress has been laid, by those who deny the an tiquity of the name Jehovah, upon the fact that proper names compounded with it occur but seldom before the age of Samuel and David. It is un doubtedly true that, after the revival of the true faith among the Israelites, proper names so com pounded did become more frequent, but if it can he shown that prior to the time of Moses any such names existed, it will be sufficient to prove that the name Jehovah was not entirely unknown. Among those which have been quoted for this purpose are Jochebed the mother of Moses, and daughter of JEHOVAH-JIREH Levi, and Moriah, the mountain on which Abraham was commanded to offer up Isaac. Against the former it is urged that Moses might have changed her name to Jochebed after the name Jehovah had been communicated by God ; but this is veiy im probable, as he was at this time eighty years old, and his mother in all probability dead. If this only be admitted as a genuine instance of a name com pounded with Jehovah, it takes us at once back into the patriarchal age, and proves that a word which was employed in forming the proper name of Jacob's granddaughter could not have been un known to that patriarch himself. The name Mo riah is of move importance, for in one passage in which it occurs it is accompanied by an etymology intended to indicate what was then understood by it (2 Chr. iii. 1). Jeho'vah-Ji'reh, i. e. " Jehovah will see," or " provide," the name given by Abraham to the place on which he had been commanded to offer Isaac, to ¦commemorate the interposition of the angel of Je hovah, who appeared to prevent the sacrifice (Gen. xxii. 14) and provided another victim. Jeho'vah-nis'si, i. e. *' Jehovah my banner," the name given by Moses to the altar which he built in commemoration of the discomfiture of the Amalekites by Joshua and his chosen warriors at Rephidim (Ex. xvii. 15). The significance of the name is probably contained in the allusion to the staff which Moses held in his hand as a banner ¦during the engagement. Jeho'vah-sha'lom, i. e. " Jehovah (is) peace," or, with au ellipsis, " Jehovah, the God of peace," the altar erected by Gideon in Ophrah was so called in memory of the salutation addressed to him by the angel of Jehovah, " Peace be unto thee " (Judg. vi. 24). Jeho'zabad. 1. A Korahite Levite, second son of Obed-edom, and one of the porters of the south gate of the Temple, and of the storehouse there in the time of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 4, 15, compared with Neh. xii. 25).— 2. A Benjamite, captain of 180,000 armed men, in the days of king Jeho shaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 18). —3. Son of Shomer or Shimrith, a Moabitish woman, who with another conspired against king Joash and slew him in his bed (2 K. xii. 21 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 26). Jeho'zadak, son of the high-priest SERAIAH (1 Chr. vi. 14, 15) in the reign of Zedekiah. When his father was slain at Riblah by order of Nebu chadnezzar, in the 11th of Zedekiah (2 If. xxv. 18, 21), Jehozadak was led away captive to Babylon (1 Chr. vi. 15), where he doubtless spent the re mainder of his days. He himself never attained the high-priesthood, but he was the father of JE SHUA the high-priest— who with Zerubbabel headed the Return, from Captivity — and of all his suc cessors till the pontificate of Alcimus (Ezr. iii. 2 ; Neh. xii. 26, &c). Nothing more is known about him. Je'hn. 1. The founder of the fifth dynasty of the kingdom of Israel. His history was told in the lost "Chronicles of the Kings of Israel" (2 K. x. 34). His father's name was Jehoshaphat (2 K. ix. 2) ; his grandfather's was Nimshi. In his youth he had been one of the guards of Ahab. His first appearance in history is when, with a comrade in arms, Bidkar, he rode behind Ahab on the fatal journey from Samaria to Jezreel, and heard, and . laid up in his heart, the warning of Elijah against the murderer of Naboth (2 K. ix. 25). But he had JEHU 371 already, as it would seem, been known to Elijah as a youth of promise, and, accordingly, in the vision at Horeb he is mentioned as the future king of Israel, whom Elijah is to anoint as the minister of vengeance on Israel (1 K. xix. 16, 17). This in junction, for reasons unknown to us, Elijah never fulfilled. It was reserved long afterwards for his successor Elisha. Jehu meantime, in the reigns of Ahaziah and Jehoram, had -risen to importance. He was, under the last-named king, captain of the host in the siege of Ramoth-Gilead. Whilst in the midst of the officers of the besieging army a youth suddenly entered, of wild appearance (2 K. ix. 11), and insisted on a private interview with Jehu. They retired into a secret chamber. The youth uncovered a vial of the sacred oil which he had brought with him, poured it over Jehu's head, and after announcing to him the message from Elisha, that he was appointed to be king of Israel and destroyer of the house of Ahab, rushed out of the house and disappeared. Jehu's countenance, as he re-entered the assembly of officers, showed that some strange tidings had reached him. He tried at first to evade their questions, but then revealed the situation in which he found himself placed by the prophetic call. In a moment the enthusiasm of the army took fire. They threw their garments under his feet, so as to form a rough carpet of state, placed him on the top of the stairs, as on an ex tempore throne, blew the royal salute on their trumpets, and thus ordained him king. He then cut off all communication between Ramoth-Gilead and Jezreel, and set off, full speed, with his ancient comrade, Bidkar, whom he had made captain of the host in his place, and a band of horsemen. From the tower of Jezreel a watchman saw the cloud of dust (A. V. " company ") and announced his coming (2 If. ix. 17). The messengers that were sent out to him he detained, on the same principle of secrecy which had guided all his movements. It was not till he had almost reached the city, and was iden tified by the watchman, that alarm was taken. But it was not till, in answer to Jehoram's question, " Is it peace, Jehu ?" that Jehu's fierce denuncia tion of Jezebel at once revealed the danger. Jehu seized his opportunity, and shot him through the heart (ix. 24). The body was thrown out on the fatal field, and whilst his soldiers pursued and killed the king of Judah at Beth-gan (A. V. " the garden- house"), probably Engannim, Jehu himself ad vanced to the gates of Jezreel and fulfilled the divine warning on Jezebel as already on Jehoram. He then entered on a work of extermination hitherto unparalleled in the history of the Jewish monarchy. All the descendants of Ahab that remained in Jezreel, together with the officers of the court, and hierarchy of Astarte* were swept away. His next step was to secure Samaria. Every stage of his progress was marked with blood. At the gates of Jezreel he found the heads of seventy princes of the house of Ahab, ranged in two heaps. Next, at " the shearing-house " (or Beth-eked) between Jezreel and Samaria he encountered forty-two sons or nephews (2 Chr. xx. 8) of the late king of Judah. These also were put to the sword at the fatal well. As he drove on he encountered a strange figure, such as might have reminded him of the great Elijah. It was Jehonadab, the austere Arabian secretary, the son of Rechab. In him his keen eye discovered a ready ally. He took him into his chariot, and they concocted their schemes as they entered Samaria 2 B 2 372 JEHUBBAH (x. 15, 16). Up to this moment there was nothing which showed anything beyond a determination to exterminate in all its branches the personal ad herents of Ahab. There was to be a new inaugura tion of the worship of Baal. A solemn assembly, sacred vestments, innumerable victims, were ready. The vast temple at Samaria raised by Ahab (1 K. xvi. 32) was crowded from end to end. The chief sacrifice was offered, as if in the excess of his zeal, by Jehu himself. Jehonadab joined in the decep tion. There was some apprehension lest worship pers of Jehovah might be found in the temple ; such, it seems, had been the intermixture of the two religions. As soon, however, as it was ascer tained that all, and none but, the idolaters were there, the signal was given to eighty trusted guards, and a sweeping massacre removed at one blow the whole heathen population of the kingdom of Israel. This is the last public act recorded of Jehu. The remaining twenty-seven years of his long reign are passed over in a few words, in which two points only are materia] : — He did not destroy the calf- worship of Jeroboam : — The Trans-jordanic tribes suffered much from the ravages of Hazael (2 K. x. 29-33). He was buried in state in Samaria, and was succeeded by his son Jehoahaz (2 K. x. 35). His name is the fii'st of the Israelite kings which appears in the Assyrian monuments.— 2. Jehu, son of Hanani ; a prophet of Judah, but whose minis trations were chiefly directed to Israel. His father was probably the seer who attacked Asa (2 Chr. xvi. 7). He must have begun his career as a pro phet when very young. He first denounced Baasha (1 If. xvi. 1, 7), and then, after an interval of thirty years, reappears to denounce Jehoshaphat for his alliance with Ahab (2 Chr. xix. 2, 3). He sur vived Jehoshaphat and wrote his life (xx. 34).— 3. A man of Judah of the house of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 38).— 4. A Simeonite, son of Josibiah (1 Chr. iv. 35).— 5. Jehu the Antothite was one of the chief of the heroes of Benjamin, who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3). Jehub'bah, a man of Asher ; son of Shamer or Shomer, of the house of Beriah (1 Chr. vii. 34). Jelmcal, son of Shelemiah ; one of two persons sent by king Zedekiah to Jeremiah, to entreat his prayers and advice (Jer. xxxvii. 3). Je'hnd, one of the towns of the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 45), named between Baalath and Bene- berak. A place called el-Yehudiyeh, inserted on Van de Velde's map at 7 miles east of Jaffa and 5 north of Lydd. Je'hudi, son of Nethaniah, a man employed by the princes of Jehoiakim's court to fetch Baruch to read Jeremiah's denunciation (Jer. xxxvi. 14), and then by the king to fetch the volume itself and read it to him (21, 23). , Jehudi'jah. There is really no such name in the Heb. Bible as that which our A. V. exhibits at 1 Chr. iv. 18. If it is a proper name at all it is Ha-jehudijah, like Hnm-melech, Hak-koz, &c. ; and it seems to be rather an appellative, " the Jewess." As far as an opinion can be formed of so obscure and apparently corrupt a passage, Mered married two wives — one a Jewess, the other an Egyptian, a daughter. of Pharaoh. The Jewess was sister of Naham, the father of the cities of Keilah and Esh temoa. Jehn'sh, son of Eshek, a remote descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 39). Jei'el. 1. A Reubenite of the house of Joel JEPHTHAH (1 Chr. v. 7).— 2. A Merarite Levite, one of the- gate-keepers to the sacred tent (1 Chr. xr. 18). His duty was also to play the harp (ver. 21), or the psaltery and harp (xvi. 5), in the service before the Ark.— 3. A Gershonite Levite, one of the Bene- Asaph, forefather of Jahaziel in the time of king Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14).— 4. The Scribe who kept the account of the numbers of king Uzziah's irregular predatory warriors (2 Chr. xxvi. 11).— 5. A Gershonite Levite, one of the Bene-Elizaphan (2 Chr. xxix. 13).— 6. One ofthe chiefs ofthe Le. vites in the time of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 9).— 7. One of the Bene- Adonikam who formed part of the caravan of Ezra from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 13).— 8. A layman, of the Bene-Nebo, who had taken a foreign wife and had to relinquish her (Ezr. x. 43). Jekab'zeel, a fuller form of the name of Kab zeel, the most remote city of Judah on the southern frontier (Neh. xi. 25). Jekame'am, a Levite in the time of King David r fourth of the sons of Hebron, the son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). Jekami'ah, son of Shallum, in the line of Ahlai (1 Chr. ii. 41). . Jeku'thiel, a man recorded in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 18) as the son of a certain Ezra or Mered, by his Jewish wife (A. V. Jehudijah), and in his turn the father, or founder, of the town of Zanoah. Jemi'ma, the eldest of the three daughters bom to Job after the restoration of his prosperity (Job xiii. 14). Jem'naan (Jud. ii. 28). No doubt Jabneel — generally called Jamnia by the Greek writers— is intended. Jemu'el, the eldest son of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10 ; Ex. vi. 15). Jeph'thae (Heb. xi. 32). The Greek form of the name Jephthah. Jeph'thah, a judge, about B.C. 1143-1137. His history is contained in Judg. xi. 1— xii. 7. He was a Gileadite, the son of Gilead and a concubine. Driven by the legitimate sons from his father's in heritance, he went to Tob, and became the head of a company of freebooters in a debateable land pro bably belonging to Ammon (2 Sam. x. 6). His fame as a bold and successful captain was carried back to his native Gilead ; and when the time was ripe for throwing off the yoke of Ammon, Jephthah consented to become their captain, on the condition (solemnly ratified before the Lord in Mizpeh) that in the event of his success against Ammon he should still remain as their acknowledged head. He collected warriors throughout Gilead and Ma nasseh, the provinces which acknowledged his autho rity ; and then he vowed his vow unto the Lord. The Ammonites were routed with great slaughter. Twenty cities, from Aroer on the Arnon to Minnith and to Abel Iferamim, were taken from them. But as the conqueror returned to Mizpeh there came out to meet him a procession of damsels with dances and timbrels, and among them— the first person from his own house— his daughter and only child. "Alas! my daughter, thou hast brought me very low," was the greeting of the heart-stricken father. But the high-minded maiden is ready for any per sonal suffering in the hour of her father's triumph. Only she asks for a respite of two months to with draw to her native mountains, and in their recesses . to weep with her virgin-friends over the early ois- JEPHUNNE appointment of her life. When that time was ended she returned to her father, and " he did unto her his vow." But Jephthah had not long leisure, even if he were disposed, for the indulgence of domestic grief. The proud tribe of Ephraim challenged his right to go to war, as he had done without their concurrence, against Ammon. He first defeated them, then intercepted the fugitives at the fords of Jordan, and there put forty-two thousand men to the sword. He judged Israel six years and died. It is generally conjectured that his jurisdiction was limited to tlie trans-Jordanic region. That the daughter of Jephthah was really offered- up to God in sacrifice — slain by the hand of her father and then burnt —is a horrible conclusion, but one which it seems impossible to avoid. Joseph Kimchi sup posed that, instead of being sacrificed, she was shut up in a house which her father built for the pur pose, and that she was there visited by the daughters of Israel four days in each year so long as she lived. This interpretation has been adopted by many emi nent men. Jephnn'ne (Ecclus. xlvi. 7). [Jephunheh.] Jephun'neh. 1. Father of Caleb the spy. He appears to have belonged to an EdomitisH tribe called Kenezites, from Kenaz their founder. (See Num. xiii. 6, &c, xxxii. 12, &c. ; Josh. xiv. 14, &c. ; 1 Chr. iv. 15.)— 2. A descendant of Asher, eldest of the three sons of Jether (1 Chr. vii. 38). Je rah, the fourth in order of the sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 26 : 1 Chr. i. 20), and the progenitor of a tribe of southern Arabia. He has not been satis factorily identified with the name of any Arabian place or tribe, though a fortress named Yerakh is mentioned as belonging to the district of the Nijjad, which is in Mahreh, at the extremity of the Yemen. A very different identification has been proposed by Bochart. He translates Jerah = " the moon " into Arabic, and finds the descendants of Jerah in the Alilaei, a people dwelling near the Red Sea, on the strength of a passage in Herodotus (iii. 8), in which he says of the Arabs, " Bacchus they call in their language Orotal ; and Urania, Alilat." Jerah'meel. 1. First-bom son of Hezron, the son of Pharez, the son of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 9, 25- 27, 33, 42).— 2. A Merarite Levite, the repre sentative of the family of Kish, the son of Mahli (1 Chr. xxiv. 29 ; comp. xxiii. 21).— 3. Son of Hammelech, who was employed by Jehoiakim to make Jeremiah and Baruch prisoners, after he had burnt the roll of Jeremiah's prophecy (Jer. xxxvi. 26). Jerah'meelites, the. The tribe descended from the first of the foregoing persons (1 Sam. xxvii. 10). They dwelt in the south of Judah. Jer'eohns (1 Esd. v. 22). [Jeeicho.] Je'red. 1. Son of Mahalaleel and father of Enoch (1 Chr. i. 2).— 2. One of the descendants of Judah signalised as the " father — i. e. the founder — of Gedor " (1 Chr. iv. 18). Jerema'i, a layman ; one of the Bene-Hashurn, who was compelled by Ezra to put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33). Jeremi'ah. I. Life.— It will be convenient to arrange what is known as to the life and work of this Prophet in sections corresponding to its chief periods. (1.) Under Josiah, B.C. 638-608.— In the 13th year of the reign of Josiah, the Prophet speaks of himself as still "a child" (i. 6). We cannot rely indeed on this word as a chronological datum. We may at least infer, however, as we can trace his life JEREMJAH 373 in full activity for upwards of forty years from this period, that at the commencement of that reign he could not have passed out of actual childhood. He is described as "the son of Hilkiah of the priests that were in Anathoth " (i. 1). Some have identi fied this Hilkiah with the high-priest who bore so large a share in Josiah's work of reformation, but of this there is no evidence. The boy would hear among the priests of his native town, not three miles distant from Jerusalem, of the idolatries and cruelties of Manasseh and his son Amon. He would be trained in the traditional precepts and ordinances of the Law. He would become acquainted with the names and writings of older prophets. As he grew up towards manhood, he would hear also of the work which the king and his counsellors were carrying on, and of the teaching of the woman, who alone, or nearly so, in the midst of that religious revival, was looked upon as speaking from direct prophetic inspiration. In all likeli hood he came into actual contact with them. Pos sibly, too, to this period of his life we may trace the commencement of that friendship with the family of Neriah which was afterwards so fruitful in results. As the issue of all these influences we find in him all the conspicuous features of the de vout ascetic character : intense consciousness of his own weakness, great susceptibility to varying emo tions, a spirit easily bowed down. Left to himself, he might have borne his part among the reforming priests of Josiah's reign, free from their formalism and hypocrisy. But " the word of Jehovah came to him " (i. 2) ; and by that divine voice the secret of his future life was revealed to him, at the very time when the work of reformation was going on with fresh vigour (2 Chr. xxxiv. 3), when he him self was beginning to have the thoughts and feelings of a man. A life-long martyrdom was set before him, a struggle against kings and priests and people (i. 18). For a time, it would seem he held aloof from the, work which was going on throughout the nation. His name is nowhere mentioned in the history of the memorable eighteenth year of Josiah. Though five years had passed since he had entered on the work of a prophet, it is from Huldah, not from him, that the king and his princes seek for counsel. The discovery of the Book of the Law, however, could not fail to exercise an influence on a mind hke Jeremiah's : his later writings show abund ant traces of it; and the result apparently was, that he could not share the hopes which others cherished. He saw that the reformation was but a surface one. Israel had gone into captivity, and Judah was worse than Israel (iii. 11). It was as hard for him, as it had been for Isaiah, to find among the princes and people who worshipped in the Temple, one just, truth-seeking man (v. 1, 28). His own work, as a priest and prophet, led him to discern the falsehood and lust of rule which were at work under the form of zeal (v. 31). The strange visions which had followed upon his call (i. 11-16) taught him that Jehovah would " hasten " the performance of His word. Hence, though we have hardly any mention of special incid ents in the life of Jeremiah during the eighteen years between his call and Josiah's death, the main features of his life come distinctly enough before us. He had even then his experience of the bitterness of the lot to which God had called him. The duties of the priest, even if he continued to discharge them, were merged in those of the new and special 374 JEREMIAH office. Towards the close of the reign, however, he appears to have taken some part in the great national questions then at issue. Josiah, probably following the advice of Jeremiah, chose to attach himself to the new Chaldaean kingdom, and lost his life in the vain attempt to stop the progress of the Egyptian king. We may think of this as one of the first great sorrows of Jeremiah's life.— •J2.) Under Jehoahaz ( = Shallum), B.C. 608.— The short reign of this, prince (chosen by the people on hearing of Josiah's death, and after three months deposed by Pharaoh-Necho) gave little scope for direct prophetic action. The fact of his deposition, liowever, shows that he had been set up against Egypt, and therefore as representing the policy of which Jeremiah had been the advocate ; and this may account for the tenderness and pity with which he speaks of him in his Egyptian exile (xxii. 11, 12).— (3.) Under Jehoiakim, B.C. 607-597.— In the weakness and disorder which characterised this reign, the work of Jeremiah became daily more pro minent. The king had come to the throne as the vassal of Egypt, and for a time the Egyptian party was dominant in Jerusalem. Others, however, held that the only way of safety lay in accepting the supremacy of the Chaldaeans. Jeremiah appeared as the chief representative of this party. He had learnt to discern the signs of the times ; the evils of the nation were not to be cured by any half- measures of reform, or by foreign alliances. The king of Babylon was God's servant (xxv. 9, xxvii. 6) doing His work, and was for a time to prevail ove? all resistance. Hard as it was for one who sympathised so deeply with all the sufferings of his country, this was the conviction to which he had to bring himself. He had to expose himself to the suspicion of treachery by declaring it. Men claim ing to be prophets had their "word of Jehovah" to set against his (xiv. 13, xxiii. 7), and all that he could do was to commit his cause to God, and wait for the result. Some of the most striking scenes in this conflict are brought before us with great vividness (xxvi.). If .Jeremiah was not at once hunted to death, like Urijah (xxvi. 23), it was only because his friend Ahikam was powerful enough to protect him. The fourth year of Je- hoialrira was yet more memorable. The battle of Carchemish overthrew the hopes of the Egyptian party (xlvi. 2), and the armies of Nebuchadnezzar drove those who had no defenced cities to take refuge in Jerusalem (xxxv. 11). As one of the consequences of this, we have the interesting epi sode of the Rechabites. In this year too came another solemn message to the king: prophecies which had been uttered, here and there at intervals, were now to be gathered together, written in a book, and read as a whole in the hearing of the people., Baruch, already known as the Prophet's disciple, acted as scribe ; and in the following year, when a solemn fast-day called the whole people together in the Temple (xxxvi. 1-9), Jeremiah— hindered himself, we know not how — sent him to proclaim them. The result was as it had been before : the princes of Judah connived at the escape of the Prophet and his scribe (xxxvi. 19). The king vented his impotent rage upon the scroll which Jeremiah had written. Jeremiah and Baruch, in their retirement, re-wrote it with many added pro phecies ; among them, probably, the special predic tion that the king should die by the sword, and be cast out unburied and dishonoured (xxii. 30). In JEREMIAH ch. xiv., which belongs to this period, we have a glimpse into the relations which existed between the master and the scholar, and into what at that time were the thoughts of each of them: In the absence of special dates for other events in the reign of Jehoiakim, we may bring together into one pic ture some of the most striking features of this period of Jeremiah's life. As the danger from the Chaldaeans became more threatening, the persecution, against him grew hotter, his own thoughts were more bitter and desponding (xviii.). The people sought his life: his voice rose up in the prayer that God would deliver and avenge him. That thought he soon reproduced in act as well as word. Standing in the valley of Ben-Hinnom, he broke the earthen vessel he carried in his hands, and pro phesied to the people that the whole city should be defiled with the dead, as that valley had been, within their memory, by Josiah (xix. 10-13). The boldness of the speech and act drew upon him im mediate punishment. The years that followed brought no change for the better. Famine and drought were added to the miseries of the people (xiv. 1), but false prophets still deceived them with assurances of plenty ; and Jeremiah was looked on with dislike, as "a prophet of evil," and "every one cursed" him (xv. 10). He was set, however, " as a fenced brazen wall" (xv. 20), and went on with his work, reproving king and nobles and people. — (4.) Under Jehoiachin ( = Jeconiah), B.C. 597. — The danger which Jeremiah had so long fore told at last came near. First Jehoiakim, and after wards his successor, were carried into exile (2 £. xxiv.). Of the work of the prophet in this short reign we have but the fragmentary record of xxii. 24-30.— (5.) Under Zedekiah, B.C. 597-586.— In this prince (probably, as having been appointed by Nebuchadnezzar), we do not find the same obstinate resistance to the prophet's counsels as in Jehoiakim. He respects him, fears him, seeks his counsel ; but he is a mere shadow of a king, power less even against his own counsellors, and in his reign, accordingly, the sufferings of Jeremiah were sharper than they had been before. His counsel to the exiles was that they should submit to their lot, prepare for a long captivity, and wait quietly foi the ultimate restoration. The king at first seemed wilhng to be guided by him, and sent to ask for his intercession (xxxvii. 3). He appears in the streets of the city with bonds and yokes upon his neck (xxvii. 2), announcing that they were meant for Judah and its allies. The approach of an Egyp tian army, however, and the consequent departure ofthe Chaldaeans, made the position of Jeremiah full of danger; and he sought to effect his escape from a city in which, it seemed, he could no. longer do good, and to take refuge in his own town of Anathoth or its neighbourhood (xxxvii. 12). The discovery of this plan led, not unnaturally perhaps, to the charge of desertion : it was thought that he too was "falling away to the Chaldaeans," as others were doing (xxxviii. 19), and, in spite of his denial, he was thrown into a dungeon (xxxvii. 16). The interposition of the king, who still respected and consulted him, led to some mitigation of the rigour of his confinement (xxxvii. 21) ; but, as this did not hinder him from speaking to the people, the princes of Judah, bent on an alliance with Egypt, ana calculating on the king's being unable to resist them (xxxviii. 5), threw him into the prison-pit, to die there. From this horrible fate he was again JEREMIAH delivered, by the friendship of the Ethiopian eu nuch, Ebed-Melech, and the king's regard for him ; and was restored to the milder custody in which he had been kept previously, where we find (xxxii. 16) he had the companionship of Baruch. The return of the Chaldaean army filled both king and people with dismay (xxxii. 1) ; and the risk now was that they would pass from their presumptuous confidence to the opposite extreme and sink down in despair, with no faith in God and no hope for the future. The prophet was taught how to meet that danger also. In his prison, while the Chaldaeans were ravaging the country, he bought, with all re quisite formalities, the field at Anathoth which his kinsman Hanameel wished to get rid of (xxxii. 6-9). His faith in the promises of God did not fail him. At last the blow came. The city was taken, the Temple burnt. The king and his princes shared the fate of Jehoiachin. The prophet gave utterance to his sorrow in the Lamentations.— (6). After the capture of Jerusalem, B.C. 586— (?). — The Chaldaean party in Judah had now the prospect of better things. We find a special charge given to Nebu- zaradan (xxxix. 11) to protect the person of Jere miah ; and, after being carried as far as Ramah with the crowd of captives (xl. 1), he was set free, and Gedaliah, the son of his stedfast friend Ahikam, made governor over the cities of Judah. The feel ing of'the Chaldaeans towards him was shown yet more strongly in the offer made him by Nebu- zaradan (xl. 4, 5). For a short time there was an interval of peace (xl. 9-12), soon broken, however, by the murder of Gedaliah by Ishmael and his associates. We are left to conjecture in what way the prophet escaped from a massacre which was apparently intended to include all the adherents of Gedaliah. The fulness with which the history of the massacre is narrated in chap. xii. makes it, however, probable that he was among the prisoners whom Ishmael was carrying off to the Ammonites, and who were released by the arrival of Johanan. One of Jeremiah's friends was thus cut off, but Baruch still remained with him ; and the people, under Johanan, who had taken the command on the death of Gedaliah, turned to him for counsel. His warnings and assurances were in vain, and did but draw on him and Baruch the old charge of treachery (xliii. 3). The people followed their own counsel, and — lest the two whom they suspected should betray or counteract it — took them also by force to Egypt. There, in the city of Tahpanhes, we have the last clear glimpses of the Prophet's life. His words are sharper and stronger than ever. He does not shrink, even there, from speaking of the Chaldaean king once more as the " servant of Jehovah" (xliii. 10). He declares that they should see the throne of the conqueror set up in the very place which they had chosen as the securest refuge. He utters a final protest (xliv.) against the idolatries of which they and their fathers had been guilty, and which they were even then renewing. After this all is uncertain. If we could ass»me that Iii. 31 was written by Jeremiah himself, it would show that he reached an extreme old age, but this is so doubtful that we are left to other sources. On the one hand there is the Christian tradition, resting doubtless on some earlier belief, that the Jews at Tahpanhes, irritated by his rebukes, at last stoned him to death. An Alexandrian tradition reported that his bones had been brought to that city by Alexander the Great. On the other side there is JEREMIAH 375 the Jewish statement that on the conquest of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, he, with Baruch, made his escape to Babylon or Judaea, and died in peace. As it is, the darkness and doubt that brood over the last days of the prophet's life are more signific ant than either of the issues which presented them selves to men's imaginations as the winding-up of his career. He did not need a death by violence to make him a true martyr.— II. Character and style. — It will have been seen from this narrative that there fell to the lot of Jeremiah sharper suf fering than any previous prophet had experienced. In every page of his prophecies we recognise the temperament which, while it does not lead the man who has it to shrink from doing God's work, how ever painful, makes the pain of doing it infinitely more acute, and gives to the whole character the impress of a deeper and more lasting melancholy. He has to appear, Cassandra-like, as a prophet of evil, dashing to the ground the false hopes with which the people are buoying themselves up. Other prophets—Samuel, Elisha, Isaiah — had been sent to rouse the people to resistance. He (like Phocion in the parallel crisis of Athenian history) has been brought to the conclusion, bitter as it is, that the only safety for his countrymen lies in their accepting that against which they are contending as the worst of evils ; and this brings on him the charge of treachery and desertion. If it were not for his trust in the God of Israel, for his hope of a better future to be brought out of all this chaos and darkness, his heart would fail within him. But that vision is clear and bright, and it gives to him, almost as fully as to Isaiah, the character of a prophet of the Gospel. The prophet's hopes are not merely vague visions of a better future,: they gather round the person of a Christ, and are essen tially Messianic. In much of all this, in their personal character, in their sufferings, in the view they took of the great questions of their time, there is a resemblance, at once significant and inter esting, between the prophet of Anathoth and the poet of the Divina Commedia. What Egypt and Babylon were to the kingdom of Judah, France and the Empire were to the Florentine republic. A yet higher parallel, however, presents itself. In a deeper sense than that of the patristic divines, the hfe of the prophet was a type of that of Christ. The cha racter of the man impressed itself with more or less force upon the language of the writer. As might be expected in one who lived in the last days of the kingdom, and had therefore the works of the earlier prophets to look back upon, we find in him reminis cences and reproductions of what they had written, which indicate the way in which his own spirit had been educated. Traces of the influence of the newly-discovered Book of the Law, and in parti cular of Deuteronomy, appear repeatedly in his, as in other writings of the same period. Throughout, too, there are the tokens of his individual tem perament : a greater prominence of the subjective, elegiac element than in other prophets, a less sus tained energy, a less orderly and completed rhythm. — III. Arrangement. — The absence of any chrono logical order in the present structure of the col lection of Jeremiah's prophecies is obvious at the first glance. Confining ourselves, for the present, to the Hebrew order (reproduced in the A. V.), we have two great divisions :— (1.) Ch. i.-xlv. Pro phecies delivered at various times, directed mainly to Judah, or connected with Jeremiah's personal 376 JEREMIAH. history. (2.).Ch. xlvi.-li. Prophecies connected with other nations. Ch. Iii., taken largely, though not entirely, from 2 K. xxv., may be taken either as a supplement to the prophecy, or as an intro duction to the Lamentations. Looking more closely into each of these divisions, we have the following sections: — 1. Ch. i.-xxi. Containing probably the substance of the book of xxxvi. 32, and including prophecies from the 13th year of Josiah to the 4th of Jehoiakim: i. 3, however, indicates a later re vision, and the whole of ch. j. may possibly have been added on the prophet's retrospect of his whole work from this its first beginning. Ch. xxi. be longs to a later peiiod, but has probably found its place here as connected, by the recurrence of the name Pashur, with ch. xx. 2. Ch. xxii.— xxv. Shorter prophecies, delivered at different times, against the kings of Judah and the false prophets. xxv. 13, 14-, evidently marks the conclusion of a series of prophecies ; and that which follows, xxv. 15-38, the germ of the fuller predictions in xlvi.-xlix., has been placed here as a kind of com pletion to the prophecy of the Seventy Years and the subsequent fall of Babylon. 3. Ch. xxvi.- xxviii. The two great prophecies of the fall of Jerusalem, and the history connected with them. Ch. xxvi. belongs to the earlier, ch. xxvii. and xxviii. to the later period of the prophet's work. Jehoiakim, in xxvii. 1, is evidently (comp. ver. 3) a. mistake for Zedekiah. 4. Ch. xxix.-xxxi. The message of comfort for the exiles in Babylon. 5. Ch. xxxii.— xliv. The history of the last two years before the capture of Jerusalem, and of Jere miah's work in them and in the period that fol lowed. The position of ch. xiv., unconnected with anything before or after it, may be accounted for on the hypothesis that Baruch desired to place on record so memorable a passage in his own life, and inserted it where the direct narrative of his master's life ended. The same explanation applies in part to ch. xxxvi. 6. Ch. xlvi.— li. The prophecies against foreign nations, ending with the great prediction against Babylon. 7. The supplementary narrative of ch. Iii.— IV. Text.— The translation of the LXX. presents many remarkable variations in the order of the several parts. The two agree as far as xxv. 13. From that point all is different, aud the fol lowing table indicates the extent of the divergency : LXX. Hebrew. xxv. 14-18 = xlix. 34-39. xxvi. = xlvi. xxvit-xxviii. = I.-li. xxix. 1-7 = xlvii. 1-7. 7-22 = xlix. 7-22. xxx. 1-5 - = xlix. 1-6. 6-11 = 28-33. 12-16 = 23-27. xxxi. = xlviii. xxxii. = xxv. 15-39. xxxiii.-li. = xxvi.-xlv. > Iii. = Iii. Jeremi'ali. Seven other persons bearing the same name as the prophet are mentioned in the O.T. 1. Jeremiah of Libnah,. father of Hamutal wife of Josiah (2 K. xxiii. 31).— 2, 3, 4. Three warriors— two of the tribe of Gad — in David's army (1 Chr. xii. 4, 10, 13).— 5. One of the " mighty men of valour " of the trans-Jordanic half-tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. v. 24).— 6. A priest of high rank, head ofthe second or third ofthe 21 oourses which are apparently enumerated in Neh. x. 2-8, xii. 1, 12. This course, or its chief, took part in the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem JERICHO. (Neh. xii. 34).— 7- The father of Jaazaniah the Rechabite (Jer. xxxv. 3). Jeremi'as. 1. The Greek form of the name of Jeremiah the prophet (Ecclus. xlix. 6 ; 2 Mace. xv. 14; Matt. xvi. 14). —2. 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Jerem at.] Jer'emy, the prophet Jeremiah (1 Esd. i. 28, 32, 47, 57 ; ii. 1 ; 2 Esd. ii. 18 ; 2 Mace. ii. 1, 5, 7; Matt. ii. 17, xxvii. 9). Jeriba'i, one of the Bene-Elnaan, named among the heroes of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 46). Jer'icho, a city of high antiquity, and of con siderable importance, situated in a plain traversed by the Jordan, and exactly over against where that river was crossed by the Israelites under Joshua (Josh. iii. 16). Gilgal, which formed their primary encampment, stood in its east border (iv. 19). It had a king. Its walls were so considerable that houses were built upon them (ii. 15), and its gales were shut, as throughout the East still, " when it was dark " (v. 5). The spoil that was found in it betokened its affluence, Jericho is first mentioned as the city to which the two spies were sent by Joshua from Shittim : they were lodged in the house of Rahab the harlot upon the wall, and departed, having first promised to save her and all that were found in her house from destruction (ii. 1-21). In the annihilation of the city that ensued this promise was religiously observed. As it had been left by Joshua it was bestowed by him upon the tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 21), and from this time a long interval elapses before Jericho appears again upon the scene. It is only incid entally mentioned in the life of David in con nexion with his embassy to the Ammonite king (2 Sam. x. 5). And the solemn manner in which its second foundation under Hiel the Bethelite is recorded (IK. xvi. 34) would certainly seem to imply that up to that time its site had been unin habited. It is true that mention is made of ,(a city of palm-trees " (Judg. i. 16, and iii. 13) in existence apparently at the time when spoken of. However, once actually rebuilt, Jericho rose again slowly into consequence. In its immediate vicinity the sons of the prophets sought retirement fiom the world : Elisha " healed the spring of the waters ; " and over against it, beyond Jordan, Elijah "went up by a whirlwind into heaven" (2 K. ii. 1-22). In its plains Zedekiah fell into the hands of the Chaldeans (2 K. xxv. 5; Jer. xxxix. 5). In the return under Zerubbabel the " children of Jericho," 345 in number, are com prised (Ez. iii. 34 ; Neh. vii. 36) ; and it is even implied that they removed thither again, for the " men of Jericho " assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding that part of the wall of Jerusalem that was next to the sheep-gate (Neh. iii. 2). The Jericho ofthe days of Josephus was distant 150 stadia from Jeru salem, and 50 from the Jordan. It lay in a plain, overhung by a barren mountain whose roots ran northwards towards Scythopolis, and southwards in the directum of Sodom and the Dead Sea. These formed the western boundaries of the plain. East wards, its barriers were the mountains of Moab, which ran parallel to the former. In the midst of the plain — the great plain as it was called— flowed the Jordan, and at the top and bottom of it were two lakes : Tiberias, proverbial for its sweet ness, and Asphaltites for its bitterness. Away from the Jordan it was parched and unhealthy during summer ; but during winter, even when it JERIEL snowed at Jerusalem, the inhabitants here wore linen garments. Hard by Jericho, bursting, forth close to the site of the old city, which Joshua took on his entrance into Canaan, was a most exuberant fountain, whose waters, before noted for their con trary properties, had received, proceeds Josephus, through Elisha's prayers, their then wonderfully salutary and prolific efficacy. Jericho was once more " a city of palms " when our Lord visited it ; such as Herod the Great and Archelaus had left it, such He saw it. Here He restored sight to the blind (two certainly, perhaps three, St. Matt. xx. 30 ; St. Mark x. 46 : this was in leaving Jericho. St. Luke says " as He was come nigh unto Jericho," &c, xviii. 35). Here the descendant of Kahab did not disdain the hospitality of Zacchaeus the publican — whose office was likely to be lucrative enough in so rich a city. Finally, between Jerusalem and Jericho was laid JEROBOAM 377 the scene of His story of the good Samaritan. Posterior to the Gospels the chronicle of Jericho may be briefly told. Vespasian found it one of the toparchies of Judaea, but deserted by its inhabitants in a great measure when he encamped there. He left a garrison on his departure — not necessarily the 10th legion, which is only stated to have marched through Jericho — which was still there when Titus advanced upon Jerusalem. Is it asked how Jericho was destroyed? Evidently by Vespasian. The city pillaged and burnt in Bell. Jud. iv. 9, §1, was clearly Jericho with its adjacent villages. The sight of ancient (the first) Jericho is with reason placed by Dr. Robinson in the immediate neighbourhood of the fountain of Elisha ; and that of the second (the city of the N.T. and of Josephus) at the opening of the Wady Kelt (Cherith), half an i hour from the fountain. These are precisely the i sites that one would infer from Josephus. Jer'iel, a man of Issachar, one of the six heads of the house of Tola at the time of the censusjn the time of David (1 Chr. vii. 2). Jer 'emoth. 1. A Benjamite chief, a son of the house of Beriah of Eipaal (1 Ghr. viii. 14; comp. 12 and 18). His family dwelt at Jerusalem.— 2. A Merarite Levite, son of Mushi (1 Chr. xxiii. 23).— 3. Son of Heman ; head of the 13th course of musi cians in the Divine service (1 Chr. xxv. 22).— 4. Oneof thesonsof Elam, and— 5. Oneofthesons of Zattu, who had taken strange wives (Ezr. x. 26, 27). —6. The name which appears in the same list as " and Ramoth " (ver. 29). Jeri'ah., a Kohathite Levite, chief of the great house of Hebron when David organised the service (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). The same man is mentioned again as Jeri'jah, in 1 Chr. xxvi. 31. Jer'imoth.. 1. Son or descendant of Bela (I Chr. vii. 7). He is perhaps the same as— 2. who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). — 3. A son of Becher (1 Chr. vii. 8), and head of another Ben jamite house.— 4. Son of Mushi, the son of Merari (1 Chr. xxiv. 30).— 5. Son of Heman, head of the 15th ward of musicians (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 22). —6. Son of Azriel, ruler of the tribe of Naphtali in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 19).— 7. Son of king David, whose daughter Mahalath was one of the wives of Rehoboam, her cousin Abihail being the other (2 Chr. xi. 18) — 8. A Levite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). Jerloth, one of the elder Caleb's wives (1 Chr. ii. 18) ; but according to the Vulgate she was his daughter by his first wife Azubah. Jerobo'am, 1. The firet king of the divided king dom of Israel. He was the son of an Ephraimite of 378 JEROBOAM the name of Nebat ; his father had died whilst he was young. At the time when Solomon was con structing the fortifications of Millo underneath the citadel of Zion, his sagacious eye discovered the strength and activity of a young Ephraimite who was employed on the works, and he raised him to the rank of superintendant over the taxes and labours exacted from the tribe of Ephraim (1 K. xi. 28). This was Jeroboam. He made the most of his position. He completed the fortifications, and was long afterwards known as the man who had " enclosed the city of David" (1 K. xi. 24; LXX.). He then aspired to royal state, and at last was perceived by Solomon to be aiming at the monarchy. These ambitious designs were proba bly fostered by the sight of the growing disaffec tion of the great tribe over which he presided, as well as by the alienation of the Prophetic order from the house of Solomon. He was leaving Jerusalem, and he encountered on one ofthe black- paved roads which ran out of the city, Ahijah, " the prophet " ofthe ancient sanctuary of Shiloh. Ahijah drew him aside from the road into the field (LXX.), and, as soon. as "they- found them selves alone, the Prophet, who "was dressed in a new outer garment, stripped it- off, and tore' it into 12 shreds; 10 of which he gave to Jeroboam, with the assurance that on' condition of his obedience to His laws, God would establish for him a kingdom and dynasty equal to that of David (1 K. xi. 29- 40). The attempts of Solomon to cut short Jero boam's designs occasioned his flight into Egypt. There he remained during the rest of Solomon's reign. On Solomon's death, he demanded Shishak's permission to retum. The Egyptian king seems, in his reluctance, to have offered any gift which Jeroboam chose, as, a reason for his remaining, and the consequence was the marriage with Ano, ¦ the elder sister of the Egyptian queen, Tahpenes, and of another princess who had married the Edomite chief, Hadad. A* year elapsed, and a son, Abijah (or Abijam), was born. Then Jeroboam again requested permission to depart, which was granted ; and he returned with his wife and child to his native place, Sarira, or Zereda, which he fortified, and which in consequence became a centre for his fellow tribesmen (1 E. xi. 41, xii. 24, LXX.). Still there was, no open act of insurrection, and it was in this period of suspense (according to the LXX.) that a pathetic incident darkened his domes tic history. His infant son fell sick. The anxious father sent his wife to inquire of Ahijah concerning him. She brought such gifts as were thought likely to be acceptable, and had disguised herself to avoid recognition. But the blind prophet knew who was coming ; and bade his boy go out to meet her, and invite her to his house without delay. There he warned her of the uselessness of her gifts. There was a doom on the house of Jeroboam', not to be averted. This child alone would die before the calamities of the house arrived. The mother returned. As she re-entered the town of Sarira (Heb. Tirzah, 1 K. xiv. 17), the child died. This incident, if it really occurred at this time, seems to have been the "turning point in Jeroboam's career. It drove him fiom his ances tral home, and it gathered the sympathies of the tribe of Ephraim round him. He left Sarira and came to Shechem. Then, for the second time, and in a like manner, the Divine intimation of his future greatness is conveyed to him. The prophet JEROHAM Shemaiah, the Enlamite, addressed to him the same acted parable, in the ten shreds of a new unwashed garment. Then took place the conference with Kehoboam, and the final revolt; which ended in the elevation of Jeroboam to the throne of the northern kingdom. From this moment one fatal error crept, not unnaturally, into his policy, which undermined his dynasty and tarnished his name as the first king of Israel. The political disruption of the kingdom was complete ; but its religious unity was as yet unimpaired. He feared that the yearly pilgrimages to Jerusalem would undo all the work which he effected, and he took the bold step of rending it asunder. Two sanctuaries of venerable antiquity existed already, one at the southern, the other at the northern extremity of his dominions. These he elevated into seats of the national worship, which should rival the newly established Temple at Jerusalem. But he was not satisfied without another deviation from the Mosaic idea of the national unity. His long stay in Egypt had familiarised him with the outward forms under which the Divinity was there represented. A golden figure of Mnevis, the sacred calf of Helio polis, was set up at each sanctuary, with the ad dress, " Behold thy God which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt." The sanctuary at Dajs, as the most remote from Jerusalem, was established first (1 K. xii. 30). The more important one, as nearer the capital and in the heart of the kingdom, was Bethel. The worship and the sanctuary continued till the end of the northern kingdom. It was while dedicating the altar at Bethel that a prophet from Judah suddenly appeared, who de nounced the altar, and foretold its desecration by Josiah, and violent overthrow. The king stretch ing out his hand to arrest the prophet, felt it withered and paralyzed, and only at the prophet's prayer saw it restored, and acknowledged his divine mission. Jeroboam was at constant war with the house of Judah, but the only act distinctly re corded is a battle with Abijah, son of Rehoboam ; in which he was defeated. The calamity was severely felt ; he never recovered the blow, and soon after died, in the 22nd year of his reign (2 Chr. xiii. 20), and was buried in his ancestral sepulchre (1 E. xiv. 20).— 2. Jeroboaji II., th« son of Joash, the 4th of the dynasty of Jehu. The most prosperous of the kings of Israel. He repelled the Syrian invaders, took their capital city Damascus (2 K. xiv. 28; Am. i. 3-5), and recovered the whole of the ancient dominion from Hamath to the Dead Sea (xiv. 25 ; Am. vi. 14). Ammon and Moab were reconquered (Am. i. 13, ii. 1-3) ; the Transjordanic tribes were restored to their territory (2 K. xiii. 5 ; 1 Chr. v. 17-22). But it was merely an out ward restoration. Amos was charged by Amaziah with prophesying the destruction of Jeroboam and his house by the sword (Am. vii. 9, 17). Jer'oham. 1. Father of Elkanah, the father oi Samuel, of the house of Kohath (1 Chr. vi. 27, 34 ; 1 Sam. i. 1).— 2. A Benjamite, and the founder of a family of Bene-Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 27). Pro bably the same as— 3. Father (or progenitor) cf Ibneiah (1 Chr. ix. 8 ; comp. 3 and 9).-4. A descendant of Aaron, of the house of Immer, the leader of the sixteenth course of priests j son of Pashm- and father of Adaiah (1 Chr. ix. 12). He appeal's to be mentioned again in Neh. xi- }"/~~ 5. Jeroham of Gedor, some of whose sons joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 7).-6. A Danite, JEBXTBBAATi whose son or descendant Azareel was head of his tribe in the time of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 22).— 7. Father of Azariah, one of the " captains of hundreds" in the time of Athaliah (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). Jerubba'al, the surname of Gideon which he acquired in consequence of destroying the altar of Baal, when his father defended him from the ven geance of the Abi-ezirites (Judg. vi. 32). Jerubbesh'eth, a name of Gideon (2 Sam. xi. 21). Jer'uel, the -Wilderness of, the place in which Jehoshaphat was informed by Jahaziel the Levite that he should encounter the hordes of Ammon, Moab, and the Mehunirns (2 Chr. xx. 16). The name has not been met with. Jeru'salem. The subject of Jerusalem naturally divides itself into three heads : — I. The place itself: its origin, position, and physical characteristics. II. The annals of the city. III. The topography of the town ; the relative localities of its various parts ; the sites of the " Holy Places " ancient and modern, &c. I. The place itself. — The arguments — if arguments they can be called — for and against the identity ofthe " Salem" of Melchizedek (Gen. xiv. 18) with Jerusalem — the "Salem" of a late Psalmist (Ps. lxxvi. 2) — are almost equally ba lanced. This question will be discussed under the head of Salem. It is during the conquest of the country that Jerusalem first appears in definite form on the scene in which it was destined to occupy so prominent a position. The earliest notice is probably that in Josh. xv. 8 and xviii. 16, 28, describing the landmarks of the boundaries of Judah, and Benjamin. Here it is styled Ha-Jebusi, i. e. " the Jebusite " (A.V. Jebusi), after the name of its occupiers, just as is the case with other places in these lists. Next, we find the form Jebus (Judg. xix. 10, 11) — "Jebus, which is Jerusalem .... the city of the Jebusites ; " and lastly, in documents which profess to be of the same age as the foregoing — we have Jerusalem (Josh. x. 1, &c, xii. 10; Judg. i. 7, &c). Jerusalem stands in latitude 31° 46' 35" North, and longitude 35° 18' 30" East of Greenwich. It is 32 miles dis tant from the sea, and 18 from the Jordan; 20 from Hebron, and 36 from Samaria. The western ridge of the city, which forms its highest point, is about 2600 feet above the level of the sea. The Mount of Olives rises slightly above this — 2724 feet. The situation of the city in reference to the rest of Palestine, has been described by Dr. Eobin- son in a well-known passage, which is so complete and graphic a statement of the case, that we take the liberty of giving it entire. " Jerusalem lies near the summit of a broad mountain ridge. This ridge or mountainous tract extends, without inter ruption, from the plain o'f Esdraelon to a line drawn between the south end of the Dead Sea and the S.E. corner of the Mediterranean : or more properly, perhaps, it may be regarded as extending as far south as to Jebel 'Araif in the desert ; where it sinks down at once to the level of the great western plateau. This tract, which is every where not less than from twenty to twenty-five geographical miles in breadth, is in fact high un even table-land. It everywhere forms the preci pitous western wall of the great valley of the Jordan and the Dead Sea ; while towards the west it sinks down by an offset into a rafige of lower JERUSALEM 37» hills, which lie between it and the great plain along the coast of the Mediten'anean. The surface of this upper region is everywhere rocky, uneven, and mountainous ; and is moreover cat up by deep valleys which run east or west on either side to wards the Jordan or the Mediten'anean. The line of division, or water-shed, between the waters of these valleys, — a term which here applies almost exclusively to the waters of the rainy season, — follows for the most part the height of land along the ridge ; yet not so but that the heads of the valleys, which run off in different directions, often interlap for a considerable distance. Thus, for example, a valley which descends to the Jordan often has its head a mile or two westward of the commencement of other valleys which run to the western sea. From the great plain of Esdraelon onwards towards the south, the mountainous coun try rises gradually, forming the tract anciently known as the mountains of Ephraim and Judah; until in the vicinity of Hebron it attains an eleva tion of nearly 3000 Paris feet above the level of the Mediterranean Sea. Further north, on a. line drawn from the north end of the Dead Sea towards the true west, the ridge has an elevation of only about 2500 Paris feet; and here, close upon the water-shed, lies the city of Jerusalem. Six or seven miles N. and N.W. of the city is spread out the open plain or basin round about el-Jib (Gibeon), also extending towards el-Bireh (Beeroth) ; the waters of which flow off at its S.E. part through the deep valley here called by the Arabs Wady Beit Hanina; but to which the monks and travellers have usually given the name of the Valley of Tur pentine, or of the Terebinth, on the mistaken sup position that it is the ancient Valley of Elah. This great valley passes along in a S.W. direction an hour or more west of Jerusalem ; and finally opens out from the mountains into the western plain, at the distance of six or eight hours S.W. from the city, under the name of Wady es-Surdr. The traveller, on his way from Ramleh to Jerusalem, descends into and crosses this deep valley at the village of Kilonieh on its western side, an hour and a half from the latter city. On again reaching the high ground on its eastern side, he enters upon an open tract sloping gradually downwards towards the south and east; and sees before him, at the distance of a mile and a half, the walls and domes of the Holy City, and beyond them the higher ridge or summit of the Mount of Olives. The traveller now descends gradually towards the city along a broad swell of ground, having at some dis tance on his left the shallow northern part of the Valley of Jehoshaphat ; and close at hand on his right the basin which forms the beginning of the- Valley of Hinnom. Upon the broad and elevated promontory within the fork of these two valleys, lies the Holy City. All around are higher hills -f on the east, the Mount of Olives; on the south, the Hill of Evil Counsel, so called, rising directly from the Vale of Hinnom ; on the west, the ground rises gently, as above described, to the borders of the great Wady; while on the north, a bend of the ridge connected with the Mount of Olives bounds the prospect at the distance of more than a mile. Towards the S.W. the view is somewhat more- open ; for here lies the plain of Rephaim, already described, commencing- just at the southern brink of the Valley of Hinnom, and stretching off S.W.. where it runs to the western sea. In the N.W.. 380 JERUSALEM too, the eye reaches up along the upper part of the Valley of Jehoshaphat ; and from many points, can discern the mosque of Neby Samwil, situated on a lofty ridge beyond the great Wady, at the distance of two hours " (Robinson's Bibl. Researches, i. 258-260). The heights of the principal points in and round the city, above the Mediterranean Sea, as given by Lt. Van de Velde, in the Memoir accompanying his Map, 1858, are as follow: — Feet. INVW. corner of the city (Kasr Jalud) . . 2610 Mount Zion (Coenaculum) 253? Mount Moriah (Haram esh Sherif) .... 2429 Bridge over the Kedron, near Gethsemane . . . 2281 Pool of Siloam 2114 Bir-ayub, at the confluence of Hinnom and Kedron 1996 Mount of Olives, Church of Ascension on summit . 2f 24 —Roads. — There appear to have been but two main approaches to the city. 1. From the Jordan valley by Jericho and the Mount of Olives. This was the route commonly taken from the north and east of the country — as from Galilee by our Lord (Luke xvii. 11, xviii. 35, xix. 1, 29, 45, &c), from Damascus by Pompey, to Mahanaim by David (2 Sam. xv. xvi.) It was also the route from places in the central dis tricts ofthe country, as Samaria (2 Chr. xxviii. 15). The latter part of the approach, over the Mount of Olives, as generally followed at the present day, is identical with what it was, at least in one memor able instance, in the time of Christ. 2. From the great maritime plain of Philistia and Sharon. This road led by the two Bethhorons up to the high ground at Gibeon, whence it turned south, and came to Jerusalem by Ramah and Gibeah, and over the ridge north of the city. 3. The commun ication with the mountainous districts of the south is less distinct.— G ates. — The situation ofthe various gates of the city is examined in Section III. It may, however, be desirable to supply here a com plete list of those which are named in the Bible and Josephus, with the references to their occurrences : — 1. Gate of Ephraim. 2 Chr. xxv. 23; Neh. viii. 16, xii. 39. This is probably the same as the — 2. Gate of Benjamin. Jer. xx. 2, xxxvii. 13 ; Zech. xiv. 10. If so, it was 400 cubits distant from the — 3. Corner gate. 2 Chr. xxv. 23, xxvi. 9 ; Jer. xxxi. 38 ; Zech. xiv. 10. 4. Gate of Joshua, go vernor of the city. 2 K. xxiii. 8. 5. Gate be tween the two walls. 2 K. xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxix. 4. 6. Horse gate. Neh. iii. 38; 2 Chr. xxiii. 15; Jer. xxxi. 40. 7. Ravine gate («. e. opening on ravine of Hinnom). 2 Chr. xxvi. 9; Neh. ii. 13, 15, iii. 13. 8. Fish gate. 1 Chr. xxxiii. 14 ; Neh. iii. 1 ; Zeph. i. 16. 9. Dung gate. Neh. ii. 13, iii. 13. 10. Sheep gate. Neh. iii. 1, 32, xii. 39. 11. East gate. Neh. iii. 29. 12. Miphkad. Neh. iii. 31. 13. Fountain gate (Siloam ?). Neh. xii. 37. 14. Water gate. Neh. xii. 37. 15. Old gate. Neh. xii. 39. IS. Prison gate. Neh. xii. 39. 17. Gate Harsith (perhaps the Sun; A.V. East gate). Jer. xix. 2. 18. First gate. Zech. xiv. 10. 19. Gate Gennath (gardens). Joseph. B. J. v. 4, §4. 20. Essenes' gate. Jos. B. J. 4, §2. — To these should be added the following gates of the Temple: — Gate Sur. 2 K. xi. 6. Called also Gate of foundation. 2 Chr. xxiii. 5. Gate of the guard, or behind the guard. 2 K. xi. 6, 19. Called the High gate. 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, xxvii. 3 ; 2 K. xv. 35. Gate Shallecheth. 1 Chr. xxvi. 16. —Burial-grounds.— The main cemetery of the city seems from an early date to'have been where it is still — on the steep slopes of the valley of the Kidron. JERUSALEM The tombs of the kings were in the city of David, that is, Mount Zion. The royal sepulchres were probably chambers containing separate recesses for the successive kings. Other spots also were used for burial.— Wood ; Gardens. — The king's gardens of David and Solomon seem to have been in the bottom formed by the confluence of the Kedron and Hinnom (Neh. iii. 15). The Mount of Olives, as its name and those of vai'ious places upon it seem to imply, was a fruitful spot. At its foot was situated the Garden of Gethsemane. At the time ofthe final siege the space north of the wall of Agrippa was covered with gardens, groves, and plantations of fruit-trees, inclosed by hedges and walls ; and to level these was one of Titus's first operations. We know that the gate Gennath (i. e. "of gardens ") opened on this side of the city.— Water. — How the gardens just mentioned on the north of the city were watered it is difficult to understand, since at present no water exists in that direction. At the time of the siege there was a reservoir in that neighbourhood called the Serpent's Pool ; but it has not been discovered in modern times. The subject of the waters is more particularly discussed in the third section, and reasons are shown for believing that at ona time a very copious source existed some where north of the town, the outflow of which was stopped, possibly by Hezekiah, and the water led underground to reservoirs in the city and below the Temple.— Streets, Houses, $c. — Of the nature of these in the ancient city we have only the most scattered notices. The " East street" (2 Chr. xxix. 4) ; the " street of the city " — i. e. the city of David (xxxii. 6) ; the " street facing the water gate" (Neh. viii. 1, 3) — or, according to the parallel account in 1 Esdr. ix. 38, the " broad place of the Temple towards the East;'' the street of the house of God (Ezr. x. 9) ; the " street of the gate of Ephraim" (Neh. viii. 16); and the "open place of the first gate towards the East" must have been not " streets " in our sense of the word, so much as the open spaces found in eastern towns round the inside of the gates. Streets, properly so called, there were (Jer. v. 1, xi. 13, &c.) ; but the name of only one, " the bakers' street " (Jer. xxxvii. 21), is preserved to us. To the houses we have even less clue ; but there is no reason to suppose that in either houses or streets the ancient Jerusalem dif fered very materially from the modern. No doubt the ancient city did not exhibit that air of moulder ing dilapidation which is now so prominent there, The whole of the slopes south of the Haram area (the ancient Ophel), and the modern Zion, and the west side of the valley of Jehoshaphat, present the appearance of gigantic mounds of rubbish. In this point at least the ancient city stood in favourable contrast with the modern, but in many others the resemblance must have been strong.— Environs of the City.— The various spots in the neighbourhood of the city will be described at length under their own names, and to them the reader is accordingly referred. II. The Annals of the Citv.— In considering the annals of the city of Jerusalem, nothing strikes one so forcibly as the number and severity of the sieges which it underwent. We catch our earliest glimpse of it in the brief notice of the 1st chapter of Judges, which describes how the "children of Judah smote it with the edge of the sword, and set the city on fire ;" and almost the latest mention of it in the New Testament is contained in the solemn warnings in which Christ foretold how Jerusalem JERUSALEM should be " compassed with ai-mies " (Luke xxi. 20), and the abomination of desolation be seen standing in the Holy Place (Matt. xxiv. 15). In the fifteen centuries which elapsed between those two points the city was besieged no fewer than seventeen times ; twice it was razed to the ground ; and on two other occasions its walls were levelled. In this respect it stands without a parallel in any city ancient or mo dern. The fact is one of great significance. The first siege appears to have taken place almost im mediately after the death of Joshua (cir. 1400 B.C.). Judah and Simeon " fought against it and took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and set the city on fire" (Judg. i. 8). To this brief notice Josephus makes a material addition. He tells us that the part which was taken at last, and in which the slaughter was made, was the lower city ; but that the upper city was so strong, that they relin quished the attempt and moved off to Hebron. As long as the upper city remained in the hands of the Jebusites they practically had possession of the whole, and a Jebusite city in fact it remained for a long period after this. The Benjamites followed the men of Judah to Jerusalem, but with no better result (Judg. i. 21). And this lasted during the whole period of the Judges, the reign of Saul, and the reign of David at Hebron. David advanced to the siege at the head of the men-of-war of all the tribes who had come to Hebron " to turn the king dom of Saul to him." They are stated as 280,000 men, choice warriors of the flower of Israel (1 Chr xii. 23-39). No doubt they approached the city from the south. As before, the lower cify was immediately taken, and as before, the citadel held out. The undaunted Jebusites, believing in the impregnability of their fortress, manned the battle ments " with lame and blind." David's anger was roused by the insult, and he proclaimed to his host that the first who would scale the rocky side of the fortress and kill a Jebusite should be made chief captain of the host. A crowd of warriors rushed forward to the attempt, but Joab's superior agility gained him the day, and the citadel, the fastness of Zion, was taken (cir. 1046 B.C.). David at once proceeded to secure himself in his new acquisition. He inclosed the whole of the city with a wall, and connected it with the citadel. The sensation caused by the fall of this impregnable fortress must have been enormous. It reached even to the distant Tyre, and before long an embassy arrived from Hiram, the king of Phoenicia, with the character istic offerings of artificers and materials to erect a palace for David in his new abode. The palace was built, and occupied by the fresh establishment of wives and concubines which David acquired. The arrival of the Ark was an event of great import ance. It was deposited with the most impressive ceremonies, and Zion became at once the great sanc tuary of the nation. In the fortress of Zion, too, was the sepulchre of David. The only works of ornament which we can ascribe to him are the " royal gardens," which appear to have been fonned by him in the level space south-east of the city, fonned by the confluence of the valleys of Kedron and Hinnom. Until the time of Solomon we hear of no additions to the city. His three great works were the Temple, with its east wall and cloister, his own Palace, and the Wall of Jerusalem. One ofthe firet acts of the new king was to make the walls larger. But on the completion of the Temple he again turned his attention to the walls, and both JERUSALEM 381 increased their height and constructed very large towers along them. Another work of his in Jeru salem was the repair or fortification of Millo (1 K. ix. 15, 24). His care of the roads leading to the city is the subject of a special panegyric from Jo sephus. Rehoboam had only been on the throne four years (cir. 970 B.C.) when Shishak, king of Egypt, invaded Judah with an enormous host, took the fortified places and advanced to the capital. Re hoboam did not attempt resistance (2 Chr. xii. 9). Jerusalem was again threatened in the reign of Asa, when Zerah the Cushite, or king of Ethiopia, in vaded the country with an enormous horde of fol lowers (2 Chr. xiv. 9). He came by the road through the low country of Philistia, where his chariots could find level ground. But Asa was more faithful and more valiant than Rehoboam had been. He did not remain to be blockaded in Jeru salem, but went forth and met the enemy at Ma- reshah, and repulsed him with great slaughter (cir. 940). The reign of his son Jehoshaphat, though of great prosperity and splendour, is not remarkable as regards the city of Jerusalem. We hear of a "new court" to the Temple, but have no clue to its situation or its builder (2 Chr. xx. 5). Jeho shaphat's son Jehoram was a prince of a different temper. He began his reign (cir. 887) by a mas sacre of his brethren and of the chief men of the kingdom. The Philistines and Arabians attacked Jerusalem, broke into the palace, spoiled it of all its treasures, sacked the royal harem, killed or carried off the king's wives, and all his sons but one. This was the fourth siege. The next events in Jeru salem were the massacre of the royal children by Joram's widow Athaliah, and the six years' reign of that queen. But with the increasing years of Joash, the spirit of the adherents of Jehovah returned. The king was crowned and proclaimed in the Temple by Jehoiada. Athaliah herself was hurried out to execution from the sacred precincts into the valley of the Kedron. But this zeal for Jehovah soon ex pired. The burial of the good priest in the royal tombs can hardly have been forgotten before a ge neral relapse into idolatry took place, and his son Zechariah was stoned with his family in the very court of the Temple for protesting. The retribu tion invoked by the dying martyr quickly followed. Before the end of the year (cir. 838), Hazael king of Syria, after possessing himself of Gath, marched against the much richer prize of Jerusalem. The visit was averted by a timely offering of treasure from the Temple and the royal palace (2 K, xii. 18 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 23). The predicted danger to the city was however only postponed. After the defeat of Amaziah by Joash, the gates were thrown open, the treasures 'of the Temple and the king's private treasures were pillaged, aud for the first time the walls ofthe city weie injured. A clear breach was made in them of 400 cubits in length " from the gate of Ephraim to the corner gate," and through this Joash drove in triumph, with his captive in the chariot, into the city. This must have been on the north side, and probably at the present north west corner of the walls. The long reign of Uzziah (2 K. xv. 1-7 ; 2 Chr. xxvi.) brought about a ma terial improvement in the fortunes of Jerusalem. The walls were thoroughly repaired and furnished for the first time with machines, then expressly in vented for shooting stones and arrows against be siegers. Later in this reign happened the great earthquake described by Josephus (Ant. ix. 10, §4), 382 JERUSALEM and alluded to by the Prophets as a kind of era (see Stanley, S. §* P. 184, 125). A serious breach was made in the Temple itself, and below the city a large fragment was detached from the hill at En- rogel, and rolling down the slope, overwhelmed the king's gardens at the junction of the Valleys of Hinnom and Kedron, and rested against the bottom •of the slope of Olivet. Jotham (cir. 756) inherited his father's sagacity, as well as his tastes for archi tecture and warfare. His works in Jerusalem were building the upper gateway to the Temple — appa rently a gate communicating with the palace (2 Chr. xxiii. 20) — and porticoes leading to the same. He also built much on Ophel (2 K. xv. 35; 2 Chr. xxvii. 3), repaired the walls wherever they were dilapidated, and strengthened them by very large and strong towers. Before the death of Jotham (b.c. 740) the clouds of the Syrian invasion began to gather. They broke on the head of Ahaz his successor ; Rezin king of Syria and Pekah king of Israel joined their armies and invested Jerusalem (2 K. xvi. 5). The fortifications of the two pre vious kings enabled the city to hold out during a siege of great length. In the fight which followed the men of Judah lost severely, but there is no mention of the city having been plundered. To oppose the confederacy which had so injured him, Ahaz had recourse to Assyria. To collect presents be went so far as to lay hands on part of the per manent works of the Temple (2 K. xvi. 17, 18). Whether the application to Assyria relieved Ahaz from one or both of his enemies, is not clear. From one passage it would seem that Tiglath Pileser ac tually came to Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxviii. 20). At any rate the intercourse resulted in fresh idolatries, and fresh insults in the Temple. The very first act of Hezekiah (B.C. 724) was to restore what his father had desecrated (2 Chr. xxix. 3 ; and see 36, "suddenly"). High-places, altars, the mysterious and obscene symbols of Baal and Asherah, the ve nerable brazen serpent of Moses itself, were torn down, broken to pieces, and the fragments cast into the valley of the Kedron (2 Chr. xxx. 14 ; 2 K. xviii. 4). It was probably at this time that the decorations of the Temple were renewed. And now approached the greatest crisis which had yet occurred in the history of the city : the dreaded Assyrian army was to appeal* under its walls. Hezekiah pre pared for the siege. The springs round Jerusalem were stopped — that is, their outflow was prevented, and the water diverted underground to the interior of the city (2 K. xx. 20 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 4). This done, he carefully repaired the walls of the city, furnished them with additional towers, and built a second wall (2 Chr. xxxii. 5 ; Is. xxii. 10). He strengthened the fortifications of the citadel (2 Chr. xxxii. 5, " Millo ;" Is. xxii. 9), and prepared abund ance of ammunition. At the time of Titus's siege the name of " the Assyrian Camp " was still attached to a spot north of the city in remembrance either of this or the subsequent visit of Nebuchadnezzar. The reign of Manasseh (b.c. 696) must have been an eventful one in the annals of Jerusalem, though only meagre indications of its events are to be found in the documents. He built a fresh wall to the citadel, " from the west side of Gihon-in-the-valley to the fish-gate," i. e. apparently along the east side of the central valley, which parts the upper and lower cities from S. to N. He also continued the works which had been begun by Jotham at Ophel, and raised that fortress or structure to a great JERUSALEM height. The reign of Josiah (B.C. 639) was marked by a more strenuous zeal for Jehovah than even that of Hezekiah had been. He began his reign at eight years of age, and hy his 20th year (12th of his reign— 2 Chr. xxxiv. 3) commenced a thorough removal of the idolatrous aouses of Manasseh and Amon, and even some of Ahaz, which must have escaped the purgations of Hezekiah (2 K. xxviii. 12). His rash opposition to Pharaoh Necho cost him his life, his son his throne, and Jerusalem much suffer ing. Before Jehoahaz (b.c. 608) had been reigning three months, the Egyptian king found opportunity to send to Jerusalem, from Riblah where he was then encamped, a force sufficient to depose and take him prisoner, to put his brother Eliakim on the throne, and to exact a heavy fine from the city and country, which was paid in advance by the new king, and afterwards extorted by taxation (2 K. xxiii. 33, 35). The fall of the city was now rapidly approach ing. During the reign of Jehoiakim Jerusalem was visited by Nebuchadnezzar, with the Babylonian army lately victorious over the Egyptians at Carchemish. The visit was possibly repeated once, or even twice. A siege there must have been ; but of this we have no account. Jehoiakim was succeeded by his son Je hoiachin (b.c. 597). Hardly had his short reign begun before the terrible army of Babylon re appeared before the city, again commanded by Ne buchadnezzar (2 K. xxiv. 10, 11). Jehoiachin surrendered in the third month of his reign. The treasures of the palace and Temple were pillaged, certain golden articles of Solomon's original esta blishment, which had escaped the plunder and dese crations of the previous reigns, were cut up (2 K. xxiv. 13), aild the more desirable objects out ofthe Temple carried off (Jer. xxvii. 19). The uncle of Jehoiachin was made king in his stead, by the name of Zedekiah (2 Chr. xxxvi. 13 ; Ezek. xvii. 13, 14, 18). He applied to Pharaoh-Hophra for assistance (Ezek. xvii. 15). Upon this Nebuchadnezzar marched in person to Jerusalem (B.C. 588), and at once began a regular siege, at the same time wasting the country far and near (Jer. xxxiv. 7). The siege was conducted by erecting forts on lofty mounds round the city, from which on the usual Assyrian plan, missiles were discharged into the town, and the walls and houses in them battered by rams (Jer. xxxii. 24, xxxiii. 4, Iii. 4; Ezek. xxi. 22). The city was also surrounded with troops (Jer. Hi. 7). The siege was once abandoned, owing to the approach of the Egyptian army (Jer. xxxvii. 5, 11). But the relief was only temporary, and in the 11th of Zedekiah (B.C. 586), on the 9th day of the 4th month (Jer. Iii. 6), being just a year and a half from the first investment, the city was taken. It was at midnight. The whole city was wrapt in the pitchy darkness characteristic of an eastern town, and nothing was known by the Jews of what had happened till the generals of the army entered the Temple (Joseph.) and took their seats in the middle court (Jer. xxxix. 3 ; Jos. Ant. a. 8, §2). ^ Then the alarm was given to Zedekiah, and collecting his remaining warriors, he stole out of the city by a gate at the south side, somewhere near the present Bab-el-Mugharibeh, crossed the Kedron above the royal gardens and made his way over the Mount of Olives to the Jordan valley. At break of day information of the flight was brought to the Chal deans by some deserters. A rapid pursuit was made: Zedekiah was overtaken near Jericho, his people were dispersed, and he himself captured and JERUSALEM reserved for a miserable fate at Eiblah. Meantime the wretched inhabitants suffered all the horrors of assault and sack: the men were slaughtered, old and young, prince and peasant ; the women violated in Mount Zion itself (Lam. ii. 4, v. 11, 12). On the seventh day of the following month (2 K. xxv. 8), Nebuzaradan, the commander ofthe king's body guard, who seems to have been charged with Ne buchadnezzar's instructions as to what should be done with the city, arrived. Two days were passed, probably in collecting the captives and booty ; and on the tenth (Jer. Iii. 12) the Temple, the royal palace, and all the more important buildings of the city, were set on fire, and the walls thrown do\vn and left as heaps of disordered rubbish on the ground (Neh. iv. 2). The previous deportations, and the sufferings endured in the siege, must to a great extent have drained the place of its able-bodied people, and thus the captives, on this occasion, were but few and unimportant. The land was prac tically deserted of all but the very poorest class. Five years afterwards — the 23rd of Nebuchad nezzar's reign — the insatiable Nebuzaradan, on his way to Egypt, again visited the ruins, and swept off 745 more of the wretched peasants (Jer. Iii. 30). Thus Jerusalem at last had fallen, and the Temple, set np nnder such fair auspices, was a heap of black ened ruins. The spot, however, was none the less sacred because the edifice was destroyed. It was still the centre of hope to the people in captivity, and the time soon arrived for their return to it. The decree of Cyrus authorizing the rebuilding ot the " house of Jehovah, God of Israel, which is in Jerusalem," was issued B.C. 536. In consequence thereof a very large caravan of Jews arrived in the country. A short time was occupied in settling in their former cities, but on the first day of the 7th month (Ezr. iii. 6) a general assembly was called together at Jerusalem in "the open place of the first gate towards the east " (1 Esd. v. 47) ; the altar was set up, and the daily morning and evening sacrifices commenced. Arrangements were made for stone and timber for the fabric, and in the 2nd year after their return (B.C. 534), on the 1st day ofthe 2nd month (1 Esd. v. 57), the foundation of the Temple was laid. But the work was destined to suffer material interruptions. The chiefs of the people by whom Samaria had been colonized, an noyed and hindered them in eveiy possible way ; but ultimately the Temple was finished and dedi cated in the 6th year of Darius (B.C. 516), on the 3rd (or 23rd, 1 Esdr. vii. 5) of Adar— the last month, and on the 14th day of the new year the first Passover was celebrated. All this time the walls of the city remained as the Assyrians had left them (Neh. ii. 12, &c). A period of 58 years now passed, of which no accounts are preserved to us ; but at the end of that time, in the year 457, Ezra arrived from Babylon with a caravan of Priests, Levites, Nethinims, and lay people. He left Ba bylon on the 1st day of the year and reached Jeru salem on the 1st of the 5th month (Ezr. vii. 9, viii. 32). We now pass another period of eleven years until the arrival of Nehemiah, about B.C. 445. After three days he collected the chief people and proposed the immediate rebuilding of the walls. One spirit seized them, and notwithstanding the taunts and threats of Sanballat, the ruler of the Samaritans, and Tobiah the Ammonite, in conse quence of which one-half of the people had to remain armed while the other half built, the work was completed in 52 days, on the 25th of Elul. The JERUSALEM 3S3 wall thus rebuilt was that ofthe city of Jerusalem as well as the city of David or Zion. Nehemiah remained in the city for twelve years (v. 14, xiii. 6), during which time he held the office and main tained the state of governor of the province (v. 14) from his own private resources (v. 15). The foreign tendencies of the high-priest Eliashib and his family had already given Nehemiah some concern (xiii. 4, 28). Eliashib's son Joiada, who succeeded him in the high-priesthood, had two sons, the one Jonathan (Neh. xii. 11) or Johanan (Neh. xii. 22), the other Joshua (Jos.). The two quarrelled, and Joshua was killed by Johanan in the Temple (B.C. cir. 366). Johanan in his turn had two sons, Jaddua (Neh. xii. 11, 22) and Manasseh (Jos. Ant. xi. 7, §2). Manasseh married the daughter of San ballat the Horonite, and eventually became the first priest of/the Samaritan temple on Gerizim. During the high-priesthood of Jaddua occurred the famous visit of Alexander the Great to Jerusalem. The result to the Jews of the visit was an exemption from tribute in the Sabbatical year: » privilege which they retained for long. We hear nothing more of Jerusalem until it was taken by Ptolemy Soter, about B.C. 320, during his incursion into Syria. A stormy period succeeded — that of the struggles between Antigonus and Ptolemy for the possession of Syria, which lasted until the defeat of the former at Ipsus (B.C. 301), after which the country came into the possession of Ptolemy. Simon the Just, who followed his father Onias in the high- priesthood (cir. B.C. 300), is one of the favourite heroes of the Jews, Under his care the sanctuary was repaired, and some foundations of great depth added round the Temple, possibly to gain a larger surface on the top of the hill (Ecclus. 1. 1, 2). The large cistern or " sea " of the principal court of the Temple, which hitherto would seem to have been but temporarily or roughly constructed, was sheathed in brass (ibid. 3) ; the walls of the city were more strongly fortified to guard against such attacks as those of Ptolemy (ib. 4) ; and the Temple service was maintained with great pomp and ceremonial (ib. 11-21). His death was marked' by evil omens of various kinds presaging disasters. The inter course with Greeks was fast eradicating the national character, but it was at any rate a peaceful in tercourse during the reigns of the Ptolemies who succeeded Soter, viz., Philadelphus (B.C. 285), and Euergetes (B.C. 247). A description of Jerusalem at this period under the name of Aristeas still sur vives, which.supplies a lively picture of both Temple and city. The Temple was " enclosed with three walls 70 cubits high, and of proportionate thick ness .... The spacious courts were paved with marble, and beneath them lay immense reservoirs of water, which by mechanical contrivance was made to rush forth, and thus wash away the blood of the sacrifices." The city occupied the summit and the eastern slopes of the opposite hill — the modern Zion. The main streets appear- to have run north and south ; some " along the brow .... others lower down but parallel, following the course of the valley, with cross streets connecting them." They were "furnished with raised pavements," either due to the slope of the ground, or possibly adopted for the reason given by Aristeas, viz. to enable the passengers to avoid contact with persons or things ceremonially unclean. The bazaars were then, as now, a prominent feature of the city. During the struggle between Ptolemy Philopator and Antiochus the Great, Jerusalem became alternately a prey 384. JERUSALEM to each of the contending parties. In 203 it was taken by Antiochus. In 199 it was retaken by Scopas the Alexandrian general, who left a garrison in the citadel. In the following year Antiochus again beat the Egyptians, and then the Jews, who had suffered most from the latter, gladly opened their gates to his army, and assisted them in re ducing the Egyptian gan'ison. In the reign of Seleucus Soter Jerusalem was in much apparent prosperity. But the city soon began to be much disturbed by the disputes between Hyrcanus, the illegitimate son of Joseph the collector, and his elder and legitimate brothers. In 175 Seleucus Soter died, and the kingdom of Syria came to his brother, the infamous Antiochus Epiphanes. His first act towards Jerusalem was to sell the office of high-priest— still filled by the good Onias III. — to Onias' brother Joshua, who changed his name to Jason (2 Mace. iv. 7). In 172 Jerusalem was visited by Antiochus. He entered the city at night by torch-light and amid the acclamations of Jason and his party, and after a short stay returned (2 Mace. iv. 22). During the absence of Antiochus in Egypt, Jason, who had been driven out by Me nelaus, suddenly appeared before Jerusalem with a thousand men, drove Menelaus into the citadel, and slaughtered the citizens without mercy. The news of these tumults reaching Antiochus on his way from Egypt brought him again to Jerusalem (B.C. 170). He appears to have entered the city without much difficulty. An indiscriminate massacre of the adherents of Ptolemy followed, and then a general pillage of the contents of the Temple. The total extermination of the Jews was resolved on, and in two years (B.C. 168) an army was sent under Apol lonius to carry the resolve into effect. Another great slaughter took place on the sabbath, the city was now in its turn pillaged and burnt, and the walls destroyed. Antiochus next issued an edict to compel heathen worship in all his dominions. The Temple was reconsecrated to Zeus Olympius (2 Mace. vi. 2). And while the Jews were compelled not only to tolerate but to take an active part in these foreign abominations, the observance of their own rites and ceremonies — sacrifice, the sabbath, cir cumcision — was absolutely forbidden. The battles of the Maccabees were fought on the outskirts of the country, and it was not till the defeat of Lysias at Bethzur that they thought it safe to venture into the recesses of the central hills. Then they imme diately turned their steps to Jerusalem. The pre cincts of the Temple were at once cleansed, the polluted altar put aside, a new one constructed, and the holy vessels of the sanctuary replaced, and on the third anniversary of the desecration — the 25th of the month Chisleu, in the year B.C. 165, the Temple was dedicated with a feast which lasted for eight days. After this the outer wall of the Temple was very much strengthened (1 Mace. iv. 60), and it was in fact converted into a fortress (comp. vi. 26, 61, 62), and occupied by a garrison (iv. 61). The Acra was still held by the soldiers of Antiochus. Two years later (B.C. 163) Judas collected his people to take it, and began a siege with banks and engines. In the mean time Anti ochus had died (B.C. 164), and was succeeded by his son Antiochus Eupator, a youth. The garrison in the Acra, finding themselves pressed by Judas, managed to communicate with the king, who brought an army from Antioch and attacked Bethzur, one ofthe key-positions ofthe Maccabees. This obliged J udas to give up the siege of the Acra, and to march JERUSALEM southwards against the intruder (1 Mace. vi. 32). Antiochus's army proved too much for his little force, his brother Eleazar was killed, and he was compelled to fall back on Jerusalem and shut himself up in the Temple. Thither Lysias, Antiochus's general — and later, Antiochus himself— followed him (vi. 48, 51, 57, 62) and commenced an active siege. The death of Judas took place in 161. After it Bacchides and Alcimus again established them selves at Jerusalem in the Acra (Jos. Ant. xiii. 1 §3), and in the intervals of their contests with Jo nathan and Simon, added much to its fortifications. In the second month (May) of 160 the high-priest Alcimus began to make some alterations in the Temple, apparently doing away with the inclosure between one court and another, and in particular demolishing some wall or building, to which peculiar sanctity was attached as " the work ofthe prophets" (1 Mace. ix. 54). Bacchides returned to Antioch, and Jerusalem remained without molestation for a period of seven years. All this time the Acra was held by the Macedonian garrison (Ant. xiii. 4, §92) and the malcontent Jews, who still held the hostages taken from the other part of the community ( 1 Mace. x. 6). In the year 153 Jonathan was made high- priest. In 145, he began to invest the Acra (xi. 20 ; Ant. xiii. 4, §9), but, owing partly to the strength of the place, and partly to. the constant dissensions abroad, the siege made little progress during fully two years. In the mean time Jonathan was killed at Ptolemais, and Simon succeeded him both as chief and as high priest (xiii. 8, 42). The investment of the Acra proved successful, but three years still elapsed before this enormously strong place could be reduced, and at last the garrison capitulated only from famine (xiii. 49; comp. 21). Simon entered it on the 23rd of the 2nd month B.C. 142. The fortress was then entirely demo lished, and the eminence on which it had stood lowered, until it was reduced below the height of the Temple hill beside it. The valley north of Moriah was probably filled up at this time. A fort was then built on the north side of the Temple hill, apparently against the wall, so as di rectly to command the site of the Acra, and here Simon and his immediate foUowers resided (xiii. 52). One of the first steps of his son John Hyrcanus was to secure both the city and the Temple. Shortly after this, Antiochus Sidetes, king of Syria, attacked Jerusalem. To invest the city, and cut off all chance of escape, it was encircled by a girdle of seven camps. The active operations of the siege were carried on as usual at the north, where the level ground comes up to the walls. The siege was ultimately relinquished. Antiochus wished to place a garrison in the city, but this the late expe rience of the Jews forbade, and hostages and a pay ment were substituted. After Antiochus's de parture, Hyrcanus carefully repaired the damage done to the walls (5 Mace. xxi. 18). During the rest of his long and successful reign John Hyr canus resided at Jerusalem, ably administering the government from thence, and regularly fulfill ing the duties of the high-priest (see 5 Mace, xxiii. 3). He was succeeded (B.C. 107-) by his son Aristobulus. Like his predecessors he was high- priest ; but unlike them he assumed the title as well as the power of a king (5 Mace, xxvii. 1). His brother Alexander Janneas (B.C. 105), who succeeded him, was mainly engaged in wars at a distance from Jerusalem. About the year 95 the animosities of the Pharisees and Sadducees came to JERUSALEM an alarming explosion. Alexander's severities made him extremely unpopular with both parties, and led to their inviting the aid of Demetrius Eu- chaerus, king of Syria, against him. The actions between them were fought at a distance from Jeru salem ; but the city did not escape a share in the horrors of war ; for when, after some fluctuations, Alexander returned successful, he crucified publicly 800 of his opponents, and had their wives and children butchered before their eyes, while he and his concubines feasted in sight of the whole scene {Ant. xiii. 14, § 2). Such an iron sway as this was enough to crush all opposition, and Alexander reigned till the year 79 without further disturb ances. The " monument of king Alexander " was doubtless his tomb. In spite of opposition the Pharisees were now by far the most powerful party in Jerusalem, and Alexander had therefore before his death instructed his queen, Alexandra — whom he left to succeed him with two sons — to commit herself to them. The elder of the two sons, Hyr canus, was made high-priest, and Aristobulus had the command of the army. The queen lived till the year 70. On her death, Hyrcanus attempted to take the crown, but was opposed by his brother, to whom in three months he yielded its possession, Aristobulus becoming king in the year 69. The brothers soon quarrelled again, when Hyrcanus called to his assistance Aretas,' king of Damascus. Before this new enemy Aristobulus fled to Jeru salem, and took refuge within the fortifications of the Temple. The siege is interrupted and even tually raised by the interference of Scaurus, one of Pompey's lieutenants, to whom Aristobulus paid 400 talents for the relief. This was in the year 65. Pompey advanced from Damascus by way of Jericho. As he approached Jerusalem, Aristobulus, who found the city too much divided for effectual resistance, met him and offered a large sum of money and surrender. Pompey sent forward Gabi- nius to take possession of the place ; but the bolder party among the adherents of Aristobulus had meantime gained the ascendancy, and he found the gates closed. Pompey on this threw the king into chains, and advanced on Jerusalem. Hyrcanus was in possession of the city, and received the in vader with open arms. The Temple on the other hand was held by the party of Aristobulus, which included the priests. Pompey appears to have sta tioned some part of his force on the high ground west of the city, but he himself commanded in per son at the north. The first efforts of his soldiers were devoted to filling up the ditch and the valley, and to constructing the banks on which to place the military engines, for which purpose they cut down all the timber in the environs. Pompey re marked that on the seventh day the Jews regularly desisted from fighting, and this afforded the Romans a great advantage, for it gave them the opportunity of moving the engines and towers nearer the walls. At the end of three months the besiegers had ap proached so close to the wall that the battering- rams could be worked, and a breach was effected in the largest of the towers, through which the Romans entered, and after an obstinate resistance and loss of life, remained masters of the Temple. Hyrcanus was continued in his high-priesthood, but without the title of king ; a tribute was laid upon the city, the walls were entirely demolished. The Temple was taken in the year 63, in the third month (Sivan), on the day of a great fast : pro- CON. D. B. JERUSALEM 385 bably that for Jeroboam, which was held on the 23rd of that month. During the next few years nothing occurred to affect Jerusalem. In 56 it was made the seat of one of the five senates or San hedrim. Two years afterwards (B.C. 54) the rapa cious Crassus plundered the city not only of the money which Pompey had spared, but of a con siderable treasure accumulated from the contri butions of Jews throughout the world, in all a sum of 10,000 talents, or about 2,000,0002. sterling. During this time Hyrcanus remained at Jerusalem, acting under the advice of Antipater the Idumean, his chief minister. The year 47 is memorable for the first appearance of Antipater's son Herod in Jerusalem. Antigonus, the younger and only sur viving son of Aristobulus, suddenly appeared in the country supported by a Parthian army. So sudden was his approach, that he got into the city and reached the palace in the upper market-place — the modern Zion — without resistance. Here, how ever, he was met by Hyrcanus and Phasaelus with a strong party of soldiers and driven into the Tem ple. Pacorus, the Parthian general, was lying out side the walls, and at the earnest request of Anti gonus, he and 500 horse were admitted, ostensibly to mediate. The result was, that Phasaelus and Hyrcanus were outwitted, and Herod overpowered, the Parthians got possession of the place, and Anti gonus was made king. Thus did Jerusalem (B.C. 40) find itself in the hands of the Parthians. In three months Herod returned from Rome king of Judaea, and in the beginning of 39 appeared before Jerusalem with a force of Romans, commanded by Silo, and pitched his camp on the west side of the city. Other occurrences, however, called him away from the siege at this time. In 37 Herod appeared again. He came, as Pompey had done, from Jericho, and, like Pompey, he pitched his camp and made his attack on the north side of the Temple. For a short time after the commence ment of the operations Herod absented himself for his marriage at Samaria with Mariamne. On his return he was joined by Sosius, the Roman go vernor of Syria, with a force of from 50,000 to 60,000 men, and the siege was then resumed in earnest. The first of the two walls was taken in forty days, and the second in fifteen more. The siege is said to have occupied in all five months. Herod's first care was to put down the Asmonean party. The appointment of the high-priest was the next consideration. Herod therefore bestowed the office (B.C. 36) on one Ananel, a former adhe rent of his, and a Babylonian Jew. Ananel was soon displaced through the machinations of Alex andra, mother of Herod's wife Mariamne, who pre vailed on him to appoint her son Aristobulus, a youth of sixteen. But he was soon after murdered at Jericho, and then Ananel resumed the office. The intrigues and tragedies of the next thirty years are too complicated and too long to be treated of here. In the year 34 the city was visited by Cleo patra. In the spring of 31, the year of the battle of Actium, Judaea was visited by an earthquake, the effects of which appear to have been indeed tre mendous. The panic at Jerusalem was veiy severe. The following year was distinguished by the death of Hyrcanus, who, though more than eighty years old, was killed by Herod, to remove the last rem nant of the Asmonean race. Herod now began to encourage foreign practices and usages. Amongst his acts of this description was the building of a 2 C 386 JERUSALEM theatre at Jerusalem. Of its situation no in formation is given, nor have any traces yet been discovered. The zealous Jews took fire at these innovations, and Herod only narrowly escaped assassination. At this time he occupied the old palace of the Asmoneans. He had now also com pleted the improvements of the Antonia, the for tress built by John Hyrcanus on the foundations of Simon Maccabeus. A description of this celebrated fortress will be given in treating of the Temple. The year 25- — the next after the attempt on Herod's life in the theatre — was oue of great mis fortunes. In this year or the next Herod took another wife, the daughter of an obscure priest of Jerusalem named Simon. It was probably on the occasion of this marriage that he built a new and extensive palace immediately adjoining the old wall, at the north-west corner of the upper city, about the spot now occupied by the Latin convent. But all Herod's works in Jerusalem were eclipsed hy the rebuilding of the Temple in more than its for mer extent and magnificence. He announced his intention in the year 19, probably when the people were collected in Jerusalem at the Passover. The completion of the sanctuary itself on the anniver sary of Herod's inauguration, B.C. 16, was cele brated by lavish sacrifices and a great feast. About B.C. 9 — eight years from the commencement — the court and cloisters of the Temple were finished. At this time equally magnificent works were being carried on in another part of the city, viz., in the old wall at the north-west comer,. In or about the year 7 Herod had fixed a large golden eagle, the symbol of the Roman empire (Judaea was now a province), over the entrance to the Sanctuary. This had excited the indignation of the Jews, and espe cially of two of the chief rabbis, who instigated their disciples to tear it down. Being taken before Herod the rabbis defended their conduct and were burnt alive. The high-priest Matthias was de posed, and Joazar took his place. This was the state of things in Jerusalem when Herod died. The government of Judaea, and therefore of Jeru salem, had by the will of Herod been bequeathed to Archelaus. During Archelaus' absence at Rome, Jerusalem was in charge of Sabinus, the Roman procurator of the province, and the tumults were renewed with worse results. Iu the year 3 B.C. Archelaus returned from Rome ethnarch of the southern province. He immediately displaced Joazar, whom his father had made high-priest after the affair of the Eagle, and put Joazar's brother Eleazar in his stead. Judaea was now reduced to an ordinary Roman province ; the procurator of which resided, not at Jerusalem, but at Caesarea on the coast. The first appointed was Coponius, who accompanied Quirinus to the country immed iately on the disgrace of Archelaus. Two incid ents at once most opposite in their character, and in their significance to that age and to ourselves, occurred during the procuratorship of Coponius. First, in the year 8, the finding ot Christ in the Temple. The second was nothing less than the pollution of the Temple by some Samaritans, who secretly brought human bonps and strewed them about the cloisters during the night of the Pass over. In or about a.d. 10, Coponius was suc ceeded by M. Ambivius, and he by Annius Rufus. In 14 Augustus died, and with Tiberius came' a new procurator — Val. Gratus, who held office till 26, when he was replaced by Pontius Pilate.— JERUSALEM a.d. 29. At the Passover of this year our Lord made His first recorded visit to the city since His boyhood (John ii. 13).— A.D. 33. At the Pass over of this year occurred His crucifixion and resur rection. In A.D. 37, Pilate having been recalled to Rome, Jerusalem was visited by Vitellius, the pre fect of Syria, at the time of the Passover. In the following year Stephen was stoned. The Chris tians were greatly persecuted, and all, except the Apostles, driven out of Jerusalem (Acts viii. 1, xi. 19). In A.D. 40, Vitellius was supeiseded by P. Petronius, who arrived in Palestine with an order to place in the Temple a statue of Caligula. This order was ultimately countermanded. With the accession of Claudius in 41 came an edict of tolera tion to the Jews. Agrippa resided very much at Jerusalem, and added materially to its prosperity and convenience. The city had for some time been extending itself towards the north, and a large suburb had come into existence on the high ground north of the Temple, and outside of the " second wall " which enclosed the northern part of the great central valley of the city. Hitherto the outer portion of this suburb — which was called Bezetha, or " New Town," and had grown up very rapidly — was unprotected by any formal wall, and practically lay open to attack. This defenceless condition attracted the attention of Agrippa, who, like the first Herod, was a great builder, and he commenced enclosing it in so substantial and mag nificent a manner as to excite the suspicions of the Prefect, at whose instance it was stopped by Clau dius. Subsequently the Jews seem to have pur chased permission to complete the work. The year 43 is memorable as that of St. Paul's fii'st visit to Jerusalem after his conversion. The year 44 began with the murder of St. James by Agrippa (Acts xii. 1), followed at the Passover by the imprison ment and escape of St. Peter. Shortly after Agrippa himself died. Cuspius Fadus arrived from Rome as procurator, and Longinus as prefect of Syria. In 45 commenced a severe famine, which lasted two years. At the end of this year St. Paul arrived in Jerusalem for the second time.— A.D. 48. Fadus was succeeded by Ventidius Cumanus. A frightful tumult happened at the Passover of this year, caused, as on former occasions, by the pre sence of the Roman soldiers in the Antonia and in the courts and cloisters of the Temple during the festival. Cumanus was recalled, and Felix ap pointed in his room. A set of ferocious fanatics, whom Josephus calls Sicarii, had lately begun to make their appearance in the city. In fact, not only Jerusalem, but the whole country far and wide, was in the most frightful confusion and in security. At length a riot at Caesarea of the most serious description caused the recall of Felix, and in the end of 60 or the beginning of 61,P0ECIUS Festus succeeded him as procurator. Festus was an able and upright officer (B. J. ii. H, § !). and at the same time conciliatory towards the Jews (Acts xxv. 9). In the brief period of his admi nistration he kept down the robbers with a strong hand, and gave the province a short breathing time His interview with St. Paul (Acts xxv., xxvi.) took place, not at Jerusalem, but at Caesarea In 62 (probably) Festus died, and was succeeded by Albinus. He began his rule by endeavouring to keep down the Sicarii and other disturbers of the peace ; and indeed he preserved throughout a show of justice and vigour, though in secret greedy and JERUSALEM rapacious. Bad as Albinus had been, Gessius Fiorus, who succeeded him in 65, was worse. At the Passover, probably in 66, when Cestius Gallus, the prefect of Syria, visited Jerusalem, the whole assembled people besought him for redress ; but without effect. Fiorus' next attempt was to obtain some of the treasure from the Temple. He de manded 17 talents in the name of the emperor. The demand produced a frantic disturbance. That night Fiorus took up his quarters in the royal palace — that of Herod at the N.W. comer of the city. On the following morning he demanded that the leaders of the late riot, should be given up. On their refusal he ordered his soldiers to plunder the upper city. This order was but too faithfully car ried out. Foiled in his attempt to press through the old city up into the Antonia, he relinquished the attempt, and withdrew to Caesarea. Cestius Gallus, the prefect, now found it necessary for him to visit the city in person. Agrippa had shortly before returned from Alexandria, and had done much to calm the people. The seditious party in the Temple led by young Eleazar, son of Ananias, rejected the offerings of the Roman emperor, which since the time of Julius Caesar had been regularly made. This, as a direct renunciation of allegiance, was the true beginning of the war with Rome. Hostilities at once began. The peace party, headed by the high-priest, and fortified by Agrippa' s sol diers, threw themselves into the upper city. The insurgents held the Temple and the lower city. In the Antonia was a small Roman garrison. Fierce contests lasted for seven days, each side endeavour ing to take possession ofthe part held by the other. At last the insurgents became masters of both city and temple. But they were not to remain so long. Cestius Gallus advanced from Scopus on the city. He encamped opposite the palace at the foot of the second wall. The Jews retired to the upper city and to the Temple. For five days Cestius assaulted the wall without success ; on tlie sixth he resolved to make one more attempt. He could effect nothing, and when night came he drew off to his camp at Scopus. Thither the insurgents followed him, and in three days gave him one of the most complete defeats that a Roman army had ever undergone. War with Rome was now inevitable. The walls were repaired, arms and warlike instru ments, and machines of all kinds fabricated, and other preparations made. In this attitude of ex pectation the city remained while Vespasian was reducing the north of the country, and till the fall of Giscala (Oct. or Nov. 67). Two years and a half elapsed till Titus appeared before the walls of Jerusalem. The whole of that time was occu pied in contests between the moderate party and the Zealots or fanatics. At the beginning of 70, when Titus made his appearance, the Zealots them selves were divided into two parties — that of John of Giscala and Eleazar, who held the Temple and its courts and the Antonia — 8400 men ; that of Simon Bar-Gioras, whose head-quarters were in the tower Phasaelus, and who held the upper city, the lower city in the valley, and the district where the old Acra had formerly stood, north of the Temple — 10,000 men, and 5,000 Idumeans, in all a force of between 23,000 and 24,000 soldiers trained in the civil encounters of the last two years to great skill and thorough recklessness. The numbers of the other inhabitants it is extremely difficult to decide. Titus's force consisted of four JERUSALEM 387 legions and some auxiliaries — at the outside 30,000 men. These were disposed on their first arrival in three camps — the 12th and 15th legions on the ridge of Scopus, about a mile north of the city ; the 5th a little in the real-, and the 10th on the top of the Mount of Olives, to guard the road to the Jordan valley. The first operation was to clear the ground between Scopus and the north wall of the city. This occupied four days. The next step was to get possession of the outer wall. The point of attack chosen was in Simon's portion of the city, at a low and comparatively weak place near the monument of John Hyrcanus. Round this spot the three legions erected banks, from which they opened batteries, pushing up the rams and other engines of attack to the foot of the wall. Meantime from their camp on the Mount of Olives the 10th legion battered the Temple and the east side of the city. A breach was made on the 7th Artemisius (cir. April 15); and here the Romans entered, driving the Jews before them to the second wall. Titus now lay with the second wall of the city close to him on his right. He pre ferred, before advancing, to get possession of the second wall. In five days a breach was again effected. The district into which the Romans had now penetrated was the great Valley which lay between the two main hills of the city. Before attacking the Antonia, Titus resolved to give his troops a few days' rest. He therefore called in the 10th legion from the Mount of Olives, and held an inspection of the whole army on the ground north of the Temple. But the opportunity was thrown away upon the Jews, and after four days orders were given to recommence the attack. Hitherto the assault had been almost entirely on the city : it was now to be simultaneous on city and Temple. Accordingly two pairs of large batteries were con structed, the one pair in front of Antonia, the other at the old point of attack — the monument of John Hyrcanus. They absorbed the incessant labour of seventeen days, and were completed on the 29th Artemisius (cir. May 7). But the Jews under mined the banks, and the labour of the Romans was totally destroyed. At the other point Simon had maintained a resistance with all his former intre pidity, and more than his former success. It now became plain to Titus that some other measures for the reduction of the place must be adopted. A council of war was therefore held, and it was resolved to encompass the whole place with a wall, and then recommence the assault. Its entire length was 39 furlongs, — very near 5 miles ; and it con tained 13 stations or guard-houses. The whole strength of the army was employed on the work, and it was completed in the short space of three days. The siege was then vigorously pressed. The north attack was relinquished, and the whole force concentrated on the Antonia. On the 5th Panemus (June 11) the Antonia was in the hands of the Romans (vi. 1, § 7). Another week was occupied in breaking down the outer walls of the fortress for the passage of the machines, and a further delay took place in erecting new banks, on the fresh level, for the bombardment and battery of the Temple. But the Romans gradually gained ground. At length, on the tenth day of Ab (July 15), by the wanton act of a soldier, contrary to the intention of Titus, and in spite of every exer tion he could make to stop it, the sanctuary itself was fired. It was, by one of those rare coinci- 2 C 2 388 JERUSALEM dences that sometimes occur, the very same month and day of the month that the first Temple had been burnt by Nebuchadnezzar. The whole of the cloisters that had hitherto escaped were now all burnt and demolished. Only the edifice of the sanctuary itself still remained. The Temple was at last gained ; but it seemed as if half the work remained to be done. The upper city was still to be taken. Titus first tried a parley. His terms, however, were rejected, and no alternative was left him but to force on the siege. The whole of the low part of the town was burnt. It took 18 days to erect the necessary works for the siege ; the four legions were once more stationed at the west or north-west corner where Herod's palace abutted on the wall, and where the three magnificent and im pregnable towers of Hippicus, Phasaelus, aud Mariamne rose conspicuous. This was the main attack. It was commenced on the 7th of Gor- piaeus (cir. Sept. 11), and by the next day a breach was made in the wall, and the Romans at last entered the city. The city being taken, such parts as had escaped the former conflagrations were burned, and the whole of both city and Temple was ordered to be demolished, excepting the west wall of the upper city, and Herod's three great tqwers at the north-west corner, which were left standing as memorials of the massive nature of the fortifica tions.— From its destruction by Titus to the pre sent time. — For more than fifty years after its destruction by Titus Jerusalem disappears from his tory. During the revolts of the Jews in Cyre naica, Egypt, Cyprus, and Mesopotamia, which disturbed the latter years of Trajan, the recovery of their city was never attempted. But in the reign of Hadrian it again emerged from its obscurity, and became the centre of an insurrection, which the best blood of Rome was shed to subdue. In despair of keeping the Jews in subjection by other means, the Emperor had formed a design to restore Jerusalem, and thus prevent it from ever becoming a rallying point for this turbulent race. In fur therance of his plan he had sent thither a colony of veterans, in numbers sufficient for the defence of a position so strong by nature against the then known modes of attack. The embers of revolt, long smouldering, burst into a flame soon after Hadrian's departure from the East in A.D. 132. At an early period in the revolt the Jews under Bar Cocheba became masters of Jerusalem, and at tempted to rebuild the Temple. Hadrian, alarmed at the rapid spread of the insurrection, and the in effectual efforts of his troops to repress it, sum moned from Britain Julius Severus, the greatest general of his time, to take the command of the army of Judaea. Two years were spent in a fierce guerilla warfare before Jerusalem was taken, after a desperate defence in which Bar Cocheba perished. But the war did not end with the capture of the city. The Jews in great force had occupied the fortress of Bether, and there maintained a struggle with all the tenacity of despair against the repeated onsets of the Romans. At length, worn out by famine and disease, they yielded on the 9th of the month Ab, A.D. 135. Bar Cocheba has left traces of his occupation of Jerusalem in coins which were struck during the first two years of the war. Hadrian's first policy, after the suppression of the revolt, was to obliterate the existence of Jerusalem as a city. The rains which Titus had left were razed to the ground, and the plough passed over JERUSALEM the foundations ofthe Temple. A colony of Roman citizens occupied the new city, which rose from the ashes of Jerusalem, and their number was after wards augmented by the Emperor's veteran legion aries. It was not, however, till the following year A.D. 136, that Hadrian, ou celebrating his Vicen- nalia, bestowed upon the new city the name of Aelia Capitolina, combining with his own family title the name of Jupiter of the Capitol, the guar dian deity of the colony. Jews were forbidden to enter on pain of death. About the middle of the 4th century the Jews were allowed to visit the neighbourhood, and afterwards, once a year to enter the city itself, and weep over it on the anni versary of its capture. So completely were all traces of the ancient city obliterated, that its very name was in process of time forgotten. It was not till after Constantine built the Martyrion on the site of the crucifixion, that its ancient appella tion was revived. —After the inauguration of the new colony of Aelia the annals of the city again relapse into obscurity. The aged Empress Helena, mother of Constantine, visited Palestine in A.D. 326, and, according to tradition, erected magnificent churches at Bethlehem, and on the Mount of Olives. Her son, fired with the same zeal, swept away the shrine of Astarte, which occupied the site of the resurrection, and founded in its stead a chapel or oratory. In the reign of Julian (A.D. 362) the Jews, with the permission and at the instigation of the Emperor, made an abortive attempt to lay the foundations of a temple. —During the fourth and fifth centuries Jerusalem became the centre of attraction for pilgrims from all regions, and its bishops contended with those of Caesarea for the supremacy; but it was not till after the council of Chalcedon (451-453) that it was made an independent patriarchate. In 529 the Emperor Justinian founded at Jerusalem a splendid church in honour of the Virgin, which has been identified by most writers with the build ing known in modern times as the Mosque el-Aksa, but of which probably no remains now exist. For nearly five centuries the city had been free from the horrors of war. But this rest was roughly broken by the invading Persian army under Chos- roes II. The city was invested, and taken by assault in June, 614. After a struggle of fourteen years the imperial arms were again victorious, and in 628 Heraclius entered Jerusalem on foot. The dominion of the Christians in the Holy City was now rapidly drawing to a close. After an obstinate defence of four months, in the depth of winter, against the impetuous attacks of the Arabs, the patriarch Sophronius surrendered to the Khalif Omar in peison A.D. 637. With the fall of the Abassides the Holy City passed into the hands of the Fatimite conqueror Muez, who fixed the seat of his empire at Musr el-Kahirah, the modem Cairo (A.D. 969). Under the Fatimite dynasty the suf ferings of the Christians in Jerusalem reached their height, when El-Hakem, the third of his line, ascended the throne (A.D. 996). About the year 1084 it was bestowed by Tutush, the brother of Melek Shah, upon Ortok, chief of a Turkman horde under his command. From this time till 1091 Ortok was emir of the city, and on his death it was held as a kind of fief by his sons Ilghazy and Sukm&n, whose severity to the Christians became the proximate cause of the Crusades. On the 7th of June, 1099, the crusading army »p- JERUSALEM peared before the walls. Their camp extended from the gate of St. Stephen to that beneath the tower of David. On the fifth day after their arrival the crusaders attacked the city, and at three o'clock on Friday the 15th of July Jerusalem was in the hands of the crusaders. Churches were established, and for eighty-eight years Jerusalem re mained in the hands of the Christians. In 1187 it was retaken by Saladin after a siege of several weeks. In 1277 Jerusalem was nominally annexed to the kingdom of Sicily. In 1517 it passed under the sway of the Ottoman Sultan Selim I., whose successor Suliman built the present walls of the city in 1542. Mohammed Aiy, the Pasha of Egypt, took possession of it in 1832. In 1834 it was seized and held for a time by the Fellahin during the insurrection, and in 1840, after the bombardment of Acre, was again restored to the Sultan. III. TOPOGRAPHY 03? the City. — There are at present before the public three distinct views ofthe topography of Jerusalem, so discre pant from one another in their most essential features, that a disin terested person might fairly feel himself jus tified in assuming that there existed no real data for the determi nation of the points at issue, and that the dis puted questions must for ever remain in the same unsatisfactory state as at present.— 1. The first of these theories consists in the belief that all the sacred localities were correctly ascertained in the early ages of Christianity ; and, what is still more important, that none have been changed during the dark ages that followed, or in the numerous revolutions to which the city has been exposed. The first person who ventured publicly to express his dissent from this view was Korte, a German printer, who travelled in Palestine about the year 1728, and on his retum home published a work denying the authenticity of the so- called sacred localities. The arguments in fa vour of the present localities being the correct ones, are well summed up by the JERUSALEM 389 Rev. George Williams in his work on the Holy City, and with the assistance of Professor Willis all has been said that can be urged in favour of their authenti city .—2. Professor Robinson, on the other hand, in his elaborate works on Palestine, has brought to gether all the arguments which from the time of Korte have been accumulating against the authen ticity of the mediaeval sites and traditions..— 3. The third theory is that put forward by Mr. Fergusson in his "Essay on the Ancient Topography of Jeru salem." It agrees generally with the views urged by all those from Korte to Robinson, whp doubt the authenticity of the present site of the sepulchre; but goes on to assert that the building now known to Christians as the Mosque of Omar, but by Mos lems called the Dome of the Rock, is the identical Plan op Jerusalem, 1. Mount Zion. 2. Mnrijib. S. The Temple. 7. Bezethft. 8. ChttfcJi of the il.'ly Sepulclirt rogel. 12. Pool of Hezeldah. IS. Fountain of Olives. 17. Gethsemane. a^I0^?- „5' BnArtle site of Golgotha. 6. Ophel. 9, 10. The Upper and Lower Pools of Gihon. 11. En- oftlie Virotn. H. Siloam. 15. Bethesda. 10. Mount 390 JERUSALEM church which Constantine erected over the Rock which contained the Tomb of Christ. Our chief authority for the topography of Jerusalem is of course Josephus. In attempting to follow his de scription there are two points which it is necessaiy should be fixed in order to understand what follows. The first of these is the position and dimensions of the Temple ; the second the position of the Tower Hippicus.— I. Site of the Temple. — Without any exception, all topographers are now agreed that the Temple stood within the limits of the great area now known as the Haram, though few are agreed as to the portion of that space which it covered; and at' least one author places it in the centre, and not at the southern extremity of the enclosure. With this exception all topographers are agreed that the south-western angle of the Haram area was one ofthe angles of the ancient Jewish Temple. The extent of the Temple northwards and eastwards from this point is a question on which there is much less agreement than with regard to the fixa tion of its south-western angle, though the evidence, both written and local, points inevitably to the con clusion that Josephus was literally correct when he said that the Temple was an exact square of a stadium, or 600 Greek feet, on each side. There is no other written authority on this subject except the Talmud, which asserts that the Temple was a square of 500 cubits each side ; but the Kabbis, as if aware that this assertion did not coincide with the localities, immediately correct themselves by explaining that it was the cubit of 15 inches which was meant, which would make the side 625 feet. The instantia crucis, however, is the existing re mains, and these confirm the description of Josephus to the fullest possible extent. Proceeding eastward along the southern wall from the south-western angle we find the whole Haram area filled up per fectly solid, with the exception of the great tunnel like entrance under the mosque El Aksa, until, at the distance of 600 feet from the angle, we arrive at a wall running northwards at right angles to the southern wall, and bounding the solid space. Be yond this point the Haram area is filled up with a series of light arches supported on square piers ; the whole being of so slight a construction that it may be affirmed with absolute certainty that neither the Stoa Basilica, nor any of the larger buildings of the Temple, ever stood on them. In so far there fore as the southern wall is concerned, we may rest perfectly satisfied with Josephus' description that the Temple extended east and west 600 feet. The position of the northern wall is as easily fixed. If the Temple was square it must have commenced at a point 600 feet from the south-west angle, and in fact the southern wall of the platform which now surrounds the so-called Mosque of Omar runs par allel to the southern wall of the inclosure, at a dis tance of exactly 600 feet, while westward it is continued in a causeway which crosses the valley just 600 feet from the south-western angle. More over the south wall of what is now the platform of the Dome of the Rock runs eastward from the western wall for just 600 feet ; which again gives the same dimension for the north wall of the Temple as was found for the southern wall by the limitation of the solid space before the commence ment of the vaults.— II. Hippicus.— Of all the towers that once adorned the city of Jerusalem only one now exists in anything like a state of perfection, that, namely, in the centre of the citadel, which JERUSALEM from its prominence now, and the importance which Josephus ascribes to the tower, has been somewhat hastily assumed to be the tower Hippicus. The reasons, however, against this assumption are too cogent to allow of the identity being admitted. But at the north-western angle of the present city there are the remains of an ancient building of bevelled masonry and large stones, whose position answers so completely every point of the locality of Hippicus as described by Josephus, as to leave no reasonable doubt that it marks the site of this cele brated edifice.— III. Walls. — Assuming therefore for the present that the Kasr Jalud, as these ruins are now popularly called, is the remains ofthe Hippicus, we have no difficulty in determining either the direction or the extent of the walls of Jerusalem, as described by Josephus.- — The first or old wall began on the north at the tower called Hippicus, and, extending to the Xystus, joined the council house, and ended at the west cloister of the Temple. Its southern direction is described as pass ing the gate of the Essenes (probably the modern Jaffa gate), and, bending above the fountain of Siloam, it reached Ophel, and was joined to the eastern cloister of the Temple. The second wall began at the gate Gennath, in the old wall, pro bably near the Hippicus, and passed round the northern quarter of the city, enclosing the great valley of the Tyropoeou, which leads up to the Damascus gate ; and then, proceeding southward, joined the fortress Antonia. The third wall was built by king Herod Agrippa ; and was intended to enclose the suburbs which had grown out on the northern sides of the city, which before this had been left exposed. It began at the Hippicus, and reached as far as the tower Psephinus, till it came opposite the monument of Queen Helena of Adiabene; it then passed by the sepulchral monuments of the kings — a well-known locality — and turning south at the monument of the Fuller, joined tlie old wall at the valley called the valley of Kedron. After describ ing these walls, Josephus adds that the whole cir cumference of the city was 33 stadia, or nearly four English miles, whch is as near as may be the ex tent indicated by the localities. He then adds that the number of towers in the old wall was 60, the middle wall 40, and the new wall 99.— IV An tonia. — Before leaving the subject of the walls, it may be well to fix the situation of the Turris Antonia, as far as the data at our command will admit. It certainly was attached to the temple buildings, and on the northern side of them ; but whether covering the whole space, or only a por tion, has been much disputed. After stating that the Temple was foursquare, and a stadium on each side, Josephus goes on to say that with Antonia it was six stadia in circumference. The most obvious conclusion from this would be that the Antonia occupied practically the platform on which the so- called Mosque of Omar now stands. But from certain facts connected with the siege, we are forced to adopt the alternative, which the words of Jose phus equally justify, that the Antonia was a tower or keep attached to the north-western angle of the temple.— V. Hills and Valleys.— Topographers are still at issue as to the true direction of the upper part ofthe Tyropoeon valley, and, consequently, as to the position of Acra. The difficulty of deter mining the true course of the upper pait of the Tyropoeon valley is caused by the doubt whether Josephus, in describing the city, limits hia descnp- JERUSALEM tion to the city of Jerusalem, properly so called, as circumscribed by the first or old wall, or whether he includes the city of David also, and speaks of the whole city as enclosed by the third or great wall of Agrippa. In the first case the Tyropoeon must have been the depression leading from a spot oppo site the north-west angle of the Temple towards the Jaffa gate ; in the second it was the great valley leading from the same point northwards towards the Damascus gate. The principal reason for adopting the first hypothesis arises from the words of Josephus himself, who describes the Tyropoeon as an open space or depression within the city, at " which the corresponding rows of houses on both hills end." In all the transactions mentioned in the 12th and 13th books of the Antiquities, Jose phus commonly uses the word "Aicpa when speak ing of the fortress which adjoined the Temple in the north ; and if we might assume that the hill Acra and the tower Acra were one and the same place, the question might be considered as settled. The great preponderance of evidence seems to be in favour of this view. That Acra was situated on the northern side of the Temple, on the same hill, and pi-obably on the same spot, originally occupied by David as the stronghold of Zion (2 Sam. v. 7-9), and near where Baris and Antonia afterwards stood; aud consequently that the great northern depression running towards the Damascus gate is the Tyropoeon valley, and that the valley of the Asamoneans was a transverse cut, separating the hill Bezetha from the Acra or citadel on the Temple hill. If this view of the internal topography of the city be granted, the remaining hills and valleys fall into their places easily and as a matter of course. The citadel, or upper market-place of Josephus, was the modern Zion, or the city enclosed within the old wall ; Acra was the ancient Zion, or the hill on which the Temple, the City of David, Baris, Acra, and Antonia, stood, Bezetha was the well-defined hill to the north of the Temple.— VI. Population. — There is no point in which the ex aggeration in which Josephus occasionally indulges is more apparent than in speaking of the population of the city. Still the assertions that three millions were collected at the Passover ; that a million of people perished in the siege ; that 100,000 escaped, &c, are so childish, that it is surprising any one could ever have repeated them. Even the more moderate calculation of Tacitus of 600,000 inhabi tants, is far beyond the limits of probability. The area within the old walls never could have exceeded 180 acres. Taking the area of the city enclosed by the two old walls at 750,000 yards, and that en closed by the wall of Agrippa at 1,500,000, we have 2,250,000 for the whole. Taking the popu lation of the old city at the probable number of one person to 50 yards we have 15,000, and at the extreme limit of 30 yards we should have 25,000 inhabitants for the old city. And at 100 yards to each individual in the new city about 15,000 more ; so that the population of Jerusalem, in its days of greatest prosperity, may have amounted to from 30,000 to 45,000 souls, but could hardly ever have reached 50,000 ; and assuming that in times of festival one-half were added to this amount, which is an extreme estimate, there may have been 60,000 or 70,000 in the city when Titus came up against it.— VII. Zion. — It cannot be disputed that from the time of Constantine downwards to the present day, this name has been applied to the JERUSALEM 391 western hill on which the city of Jerusalem now stands, and in fact always stood. Notwithstanding this it seems equally certain that up to the time of the destruction of the city by Titus, the name was applied exclusively to the eastern hill, or that on which the Temple stood. From the passages in 2 Sam. v. 7, and 1 Chr. xi. 5-8, it is quite clear that Zion and the city of David were identical, for it is there said, " David took the castle of Zion, which is the city of David." " And David dwelt in the castle, therefore they called it the city of David. And he built the city round about, even from Millo round about, and Joab repaired the rest of the city." There are numberless passages in which Zion is spoken of as a Holy place in such terms as are never applied to Jerusalem and which can only be understood as applied to the Holy Temple Mount (Ps. ii. 6, lxxxvii. 2, &c). When from the Old Test, we turn to the Books ofthe Mac cabees, we come to some passages written by persons who certainly were acquainted with the localities, which seem to fix the site of Zion with a consider able amount of certainty (1 Mace. iv. 37 and 60, vii. 33).— VIII. — Topography of the Book of Ne hemiah. — The only description of the ancient city of Jerusalem which exists in the Bible, so extensive in form as to enable us to follow it as a topo graphical description, is that found in the Book ot Nehemiah, and although it is hardly sufficiently distinct to enable us to settle all the moot points, it contains such valuable indications that it is well worthy of the most attentive examination. The easiest way to arrive at any correct conclusion re garding it, is to take first the description of the Dedication of the Walls in ch. xii. (31-40), and drawing such a diagram as this, we easily get at the main features of the old wall at least. If from VArXEX\f;ATE. DTJlfG/GATE. Diagram of pluces mentioned in dedication of walla.' this we turn to the third chapter, which gives a description of the repairs of the wall, we have no difficulty in identifying all the places mentioned in the first sixteen verses, with those enumerated in the 12th chapter. The first 16 verses refer to the walls of Jerusalem, and the remaining 16 to those of the city of David.— IX. Waters of Jerusalem. — The principal source of water supply seems to have been situated to the north. The earUest dis tinct mention of these springs is in 2 Chr. xxxii. 4, 30 (comp. Ecclus. xlviii. 17). Great rock-cut reservoirs have been found under the Temple area, 392 JERUSALEM and channels connecting them with the fountain of the Virgin, and that again with the pool of Siloam ; and many others may probably yet be discovered. A considerable portion of these waters was at one time diverted to the eastward to the great reservoir known sometimes as the pool of Bethesda, which, from the curiously elaborate character of its hydraulic masonry, must always have been in tended as a reservoir of water, and never could have been the ditch of a fortification. It seems, however, that in very ancient times this northern supply was not deemed sufficient, even with all these precautions, for the supply of the city ; and consequently large reservoirs were excavated from the rock, at a place near Etham, now known as Solomon's pools, and the water brought from them by a long canal which enters the city above Siloam.— X. Site of Holy Sepulchre. — As the question now stands, the fixation of the site depends mainly on the answers that may be given to two questions : — First, did Constantine and those who acted with him possess sufficient intormation to enable them to ascertain exactly the precise localities of the crucifixion and burial of Christ? Secondly, is the present church of the Holy Sepul chre that which he built, or does it stand on the same spot? In the first place, though the city was destroyed by Titus, and the Jews were at one time prohibited from approaching it, it can almost certainly be proved that there were Christians always present on the spot, and the succession of Christian bishops can be made out with very toler able certainty and completeness ; so that it is more than probable they would retain the memory of the sacred sites in unbroken continuity of tradition. The account given by Eusebius of the uncovering of the rock, expresses no doubt or uncertainty about the matter. It is minutely descriptive of the site of the building now known as the Mosque of Omar, but wholly inapplicable to the site of the present church. Of the buildings which Constantine or his mother, Helena, erected, Mr. Fevgusson maintains that two of them now remain — the one the Ana- stasis, a circular building erected over the tomb it self; the other the " Golden Gateway," which was the propylea described by Eusebius as leading to the atrium of the basilica. In order to prove these assertions, there are three classes of evidence which may be appealed to, and which must coincide, or the question must remain still in doubt : — First, it is necessary that the circumstances of the locality should accord with those of the Bible narrative. Secondly, the incidental notices furnished by those travellers who visited Jerusalem between the time of Constantine and that of the Crusades must be descriptive of these localities ; and, Thirdly, the architectural evidence of the buildings themselves must be that of the age to which they are assigned. Taking the last first, no one who is familiar with the gradation of styles that took place between the time of Hadrian and that of Justinian can fail to see that the Golden Gateway and Dome ofthe Rock are about half- way in the series, and are in fact buildings which must have been erected within the century in which Constantine flourished. With regard to the Golden Gateway, which is practically unaltered, this is undoubted. Although in the outer wall, it is a festal, not a fortified entrance, and never could have been intended as a city gate, but must have led to some sacred or palatial edifice. It is difficult,' indeed, to suggest what that could JERUSALEM have been, except the Basilica described by Euse bius. The exterior of the other building (the Ana- stasis) has been repaired and covered with coloured tiles and inscriptions in more modern times ; but the interior is nearly unaltered, and even externally, wherever this coating of tiles has peeled off, the old Roman round arch appears in lieu of its pointed substitute. It must also be added that it is essen tially a tomb-building, similar in form and arrange ment, as it is in detail, to the Tomb of the Emperor Constantine at Rome, or of his daughter Constantia, outside the walls, and indeed more or less hke all the tomb-buildings of that age. We have therefore the pertinent question, which still remains un answered, What tomb4ike building did Constantine or any one in his age erect at Jerusalem, over a mass of the living rock, rising eight or nine feet above the bases of the columns, and extending over the whole central area of the church, with a sacred cave in it, unless it were the church of the Holy Anastasis, described by Eusebius? Supposing it were possible to put this evidence aside, the most plausible suggestion is to appeal to the presumed historical fact that it was built by Omar, or by the Interior of Golden Gatewaj. (Prom a Photograph.) Moslems at all events. There is, however, no proof whatever of this assumption. What Omar did build is the small mosque on the east of the Aksa, overhanging the southern wall, and which still bears his name; and no Mohammedan writer of any sort, anterior to the recovery of the city from the Christians by Saladin, ventures to assert that his countrymen built the Dome of the Rock. Irrefragable as this evidence appears to be, it would be impossible to maintain it otheiwise than by assuming that Constantine blindly adopted a wrong locality, if the sites now assumed to be true were such as did not accord with the details of the Bible narratives : fortunately, how ever, they agree with them to the minutest detail. To understand this it is necessaiy to bear in mind that at the time of the crucifixion the third wall, or that of Agrippa, did not exist, but was com menced twelve years afterwards : the spot where the Dome of the Rock therefore now stands was at that time outside the walls, and open to the country. ' It was also a place where cei'tainly tombs did exist. The Praetorium where Christ was judged was most probably the Antonia, which at that time, as before and afterwards, was the citadel JERUSALEM of Jerusalem and the residence of the governors, and the Xystus and Council-house were cei'tainly, as shown above, in this neighbourhood. Leaving these localities the Saviour, bearing .his cross, must certainly have gone towards the country, and might well meet Simon or any one coming towards the city ; thus every detail of the description is satisfied, and none offended by the locality now assumed. The third class of evidence is from its nature by no means so clear, but there is nothing whatever in it to contradict, and a great deal that directly confirms the above statements. Architecturally, there is literally no feature and no detail which would induce us to believe that any part of the present church is older than the time of the Cru sades. The only things about it of more ancient date are the fragments of an old classical cornice, which are worked in as string courses with the Gothic details ofthe external facade, and singularly enough this cornice is identical in style with, and certainly belongs to the age of, the Golden Gate way, and Dome of the Rock, and consequently can scarcely be anything else than a fragment of the old basilica, which El Hakeem had destroyed in the previous century, and the remains of which must still have been scattered about when the Crusaders arrived. Nothing, however, can be more remark able than the different ways in which the Crusaders treated the Dome of the Rock and the Mosque El Aksa. The latter they always called the " Tem- plum seu palatium Solomonis," and treated it with the contempt always applied by Christians to any thing Jewish. The Mosque was turned into a stable, the buildings into dwellings for knights, who took the title of Knights Templars, from their residence in the Temple. But the Dome of the Rock they called " Templum Domini."— XI. Re building of the Temple by Julian. — Before leaving the subject, it is necessary to revert to the at tempt of Julian the Apostate to rebuild the Temple bf the Jews. Even if we have not historical evi dence of these facts, the appearance of the south wall of the Haram would lead us to expect that something of the sort had Aieen attempted at this period. The great tunnel-like vault under the Mosque El Aksa, with its four-domed vestibule, is almost cei'tainly part of the temple of Herod, and coeval with his period ; but externally to this, cer tain architectural decorations have been added, and that so slightly that daylight can be perceived be tween the old walls and the subsequent decorations, except at the points of attachment. It is not diffi cult to ascertain, approximately at least, the age of these adjuncts. They may with very tolerable cer tainty be ascribed to the age of Julian, while, from the historical accounts, they are just such as we should expect to find them. The principal bearing of Julian's attempt on the topography of Jerusalem consists in the fact of its proving not only that the site of the Jewish temple was perfectly well known at this period (A.D. 362), but that the spot was then, as always, held accursed by the Christians, and as doomed by the denunciation of Christ Him self never to be re-established ; and this conse quently makes it as absurd to suppose that the Aksa is a building of Justinian as that the Dome of the Rock or the Golden Gateway, if Christian buildings, ever stood within its precincts. —XII. Church of Justinian. — Nearly two centuries after the attempt of Julian, Justinian erected a church at Jerusalem ; of which, fortunately, we have so JESHIMON 393 full and detailed an account in the works of Pro- copius that we can have little difficulty in fixing its site, though no remains (at least above ground; exist to verify our conjectures. Almost all topo graphers have jumped to the conclusion that the Mosque El Aksa is the identical church referred to, but the architecture of that building is alone suffi cient to refute any such idea. Notwithstanding this there is no difficulty in fixing on the site of this church, inasmuch as the vaults that fill up the south-eastern angle of the Haram area are almost certainly of the age of Justinian, and are just, such as Procopius describes ; so that if it were situated at the northern extremity of the vaults, all the arguments that apply to the Aksa equally apply to this situation. But whether we assume the Aksa, or a church outside the Temple, on these vaults, to have been the Mary-church of Justinian, how comes it that Justinian chose this remote corner of the city, and so difficult a site, for the erection of his church ? The answer seems inevitable : that it was because in those times the Sepulchre and Golgotha were here, and not on tlie spot to which the Sepul chre with his Mary-church have subsequently been transferred. Having now gone through the main outlines of the topography of Jerusalem, in so far as the limits of this article would admit, or as seems necessary for the elucidation of the subject, the many details which remain will be given under their separate titles, as Temple, Tomb, Palace, &c. Jer'usha, daughter of Zadok, and queen of Uzziah (2 K. xv. 33). Jer'ushab. (2 Chr. xxvii. 1). The same as the preceding. Jesai'ah. 1, Son of Hananiah, brother of Pela tiah, and grandson of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21\ — 2. A Benjamite (Neh. xi. 7). Jeshai'ah. 1. One of the six sons of Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 15). — 2. A Levite in the reign of David, eldest son of Rehabiah, a descendant of Amram through Moses (1 Chr. xxvi. 25). [Isshiah.]— 8. The son of Athaliah, and chief of the house of the Bene Elam who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 7). [Josias.]— 4. A Merarite who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 19). Jesh'anah, a town which, with its dependent villages, was one of the three taken from Jeroboam by Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 19). Its site has not been identified in modem times, save by Schwarz (158), who places it at " Al-Sanim, a village two miles W. of Bethel ;" but it is not marked on any map. Jesharelah, son of Asaph, and head of the seventh of the 24 wards into which the musicians of the Levites were divided (1 Chr. xxv. 14). [Asarelah.] Jeaheb'eab, head of the 14th course of priests (1 Chr. xxiv. 13). [Jehoiamb.] Jesh'er, one of the sons of Caleb the son of Hezron by his wife Azubah (1 Chr. ii 18). x Jesh'imon, " the waste," a name which occurs in Num. xxi. 20 and xxiii. 28, in designating the position of Pisgah and Peor: both described as " facing the Jeshimon." Perhaps the dreary, bar ren waste of hills lying immediately on the west of the Dead Sea. But it is not safe to lay much stress on the Hebrew sense of the word. The passages in which it is first mentioned are in disputably of very early date, and it is quite pos- 394 JESHISHAI sible that it is an archaic name found and adopted by the Israelites. Jeshisha'i, one of the ancestors of the Gadites who dwelt in Gilead (1 Chr. v. 14). Jeshoha iah, a chief of the Simeonites, descended from Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). Jesh'ua. 1. Joshua, the son of Nun (Neh. viii. 17). [Joshua.]— 2. A priest in the reign of David, to whom the ninth course fell by lot. (1 Chr. xxiv. 11). — 3. One of the Levites in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 15).— 4. Son of Jehoza dak, first high-priest of the third series, viz., of those after the Babylonish captivity, and ancestor of the fourteen high-priests his successors down to Joshua or Jason, and Onias or Menelaus, inclusive. [High-priest.] Jeshua, like his contemporary Zerubbabel, was probably bora in Babylon, whither his father Jehozadak had been taken captive while young (1 Chr. vi. 15, A. V.). He came up from Babylon in the first year of Cyrus with Zerubbabel, and took a leading part with him in the rebuilding of the Temple, and the restoration of the Jewish com monwealth. Besides the great importance of Jeshua as a historical character, from the critical times in which he lived, and the great work which he ac complished, his name Jesus, his restoration of the Temple, his office as high-priest, and especially the two prophecies concerning him in Zech. iii. and vi. 9-15, point him out as an eminent type of Christ.— 5. Head of a Levitical house, one of those which returned from the Babylonish captivity, and took an active part under Zerubbabel, Ezra, and Nehe miah. The name is used to designate either the whole family or the successive chiefs of it (Ezr. ii. 40, iii. 9; Neh. iii. 19, viii. 7, ix. 4, 5, xii. 8, &c). —6. A branch of the family of Pahath-Moab, one of the chief families, probably, of the tribe of Judah (Neh. x. 14, vii. 11, &c. ; Ezr. x. 30). Jesh'ua, one of the towns re-inhabited by the people of Judah after the return from captivity (Neh. xi. 26). It is not mentioned elsewhere. J esh'uah, a priest in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 11), the same as Jeshua, No. 2. Jesh'urun, and once by mistake in A. V. Jes'urun (is. xliv. 2), a symbolical name for Israel in Deut. xxxii. 15, xxxiii. 5, 26; Is. xliv. 2, for which various etymologies have been suggested. Of its application to Israel there seems to be no division of opinion. It is most probably derived from a root signifying " to be blessed." With the intensive termination Jeshurun would then denote Israel as supremely happy or prosperous, and to this signification it must be allowed the context in Deut. xxxii. 15 points. Michaelis considers it as a diminutive of Israel yisreelun. Such too was the opinion of Grotius and Vitringa, aud of the author of the Veneto-Greek version, who renders it 'lapatXio-Kos ; but for this there is not the smallest foundation. Jesi ah. 1. A Korhite, one of the mighty men who joined David's standard at Ziklag (I Chr. xii. 0).— 2. The second son of Uzziel, the son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxiii. 20). [Jeshiah.] Jesim'iel, a Simeonite chief of the family of Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). Jesse. The father of David. He was the son of Obed, who again was the fruit of the union of Boaz and the Moabitess Ruth. Nor was Ruth's the only foreign blood that ran in his veins ; for his great- grandmother was no less a person than Rahab the JESUS CHRIST Canaanite, of Jericho (Matt. i. 5). Jesse's genealogy is twice given in full in the 0. T., viz. Ruth iv. 18-22 and 1 Chr. ii. 5-12. He is commonly designated as " Jesse the Bethlehemite " (1 Sam. xvi. 1, 18). So he is called by his son David, then fresh from home (xvii. 58) ; but his full title is " the Ephrathite of Bethlehem Judah" (xvii. 12). He is an "old man" when we first meet with him (I Sam. xvii. 12), with eight sons (xvi. 10, xvii. 12), residing at Bethlehem (xvi. 4, 5.) Jesse's wealth seems to have consisted of a flock of sheep and goats, which were under the care of David (xvi. 11, xvii. 34, 35). When David's rupture with Saul had finally driven him from the court, and he was in the cave of Adullam, " his brethren and all his father's house" joined him (xxii. 1). Anxious for their safety, he took his father and his mother into the country of Moab, and deposited them with the king, and there they disappear from our view in the re cords of Scripture. Who the wife of Jesse was we are not told. His eight sons will be found dis played under David. Jes'sue, a Levite, the same as Jeshua (1 Esd. v. 26 : comp. Ezr. ii. 40). Jesu, the same as Jeshua the Levite, the father of Jozabad (1 Esd. viii. 63 ; see Ezr. viii. 33), also called Jessue, and Jesus. Jes'ui, the son of Asher, whose descendants THE Jesuites were numbered in the plains of Moab at the Jordan of Jericho (Num. xxvi. 44). He is elsewhere called Isui (Gen. xlvi. 17) and Ishuai (1 Chr. vii. 30). Jes'uites, the. A family of the tribe of Asher (Num. xxvi. 44). Jes'urun. [Jeshurun.] Je'sus, the Greek form of the name Joshua or Jeshua, a contraction of Jehoshua, that is, " help of Jehovah" or "Saviour" (Num. xiii. 16). [Je hoshua.] 1. Joshua the priest, the son of Jeho zadak (1 Esd. v. 5, 8, 24, 48, 56, 68, 70, vi. 2, ix. 19 ; Ecclus. xlix. 12). Also called Jeshua: [jESnuA, No. 4.]— 2. Jeshua the Levite (1 Esd. v. 58, iv. 48).— 3. Joshua the son of Nun (2 Esd. vii. 37; Ecclus. xlvi. 1; 1 Mace. ii. 55; Acts vii. 45 ; Heb. iv. 8). [Joshua.] Jesus the Father of Sirach, and grandfather of the following (Ecclus. prol.). Jesus the Son of Sirach is described in the text of Ecclesiasticus (1. 27) as the author of that book, which in the LXX., and generally, except in the Western Church, is called by his name the Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach, or simply the Wisdom of Sirach. The same passage speaks of him as a native of Jerusalem (Ecclus. I. c.) ; and the internal cha racter of the book confirms its Palestinian origin. Among the later Jews the " Son of Sirach " was celebrated under the name of Ben Siia as a writer of proverbs.Je'sus, called Justus, a Christian who was with St. Paul at Rome (Col. iv. 11). Jesus Christ. The name Jesus signifies Saviour. The name of Christ signifies Anointed. Priests were anointed among the Jews, as their inaugura tion to their office (1 Chr. xvi. 22; Ps. cv. 151, and kings also (2 Mace. i. 24; Ecclus. xlvi. 19). In the New Testament the name Christ is used as equivalent to Messiah (John i. 41), the name given to the long promised Prophet and King whom the Jews had been taught by their prophets to expect (Acts xix. 4 ; Matt. xi. 3). The use of this name, as applied to the Lord, has always a reference to JESUS CHRIST the promises of the Prophets. The name of Jesus is the proper name of our Lord, and that of Christ is added to identify Him with the promised Messiah. The Life, the Person, and the Work of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ occupy the whole of the New Testament. Of this threefold subject the pre sent article includes the first part, namely, the Life and Teaching. According to the received chrono logy, which is in fact that of Dionysius Exiguus in the 6th century, the Birth of Christ occurred in the year of Rome 754 ; but from other considerations it is probable that the Nativity took place some time before the month of April 750, and if it happened only a few months before Herod's death, then its date would be four years earlier than the Dionysian reckoning. The salutation addressed by the Angel to Mary His mother, " Hail ! Thou that art highly favoured," was the prelude to a new act of divine creation. Mary received the announcement of a miracle, the full import of which she could not have understood, with the submission of one who knew that the message came from God; and the Angel departed from her. The prophet Micah had foretold (v. 2) that the future king should be born in Bethlehem of Judaea, the place where the house of David had its origin ; but Mary dwelt in Nazareth. Augustus, however, had ordered a general census of the Roman empire. From the well-known and much-canvassed pa*sage of St. Luke (ii. 2) it ap pears that the taxing was not completed till the time of Quirinus (Cyrenius), some years later ; and how far it was carried now, cannot be determined : all that we learn is that it brought Joseph, who was of the house of David, from his home to Beth lehem, where the Lord was born. As there was no room in the inn, a manger was the cradle in which Christ the Lord was laid. But sigus were not wanting of the greatness of the event that seemed so unimportant. Lowly shepherds were the witnesses of the wonder that accompanied the lowly Saviour's birth ; an angel proclaimed to them " good tidings of great joy ;" and then the exceeding joy that was in heaven amongst the angels about this mysteiy of love broke through the silence of night with the words, " Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men " (Luke ii. 8-20). The child Jesus is circumcised in due time, is brought to the Temple, and the mother makes the offering for her purification. Simeon and Anna, taught from God that the object of their earnest longings was before them, prophesied of His divine work: the one rejoicing that his eyes had seen the salvation of God, and the other speaking of Him " to all that looked for redemption in Jeru salem" (Luke ii. 28-38). Thus recognised amongst His own people, the Saviour was not without wit ness amongst the heathen. " Wise men from the East" — that is, Persian magi of the Zend religion, in which the idea of a Zoziosh or Redeemer was clearly known — guided miraculously by a star or meteor created for the purpose, came and sought out the Saviour to pay him homage. A little child made the great Herod quake upon his throne. When he knew that the magi were come to hail their King and Lord, and did not stop at his palace, but passed on to a humbler roof, and when he found that they would not return to betray this child to him, he put to death all the children in Bethlehem that were under two years old. The crime was great; but the number of the victims, in a little place like Bethlehem, was small enough to escape ' JESUS CHRIST 395 special record amongst the wicked acts of Herod from Josephus and other historians, as it had no political interest. Joseph, warned by a dream, flees to Egypt with the young child, beyond the reach of Herod's arm. After the death of Herod, in less than a year, Jesus returned with his parents to their own land, and went to Nazareth, where they abode. Except as to one event, the Evangelists are silent upon the succeeding years of our Lord's life down to the commencement of His ministry. When He was twelve years old He was found in the Temple, hearing the doctors and asking them questions (Luke ii. 40-52). We are shown this one fact that we may know that at the time when the Jews considered childhood to be passing into youth, Jesus was already aware of His mission, and consciously preparing for it, although years passed before its actual commencement. Thirty years had elapsed from the birth of our Lord to the opening of His ministry. In that time great changes had come over the chosen people. Herod the Great had united nnder him almost all the original king dom of David ; after the death of that prince it was dismembered for ever. It was in the fifteenth year of Tiberius the Emperor, reckoning from his joint rule with Augustus (Jan. u.o. 765), and not from his sole rule (Aug. U.O. 767), that John the Bap tist began to teach. He was the last representative of the prophets of the old covenant ; and his work was twofold — to enforce repentance and the terrors of the old law, and to revive the almost forgotten expectation of the Messiah (Matt. iii. 1-10 ; Mark i. 1-8 ; Luke iii. 1-18). The career of John seems to have been very short. Jesus came to Jordan with the rest to receive baptism at John's hands : first, in order that the sacrament by which all were hereafter to be admitted into His kingdom might not want His example to justify its use (Matt. iii. 15) ; next, that John might have an assurance that his course as the herald of Christ was now com pleted by His appearance (John i. 33) ; and last, that some public token might be given that He was indeed the Anointed of God (Heb. v. 5). Immedi ately after this inauguration of His ministry Jesus was led up of the Spirit into the wilderness to be tempted of the devil (Matt. iv. 1-11 ; Mark i. 12, 13 ; Luke iv. 1-13). As the baptism of our Lord cannot have been for Him the token of repentance and intended reformation which it was for sinful men, so does our Lord's sinlessness affect the nature of His temptation ; for it was the trial of One Who could not possibly have fallen. The three tempta tions are addressed to the three forms in which the disease of sin makes its appearance on the soul — to the solace of sense, and the love of praise, and the desire of gain (1 John ii. 16). But there is one element common to them all — they are attempts to call up a wilful and wayward spirit in contrast to a patient self-denying oue. Deserting for a time the historical order, we shall find that the records of this first portion of His ministry, from the tempta tion to the transfiguration, consist mainly (1 ) of miracles, which prove His divine commission ; (2) of discourses and parables on the doctrine of " the kingdom of heaven;" (3) of incidents showing the behaviour of various persons when brought into contact with our Lord.— 1. The Miracles.— The expectation that Messiah would work miracles ex isted amongst the people, and was founded on the language of prophecy. Our Lord's miracles are described in the New Testament by several names : 396 JESUS CHRIST they are signs, wonders, works (most frequently in St. John), and mighty works, according to the point of view from which they are regarded. They are indeed astonishing works, wrought as signs of the might and presence of God ; and they are powers or mighty works because they are such as no power short of the divine could have effected. But if the object had been merely to work wonders, without any other aim than to astonish the minds of the witnesses, the miracles of our Lord would not have been the best means of producing the effect, since many of them were wrought for the good of obscure people, before witnesses chiefly of the humble and uneducated class, and in the course of the ordinary life of our Lord, which lay not amongst those who made it their special business to inquire into the claims of a prophet. The mira cles of our Lord were to be not wonders merely, but signs ; and not merely signs of preternatural power, but of the scope and character of His ministry, and of the divine nature of His Person. This will be evident from an examination of those which are more particularly described in the Gospels. There are about seventeen recorded cases of the cure of bodily sickness, including fever, leprosy, palsy, in veterate weakness, the maimed limb, the issue of blood of twelve years' standing, dropsy, blindness, deafness, and dumbness (John iv. 47 ; Matt. viii. 2, 14, ix. 2 ; John v. 5 ; Matt. xii. 10, viii. 5, ix. 20, 27 ; Mark viii. 22 ; John ix. 1 ; Luke xiii. 10, xvii. 11, xviii. 35, xxii. 51). Most of the miracles pertain to one class : they brought help to the suf fering or sorrowing, and proclaimed what love the Man that did them bore towards the children of men. There is another class, showing a complete control over the powers of nature : first by acts of creative power ; secondly by setting aside natural laws and conditions. In a third class of these miracles we find our Lord overawing the wills of men ; as when He twice cleared the Temple of the traders (John ii. 13; Matt. xxi. 12); and when His look staggered the officers that came to take Him (John xviii. 6). And in a fourth subdivision will stand one miracle only, where His power was used for destruction — the case of the barren fig- tree (Matt. xxi. 18). On reviewing all the re corded miracles, we see at once that they are signs of the nature of Christ's Person and mission. They show how active and unwearied was His love: they also show the diversity of its operation. The miracles were intended to attract the witnesses of them to become followers of Jesus and members of the kingdom of heaven. They have then two pur poses, the proximate and subordinate purpose of doing a work of love to them that need it, and the higher purpose of revealing Christ in His own Person and nature as the Son of God and Saviour of men — 2. The Parables.— Nearly fifty parables are preserved in the Gospels, and they are only selected from a larger number (Mark iv. 33). In the parable some story of ordinary doings is made to convey a spiritual meaning, beyond what the narrative itself contains. In reference to this kind of teaching, some have hastily concluded from our Lord's words (Luke viii. 10) that the parable was employed to conceal knowledge from those who were not susceptible of it, and that this was its chief purpose. But it was chosen not for this negative object, but for its positive advantages in the instruction of the disciples. If there was any mode of teaching better suited than another to the JESUS CHRIST purpose of preserving truths for the memory that were not accepted by the heart, that mode would be the best suited to their peculiar position. Eastern teachers have made this mode of instruc tion familiar ; the originality of the parables lay not in the method of teaching by stories, but in the profound and new truths which the stories taught so aptly. Besides the parables, the more direct teaching of our Lord is conveyed in many dis courses dispersed through the Gospels, of which three may be here selected as examples : the Sermon on the Mount (Matt, v.-vii.), the discourse after the feeding of the five thousand (John vi. 22-65), and the final discourse and prayer which preceded the Passion (John xiv.-xvii.). Notwithstanding the endeavour to establish that the Sermon on the Mount of St. Matthew is different from the Sermon on the Plain of St. Luke, the evidence for their being one and the same discourse greatly preponde rates. If so, then its historical position must be fixed from St. Luke: and its earlier place in St. Matthew's Gospel must be owing to the Evan gelist's wish to commence the account of the ministry of Jesus with a summary of His teaching. From Luke we learn that Jesus had gone up into a mountain to pray, that on the morning following He made up the number of His twelve Apostles, and solemnly appointed them ; and then descending He stood upon a level place (Luke vi. 17), not necessarily at the bottom of the mountain, but where the multitude could stand round and hear ; and there He taught them in a solemn address the laws and constitution of His new kingdom, the kingdom of Heaven. The differences between the reports of the two Evangelists are many. In the former Gospel the sermon occupies one hundred and seven verses ; in the latter, thirty. The longer report includes the exposition of the relation ofthe Gospel to the Law : it also draws together, as we have seen, some passages which St. Luke reports elsewhere and in another connexion ; and where the two contain the same matter, that of St. Luke is somewhat more compressed. But in taking account of this, the purpose of St. Matthew is to be borne in mind : the morality of the Gospel is to be fully set forth at the beginning of our Lord's ministry, and especially in its beai'ing on the Law as usually received by the Jews, for whose use especially this Gospel was designed. And when this discourse is compared with the later examples to which we shall presently refer, the fact comes out more distinctly, that we have here the Code of the Christian Law giver, rather than the whole Gospel. The next example of the teaching of Jesus must be taken from a later epoch in His ministry. It is probable that the great discourse in John vi. took place about the time of the Transfiguration. The effect of His personal work on the disciples now becomes the prominent subject. He had taught them that He was the Christ, and had given them His law, wider and deeper far than that of Moses. But the objection to every law applies more strongly the purer and higher the law is ; and " how to perform that which I will ' is a question that grows more difficult to answer as the standard of obedience is raised. It is that question which our Lord proceeds to answer here. The Redeemer alludes to His death, to the body which shall suffer on the Cross, and to the^ blood which shall be poured out. This great sacrifice is not only to be looked on, but to be believed; and not only believed, but appropriated to the believer, JESUS CHRIST to become part of his very heart and life. Faith, here as elsewhere, is the means of apprehending it : but when it is once laid hold of, it will be as much a part of the believer as the food that nourishes the body becomes incorporated with the body. Many of the disciples went back and walked no more with Jesus, because their conviction that He was the Messiah had no real foundation. The rest remained with Him for the reason so beautifully expressed by Peter : " Lord, to whom shall we go ? Thou hast the words of eternal life. And we believe and are sure that Thou art that Christ, the Son of the living God" (John vi. 68, 69). The third example of our Lord's discourses which may be selected is that which closes His ministry. This great discourse, recorded only by St. John, extends from the thir teenth to the end of the seventeenth chapter. It hardly admits of analysis. It announces the Sa viour's departure in the fulfilment of His mission ; it imposes the new commandment on the dis ciples of a special love towards each other which should be the outward token to the world of their Christian profession ; it consoles them with the pro mise of the Comforter who should be to them instead of the Saviour ; it tells them all that He should do for them, teaching them, reminding them, reprov ing the world and guiding the disciples into all truth. It offers them, instead of the bodily pre sence of their beloved Master, free access to the throne of His Father, and spiritual blessings such as they had not known before. Finally, it culmin ates in that sublime prayer (ch. xvii.) by which the High-priest as it were consecrates Himself the victim. These three discourses are examples of the Saviour's teaching — of its progressive character from the opening of His ministry to the close.— The scene of the Lord's ministry. — As to the scene of the ministry of Christ, no less than as to its dura tion, the three Evangelists seem at first sight to be at variance with the fourth. Matthew, Mark, and Luke record only our Lord's doings in Galilee ; if we put aside a few days before the Passion, we find that they never mention His visiting Jerusalem. John, ou the other hand, whilst he records some acts in Galilee, devotes the chief part of his Gospel to the transactions in Judaea. But when the sup plemental character of John's Gospel is borne in mind there is little difficulty in explaining this. The three Evangelists do not profess to give a chro nology of the ministry, but rather a picture of it ; notes of time are not frequent in their narrative. And as they chiefly confined themselves to Galilee, where the Redeemer's chief acts were done, they might naturally omit to mention the feasts, which being passed by our Lord at Jerusalem, added no thing to the materials for His Galilean ministry.— Duration of tlie ministry. — It is impossible to de termine exactly from the Gospels the number of years during which the Redeemer exercised His ministry before the Passion : but the doubt lies be tween two and three. The data are to be drawn from St. John. This Evangelist mentions six feasts, at five of which Jesus was present ; the Passover that followed His baptism (ii. 13) ; " a feast of the Jews" (v. 1), a Passover during which Jesus remained in Galilee (vi. 4) ; the feast of Tabernacles to which the Lord went up privately (vii. 2) ; the feast of Dedication i^x. 22 ) ; and lastly the feast of Passover, at which he suffered (xii. xiii.). There are cei'tainly three Passovers, and it is possible that " a feast " (v. 1) may be a fourth. Upon this pos- JESUS CHRIST 397 sibility the question turns. But if this feast is not a Passover, then no Passover is mentioned by John between the first (ii. 13), and that which is spoken of in the sixth chapter ; and the time between those two must be assumed to be a single year only. Now, although the record of John of this period contains but few facts, yet when all the Evangelists are com pared, the amount of labour compressed into this single year would be too much for its compass. It is, to say the least, easier to suppose that the " feast " (John v. 1 ) was a Passover, dividing the time into two, and throwing two of these circuits into the second year of the ministry. Upon the whole, though there is nothing that amounts to proof, it is probable that there were four Passovers, and consequently that our Lord's ministry lasted somewhat more than three years, the " beginning of miracles " (John ii.) having been wrought before the first passover. The year of the first of these Passovers was U.C. 780, and the Baptism of our Lord took place either in the beginning of that year or the end of the year preceding. Our Lord has now passed through the ordeal of temptation, and His ministry is begun. At Bethabara, to which He returns, disciples begin to be drawn towards Him ; Andrew and another, probably John, the sole narrator of the fact, see Jesus, and hear the Baptist's testimony concerning Him. Andrew brings Simon Peter to see Him also ; and he receives from the Lord the name of Cephas. Then Philip and Nathanael are brought into contact with our Lord. The two disciples last named saw Him as He was about to set out for Galilee, on the third day of His sojourn at Bethabara. The third day after this interview Jesus is at Cana in Galilee, and works His first miracle, by making the water wine (John i. 29, 35, 43 ; ii. 1). He now betakes Himself to Capernaum, and after a sojourn there of " not many days," sets out for Jerusalem to the Passover, which was to be the beginning of His ministiy in Judaea (John ii. 12, 13). The cleansing of the Temple is associated by St. John with this first Passover (ii. 12-22), and a similar cleansing is assigned to the last Passover by the other Evangelists. These two cannot be confounded without throwing discredit on the historical character of one narrative or the other ; the notes of time are too precise. The expulsion of the traders was not likely to produce a permanent effect, and at the end of three years Jesus found the tumult and the traffic defiling the court of the Temple as they had done when He visited it before. The visit of Nicodemus to Jesus took place about this first passover. It implies that our Lord had done more at Jerusalem than is recorded of Him even by John: since we have here a Master of Israel (John iii. 10), a member of the Sanhedrim (John vii. 50) expressing his belief in Him, although too timid at this time to make an open profession. The object of the visit, though not directly stated, is still clear : he was one of the better Pharisees, who were expecting the kingdom of Messiah, and having seen the miracles that Jesus did, he came to enquire more fully about these signs of its approach. It has been well said that this discourse contains the whole Gospel in epitome. After a sojourn at Jerusalem of uncertain duration, Jesus went to the Jordan with His disciples ; and they1 there baptized in His name. The Baptist was now at Aenon near Salim; and the jealousy of his disciples against Jesus drew from John an avowal of his position, which is remarkable for its humility (John iii. 27-30). How 398 JESUS CHRIST long this sojoura in Judaea lasted is uncertain. But in order to reconcile John iv. 1 with Matt. iv. 12, we must suppose that it was much longer than the " twenty-six or twenty-seven " days, to which Mr. Greswell would limit it. In the way to Galilee Jesus passed by the shortest route, through Samaria. In the time of our Lord the Samaritans were hated by the Jews even more than if they had been Gen tiles. Yet even in Samaria were souls to be saved ; and Jesus would not shake off even that dust from His feet. He came in His journey to Sichem, which the Jews in mockery had changed to Sychar. Wearied and athirst He sat on the side of Jacob's ¦well. A woman from the neighbouring town came to draw from the well, and was astonished that a Jew should address her as a neighbour, with a request for water. The conversation that ensued might be taken for an example of the mode in which Christ leads to Himself the souls of men. In this remarkable dialogue are many things to ponder over. The living water which Christ would give ; the announcement of a change in the wor ship of Jew and Samaritan; lastly, the confession that He who speaks is truly the Messiah, are all noteworthy. Jesus now returned to Galilee, and came to Nazareth, His own city. In the Synagogue He expounded to the people a passage from Isaiah (Ixi. 1), telling them that its fulfilment was now at hand in His person. The same truth that had filled the Samaritans with gratitude, wrought up to fury the men of Nazareth, who would have de stroyed Him if He had not escaped out of their hands (Luke iv. 16-30). He came now to Caper naum. On his way hither, when He had reached Cana, He healed the son of one of the courtiers of Herod Antipas (John iv. 46-54), who " himself be lieved, and his whole house." This was the second Galilean miracle. At Capernaum He wrought many miracles for them that needed. Here two disciples who had known him before, namely, Simon Peter and Andrew, were called from their fishing to be come " fishers of men " (Matt. iv. 19), aud the two sons of Zebedee received the same summons. After healing on the Sabbath a demoniac in the Syna gogue, a miracle which was witnessed by many, and was made known everywhere, He returned the same day to Simon's house, and healed the mother- in-law of Simon, who was sick of a fever. At sun set, the multitude, now fully aroused by what they had heard, brought their sick to Simon's door to get them healed. He did not refuse His succour, and healed them all (Mark i. 29-34). He now, after showering down on Capernaum so many cures, turned His thoughts to the rest of Galilee, where other " lost sheep " were scattered : — " Let us go into the next towns that I may preach there also, for therefore came I forth" (Mark i. 38). The journey through Galilee, on which He now entered, must have been a general circuit of that country. — Second year of the ministry. — Jesus went up to Jerusalem to " a feast of the Jews," which was probably the Passover. At the pool Bethesda ( = house of mercy), which was near the sheep-gate (Neh. iii. 1) on the north-east side of the Temple, Jesus saw many infirm persons waiting their turn for the healing virtues ofthe water (John v. 1-18). Among them was a man who had an infirmity thirty -eight years: Jesus made him whole by a word, bidding him take up his bed and walk. The miracle was done on the Sabbath ; and the Jews, who acted against Jesus rebuked the man for car- JESUS CHRIST rying his bed. It was a labour, and as such for bidden (Jer. xvii. 21). In our Lord's justification of Himself, " My Father worketh hitherto, and I work" (John v. 17), there is an unequivocal claim to the divine nature. Another discussion about the Sabbath arose from the disciples plucking the ears of coin as they went through the fields (Matt. xii. 1-8). The time of this is somewhat uncertain; some would place it a year later, just after the third Passover : but its place is much more probably here. Our Lord quotes cases where the law is superseded or set aside, because He is One who has power to do the same. And the rise of a new law is implied in those words which St. Mark alone has recorded : " The Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath." The law upon the Sab bath was made in love to men, to preserve for them a due measure of rest, to keep room for the worship of God. The Son of Man has power to re-adjust this law, if its work is done, or if men are tit to receive a higher. This may have taken place on the way to Jerusalem after the Passover. On an other Sabbath, probably at Capernaum, to which Jesus had returned, the Pharisees gave a far more striking proof of the way in which their hard and narrow and unloving interpretation would turn the beneficence of the Law into a blighting oppression. Our Lord entered into the synagogue, and found there a man with a withered hand — some poor artisan perhaps whose handiwork was his means of life. Jesus was about to heal him — which would give back life to the sufferer — which would give joy to every beholder who had one touch of pity in his heart. The Pharisees interfere : " Is it lawful to heal on the Sabbath-day?" Their doctors would have allowed them to pull a sheep out of a pit ; but they will not have a man rescued from the depth of misery. Rarely is that loving Teacher wroth, but here His anger, mixed with grief,showed itself: He looked round about upon them " with anger, being grieved at the hardness of their hearts," and answered their cavils by healing the man (Matt. xii. 9-14; Mark iii. 1-6; Luke vi. 6-11). In placing the ordination or calling of the Twelve Apostles just before the Sermon on the Mount, we are under the guidance of St. Luke (vi. 13, 17). But this more solemn separation for their work by no means marks the time of their fii'st approach to Jesus. That which takes place here is the appoint ment of twelve disciples to be a distinct body, under the name of Apostles. They are not sent forth to preach until later in the same year. The number twelve must have reference to the number of the Jewish tribes : it is a number selected on account of its symbolical meaning, for the work confided to them might have been wrought by more or fewer. In the four lists of the names of the Apostles pre served to us (Matt, x., Mark iii., Lukevi., Acts i.), there is a cei'tain order preserved, amidst variations. The two pairs of brothers, Simon and Andrew, and the sons of Zebedee, are always named the first ; and of these Simon Peter ever holds the first place. Philip and Bartholomew, Thomas and Matthew, are always in the next rank ; and of them Philip is always the first. In the third rank James the son of Alpheus is the first, as Judas Iscariot is always the last, with Simon the Zealot and Thaddaeus be tween. Some of the Apostles were cei'tainly poor and unlearned men ; it is probable that the rest were of the same kind. Four of them were fisher men, not indeed the poorest of their class; and a JESUS CHRIST fifth was a " publican," one of the tax-gatherers, who collected the taxes farmed by Romans of higher rank. From henceforth the education ofthe twelve Apostles will be one of the principal features of the Lord's ministry. First He instructs them ; then He takes them with Him as companions of His wayfaring ; then He sends them forth to teach and heal for Him. The Sermon on the Mount, although it is meant for all the disciples, seems to have a special reference to the chosen Twelve (Matt. v. 11). About this time it was that John the Baptist, long a prisoner with little hope of release, sent his dis ciples to Jesus with the question, " Art thou He that should come, or do we look for another ? " In all the Gospels there is no more touching inci dent. The great privilege of John's life was that he was appointed to recognize and bear witness to the Messiah (John i. 31). After languishing a year in a dungeon, after learning that even yet Jesus had made no steps towards the establishment of His kingdom of the Jews, and that His following con sisted of only twelve poor Galileans, doubts began to cloud over his spirit. Was the kingdom of Messiah as near as he had thought ? Was Jesus not the Messiah, but some forerunner of that Deliverer, .as he himself had been ? There is no unbelief; he does not suppose that Jesus has deceived; when the doubts arise, it is to Jesus that he submits them. But it was not without great depression and per plexity that he put the question, " Art thou He that should come ? " The scope of the answer given lies in its recalling John to the grounds of his former confidence. Now commences the second circuit of Galilee (Luke viii. 1-3), to which belong the parables in Matt. xiii. ; the visit of our Lord's mother and brethren (Luke viii. 19-21), and the ac count of His reception at Nazareth (Mark vi. 1-6). During this time the twelve have journeyed with Him. But now a third circuit in Galilee is re corded, which probably occurred during the last three months of this year (Matt. ix. 35-38) ; and during this circuit, after reminding them how great is the harvest and how pressing the need of la bourers, He carries the training of the disciples one step further by sending them forth by themselves to teach (Matt. x. xi.). They went forth two and two; and our Lord continued His own circuit (Matt. xi. 1), with what companions does not appear. After a journey of perhaps two months' duration the twelve retum to Jesus, and give an account of their ministry. The third Passover was now drawing near ; but the Lord did not go up to it. He wished to commune with His Apostles pri vately upon their work, and, we may suppose, to add to the instruction they had already received from Him (Mark vi. 30, 31). He therefore went with them from the neighbourhood of Capernaum to a mountain on the eastern shore of the Sea of Tiberias, near Bethsaida Julias, not far from the head of the sea. Great multitudes pursued them ; and here the Lord, moved to compassion by the hunger and weariness of the people, wrought for them one of His most remarkable miracles. Out of five barley loaves and two small fishes, He pro duced food for five thousand men besides women and children. After the miracle the disciples crossed the sea, and Jesus retired alone to a mountain to commune with the Father. They were toiling at tlie oar, for the wind was contrary, when, as the night drew towards morning, they saw Jesus walk ing to them on the sea, having passed the whole JESUS CHRIST 399 night on the mountain. They were amazed and terrified. He came into the ship and the wind ceased. When they reached the shore of Gennesaret the whole people showed their faith in Him as a Healer of disease (Mark vi. 53-56) ; and He per formed very many miracles on them. Yet on the next day the great discourse just alluded to was uttered, and " from that time many of His disciples went back and walked no more with Him " (John vi. 66). — Third year of the Ministry. — Hearing perhaps that Jesus was not coming to the feast, Scribes and Pharisees from Jerusalem went down to see Him at Capernaum (Matt. xv. 1). Leaving the neighbourhood of Capernaum our Lord now travels to the north-west of Galilee, to the region of Tyre and Sidon. The time is not strictly deter mined, but it was probably the early summer of this year. It does not appear that He retired into this heathen country for the purpose of ministering; more probably it was a retreat from the machina tions ofthe Jews (Matt. xv. 21-28 ; Mark vii. 24- 30). Returning thence He passed round by the north of the sea of Galilee to the regioij of Decapolis on its eastern side (Mark vii. 31-37). In this dis trict He performed many miracles, and especially the restoration of a deaf man who had an impedi ment in his speech, remarkable for the seeming effort with which He wrought it. To these suc ceeded the feeding of the four thousand with the seven loaves (Matt. xv. 32). He now crossed the Lake of Magdala, where the Pharisees and Sadducees asked and were refused a " sign." After they had departed Jesus crossed the lake with his disciples. At Bethsaida Julias, He restored sight to a blind man ; and here, as in a former case, the form and preparation which He adopted are to be remarked (Mark viii. 22-26). The ministry in Galilee is now drawing to its close. Through the length and breadth of that country Jesus has proclaimed the kingdom of Christ, and has shown by mighty works that He is the Christ that was to come. The lengthened journeys through the land, the miracles, far more than are recorded in detail, had brotight the Gospel home to all the people. Capernaum was the focus of His ministry. Through Chorazin and Bethsaida He had no doubt passed with crowds be hind Him, drawn together by wonders that they had seen, and by the hope of others to follow them. Many thousands had actually been benefited by the miracles ; and yet of all these there were only twelve that really clave to Him, and one of them was Judas the traitor. With this rejection an epoch of the history is connected. He begins to unfold now the doctrine of His passion more fully. The doctrine of a suffering Messiah, so plainly exhibited in the prophets, had receded from sight in the cur rent religion of that time. The announcement of it to the disciples was at once new and shocking. Turning now to the whole body of those who fol lowed Him (Mark, Luke), He published the Chris tian doctrine of self-denial. The Apostles had just shown that they took the natural view of suffering, that it was au evil to be shunned. They shrank from conflict, and pain, and death, as it is natural men should. But Jesus teaches that, in comparison with the higher life, the life of the soul, the life of the body is valueless (Matt. xvi. 21-28 ; Mark viii. 31-38 ; Luke ix. 22-27). The Transfiguration, which took place just a week after this conversa tion, is to be understood in connexion with it. The minds of the twelve were greatly disturbed at what 400 JESUS CHRIST they had heard. Now, if ever, they needed support for their perplexed spirits, and this their loving Master failed not to give them. He takes with Him three chosen disciples, Peter, John, and James, who fonned as it were a smaller circle nearer to Jesus than the rest, into a high mountain apart by themselves. There are no means of determining the position of the mountain. The three disciples were taken up with Him, who should afterwards be the three witnesses of His agony in the garden of Gethsemane : those who saw His glory in the holy mount would be sustained by the remem brance of it when they beheld His lowest humilia tion. The calmness and exactness of the narrative preclude all doubt as to its historical character. There has been much discussion on the purport of this great wonder. But thus much seems highly probable. First, as it was connected with the prayer of Jesus, to which it was no doubt an an swer, it is to be regarded as a kind of inauguration of Him iu His new office as the High-priest who should make atonement for the sins ofthe people with His own blood. Secondly, as the witnesses of this scene were the same three disciples who were with the Master in the garden of Gethsemane, it may be assumed that the one was intended to prepare them for the other. As they came down from the moun tain He charged them to keep secret what they had seen till after the Resurrection ; which shows that this miracle took place for His use and for theirs, rather than for the rest of the disciples. Meantime amongst the multitude below a scene was taking place which formed the strongest contrast to the glory and the peace which they had witnessed, and which seemed to justify Peter's remark, "It is good for us to be here." A poor youth, lunatic and pos sessed by a devil, was brought to the disciples who were not with Jesus, to be cured. They could not prevail ; and when Jesus appeared amongst them the agonized and disappointed father appealed to Him, with a kind of complaint of the impotence of the disciples. What the disciples had failed to do, Jesus did at a word. He then explained to them that their want of faith in their own power to heal, and in His promises to bestow the power upon them, was the cause of their inability (Matt. xvii. 14-21 ; Mark ix. 14-29 ; Luke ix. 37-43). Once more did Jesus foretell His sufferings on their way back to Capernaum (Mark ix. 30-32). —From the Feast of Tabernacles, Third Year. — The Feast of Tabernacles was now approaching. Hia brethren seb out for the feast without Him, and He abode in Galilee for a few days longer (John vii. 2-10). Afterwards He set out, taking the more direct but less frequented route by Samaria. St. Luke alone records, in connexion with this journey, the sending forth of the seventy disciples. This event is to be regarded in a different light from that ofthe twelve. The seventy had received no special education from our Lord, and their commission was of a temporary kind. The number has reference to the Gentiles, as twelve had to the Jews ; and the scene of the work, Samaria, reminds us that this is a movement directed towards the stranger. After healing the ten lepers in Samaria, He came about tlie midst of the feast to Jerusalem. The Pharisees and rulers sought to take Him ; some of the people, however, believed in Him, but concealed their opinion for fear of the rulers. To this division of opinion we may attri bute the failure of the repeated attempts on the part of the Sanhedrim to take One who was openly JESUS CHRIST teaching in the Temple (John vii. 11-53 : see esp. ver. 30, 32, 44, 45, 46). The officers were partly afraid to seize in the presence of the people the fa vourite Teacher ; and partly were themselves awed and attracted by Him. The history of the woman taken in adultery belongs to this time. To this place belongs the account, given by John alone, of the healing of one who was born blind, and the con sequences of it (John ix. 1-41, x. 1-21). Thewell- known parable of the good shepherd is an answer to the calumny of the Pharisees, that He was an impostor and breaker of the law, " This man is not of God, because he keepeth not the Sabbath-day" (ix. 16). We now approach a difficult portion of the sacred history. The note of time given us by John immediately afterwards is the Feast of the Dedication, which was celebrated on the 25th of Kisleu, answering nearly to December. According to this Evangelist our Lord does not appear to have returned to Galilee between the Feast of Tabernacles and that of Dedication, but to have passed the time in and near Jerusalem. Matthew and Mark do not allude to the Feast of Tabernacles. Luke appears to do so in ix. 51 : but the words there used would imply that this was the last journey to Jerusalem. Now in St. Luke's Gospel a large section, from ix, 51 to xviii. 14, seems to belong to the time pre ceding the departure from Galilee ; and the ques tion is how is this to be arranged, so that it shall harmonize with the narrative of St. John ? In most Harmonies a return of our Lord to Galilee has been assumed, in order to find a place for this part of Luke's Gospel. Perhaps this great division of Luke (x. 17-xviii. 14) should be inserted entire between John x. 21 and 22. Some of the most striking para bles, preserved only by Luke, belong to this period. The parables of the good Samaritan, the prodigal son, the unjust steward, the rich man and Lazarus, and the Pharisee and publican, all peculiar to this Gospel, belong to the present section. The in structive account of Mary and Martha and the miracle of the ten lepers belong to this portion of the narrative. Besides these, scattered sayings that occur in St. Matthew are here repeated in a new connexion. The account of the bringing of young children to Jesus unites again the three Evangelists (Matt. xix. 13-15; Mark x. 13-16; Luke xviii. 15-17'/. On the way to Jerusalem through Peraea, to the Feast of Dedication, Jesus again puts before the minds of the twelve what they are never now to forget, the sufferings that await Him. They " understood none of these things," for they could not reconcile this foreboding of suffering with the signs and announcements of the coming of His king dom (Matt. xx. 17-19; Mark x. 32-34; Luke xviii. 31-34). In consequence of this new, though dark, intimation of the coming of the kingdom, Salome, with her two sons, James and John, came to be speak the two places of highest honour in the king dom. Jesus tells them that they know not what they ask; that the places of honour in the kingdom shall be bestowed, not by Jesus in answer to a chance request, but upon those for whom they are prepared by the Father. As sin ever provokes sin, the ambition of the ten was now aroused, and they began to be much displeased with James and John. Jesus once more recalls the principle that the child like disposition is that which He approves {Matt. xx. 20-28 ; Mark x. 35-45). The healing of the two blind men at Jericho is chiefly remarkable among the miracles from the difficulty which has JESUS CHRIST arisen in harmonizing the accounts. Matthew speaks of two blind men, and of the occasion as the de parture from Jericho; Mark of one, whom he names, and of their arrival at Jericho ; and Luke agrees with him. This point has received much discussion ; but the view of Lightfoot finds favour with many eminent expositors, that there were two blind men, and both were healed under similar circumstances, except that Bartimaeus was on one side of the city, and was healed by Jesus as He entered, and the other was healed on the other side as they departed (Matt. xx. 29-34 ; Mark x. 46-52 ; Luke xviii. 35-4-3). The calling of Zacchaeus has more than a mere personal interest. He was a publican, one of a class hated and despised by the Jews. But he was one who sought to serve God. From such did Jesus wish to call His disciples, whether they were publicans or not (Luke xix. 1-10). We have reached now the Feast of Dedi cation ; but, as has been said, the exact place of the events in St. Luke about this part of the minis try has not been conclusively determined. After being present at the feast, Jesus returned to Beth abara beyond Jordan, where John had formerly baptised, and abode there. How long He remained here does not appear. It was probably for some weeks. The sore need of a family in Bethany, who were what men call the intimate friends of our Lord, called Him thence. Lazarus was sick, and his sisters sent word of it to Jesus, whose power they well knew. It was not till Lazarus had been four days in the grave that the Saviour appeared on the scene. But with the power of God he breaks the fetters of brass in which Lazarus was held by death, and at His word the man on whom corruption had already begun to do its work, came forth alive and whole (John xi. 1-45). A miracle so public, for Bethany was close to Jerusalem, and the family of Lazarus well known to many people in the mother-city, could not escape the notice of the Sanhedrim. A meeting of this Council was called without loss of time, and the matter dis cussed. We now approach the final stage of the history, and every word and act tend towards the great act of suffering. Each day is marked by its own events or instructions. Our Lord entered into Bethany on Friday the 8th of Nisan, the eve of the Sabbath, and remained over the Sabbath.— Satur day the 9th of Nisan (April 1st). — As he was at supper in the house of one Simon, surnamed " the leper,'* a relation of Lazarus, who was at table with Him, Mary, full of gratitude for the wonderful raising of her brother from the dead, took a vessel containing a quantity of pure ointmentof spikenard, and anointed the feet of Jesus, and wiped His feet with her hair, and anointed His head likewise.— Passion Week. Sunday the 10th day of Nisan (April 2nd). — When He arrives at the Mount of Olives He commands two of His disciples to go into the village near at hand, where they would find an ass, and a colt tied with her. With these beasts, impressed as for the service of a king, He was to enter into Jerusalem. The disciples spread upon the ass their ragged cloaks for Him to sit on. And the multitudes cried aloud before Him, in the words ofthe 118th Psalm, " Hosanna, Save now ! blessed is He that cometh in the name of the Lord." All the city was moved, Blind and lame came to the Temple when He arrived there and were healed. After working miracles in the Temple He returned to Bethany. Tho 10th of Nisan was the dav for Con. D. B. JESUS CHRIST 401 the separation of the paschal lamb (Ex. xii. 3). Jesus, the ' Lamb of God, entered Jerusalem and the Temple on this day, and although none but He knew that He was the Paschal Lamb, the coinci dence is not undesigned (Matt. xxi. 1-11, 14-17; Mark xi. 1-11; Luke xix. 29-44 ; John xii. 12-19). —Monday the 11th of Nisan (April 3rd). — The next day Jesus returned to Jerusalem, again to take advantage of the mood of the people to instruct them. On the way he approached one of the many fig-trees which grew in that quarter, and found that it was full of foliage, but without fruit. He said, " No man eat fruit of thee hereafter for ever !" and the fig-tree withered away (Matt. xxi. 18, 19 ; Mark xi. 12-14). Proceeding now to the Temple, He cleared its court ofthe crowd of traders that gathered there (Matt. xxi. 12, 13 ; Mark xi. 15-19; Luke xix. 45-48). In the evening he re turned again to Bethany.— Tuesday the 12th of Nisan (April ith). — On this the third day of Pas sion week Jesus went into Jerusalem as before, and visited the Temple. The Sanhedrim came to Him to call Him to account for the clearing of the Temple. " By what authority doest thou these things?" The Lord answered their question by another. They refused to answer, and Jesus refused in like manner to answer them. To this time belong the parables of the two sons (Matt. xxi. 23-32 ; Mark xi. 27-33 ; Luke xx. 1-8), of the wicked hus bandman, and of the wedding garment (Matt. xxi. 33-46, xxii. 1-14 ; Mark xii. 1-12 ; Luke xx. 9-19). Another great discourse belongs to this day, which, more than any other, presents Jesus as the great Prophet of His people. On leaving the Temple His disciples drew attention to the beauty of its structure, its " goodly stones and gifts," their re marks probably arising from the threats of destruc tion which had so lately been uttered by Jesus. Their Master answered that not one stone of the noble pile should be left upon another. When they reached the Mount of Olives the disciples, or rather the first four (Mark), speaking for the rest, asked him when this destruction should be accomplished. To understand the answer it must be borne in mind that Jesus warned them that He was not giving them an histoiical account such as would enable them to anticipate the events. " Of that day and hour knoweth no man, no, not the angels of heaven, but my Father only." Exact data of time are to be purposely withheld from them. Accordingly two events, analogous in cha racter but widely sundered by time, are so treated in the prophecy that it is almost impossible to disentangle them. The destruction of Jerusalem and the day of judgment — the national and the universal days of account— arc spoken of together or alternately without hint of the great interval of time that separates them. The conclusion which Jesus drew from his own awful warning was, that they were not to attempt to fix the date of his return. The lesson ' of the parable of the Ten Virgins is the same (Malt. xxiv. 44, xxv. 13) And the parable of the Talents, here repeated in a modified form, teaches how precious to souls are the uses of time (xxv. 14-30). In concluding this momentous discourse, our Lord puts aside the de struction of Jerusalem, and displays to our eyes the picture of the final judgment (Matt. xxv. 31- 46). With these weighty words ends the third day.— Wednesday the 13th of Nisan (April 5th). —This day was passed in retirement with the 2 D 402 JESUS CHRIST Apostles. Satan had put it into tho mind of one of them to betray Him ; and Judas Iscariot made a covenant to betray Him to the chief priests for thirty pieces of silver (Matt. xxvi. 14-16 ; Mark xiv. 10, 11 ; Luke xxii. 1-6). — Thursday the Uth of Nisan (April 6th). — On "the first day of un leavened bread," the disciples asked their Master where they were to eat the Passover. He directed Peter and John to go into Jerusalem, and to follow ¦a man whom they should see bearing a pitcher of water, and to demand of him, in their Master's name, the use of the guestchamber in his house for this purpose. All happened as Jesus had told them, and in the evening they assembled to cele brate, for the last time, the paschal meal. The sequence of the events is not quite clear from a comparison of the Evangelists. The order seems to be as follows. When they had taken their places at table aud the supper had begun, Jesus gave them the first cup to divide amongst them selves (Luke). It was customary to drink at the paschal supper four cups of wine mixed with water ; and this answered to the first of them. There now arose a contention among the disciples which of them should be the greatest ; perhaps in connexion with the places which they had taken at this feast (Luke). After a solemn warning against pride and ambition Jesus performed an act which, as one of the last of His life, must ever have been remembered by the witnesses as a great lesson of humility. He rose from the table, poured water into a basin, girded himself with a towel, and pro ceeded to wash the disciples' feet (John). After all had been washed, the Saviour explained to them the meaning of what He had done. " If I, your Lord and Master, have washed your feet, ye also ought to wash one another's feet. For I have given you an example, that ye should do as I have done to you" (Matt. xxvi. 17-20 ; Mark xiv. 12-17 ; Luke xxii. 7-30 ; John xiii. 1-20). From this act of love it does not seem that even the traitor Judas was excluded. But his treason was thoroughly known ; and now Jesus denounces it. One of them should betray Him. The traitor having gone straight to his wicked object, the end of the Saviour's ministry seemed already at hand. He gave them the new commandment, to love one another, as though it were a last bequest to them (Matt. xxvi. 21-25 ; Mark xiv. 18-21 ; Luke xxii. 21-23 ; John xiii. 21-35). Towards the close of the meal Jesus instituted the sacrament of the Lord's Supper (Matt. xxvi. 26-29 ; Mark xiv. 22- 25; Luke xxii. 19, 20; 1 Cor. xi. 23-25). The denial of Peter is now foretold, and to no one would such an announcement be more incredible than to Peter himself (Matt. xxvi. 31-35; Mark xiv. 27-31 ; Luke xxii. 31-38 ; John xiii. 36-38). That great final discourse, which John alone has recorded, is now delivered. Although in the middle of it there is a mention of departure (John xiv. 31), this perhaps only implies that they prepai'ed to go ; and then the whole discourse was delivered in the house before they proceeded to Gethsemane (John xiv.-xvii.).— Friday the 15th of Nisan (April 7th), including part of the eve of it.—" When they had sung a hymn," which perhaps means, when they had sung the second part of the Hallel, or song of praise, which consisted of Psalms cxv.-cxviii., the former part (Psalms cxiii. -cxiv.) having been sung at an earlier part of the supper, they went out into tho Mount of Olives. Jesus takes only his JESUS CHRIST three proved companions, Peter, James, and John and passes with them farther into the garden leaving the rest seated, probably near the entrance. No pen can attempt to describe what passed that night in that secluded spot. He tells them " my soul is exceeding sorrowful, even unto death : tarry ye here and watch with me," and then leaving even the three He goes further, and in solitude wrestles with an inconceivable trial. The words of Marl; are still more expressive — " He began to be sore amazed, and to be very heavy" (xiv. 33). The former word means that he was struck with a great dread ; not from the fear of physical suf fering, however excruciating, we may well believe, but from the contact with the sins of the world, of which, in some inconceivable way, He felt the bitterness and the weight. He did not merely con template them, but bear and feel them. It is im possible to explain this scene in Gethsemane in anv other way. The disciples have sunk to sleep. It was in search of consolation that He came back to them. The disciple who had been so ready to ask "Why cannot I follow thee now?" must hear another question, that rebukes his former confi dence — " Couldest not thou watxih one hour ?" A second time He departs and wrestles in prayer with the Father. A second time He returns and finds them sleeping. The same scene is repeated yet a third time; and then all is concluded. Hence forth they may sleep and take their rest; never more shall they be asked to watch one hour with Jesus, for His ministry in the flesh is at an end. This scene is in complete contrast to the Trans figuration (Matt. xxvi. 36-46; Mark xiv. 32-42; Luke xxii. 39-46; John xviii. 1). Judas now appeared to complete his work. In the doubtful light of torches, a kiss from him was the sign to the officers whom they should take. Peter, whose name is first given in John's Gospel, drew a sword and smote a servant of the high-priest and cut off his ear ; but his Lord refused such succour, and healed the wounded man. All the disciples forsook Him and fled (Matt. xxvi. 47-56 ; Mark xiv. 43-52 ; Luke xxii. 47-53 ; John xviii. 2-12). There is some difficulty in arranging the events that immediately follow, so as to embrace all the four accounts. On the capture of Jesus He was firet taken to the house of Annas, the father-in-law of Caiaphas the high-priest. It might appear from the course of John's narrative that the examination of our Lord, and the firet denial of Peter, took place in the house of Annas (John xviii. 13, 14). But the 24th verse is retrospective ; and probably all that occurred after verse 14 took place not at the house of Annas, but at that of Caiaphas. The house of the high-priest consisted probably, like other Eastern houses, of an open central court with chambers round it. Into this court a gate admitted them, at which a woman stood to open. As Peter passed in, the portress took note of him ; and after wards, at the fire which had been lighted.^ asked him, "Art not thou also one of this man's dis ciples ? " (John). All the zeal and boldness of Peter seems to have deserted him. He had come as in secret ; he is determined so to remain, and he denies his Master ! Feeling now the danger of his situation, he went out into the porch, and there some one, or, looking at all the accounts, probably several persons, asked him the question a second time, and he denied more strongly. About an hour after, when he had returned into the court, JESUS CHRIST the same question was put to him a third time, with the same result. Then the cock crew ; and Jesus who was within sight, probably in some open room communicating with the court, " turned and looked upon Peter. And Peter remembered the word of the Lord, how He had said unto Him, Before the cock crow, thou shalt deny Me thrice. And Peter went out and wept bitterly" (Matt. xxvi. 57, 58, 69-75 ; Mark xiv. 53, 54, 66-72 ; Luke xxii. 54-62 ; John xviii. 13-18, 24-27). The first interrogatory to which our Lord was subject (John xviii. 19-24) was addressed to Him by Caiaphas, probably before the Sanhedrim had time to assemble. It was the questioning of an inquisitive persou who had an important criminal in his presence, rather than a formal examination. The Lord's refusal to answer is thus explained and justified. When the more regular proceedings begin He is ready to answer. A servant of the high- priest, knowing that he should thereby please his mas ter, smote the cheek of the Son of God with the palm of his hand. But this was only the beginning of horrors. At the dawn of day the Sanhedrim, summoned by the high-priest in the course of the night, assembled, and brought their band of false witnesses, whom they must have had ready before. These gave their testimony, but even before this unjust tribunal it could not stand ; it was so full of contradictions. At last two false witnesses came, and their testimony was very like the truth. Even these two fell into contradictious. The high-priest now with a solemn adjuration asks Him whether He is the Christ the Son of God. He answers that He is, and foretells His return in glory and power at the last day. This is enough for their purpose. They pronounce Him guilty of a crime for which death should be the punishment (John xviii. 19-24; Luke xxii. 63-71 ; Matt. xxvi. 59-68 ; Mark xiv. 55-65). Although they had pronounced Jesus to be guilty of death, the Sanhedrim possessed no power to carry out such a sentence. As soon as it was day they took Him to Pilate, the Roman procurator. The hall of judgment, or praetorium, was probably a part of the tower of Antonia near the Temple, where the Roman garrison was. Pilate hearing that Jesus was an offender under their law, was about to give them leave to treat him accordingly ; and this would have made it quite safe to execute Him. From the first Jesus found favour in the eyes of Pilate, and he pronounced that he found no fault in Him. Not so easily were the Jews to be cheated of their prey. They heaped up accusa tions against Him as a disturber of the public peace (Luke xxiii. 5). Pilate was no match for their vehemence. Finding that Jesus was a Galilean, he sent Him to Herod to be dealt with ; but Herod, after cruel mockery and persecution, sent Him back to Pilate. Now commenced the fearful struggle between the Roman procurator, a weak as well as cruel man, and the Jews. The well-known incid ents of the second interview are soon recalled. After the examination by Herod, and the return of Jesus, Pilate proposed to release Him, as it was usual on the feast-day to release a prisoner to the Jews out of grace. Pilate knew well that the priests and rulers would object to this ; but it was a covert appeal to the people. The multitude, persuided by the priests, preferred another prisoner, called Barabbas. Now came the scourging, and the blows and insults of the soldiers, who, uttering truth when they thought they were only reviling, JESUS CHRIST 403 crowned Him and addressed Him as King of the Jews. According to John, Pilate now made one more effort for His release. He still sought to release Jesus: but the last argument, which had been in the minds of both sides all along, was now openly applied to him : " If thou let this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend." This decided the question. He delivered Jesus to be crucified (Matt. xxvii. 15-30 ; Mark xv. 6-19 ; Luke xxiii. 17-25 ; John xviii. 39, 40, xix. 1-16). John mentions that this occurred about the sixth hour, reck oning probably from midnight. In Mark the Jewish reckoning from six in the morning is followed. One Person alone has been calm amidst the excitements of that night of horrors. On Him is now laid the weight of His cross, or at least of the transverse beam of it ; and, with this press ing Him down, they proceed out of the city to Golgotha or Calvary, a place the site of which is now uncertain. As He began to droop, His persecutors, unwilling to defile themselves with the accursed burden, lay hold of Simon of Cyrene and compel him to carry the cross after Jesus. After offering Him wine and myrrh, they crucified Him between two thieves. Nothing was wanting to His humiliation ; a thief had been preferred be fore Him, and two thieves share His punishment. Pilate set over Him in three languages the inscrip tion, " Jesus, the King of the Jews." The chief- priests took exception to this that it did not de nounce Him as falsely calling Himself by that name, but Pilate refused to alter it. One of the two thieves underwent a change of heart even on the cross : he reviled at first (Matt.) ; and then, at the sight of the constancy of Jesus, repented (Luke) (Matt, xxvii. ; Mark xv. ; Lnke xxiii. ; John xix.). In the depths of His bodily suffering, Jesus calmly commended to John (?), who stood near, the care of Mary his mother. " Behold thy son ! behold thy mother." From the sixth hour to the ninth there was darkness over the whole land. At the ninth hour (3 P.M.) Jesus uttered with a loud voice the opening words of the 22nd Psalm, all the inspired words of which referred to the suffering Messiah. One of those present dipped a sponge in the common sour wine'of the soldiers and put it on a reed to moisten the sufferer's lips. Again He cried with a loud voice, "It is finished " (John), " Father, into thy hands I com mend my spirit " (Luke) ; and gave up the ghost (Matt, xxvii. 31-56 ; Mark xv. 20-41 ; Luke xxiii. 33-49 ; John xix. 17-30). On the death of Jesus the veil which covered the most Holy Place of the Temple, the place of the more especial presence of Jehovah, was rent in twain. There was a great earthquake. Many who were dead rose from their graves, although they returned to the dust again after this great token of Christ's quickening power had been given to many (Matt.). The Jews, very zealous for the Sabbath in the midst of their mur derous work, begged Pilate that he would put an end to the punishment by breaking the legs of the criminals that they might be taken down and buried before the Sabbath, for which they were preparing (Deut. xxi. 23; Joseph., B. J. iv. 5, § 2). Those who were to execute this duty found that Jesus was dead and the thieves still living. The death of the Lord before the others was, no doubt, partly the consequence of the previous mental suffering which He had undergone, and partly because His will to die lessened the natural 2 D 2 404 JESUS CHRIST resistance of the frame to dissolution. Joseph of Arimathea, a member of the Council but a secret disciple of Jesus, came to Pilate to beg the body of Jesus, that he might bury it. Nicodemus assisted in this work of love, and they anointed the body and laid it in Joseph's new tomb (Matt, xxvii. 50-61 ; Mark xv. 37-47 ; Luke xxiii. 46-56; John xix. 30-42).— Saturday the ISth of Nisan (April 8th). — The chief priests and Pharisees, with Pilate's permission, set a watch over the tomb, " lest His disciples come by night and steal Him away, and say unto the people He is risen from the dead" (Matt, xxvii. 62-66).— Sunday tlie 11th of Nisan {April 9th). — The Sabbath ended at six on the evening of Nisan 16th. Early the next morning the resurrection of Jesus took place. The exact hour of the resurrection is not mentioned by any of the Evangelists. Of the great mystery itself, the resumption of life by Him who was truly dead, we see but little. The women, who had stood by the cross of Jesus, had prepared spices on the evening before, perhaps to complete the embalming of our Lord's body, already performed in haste by Joseph and Nicodemus. They came very early on the first day of the week to the sepulchre. When they arrive they find the stone rolled away, and Jesus no longer in the Sepulchre. He had risen from the dead. Mary Magdalene at this point goes back in haste; and at once, believing that the body has been removed by men, tells Peter and John that the Lord has been taken away. The other women, however, go into the Sepulchre, and they see an angel (Matt. Mark). The two angels, mentioned by St. Luke, are probably two separate appearances to different members of the group ; for he alone mentions an indefinite number of women. They now leave the sepulchre, and go iu haste to make known the news to the Apostles. As they were going, " Jesus met them, saying, All hail." The eleven do not believe the account when they receive it. In the mean time Peter and John came to the Sepulchre. They ran, in their eagerness, and John arrived first and looked in ; Peter afterwards came up, and it is characteristic that the awe which had prevented the other disciple from going in appears to have been unfelt by Peter, who entered at once, and found the grave-clothes lying, but not Him who had worn them. This fact must have suggested that the removal was not the work of human hands. They then returned, wondering at what they had seen. Mary Magdalene, however, remained weeping at the tomb, and she too saw the two angels in the tomb, though Peter aud John did not. They ad dress her, and she answers, still, however, without any suspicion that the Lord is risen. As she turns away she sees Jesus, but in the tumult of her feelings does not even recognise Him at His first address. But He calls her by name, and then she joyfully recognises her Master. The third appearance of our Lord was to Peter (Luke, Paul) ; the fourth to the two disciples going to Emmaus in the evening (Mark, Luke) ; the fifth iu the same evening to the eleven as they sat at meat (Mark, Luke, John). All of these occurred on the first day of the week, the very day of the Resurrection. Exactly a week after, He ap peared to the Apostles, and gave Thomas a con vincing proof of His Resurrection (John) ; this was the sixth appearance. The seventh was in Galilee, where seven of the Apostles were assembled, some of them probably about to return to their old trade JETHER of fishing (John). The eighth was to the eleven (Matt.), and probably to five hundred brethren as sembled with them (Paul) on a mountain in Galilee. The ninth was to James (Paul) ; and the last to the Apostles at Jerusalem just before the Ascen sion (Acts). — Chronology. — Year ofthe birth of Christ. — It is certain that our Lord was bora be fore the death of Herod the Great. The death of Herod took place in A.U.C. 750. It follows, there fore, that the Dionysian era, which corresponds to A.U.C. 754, is at least four years too late. Many have thought that the star seen by the wise men gives grounds for an exact calculation of the time of our Lord's birth. It will be found, however, that this is not the case. [Star in the East.] The census taken by Augustus Cffisar, which led to the journey of Mary from Nazareth just before the birth of the Lord, has also been looked on as an im portant note of time, in reference to the chronology of the life of Jesus. The value of this census, as a feet in the chronology of the life of Christ, depends on the connexion which is sought to be established between it and the insurrection which broke out under Matthias and Judas, the son of Sariphaeus, in the last illness of Herod. If the insurrection arose out of the census, a point of connexion be tween the sacred history and that of Josephus is made out. Such a connexion, however, has not been clearly made out. The age of Jesus at His baptism (Luke iii. 23) affords an element of calcu lation. " And Jesus Himself began to be about thirty years of age." Born in the beginning of A.U.O. 750 (or the end of 749), Jesus would be thirty in the beginning of A.U.O. 780 (a.d. 27). To the first Passover after the baptism attaches a note of time which will confirm the calculations aheady made. " Then said the Jews, Forty and six years was this Temple in building, and wilt thou rear it up in three days ? " There can be no doubt that this refers to the rebuilding of the Temple by Herod. It is inferred from Josephus (Ant. xv. 11, § 5 & 6) that it was begun in the month Cisleu, A.U.C. 734. And if the Passover at which this remark was made was that of A.U.C. 780, then forty-five years and some months have elapsed, which, according to the Jewish mode of reckoning would be spoken of as " forty and six years." One datum remains : the commencement of the preaching of John the Baptist is connected with the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Cajsar (Luke iii. 1). The rule of Tiberius may be calculated either from the beginning of his sole reign, after the death of Augustus, A.U.O. 767, or from his joint government with Augustus, !. e. from the beginning of A.U.O. 765. In the latter case the fifteenth year would correspond with A.U.C. 779, which goes to confirm the rest of the calculations relied on in this article. Jeth'er. 1. Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses (Ex. iv. 18).— 3. The firstborn of Gideon's seventy sons (Judg. viii. 20).— 8. The father ofAmasa, captain- general of Absalom's army. Jether is merely another form of Ithra (2 Sam. xvii. 25), the latter being pro bably a corruption. He is described in 1 Chr. ii. 17 as an Ishmaelite, which again is more likely to be correct than the "Israelite" ofthe Heb. in 2 Sam. xvii., or the " Jezreelite " of the LXX. and Vulg. in the same passage. — 4. The son of Jada, a de scendant of Hezron, ofthe tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 32).— 5. The son of Ezra, whose name occurs in a dislocated passage in the genealogy of Judah JETHETH (1 Chr. iv. 17).— 6. The chief of a family of war riors of the line of Asher, and father of Jephunneh (1 Chr. vii. 38). He is probably the same as Ithran in the preceding verse. Jeth'eth, one of the phylarchs (A. V. " dukes ") who came of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 40 ; 1 Chr. i. 51). This record of the Edomite phylarchs may point specially to the places and habitations, or towns, named after, or occupied by, them. El-Wetideh, which is etymologically connected with Jetheth, is a place in Nejd ; there is also a place called El- Wetid ; and El- Wetidat, which is the name of moun tains belonging to Benee 'Abd-Allah Ibn Ghatfan. Jeth'lah, one of the cities of the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 42). Jeth'ro was priest or prince of Midian, both offices probably being combined iu one person. Moses spent the forty years of his exile from Egypt with him, and married his daughter Zipporah. By the advice of Jethro, Moses appointed deputies to judge the congregation and share the burden of government with himself (Ex. xviii.). On account of his local knowledge he was entreated to remain with the Israelites throughout their journey to Canaan (Num. a. 31, 33). It is said in Ex. ii. 18 that the priest of Midian whose daughter Moses married was Reuel ; afterwards at ch. iii. 1, he is called Jethro, as also in ch. xviii. ; but in Num. x. 29 "Hobab the son of Raguel the Midianite" is apparently called Moses' father-in-law (comp. Judg. iv. 11). Some commentators take Jethro and Reuel to be identical, and call Hobab the brother-in-law of Moses. The present punctuation of our Hebrew Bibles does not warrant this. Je'tur, Gen. xxv. 15; 1 Chr. i. 31, v. 19. [Ituraea.] Jeu'el. 1. A chief man of Judah, one of the Bene-Zerah (1 Chr. ix. 6; comp. 2).— 3. One of the Bene-Adonikam who returned to Jerusalem with Esdras (1 Esdr. viii. 39). [Jeiel.] Je'ush. 1. Son of Esau, by Aholibamah, the daughter of Anah, the son of Zebeon the Hivite (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, 18 ; 1 Chr. i. 35).— 3. A Benjamite, son of Bilhan (1 Chr. vii. 10, 11).— 3. A Gershonite Levite, of the house of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, 11).— 4. Son of Rehoboam king of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 18, 18). Je'uz, head of a Benjamite house, in an obscure genealogy (1 Chr. viii. 10), apparently son of Sha- haraim and Hodesh his third wife, and born in Moab. Jew. This name was properly applied to a mem ber of the kingdom of Judah after the separation of the ten tribes. In this sense it occurs twice in the second book of Kings, 2 K. xvi. 6, xxv. 25, and seven times in the later chapters of Jeremiah : Jer. xxxii. 12, xxxiv. 9 (in connexion with Hebrew), xxxviii. 19, xl. 12, xii. 3, xliv. 1, Iii. 28. The term first makes its appearance just before the captivity of the ten tribes, and then is used to denote the men of Judah who held Elath, and were driven out by Rezin king of Syria (2 K. xvi. 6). The fugitives in Egypt (Jer. xliv. 1) belonged to the two tribes, and were distinguished by the name of the more important. After the Return the word received a larger application. Partly from the predominance of the members of the old kingdom of Judah among those who returned to Palestine, partly from the identification of Judah with the religious ideas and hopes of the people, all the members of the new state were JEZEBEL 405 called Jews (Judaeans), and the name was extended to the remnants of the race scattered throughout the nations (Dan. iii. 8, 12 ; Ezr. iv. 12, 23, &c. ; Neh. i. 2, ii. 16, v. 1, &c. ; Esth. iii. 4 ff., &c). Under the name of " Judaeans," the people of Israel were known to classical writers (Tac. H. V. 2, &c). The force of the title " Jew " is seen particularly in the Gospel of St. John, who very rarely uses any other term to describe the opponents of our Lord. The name, indeed, appeared at the close of the apostle's life to be the tine antithesis to Chris tianity, as describing the limited and definite form of a national religion ; but at an earlier stage of the progress of the faith, it was contrasted with Greek as implying an outward covenant with God (Rom. i. 16, ii. 9, 10 ; Col. iii. 11, &c), which was the correlative of Hellenist [Hellenist] , and marked a division of language subsisting within the entire body, and at the same time less expressive than Israelite, which brought out with especial clearness the privileges and hopes of the children of Jacob (2 Cor. xi. 22 ; John i. 47; 1 Mace. i. 43, 53, and often). The history of Judaism is divided by Jost — the most profound writer who has investigated it — into two great eras, the first extending to the close of the collections of the oral laws, 536 B.C. — 600 A.D. : the second reaching to the present time. Jews' language, in the. Literally " Jew- ishly:" for the Hebrew must be taken adverbially. It denotes as well the pure Hebrew as the dialect acquired during the Captivity, which was charac terized by Aramaic forms and idioms. Jew'el. [Peecious Stones.] Jew'ess, a woman of Hebrew birth, without dis tinction of tribe (Acts xvi. 1, xxiv. 24). Jewish, of or belonging to Jews ; an epithet applied to their Rabbinical legends (Tit. i. 14). Jew'ry, the same word elsewhere rendered Judah and Judaea. It occurs several times in the Apoc. and N. T., but once only in the O. T. (Dan. v. 13). Jewry comes to us through the Norman- French, and is of frequent occurrence in Old English. Jezani'ah, the son of Hoshaiah, the Maachathite, and one of the captains of the forces, who had escaped from Jerusalem during the final attack of the beleaguering army of the Chaldaeans. When the Babylonians had departed, Jezaniah, with the men under his command, was one of the first who returned to Gedaliah at Mizpah. In the events which followed the assassination of that officer Jezaniah took a prominent part (2 K. xxv. 23 ; Jer. xl. 8, xiii. 1, xliii. 2). Jez'ebel, wife of Ahab, king of Israel, and mother of Athaliah, queen of Judah, and Ahaziah and Joram, kings of Israel. She was a Phoenician princess, daughter of " Ethbaal king of the Zido- nians." Her marriage with Ahab was a turning point in the history of Israel. She was a woman in whom, with the reckless and licentious habits of an Oriental queen, were united the sternest and fiercest qualities inherent in the Phoenician people. In her hands her husband became a mere puppet (1 K. xxi. 25). The first effect of her influence was the immediate establishment of the Phoenician worship on a grand scale in the court of Ahab. At her table were supported no less than 450 prophets of Baal, and 400 of Astarte (1 K. xvi. 31, 32, xviii. 19). The prophets of Jehovah, who up to this time had found their chief refuge in tho 400 JEZELUS northern kingdom, were attacked by her orders and put to the sword (1 K. xviii. 13; 2 K. ix. 7). When at last the people, at the instigation of Elijah, rose against her ministers, and slaughtered them at the foot of Carmel, and when Ahab was terrified into submission, she alone retained her presence of mind ; and when she received in the palace of Jezreel the tidings that her religion was all but destroyed (1 K. xix. 1), her only answer was one of those fearful vows which have made the leaders of Shemitic nations so terrible whether for good or evil — expressed in a message to the veiy man who, as it might have seemed but an hour before, had her life in his power. The next instance of her power is still more characteristic and complete. When she found her husband cast down by his disappointment at being thwarted by Naboth, she took the matter into her own hands, with a spirit which reminds us of Clytemnestra or Lady Mac beth (1 K. xxi. 7). She wrote a warrant in Ahab's name, and sealed it with his seal. To her, and not to Ahab, was sent the announcement that the royal wishes were accomplished (1 K. xxi. 14), and she bade her husband go and take the vacant property ; and on her accordingly fell the prophet's curse, as well as on her husband (1 K. xxi. 23). We hear no more of her for a long period. But she sur vived Ahab for 14 years, and still, as queen-mother (after the Oriental custom), was a great personage in the court of her sons, and, as such, became the special mark for the vengeance of Jehu. But in that supreme hour of her house the spirit of the aged queen rose within her, equal to the dreadful emer gency. She was in the palace, which stood by the gate of the city, overlooking the approach from the east. Beneath lay the open space under the city walls. She determined to face the destroyer of her family, whom she saw rapidly advancing in his chariot. She painted her eyelids in the Eastern fashion with antimony, so as to give a darker border to the eyes, and make them look larger and brighter, possibly in order to induce Jehu, after the manner of eastern usurpers, to take her, the widow of his predecessor, for his wife, but more probably as the last act of regal splendour. She tired her head, and, looking down upon him from the high latticed window in the tower, she met him by an allusion to a former act of treason in the history of her adopted country. Jehu looked up from his chariot. Two or three eunuchs of the royal harem showed their faces at the windows, and at his command dashed the ancient princess down from the chamber. She fell immediately iu front of the conqueror's chariot. The blood flew from her mangled corpse over the palace-wall behind, and over the advancing horses in front. The mer ciless destroyer passed on ; and the last remains of life were trampled out by the horses' hoofs. The body was left in that open space called in modern Eastern language " the mounds," where offal is thrown from the city-walls. The dogs of Eastern cities, which prowl around these localities, and which the present writer met on this very spot by the modem village which occupies the site of Jezreel, pounced upon this unexpected prey. No thing was left by them but the hard portions of the human skeleton, the skull, the hands, and the feet. Jeze'lus. 1. The same as Jahaziel (1 Esd. viii. 3'2).— 2. Jehiel, the father of Obadiah (1 Esd. viii. 35). JEZREEL Jez'er, the third son of Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 24- Num. xxvi. 49 ; 1 Chr. vii. 13), and father of the family of the Jezeeites. Jez'erites, the. A family of the tribe of Naph tali, descendants of Jezer (Num. xxvi. 49). Jez'iah, a descendant of Parosh, who had mar ried a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 25). Jez'iel, a Benjamite who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3). Jez'liah, a Benjamite of the sons of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 18). Jezo'ar, the son of Helah, one of the wives of Asher (1 Chr. iv. 7). Jezrah'iali, a Levite, the leader of the choristers at the solemn dedication of the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42). Jezreel, a descendant of the father or founder of Etam, ofthe line of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 3). But as the verse now stands, we must supply some such word as " families ; " " these (are the families of) the father of Etam." Jez'reel. Its modem name is Zerin, The name is used in 2 Sam. ii. 9 and (?) iv. 4, and Hos. i. 5, for the valley or plain between Gilboa and Little Hermon; and to this plain, in its widest extent, the general form of the name Esdraelon (first used in Jud. i. 8) has been applied in modern times. In its more limited sense, as applied to the city, it first appears in Josh. xix. 18. But its historical importance dates from the reign of Ahab; who chose it for his chief residence. The situation of the modem village of Zerin still remains to show the fitness of his choice. It is on one of the gentle swells which rise out of the fertile plain of Esdraelon ; but with two peculiarities which mark it out from the rest. One is its strength. On the N.E. the hill presents a steep rocky descent of at least 100 feet. The other is its central locality. It stands at the opening of the middle branch of the three eastern forks of the plain, and looks straight towards the wide western level; thus commanding the view towards the Jordan on the east (2 K. ix. 17), and visible from Carmel on the west (1 K. xviii. 46). In the neighbourhood, or within the town probably, was a temple and grove of Astarte, with an establishment of 400 priests supported by Jezebel (1 K. xvi. 33; 2 K. x. 11). The palace of Ahab (IK. xxi. 1, xviii. 46), pro bably containing his " ivory house " (1 K. xxii. 39), was ou the eastern side of the city, forming part ot the city wall (comp. 1 K. xxi. 1 ; 2 K. ix. 25, 30, 33). The seraglio, in which Jezebel lived, was on the citv wall, and had a high window facing east ward (2 K. ix. 30). Close by, if not forming part of this seraglio, was a watch-tower, on which a sentinel stood, to give notice of arrivals from the disturbed district beyond the Jordan (2 K. ix. 17). An ancient square tower which stands among the hovels of the modem village may be its representa tive. The gateway of the city on the east was also the gateway of the palace (2 K. ix. 34). Whether the vineyard of Naboth was here or at Samaria is a doubtful question. Still in the same eastern direction are two springs, one 12 minutes from the town, the other 20 minutes. The latter probably both from its size and situation, was known as " the Speing of Jezreel " (mis translated A. Y. "a fountain," 1 Sam. xxix. 1). With the fall of the house of Ahab the glory of Jezreel departed.— 2. A town in Judah, in the neighbourhood of the southern Carmel (Josh. xv. JEZREELITE 56). Here David in his wanderings took Ahinoam the Israelitess for his first wife (1 Sam. xxvii. 3, xxx. 5).— 3. The eldest son of the prophet Hosea (Hos. i. 4)v Jez'reelite. An inhabitant of Jezreel (1 K. xxi. 1, 4, 6, 7, 15, 16 ; 2 K. ix. 21, 25). Jezreeli'tess. A woman of Jezreel (1 Sam. xxvii. 3, xxx. 5 ; 2 Sam. ii. 2, iii. 2 ; 1 Chr. iii. 1). Jib'sam, one of the sons of Tola, the son of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 2). JidTaph, a son of Nahor (Gen. xxii. 22). Jim'na, the firstborn of Asher (Num. xxvi. 44). He is elsewhere called in the A. V. Jimnah (Gen. xlvi. 17) and Imnah (1 Chr. vii. 30). Jim'nah = Jimna = Imnah (Gen. xlvi. 17). Jim'nites, the, descendants of the preceding (Num. xxvi. 44). Jiph'tah, one of the cities of Judah in the ma ritime lowland, or Shefelah (Josh. xv. 43). It has not yet been met with. Jiph'thah-el, the Valley of, a valley which served as one of the land -mai ks for the boundary both of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 14) and Asher (27). Dr. Robinson suggests that Jiphthah-el was identical with Jotapata, and that they survive in the modern Jefat, a village in the mountains of Galilee, half way between the Bay of Acre and the Lake of Gennesareth. In this case the valley is the great Wady-Abilin. Jo'ab, the most remarkable, though perhaps not the eldest (1 Chr. ii. 16) of the three nephews of David, the children of Zeruiah, David's sister. Their father is unknown, but seems to have resided at Bethlehem, and to have died before his sons, as we find mention of his sepulchre at that place (2 Sam. ii. 32). Joab first appears after David's accession to the throne at Hebron. He with his two brothers went out from Hebron at the head of David's " servants," or guards, to keep a watch on the movements of Abner. The two parties sate opposite each other, on each side of the tank by that city. Abner's challenge, to which Joab assented, led to a desperate struggle between twelve champions from either side. This roused the blood of the rival tribes ; a general encounter ensued ; Abner and his company were defeated, and in his flight, being hard pressed by the swift-footed Asahel, he reluct antly killed the unfortunate youth. His two bro thers, on seeing the corpse, only hurried on with greater fury in the pursuit. In answer to the appeal of Abner Joab withdrew his men, but his revenge was only postponed. He had been on an other of these predatory excursions from Hebron, when he was informed on his retum that Abner had in his absence paid a visit to David, and been re ceived into favour (2 Sam. iii. 23). He broke out into a violent remonstrance with the king, and then, without David's knowledge, immediately sent messengers after Abner, who was overtaken by them at the well of Shah. Abner, with the un suspecting generosity of his noble nature, returned at once. Joab aud Abishai met him in the gate way of the towu ; Joab took him aside (2 Sam. iii. 27), as if with a peaceful intention, and then struck him a deadly blow " under the fifth rib." There was now no rival left in the way of Joab's advance ment, and at the siege of Jebus he was appointed for his prowess commander-in-chief — " captain of the host" — the same office that Abner had held under Saul, the highest in the state after the king (1 Chr. M'. 6 ; 2 Sam. viii. 16). In this post he was con- JOAB 407 tent, and served the king with undeviating fidelity. In the wide range of wars which David undertook, Joab was the acting general. He had a chief armour-bearer of his own, Naharai, a Beerothite, (2 Sam. xxiii. 37 ; 1 Chr. xi. 39), and ten attend ants to carry his equipment and baggage (2 Sam. xviii. 15). He had the charge of giving the signal by trumpet for advance or retreat (2 Sam- xviii. 16). He was called by the almost regal title of " Lord " (2 Sam. xi. 11), " the prince ofthe king's army" (1 Chr. xxvii. 34). His usual residence was in Jerusalem — but he had a house and pro perty, with barley-fields adjoining, in the country (2 Sam. xiii. 23), in the " wilderness " (1 K. ii. 34), probably on the N. E. of Jerusalem (comp. 1 Sam. xiii. 18 ; Josh. viii. 15, 20), near an ancient sanctuary, called from its nomadic village " Baalha- zor " (2 Sam. xiii. 23 ; comp. with xiv. 30), where there were extensive sheepwalks.— 1 . His great war was that against Ammon, which he conducted in per son. It was divided into three campaigns, (a) The first was against the allied forces of Syria and Am mon. (&) The second was against Edom. The decisive victory was gained by David himself in the " valley of salt," and celebrated by a triumphal monument (2 Sam. viii. 13). But Joab had the charge of carrying out the victory, and remained for six months, extirpating the male population, whom he then buried in the tombs of Petra (1 K. xi. 15, 16). (c) The third was against the Ammonites. They were again left to Joab (2 Sam. x. 7-19). At the siege of Rabbah, the ark was sent with him, and the whole army was encamped in booths or huts round the beleaguered city (2 Sam. xi. 1, 11). After a sortie of the inhabitants, which caused some loss to the Jewish army, Joab took the lower city on the river, and then sent to urge David to come and take the citadel (2 Sam. xii. 26-28). — 2. The services of Joab to the king were not confined to these military achievements. In the entangled relations which grew up in David's domestic life, he bore an important part, (a) The first occasion was the unhappy correspondence which passed between him and the king during the Am monite war respecting Uriah the Hittite (2 Sam. xi. 1-25). ib) The next occasion on which it was displayed was in his successful endeavour to reinstate Absalom in David's favour, after the murder of Amnon (2 Sam. xiv. 1-20). (c) The same keen sense of his master's interests ruled the conduct of Joab no less, when the relations of the father and son were reversed by the successful revolt of Ab salom. His former intimacy with the prince did not impair his fidelity to the king. He followed him beyond the Jordan, and in the final battle ot" Ephraim assumed the responsibility of taking the rebel prince's dangerous life in spite of David's in junction to spare him, and when no one else had courage to act so decisive a part (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 11-15). The king transferred the command to Amasa. {d) Nothing brings out more strongly the good and bad qualities of Joab than his conduct in this trying crisis of his history. With his own guard and the mighty men under Abishai he went out in pursuit of the remnants of the rebellion. In the heat of pursuit, he encountered his rival Amasa, more leisurely engaged in the same quest. At " the great stone" in Gibeon, the cousins met. Joab's sword was attached to his girdle; by design or accident it protruded from the sheath ; Amasa rushed into the treacherous embrace, to which Joab 408 JOACHAZ invited him , holding fast his beard by his own right hand, whilst the unsheathed sword in his left hand plunged into Amasa's stomach ; a single blow from that practised arm, as in the case of Abner, sufficed to do its work, (e) At the moment, all were ab sorbed in the pursuit of the rebels. Once more a proof was given of the wide-spread confidence in Joab's judgment (2 Sam. xx. 16-22). (/) His last remonstrance with David was on the announce ment of the king's desire to number the people. — 3. There is something mournful in the end of Joab. At the close of his long life, his loyalty, so long unshaken, at last wavered. " Though he had not turned after Absalom he turned after Adonijah" (1 K. ii. 28). This probably filled up the measure of the king's long cherished resentment. The re vival of the pretensions of Adonijah after David's death was sufficient to awaken the suspicions of Solomon. Joab fled to the shelter of the altar at Gibeon, and was there slain by Benaiah.— 2. Son of Seraiah, and descendant of Kenaz (1 Chr. iv. 14). — 3. The head of a family, not of priestly or Levitical rank, whose descendants, with those of Jeshua, were the most numerous of all who re turned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 6, viii. 9 ; Neh vii. 11 ; 1 Esd. viii. 35). Jo'achaz = Jehoahaz (1 Esd. i. 34), the son of Josiah. Joa'chim. 1. (Bar. i. 3) = Jehoiakim, called also Joacim.— 3. A " high-priest " at Jerusalem in the time of Baruch " the sou of Chelcias," i. e. Hilkiah (Bar. i. 7). Jo'aeim. 1. = Jehoiakim (1 Esd. i. 37, 38, 39). [Joacim, 1.]— 3. = Jehoiachin (1 Esd. i. 43). — 3. = Joiakim, the son of Jeshua (1 Esd. v. 5). —4. "The high-priest which was in Jerusalem" (Jud. iv. 6, 14) in the time of Judith (xv. 8 ff.). It is impossible to identify him with any historical character. — 5. The husband of Susanna (Sus. Iff.). Joada'nus, one of the sons of Jeshua, the son of Jozadak (1 Esd. ix. 19). Jo'ab.. 1. The son of Asaph, and chronicler, or keeper ofthe records, to Hezekiah (Is. xxxvi. 3, 11, 22).— 2. The son or grandson of Zimmah, a Gersh onite (1 Chr. vi. 21).— 3. The third son of Obed- cdom (1 Chr. xxvi. 4), a Korhite, and one of the doorkeepers appointed by David.— 4. A Gershonite, the son of Zimmah, and father of Eden (2 Chr. xxix. 12).— 5. The son of Joahaz, and keeper ofthe records, or annalist to Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). Jo'ahaz, the father of Joah, the chronicler or keeper of the records to king Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). Jo'anan = Johanan, the son of Eliashib (1 Esd. ix. 1). Joau'na, son of Rhesa, according to the text of Luke iii. 27, and one of the ancestors of Christ. But according to the view explained in a previous article, son of Zerubbabel, and the same as Hananiah in 1 Chr. iii. 19. Joau'na, the name of a woman, occurring twice in Luke (viii. 3, xxiv. 10), but evidently denoting the same person. In the first passage she is ex pressly stated to have been " wife of Chusa, steward of Herod," that is, Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee. Joan'nan, surnamed Caddis, the eldest brother of Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. ii. 2). Jo'arib, chief of the first of the twenty-four courses of priests in the reign of David, and an cestor of the Maccabees (1 Mace. ii. 1). JOASH Jo'ash, contr. from Jehoash. 1. Son of Aha ziah king of Judah, and the only one of his children who escaped the murderous hand of Athaliah. After his father's sister Jehoshabeath, the wife of Je- ' hoiada, had stolen him from among the king's sons he was hid for six years in the chambers of the Temple. In the 7th year of his age and of his con cealment, a successful revolution placed him on the throne of his ancestors, and freed the country from the tyranny and idolatries of Athaliah. For at least 23 years, while Jehoiada lived, this reign was very prosperous. Excepting that the high-places were still resorted fo for incense and sacrifice, pure reli gion was restored, large contributions were made for the repair of the Temple, which was accordingly restored ; and the country seems to have been free from foreign invasion and domestic disturbance. But, after the death of Jehoiada, Joash fell into the hands of bad advisers, at whose suggestion he revived the worship of Baal and Ashtaroth. When he was rebuked for this by Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada, Joash caused him to be stoned to death in the very court of the Lord's house (Matt, xxiii. 35). The vengeance imprecated by the murdered high-priest was not long delayed. That very year, Hazael king of Syria came up against Jerusalem, and carried off a vast booty as the price of his de parture. Joash had scarcely escaped this danger, when he fell into another and fatal one. Two of his servants, taking advantage of his severe illness, some think of a wound received in battle, conspired against him, and slew him in his bed in the fortress of Millo. Joash's reign lasted 40 years, from 878 to 838 B.C.— 3. Son and successor of Jehoahaz on the throne of Israel from B.C. 840 to 825, and for two full years a contemporary sovereign with the preceding (2 K. xiv. 1 ; comp. with xii. 1, xiii. 10). When he succeeded to the crown, the kingdom was in a deplorable state from the devastations of Hazael aud Benhadad, kings of Syria. Ou occasion of a friendly visit paid by Joash to Elisha on his death bed, the prophet promised him deliverance from the Syrian yoke in Aphek (1 K. xx. 26-30). He then bid him smite upon the ground, and the king smote thrice and then stayed. The prophet rebuked him for staying, and limited to three his victories over Syria. Accordingly Joash did beat Benhadad three times on the field of battle, and recovered from him the cities which Hazael had taken from Jehoahaz. The other great military event of Joash's reign was his successful war with Amaziah king of Judah. The grounds of this war are given fully in 2 Chr. xxv. The two armies met at Beth-shemesh, that of Joash was victorious, put the army of Amaziah to the rout, took him prisoner, brought him to Jeru salem, broke down the wall of Jerusalem, and plun dered the city. He died in the 15th year of Ama ziah king of Judah, and was succeeded by his son Jeroboam II.— 8. The father of Gideon, and a wealthy man among the Abiezrites (Judg. vi. 11, 29, 30, 31, vii. 14, viii. 13,29, 32).-4. Appar ently a younger son of Ahab, who held a subordin ate jurisdiction in the lifetime of his father, or was appointed viceroy (2 Chr. xviii. 25) during his absence in the attack on Ramoth-Gilead (1 K. xxii. 26 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 25). Or he may have been merely a prince ofthe blood-royal.— 5. A descend ant of Shelah the son of Judah, but whether his son or the son of Jokim. is not clear (1 Chr. iv. 22).— 6. A Benjamite, son of Shemaah of Gibeah (1 Chr. xii. 3), who resorted to David at Ziklag.— 7. JOASH One of the officers of David's household (1 Chr. xxvii. 28). Jo'ash, son of Becher, and head of a Benjamite house (1 Chr. vii. 8). Jo'atham = Jotham the son ofUzziah (Matt. i. 9). Joazab'dus= Jozabnd the Levite (1 Esd. ix. 48 ;. comp, Neh. viii. 7). Job, the third son of Issachar (Gen. xlvi. 13), called in another genealogy Jashub (1 Chr. vii. 1). Job. This book consists of five parts : the intro duction, the discussion between Job and his three iriends, the speech of Elihu, the manifestation and address of Almighty God, and the concluding chapter.— I. Analysis. — 1. The introduction sup plies all the facts on which the argument is based. Job, a chieftain in the land of Uz, of immense wealth and high rank, " the greatest of all the men of the East," is represented to us as a man of perfect integrity, blameless in all the relations of life, de clared indeed by the Lord Himself to be " without his like in all the earth," " a perfect, and an up right man, one that feareth God, and escheweth evil." One question could be raised by envy ; may not the goodness which secures such direct and tangible rewards be a refined form of selfishness ? In the world of spirits, where all the mysteries of / existence are brought to light, Satan, the accusing angel, suggests the doubt, "doth Job fear God for nought ?" and asserts boldly that if those external blessings were withdrawn Job would cast off his allegiance — " he will curse thee to thy face." The problem is thus distinctly propounded which this book is intended to discuss and solve. Can goodness exist irrespective of reward, can the fear of God be retained by man when every inducement to selfish ness is taken away? The accuser receives permis sion to make the trial. He destroys Job's property, then his children ; and afterwards, to leave no pos sible opening for a cavil, is allowed to inflict upon him the most terrible disease known in the East. Job's wife breaks down entirely under the trial. Job remains steadfast. He repels his wife's sug gestion with the simple words, "What! shall we receive good at the hand of the Lord, and shall we not receive evil ?" " In all this Job did not sin with his lips." The question raised by Satan was thus answered. — 2. Still it is clear that many points of deep interest would have been left in obscurity. Entire as was the submission of Job, he must have been inwardly perplexed by events to which he had no clue, which were quite unaccountable on any hypothesis hitherto entertained, and seemed repug nant to the ideas ofjustice engraven on man's heart. An opportunity for the discussion of the provid ential government of the world is afforded in the most natural manner by the introduction of three men, representing the wisdom and experience of the age, who came to condole with Job on hearing of his misfortunes. The meeting is described with singular beauty. At a distance they greet him with the wild demonstrations of sympathising grief usual in the east ; coming near they are overpowered by the sight of his wretchedness, and sit seven days and seven nights without uttering a word. This awful silence drew out all his anguish. In an agony of desperation he curses the day of his birth. With the answer to this outburst begins a series of dis cussions, continued probably with some intervals, during several successive days. The results of the Urst discussion (from c. iii.— xiv.) may be thus summed up. We have on the part of Job's friends JOB 409- a theory of the -divine government resting upon an ¦ exact and uniform correlation between sin and pun ishment (iv. 6, 11, and throughout). Afflictions are always penal, issuing in the destruction of those who are radically opposed to God, or who do not submit to His chastisements. They lead of course to correction and amendment of life when the sufferer repents, confesses his sins, puts them away, and turns to God. In that case restoration to peace, and even increased prosperity may be expected (v. 17-27). Still the fact of the suffering always proves the commission of some special sin, while the de meanour of the sufferer indicates the true internal relation between him and God. These principles are applied by them to the case of Job. In this ¦ part of the dialogue the character of the three friends is clearly developed. In order to do justice to the position and arguments of Job, it must be borne in mind, that the direct object of the trial was to ascertain whether he would deny or forsake God, and that his real integrity is asserted by God Himself. He denies the assertion that punishment follows surely on guilt, or proves its commission. In the government of Providence he can see but one point clearly, viz., that all events ancU'esults are ab solutely in God's hand (xii. 9-25), but as for the prin ciples which underlie those events he knows nothing. In fact, he is sure that his friends are equally unin formed. Still he doubts not that God is just. There remains then but one course open to him, and that he takes. He turns to supplication, implores God to give him a fair and open trial (xiii. 18-28). Believing that with death all hope connected with this world ceases, he prays that he may be hidden in the grave (xiv. 13), and there reserved for the day when God will try his cause and manifest Him self in love (ver. 15). In the second discussion (xv.-xxi.) there is a more resolute elaborate attempt on the part of Job's friends to vindicate their theory of retributive justice. This requires an entire over- ¦ throw of the position taken by Job. Eliphaz (xv.), who, as usual, lays down the basis of the argument, does not now hesitate to impute to Job the worst crimes of which man could be guilty. Bildad (xviii.) takes up this suggestion of ungod liness, and concludes that the special evils which had come upon Job, are peculiarly the penalties due to one who is without God. Zophar not only accounts for Job's present calamities, but menaces him with still greater evils (xx.). In answer Job recognises the hand of God in his afflictions (xvi. 7-16, and xix. 6-20), but rejects the charge of ungodliness ; he has never forsaken his Maker, and never ceased to pray. He argues that since in this life the righteous certainly are not saved from evil, it follows that their ways are watched and their sufferings recorded, with a view to a future and perfect manifestation of the divine justice. On the other hand, stung by the harsh and narrow- minded bigotry of his opponents, Job draws out (xxi.) with terrible force the undeniable fact, that from the beginning to the eiid of their lives ungodly men, avowed atheists (vers. 14, 15), persons, in feet, guilty of the very crimes, imputed, out of mere conjecture, to himself, frequently enjoy great and unbroken prosperity. . In the third dialogue (xxii.-xxxi.) no real progress is made by Job's "op ponents. Eliphaz (xxii.) makes a last effort. The station in which Job was formerly placed presented temptations to certain crimes; the punishments which he undergoes are precisely such as might be 410 JOB expected had those crimes been committed; hence he infers they actually were committed. Bildad has nothing to add but a lew solemn words on the incomprehensible majesty of God and the nothing ness of man. Zophar is put to silence. In his two last discourses Job does not alter his position, nor, properly speaking, adduce any new argument, but he states with incomparable force and eloquence the chief points which he regards as established (xxvi.). He then (xxvii.) describes even more com pletely than his opponents had done the destruc tion which, as a rule, ultimately falls upon the hypocrite. Then follows (xxviii.) the grand de scription of Wisdom. The remainder of this dis course (xxix.-x.xxi.) contains a singularly beautiful description of his former life, contrasted with his actual misery, together with a full vindication of his character from all the charges made or insi nuated by his opponents. — 3. Thus ends the discus sion, in which it is evident both parties had partially failed. The points which had been omitted, or imperfectly developed, are now taken up by a new interlocutor (xxxii. -xxxvii.). Elihu, a young man, descended from a collateral branch of the family of Abraham, nas listened in indignant silence to the arguments of his elders (xxxii. 7), and, impelled by an inward inspiration, he now addresses himself to both parties in the discussion, and specially to Job. He shows that they had accused Job upon false or insufficient grounds, and failed to convict him, or to vindicate God's justice. Job again had assumed his entire innocence, and had arraigned that jnstice (xxxiii. 9-11). These errors he traces to their both overlooking one main object of all suffering. God speaks to man by chastisement. This statement does not involve any charge of special guilt, such as the friends had alleged and Job had repudiated. Again, Elihu argues (xxxiv. 10-17) that any charge of injustice, direct or implicit, against God involves a contradiction in terms. God is the only source 1 of justice ; the very idea of justice is derived from His governance of the universe. Job is silent, and Elihu proceeds (xxxvi.) to shew that the Almighti- ness of God is not, as Job seems to assert, associated with any contempt or neglect of His creatures. The rest of the discourse brings out forcibly the lessons taught by the manifestations of goodness, as well as greatness in creation. The last words are evidently spoken while a violent storm is coming on. — 4. It is obvious that many weighty truths have been developed in the course of the discussion — nearly every theory of the objects and uses of suffering has been reviewed — while a great advance has been made towards the apprehension of doctrines hereafter to be revealed, such as were known only to God. But the mystery is not as yet really cleared up. Hence the necessity for the Theophany — from the midst of the storm Jehovah speaks. In language of incomparable grandeur He reproves and silences the murmurs of Job. God does not con descend, strictly speaking, to argue with His crea tures. The speculative questions discussed in the colloquy are unnoticed, but the declaration of God's absolute power is illustrated by a marvellously beautiful and comprehensive survey of the glory of creation, aud his all-embracing Providence bv re ference to the phenomena of the animal kingdom. A second address completes the work. It proves that a charge of injustice against God involves the consequence that the accuser is more competent than He to rule the universe. — 5. Job's unreserved JOB submission terminates the trial. In the rebuke then addressed to Job's opponents the integrity of his character is distinctly recognised, while they are condemned for untruth, which is pardoned on the intercession of Job. The restoration of his ex temal prosperity, which is an inevitable result of God's personal manifestation, symbolizes the ultim ate compensation of the righteous for all sufferings undergone upon earth. The great object of the book must surely be that which is distinctly intimated in the introduction, and confirmed in the conclusion, to show the effects of calamity in its worst and most awful form upon a truly religious spirit.— II. Integrity of the book. — Four parts of the book have been most generally attacked. Objections have been made to the introductory and concluding chapters (1) on account of the style. Of course there is an obvious and natural difference between the prose of the narrative and the highly poetical language of the colloquy. Yet the best critics now acknowledge that the style of these portions is quite as antique in its simple and severe grandeur, as that of the Pentateuch itself. It is said again that the doctrinal views are not in hannony with those of Job. This is wholly unfounded. The form of worship belongs essentially to the early patriarchal type. It is moreover alleged that there are discre pancies between the facts related in the introduc tion, and statements or allusions in the dialogue. — 2. Strong objections are made to the passage xxvii. from ver. 7 to the end of the chapter. Here Job describes the ultimate fate of the godless hypocrite in terms which some critics hold to be in direct contradiction to the whole tenour of his arguments in other discourses. The fact of the contradiction is denied by able writers, who have shown that it rests upon a misapprehension of the patriarch's character and fundamental principles. The whole chapter is thoroughly coherent : the fii'st part is admitted by all to belong to Job ; nor can the rest be disjoined from it without injury to the sense. As for the style, M. Renan, a most competent au thority in a matter of taste, declares that it is one of the finest developments in the poem. — 3. The last two chapters of the address of tlie Almighty have been rejected as interpolations by many writers, partly because of an alleged inferiority of style, partly as not having any bearing upon the argu ment. — 4. The speech of Elihu presents greater difficulties, and has been rejected by several, whose opinion, however, is controverted not only by ortho dox writers, but by some of the most sceptical com mentators. The former support their decision chiefly on the manifest, and to a certain extent the real, difference between this and other parts of the book in tone of thought, in doctrinal views, and more positively in language and general style. Much stress also is laid upon the facts that Elihu is not mentioned in the introduction nor at the end, and that his speech is unanswered by Job, aud unno ticed in the final address ofthe Almighty. A candid and searching examination, however, leads to a different conclusion. It is proved that there is a close internal connexion between this and other parts of the book ; there are references to numerous passages in the discourses of Job and his friends ; so covert as only to be discovered by close inquiry, yet, when pointed out, so striking and natural as to leave no room for doubt. Elihu supplies exactly what Job repeatedly demands — a confutation of Ins opinions by rational and human arguments. There JOB is no difficulty in accounting for the omission of Elihu's name in the introduction. No persons are named in the book until they appear as agents, or as otherwise concerned in the events. Again, the discourse being substantially true did not need cor rection, and is therefore left unnoticed in the final decision of the Almighty. More weight is to be attached to the objection resting upon diversity of style, and dialectic peculiarities. It may be ac counted for on the supposition that the Chaldaic forms and idioms, are such as peculiarly suit the style of the young and fiery speaker.— III. Histo rical character of the work. — Three distinct theories have been maintained at various times ; some be lieving the book to be strictly historical; others a religious fiction ; others a composition based upon facts. By some the authorship of the work was attributed to Moses. The fact of Job's existence, and the substantial truth of the narrative, were not likely to be denied by Hebrews or Christians, consi dering the terms in which the patriarch is named in the 14th of Ezekiel and in the Epistle of St. James (v. 11). It is, to say the least, highly im probable that a Hebrew, had he invented such a character as that of Job, should have represented him as belonging to a race which, though descended from a common ancestor, was never on friendly, and generally on hostile, terms with his own people. To this it must be added that there is a singular air of reality in the whole narrative, such as must either proceed naturally from a faithful adherence to objective truth, or be the result of the most con summate art. Forcible as these arguments may appear, many critics have adopted the opinion either that the whole work is a moral or religious apo logue, or that, upon a substratum of a few rudi- mental facts preserved by tradition, the genius of an original thinker has raised this, the most remark able monument of the Shemitic mind. Samuel Bar Nachman declares his conviction " Job did not exist, and was not a created man, but the work is a parable." Luther first suggested the theory, which, in some form or other, is now most gene rally received. He says, " I look upon the book of Job as a true history, yet I do not believe that all took place just as it is written, but that an inge nious, pious, and learned man brought it into its present form." — IV. The probable age, country, and position of the author. — The language alone does not, as some have asserted, supply any decisive test as to the date of the composition. The fact that the language of this work approaches far more nearly to the Arabic than any other Hebrew pro duction was remarked by Jerome, aud is recognised by the soundest critics. On the other hand, there are undoubtedly many Aramaic words, and gram matical forms, which some critics have regarded as strong proof that the writers . must have lived during, or even after the captivity. At present this hypothesis is universally given up as untenable. It is proved that the Aramaisms of the book of Job are such as characterise the antique and highly poetic style. It may be regarded as a settled point that the book was written long before the exile ; while there is absolutely nothing to prove a later date than the Pentateuch, or even those parts of the Pentateuch which appear to belong to the pa triarchal age. This impression is borne out by the style. All critics have recognised its grand archaic character. The extent to which the influence of this book is perceptible in the later literature of the JOB 411 Hebrews, is a subject of great interest and import ance; but it has' not yet been thoroughly inves tigated. Considerable weight must be attached to the fact that Job is far more remarkable for obscurity than any Hebrew writing. There is an obscurity which results from confusion of thought, from carelessness and inaccuracy, or from studied involutions and artificial combination of metaphors indicating a late age. But when it is owing to obsolete words, intense concentration of thought and language, and incidental, allusions to long for gotten traditions, it is an all but infallible proof of primeval antiquity. Such are precisely the difficulties in this book. We arrive at the same conclusion from considering the institutions, man ners, and historical facts described or alluded to. Ewald, whose judgment in this case will not be questioned, asserts very positively that in all the descriptions of manners and customs, domestic, social, and political, and even in the indirect allu sions and illustrations, the genuine colouring of the age of Job, that is of the period between Abraham and Moses, is very faithfully observed ; that all his torical examples and allusions are taken exclusively from patriarchal times, and that there is a com plete and successful avoidance of direct reference to later occurrences, which in his opinion may have been known to the writer. All critics concur in extolling the fresh, antique simplicity of manners described in this book, the genuine air of the wild, free, vigorous life of the desert, the stamp of hoar antiquity, and the thorough consistency in the de velopment of characters, equally remarkable for originality and force. Moreover, there is sufficient reason to believe that under favourable circum stances a descendant of Abraham, who was himself a warrior, and accustomed to meet princes on terms of equality, would at a very early age acquire the habits, position, and knowledge, which we admire in Job. No positive historical fact or allusion can be produced from the book to prove that it could not have been written before the time of Moses. The single objection which presents any difficulty is the mention of the Chaldaeans in the introductory chapter. It is certain that they appear first in Hebrew history about the year B.C. 770. But the name of Chesed, the ancestor of the race, is found in the genealogical table in Genesis (xxii. 22), a fact quite sufficient to prove the early existence of the people as a separate tribe. The arguments which have induced the generality of modern critics to assign a later date to this book may be reduced to two heads: — 1. We are told that the doctrinal system is considerably in advance of the Mosaic ; in fact that it is the result of a recoil from the stern, narrow dogmatism of the Pentateuch. Again it is said that the representation of angels, and still more specially of Satan, belongs to a later epoch. It is also to be remarked that no charge of idolatry is brought against Job by his opponents when enum erating all the crimes which they can imagine to account for his calamities. The only allusion to the subject (xxxi. 26) refers to the earliest form of false religion known in the East. To an Israelite, living after the introduction of heathen rites, such a charge was the very firet which would have sug gested itself, nor can any one satisfactory reason be assigned for the omission. — 2. Nearly all modern critics, even those who admit the inspiration of the author, agree in the opinion that the composition of the whole work, the highly systematic develop- 415 JOBAB ment of the plot, and the philosophic tone of thought indicate a considerable progi'ess in mental cultivation far beyond what can, with any show of probability, be supposed to have existed before the age of Solomon. It should, however, be re marked that the persons introduced in this book belong to a country celebrated for wisdom in the earliest times ; insomuch that the writer who speaks of those schools considers that the peculiarities of the Salomonian writings were derived from inter course with its inhabitants. The book of Job differs from those writings chiefly in its greater earnests ness, vehemence of feeling, vivacity of imagination, and free independent inquiry into the principles of divine government ; characteristics as it would seem of a primitive race, acquainted only with the patri archal form of religion, rather than of a scholastic age. There is indeed nothing in the composition incompatible with the Mosaic age, admitting the authenticity and integrity of the Pentateuch. These considerations lead of course to the conclusion that the book must have been written before the pro mulgation of the Law, by one speaking the Hebrew language, and thoroughly conversant with the tra ditions preserved in the family of Abraham. One hypothesis which has been lately brought forward, and supported by very ingenious arguments, de serves a more special notice. That supposition is, that Job may have been written after the settle ment of the Israelites by a dweller in the south of Judaea, in a district immediately bordering upon the Idumean desert. The inhabitants of that dis trict were to a considerable extent isolated from the rest of the nation. A resident- there would have peculiar opportunities of collecting the varied and extensive information which was possessed by the author of Job. The local colouring, so strikingly characteristic of this book, and so evid ently natural, is just what might be expected from such :t writer. The people appear also to have been noted for freshness and originality of mind ; qualities seen in the woman of Tekoah, or still more remarkably in Amos, the poor and unlearned herdman, also of Tekoah. Some weight may also be attached to the observation that the dialectic peculiarities of Southern Palestine, especially the softening of the aspirates aud exchanges of the sibilants, resemble the few divergences from pure Hebrew which are noted in the book of Job. The controversy about the authorship cannot ever be finally settled. From the introduction it may cer tainly be inferred that the "writer lived many years after the death of Job. From the strongest internal evidence it is also clear that he must either have composed the work before the Law was promul gated, or under most peculiar circumstances which exempted him from its influence. Jo'bab. 1. The last in order of the sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 29 ; 1 Chr. i. 23). His name has not been discovered among the Arab names of places in Southern Arabia, where he ought to be found with the other sons of Joktan.— 2. One of the " kings" of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 33, 34; 1 Chr. i. 44, 45), enumerated after the genealogy of Esau, and Seir, and before the phylarchs descended from Esau.— 3. King of Madon ; one of the northern chieftains who attempted to oppose Joshua's con quest, and were routed by him at Meron (Josh. xi. 1, only).— 4. Head of a Benjamite house (1 Chr. viii. 10). Jocheb'ed, the wife and at the same time the JOEL aunt of Amram, and the mother of Moses and Aaron (Ex. ii. 1, vi. 20 ; Num. xxvi. 59). Jo'da. Judah the Levite, in a passage which is difficult to unravel (1 Esd. v. 58 ; see Ezr. iii. 9). Jo'ed, a Benjamite, the son of Pedaiah (Neh xi. 7). Jo'el. 1. Eldest son of Samuel the prophet (1 Sam. viii. 2 ; 1 Chr. vi. 33, xv. 17), and father of Heman the singer.— 2. In 1 Chr. vi. 36, A. V. Joel seems to be merely a corruption of Shaul in ver. 24. — 3. One of the twelve minor prophets- the son of Pethuel, or, according to the LXX. Bethuel. Beyond this fact all is conjecture as to the personal history of Joel. Pseudo-Kpiphanius (ii. 245) records a tradition that he was of the tribe of Reuben, bom and buried at Bethhoron, be tween Jerusalem and Caesarea. It is most likely that he lived in Judaea. Many different opinions have been expressed about the date of Joel's pro phecy. Credner has placed it in the reign of Joash, Bertholdt of Hezekiah, Kimchi, Jahn, &c„ of Ma nasseh, and Calmet of Josiah. The majority of critics and commentators fix upon the reign of Uzziah.— The nature, style, and contents of tlie prophecy. — We find, what we should expect on the supposition of Joel being the first prophet to Judah, only a grand outhne of the whole terrible scene, which was to be depicted more and more in detail by subsequent prophets. The scope, therefore, is not any particular invasion, but the whole day of the Lord, The proximate event to which the pro phecy related was a public calamity, then impending on Judaea, of a twofold character: want of water, and a plague of locusts, continuing for several years. The prophet exhorts the people to turn to God with penitence, fasting, and prayer ; and then (he says) the plague shall cease, and the rain descend in its season, and the land yield her accustomed fruit. Nay, the time will be a most joyful one ; for God, by the outpouring of His Spirit, will im part to His worshippers increased knowledge of Himself, and after the excision of the enemies of His people, will extend through them the blessings of true religion to heathen lands. This is the simple argument of the book ; only that it is beau tified and enriched with variety of ornament and pictorial description. The style of the original is perspicuous (except towards the end) and elegant, surpassing that of all other prophets, except Isaiah and Habakkuk, in sublimity. The locusts of ch. ii. were regarded by many interpreters of the last cent ury (Lowth, Shaw, &c.) as figurative, and intro duced by way of comparison to a hostile army of men from the north country. This view is now generally abandoned. Maurice strongly maintains the literal interpretation. And yet the plague con tained a parable in it, which it was the prophet's mission to unfold. The "afterwards" ch. ii. 27 of the A. V., raises us to a higher level of vision, and brings into view Messianic times and scenes. Here, says Steudel, we have a Messianic prophecy altogether. If this prediction has ever yet been ful filled, we must cei'tainly refer the event to Acts ii. Lastly, the accompanying portents and judgments upon the enemies of God find their various solu tions, according to the interpreters, in the repeated deportations ofthe Jews by neighbouring merchants, and sale to the Macedonians (1 Mace. iii. 41, and Ezek. xxvii. 13), followed by the sweeping away of the neighbouring nations (Maurice) ; in the events accompanying the crucifixion, in the fall of Jerusa- JOELAE lem, in the breaking up of all human polities. But here again the idea includes all manifestations of judgment, ending with the last.— 4. A Simeonite chief (I Chr. iv. 35).— 5. A descendant of Reuben. Junius and Tremellius make him the son of Hanoch, while others trace his descent through Carmi (1 'Chr. v. 4).— 6. Chief of the Gadites, who dwelt in the land of Bashan (1 Chr. v. 12).— 7. The son of Izrahiah, ofthe tribe of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 3). —8. The brother of Nathan of Zobah (1 Chr. xi. 38), and one of David's guard.— 9. The chief of the Gershomites in the reign of David (1 Chr. xv. 7, 11).— 10. A Gershonite Levite in the reign of David, son of Jehiel, a descendant of Laadan, and probably the same as the preceding (1 Chr. xxiii. 8, xxvi. 22).— 11. The son of Pedaiah, and a chief of the half-tribe of Manasseh, west of Jordan, in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 20).— 13. A Kohath ite Levite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12).— 13. One of the sons of Nebo, who returned with Ezra, and had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 43).— 14. The son of Zichri, a Benjamite (Neh. xi. 9). Jo'clah, sou of Jeroham of Gedor (1 Chr. xii. 7). Joe'zer, a Korhite, one of David's captains (1 Chr. xii. 6). Jog'behah, one of the cities on the east of Jordan which were built and fortified by the tribe of Gad when they took possession of their territory (Num. xxxii. 35). Jog'li, the father of Bukki, a Danite chief (Num. xxxiv. 22). Jo'ha. 1. One of the sons of Beriah, the Ben- jamite (1 Chr. viii. 16).— 2. The Tizite, one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 45) . Jo hanan. 1. Son of Azariah, and grandson of Ahimaaz the son of Zadok, and father of Azariah, 3 (1 Chr. vi. 9, 10, A. V.). We may conclude without much doubt that Johanan's pontificate fell in the reign of Rehoboam.— 2. Son of Elioenai, the son of Neariah, the son of Shemaiah, in the line of Zerubbabel's heirs (1 Chi-, iii. 24).— 3. The son of Kareah, and one of the captains of the scattered remnants of the army of Judah, who escaped in the final attack upon Jerusalem by the Chaldeans. He warned Gedaliah against the plot of Ishmael, but in vain. After the murder of Gedaliah, Johanan was one of the foremost in the pursuit of his assassin, and rescued the captives he had earned off from Mizpah (Jer. xii. 11-16). Fearing the vengeance of the Chaldeans, the captains, with Johanan at their head, notwithstanding the warnings of Jere miah, retired into Egypt.— 4. The firstborn son of Josiah king of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 15). —6. A valiant Benjamite who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 4). —6. A Gadite warrior, who followed David (1 Chr. xii. 12).— 7. The father of Azariah, an Ephraimite in the time of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). —8. The son of Hakkatan, and chief of the Bene- Azgad who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 12).— 9. The son of Eliashib, one of the chief Levites (Neh. xii. 23 ; Ezr. x. 6).— 10. The son of Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 18). Johan 'nes = Jehohanan son of Bebai (1 Esd. ix. 29 ; comp. Ezr. a. 28). John. 1, The father of Mattathias, and grand father of the Maccabaean family (1 Mace. ii. 1).— 2. The eldest son of Mattathias surnamed Caddis, who was slain by " the children of Jambri " (1 Mace. ii. 2, ix. 36-38).— 3. The father of Eupo- JOHN THE APOSTLE 413 lemus, one of the envoys whom Judas Maccabaeus sent to Rome (1 Mace. viii. 17; 2 Mace. iv. 11). —4. The son of Simon, the brother of Judas Mac cabaeus (1 Mace. xiii. 53, xvi. 1).— 5. Au envoy from the Jews to Lysias (2 Mace. xi. 17). John. 1. One of the high-priest's family, who, with Annas and Caiaphas, sat in judgment upon the Apostles Peter and John (Acts iv. 6). Lightfoot identifies him with R. Johanan ben Zaccai. — 2. The Hebrew name of the Evangelist Mark (Acts xii. 12, 25, xiii. 5, 13, xv. 37). John the Apostle. It will be convenient to divide the life which is the subject of the present article into periods corresponding both to the great critical epochs which separate one part of it from another, and to marked differences in the trust worthiness of the sources from which our materials are derived. In no instance, perhaps, is such a division more necessary than in this. One portion of the Apostle's life and work stands out before us as in the clearness of broad daylight. Over those which precede and follow it there brood the shadows of darkness and uncertainty.— I. Before the call to the discipleship. — We have no data for settling with any exactitude the time ofthe Apostle's birth. The general impression left on us by the Gospel- narrative is that he was younger than the brother whose name commonly precedes his (Matt. iv. 21, x. 3, xvii. 1, &c. ; but comp. Luke ix. 28, where the order is inverted), younger than his friend Peter, possibly also than his Master. The Gospels give us the name of his father Zebedaeus (Matt. iv. 21) and his mother Salome (Matt, xxvii. 56, com pared with Mark xv. 40, xvi. 1). They lived, it may bo inferred from John i. 44, in or near the same town as those who were afterwards the com panions and partners of their children. There on the shores of the Sea of Galilee the Apostle and his brother grew up. The mention of the "hired servants " (Mark i. 20), of his mother's " sub stance" (Luke viii. 3), of "his own house" (John xix. 27), implies a position removed by at least some steps from absolute poverty. Of the character of Zebedaeus we have hardly the slightest trace. We are led to infer that he had died before bis wife followed her children in their work of ministration. Her character meets us as presenting the same marked features as those which were conspicuous in her son. — II. From the call to the discipleship to the departure from Jerusalem. — The ordinary life of the fisherman of the Sea of Galilee was at last broken in upon by the news that a Prophet had once more appeared. The voice of John the Baptist was heard in the wilderness of Judaea, and the publicans, peasants, soldiers, and fishermen of Galilee gathered round him. Among these were the two sons of Zebedaeus and their friends. With them perhaps was One whom as yet they knew not. Assuming that the unnamed disciple of John i. 37- 40 was the evangelist himself, we are led to think of that meeting, of the lengthened interview that followed it as the starting-point of the entire devo tion of heart and soul which lasted through his whole life. Then Jesus loved him as he loved all earnest seekers after righteousness and truth (comp. Mark x. 21). The words of that evening, though unrecorded, were mighty in their effect. The dis ciples (John apparently among them) followed their new teacher to Galilee (John i. 44), were with him, as such, at the marriage-feast of Cana (ii. 2), journeyed with him to Capernaum, and thence to 414 JOHN THE APOSTLE Jerusalem (ii. 12, 22), came back through Samaria (iv. 8), and then, for some uncertain interval of time, returned to their former occupations. From this time they take their place among the company of disciples. They come within the innermost circle of their Lord's friends. The three, Peter, James, and John, are with him when none else are, in the chamber of death (Mark v. 37), in the glory - of the transfiguration (Matt. xvii. 1), when he forewarns them of the destruction of the Holy City (Mark xiii. 3, Andrew, in this instance with them), in the agony of Gethsemane. Peter is through out the leader of that band ; to John belongs the yet more memorable distinction of being the dis ciple whom Jesus loved. They hardly sustain the popular notion, fostered by the received types of Christian art, of a nature gentle, yielding, feminine. The name Boanerges (Mark iii. 17) imphes a vehem ence, zeal, intensity, which gave to those who had it the might of Sons of Thunder. Through his mother, we may well believe, John first came to know that Mary Magdalene whose character he depicts with such a life-like touch, and that other Mary to whom he was afterwards to stand in so close and special a relation. The fulness of his narrative of what the other evangelists omit (John xi.) leads to the conclusion that he was united also by some special ties of intimacy to the family of Bethany. It is not necessary to dwell at length on the familiar history of the Last Supper. As they go out to the Mount of Olives the chosen three are nearest to their Master. They only are within sight or hearing of the conflict in Gethsemane (Matt. xxvi. 37). When the betrayal is accomplished, Peter and John, after the first moment of confusion, follow afar off, while the others simply seek safety in a hasty flight (John xviii. 15). The personal acquaintance which existed between John and Caiaphas enabled him to gain access both for him self and Peter, but the latter remains in the porch, with the officers and servants, while John himself apparently is admitted to the council-chamber, and follows Jesus thence, even to the praetorium of the Roman Procurator (John xviii. 16, 19, 28). Thence, as if the desire to see the end, and the love which was stronger than death, sustained him through all the terrors and sorrows of that day, he followed, accompanied probably by his own mother, Mary the mother of Jesus, and Mary Magdalene, to the place of crucifixion. The teacher who had been to him as a brother leaves to him a brother's duty. He is to be as a son to the mother who is left desolate (John xix. 26-27). The Sabbath that fol lowed was spent, it would appear, in the same com pany. He receives Peter, in spite of his denial, on the old terms of friendship. It is to them that Mary Magdalene first runs with the tidings of the emptied sepulchre (John xx. 2) ; they are the first to go together to see what the strange words meant. Not without some beai'ing on their respective characters is the fact that John is the more im petuous, running on most eagerly to the rock-tomb ; Peter, the least restrained by awe, the first to enter in and look (John xx. 4-6). For at least eight days they continued in Jerusalem (John xx. 26). Then, in the interval between the resurrection and the ascension, we find them still together on the sea of Galilee (John xxi. 1), as though they would calm the eager suspense of that period of expecta tion by a return to their old calling and their old familiar naunts. Here too there is a characteristic JOHN THE APOSTLE difference. John is the first to recognise in the dim form seen in the morning twilight the presence of his risen Lord ; Peter the first to plunge into the water and swim towards the shore where He stood calling to them (John xxi. 7). The last words of the Gospel reveal to us the deep affection which united the two friends. It is not enough for Peter to know his own future. That at once suggests the question, " And what shall this man do ? " (John xxi. 21). The history of the Acts shows the same union. They are of course together at the ascension and on the day of Pentecost. Together they enter the Temple as worshippers (Acts iii. 1) and protest against the threats of the Sanhedrim (iv. 13), They are fellow-workers in the first great step of the Church's expansion. The apostle whose wrath had been roused by the unbelief of the Samaritans overcomes his national exclusiveness, and receives them as his brethren (viii. 14). The persecution which was pushed on by Saul of Tarsus did not drive him or any of the apostles from their post (viii. 1). When the persecutor came back as the convert, he, it is true, did not see him (Gal. i. 19), but this of course does not involve the inference that he had left Jerusalem. The sharper though shorter persecution which followed under Herod Agrippa brought a great sorrow to him in the martyrdom of his brother (Acts xii. 2). His friend was driven to seek safety in flight. Fifteen years after St. Paul's first visit he was still at Jerusalem and helped to take part in the settlement of the great controversy between the Jewish and the Gentile Christians (Acts xv. 6). His position and reputa tion there were those of one ranking among the chief "pillars" of the Church (Gal. ii. 9). Of the work of the Apostle during this period we have hardly the slightest trace.— HI. From his de parture from Jerusalem to his death. — The tradi tions of a later age come in, with more or less show of likelihood, to fill up the great gap which separ ates the Apostle of Jerusalem from the Bishop of Ephesus. It was a natural conjecture to suppose that he remained in Judaea till the death of the Virgin released him from his trust. When this took place we can only conjecture. There are no signs of his being at Jerusalem at the time of St. Paul's last visit (Acts xxi.). The pastoral epistles set aside the notion that he had come to Ephesus before the work of the Apostle of the Gentiles was brought to its conclusion. Out of many contra dictory statements, fixing his departure under Claudius, or Nero, or as late even as Domitian, we have hardly any data for doing more than rejecting the two extremes. Nor is it cei'tain that his work as an Apostle was transferred at once from Jeru salem to Ephesus. The picture which tradition fills up for us has the merit of being full and vivid, but it blends together, without much regard to harmony, things probable and improbable. He is shipwrecked off Ephesus, and arrives there in time to check the progress of the heresies which sprang up after St. Paul's departure. In the persecution under Domitian he is taken to Rome, and there, by his boldness, though not by death, gains the crown of martyrdom. The boiling oil into which he is thrown has no power to hurt him. He is then sent to labour in the mines, and Patmos is the place of his exile. The accession of Nerva frees him from danger, and he returns to Ephesus. There he settles the canon of the Gospel-history by formallv attesting the truth of the first three JOHN THE BAPTIST Gospels, and writing his own to supply what they left wanting. Heresies continue to show them selves, but he meets them with the strongest pos sible protest. Through his agency the great temple of Artemis is at last reft of its magnificence, and even levelled with the ground. He introduces and perpetuates the Jewish mode of celebrating the Easter feast. At Ephesus, he appears as one who was a true priest of the Lord, bearing on his brow the plate of gold, with the sacred name en graved on it. The very time of his death lies within the region of conjecture rather than of his tory, and the dates that have been assigned for it range from A.D. 89 to A.D. 120. The result of all this accumulation of apocryphal materials is, from one point of view, disappointing enough. We find it better and more satisfying to turn again, for all our conceptions of the Apostle's mind and character, to the scanty records of the N. T., and the writings which he himself has left. The truest thought that we can attain to is still that he was " the disciple whom Jesus loved " ; returning that love with a deep, absorbing, unwavering devotion. He is the Apostle of Love, not because he starts from the easy temper of a general benevolence, nor again as being of a character soft, yielding, feminine, but because he has grown, ever more and more, into the likeness of Him whom he loved so truly. John the Baptist was of the priestly race by both parents, for his father Zacharias was himself a priest of the course of Abia, or Abijah (1 Chr. xxiv. 10), offering incense at the very time when a son was promised to him ; and Elizabeth was of the daughters of Aaron (Luke i. 5). The divine mission of John was the subject of prophecy many centuries before his birth. His birth — a birth not according to the ordinary laws of nature, but through the miraculous interposition of almighty power — was foretold by an angel sent from God, who proclaimed the character and office of this wonderful child. These marvellous revelations as to the character and career of the son, for whom he had so long prayed in vain, were too much for the faith of the aged Zacharias. And now the Lord's gracious promise tarried not : Elizabeth, for greater privacy, retired into the hill-country, whither she was soon afterwards followed by her kinswoman Mary. Three months after this, and while Mary still remained with her, Elizabeth was delivered of a son. The birth of John preceded by six months that of our Lord. On the eighth day the child of promise was, in conformity with the law of Moses (Lev. xii. 3), brought to the priest for circumcision, and as the performance of this rite was the accustomed time for naming a child, the friends of the family proposed to call him Zacharias after the name of his father. The mother, however, required that he should be called John ; a decision which Zacharias, still speechless, con firmed by writing on a tablet, " his name is John." The judgment on his want of faith was then at once withdrawn. God's wonderful interposition in the birth of John had impressed the minds of many with a cei'tain solemn awe and expectation (Luke iii. 15). A single verse contains all that we know of John's history for a space of thirty years ; the whole period which elapsed between his birth and the commencement of his public ministry. " The child grew and waxed strong in spirit, and was in the deserts till the day of his showing unto Israel " (Luke i. 80). John was ordained to be a Nazarite JOHN THE BAPTIST 415 from his birth (Luke i. 15). Dwelling by himself in the wild and thinly peopled region westward of the Dead Sea, he prepared himself by self-discipline, and by constant communion with God, for the wonderful office to which he had been divinely called. The very appearance of the holy Baptist was of itself a lesson to his countrymen ; his dress was that of the old prophets— a garment woven of camel's hair (2 K. i. 8), attached to the body by a leathern girdle. His food was such as the desert afforded— locusts (Lev. xi. 22) and wild honey (Ps. lxxxi. 16). And now the long secluded hermit came forth to the discharge of his office. His supernatural birth — his hard ascetic life — his re putation for extraordinary sanctity — and the gener ally prevailing expectation that some great one was about to appear — these causes, without the aid of miraculous power, for "John did no miracle" (John x. 41), were sufficient to attract to him a great multitude from " every quarter " (Matt. iii. 5). Brief and startling was his first exhortation to them ; " Repent ye for the kingdom of heaven is at hand." Some score of verses contain all that is recorded of John's preaching, and the sum of it all is repentance ; not mere legal ablution or expiation, but a change of heart and life. Many of every class pressed forward to confess their sins and to be baptised. The preparatory baptism of John was a visible sign to the people, and a distinct acknow ledgment by them, that a hearty renunciation of sin and a real amendment of life were necessary for admission into the kingdom of heaven, which the Baptist proclaimed to be at hand. But the funda mental distinction between John's baptism unto repentance, and that baptism accompanied with the gift of the Holy Spirit which our Lord afterwards ordained, is clearly marked by John himself (Matt. iii. 11, 12). As a preacher, John was eminently practical and discriminating. The mission of the Baptist — an extraordinary one for an extraordinary purpose — was not limited to those who had openly forsaken the covenant of God, and so forfeited its principles. It was to the whole people alike. Jesus Himself came from Galilee to Jordan to be baptised of John. But here a difficult question arises — How is John's acknowledgment of Jesus at the moment of His presenting Himself for baptism compatible with his subsequent assertion that he knew Him not, save by the descent of the Holy Spirit upon Him, which took place after His baptism ? It must be borne in mind that their places of residence were at the two extremities of the country with but little means of communication between them. It is possible therefore that the Saviour and the Baptist had never before met. It was cei'tainly of the utmost importance that there should be no suspicion of conceit or collusion be tween them. With the baptism of Jesus John's more especial office ceased. He still continued, however, to present himself to his countrymen iu the capacity of witness to Jesus. From incidental notices in Scripture we learn that John and his disciples continued to baptise some time after our Lord entered upon his ministry (see John iii. 23, iv. 1 ; Acts xix. 3). We gather also that John instructed his disciples in cei'tain moral and reli gious duties, as fasting (Matt. ix. 14 ; Luke v. 33) and prayer (Luke xi. 1). But shortly after he had given his testimony to the Messiah, John's public ministry was brought to a close. In daring disregard of the divine laws, Herod Antipas had 416 JOHN, GOSPEL OP taken to himself the wife of his brother Philip ; and when John reproved him for this, as well as for other sins (Luke iii. 19), Herod cast him into prison. The place of his confinement was the castle of Machaerus — a fortress on the eastern shore of the Dead Sea. It was here that reports reached him of the miracles which our Lord was working in Tudaea. With a view therefore to overcome the scruples of his disciples, John sent two of them to Jesus himself to ask the question, " Art Thou He that should come ? " They were answered not by words, but by a series of miracles wrought before their eyes; and while Jesus bade the two mes sengers carry back to John as his only answer the report of what they had seen and heard, He took occasion to guard the multitude who surrounded Him, against supposing that the Baptist himself was shaken in mind, by a direct appeal to their own knowledge of his life and character. Jesus further proceeds to declare that John was, according to the true meaning of the prophecy, the Elijah of the new covenant, foretold by Malachi (iii. 4). The event indeed proved that John was to Herod what Elijah had been to Ahab. Nothing but the death of the Baptist would satisfy the resentment of Herodias. A court festival was kept at Machaerus iu honour of the king's birthday. After supper, the daughter of Herodias came in and danced before the company, and so charmed was the king by her grace that he promised with an oath to give her whatsoever she should ask. Salome, prompted by her abandoned mother, demanded the head of John the Baptist. Herod gave instructions to an officer of his guard, who went and executed John in the prison, and his head was brought to feast the eyes of the adulteress whose sins he had denounced. His death is supposed to have occurred just before the third passover, in the course of the Lord's ministry. John, Gospel of. 1. Authority. — No doubt has been entertained at any time in the Church, either of the canonical authority of this Gospel, or of its being written by St. John. No other book of the N. T. is authenticated by testimony of so early a date as that of the disciples which is embodied in the Gospel itself (xxi. 24, 25). Among the Apos tolic Fathers, Ignatius appeal's to have known and recognised this Gospel. The fact that this Gospel is not quoted by Clement of Rome (a.d. 68 or 96) serves merely to confirm the statement that it is a very late production of the Apostolic age. Poly carp in his short epistle, Hermas, and Barnabas do not refer to it. But its phraseology may be clearly traced in the Epistle to Diognetus, and in Justin Martyr, a.d. 150. Tatian, A.D. 170, wrote a harmony of the four Gospels ; and he quotes St. John's Gospel in his only extant work ; so do his con temporaries Apollinaris of Hierapolis, Athenagoras, and the writer of the Epistle of the churches of Vienne and Lyons. The Valentinians made great use of it; and one of their sect, Heracleon, wrote a commentary on it. And, to close the list of writers of the second century, the numerous and full testi monies of Irenaeus in Gaul and Tertullian at Car thage, with the obscure but weighty testimonv of the Roman writer of the Muratorian Fragment on the Canon, sufficiently show the authority attri buted in the Western Church to this "Gospel. Cordon, Marcion, the Montanists, and other ancient . heretics, did not deny that St. John was the author of the Gospel, but they held that the Apostle was mistaken, or that his Gospel had been interpolated JOHN, GOSPEL OP in those passages which are opposed to their tenets. The Alogi, a sect in the beginning of the third cen tury, were singular in rejecting the writings of St. John. Guerike enumerates later opponents of the Gospel.— 2. Place and time at which il was written. — Ephesus and Patmos are the two places men tioned by early writers ; and the weight of evidence seems to preponderate in favour of Ephesus. The Apostle's sojourn at Ephesus probably began after St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians was written, i. e. after A.D. 62. Eusebius specifies the fourteenth year of Domitian, i. e. A.D. 95, as the year of his banishment to Patmos. Probably the date of the Gospel may lie about midway between these two, about A.D. 78.-3. Occasion and scope. — After the destruction of Jerusalem, A.D. 69, Ephesus probably became the centre of the active life of Eastern Christendom. This half-Greek, half-Oriental city, contained a large church of faithful Christians, a multitude of zealous Jews, an indigenous population devoted to the worship of a strange idol whose image was borrowed from the East, its name from the West. It was the place to which Cerinthus chose to bring the doctrines which he devised or learned at Alexandria. The. Gospel was obvionsly addressed primarily to Christians, not to heathens. The object of the writer, according to some, was to supplement the earlier Gospels ; according to others, to confute the Nicolaitans and Cerinthus ; according to others, to state the true doctrine of the divinity of Christ. It has indeed been pronounced by high critical authority that the supplementary theory is entirely untenable ; and so it becomes if put forth iu its most rigid form. But though St. John may not have written with direct reference to the earlier three Evangelists, he did not write without any reference to them. There is no intrinsic improba bility in the early tradition as to the occasion and scope of this Gospel, which is most fully related in the commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia,— 4. Con tents and Integrity. — The following is an abridg ment of Lampe's synopsis of its contents : — A. The Prologue, i. 1-18.— B. The History, i. 19-xx. 29. a. Various events relating to our Lord's ministry, narrated in connexion with seven journeys, i. 19— xii. 50 : — 1. Fii'st journey, into Judaea and beginning of His ministry, i. 19 — ii. 12. 2. Second journey, at the Passover in the first year of His ministry, ii. 13-iv. 3. Third journey, in the second year of His ministry, about the Passover, v. 4. Fourth journey, about the Passover, in the third year of his ministry, beyond Jordan, vi. 5. Fifth journey, six months before His death, begun at the Feast of Tabernacles, vii.-x. 21. 6. Sixth journey, about the Feast of Dedication, x. 22-42. 7. Seventh journey in Judaea towards Bethany, xi. 1-54. 8. Eighth journey, before His last Passover, xi. 55— xii. 6. History of the death of Christ, xiii.-xx. 29. 1. Preparation for His Passion, xiii.-xvii. 2. The circumstances of His Passion and Death, xviii. xix. 3. His Resurrection, and the proofs of it, xx. 1-29. — C. The Conclusion, xx. 30-xxi.:— 1. Scope of the foregoing history, xx. 30, 31. 2., Confirma tion of the authority of the Evangelist by additional historical facts, and by the testimony of the elders. of the Church, xxi. 1-24. 3. Reason of the ter mination of the history, xxi. 25. Some portions ot the Gospel have been regarded by certain critics as interpolations. The 25th verse and the latter halt of the 24th of ch. xxi. are generally received as an undisguised addition, probably by the elders of the JOHN, FIRST EPISTLE GENERAL OF Ephesian Church, where the Gospel was fii'st pub lished. There is a tradition that this Gospel was written many years before the Apostle permitted its general circulation. This fact— rather improbable in itself — is rendered less so by the obviously sup plementary character of the latter part, or perhaps the whole of ch. xxi. John, the First Epistle General of. Its Au thenticity. — The external evidence is of the most satisfactory nature. Eusebius places it in his list of 'acknowledged' books, and we have ample proof that it was received as the production of the Apostle John in the writings of Polycarp, Papias, Irenaeus, Origen, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Cyprian, and there is no voice in antiquity raised to the contrary. On the other hand the internal evidence for its being the work of St. John from its simi larity in style, language, aud doctrine to the Gospel is overwhelming. The allusion again of the writer to himself is such as would suit St. John the Apostle, and very few but St. John (1 Ep. i. 1). With regard to the time at which St. John wrote the Epistle there is considerable diversity of opinion. It was most likely written at the close of the first century. Like the Gospel it was probably written from Ephesus. Lardner is clearly right when he says that it was primarily meant for the Churches of Asia under St. John's inspection, to whom he had already orally delivered his doctrine (i. 3. ii. 7). The main object of the Epistle does not appear to be that of opposing the errors of the Docetae, or of the Gnostics, or of the Nicolaitans, or of the Cerinthians, or of all of them together, or of the Sabians, or of Judaizers, or of apostates to Judaism: the leading purpose of the Apostle ap peal's to be rather constructive than polemical. In the introduction (i. 1-4) the Apostle states the pur pose of his Epistle. It is to declare the Word of life to those whom he is addressing, in order that he and they might be united in true communion with each other, and with God the Father, and His Son Jesus Christ. The first part of the Epistle may be considered to end at ii. 28. The Apostle begins afresh with the doctrine of sonship or com munion at ii. 29, and returns to the same theme at iv. 7. His lesson throughout is, that the means of union with God are, on the part of Christ, his atoning blood (i. 7, ii. 2, iii. 5, iv. 10, 14, v. 6) and advocacy (ii. 1) — on the part of man, holi ness (i. 6), obedience (ii. 3), purity (iii. 3), faith (iii. 23, iv. 3, v. 5), and above all love (ii. 7, iii. 14, iv. 7, v. 1). There are two doubtful passages in this Epistle, ii. 23, " but he that acknowledgeth the Son hath the Father also," and v. 7, " For there are three that bear record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these three are one." It would appear without doubt that they are not genuine. The latter passage is contained in four only of the 150 MSS. of the Epistle, the Codex Guelpherbytanus of the 17th century, the Codex Ravianus, a forgery subsequent to the year 1514, the Codex Britannicus or Mon- fortii of the fifteenth or sixteenth century, and the Codex Ottobonianus of the 15th century. It is not found in any ancient version except the Latin ; and the best editions of even the Latin version omit it. It was not quoted by one Greek Father, or writer previous to the 14th century. John, the Second and Third Epistles of. Their Authenticity. — These two Epistles are placed by Eusebius in the class of " disputed " books, and Con. D. B. I JOKMEAM 417 he appears himself to be doubtful whether they were written by the Evangelist, or by some other John. The evidence of antiquity in their favour is not very strong, but yet it is considerable. Clement of Alexandria speaks ofthe first Epistle as " the larger " {Strom, lib. ii.). Origen appears to have had the same doubts as Eusebius. Dionysius and Alexander of Alexandria attribute them to St. John. So does Irenaeus. In the 5th century they are almost uni versally received. If the external testimony is not as decisive as we might wish, the internal evidence is peculiarly strong. Mill has pointed out that of the 13 verses which compose the Second Epistle, 8 are to be found in the First Epistle. The title and contents of the Epistle are strong arguments against a fabricator, whereas they would account for its non-universal reception in early times. The Second Epistle is addressed t'/cAeK-n; Kvpia. An individual woman who had children, and a sister and nieces, is clearly indicated. Whether her name is given, and if so, what it is, has been doubted. According to one interpretation she is " the Lady Electa," to another, " the elect Kyria," to a third, " the elect Lady." The English version is probably right, though here too we should have expected the article. The Third Epistle is addressed to Gains or Cains. We have no reason for identifying him with Caius of Macedonia (Acts xix. 29), or with Caius of Derbe (Acts xx. 4), or with Caius of Corinth (Rom. xvi. 23; 1 Cor. i. 14), or with Caius Bishop of Ephesus, or with Caius Bishop of Thessalonica, or with Caius Bishop of Pergamos. He was probably a convert of St. John (Ep. iii. 4), and a layman of wealth and distinction (Ep. iii. 5), in some city near Ephesus. The object of St. John in writing the Second Epistle was to warn the lady, to whom he wrote, against abetting the teaching known as that of Basilides and his followers, by perhaps an undue kindness displayed by her towards the preachers of the false doctrine. The Third Epistle was written for the purpose of commending to the kindness and hospitality of Caius some Christians who were strangers in the place where he lived. It is probable that these Christians carried this letter with them to Caius as their in troduction. We may conjecture that the two Epistles were written shortly after the First Epistle from Ephesus. They both apply to individual cases of conduct the principles which had been laid down in their fulness in the First Epistle. The title " Catholic " does not properly belong to the Second and Third Epistles. Joi'ada, high-priest after his father Eliashib (Neh. xiii. 28). Joiakim, a highrpriest, son of the renowned Jeshua (Neh. xii. 10). Joi'arib. L A layman who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 16).— 2. The founder of one of the courses of priests, elsewhere called in full Jehoiarib (Neh. xii. 6, 19).— 3. A Shilonite — i. e. probably a descendant of Shelah the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 5). Jok'deam, a city of Judah, in the mountains (Josh. xv. 56), apparently south of Hebron. Jo Mm, one of the sons of Shelah the son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 22), of whom nothing further is known. Jok'meam, * city of Ephraim, given with its suburbs to the Kohathite Levites (1 Chr. vi. 68). In the parallel list of Levitical cities in Josh, xxi., Kibzaim occupies the place of Jokmeam (ver. 22) 2 E 418 JOKNEAM The situation of Jokmeam is to a certain extent I indicated in 1 K. iv. 12, where it is named with places which we know to have been in the Jordan valley at the extreme east boundary ofthe tribe. Jok'neam, a city of the tribe of Zebulun, allotted with its suburbs to the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 34), but entirely omitted in 1 Chr. vi. (comp. ver. 77). It is the modern site Tell Kaimon, an eminence which stands just below the eastern ter mination of Carmel. Jok'shan, a son of Abraham and Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2, 3 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), whose sons were Sheba and Dedan. While the settlements of his two sons are presumptively placed on the borders of Pales tine, those of Jokshan are not known. Arab writers mention a dialect of Jokshan as having been formerly spoken near 'Aden and El-Jened, in Southern Arabia ; but that Midianites penetrated so far into the peninsula we hold to be highly improb able. Jok'tan, son of Eber (Gen. x. 25 ; 1 Chr. i. 19); and the father of the Joktanite Arabs. Scholars are agreed in placing the settlements of Joktan in the south of the peninsula. The original limits are stated in the Bible, " their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest unto Sephar, a mount of the East" (Gen. x. 30). The native traditions respecting Joktan commence with a difficulty. The ancestor of the great southern peoples was called Kahtan, who, say the Arabs, was the same as Joktan. To this some European critics have ob jected that there is no good reason to account for the change of name, and that the identification of Kahtan with Joktan is evidently a Jewish tra dition adopted by Mohammad or his followers, and consequently at or after the promulgation of El- Islam. A passage in the Mir-at ez-Zeman, hitherto unpublished, throws new light on the point. It is as follows: — " Ibn-El-Kelbee says, Yuktan [whose name is also written Yuktan] is the same as Kah tan son of A'bir," i.e. Eber, and so say the gener ality of the Arabs. If the traditions of Kahtan be rejected (and in this rejection we cannot agree), they are, it must be remembered, immaterial to the fact that the peoples called by the Arabs de fendants of Kahtan, are certainly Joktanites. His sons' colonisation of Southern Arabia is proved by indisputable, and undisputed, identifications, and the great kingdom, which there existed for many ages before our era, and in its later days was re nowned in the world of classical antiquity, was as surely Joktanite. Jok'theel. 1. A city in the low country of Judah (Josh. xv. 38), named next to Lachish. — 2. " God-subdued," the title given by Amaziah to the cliff (A. V. Selah)— the stronghold ofthe Edomites — after he had captured it from them (2 K.xiv. 7). The parallel narrative of 2 Chr. xxv. 11-13 sup plies fuller details. Jo'na, the father of the Apostle Peter (John i. 42), who is hence addressed as Simon Barjona in Matt. xvi. 17. Jon'adab. 1. Son of Shimeah and nephew of David. He is described as "very subtil" (2 Sam. xiii. 3). His age naturally made him the friend of his cousin Amnon, heir to the throne (2 Sam. xiii. 3). He gave him the fatal advice for ensnaring his sister Tamar (5, 6). Again, when, in a later stage of the same tragedy, Amnon was mur dered by Absalom, and the exaggerated report reached David that all the princes « ere slaughtered, JONAS Jonadab was already aware of the real state of tha case (2 Sam. xiii. 32, 33).— 2. Jer. xxxv. 6, 8 10, 14, 16, 18, 19. [Jehonadab.] Jo'nah, a prophet, son of Amittai. V7e learn from 2 K. xiv. 25, he was of Gathhepher, a town of lower Galilee, in Zebulun. He lived after th« reign of Jehu, when the losses of Israel (2 K. x. 32) began ; and probably not till the latter part of the reign of Jeroboam II. The general opinion is that Jonah was the first of the prophets. The king of Nineveh at this time is supposed to have been Pul, who is placed B.C. 750 ; but an earlier king, Adrammelech II., B.C. 840, is regarded more probable by Drake. Our English Bible gives B.C. 862. The personal history of Jonah is brief, and well-known ; but is of such an exceptional and extraordinary character, as to have been set down by many German critics to fiction, either in whole or in part. The book, say they, was composed, or compounded, some time after the death of the pro phet, perhaps at the latter part of the Jewish king dom, during the reign of Josiah, or even later. The supposed improbabilities are accounted for by them in a variety of ways ; e. g. as merely fabu lous, or fanciful ornaments to a true history, or allegorical, or parabolical and moral, both in their origin and design. We feel ourselves precluded from any doubt of the reality of the transactions recorded in this book, by the simplicity of the lan guage itself; by the accordance with other autho rities of the historical and geographical notices; above all, by the explicit words and teaching of our blessed Lord Himself (Matt. xii. 39, 41, xvi. 4; Luke xi. 29). We shall derive additional argu ments for the same conclusion from the history and meaning of the prophet's mission. Having aheady, as it seems, prophesied to Israel, he was sent to Nineveh. The time was one of political revival in Israel ; but ere long the Assyrians were to be em ployed by God as a scourge upon them. The pro phet shrank from a commission which he felt sure would result (iv. 2) in the sparing of a hostile city. He attempted therefore to escape to Tarshish. The providence of God, however, watched over him, first in a storm, and then in his being swallowed by a large fish for the space of three days and three nights. After his deliverance, Jonah executed his commission ; and the king, " believing him to be a minister from the supreme deity of the nation, ' and having heard of his miraculous deliverance, ordered a general fast, and averted the threatened judgment. But the prophet, not from personal but national feelings, grudged the mercy shown to a heathen nation. He was therefore taught, by the significant lesson of the " gourd," whose growth and decay brought the truth at once home to him, that he was sent to testify by deed, as other pro phets would afterwards testify by word, the capa city of Gentiles for salvation, and the design of Go"d to make them partakers of it. This was " the sign of the prophet Jonas" (Luke xi. 29, 30). But the resurrection of Christ itself was also sha dowed forth in the history of the prophet. The mission of Jonah was highly symbolical. The facts contained a concealed prophecy. The old tradition made the burial-place of Jonah to be Gathhepher : the modern tradition places it at Nebi-Yunus, opposite Mosul. Jo'nan, son of Eliakim, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 30). Jo'nas. 1. This name occupies the same posi- JONATHAN tion in 1 Esd. ix. 23, as Eliezer in the correspond ing list in Ezr. x. 23.-2. The prophet Jonah (2 Esd. i. 39 ; Tob. xiv. 4, 8 ; Matt. xii. 39, 40, 41, xvi. 4).— 3. John xxi. 15-17. [Jona.] Jon'athan, the eldest son of king Saul. The name (" the gift of Jehovah,") seems to have been common at that period. He first appears some time after his father's accession (1 Sam. xiii. 2). If his younger brother Ishbosheth was 40 at the time of Saul's death (2 Sam. ii. 8), Jonathan must have been at least 30 when he is firet mentioned. Of his own family we know nothing, except the birth of one son, 5 years before his death (2 Sam. iv. 4). He was regarded in his father's lifetime as heir to the throne. Like Sanl, he was a man of great strength and activity (2 Sam. i. 23), of which the exploit at Michmash was a proof. He was also famous for the peculiar martial exercises in which his tribe excelled — archery and slinging (1 Chr. xii. 2). His bow was to him what the spear was to his father : " the bow of Jonathan turned not back " (2 Sam. i. 22). It was always about him (1 Sam. xviii. 4, xx. 35). It is through his relation with David that he is chiefly known to us, probably as related by his descendants at David's court. But there is a background, not so clearly given, of his relation with his father. From the time that he first appears he is Saul's constant companion. He was always present at his father's meals. The whole story implies, without express ing, the deep attachment of the father and son. Their mutual affection was indeed ir,'*rrupted by the growth of Saul's insanity. But 1 e cast his lot with his father's decline, not with his friend's rise, and " in death they were not divided " (2 Sam. i. 23; 1 Sam. xxiii. 16). His life maybe divided into two main parts. — 1. The war with the Philis tines; commonly called, from its locality, "the war of Michmash" (1 Sam. xiii. 21). In the pre vious war with the Ammonites (1 Sam. xi. 4-15) there is no mention of him. He is already of great importance in the State. Of the 3000 men of whom Saul's standing army was formed (xiii. 2, xxiv. 2, xxvi. 1, 2), 1000 were under the command of Jonathan at Gibeah. The Philistines were still in the general command of the country ; an officer was stationed at Geba, either the same as Jona than's position or close to it. In a sudden act of youthful daring Jonathan slew this officer, and thus gave the signal for a general revolt. Saul took advantage of it, and the whole population rose. But it was a premature attempt. The Phi listines poured in from the plain, and the tyranny became more deeply rooted than ever. From this oppression, as Jonathan by his former act had been the first to provoke it, so now he was the first to deliver his people. Without communicating his project to any one, except the young man, whom, like all the chiefs of that age, he retained as his armour-bearer, he sallied forth from Gibeah to attack the garrison of the Philistines stationed on the other side of the steep defile of Michmash (xiv. 1). A panic seized the garrison, thence spread to the camp, and thence to the surrounding hordes of marauders; an earthquake combined with the terror of the moment ; the confusion increased ; the Israelites who had been taken slaves by the Philistines during the last 3 days (LXX.) rose in mutiny ; the Israelites who lay hid in the numerous caverns and deep holes in which the rocks of the neighbourhood abound, sprang out of theh- subter- JONATHAN 419 ranean dwellings. Saul and his little band had watched in astonishment the wild retreat from the heights of Gibeah : he now joined in the pursuit. Jonathan had not heard of the rash curse (xiv. 24) which Saul invoked on any one who ate before the evening. In the dizziness and darkness (see Heb. 1 Sam. xiv. 27) that came on after his desperate exertions, ho put forth the staff which apparently had (with his sling and bow) been his chief weapon, and tasted the honey which lay on the, ground as they passed through the forest. Jephthah's dread ful sacrifice would have been repeated ; but the people interposed in behalf of the hero of that great day; and Jonathan was saved (xiv. 24-46).^2. This is the only great exploit of Jonathan's life. But the chief interest of his career is derived from the friendship with David, which began on the day of David's return from the victory over the cham pion of Gath, and continued till his death. Their last meeting was in the forest of Ziph, during Saul's pursuit of David (lnSam. xxiii. 16-18.) From this time forth we hear no more till the battle of Gilboa. In that battle he fell, with his two bro thers and his father, and his corpse shared their fate (1 Sam. xxxi. 2, 8). His ashes were buried first at Jabesh-Gilead (ib. 13), but afterwards re moved with those of his father to Zelah in Ben jamin (2 Sam. xxi. 12). The news of his death occasioned the celebrated elegy of David.— 2. Son of Shimeah, brother of Jouadab, and nephew of David (2 Sam. xxi. 21 ; 1 Chr. xx. 7). He inher ited the union of civil and military gifts, so con spicuous in his uncle. Like David, he engaged in a single combat and slew a gigantic Philistine of Gath (2 Sam. xxi. 21). Perhaps he is the same as Jonathan in 1 Chr. xxvii. 32.-3. The son of Abiathar, the high-priest. He is the last descend ant of Eli, of whom we hear anything. He ap pears on two occasions. 1. On the day of David's flight from Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 36, xvii. 15-21). 2. On the day of Solomon's inauguration (1 K. i. 42, 43).— 4. The son of Shage the Hararite (1 Chr. xi. 34,; 2 Sam. xxiii. 32). He was one of David's heroes,— 5. The son, or descendant, of Gershom the son of Moses (Judg. xviii. 30). While wandering through the country in search of a home, the young Levite of Bethlehem-Judah came to the house of Micah, the rich Ephraimite, and was by him appointed to be a kind of private chaplain. When the Danites went northwards to found a city, Jonathan went with them, stole the ephod and teraphim of Micah, and became priest of the Danites at Laish or Dan (Judg. xviii.).— 6. One of the Bene- Adin (Ezr. viii. 6). — 7. A priest, the son of Asahel, in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 15). — 8. A priest of the family of Melicu, in the .'days of Joiakim, son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 14). —9. One of the sous of Kareah, and brother of Johanan (Jerj xl. 8). He was one of the captains of the. army who had escaped from Jerusalem in the final assault by the Chaldeans, and with his brother Johanan resorted to Gedaliah at Mizpah: from that time we hear nothing more of him,— 1Q. Son of Joiada, and his successor in the high-priesthood. The only fact connected with his pontificate recorded in Scripture, is that the genealogical records of the priests and Levites were kept in his day (Neh. xii. 11, 22), and that the chronicles of the state were continued to his time (ib. 23). Josephus relates that he murdered his own brother Jesus in the Temple, because Jesus was endeavouring to get the 2 J5 2 420 JONATHAS high-priesthood from him through the influence of Bagoses the Persian general.— 11. Father of Zecha riah, a priest who blew the trumpet at the dedica tion of the wall (Neh. xii. 35).— 12. 1 Esdr. viii. 32. [See No. 6.]— 13. A son of Mattathias, and brother of Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace. ix. 19 ff.). —14. A son of Absalom (1 Mace. xiii. 11), sent by Simon with a force to occupy Joppa, which was already in the hands of the Jews (1 Mace. xii. 33). Jonathan was probably a brother of Mattathias 2 (1 Mace. xi. 70).— 15. A priest who is said to have offered up a solemn prayer on the occasion of the sacrifice made by Nehemiah after the recovery of the sacred fire (2 Mace. i. 23 ff.). Jon'athas, the Latin form of the name Jonathan (Tob. v. 13). Jo'nath-E'lem-Ee'chokim, " a dumb dove of (in) distant places," a phrase found once only in the Bible as a heading to the 56th psalm. Critics and commentators are very far from being agreed on its meaning. Rashi considers that David employed the phrase to describe his own unhappy condition when, exiled from the land of Israel, he was living with Achish. Aben Ezra, who regards Jonath Elem Rechokim as merely indicating the modulation or the rhythm of the psalm, appears to come the nearest to the meaning of the passage in his explan ation, "after the melody of the air which begins Jonath Elem Rechokim." In the commentary to Mendelssohn's version of the Psalms Jonath Elem Rechokim is mentioned as a musical instrument which produced dull, mournful sounds. Joppa, a town on the S.W. coast of Palestine, the port of Jerusalem in the days of Solomon, as it has been ever since. According to Josephus, it originally belonged to the Phoenicians (Ant, xiii. 15, § 4). Here, writes Strabo, some say Andro meda was exposed to the whale. Japho or Joppa was situated in the portion of Dan (Josh. xix. 46) on the coast towards the south. Having a harbour attached to it — though always, as still, a dangerous one — it became the port of Jerusalem, when Jeru salem became metropolis of the kingdom of the house of David, and certainly never did port and metropolis more strikingly resemble each other in difficulty of approach both by sea and land. Hence, except in journeys to and from Jerusalem, it was not much used. But Joppa was the place fixed upon for the cedar and pine-wood, from Mount Lebanon, to be landed by the servants of Hiram king of Tyre. It was by way of Joppa, similarly, that like materials were conveyed from the same locality, by permission of Cyrus, for the rebuilding of the 2nd Temple under Zerubbabel (1 K. v. 9; 2 Chr. ii. 16; Ezr. iii. 7). Here Jonah, whenever and wherever he may have lived (2 K. xiv. 25), " took ship to flee from the presence of his Maker." Here, lastly, on the house-top of Simon the tanner, " by the seaside," St. Peter had his vision of tolerance. These are the great Bib lical events of which Joppa has been the scene. In the interval that elapsed between the Old and New Dispensations it experienced many vicissitudes. It had sided with Apollonius, and was attaoked and captured by Jonathan Maccabaeus (1 Mace. x. 76). It witnessed the meeting between the latter and Ptolemy (Ibid. xi. 6). Simon had his suspicions of its inhabitants, and set a garrison there (Ibid. xii. 34), which he afterwards strengthened considerably (Ibid. xiii. 11). But when peace was restored, he re-established it once more as a haven (Ibid. xiv. 5). JORAM He likewise rebuilt the fortifications (Ibid. v. 34). This occupation of Joppa was one of the grounds of complaint urged by Antiochus, son of Demetrius against Simon ; but the latter alleged in excuse the mischief which had been done by its inhabitants to his fellow-citizens (Ibid. rv. 30 and 35). It would appear that Judas Maccabaeus had burnt their haven some time back for a gross act of barbarity (2 Mace, xii. 6). Tribute was subsequently exacted for its possession from Hyrcanus by Antio chus Sidetes. By Pompey it was once more made independent, and comprehended under Syria; but by Caesar it was not only restored to the Jews, but its revenues, whether from land or from export- duties, were bestowed upon the 2nd Hyrcanus and his heirs. When Herod the Great commenced operations, it was seized by him, lest he should leave a hostile strong-hold in his rear, when he marched upon Jerusalem, and Augustus confirmed him in its possession. It was afterwards assigned to Archelaus, when constituted ethnarch, and passed with Syria under Cyrenius, when Archelaus had been deposed. Under Cestius (i. e. Gessius Fiorus) it was destroyed amidst great slaughter of its inhabitants ; and such a nest of pirates had it become, when Vespasian arrived in those parts, that it underwent a second and entire destruction, together with the adjacent villages, at his hands. Thus it appears that this port had already begun to be the den of robbers and ou+oasts which it was in Strabo's time. When Joppa first became the seat of a Christian bishop is unknown. It was taken possession of by the forces of Godfrey de Bouillon previously to the capture of Jerusalem. Saladin, in a.d. 1188, destroyed its fortifications; but Richard of England, who was confined here by sickness, rebuilt them. Its last occupation by Christians was that of St. Louis, A.D. 1253, and when he came, it was still a city and governed by a count. After this it came into the hands of the Sultans of Egypt, together with the rest of Pales tine, by whom it was once more laid in ruins. Finally, Jaffa fell under the Turks, in whose psses- sion it still is. The existing town contains in round numbers about 4000 inhabitants. Its chief manu facture is soap. The oranges of Jaffa are the finest in all Palestine and Syria, and its gardens and orange and citron-groves deliciously fragrant and fertile. Jo'ppe, 1 Esd. v. 55 ; 1 Mace. x. 75, 76 ; ii. 6; xii. 33; xiii. 11; xiv. 5, 34; xv. 28, 35; 2 Mace. iv. 21 ; xii. 3, 7. [Joppa.] Jo'rah, the ancestor of a family of 112 who re turned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. ii. 18). In Neh. vii. 24 he appears under the name Hariph, or more correctly the same family are represented as the Bene-Hariph, the variation of name originating probably in a very slight confusion of the letters which compose it. Jora'i. One of the Gadites dwelling in Gilead in Bashan, in the reign of Jotham king of Judah (1 Chr. v. 13). Jo'ram. 1. Son of Ahab ; king of Israel (2 K. viii. 16, 25, 28, 29; ix. 14, 17, 21-23, 29). [Jehoram, 1.]— 2. Son of Jehoshaphat ; king of Judah (2 K. viii. 21, 23, 24; 1 Chr. iii. Hi 2 Chr. xxii. 5, 7 ; Matt. i. 8). [Jehoram, 2.J — 8. A priest in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8).— 4. A Levite, ancestor of Shelomith in the time of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 25).— 5. Son of Toi, king of Hamath (2 Sam. viii. 10). [HADO RAM.]— 6. 1 Esd. i. 9. [Jozabad, 3.] JORDAN Jor'dan, a river that has never been navigable flowing into a sea that has never known a port. It winds through scenery remarkable rather for sameness and tameness than for bold outline. Its course is not much above 200 miles from first to last — from the roots of Anti-Leba non to the head of the Dead Sea. Such is the river of the " great plain " of Palestine — the " De scender" — if not "the river of God" in the book of Psalms, at least that of His chosen people throughout their history. The earliest allusion to it is not so much to the river itself as to the plain or plains which it traversed (Gen. xiii. 10). We must anticipate events slightly to be able to speak of the fords or passages of the Jordan. There were fords over against Jericho, to which point the men of Jericho pursued the spies (Josh, ii. 7 ; comp. Judg. iii. 28). Higher up, perhaps over against Succoth, some way above where the little river Jabbok (Zerka) enters the Jordan, were the fords or passages of Bethbarah (probably the Bethabara of the Gospel), where Gideon lay in wait for the Midianites (Judg. vii. 24), and where the men of Gilead slew the Ephraimites (xii. 6). These fords undoubtedly witnessed the first recorded passage of the Jordan in the 0. T. (Gen. xxxii. 10). And Jordan was next crossed, over against Jericho, by Joshua the son of Nun, at the head of the descend ants of the twelve sons of him who signalized the first passage (Josh. iv. 12 and 13). From their vicinity to Jerusalem the lower fords were much used ; David, it is probable, passed over them in one instance to fight the Syrians (2 Sam. x. 17) ; and subsequently, when a fugitive himself, in his way to Mahanaim (xvii. 22) on the east bank. Thus there were two customary places, at which the Jordan was fordable, though there may have been more, particularly during the summer, which are not mentioned. And it must have been at one of these, if not at both, that baptism was after wards administered by St. John, and by the dis ciples of our Lord. Where our Lord was baptised is not stated expressly ; but it was probably at the upper ford. These fords — and more light will be thrown upon their exact site presently — were ren dered so much the more precious in those days from two circumstances. First, it does not appeal' that there were then any bridges thrown over, or boats regularly established on, the Jordan. And secondly, because, in the language of the author of the book of Joshua (iii. 15), " Jordan overflowed all his banks all the time of harvest." The channel or bed of the river became brimful, so that the level of the water and of the banks was then the same. Dr. Robinson seems to have good reason for saying that the ancient rise of the river has been greatly exaggerated. The last feature which remains to be noticed in the Scriptural account of the Jordan is its frequent mention as a boundary: " over Jordan," " this," and " the other side," or ¦* beyond Jordan," were expressions as familiar to the Israelites as " across the water," " this," and " the other side ofthe Channel," are to English ears. In one sense indeed, that is, in so far as it was the eastern boundary of the land of Canaan, it was the eastern boundary of the promised land (Num. xxxiv. 12). Panium, says Josephus, appears to be the source of the Jordan ; whei eas it has a secret passage hither under ground from Phiala, as it is called, about 120 stadia distant from Caesarea, on the road to Trachonitis, and on the right hand side JORDAN 421 of, and not far fi-om the road. That this is the true source of the Jordan was first discovered by Philip, tetrarch of Trachonitis. It is from this cave at all events that the Jordan commences its ostensible course above ground ; traversing the marshes and fens of Semechonitis (L. Merom or Huleh), and then, after a course of 120 stadia, passing by the town Julias, and intersecting the lake of Genesareth, winds its way through a con siderable wilderness, till it finds its exit in the lake Asphaltites (B. J. iii. 10, §7). While Josephus dilates upon its sources, Pausanias, who had visited the Jordan, dilates upon its extraordinary disap pearance. Not one of the earlier or later travellers dwells upon the phenomenon that from the village of Hashbeiya on the N.W. to the village, of Shib'a on the N.E. of Banias, the entire slope of Anti- Lebanon is alive with bursting fountains and gush ing streams, every one of which, great or small, finds its way sooner or later into the swamp between Banias and lake HUleh, and eventually becomes part of the Jordan. Far be it from us to depreciate those time-honoured parent springs — the noble fountain (of Daphne) under the Tell, or hill of Dan ( Tell-el-K&dy), which " gushes out all at once a beautiful river of delicious water" in the midst of verdure and welcome shade ; still less, that magnificent " burst of water out of the low slope " in front of the picturesque cave of Banias inscriptions in the niches of which still testify to the deity that was once worshipped there, and to the royal munificence that adorned his shrine. But what shall we say to " the bold perpendicular rock " near Hashbeiya, " from beneath which," we are told, " the river gushes copious, translucent, and cool, in two rectangular streams, one to the NE., and the other to the N.W.?" Captain Newbold has detected a 4th source, which according to the Arabs, is never dry, in the Wady el-Kid, which the Captain appears to have followed to the springs called Esh-Shar, though we must add, that its sources, according to our impression, lie con siderably more to the N. It runs past the ruined walls and forts of Banias on the S.E. Again, the Phiala of Josephus has not yet been identified. Any lake would have been called Phiala by the Greeks that bore that shape. But Birket er Ram, or the alleged Phiala, lies to the S.E. of, and at some distance from, the cave of Banias. The direction of Shib'a — to the N. E. of Banias — is beyond doubt the true one. The actual description given by Cap tain Newbold of the lake Merj el Man, " 3 hrs. E. 10° N. from Banias," leads to the supposition that it is the true Phiala. Once more, according to Mr. Thompson, " the Hashbeiya, when it reaches the L. Huleh, has been immensely enlarged by the waters from the great fountains of Bani&s, Tell-el K&dy, el Mellaliah, Derakit or Bel&t, and in numerable other springs." The junction takes place one-third of a mile N. of TeU Sheikh Y&suf. The Jordan enters Genesareth about two miles below the ruins of the ancient city Julias, or the Bethsaida of Gaulanitis, which lay upon its eastern bank. At its mouth it is about 70 feet wide, a lazy turbid stream, flowing between low alluvial banks. There are several bars not far 'from its mouth where it can be forded. . . . From the site of Bethsaida to Isir Bendt Ya'kSb is about six miles. The Jordan here rushes along, a foaming torrent (much of course depending on the season when it is visited), through a nanow winding 422 JORIBAS ravine, shut in by high precipitous banks. Above the bridge the current is less rapid and the banks are lower. The whole distance from the lake el-Huleh to the sea of Tiberias is nearly nine miles, and the fall of the river is about 600 feet (Porter's Handbook, part. ii. p. 426-7). The two principal features in the course of the Jordan are its descent and its windings. From its fountain-heads to the point where it is lost to nature, it rushes down one continuous inclined plane, only broken by a series of rapids or precipitous falls. Between the lake of Tiberias and the Dead Sea Lieutenant Lynch passed down 27 rapids ; the depression of the lake of Tiberias below the level of the Mediterranean was 653*3 feet ; and that ofthe Dead Sea 1316-7 feet. Its sinuosity is not so remarkable in the upper part of its course. Lieutenant Lynch would regard the two phenomena in the light of cause and effect. " The great secret," he says, '* of the depression between lake Tiberias and the Dead Sea is solved by the tor tuous course of the Jordan. In a space of 60 miles of latitude and 4 or 5 miles of longitude, the Jordan traverses at least 200 miles." The greatest width mentioned was 180 yards, the point where it enters the Dead Sea. Here it was only 3 feet deep. The only living tributaries to the Jordan noticed par ticularly below Genesareth were the Yarmuk (Hieromax) and the Zerka (Jabbok). There are no bridges over Jordan to which an earlier date has been assigned than that of the Roman occupation. In the fords, we find a remarkable, yet perfectly independent concurrence between the narrative of Lieutenant Lynch and what has been asserted pre viously respecting the fords or passages of the Bible. Yet still it is no slight coincidence that no more than three, or at most four regular fords should nave been set down by the chroniclers of the Ame rican expedition. The two first occur on the same day within a few hours of each other, and are called respectively Wacabes and Sukwa. The next ford is the ford of Ddmieh, as it is called, opposite to the commencement of the Wady Zerka, some miles above the junction' of that river with the Jordan. The ford el-Mashra'a over against Jericho was the last ford to put upon record, and it is too well known to need any lengthened notice. Here tradition has chosen to combine the passage of the Israelites under Joshua with the baptism of our Lord. Not a single city ever crowned the banks of the Jordan. Still Bethshan and Jericho to the W., Gerasa, Pella, and Gadara to the E. of it, were im portant cities, and caused a good deal of traffic between the two opposite banks. The physical features of the Jordan, or of the Ghor, will be treated of more at large under the general head of Palestine. Jo'ribas = Jarib ( 1 Esd. viii. 44 ; comp. Ezr. viii. 16). Jo'ribus = Jarib (1 Esd. ix. 19 : comp. Ezr. X.1S). Jo'rim, son of Matthat, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 29). Jor'koam, either a descendant of Caleb, the son ef Hezron, or the name of a place in the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 44). Jo'sabad. 1. Properly Jozabad, the Gedera- thite, one of the warriors of Benjamin who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 4).— 2. Jozabad, son of Jeshua the Levite (1 Esd. viii. 63; comp. Ezr. viii. 33).— 3- One ofthe sons of Bebai (1 Esd. ix. 29). [Zabbai.] JOSEPH Jo'saphat = Jehoshaphat king of Judab (Matt i. 8). Josaph'ias = Josiphiah (1 Esd. viii. 36: comp Ezr. viii. 10). F' Jo'se, son of Eliezer, in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 29). Jo'sedec, 1 Esd. v. 5, 48, 56; vi. 2; ix. 19- Ecclus. xlix. 12 = Jehozadak or Jozadak, the father of Jeshua, whose name also appears as Jose- dech (Hag. i. 1). Jo'sedech = Jehozadak the son of Seraiah (Hag. i. 1, 12, 14, ii. 2, 4; Zech. vi. 11). Jo'seph. 1. The elder ofthe two sons of Jacob by Eachel. The date of Joseph's birth relatively to that of the coming of Jacob into Egypt is fixed by the mention that he was thirty years old when he became governor of Egypt (xii. 46), which agrees with the statement that he was " seventeen years old " (xxxvii. 2) about the time that his brethren sold him. He was therefore born about 39 years before Jacob came into Egypt, and, according to the most probable chronology, B.C. cir. 1906. After Joseph's birth he is firet mentioned when a youth, seventeen years old. As the child of Rachel, and " son of his old age " (xxxvii. 3), and doubtless also for his excellence of character, he was beloved by his father above all his brethren. Probably at this time Raehel was already dead and Benjamin but an infant. Jacob had now two small pieces of land in Canaan, Abraham's burying-place at Hebron in the south, and the '* parcel of a field, where he [Jacob] had spread his tent" (Gen. xxxiii. 19), at Shechem in the north, the latter being probably, from its price, the smaller of the two. He seems then to have stayed at Hebron with the aged Isaac, while his sons kept his flocks. Joseph, we read, brought the evil report of his brethren to his father, and they hated him because his father loved him more than them, and had shown his preference by making him a dress, which appears to have been a long tunic with sleeves, worn by youths and maidens of the richer class. The hatred of Joseph's brethren was increased by his telling of a dream foreshowing that they would bow down to him, which was followed by another of the same import. They had gone to Shechem to feed the flock ; and Joseph was sent thither from the vale of Hebron by his father to bring him word of their welfare and that of the flock. They were not at Shechem, but were gone to Dothan, which appears to have been not very fai distant, pasturing their flock like the Arabs of the present day, wherever the wild country (ver. 22) was unowned. On Joseph's approach, his brethren, except Reuben, resolved to kill him ; but Reuben saved him, persuading them to cast him into a dry pit, to the intent that he might restore him to his father. Accordingly, when Joseph was come, they stripped him of his tunic and cast him into the pit, " and they sat down to eat bread : and they lifted up their eyes and looked, and, behold, a com pany of Ishmeelites came from Gilead with their camels." Judah suggested to his brethren to sell Joseph to the Ishmeelites, appealing at once to their covetousness and, in proposing a less cruel course than tbat on which they were probably still resolved, to what remnant of brotherly feeling they may still have had. Accordingly thev took Joseph out ofthe pit and sold him " for twenty [shekels] of silver (ver. 28). Reuben was absent, and on his return to the pit was greatly distressed at not finding Jo seph. His brethren pretended to Jacob that Joseph JOSEPH had been killed by some wild beast, taking to him the tunic stained with a kid's blood, while even Reuben forbore to tell him the truth, all speaking constantly of the lost brother as though they knew not what had befallen him, and even as dead. " And Jacob rent his clothes, and put sackcloth upon his loins, and mourned for his son many days " (Gen. xxxvii. 34). The Midianites sold Joseph in Egypt to Potiphar, " an officer of Pharaoh, captain of the executioners, an Egyptian " (xxxix. 1 ; comp. xxxvii. 36). It is important to observe that a careful com parison of evidence has led us to the conclusion that, at the time that Joseph was sold into Egypt, the country was not united under the rule of a single native line, but governed by several dynasties, of which the Fifteenth Dynasty, of Shepherd Kings, was the predominant line, the rest being tributary to it. The absolute dominions of this dynasty lay in Lower Egypt, and it would therefore always be most connected with Palestine. The manners de scribed are Egyptian, although there is apparently an occasional slight tinge of Shemitism. The date of Joseph's arrival we should consider B.C. cir. 1890. In Egypt, the second period of Joseph's life begins. As a child he had been a true son, and withstood the evil example of his brethren. He is now to serve a strange master in tlie hard state of slavery, and his virtue will be put to a severer proof than it had yet sustained. Joseph prospered in the house ofthe Egyptian, who, seeing that God blessed him, and pleased with his good service, " set hira over his house, and all [that] he had he gave into his hand " (xxxix. 4, comp. 5). He was placed over all his master's property with perfect trust, and " the Lord blessed the Egyptian's house for Joseph's sake" (ver. 5). The sculptures and paintings of the ancient Egyptian tombs bring vividly before us the daily life and duties of Joseph. His master's wife, with the well-known profligacy of the Egyp tian women, tempted him, and failing, charged him with the crime she would have made him commit. Potiphar, incensed against Joseph, cast him into prison. The punishment of adulterers was severe, and a moral tale recently interpreted " The Tuso Brothers,'* is founded upon a case nearly resem bling that of Joseph. It has, indeed, been imagined that this story was based upon the trial of Joseph. The prison is described as ** a place where the king's prisoners [were] bound" (xxxix. 20). Here the hardest time of Joseph's period of probation began. He was cast into prison on a false accusation, to remain there for at least two years, and perhaps for a much longer time. In the prison, as in Poti- phar's house, Joseph was found worthy of complete trust, and the keeper ofthe prison placed everything under his control. After a while, Pharaoh was in censed against two of his officers, "the chief ofthe cupbearers" and the "chief of the bakers," and cast them into the prison were Joseph was. Here the chief of the executioners, doubtless a successor of Potiphar, charged Joseph to serve these prisoners. Each dreamed a prophetic dream, which Joseph in terpreted, disclaiming human skill and acknowledg ing that interpretations were of God. " After two years," Joseph's deliverance came. Pharaoh dreamed two prophetic dreams. " He stood by the river [the Nile]. And, behold, coming up out of the river seven kine [or * heifers '], beautiful in appeaiauce and fat-fleshed ; and they fed in the marsh-grass. And, behold, seven other kine coming up after them out of the river, evil in appearance, JOSEPH 423 and lean-fleshed " (xii. 1-3). These, afterwards de scribed still more strongly, ate up the first seven, and yet, as is said in the second account, when they had eaten them remained as lean as before (xii. 1-4, 17-21). Then Pharaoh had a second dream, — " Behold, seven ears of com coming up on one stalk, fat [or 'full,' ver. 22] and good. And, be hold, seven ears, thin and blasted with the east wind, sprouting forth after them" (ver. 5, 6). These, also described more strongly in the second account, devoured the first seven ears (ver. 5*7, 22-24). In the morning Pharaoh sent for the *' scribes " and the " wise men," and they were un able to give him an interpretation. Then the chief of the cupbearers remembered Joseph, and told Pharaoh how a young Hebrew, " servant to the captain of the executioners," had interpreted his and his fellow-prisoner's dreams. " Then Pharaoh sent and called Joseph, and they made him hasten out of the prison :. and he shaved [himself], and changed his raiment, and came unto Pharaoh " (ver. 14). The king then related his dreams, and Joseph, when he had disclaimed human wisdom, declared to him that they were sent of God to fore warn Pharaoh. There was essentially but one dream. Both kine and ears symbolized years. There were to be seven years of great plenty in Egypt, and after them seven years of consuming and " very heavy famine." The doubling of the dream denoted that the events it foreshadowed were certain and imminent. On the interpretation it may be remarked, that it seems evident that the kine represented the animal products, and the ears of corn the vegetable products, the most important object in each class representing the whole class. The perfectly Egyptian colour of the whole narra tive is very noticeable, and nowhere more so than in the particulars ofthe first dream. Having inter preted the dream, Joseph counselled Pharaoh to choose a wise man and set him over the country, in order that he should take the fifth part of the pro duce of the seven years of plenty against the years of famine. To this high post the king appointed Joseph. Thus, when he was thirty years of age, was he at last released from his state of suffering, and placed in a position of the greatest honour. The Pharaoh here mentioned was probably Assa, Manetho's Assis or Asses, whose reign we suppose to have about occupied the first half of the nine teenth century B.C. Pharaoh, seeing the wisdom of giving Joseph, whom he perceived to be under God's guidance, greater powers than he had advised should be given to the officer set over the countiy, made him not only governor of Egypt, but second only to the sovereign. He also "gave him to wife Asenath daughter of Poti-pherah, priest [or •prince'] of On" (ver. 45). Joseph's first act was to go throughout all the land of Egypt (ver- 46). During the seven plenteous years there was a very abundant produce, and he gathered the fifth part, as he had advised Pharaoh, and laid it up. Before the year of famine Asenath bare Joseph two sons. When the seven good years had passed, the famine began (Gen. xii. 54-57). The expressions here used do not require us to suppose that the famine extended beyond the countries around Egypt, such as Palestine, Syria, and Arabia, as well as*some part of Africa. It must also be recollected that Egypt was anciently the granary of neighbouring countries. Famines are not very unfrequent in the history of Egypt. [Famine.] After the famine 424 JOSEPH had lasted for a time, apparently two years, Joseph gathered up all the money that was found in the land of Egypt, and in the land of Canaan, for the corn which they bought.: and Joseph brought the money into Pharaoh's house (xlvii. 13, 14). When all the money of Egypt and Canaan was exhausted, barter became necessary. Joseph then obtained all the cattle of Egypt, and in the next year, all the land, except that of the priests, and apparently, as a consequence, the Egyptians themselves. He de manded, however, only a fifth part of the produce as Pharaoh's right. It has been attempted to trace this enactment of Joseph in the fragments ot Egyp tian history preserved by profane writers, but the result has not been satisfactory. The evidence of the narrative in Genesis seems favourable to the theory we support that Joseph ruled Egypt under a shepherd-king. There is a notice, in an ancient Egyptian inscription, of a* famine which has been supposed to be that of Joseph. The inscription is iu a tomb at Bene-Hasan, and records of Amenee, a governor of a district of Upper Egypt, that when there were years of famine, his district was supplied with food. This was in the time of Sesertesen I., of the xiith Dynasty. It has been supposed that this must be Joseph's famine, but not only are the particulars of the record inapplicable to that in stance, but the calamity it relates was never un usual in Egypt, as its ancient inscriptions and modern history equally testify. Joseph's policy towards the subjects of Pharaoh is important in reference to the forming an estimate of his character. It displays the resolution and breadth of view that mark his ¦whole career. He perceived a great advantage to be gained, and he lost no part of it. Early in the time of famine, which prevailed equally in Canaan aud Egypt, Jacob reproved his helpless sons and sent them to Egypt, where he knew there was corn to be bought. Benjamin alone he kept with him. Joseph was now governor, an Egyptian in habits and speech, for like all men of large mind he had suffered no scruples of prejudice to make him a stranger to the people he ruled. His brethren did not know him, grown from the boy they had sold into a man, and to their eyes an Egyptian, while they must have been scarcely changed. Joseph re membered his dreams, and behaved to them as a stranger, using, as we afterwards learn, an inter preter, and spoke hard words to them, aud accused them of being spies. In defending themselves they spoke of their household. The whole story of Jo seph's treatment of his brethren is so graphically told in Gen. xlii.-xlv., and is so familiar that it is unnecessary here to repeat it. After the removal of his family into Egypt, Jacob and his house abode in the laud of Goshen, Joseph still ruling the country. Here Jacob, when near his end, gave Joseph a por tion above his brethren, doubtless including tlie " parcel of ground " at Shechem, his future bury- ing-place (comp. John iv. 5). Then he blessed his sons, Joseph most earnestly of all, and died in Egypt. " And Joseph fell upon his face, and wept upon him, and kissed him" (1. 1). When he had caused him to be embalmed by " his servants the physicians " he carried him to Canaan, and laid him in the cave of Machpelah, the burying-place of his fathers. Then it was that his brethren feared that, their father being dead, Joseph would punish them, and that he strove to remove their fears. From his being able to make the journey into Canaan with " a very great company " (9), as well as from his JOSEPH living apart from his brethren and from their feai of him, Joseph seems to have been still governor of Egypt. We know no more than that he lived " a hundred and ten years " (22, 26), having been more than ninety in Egypt ; that he " saw Ephraim's children of the third " [generation], and that " the children also of Machir the son of Manasseh weie borne upon Joseph's knees " (23) ; and that dying he took an oath of his brethren that they should carry up his bones to the land of promise : thus showing in his latest action the faith (Heb. xi. 22) which had guided his whole life. Like his father he was embalmed, " and he was put in a coffin in Egypt " (1. 26). His trust Moses kept, and kid the bones of Joseph in his inheritance in Shechem, in the territory of Ephraim his offspring.— 2. Father of Igal who represented the tribe of Issachar among the spies (Num. xiii. 7).— 3. A lay Israelite of the family of Bani who was compelled by Ezra to put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 42).— 4. Represent ative of the priestly family of Shebaniah, ia the next generation after the Return from Captivity (Neh. xii. 14).— 5. A Jewish officer defeated by Gorgias c. 164 B.C. (1 Mace. v. 8, 56, 60).— 6. In 2 Mace. viii. 22, x. 19, Joseph is named among the brethren of Judas Maccabaeus apparently in place of John. —7. An ancestor of Judith (Jud. viii. 1). —8. One of the ancestors of Christ (Luke iii. 30), son of Jonan.— 9. Another ancestor of Christ, son of Judah (Luke iii. 26). — 10. Another, son of Mattathias (Luke iii. 24).— IL Son of Heli, and reputed father of Jesus Christ. All that is told us of Joseph in the N. T. may be summed up in a few words. He was a just man, and of the house and lineage of David. The public registers also con tained his name under the reckoning of the house of David (John i. 45 ; Luke iii. 23 ; Matt. i. 20 ; Luke ii. 4). He hved at Nazareth in Galilee, and it is probable that his family had been settled there for at least two preceding generations, possibly ft-om the time of Matthat, the common grandfather of Joseph and Mary, since Mary lived there too (Luke i. 26, 27). He espoused Mary, the daughter and heir of his uncle Jacob, and before he took her home as his wife received tho angelic communication re corded in Matt.l. 20. It must have been within a very short time of his taking her to his home, that the decree went forth from Augustus Caesar which obliged him to leave Nazareth with his wife and go to Bethlehem. He was there with Mary and her first-born, when the shepherds came to see the babe in the manger, and he went with them to the temple to present the infant according to the law, and there heard the prophetic words of Simeon, as he held him in his arms. When the wise men from the East came to Bethlehem to worship Christ, Joseph was there ; and he went down to Egypt with them by night, when warned by an angel of the danger which threatened them ; and on a second message he returned with them to the land of Israel, in tending to reside at Bethlehem the city of David ; but being afraid of Archelaus he took up his abode, as before his marriage, at Nazareth, where he carried on his trade as a carpenter. When Jesus was 12 years old Joseph and Mary took him with them to keep the Passover at Jerusalem, aud when they re turned to Nazareth he continued to act as a .father to the child Jesus, and was reputed to be so indeed. But here our knowledge of Joseph ends. That he died before our Lord's crucifixion, is indeed tolerably cei'tain, by what is related, John xix. 27, and per- JOSEPH OF ARIMATHAEA haps Mark vi. 3 may imply that he was then dead. But where, when, or how he died, we know not. Joseph of Arimathaea, a rich and pious Israelite who had the privilege of perfoitning the last offices of duty and affection to the body of our Lord. He is distinguished from other persons ofthe same name by the addition of his birth-place Arimathaea. Jo seph is denominated by Mark (xv. 43), an ho nourable counsellor, by which we are probably to understand that he was a member of the Great Council, or Sanhedrim. He is further characterised as "a good man and a just" (Luke xxiii. 50), one of those who, bearing in their hearts the words of their old prophets, were waiting for the kingdom of God (Mark xv. 43 ; Luke ii. 25, 38, xxiii. 51). We are expressly told that he did not " consent to the counsel and deed" of his colleagues in conspiring to bring about the death of Jesus ; but he seems to have lacked the courage to protest against their judgment. At all events we know that he shrank, through fear of his countrymen, from professing himself openly a disciple of our Lord. The cruci fixion seems to have wrought in him the same clear conviction that it wrought in the Centurion who stood by the cross ; for on the very evening of that dreadful day, when the triumph of the chief priests aud rulers seemed complete, Joseph " went in boldly unto Pilate and craved the body of Jesus." Pilate consented. Joseph and Nicodemus then having en folded the sacred body in the linen shroud which Joseph had bought, consigned it to a tomb hewn in a rock, a tomb where no human corpse had ever yet been laid. The tomb was in a garden belonging to Joseph, and close to the place of crucifixion. There is a tradition that he was one of the seventy dis- oiples. Another, whether authentic or not, deserves to be mentioned as generally current, namely, that Joseph being sent to Great Britain by the Apostle St. Philip, about the year 63, settled with his brother disciples at Glastonbury. Jo'seph, called Bar'sabas, and surnamed Justus one of the two persons chosen by the assembled church (Acts i. 23) as worthy to fill the place in tlie Apostolic company fi-om which Judas had fallen. Eusebius states that he was one of the seventy dis ciples. Jose'phus, 1 Esdr. ix. 34. [Joseph, 3.] Jo'ses. 1. Son of Eliezer, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 29).— 2. One of the Lord's breth ren (Matt. xiii. 55; Mark vi. 3). — 8. Joses Bar nabas (Acts iv. 36). [Barnabas.] Jo 'shah, a prince of the house of Simeon, son of Amaziah, in the days of Hezekiah (1 Chr. iv. 34, 38-41). Jo 'shaphat, the Mithnite, one of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 43). Joshav iah, the son of Elnaam, and one of Da vid's guards (1 Chr. xi. 46). Joshbeka'shah, son of Heman, head of the 17th course of musicians (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 24). Josh'ua. His name appears in the various forms of Hoshea, Oshea, Jehoshoa, Jeshua, and Jesus. 1. The son of Nun, ofthe tribe of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 27). The future captain of invading hosts grew up a slave in the brick-fields of Egypt. Bom about the time when Moses fled into Midian, he was a man of nearly forty years when he saw the ten plagues, and shared in the hurried triumph ofthe Exodus. He is mentioned first in connexion with the fight against Amalek at Rephidim,when he was chosen (Ex. xvii. 9) by Moses to lead the Israelites. JOSHUA, BOOK OF 425 When Moses ascended Mount Sinai to receive for the first time (compare Ex. xxiv. 13, and xxxiii. 11) the two Tables, Joshua, who is called his minister or servant, accompanied him part of the way, and was the first to accost him in his descent (Ex. xxxii. 17). Soon afterwards he was one of the twelve chiefs who were sent (Num. xiii. 17) to explore the land of Canaan, and one of the two (xiv. 6) who gave an encouraging report of their journey. The 40 years of wandering were almost passed, and Joshua was one of the few survivors, when Moses, shortly before his death, was directed (Num. xxvii. 18) to invest Joshua solemnly and publicly with definite authority in connexion with Eleazar the priest, over the people. And after this was done, God Himself gave Joshua a charge by the mouth of the dying Lawgiver (Deut. xxxi. 14, 23). Under the direction of God again renewed' (Josh. i. 1), Joshua, now in his 85th year (Joseph. Ant. v. 1, §29) assumed the command of the people at Shit- tiin, sent sptes into Jericho, crossed the Jordan, fortified a camp at Gilgal, circumcised the people, kept the passover, and was visited by the Captain of the Lord's Host. A miracle made the fall of Jeri cho more terrible to the Canaanites, In the first attack upon Ai the Israelites were repulsed : it fell at the second assault, and the invaders marched to the relief of Gibeon, In the great battle of Beth horon the Amorites were signally routed, and the south country was open to the Israelites. Joshua returned to the camp at Gilgal, master of half of Palestine. In the north, at the waters of Merom, he defeated the Canaanites under Jabiu king of Hazor; and pursued his success to the gates of Zidon and into the valley of Lebanon under Hermon. In six years, six tribes with thirty-one petty chiefs were conquered ; amongst others the Anakim — the old terror of Israel — are especially recorded as de stroyed everywhere except in Philistia. Joshua, now stricken in years, proceeded in conjunction with Eleazar and the heads of the tribes to com plete the division of the conquered land ; and when all was allotted, Timnath-serah in Mount Ephraim was assigned by the people as Joshua's peculiar in heritance. The Tabernacle of the congregation was established at Shiloh, six cities of refuge were ap pointed, forty-eight cities assigned to the Levites, and tbe warriors of the trans-Jordanic tribes dis missed in peace to their homes. After an interval of rest, Joshua convoked an assembly from all Israel. He delivered two solemn addresses reminding them ofthe marvellous fulfilment of God's promises to their fathers, and warning them of the conditions on which their prosperity depended ; and lastly, he caused them to renew their covenant with God, at Shechem, a place already famous in connexion with Jacob (Gen. xxxv. 4), and Joseph (Josh. xxiv. 32). He died at the age of 110 years, and was buried in his own city, Timnath-serah. — 2. An inhabitant of Bethshemesh, in whose land was the stone at which the milch-kine stopped, when they drew the ark of God with the offerings of the Philistines from Ekron to Bethshemesh (1 Sam. vi. 14, 1 8).— 3. A governor of the city who gave his name to a gate of Jerusalem (2 K. xxiii. 8).— 4. Jeshua the son of Jozadak (Hag. i. 14, ii. 1 ; Zech. iii. 1, &c). Josh'ua, Book of. 1. Authority.— The claim of the book of Joshua to a place in the Canon of the 0. T. has never been disputed. Its authority is confirmed by the references, in other books of 426 JOSIAH Holy Scripture, to the events which are related in it; as Ps, lxxviii. 53-65; Is. xxviii. 21 ; Hab. iii. 11-13; Acts vii. 45; Heb. iv. 8, xi. 30-32; James ii. 25. The miracles which it relates, and particu larly that of the prolongation of the day of the battle of Makkedah have led some critics to enter tain a suspicion of the credibility of the book as a history. The treatment of the Canaanites which is sanctioned in this book has been denounced for its severity by Eichhorn and earlier writers. But there is nothing in it inconsistent with the divine attribute of justice, or with God's ordinary way of governing the world. Some discrepancies are al leged by De Wette and Hauff to exist within the book itself, and have been described as material dif ferences and contradictions. But they disappear when the words of the text are accurately stated and weighed, and they do not affect the general credi bility of tlie book. Other discrepancies have been alleged by Dr. Davidson, with the view not of dis paraging the credibility of the book, but of sup porting the theory that it is a compilation fi-om two distinct documents. These are not sufficient either to impair the authority ofthe book, or to prove that it was not substantially the composition of one au thor.— 2. Scope and contents. — The book of Joshua is a distinct whole in itself. There is not sufficient ground for treating it as a part of the Penta teuch, or a compilation from the same documents as formed the groundwork of the Pentateuch. Per haps no part ofthe Holy Scripture is more injured than the first half of this book by being printed in chapters and verses. The first twelve chapters form a continuous narrative, which seems never to halt or flag. And the description is frequently so minute as to show the hand not merely of a con temporary, but of au eye-witness. Step by step we are led on through the solemn preparation, the arduous struggle, the crowning triumph. The second part of the book (ch. xiii.-xxi.) has been aptly compared to the Domesday-book of the Nor man conquerors of England. The documents of which it consists were doubtless the abstract of such reports as were supplied by the men whom Joshua sent out (xviii. 8) to describe the land. The book may be regarded as consisting of three parts: (a) the conquest of Canaan (i.— xii.); (6) the partition of Canaan (xiii.— xxii.) ; (c) Joshua's farewell (xxiii.-xxiv.). The events related in this book extend over a period of about 25 years from B.C. 1451 to 1426. — 3. Author. — Nothing is really known as to the authorship of the book. Joshua himself is generally named as the author by the Jewish writers and the Christian Father. Others have conjectured Phinehas, Eleazar, Samuel, Jeremiah. Von Lengerke thinks it was written by some one in the time of Josiah ; Davidson by some one in the time of Saul, or somewhat later; Masius, Le Clerc, Maurer, and others by some one who lived after the Babylonish captivity. It has been sup posed that the book as it now stands is a compilation from two earlier documents, one, the original, called Elohistic, the other supplementary, called Jeho vistic. The last verses (xxiv. 29-33) were obvi ously added by some later hand. The account of some other events may have been inserted in the book of Joshua by a late transcriber.— 4. There is extant a Samaritan Book of Joshua in the Arabic language, written in the 13th century. Josi'ah. 1. The son of Amon and Jedidah, suc ceeded his father B.C. 641, in the eighth year of his JOZABAD age, and reigned 31 yeai-s. His history is contained in 2 K. xxii.-xxiv. 30; 2 Chr, xxxiv., xxxv.; and the first twelve chapters of Jeremiah throw much light upon the general character ofthe Jews in his days. He began in the eighth year of his reign to seek the Lord ; and in his twelfth year, and for six years afterwards, in a personal progress throughout all the land of Judah and Israel, he destroyed every where high places, groves, images, and all outward signs and relics of idolatry. The temple was re stored under a special commission ; and in the course of the repairs Hilkiah the priest found that book of the Law of the Lord which quickened so remarkably the ardent zeal of the king. The great day of Josiah's life was the day ofthe Passover in the eighteenth year of his reign. After this, his endeavours to abolish eveiy trace of idolatry and superstition were still carried on. But the time drew near which had been indicated by Huldah (2 K. xxii. 20). When Pharaoh-Necho went from Egypt to Carchemish to carry on his war against Assyria (comp. Herodotus, ii. 159), Josiah, possibly in a spirit of loyalty to the Assyrian king, to whom he may have been bound, opposed his march along. the sea-coast. Necho reluctantly paused and gave him battle in the valley of Esdraelon. Josiah was mortally wounded, and died before he could reach Jerusalem. He was buried with extraordinary ho nours. It was in the reign of Josiah that a no madic horde of Scythians overran Asia (Herodotus, i. 104-106). Ewald conjectures that the 59th Psalm was composed by king Josiah during a siege of Jerusalem by these Scythians. The town ot Bethshan is said to derive its Greek name Scytho polis, from these invaders.— 2. The son of Zepha niah, at whose house the prophet Zechariah was commanded to assemble the chief men of the cap tivity, to witness the solemn and symbolical crown ing of Joshua the high-priest (Zech. vi. 9). Josi'as. L Josiah, king of Judah (1 Esd. i. 1, 7,18, 21-23, 25, 28, 29,32-34; Ecclus. xlix. 1 , 4; Bar. i. 8 ; Matt. i. 10, 11).— 2. Jeshaiah the son of Athaliah (I Esd. viii. 33 ; comp. Ezr. viii. 7). Josib'iah, the father of Jehu, a Simeonite (1 Chr. iv. 35). Josiph'iah, the father or ancestor of Shelomith, who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 10). A word is evidently omitted in the first part of the verse. It should probably read, " of the sons of Bani, She- lomith, the son of Josiphiah." Jofbah, the native place of Meshullemeth, the queen of Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 19). Jotbath, or Jot'bathah (Deut, x. 7 ; Num. xxxiii. 33), a desert station ofthe Israelites. Jo thani. 1. The youngest son of Gideon (Judg. ix. 5), who escaped from the massacre ot his brethren. His parable of the reign of the bramble is the earliest example ofthe kind. Nothing is known of him afterwards, except that he dwelt at Beer.— 2. The sou of king Uzziah or Azariah and Jerushah. After administering the kingdom for some years during his father's leprosy, he succeeded to the'throne B.C. 758, when he was 25 years old, and reigned 16 years in Jerusalem. He was con temporary with Pekah and with the prophet Isaiah. His history is contained in 2 K. xv. and 2 Chr. xxvii.— 8. A descendant of Judah, son of Jahdai (I Chr. iii 47). Jo'zabad. 1. A captain of the thousands of Ma nasseh, who deserted to David before the battle of Gilboa (1 Chr. xii. 20).— 2. A hero of Manasseh, JOZACHAR like the preceding (1 Chr. xii. 20).— 8. A Levite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13).— 4. A chief Levite in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). —5. A Levite, son of Jeshua, in the days of'Ezra (Ezr. viii. 33). Probably identical with 7.-6. A priest of the sons of Pashur, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 22).— 7. A Levite among those who returned with Ezra and had married fo reign wives. He is probably identical with Jozabad the Levite (Neh. viii. 7) ; and with Jozabad, who presided over the outer work of the Temple (Neh. xi. 16). Jo'zachar, the son of Shimeath the Ammonitess, and one of the murderers of Joash king of Judah (2 K. xii. 21). The writer of the Chronicles (2 Chr. xxiv. 26) calls him Zabad, which is nothing more than a clerical error for Jozachar. Jo'zadak, Ezr. iii. 2, 8 ; v. 2 ; x. 18 ; Neh. xii. 26. The contracted form of Jehozadak. Ju'bal, a son of Lamech by Adah, and the in ventor of the "harp and organ" (Gen. iv. 21), probably general terms for stringed and wiud in struments. Jubilee, the Year of, the fiftieth year after the succession of seven Sabbatical years, in which all the land which had been alienated returned to the families of those to whom it had been allotted in the original distribution, and all bondmen of Hebrew blood were liberated. The relation in which it stood to the Sabbatical year and the general direc tions for its observance are given Lev. xxv. 8-16 and 23-55. Its bearing on lands dedicated to Je hovah is stated Lev. xxvii. 16-25. There is no mention of the Jubilee in the book of Deuteronomy, and the only other reference to it in the Pentateuch is in Num . xxxvi. 4.— II. The year was inaugurated on the Day of Atonement with the blowing of trumpets throughout the land, and by a proclama tion of universal liberty. — 1. The soil was kept under the same condition of rest as had existed dur ing the preceding Sabbatical year. There was to be neither ploughing, sowing, nor reaping ; but the chance produce was to be left for the use of all comers. — 2. Every Israelite returned to " his pos session and to his family ;" that is, he recovered his right in tlie land originally allotted to the family of which he was a member, if he, or his ancestor, had parted with it. (a) A strict rule to prevent fraud and injustice in such transactions is laid down : — if a Hebrew urged by poverty, had to dis pose of a field, the price was determined according to the time of the sale in reference to the approach of the next Jubilee. (6) The possession of the field could, at any time, be recovered by the original proprietor, if his circumstances improved, or by his next of kin. (c) Houses in walled cities were -not subject to the law of Jubilee, (d) Houses and buildings in villages, or in the country, being re garded as essentially connected with the cultivation of the land, were not excepted, but returned in the Jubilee with the land on which they stood, (e) The Levitical cities were not, in respect to this law, reckoned with walled towns. (/) If a man had sanctified a field of his patrimony unto the Lord, it could be redeemed at any time before the next year of Jubilee, on his paying one-fifth in addition to the worth of the crops, rated at a stated valuation (Lev. xxvii. 19). If not so redeemed, it became, at the Jubilee, devoted for ever, (g) If he who had purchased the usufruct of a field sanctified it, be could redeem it till the next Jubilee, that is, as long JUBILEE, THE YEAR OP 427 as his claim lasted ; but it then, as justice required, returned to the original proprietor (ver. 22-24). — 3. All Israelites who had become bondmen, either to their countrymen, or to resident foreigners, were set free in the Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 40, 41), when it happened to occur before their seventh year of servi tude, in which they became free by the operation of another law (Ex. xxi. 2). Such was the law of the year of Jubilee, as it is given in the Penta teuch.— III. Josephus (Ant. iii. 12, §3) states that all debts were remitted in the year of Jubilee, while the Scripture speaks of the remission of debts only in connexion with the Sabbatical Year (Deut. xv. 1, 2). He also describes the terms on which the holder of a piece of land resigned it in the Jubilee to the original proprietor. Philo gives an account of the Jubilee agreeing with that in Leviticus, and says nothing of the remission of debts.— IV. There are several very difficult questions connected with the Jubilee, of which we now proceed to give a brief view: — 1. Origin of the word Jubilee. — The doubt on this point appears to be a very old one. Uncertainty respecting the word must have been felt when the most ancient versions of the 0. T. were made. Nearly all of the many conjectures which have been hazarded on the subject are di rected to explain the word exclusively in its bear ing on the year of Jubilee. Now in all such at tempts at explanation there must be an anachron ism, as the word ydbel is used in Ex. xix. 13, before the institution of the Law, where it can have nothing to do with the Year of Jubilee, or its observances. The question really is, can 731' here mean the peculiar sound, or the instrument for producing the sound? The meaning of Jubilee would seem to be, a rushing, penetrating sound. But in the uncertainty, which, it must be allowed, exists, our translators have taken a safer course by retaining the original word in Lev. xxv. and xxvii., than that which was taken by Luther, who has rendered it by Halljahr.—2. Was the Jubilee every 49th or 50th year ? — If the plain words of Lev. xxv. 10 are to be followed, this question need not be asked. The statement that the Jubilee was the 50th year, after the succession of seven weeks of years, and that it was distinguished from, not identical with, the seventh Sabbatical year, is as evident as language can make it. The simplest view, and the only one which accords with the sacred text, is, that the year which followed the seventh Sab batical year was the Jubilee, which was intercalated between two series of Sabbatical years, so that the next year was the first of a new half century, and the seventh year after that was the first Sabbatical year of the other series.— 3. Were debts remitted in the Jubilee? — Not a word is said of this in the O. T., or in Philo. The affirmative rests en tirely on the authority of Josephus. Maimonides says expressly that the remission of debts was a point of distinction between the Sabbatical year and the Jubilee. The Mishna is to the same effect. —V. Maimonides, and the Jewish writers in gene ral, consider that the Jubilee was observed till the destruction of the first temple. But there is no direct historical notice of its observance on any one occasion, either in the books of the 0. T., or in any other records. The only passages in the Prophets which can be regarded with much confidence, as referring to the Jubilee in any way, are Is. v. 7, 8, 9, 10, Ixi. 1, 2 ; Ez. vii. 12, 13, xlvi. 428 JtTCAL 16, 17, 18.— VI. The Jubilee is to be regarded as the outer circle of that great Sabbatical system which comprises within it the sabbatical year, the sabbatical month, and the sabbath day. But the Jubilee is more immediately connected with the body politic ; and it was only as a member of the state that each person concerned could participate in its pi-ovisions. It was not distinguished by any prescribed religious observance peculiar to itself, like the rites of the sabbath day and of the sabbatical month ; or even by anything like the reading of the law in the sabbatical year. But in the Hebrew state, polity and rehgion were never separated, nor was their essential connexion ever dropped out of sight. As far as legislation could go, its provisions tended to restore that equality in outward circum stances which was instituted in the first settlement of the land by Joshua. But if we look upon it in its more special character, as a part ofthe divine law appointed for the chosen people, its practical bearing was to vindicate the right of each Israelite to his part in the covenant which Jehovah had made with his fathers respecting the land of promise. Ju'cal, son of Shelemiah (Jer. xxxviii. 1). Ju'da. 1. Son of Joseph in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 30). —2. Son of Joanna, or Hana niah [Hananiah, 8] (Luke iii. 26). He seems to be certainly the same person as Abiud in Matt. i. 13.— 3. One ofthe Lord's brethren, enumerated in Mark vi. 3.-4. The patriarch Judah (Sus. 56 ; Luke iii. 33 ; Heb. vii. 14 ; Rev. v. 5, vii. 5). Judae'a, or Jude'a, a territorial division which succeeded to the overthrow of the ancient land marks of the tribes of Israel and Judah in their re spective captivities. The word first occurs Dan. v. 13 (A. V. " Jewry"), and the first mention of the " province of Judaea" is in the book of Ezra (v. 8); it is alluded to in Neh. xi. 3 (Hebr. and A. V. " Judah"), aud was the result of the division of the Persian empire mentioned by Herodotus (iii. 89-97), under Darius (comp. Esth. viii. 9 ; Dan. vi. 1). In the Apocryphal Books the word " province" is dropped, and throughout the books of Esdras, Tobit, Judith, and Maccabees, the expressions are the " land of Judaea," " Judaea" (A.V. frequently " Jewry "), and throughout tlie N. T. In the words of Josephus, " The Jews made preparations for the work (of rebuilding the walls under Nehe miah) — a name which they received forthwith on their return from Babylon, from the tribe of Judah, which being the first to arrive in those parts, gave name both to the inhabitants and the teiTitoiy" (Ant. xi. 5, §7). In a wide and more improper sense, the term Judaea was sometimes extended to the whole country of the Canaanites, its ancient in habitants (Joseph. Ant. i. 6, §2) ; and even in the Gospels we seem to read of the coasts of Judaea " beyond Jordan " (Matt. xix. 1 ; Mark x. 1). With Ptolemy, moreover, and Dion Cassius, Judaea is synonymous with Palestine-Syria. Judaea was, in strict language, the name of the third district, west of the Jordan, and south of Samaria. Its northern boundary, according to Josephus, was a village called Anuath, its southern another village named Jardas. Its general breadth was from the Jordan to Joppa. It was made a portion of the Roman province of Syria upon the deposition of Archelaus, the eth narch of Judea in a.d. 6, and was governed by a procurator, who was subject to the governor of feyria. Jtt'dah, the fourth son of Jacob and the fourth JTJDAH of Leah, the last before the temporary cessation in the births of her children. His whole-brothers were Reuben, Simeon, and Levi, elder than himself — Issachar and Zebulun younger (see Gen. xxxv. 23). Of Judah's personal character more traits are pre served than of any other of the patriarchs, with the exception of Joseph. In tlie matter of the sale of Joseph, he and Reuben stand out in favourable contrast to the rest of the brothers. When a second visit to Egypt for corn had become inevitable, it was Judah who, as the mouthpiece of the rest, headed the remonstrance against the detention of Benjamin by Jacob, and finally undertook to be re sponsible for the safety of the lad (xliii. 3-10). And when, through Joseph's artifice, the brothers were brought back to the palace, he is again the leader and spokesman of the band. So too it i§ Judah who is sent before Jacob to smooth the way for him in the land of Goshen (xlvi. 28). This ascendancy over his brethren is reflected in the last words addressed to him by his father. His sons were five. Of these, three were by bis Canaanite wife Bath-shua. They are all insignificant: two died early ; and the third, Shelah, does not come prominently forward, either in his person or his family. The other two, Pharez and ZEKAH.were illegitimate sons by the widow of Er, the eldest of the former family. As is not unfrequently the case, the illegitimate sons surpassed the legitimate, and from Pharez, the elder, were descended the royal and other illustrious families of Judah. These sons were born to Judah while he was living in the same district of Palestine which, centuries after, was repossessed by his descendants, amongst vil lages which retain their names unaltered in the catalogues of the time of the conquest. The three sons went with their father into Egypt at the time ofthe final removal thither (Gen. xlvi. 12 ; Ex. i. 2). When we again meet with the families of Judah they occupy a position among the tribes similar to that which their progenitor had taken amongst the patriarchs. The numbers of the tribe at the census at Sinai were 74,600 (Num. i. 26, 27), consider ably in advance of any of the others, the largest of which — Dan — numbered 62,700. On the borders of the Promised Land they were 76,500 (xxvi. 22), Dan being still the nearest. During the march through the desert Judah's place was in tlie van of the host, on the east side of the Tabernacle, with his kinsmen Issachar and Zebulun (ii. 3-9, x. 14). During the conquest of the country the only inci dents specially affecting the tribe of Judah are-- (1) the misdeed of Achan, who was of the great house of Zerah Gosh. vii. 1, 16-18); and (2) the conquest of the mountain district of Hebron by Caleb, and of the strong city Debir, in the same locality, bv his nephew and son-in-law Othniel (Josh. xiv."6-15, xv. 13-19). The boundaries and contents of the territory allotted to Judah are nar rated at great length, and with greater minuteness than the others, in Josh. xv. 20-63. The north boundary, for the most part coincident with the south boundary of Benjamin, began at the em bouchure of the Jordan, entered the hills apparently at or about the present road from Jericho, ran west ward to En-shemesh, probably the present Ain- Haud, below Bethany, thence over the Mount of Olives to Enrogel, in the valley beneath Jerusalem ; went along the ravine of Hinnom, under the preci pices ofthe city, climbed the hill in a N.W. direc tion to the water of the Nephtoah (probably Lifta), JUDAH, KINGDOM OE and thence by Kirjath-jearim (probably Kuriet el- Enab), Bethshemesh {Ain-Shems), Timnath, and Ekron to Jabneel on the sea-coast. On the east the Dead Sea, and on the west the Mediterranean formed the boundaries. The southern line is hard to determine, since it is denoted by places many ot which have not been identified. It left the Dead Sea at its extreme south end, and joined the Medi terranean at the Wady el-Arish. This territory, in average length about 45 miles, and in average breadth about 50, was from a very early date di vided into four main regions. (1.) The South — the undulating pasture country which intervened between the hills, the proper possession of the tribe, and the deserts which encompass the lower part of Palestine (Josh. xv. 21). — (2.) The Lowland (xv. 33 j A.V. " valley"), or, to give it its own proper and constant appellation, the Shefelah, the broad belt or strip lying between the central high lands, " the mountain", and the Mediterranean Sea ; the lower portion of that maritime plain, which extends through the whole of the sea-board of Palestine, from Sidon in the north to Rhinocolura at the south. This tract was the garden and the granary of the tribe. From the edge of the sandy tract, which fringes the immediate shore right up to the very wall of the hills of Judah, stretches the immense plain of corn-fields. —(3.) The third region ofthe tribe — THE Mountain, the " hill-country of Judah " — though not the richest, was at once the largest and the most important of the four. Beginning a few miles below Hebron, where it attains its highest level, it stretches eastward to the Dead Sea, and westward to the Shefelah, and forms an elevated district or plateau, which, though thrown into considerable undulations, yet preserves a general level in both directions. The surface of this region, which is of limestone, is monotonous enough. —(4.) The fourth district is the Wilder ness (Midbar), which here and here only appears to be synonymous with Ar&b&h, and to signify the sunken district immediately adjoining the Dead Sea. In the partition of the territory by Joshua and Eleazar (Josh. xix. 51), Judah had the first allot ment fxv. 1). The most striking circumstance in the early history of the tribe is the determined manner in which it keeps aloof from the rest — neither offering its aid nor asking that of others. The same independent mode of action marks the foundation of the monarchy after the death of Saul. Their conduct later, when brought into col lision with Ephraim on the matter of the restora tion of David, shows that the men of Judah had preserved their original character. The same inde pendent temper will be found to characterise the tribe throughout its existence as a kingdom.— 2. A Levite ancestor of Kadmiel (Ezr. iii. 9). Lord A. Hervey has shown cause for believing that the name is the same as Hodaviah and Hodevah.— 3. A Levite who was obliged by Ezra to put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 23). Probably the same person is intended in Neh. xii. 8, 36.-4. A Ben jamite, son of Senuah (Neh. xi. 9). Judah, Kingdom of. When the disruption of Solomon's kingdom took place at Shechem, only the tribe of Judah followed the house of David. But almost immediately afterwards, when Rehoboam conceived the design of establishing his authority over Israel by force of arms, the tribe of Benjamin also is recorded as obeying his summons, and con tributing its warriors to make up his army. Two JUDAH, KINGDOM OF 429 Benjamite towns, Bethel and Jericho, were included in the northern kingdom. A part, if not all, of the territory of Simeon (1 Sam. xxvii. 6 ; 1 K. xix. 3 ; comp. Josh. xix. 1) and of Dan (2 Chr. xi. 10 ; comp. Josh. xix. 41,42) was recognised as belonging to Judah ; and in the reigns of Abijah and Asa the southern kingdom was enlarged by some additions taken out of the territory of Ephraim (2 Chr. xiii. 19, xv. 8, xvii. 2). A singular gauge of the growth of the kingdom of Judah is supplied by the pro gressive augmentation of the army under successive kings. It would be out of place here to discuss the question which has been raised as to the accuracy of these numbers. So far as they are authentic, it may be safely reckoned that the population subject to each king was about four times the number of the fighting men in his dominions. Unless Judah had some other means besides pasture and tillage of acquiring wealth — as by maritime commerce from the Red Sea ports, or (less probably) from Joppa, or by keeping up the old trade (1 K. x. 28) with Egypt — it seems difficult to account for that ability to accumulate wealth which supplied the Temple treasury with sufficient store to invite so frequently the hand of the spoiler. Egypt, Damascus, Samaria, Nineveh, and Babylon, had each m succession a share of the pillage. The treasury was emptied by Shishak (1 K. xiv. 26), again by Asa (1 K. xv. 18;, by Jehoash of Judah (2 K. xii. 18), by Jehoash of Israel '(2 K. xiv. 14), by Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 8), by Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 15), and by Nebuchadnezzar (2 K. xxiv. 13). The kingdom of Judah possessed many advantages which secured for it a longer continuance than that of Israel. A frontier less exposed to powerful enemies, a soil' less fertile, a population hardier and more united, a fixed and venerated centre of administration and religion, an hereditary aristocracy in the sacerdotal caste, an army always subordinate, a succession of kings which no revolution interrupted : — to these and other secondary causes is to be attributed the fact that Judah survived her more populous and more powerful sister kingdom by 135 years, and lasted from B.C. 975 to B.C. 536. (a.) The first three kings of Judah seem to have cherished the hope of re-establishing their authority over the Ten Tribes ; for sixty years there was war between them and the kings of Israel. The victory achieved by the daring Abijah brought to Judah a temporary acces sion of territory. Asa appears to have enlarged it still farther. (6.) Hanani's remonstrance (2 Chr. xvi. 7) prepares us for the reversal by Jehoshaphat of the policy which Asa pursued towards Israel and Damascus. A close alliance sprang up with strange rapidity between Judah and Israel. Jehoshaphat, active and prosperous, repelled nomad invaders from the desert, curbed the aggressive spirit of his nearer neighbours, and made his influence felt even among the Philistines and Arabians. Amaziah, flushed with the recovery of Edom, provoked a war with his more powerful contemporary Jehoash the con queror of the Syrians ; and Jerusalem was entered and plundered by the Israelites. Under Uzziah and Jotham, Judah long enjoyed political and reli gious prosperity, till Ahaz became the tributary and vassal of Tiglath-Pileser. (c.) Already in the fatal grasp of Assyria, Judah was yet spared for a chequered existence of almost another century and a half after the termination ofthe kingdom of Israel. The consummation of the ruin came upon them in the destruction of the Temple by the hand of 430 JUDAS Nebuzaradan, amid the wailings of prophets, and the taunts of heathen tribes released at length from the yoke of David. Ju'das, the Greek form of the Hebrew name Judah, occurring in the LXX. and N.T. 1. 1 Esd. ix. 23. [Judah, 3.]— 2. The third son of Matta thias (1 Mace ii. 4). [Maccabees.]— 3. The son of Culphi, a Jewish general under Jonathan (1 Mace. xi. 70).— 4. A Jew occupying a conspicuous posi tion at Jerusalem at the time of the mission to Aristobulus [Aristobulus] and the Egyptian Jews (2 Mace. i. 10).— 5. A son of Simon, and brother of Joannes Hyrcanus (1 Mace. xvi. 2), murdered by Ptolemaeus the usurper, either at the same time (c. 135 B.C.) with his father (1 Mace. xvi. 15 ff.), or shortly afterwards.— 6. The patriarch JUDAH (Matt. i. 2, 3).— 7. A man residing at Damascus, in " the street which is called Straight," in whose house Saul of Tarsus lodged after his miraculous conversion (Acts ix. 11). Ju'das, surnamed Bar'sabas, a leading member of the Apostolic church at Jerusalem (Acts xv. 22), endued with the gift of prophecy (ver. 32), chosen with Silas to accompany Paul and Barnabas as delegates to the church at Antioch, to make known the decree concerning tbe terms of admis sion of the Gentile converts (ver. 27). After em ploying their prophetical gifts for the confirmation of the Syrian Christians in the faith, Judas went back to Jerusalem. Nothing further is recorded of him. Ju'das of Galilee, the leader of a popular revolt " in the days of the taxing" (t. e. the census, under the prefecture of P. Sulp. Quirinus, A.D. 6, A.U.C. 759), referred to by Gamaliel in his speech before the Sanhedrim (Acts v. 37). According to Josephus {Ant. xviii. 1, §1), Judas was a Gaulonite of the city of Gamala, probably taking his name of Gali- laean from his insurrection having had its rise in Galilee. His revolt had a theocratic character, the watchword of which was, " We have no Lord or master but God." Judas himself perished, and his followers were dispersed. With his fellow-insurgent Sadoc, a Pharisee, Judas is represented by Josephus as tlie founder of a fourth sect, in addition to the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. The Gaulonites, as his followers were called, may be regarded as the doctrinal ancestors of the Zealots and Sicarii of later days. Ju'das Iscar'iot. He is sometimes called " the son of Simon" (Johnvi. 71, xiii. 2, 26), but more commonly (the three Synoptic Gospels give no other name) Iscariotes (Matt. x. 4 ; Mark iii. 19; Luke vi. 16, &c). In the three lists of the Twelve there is added in each case the fact that he was the betrayer. The name Iscariot has received many interpretations more or less conjectural. The most probable are — (1) From Kerioth (Josh. xv. 25), in the tribe of Judah. On this hypothesis his position among the Twelve, the rest of whom belonged to Galilee (Acts ii. 7), would be exceptional; and this has led to — (2) From Kartha in Galilee (Kartan, A. V., Josh. sxi. 32). (3) From scortea, a leathern apron, the name being applied to him as the bearer of the bag, and = Judas with the apron. Of the life of Judas, before the appearance of his name in the lists of the Apostles, we know absolutely nothing. What that appearance implies, however, is that he had previously declared himself a disciple. He was drawn, as the others were, by the preaching of tbe Baptist, or his own Messianic hopes, or the JUDAS ISCARIOT " gracious words " of the new Teacher, to leave his former life, and to obey the call of the Prophet of Nazareth. The choice was not made, we must remember, without a. prevision of its issue (John vi. 64). We can hardly expect to solve the ques tion why such a man was chosen for such an office. The germs of the evil, in all likelihood, unfolded themselves gradually. The rules to which the Twelve were subject in their first journey (Matt. x. 9, 10) sheltered him from the temptation that would have been most dangerous to him. The new form of life, of which we find the first traces in Luke viii. 3, brought that temptation with it. As soon as the Twelve were recognised as a hody travelling hither and thither with their Master, receiving money and other offerings, and redistri buting what they received to the poor, it became necessary that some one should act as the steward and almoner of the small society, and this fell to Judas (John xii. 6, xiii. 29), either, as having the gifts that qualified him for it, or, as we may con jecture, from his character, because he sought it, or as some have imagined, in rotation from time to time. The Galilean or Judaean peasant found himself entrusted with larger sums of money than before, and with this there came covetousness, unfaithfulness, embezzlement. It was impossible after this that he could feel at ease with One who asserted so clearly and sharply the laws of faithful ness, duty, unselfishness. The narrative of Matt. xxvi., Mark xiv. places this history in close con nexion with the fact of the betrayal. It leaves the motives of the betrayer to conjecture. The mere love of money may have been strong enough to make him clutch at the bribe offered him. Mingled with this there may have been some feeling of vindictiveness, a vague, confused desire to show that he had power to stop the career of the teacher who had reproved him. There may have been the thought that, after all, the betrayal could do no harm, that his Master would prove his innocence, or by some supernatural manifestation effect his escape. Another motive has been suggested of an entirely different kind, altering altogether the character of the act. Not the love of money, nor revenge, nor fear, nor disappointment, but policy, a subtle plan to force on the hour of the triumph of the Messianic kingdom, the belief that for this service he would receive as high a place as Peter, or James, or John; this it was that made him the traitor. Ingenious as this hypothesis is, it fails for that very reason. Of the other motives that have been assigned we need not care to fix on any one, as that which singly led him on. During the days that inter vened between the supper at Bethany and the Paschal or quasi-Paschal garnering, he appeared to have concealed his treachery. At the last Sapper he is present, looking forward to the consummation of his guilt as drawing nearer eveiy hom. Then come the sorrowful words which showed him that his design was known. " One of yon shall betray me." After this there comes on him that paroxysm and insanity of guilt as of one whose human soul was possessed by the Spirit of Evil—" Satan en tered into him " (John xiii. 27). He knows that garden in which his Master and his companions had so often rested after the weary work of the day. He comes, accompanied by a band of officers and servants (John xviii. 3), with the kiss which was probably the usual salutation of the disciples. The words "of Jesus, calm and gentle as they JUDE, OR JUDAS were, showed that this was what embittered the treachery, and made the suffering it inflicted more acute (Luke xxii. 48). What followed in the confusion of that night the Gospels do not record. The fever of the crime passed away. There came back on him the recollection of the sinless righteous ness of the Master he had wronged (Matt, xxvii. 3). He repented, and his guilt and all that had tempted him to it became hateful. He hurls the money, which the priests refused to take, into the sanctuary where they were assembled. For him there is no longer sacrifice or propitiation. He is " the son of perdition " (John xvii. 12). "He departed and went and hanged himself" (Matt, xxvii. 5). He went " unto his own place " (Acts i. 25). We have in Acts i. another account of the circum stances of his death, which it is not easy to har monise with that given by St. Matthew. There it is stated — -(1) That instead of throwing the money into the temple, he bought a field with it. (2) That, instead of hanging himself, " falling headlong, he burst asunder in the midst, and all his bowels gushed out/' (3) That for this reason, and not because the priests had bought it with the price of blood, the field was called Aceldama. Re ceiving both as authentic, we are yet led to the conclusion that the explanation is to be found in some unknown series of facts, of which we have but two fragmentary narratives. Jude, or Ju'das, Lehbe'us and Thadde'us (A. V. " Judas the brother of James "), one of the Twelve Apostles ; a member, together with his namesake " Iscariot," James the son of Alphaeus, and Simon Zelotes, of the last of the three sections of the Apostolic body. The name Judas only, without any distinguishing mark, occurs in the lists given by St. Luke vi. 16; Acts i. 13; and in John xiv. 22 (where we find " Judas not Iscariot " among the Apostles), but the Apostle has been generally identified with " Lebbeus whose surname was Thaddeus " (Matt. x. 3 ; Mark iii. 18). Much difference of opinion has existed from the earliest times as to the right interpretation of the words 'loiSas 'luKc&fiov. The generally re ceived opinion is that the A. V. is right in trans lating " Judas the brother of James." But we prefer to follow nearly all the most eminent critical authorities, and render the words " Judas the son of James." The name of Jude only occurs once in the Gospel narrative (John xiv. 22). Nothing is certainly known of the later history of the Apostle. Tradition connects him with the foundation of the church at Edessa. Ju'das, the Lord's brother. Among the bre thren of our Lord mentioned by the people of Nazareth (Matt. xiii. 55; Mark vi. 3) occurs a " Judas," who has been sometimes identified with the Apostle of the same name. It has been con sidered with more probability that he was the writer of the Epistle which bears the name of "Jude the brother of James." Eusebius gives us an interesting tradition (H. E. iii. 20, 32) of two grandsons of Jude. Jude, Epistle of. I. Its authorship. — The writer of this Epistle styles himself, ver. ] , " Jude the brother of James," and has been usually iden tified with the Apostle Judas Lebbaeus or Thad- daeus (Luke vi. 16). But there are strong reasons for rendering the words " Judas the son of James:" and inasmuch as the author appears, ver. 17, to distinguish himself from the Apostles, we may JUDE, EPISTLE OF 431 agree with eminent critics in attributing the Epistle to another author. The most probable conclusion is that the author was Jude, one of the brethren of Jesus, and brother of James, not the Apostle the son of Alphaeus, but the Bishop of Jerusalem.— II. Genuineness and canonicity. — Although the Epistle of Jude is one of the so-called Antilego mena, and its canonicity was questioned in the earliest ages of the Church, there never was any doubt of its genuineness among those by whom it was known. The question was never whether it was the work of an impostor, but whether its author was of sufficient weight to warrant its admission into the Canon. This question was gradually decided in its favour. It is wanting in the Peshito, nor is there any trace of its use by the Asiatic Churches up to the commencement of the 4th century ; but it is quoted as Apostolic by Ephrem Syrus. The earliest notice of the Epistle is in the famous Muratorian Fragment (circa A.D. 170). Clement of Alexandria is the first father of the Church by whom it is recognised. Eusebius * also informs us (H. E. vi. 14) that it was among the books of Canonical Scripture, of which explana tions were given in the Hypotyposes of Clement. Origen refers to it expressly as the work of the Lord's brother. Of the Latin Fathers, Tertullian once expressly cites this Epistle as the work of an Apostle, as does Jerome. The Epistle is also quoted by Malchian, a presbyter of Antioch, and by Palladius, and is contained in the Laodicene (A.D. 363), Carthaginian (397), and so-called Apos tolic Catalogues, as well as in those emanating from the churches of the East and West, with the exception of the Synopsis of Chrysostom, and those of Cassiodorus and Ebed Jesu.— III. Time and plaee of writing. — Here all is conjecture. The author being not absolutely certain, there are no external grounds for deciding the point; and the internal evidence is but small. Lardner places it between A.D. 64 and 66, Davidson belbre A .D. 70, Credner A.D. 80, Calmet, Estius, Witsius, and Neander, after the death of all the Apostles but John, and perhaps after the fall of Jerusalem. There are no data from which to determine the place of writing. — IV. For what readers designed, — The readers are nowhere expressly defined. The address (ver, 1) is applicable to Christians generally, and there is nothing in the body of the Epistle to limit its reference.— V. Its object and contents,- — The object of the Epistle is plainly enough announced, ver. 3 : the reason for this exhortation is given ver. 4. The remainder of the Epistle is almost entirely occupied by a minute depiction of the adversaries of the faith. The Epistle closes by briefly reminding the readers of the oft-repeated prediction of the Apostles — among whom the writer seems not to rank himself— that the faith would be assailed by such enemies as he has de picted (ver. 17-19), exhorting them to maintain their own steadfastness in the faith (ver. 20, 21), while they earnestly sought to rescue others from the corrupt example of those licentious livers (ver. 22, 23), and commending them to the power of God in language which forcibly recalls the closing benediction of the Epistle to the Romans (ver. 24, 25 ; cf. Eom. xvi. 25-27). This Epistle presents one peculiarity, which, as we learn from St. Jerome, caused its authority to be impugned in very early times — the supposed citation of apocry phal writings (ver. 9, 14, 15). The former of 432 JUDGES these passages, containing the reference to the con test of'the archangel Michael and the devil " about the body of Moses," was supposed by Origen to have been founded on a Jewish work called tlie " Assumption of Moses." As regards the supposed quotation from the Book of Enoch, the question is not so clear whether St. Jude is making a citation from a work already in the hands of his readers, or is employing a traditionary prophecy not at that time committed to writing.— VI. Relation between the Epistles of Jude and 2 Peter. — It is familiar to all that the larger portion of this Epistle (ver. 3-16) is almost identical in language and subject with a part of the Second Epistle of Peter (2 Pet. ii. 1-19). This question is examined in the article Peter, Second Epistle of. Judges. The administration of justice in all early Eastern nation*., as amongst the Arabs of the desert to this day, rests with the patriarchal seniors; the judges being the heads of tribes, or of chief houses in a tribe. Thus in the Book of Job (xxix. 7, 8, 9) the patriarchal magnate is repre sented as going forth "to the gate" amidst the respectful silence of elders, princes, and nobles (comp. xxxii. 9). During the oppression of Egypt the nascent people would necessarily have few questions at law to plead. When they emerged from this oppression into national existence, the want of a machinery of judicature began to press. The patriarchal seniors did not instantly assume the 'unction, having probably been depressed by bond age till rendered unfit for it. Perhaps for these reasous Moses at first took the whole burden of judicature upon himself, then at the suggestion of Jethro (Ex. xviii. 14-24) instituted judges over numerically graduated sections of the people. These were chosen for their moral fitness, but from Deut. i. 15, 16, we may infer that they were taken from amongst those to whom primogeniture would have assigned it. The judge was reckoned a sacred per son, and secured even from verbal injuries. Seeking a decision at law is called " inquiring of God " (Ex. xviii. 15). The term "gods" is actually applied to judges (Ex. xxi. 6 ; comp. Ps. lxxxii. 1, 6). But besides the sacred dignity thus given to the only royal function, which, under the Theo cracy, lay in human hands, it was made popular by being vested in those who led public feeling. The judges were disciplined in smaller matters, aud under Moses' own eye, for greater ones. When, no we ver, the commandment, "judges and officers shalt thou make thee in all thy gates M (Deut. xvi. 18), came to be fulfilled in Canaan, there were the following sources from which those officials might be supplied: — 1st, the ex officio judges, or their successors, as chosen by Moses ; 2ndly, any surplus left of patriarchal seniors when they were taken out (as has been shown from Deut. i. 15, 16) from that class; and 3rdly, the Levites. The Hebrews were sensitive as regards the administration of justice. The fact that justice reposed on a popular basis of administration largely contributed to keep up that spirit of independence, which is the ultim ate check on all perversions ofthe tribunal. The popular aristocracy of heads of tribes, sections of tribes, or families, is found to fall into two main orders of varying nomenclature. The more com mon name for the higher order is "princes," and for the lower " elders " (Judg. viii. 14 ; Ex. ii. 14; Job xxix. 7, 8, 9 ; Ezr. x. 8). These orders wore the popular element of judicature. On the JUDGES other hand the Levitical body was imbued with a keen sense of allegiance to God as the Author of Law, and to the Covenant as His embodiment of it, and soon gained whatever forensic experience and erudition those simnle times could yield • hence they brought to th" judicial task the legal acumen and sense of general principles which com plemented the ruder lay element. To return to the first or popular branch, there is reason to think, from the general concurrence of phraseology amidst much diversity, that in every city these two ranks of " princes " and " elders " had their analogies. The Levites also were apportioned on the whole equally among the tribes ; and if they preserved their limits, there were probably few parts of Palestine beyond a day's journey from a Levitical city. One great hold which the priesthood had, in their jurisdiction, upon men's ordinary life was the custody in the Sanctuary of the standard weights and measures, to which, in cases of dis pute, reference was doubtless made. Above all these, the high-priest in the ante-regal period wns the resort in difficult cases (Deut. xvii. 12), as the chief jurist of the nation, who would in case of need be perhaps oracularly directed ; yet we hear of none acting as judge save Eli. It is also a fact of some weight, negatively, that none ofthe special deliverers called Judges, was of priestly lineage, or even became as much noted as Deborah, a woman. This seems to show that any central action of the high-priest on national unity was null, and of this supremacy, had it existed in force, the judicial pre rogative was the main element. This function of the priesthood, being, it may be presumed, in abey ance during the period of the Judges, seems to have merged in the monarchy. The kingdom of Saul suffered too severely from external foes to allow civil matters much prominence. In David's reign it was evidently the rule for the king to hear causes in person. The same class of cases which were reserved for Moses would probably fell to his lot ; and the high-priest was of course ready to assist the monarch. This is further presumable from the fact that no officer analogous to a chief justice ever appeal's under the kings. Perhaps the arrangements, mentioned in 1 Chr. xxiii. 4, xxvi, 29, may have been made to meet the need of suitors. In Solomon's character, whose reign of peace would surely be fertile in civil questions, the '' wisdom to judge" was the fitting fii'st quality (1 K. iii. 9 ; comp. Ps. lxxii. 1-4). As a judge Solomon shines « in all his glory " (1 K. iii. 16, &c). It is likely that royalty in Israel was ultimately unfavourable to the local independence connected with the judi cature of the " princes " and " elders " in the terri tory and cities of each tribe, and the Levites generally supeiseded the local elders in the admi nistration of justice. But subsequently, when the Levites withdrew from the kingdom of the ten tribes, judicial elders probably again filled the gap. One more change is noticeable in the pre-Baby Ionian period. The "princes" constantly appear as a powerful political body, increasing in influence and privileges, and having a fixed centre of action at Jerusalem ; till, in the reign of Zedekiah, they seem to exercise some of the duties of a privy council ; and especially a collective jurisdiction (2 Chr. xxviii. 21; Jer. xxvi. 10, 16). Still, although far changed from its broad and simple basis in the earlier period, the administration of justice had little resembling the set and rigid JUDGES, BOOK OF system of the Sanhedrim of later times. This last change arose from the fact that the patriarchal seniority, degenerate and corrupted as it became before the captivity, was by that event broken up, and a new basis of judicature had to be sought for. With regard to the forms of procedure little more is known than may be gathered from the two examples, Ruth iv. 2, of a civil, and 1 K. xxi. 8-14, of a criminal character ; to which, as a specimen of royal summary jurisdiction, may be added the well-known "judgment" of Solomon. There is no mention of any distinctive dress or badge as pertaining to the judicial officer. The use of the " white asses " (Judg. v. 10), by those who " sit in judgment," was perhaps a convenient distinctive mark for them when journeying where they would not usually be personally known. Judges, book of. I. Title. — As the history of the Judges occupies by far the greater part of the narrative, and is at the same time the history of the people, the title of the whole book is derived iiom that portion.— II. Arrangement. — The book at first sight may be divided into two parts — i.-xvi. and xvii.-xxi. A. i.-xvi. — The subdivisions are — (a) i.-ii. 5, which may be considered as a first introduction, giving a summary of the results of the war carried on against the Canaanites by the several tribes on the west of Jordan after Joshua's death, and forming a continuation of Josh. xii. (b) ii. 6-iii. 6. — This is a second introduction, standing in nearer relation to the following history. (c) iii. 7-xvi. — The words, " and the children of Israel did evil in the sight of the Lord," which had been already used in ii. 11, are employed to intro duce the history of the 13 Judges comprised in this book. An account of six of these 13 is given at greater or less length. The account of the remain ing seven is very short, and merely attached to the longer narratives. We may observe in general on this portion of the book, that it is almost entirely a history of the wars of deliverance. B. xvii.-xxi. — This part has no formal connexion with the pre ceding, and .is often called an appendix. No men tion of the Judges occurs in it. It contains allusions to '¦ the house of God ," theark, and the high-priest. The period to which the narrative relates is simply marked by the expression, " when there was no king in Israel " (xix. 1 ; cf. xviii. 1). It records (a) the conquest of Laish by a portion of the tribe of Dan, and the establishment there of the idolatrous worship of Jehovah already instituted by Micah in Mount Ephraim. (b) The almost total extinction ofthe tribe of Benjamin. The date is marked by the mention of Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron (xx. 28).— III. Design. — There is an unity of plan in i.-xvi., the clue to which is stated in ii. 16-19. There can be little doubt of the design to enforce the view there expressed. But the words of that passage must not be pressed too closely. It is a general review of the collective history of Israel during the time of the Judges, the details of which, in their varying aspects, are given faithfully as the narrative proceeds. The existence of this design may lead us to suspect that we have not a complete history of the times, a fact which is clear from the book itself. We have only accounts of paints of the nation at any one time.— IV. Materials. — The author must have found certain parts of his book iu a definite shape : e.g. the words ofthe prophet (ii. 1-5), the song of Deborah (v.), Jotham 's parable (ix. 7-20 : see also Com. D. B. JUDGES, BOOK OF 433 xiv. 14, 18, xv. 7, 16). How far these and the rest of his materials came to him already written is a matter of doubt. Havernick only recognises the use of documents in the appendix. Other critics, however, trace them throughout. Bertheau says that the difference of the diction in the prin cipal narratives, coupled with the fact that they are united in one plan, points to the incorporation of parts of previous histories.— V. Relation to other Books. — (A) to Joshua. — Josh, xv.-xxi. must be compared with Judg. i. in order to understand fully how far the several tribes failed in expelling the people of Canaan. The book begins with a reference to Joshua's death, and ii. 6-9 resumes the narrative, suspended by i.-ii. 5, with the same words as are used in concluding the history of Joshua (xxiv. 28-31). In addition to this the following passages appear to be common to the two books :— compare Judg. i. 10-15, 20, 21, 27, 29, with Josh. xv. 14-19, 13, 63, xvii. 12, xvi. 10. A reference to the conquest of Laish (Judg. xviii.) occurs in Josh. xix. 47. (B) to the books of Samuel and Kings.— -We find in i. 28, 30, 33, 35, a number of towns upon which, " when Israel was strong," a tribute of bond-service was levied : this is supposed bv some to refer to the time of Solomon (1 K. ix. 13"-22). The conduct of Saul towards the Kenites (1 Sam. xv. 6), and that of David (1 Sam. xxx. 29), is explained by i. 16. A refer ence to the continuance of the Philistine wars is implied in xiii. 5. The allusion to Abimelech (2 Sam. xi. 21) is explained by ch. ix. Chapters xvii.-xxi. and the book of Ruth are more independ ent, but they have a general reference to the sub sequent history. The question now arises whether this book forms one link in an historical series, or whether it has a closer connexion either with those that precede or follow it. Its form would lead to the conclusion that it was not an independent book. originally. The history ceases with Samson, ex cluding Eli and Samuel ; and then at this point two historical pieces are added, xvii.-xxi. and the book of Ruth, independent of the general plan and of each other.— VI. Date, — The only guide to the date of this book which we find in ii. 6-xvi. is the expression " unto this day," the last occurrence of which (xv. 19) implies some distance from the time of Samson. But i. 21, according to the most natural explanation, would indicate a date, for this chapter at least, previous to the taking of Jebus by David (2 Sam. v. 6-9). Again, we should at first sight suppose i. 28, 30, 33, 35, to belong to the time of the Judges ; but these passages are taken by most modern critics as pointing to the time of Solomon (cf. 1 K. ix. 21). i.-xvi. may therefore have been originally, as Ewald thinks, the com mencement of a larger work reaching down to above a century after Solomon. Again, the writer of the appendix lived when Shiloh was no longer a religious centre (xviii. 31); he was acquainted with the regal form of government (xvii. 6, xviii. 1). There is some doubt as to xviii. 30. It is thought by some to refer to the Philistine oppres sion. But it seems more probable that the Assyrian captivity is intended, in which case the writer must have lived after 721 B.C. The whole book therefore must have taken its present shape after that date. And if we adopt Ewald's view, that Judges to 2 Kings form one book, the final arrangement of the whole must have been after the thirty-seventh year of Jehoiachin's captivity, or B.C. 562 (2 K. 2 F 434 JUDGMENT-HALL xxv. 27).— VII. Chronology. — The time commonly assigned to the period contained in this book is 299 years. The dates which are given amount to 410 years when reckoned consecutively ; and Acts xiii. 20 would show that this was the computation commonly adopted, as the 450 years seem to result from adding 40 years for Eli to the 410 of this book. But a difficulty is created by xi. 26, and in a still greater degree by 1 K. vi. 1, where the whole period from the Exodus to the building of the tem ple is stated as 480 years (440, LXX.). On the whole, it seems safer to give up the attempt to ascertain the chronology exactly. The successive narratives give us the history of only parts of the country, and some of the occurrences may have been contemporary (x. 7). Judgment-Hall. The word Praetorium is so translated five times in the A. V. of the N. T. ; and in those five passages it denotes two different places. 1. In 'John xviii. 28, 33, xxix. 9, it is the residence which Pilate occupied when he visited Jerusalem. The site of Pilate's praetorium in Jeru salem has given rise to much dispute, some sup posing it to be the palace of king Herod, others the tower of Antonia ; but it has been shown else where that the latter was probably the Praetorium, which was then and long afterwards the citadel .of Jerusalem. 2. In Acts xxiii. 35 Herod's judgment- hall or praetorium in Caesarea was doubtless a part of that magnificent range of buildings, the erection of which by king Herod is described in Josephus. —The word " palace," or " Caesar's court," in the A. V. of Phil. i. 13, is a translation of the same word praetorium. It may here have denoted the quarter of that detachment of the Praetorian Guards which was in immediate attendance upon the em peror, and had barracks in Mount Palatine. Ju'dith, 1. The daughter of Beeri the Hittite, and wife of Esau (Gen. xxvi. 34).— 2. The heroine of the apocryphal book which bears her name, who appears as an ideal type of piety (Jud. viii. 6), beauty (xi. 21), corn-age, and chastity (xvi. 22 ff.). Her supposed descent from Simeon (ix. 2), and the manner in which she refers to his cruel deed (Gen. xxxiv. 25 ff.), mark the conception ofthe character, which evidently belongs to a period of stern and perilous conflict. Ju'dith, the book of, like that of Tobit, belongs to the earliest specimens of historical fiction. The narrative ofthe reign of " Nebuchadnezzar king of Nineveh" (i. 1), of the campaign of Holofernes, and the deliverance of Bethulia, through the stra tagem and courage of the Jewish heroine, contains too many and too serious difficulties, both historical and geographical, to allow of the supposition that it is either literally true, or even carefully moulded oa truth. 2. The value of the book is not, how ever, Jessened by its fictitious character. On the contrary it becomes even more valuable as exhi biting an ideal type of heroism, which was out wardly embodied in the ware of independence. It cannot be wrong to refer its origin to the Macca- baean period, which it reflects not only in its general spirit but even in smaller traits. But while it seems certain that the book is to be referred to the second century b.c. (175-100 B.C.), the attempts which have been made to fix its date within narrower limits, either to the time of the war of Alexander Jannaeus (105-4 B.C., Movers) or of .Demetrius II. (129 B.C., Ewald), rest on very inaccurate data. It might seem more natural (as JUPITER a mere conjecture) to refer it to an earlier time c. 170 B.C., when Antiochus Epiphanes made his first assault upon the Temple. 3. In accordance with the view which has been given of the cha racter and date of the book, it is prdfoable that the several parts may have a distinct symbolic mean ing. 4. Two conflicting statements have been pre served as to the original language of the book, Origen speaks of it together with Tobit as "not existing in Hebrew even among the Apocrypha " in the Hebrew collection. Jerome, on the other hand, says that " among the Hebrews the book of Judith . . . being written in the Chaldee language is reckoned among the histories." There can be little doubt that the book was written in Palestine in the national dialect (Syro-Chaldaic), 5. The text exists at present in two distinct recensions, the Greek (followed by the Syriac) and the Latin. The former evidently is the truer representative of the original, and it seems certain that the Latin was derived, in the main, from the Greek by a series of successive alterations. The Latin text contains many curious errors. At present it is impossible to determine the authentic text. 6. The existence of these various recensions of the book is a proof of its popularity and wide circulation, but the external evidence of its use is very scanty. The first refer ence to its contents occurs in Clem. Rom., and it is quoted with marked respect by Origen, Hilary, and Lucifer. Jerome speaks of it as " reckoned among the Sacred Scriptures by the Synod of Nice," It has been wrongly inserted in the catalogue at the close of the Apostolic Canons. Ju'el. 1. 1 Esd. ix. 34. [Uel.] %. 1 Esd. ix. 35. [Joel, 13.] Julia, a Christian woman at Rome, probably the wife, or perhaps the sister, of Philologus, in connexion with whom she is saluted by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 15). Julius, the centurion of " Augustus' band," to whose charge St. Paul was delivered when he was sent prisoner from Caesarea to Rome (Acts xxvii. 1, 3). Ju'nia, a Christian at Rome, mentioned by St. Paul as one of his kinsfolk and fellow-prisoners, of note among the Apostles, and in Christ before St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 7). Origen conjectures that he was possibly one of the seventy disciples. Juniper (1 K. xix. 4, 5 ; Ps. cxx. 4 ; Job xxx. 4). The word which is rendered in A. V. juniper is beyond doubt a sort of broom, Genista mono- sperma, G. raetam of Forskal, answering to the Arabic Rethem, which is also found in the desert of Sinai in the neighbourhood of the true juniper (Robinson, ii. 124). It is very abundant in the desert of Sinai, and affords shade and protection, both in heat and storm, to travellers. The Rothem is a leguminous plant, and bears a white flower. It is found also in Spain, Portugal, and Palestine. Ju'piter. Antiochus Epiphanes dedicated the Temple at Jerusalem to the service of Zeus Glyni- pius (2 Mace. vi. 2), and at the same time the rival temple on Gerizim was devoted to Zeus Xemus {Jupiter hospitalis, Vulg.). The Olympian Zeus was the national god of the Hellenic race, as well as the supreme ruler of the heathen world, and as such formed the true opposite to Jehovah. The application of the second epithet, " the God of hos pitality," is more obscure. Jupiter or Zeus is mentioned in one passage ofthe N. T„ on the occa sion of St, Paul's visit to Lystra (Acts xiv. 12, lo), JTJSHAB-HESED where the expression " Jupiter, which was before their city," means that his temple was outside the city. Ju'shab-He'sed, son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 201. Just'us. 1. A surname of Joseph called Barsa- bas (Acts i. 23). — 2. A Christian at Corinth, with whom St. Paul lodged (Acts xviii. 7).— 3. A sur name of Jesus, a friend of St. Paul (Col. iv. 11). Jut tab., a city in the mountain region of Judah, in the neighbourhood of Maon and Carmel (Josh. xv. 55). A village called Yutta was visited by Robinson, close to Main and Kurmul, which doubt less represents the ancient town. K Kabzeel, one of the " cities " of, the tribe of Judah, and apparently the farthest south (Josh. xv. 21). It was the native place of the great hero BENAiAH-ben-Jehoiada (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; 1 Chr. xi. 22). After the captivity it was reinhabited by the Jews, and appears as Jekabzeel. No trace of it appears to have been discovered in modern times. Kadesh, Ka'desh Barne'a, This place, the scene of Miriam's death, was the farthest point which the Israelites reached in their direct road to Canaan ; it was also that whence the spies were sent, and where, on their return, the people broke out into murmuring, upon which their strictly penal term of wandering began (Num. xiii. 3, 26, xiv. 29-33, xx. 1 ; Deut. ii. 14). It is probable that the term " Kadesh," though applied to signify a " city," yet had also a wider application to a region, in which Kadesh-Meribah cei'tainly, and Kadesh-Barnea probably, indicates a precise spot. Thus Kadesh appears as a limit eastward of the same tract which was limited westward by Shur (Gen. xx. 1). Shur is possibly the same as Sihor "which is before Egypt" (xxv. 18; Josh. xiii. 3; Jer. ii. 18), and was the first portion of the wilder ness on which the people emerged from the passage of the Red Sea. [Shur.] " Between Kadesh and Bered " is another indication of the site of Kadesh as an eastern limit (Gen. xvi. 14), for the point so fixed is " the fountain on tire way to Shur" (ver. 7), and the range of limits is narrowed by selecting the western one not so far to the west, while the eastern one, Kadesh, is unchanged. Again, we have Kadesh as the point to which the foray of Chedorlaomer " returned." In Gen. xiv. 7 Kadesh is identified with En-Mishpat, the " fountain of judgment," and is connected with Tamar or Hazazon Tamar. Pre cisely thus stands Kadesh-Barnea in the books of Numbers and Joshua (comp. Ezek. xlvii. 19, xlviii 28 ; Num. xxxiv. 4; Josh. xv. 3). For there is an identity about all the connexions of the two, which, if not conclusive, will compel us to abandon all possible inquiries. This holds especially as regards Paran and Tamar, and in respect of its being the eastern limit of a region, and also of being the first point of importance found by Chedorlaomer on passing round the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. In a strikingly similar manner we have the limits of a route, apparently a well-known one at ihe time, indicated by three points, Horeb, Mount Seir, Kadesh- Barnen, in Deut. i. 2, the distance between the extremes being fixed at "11 days' KADESH 435 journey," or about 165 miles, allowing 15 miles to an average day's journey. This is one element for determining the site of Kadesh, assuming of course the position of Horeb to be ascertained. The name of the place to which the spies returned is " Kadesh" simply, in Num. xiii. 26, and is there closely con nected with the "wilderness of Paran;" yet the wilderness of Zin " stands in near conjunction, as the point whence the " search " of the spies com menced (ver. 21). Again, in Num. xxxii. 8, we find that it was from Kadesh-Barnea that the mis sion of the spies commenced, and in the rehearsed narrative of the same event in Deut. i. 19, and ix. 23, the name "Barnea" is also added. Thus far there seems no reasonable doubt of the identity of this Kadesh with that of Genesis. Again, in Num. xx., we find the people encamped in Kadesh after reaching the wilderness of Zin. Jerome clearly knows of but one and the same Kadesh — " where Moses smote the rock," where "Miriam's monu ment," he says, " was still shown, and where Che dorlaomer smote the rulers of Amalek." The ap parent ambiguity of the position, first, in the wil'- derness of Paran, or in Paran ; and secondly in that of Zin, is no real increase to the difficulty. For whether these tracts were contiguous, and Kadesh on their common border, or ran into each other, and embraced a common territory, to which the name " Kadesh," in an extended sense, might be given, is comparatively unimportant. One site fixed on for Kadesh is the Ain es Sheydbeh on the south side of the " mountain of the Amorites," and therefore too near Horeb to fulfil the conditions of Deut. i. 2. Messrs. Rowlands and Williams argue strongly in favour of a site for Kadesh on the west side of this whole mountain region, towards Jebel Helal. In the map to Robinson's last edition, a Jebel el Kudeis is given on the authority of Abeken. But this spot would be too far to the west for the fixed point in tended in Deut. i. 2 as Kadesh Barnea. The indic ations of locality strongly point to a site near where the mountain of the Amorites descends to the low region of the Arabah and Dead Sea. The nearest approximation which can be given to a site for the city of Kadesh, may be probably attained by draw ing a circle, from the pass Es-Sufa, at the radius of about a day's journey ; its south-western quad rant will intersect the " wilderness of Paran," or Et-Tlh, which is there overhung by the superim posed plateau of the mountain of the Amorites; while its south-eastern one will cross what has been designated as the " wilderness of Zin.'* This seems to satisfy all the conditions of the passages of Ge nesis, Numbers, and Deuteronomy, which refer to it. The nearest site in harmony with this view, which has yet been suggested (Robinson, ii. 175), is undoubtedly the Ain el-Weibeh. To this, how ever, is opposed the remark of a traveller (Stanley, S. and P. 95) who went probably with a deliberate intention of testing the local features in reference to this suggestion, that it does not afford among its " stony shelves of three or four feet high " any proper " cliff," such as is the word specially de scribing that "rock" (A. V.) from which the water gushed. Notice is due to the attempt to discover Kadesh in Petra, the metropolis ofthe Nabathaeans (Stanley, S. and P. 94), embedded in the mountains to which the name of Mount Seir is admitted by all authorities to apply, and almost overhung by Mount Hor. A paper in the Journal of Sacred Li~ terature, April, I860, entitled A Critical Enquiry 2 F a 436 KADMTEL into the Route of the Exodus, discards all the re ceived sites for Sinai, even that of Mount Hor, and fixes on Elusa (El Kalesah) as that of Kadesh. Kad'miel, one of the Levites who with his family returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel, and appa rently a representative of the descendants of Hoda- viah, or, as he is elsewhere called, Hodaveh or Judah (Ezr. ii. 40; Neh. vii. 43). He and his house are prominent in history on three occasions ("Ezr. iii. 9 ; Neh. ix. 4, 5, *. 9). Kid monites, the, a people named in Gen. xv. 19 only ; one of the nations who at that time occu pied the land promised to the descendants of Abram. Bochart derives the Kadmonites from Cadmus, and further identifies them with the Hivites. It is more probable that the name Kadmonite in its one occurrence is a synonym for the Bene-Kedem — the " children of the East." Kalla'i, a priest in the days of Joiakim the son of Jeshua. He represented the family of Sallai (Neh. xii. 20). '- Ka'nah, one of the places which fonned the land marks of the boundary of Asher ; apparently next to Zidon-rabbah, or "great Zidon" (Josh. xix. 28 only). If this inference is correct, then Kanah can hardly be identified in the modern village K&na, six miles inland, not from Zidon, but from Tyre, nearly 20 miles south thereof. An Ain-Kana is marked in the map of Van de Velde, about 8 miles S.E. of Saida (Zidon), close to the conspicuous village Jurjua, at which latter place Zidon lies full in view (Van de Velde, ii. 437). This at least answeis more nearly the requirements of the text. Ka'nah, the Biver, a stream falling into the Mediterranean, which formed the division between the territories of Ephraim and Manasseh, the former on the south, the latter on the north (Josh. xvi. 8, xvii. 9). Dr. Robinson (iii. 135) identifies it "without doubt" with a wady, which taking its rise in the central mountains of Ephraim, near Akrabeh, some 7 miles S.E. of Nablus, enters the sea just above Jaffa as Nalir-el-Aujeh; bearing during part of its course the name of Wady Kanah. The conjecture of Schwarz (51) is more plausible — ¦ that it is a wady which commences west of and close to Nablus, at Ain-el-Khassab, and falls into the sea as Nakr Falaik, and which bears also the name of Wady aUKhassab — the reedy stream. Kare'ah, the father of Johanan and Jonathan, who supported Gedaliah 's authority and avenged his murder (Jer. xl. 8, 13, 15, 16, xii. 11, 13, 14, 16, xiii. 1, 8, xliii. 2,4, 5). ¦ Karka'a, one of the landmarks on the south boundary of the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 3). Its site is unknown. i Kar'kor, the place in which Zebah and Zal- ; munna were again routed by Gideon (Judg. viii. 10). It must have been on the east of the Jordan, beyond the district of the towns, in the open wastes inhabited by the nomad tribes. But it is difficult to believe that it can have been so far to the south as it is placed by Eusebius and Jerome, namely one day's journey (about 15 miles) north of Petra. Kar'tah, a town of Zebulun, allotted to the Me rarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 34). Kar'tan, a city of Naphtali, allotted to the Gershonite Levites (Josh. xxi. 32). In the parallel list of 1 Chr. vi. the name appeal's in the more ex panded form of Kirjathaim (ver. 76). Katt'ath, one of the cities of the tribe of Ze bulun (Josh. xix. 15). Schwarz seeks to identify KEHELATHAH it with Kana el-Jelil, — most probably the Cana of Galilee of the N. T. Ke'dar, the second in order of the sons of Ish mael (Gen. xxv. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 29), and the name of a great tribe of the Arabs, settled on the north-west of the peninsula and the confines of Palestine. This tribe seems to have been, with Tema, the chief re- presentative of Ishmael 's sons in the western portion of the land they originally peopled. The "glory of Kedar " is recorded by the prophet Isaiah (xxi. 13-17) in the burden upon Arabia; and its im portance may also be inferred from the " princes of Kedar," mentioned by Ez. (xxvii. 21), aswellas the pastoral character of the tribe. They appear also to have been, like the wandering tribes of the pre sent day, " archers " and " mighty men " (Is. xxi. 17 ; comp. Ps. cxx. 5). That they also settled in villages or towns, we find from Isaiah (xiii. 11). The tribe seems to have been one of the most con spicuous of all the Ishmaelite tribes, and hence the Rabbins call the Arabians universally by this name. As a link between Bible history and Mohammadan traditions, the tribe of Kedar is probably found in the people called the Cedrei by Pliny, on the con fines of Arabia Petraea to the south. Ke'demah, the youngest of the sons of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 31). Ke'demoth, one of the towns in the district east of the Dead Sea allotted to the tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 18) ; given to the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 37 ; 1 Chr-. vi. 79). It possibly con ferred its name on the " wilderness," or uncultivated pastureland, "ofKedemoth," (Num. xxi. 23; Deut. ii. 26, 27, &c). As in other cases we must await further investigation on the east of the Dead Sea. Ke'desh. 1. In the extreme south of Jndah (Josh. xv. 23).— 2. A city of Issachar, which ac cording to the catalogue of 1 Chr, vi. was allotted to the Gershonite Levites (ver. 72). The Kedesh mentioned among the cities whose kings were slain by Joshua (Josh. xii. 22), in company with Me giddo and Jokneam of Carmel, would seem to have been this city of Issachar.— 3. Kedesh: also Ke desh in Galilee : and once, Judg. iv. 6, Kedesh- Naphtali. One of the fortified cities of the tribe of Naphtali, named between Hazor and Edrei (Josh. xix. 37) ; appointed as a city of refuge, aud allotted with its " suburbs " to the Gershonite Levites (xx. 7, xxi. 32 ; 1 Chr. vi. 76). It was the residenceof Barak (Judg. iv. 6), and there he and Deborah assembled the tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali before the conflict (9, 10), being probably, as its name implies, a " holy place " of great antiquity. It was taken by Tiglath-Pileser in the reign of Pekah (2 K. xv. 29). Its next and last appearance in the Bible is as the scene of a battle between Jonathan Mac cabaeus and the forces of Demetrius (1 Mace. xi. 63, 73, A.V. Cades). After this time it is spoken of by Josephus as in the possession of tlie Tyi'ians— " a strong inland village," well fortified. Dr. Ro binson has with great probability identified the spot at Kades, a village situated on the western edge of the basin ofthe Ard-el-Huleh, the great de pressed basin or tract through which the Jordan makes its way into the Sea of Merom. Kades lies 10 English miles N. of Safed, 4 to the N.W. ofthe upper part of the Sea of Merom, and 12 or 13 S. of Banias. Kehela'thah, a desert encampment of the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 22), of which nothing is known. KEILAH Ke'ilah, a city of the Shefelah or lowland district of Judah (Josh. xv. 44). Its main interest consists in its connexion with David. He rescued it from an attack of the Philistines, who had fallen upon the town at the beginning of the harvest. It was then a fortified place, with walls, gates, and bars (1 Sam. xxiii. 7). During this time the massacre of Nob was perpetrated, and Keilah became the re pository of the sacred Ephod, which Abiathar the priest, the sole survivor, had carried off with him (ver. 6). The inhabitants soon plotted David's be trayal to Saul, then on his road to besiege the place. Of this intention David was warned by Divine intim ation. He therefore left (1 Sam. xxiii. 7-13). In the map of Lieut. Van de Velde (1858), the name Kila occurs attached to a site with ruins, on the lower road from Beit Jibrin to Hebron, at very nearly the right distance from B. Jibrin (almost cei'tainly Eleutheropolis), and in the neighbourhood of Beit Nusib (Nezib) and Maresa (Mareshah). Keilah the Garmite, apparently a descendant of the great Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 19). There is no ap parent connexion with the town Keilah. Kelai'ah = Kelita (Ezr. x. 23). Ke'lita, one of the Levites who returned with Ezra (Ezr. x. 23). He assisted in expounding the law (Neh. viii. 7), and signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 10). Kem'uel. 1. The son of Nahor by Milcah, and father of Aram (Gen. xxii. 21).— 2. The son of Shiphtan, and prince of the tribe of Ephraim ; one of the twelve men appointed by Moses to divide the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 24). —3. A Levite, father of Hashabiah, prince of the tribe in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 17). Ke'nan = Cainan the son of Enos (1 Chr. i. 2), whose name is also correctly given in this form in the margin of Gen. v. 9. Ke'nath, one of the cities on the east of Jordan, with its " daughter-towns " (A.V. " villages ") taken possession of by a certain Nobah, who then called it by his own name (Num. xxxii. 42). Its site has been recovered with tolerable certainty in our own times at Kenaw&t, a ruined town at the southern extremity of the Lejah, about 20 miles N. of Busrah. Ke'naz. 1. Son of Eliphaz, the son of Esau, He was one of the dukes of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 15. 42 ; 1 Chr. i. 53).— 2. One of the same family, a grandson of Caleb, according to 1 Chr. iv. 15, where, however, the Hebrew text is corrupt. Another name has possibly fallen out before Kenaz. Ke'nezite (written Kenizzite, A. V. Gen. xv. 19), an Edomitish tribe (Num. xxxii. 12 ; Josh. xiv. 6, 14). It is difficult to account for the Kenezites existing as a tribe so early as before the birth of Isaac, as they appear to have done from Gen. xv. 19. But the enumeration may be a later explan atory addition by Moses or some later editor. Ke'nite, the, and Ke'nites, the, a tribe or nation whose history is strangely interwoven with that of the chosen people. The first mention of them is in company with the Kenizzites and Kad- monites (Gen. xv. 19). Their origin is hidden from us. But we may fairly infer that they were a branch of the larger nation of Midian— from the fact that Jethro, who in Exodus (see ii. 15, 16, iv. 19, &c.) is represented as dwelling in the land of Midian, and as priest or prince of that nation is in Judges (i. 16, iv. 11) as distinctly said to have bfen ji Kenite. The important services rendered KETtTRAH 437 by the sheikh of the Kenites to Moses during a time of great pressure and difficulty, were rewarded by the latter with a promise of firm friendship between the two peoples. The connexion then commenced lasted as firmly as a connexion could last between a settled people like Israel and one whose tendencies were so ineradicably nomadic as the Kenites. They seem to have accompanied the Hebrews during their wanderings (Num. xxiv. 21, 22; Judg. i. 16; comp. 2 Chr. xxviii. 15). ' But the wanderings of Israel over, they forsook the neighbourhood of the towns, and betook themselves to freer air — to "the wilderness of Judah, which is to the south of Arad " (Judg. i. 16). But one of the sheikhs of the tribe, Heber by name, had wandered north instead of south (Judg. iv. 11). The most remarkable development of this people is to be found in the sect or family of the Rechabites. Ke'nizzite. Gen. xv. 19. [Kenezite.] Ke'ren-Hap'puch, the youngest of the daugh ters of Job, born to him during the period of his reviving prosperity (Job xiii. 14). Ke'rioth. 1. A name which occurs among the lists ofthe towns in the southern district of Judah (Josh. xv. 25). According to the A. V. (" Kerioth, and Hezron") it denotes a distinct place from the name which follows it ; but this separation is not in accordance with the accentuation of tlie Rec. He brew text, and is now generally abandoned, and the name taken as " Keriyoth-Hezron, which is Hazor." Dr. Robinson and Lieut. Van de Velde propose to identify it with Kuryetein ("the two cities "), a ruined site which stands about 10 miles S. from Hebron, and 3 from Main (Maon).— 2. A city of Moab, named by Jeremiah only (Jer. xlviii. 24). By Mr. Porter it is unhesitatingly identified with Ku- reiyeh, a ruined town of some extent lying between Busrah and Sulkhad, in the southern part of the Hauran. The chief argument in favour of this is the proximity of Kureiyeh to Busrah, which Mr. Porter accepts as identical with the BozBAH of the same passage of Jeremiah. Ke'ros, one of the Nethinim, whose descendants returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 44 ; Neh. vii. 47). Kettle, a vessel for culinary or sacrificial pur poses (1 Sam. ii. 14). The Hebrew word is also tendered " basket" in Jer. xxiv. 2, " caldron" in 2 Chr. xxxv. 13, and "pot" in Job xii. 20. Keturah, the wife whom Abraham " added and took" (A. V. "again took") besides, or after the death of, Sarah (Gen. xxv. 1 ; 1 Chr. i. 32). Ge senius and others adopt the theory that Abraham took Keturah after Sarah's death ; but probability seems against it (compare Gen. xvii. 17, xviii. 11 ; Rom. iv. 19 ; and Heb. xi. 12), and we incline to the belief that the passage commencing with xxv. 1, and comprising perhaps the whole chapter, or at least as far as ver. 10, is placed out of its chrono logical sequence in order not to break the main nar rative; and that Abraham took Keturah during Sarah's lifetime. That she was strictly speaking his wife is also very uncertain. In the record in 1 Chr. i. 32, she is called a "concubine" (comp. Gen. xxv. 5, 6). Keturah herself is by Arab writers mentioned very rarely and vaguely, and evidently only in quoting from a rabbinical writer. M. Caussin de Perceval {Essai, i. 179) has endea voured to identity her with the name of a tribe ot the Amalekites called Katoora, but his arguments are not of any weight. 438 KEY Key. The key of a native Oriental lock is a piece of wood, from 7 inches to 2 feet in length, fitted with wires or short nails, which, being inserted laterally into the hollow bolt which serves as a lock, raises other pins within the staple so as to allow the bolt to be drawn back. But it is not difficult to open a lock of this kind even without a key, viz. with the finger dipped in paste or other adhesive substance. The passage Cant. v. 4, 5, is thus probably explained. Iron Key. (From Thebes.) Kezi'a, the second of the daughters of Job, born to him after his recovery (Job xiii. 14). Kezi'z, the Valley of, one of the "cities" of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 21) and the eastern border of the tribe. Kib'roth - Hatta'avah, Num. xi. 34; marg. " the graves of lust " (comp. xxxiii. 17). From there being no change of spot mentioned between it and Taberah in xi. 3, it is probably, like the latter, about three days' journey from Sinai (x. 33), and near the sea (xi. 22, 31). If Hudherd be Hazeroth, then " the graves of lust " may be perhaps within a day's journey thence in the direction of Sinai. Kihzaiim, a city of Mount-Ephraim, given up with its " suburbs" to the Kohathite Levites (xxi. 22). In the parallel list of 1 Chr. vi. Jokmeam is substituted for Kibzaim (ver. 68). Kid. [Goat.] Kid'ron, the Brook, a torrent or valley — not a " brook," as in the A. V. — close to Jerusalem. It lay between the city and the Mount of Olives, and was crossed by David in his flight (2 Sam. xv. 23, comp. 30), and by our Lord on His way to Geth semane (John xviii. 1 ; comp. Mark xiv. 26 ; Luke xxii. 39). Its connexion with these two occur rences is alone sufficient to leave no doubt that the Nachal-Kidron is the deep ravine on the east of Jerusalem, now commonly known as the " Valley of Jehoshaphat." But it would seem as if the name were formerly applied also to the ravines surround ing other portions of Jerusalem — the south or the west; since Solomon's prohibition to Shimei to " pass over the torrent Kidron " (1 K. ii. 37) is said to have been broken by the latter when he went in the direction of Gath to seek his fugitive slaves (41, 42). But there is no evidence of the name Kidron having been applied to tlie southern or western ravines of the city. The distinguishing peculiarity of the Kidron valley — that in respect to which it is most frequently mentioned in the 0. T. — is the impurity which appears to have been ascribed to it. In the time of Josiah it was the common cemetery of the city (2 K. xxiii. 6 ; comp. Jer. xxvi. 23, "graves of the common people"). How .'ong the valley continued to be used for a burying- place it is very hard to ascertain. To the date of the monuments at the foot of Olivet we have at present no clue ; but even if they are of pre-Chris tian times there is no proof that they are tombs. At present it is the favourite resting-place of Mos lems aud Jews, the former on the west, the latter on the east of the valley. The following descrip tion of the valley of Kidron in its modern state is taken from Dr. Robinson : — From the head of the KIDRON, THE BROOK valley the dome of the Holy Sepulchre bears S, by E. The tract around this spot is very rockv. The valley runs for 15 minutes directly towards the city ; it is here shallow and broad, and in some parts tilled, though veiy stony. It now turns nearly east, almost at a right angle, and passes to the northward of the Tombs of the Kings. Here it is about 200 rods distant from the city ; and the tract between is tolerably level ground, planted with olive-trees. The valley is still shallow, and runs in the same direction for about 10 minutes. It then bends again to the south, and, following this general course, passes between the city and the Mount of Olives. Before reaching the city, and also opposite its northern part, the valley spreads out into a basin of some breadth, which is tilled, and contains plantations of olive and other fruit- trees. As the valley descends, the steep side upon the right becomes more and more elevated above it; until, at the gate of St. Stephen, the height of this brow is about 100 feet. Here a path winds down from the gate on a course S.E. by E., and crosses the valley by a bridge. Below the bridge the valley contracts gradually, and sinks more rapidly. At the distance of 1000 feet from the bridge on a course S. 10° W. the bottom of the valley has become merely a deep gully, the narrow bed of a toirent, fi-om which the hills rise directly on each side. Here another bridge is thrown across it on an arch. The valley now continues of the same character, and follows the same course (S. 10° W.) for 550 feet further ; where it makes a sharp turn for a moment towards the right. This portion is the narrowest of all ; it is here a mere ravine between high mountains. Below the short turn above mentioned, a line of 1025 feet on a course S.W. brings us to the Fountain of the Virgin, lying deep under the western hill. The valley has now opened a little ; but its bottom is still occupied only by the bed of the torrent. From here a course S. 20° W. carried us along the village of Siloam (Kefr Selmn) on the eastern 'side, and at 1170 feet we were op posite the mouth of the Tyropoeon and the pool of Siloam, which lies 255 feet within it. Further down, the valley opens more and is tilled. A line of 685 feet on the same course (S. 20° W.) brought us to a rocky point of the eastern hill, here called the Mount of Offence, over against the entrance of the Valley of Hinnom. Thence to the well of Job or Nehemiah is 275 feet due south. Below the well of Nehemiah the Valley of Jehoshaphat continues to run S.S.W. between the Mount of Offence and the Hill of Evil Counsel, so called. At about 1500 feet or 500 vards below the well the valley bends off S. 75° E. for half a mile or more, and then turns again more to the south, and pursues its way to the^Dead Sea. The width of the main valley below the well, as far as to the turn, vanes from 50 to 100 yards ; it is full of olive and fig- trees, and is in most parts ploughed and sown with grain. Further down it takes the name among the Arabs of Wady er-R&hib, ' Monks' Valley,' from the convent of St. Saba situated on it; and still nearer to the Dead Sea it is also called Wadtj en- N&r, ' Fire Valley.' The channel of the Valley of Jehoshaphat, the Brook Kidron of the Scriptures, is nothing more than the dry bed of a wintiy torrent, bearing marks of being occasionally swept over by a large volume of water. One point is unnoticed in Dr. Robinson's description, sufficiently curious and well-attosted to merit further careful investig- KIN AH ahon— -the possibility that the Kidron flows below the present surface of the ground. Dr. Barclay mentions " a fountain that bursts forth during the winter in a valley entering the Kidron from the north, and flows several hundred yards before it sinks;" and again he testifies that at a point in the valley about two miles below the city the mur- murings of a stream deep below the ground may be distinctly heard, which stream, on excavation, he actually discovered. His inference is that between the two points the brook is flowing in a subterra neous channel, as is " not at all unfrequent in Pa lestine." Ki'nah, a city of Judah, one of those which lay on the extreme south boundary of the tribe, next to Edom (Josh. xv. 22). The "town Cinah situated near the wilderness of Zin " with which Schwarz would identify it, is not to be found in his own or any other map. Kindred. I. Of the special names denoting re lation by consanguinity, the principal will be found explained under their proper heads, Father, Bro ther, &c. It will be there seen that the words which denote near relation in the direct line are used also for the other superior or inferior degrees in that line, as grandfather, grandson, &c. — II. The words which express collateral consanguinity are — 1. uncle; 2, aunt; 3. nephew; 4. niece (not in A. V.) ; 5. cousin. — III. The terms of affinity are — 1. (a) father-in-law, (b) mother-in-law ; 2. (a) son-in-law, (b) daughter-in-law ; 3. (a) brother-in- law, (6) sister-in-law. The domestic and econom ical questions arising out of kindred may be classed under the three heads of Marriage, Inherit ance, and Blood-Revenge, and the reader is referred to the articles on those subjects for inform ation thereon. Kine. [Cow.] King, the name of the Supreme Ruler of the Hebrews during a period of about 500 years pre vious to the destruction of Jerusalem, B.C. 586. The immediate occasion of the substitution of a regal form of government for that of the Judges, seems to have been the siege of Jabesh-Gilead by Nahash, king ofthe Ammonites (1 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 12), and the refusal to allow the inhabitants of that city to capitulate, except on humiliating and cruel conditions (1 Sam. xi. 2, 4-6). The conviction seems to have forced itself on the Israelites that they could not resist their formidable neighbour unless they placed themselves under the sway of a king, like surrounding nations. Concurrently with this conviction, disgust had been excited by the corrupt administration of justice under the sons of Samuel, and a radical change was desired by them in this respect also (1 Sam. viii. 3-5). Accord ingly the original idea of a Hebrew king was two fold : first, that he should lead the people to battle in time of war ; and, 2ndly, that he should execute judgment and justice to them in war and in peace ¦ (1 Sam. viii. 20). In both respects the desired end was attained. To form a correct idea of a Hebrew king, we must abstract ourselves from tlie notions of modern Europe, and realise the position of Oriental sovereigns. The following passage of Sir John Malcolm respecting the Shahs of Persia, may, with some slight modifications, be regarded as fairly ap plicable to the Hebrew monarchy under David and Solomon : — " The monarch of Persia has been pro nounced to be one of the most absolute in the world. His word has ever been deemed a law: KING 439 and he has probably never had any further restraint upon the free exercise of his vast authority than has arisen from his regard for religion, his respect for established usages, his desire of reputation, and his fear of exciting an opposition that might be dangerous to his power, or to his life" (Malcolm's Persia, vol. ii. 303). Besides being commander- in-chief of the army, sipreme judge, and absolute master, as it were, ofthe lives of his subjects, the king exercised the power of imposing taxes on them, and of exacting from them personal service and labour. And the degree to which the exaction of personal labour might be carried on a special occa sion is illustrated by King Solomon's requirements for building the temple. In addition to these earthly powers, the King of Israel had a more awful claim to respect and obedience. He was the vice gerent of Jehovah (1 Sam. x. 1, xvi. 13), and as it were His son, if just and holy (2 Sam. vii. 14 ; Ps. lxxxix. 26, 27, ii. 6, 7). He had been set apart as a consecrated ruler. Upon his head had been poured the holy anointing oil, composed of olive-oil, myrrh, cinnamon, sweet calamus, and cassia, which had hitherto been reserved exclusively for the priests of Jehovah, especially the high-priest, or had been solely used to anoint the Tabernacle of the Congreg ation, the Ark of the Testimony, and the vessels of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxx. 23-33, xl. 9 ; Lev. xxi. 10 ; 1 K. i. 39). He had become, in fact, emphat ically "the Lord's Anointed." A ruler in whom so much authority, human and divine, was em bodied, was naturally distinguished by outward honours and luxuries. He had a court of Oriental magnificence. When the power of the kingdom was at its height, he sat on a throne of ivory, covered with pure gold, at the feet of which were two figures of lions. The king was dressed in royal robes (1 K. xxii. 10 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 9) ; his insignia were* a crown or diadem of pure gold, or perhaps radiant with precious gems (2 Sam. i. 10, xii. 30; 2 K. xi. 12; Ps. xxi. 3), and ». royal sceptre. Those who approached him did him obeis ance, bowing down and touching the ground with their foreheads (1 Sam. xxiv. 8 ; 2 Sam. xix. 24) ; and this was done even by a king's wife, the mother of Solomon (IK. i. 16). Their officers and subjects called themselves his servants or slaves, though they do not seem habitually to have given way to such extravagant salutations as in the Chaldaean and Persian courts (1 Sam. xvii. 32, 34, 36, xx. 8 ; 2 Sam. vi. 20; Dan. ii. 4). As in the East to this day, a kiss was a sign of respect and homage (1 Sam. x. 1, perhaps Ps. ii. 12). He lived in a splendid palace, with porches and columns (1 K. vii. 2-7). All his drinking vessels were of gold (1 K. x. 21). He had a large harem, which in the time of Solomon must have been the source of enormous expense. As is invariably the case in the great eastern monarchies at present, his harem was guarded by eunuchs ; translated "officers" in the A. V. for the most part (1 Sam. viii. 15 ; 2 K. xxiv. 12, 15 ; 1 K. xxii. 9 ; 2 K. viii. 6, ix. 32, 33, xx. 18, xxiii. 11 ; Jer. xxxviii. 7). The law of suc cession to the throne is somewhat obscure, but i-1 seems most probable that the king during his life time named his successor. This was certainly thy, case with David (1 K. i. 30, ii. 22) ; and 'with Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 21, 22). At the same time, if no partiality for a favourite wife or son inter vened, there would always be a natural bias ot affection in favour of tlie eldest son. The following 440 KINGS, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OP is a list of some of the officers of the king : — 1. The Recorder or Chronicler, who was perhaps analogous to the Historiographer whom Sir John Malcolm mentions as an officer of the Persian court, whose duty it is to write the annals of the king's reign (His tory of Persia, c. 23). 2. The Scribe or Secretary (2 Sam. viii. 17, xx. 25 ; 2 K. xii. 10, xix. 2, xxii. 8). 3. The officer who was " over the house" (Is. xxxii. 15, xxxvi. 3). His duties would be those of chief steward of the household, and would embrace all the internal economical arrangements of the palace. 4. The king's friend (1 K. iv. 5), called likewise the king's companion. 5. The keeper of the vestry or wardrobe (2 K. x. 22). 6. The cap tain of the body-guard (2 Sam. xx. 23). 7. Distinct officers over the king's treasures, his storehouses, labourers, vineyards, olive-trees, and sycamore-trees, herds, camels, and flocks (1 Chr. xxvii. 25-31). 8. The officer over all tlie host or army of Israel, the commander-in-chief of the army (2 Sam. xx. 23 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 34; 2 Sam. xi. 1). 9. The royal counsellors (1 Chr. xxvii. 32 ; Is. iii. 3, xix. 11, 13). The following is a statement of the sources of the royal revenues: — 1. The royal demesnes, corn fields, vineyards, and olive-gardens. 2. The produce of the royal flocks (1 Sam. xxi. 7 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 23 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 3. A nominal tenth of the produce of corn-land and vineyards and of sheep (1 Sam. viii. 15, 17). 4. A tribute from merchants who passed through the Hebrew ter ritory (1 K. x. 14). 5. Presents made by his subjects (1 Sam. a. 27, xvi. 20 ; IK. x. 25 ; Ps. lxxii. 10). 6. In the time of Solomon, the king had trading vessels of his own at sea (1 K. x. 22). It is probable that Solomon and some other kings may have derived some revenue from commercial ventures (1 K. ix. 28). 7. The spoils of war taken from conquered nations and the tribute paid by them (2 Sam. viii. 2, 7, 8, 10 ; 1 K. iv. 21 ; 2 Chr. xxvii. 5). 8. Lastly, an undefined power of exact ing compulsory labour, to which reference has been already made (1 Sam. viii. 12, 13, 16). Kings, First and Second Books of, originally only one book in the Hebrew Canon, and first edited in Hebrew as two by Bomberg, after the model of the LXX. and the Vulgate. They arc called by the LXX., Origen, &c, Batri\eiuv Tptrn and rerdprv, third and fourth of the Kingdoms (the books of Samuel being the first and second), but by the Latins, with few exceptions, tertius et quartus Regum liber. The division into two books, being purely artificial and as it were mechanical, may be overlooked in speaking of them ; and it must also be remembered that the division between the books of Kings and Samuel is equally artificial, and that in point of fact the historical books commencing with Judges and ending with 2 Kings present the appearance of one work. But to confine ourselves to the books of Kings. We shall consider — I. Their historical and chronological range; — II. Their pe culiarities of diction, and other features in their literary aspect; — III. Their authorship, and the sources of the author's information ; — IV. Their relation to the books of Chronicles ; — V. Their place in the canon, and the references to them in the New Testament.— I. The books of Kings range from David's death and Solomon's accession to the throne of Israel, commonly reckoned as B.C. 1015, but ac cording to Lepsius B.C. 993, to the destruction of the kingdom of Judah and the desolation of Jeru salem, and the burning of the Temple, according to the same reckoning B.C. 588, (B.C. 586, Lepsiui —a period of 427 (or 405) years : with a sup plemental notice of an event that occurred after an interval of 26 years, viz. the liberation of Je hoiachin from his prison at Babylon, and a still further extension to Jehoiachin's death, the time of which is not known, but which was probably not long after his liberation. The history therefore com'prehends the whole time of the Israelitish mo narchy, exclusive of the reigns of Saul and David. As regards the affairs of foreign nations, and the relation of Israel to them, the historical notices in these books, though in the earlier times scanty, are most valuable, and in striking accordance with the latest additions to our knowledge of contemporary profane history. The names of Omri, Jehu, Me- nahem, Hoshea, Hezekiah, &c„ are believed to have been deciphered in tbe cuneiform inscriptions, which also contain pretty full accounts of the campaigns of Tiglath-Pileser, Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esar haddon : Shalmaneser's name has not yet been dis covered, though two inscriptions in the British Museum are thought to refer to his reign. Another most important aid to a right understanding of the history in these books, and to the filling up of its outline, is to be found in the prophets, and espec ially in Isaiah and Jeremiah. It must, however, be admitted that the chronological details expressly given in the books of Kings form a remarkable con trast with their striking historical accuracy. These details are inexplicable, and frequently entirely con tradictory. The very first date of a decidedly chronological character which is given, that of the foundation of Solomon's temple (1 K. vi. 1), is ma nifestly erroneous, as being irreconcileable with any view of the chronology of the times of the Judges, or with St. Paul's calculation, Acts xiii. 20. It is in fact abandoned by almost all chronologists, to whatever school they belong, whether ancient or modem, and is utterly ignored by Josephus. As regards, however, these chronological difficulties, it must be observed they are of two essentially different kinds. One kind is merely the want of the data necessary for chronological exactness. But the other kind of difficulty is of a totally different character, and embraces dates which are very exact in their mode of expression, but are erroneous and contra dictory. (1.) When we sum up the years of all the reigns of the kings of Israel as given in the books of Kings, and then all the years of the reigns of the kings of Judah from the 1st of Rehoboam to the 6th of Hezekiah, we find that, instead ofthe two sums agreeing, there is an excess of 19 or 20 years in Judah ; the reigns of the latter amounting to 261 years, while the former make up only 242. But we are able to get somewhat nearer to the seat of this disagreement, because it so happens that the parallel histories of Israel and Judah touch in four or five points where the synchronisms are precisely marked. These points are (1) at the simultaneous accessions of Jeroboam and Rehoboam ; (2) at the simultaneous deaths of Jehoram and Ahaziah, or, which is the same thing, the simultaneous acces sions of Jehu and Athaliah; (3) at the 15th year of Amaziah, which was the 1st of Jeroboam II. (2 K. xiv. 17) ; (4) in the reign of Ahaz, which was contemporary with some part of Pekah's, viz. according to the text of 2 K. xvi. 1, the three first years of Ahaz with the three last of Pekah ; and (5) at the 6th of Hezekiah, which was the 9th of Hoshea. Beginning with the sub-period which KINGS, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OP 441 commences with the double accession of Rehoboam and Jeroboam, and closes with the double death of Ahaziah and Jehoram, we find that the six reigns in Judah make up 95 years, and the eight reigns in Israel make up 98 years. Here there is an excess of 3 years in the kingdom of Israel, which may, however, be readily accounted for by the frequent changes of dynasty there, and the probability of fragments of years being reckoned as whole years, thus causing the same year to be reckoned twice over. Beginning, again, at the double accession of Atha liah and Jehu, we have in Judah 7+40+14 first years of Amaziah = 61, to correspond with 28+17 + 16 = 61, ending with the last year of Jehoash in Israel. Starting again with the 1 5th of Amaziah = 1 Jeroboam II., we have 15 + 52 + 16 + 3 = 86 (to the 3rd year of Ahaz), to correspond with 41 + 1 + 10 + 2 + 20 = 74 (to the close of Pekah's reign), where we at once detect a deficiency on the part of Israel of (86-74 = ) 12 years, if at least the 3rd of Ahaz really corresponded with the 20th of Pekah. Aud lastly, starting with the year following that last named, we have 13 last years of Ahaz+7 fii'st of Hezekiah = 20, to correspond with the 9 years of Hoshea, where we find another deficiency in Israel of 11 years. The discrepance of 12 years first occurs in the third period. We are told in 2 K. xv. 8 that Zachariah began to reign in the 38th of Uzziah, and (xiv. 23) that his father Jeroboam began to reign in the 15th of Amaziah. Jeroboam must therefore have reigned 52 or 53 years, not 41: for the idea of an interregnum of 11 or 12 years between Jeroboam and his son Zachariah is absurd. But the addition of these 12 years to Jeroboam's reign exactly equalizes the period in the two kingdoms, which would thus contain 86 years. As regards the discrepance of 11 years in the last period, nothing can in itself be more probable than that either during some part of Pekah's lifetime. or after his deatli, a period, not included in the regnal years of either Pekah or Hoshea, should have elapsed, when there was either a state of anarchy or the government was administered by an Assyr ian officer. (2.) Turning next to the other class of difficulties mentioned above, the following in stances will perhaps be thought to justify the opinion that the dates in these books which are intended to establish a precise chronology are the work of a much later hand or hands than the books them. selves. The date in 1 K. vi. 1 is one which is ob viously intended for strictly chronological purposes. If correct, it would, taken in conjunction with the subsequent notes of time in the books of Kings, nipposing them to be correct also, give to a year the length of the time from the Exodus to the Ba bylonian captivity, aud establish a perfect connexion between sacred and profane histoiy. But so little is this the case, that this date is quite irreconcileable with Egyptian history, and is, as stated above, by almost universal consent rejected by chronologists, even on purely Scriptural grounds. This date is followed by precise synchronistic definitions of the parallel reigns of Israel and Judah, the effect of which would be, and must have been designed to be, to supply the want of accuracy in stating the length of the reigns without reference to the odd months. But these synchronistic definitions are in continual discord with the statement of the length of reigns. According to 1 K. xxii. 51 Ahaziah suc ceeded Ahab in the 17th year of Jehoshaphat. But according to the statement of the length of Ahab's reign in xvi. 29, Ahab died in the 18th of Jeho shaphat ; while according to 2 K. i. 17, Jehoram the son of Ahaziah succeeded his brother (after his 2 years' reign) in the second year of Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat, though, according to the length of the reigns, he must have succeeded in the 1 8th or 19th of Jehoshaphat (see 2 K. iii. 1), who reigned in all 25 years (xxii. 42). [Jehoram.] As regards Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat, the statements are so contradictory that Archbishop Usher actually makes three distinct beginnings to his regnal era. From the length of Amaziah's reign, as given 2 K. xiv. 2, 17, 23, it is manifest that Jeroboam II, began to reign in the 15th year of Amaziah, and that Uzziah began to reign in tbe 16th of Jeroboam. But 2 K. xv. 1 places the com mencement of Uzziah's reign in the 27th of Jero boam, and the accession of Zachariah = the close of Jeroboam's reign, in the 38th of Uzziah, state ments utterly contradictory and irreconcileable. Other grave chronological difficulties seem to have their source in the same erroneous calculations on the part of the Jewish chronologist.— II. The pecul iarities of diction in the books of Kings and other features in their literary history, may be briefly disposed of. On the whole the peculiarities of dic tion in these books do not indicate a time after the captivity, or towards the close of it, but on the contrary point pretty distinctly to the age of Jere miah. The general character of the language is, most distinctly, that of the time before the Baby lonish captivity. But it is worth consideration whether some traces of dialectic varieties in Judah aud Israel, and of an earlier admixture of Syriasms in the language of Israel, may not be discovered in those portions of these books which refer to the kingdom1 of Israel. As regards the text, it is far from being perfect. Besides the errors in numerals, some of which are probably to be traced to this source, such passages as 1 K. xv. 6 ; v. 10, compared with v. 2 ; 2 K. xv. 30, viii. 16, xvii. 34, are manifest corruptions of transcribers. In connexion with these literary peculiarities may be mentioned also some remarkable variations in the version of the LXX. These consist of transpositions, omissions, and some considerable additions. The most important transpositions are the history of Shimei's death, 1 K. ii. 36-46, which in the LXX. (Cod. Vat.) comes after iii. 1, and divers scraps from chs. iv., v., and ix., accompanied by one or two remarks of the translators. The sections 1 K. iv. 20-25, 2-6, 26, 21, 1, are strung together and precede 1 K. iii. 2-28, but are many of them re peated again in their proper places. The sections 1 K. iii. 1, ix. 16, 17, are strung together, and placed between iv. 34 and v. 1. The section 1 K. vii. 1-12 is placed after vii. 51. Section viii. 12, 13, is placed after 53. Section ix. 15-22 is placed after x. 22. Section xi. 43, xii. 1, 2, 3, is much transposed and confused in LXX. xi. 43, 44 xii. 1-3. Section xiv. 1-21 is placed in the mid'st of the long addition to ch. xii. mentioned below. Section xxii. 42-50 is placed after xvi. 28. Chaps. xx. and xxi. are transposed. Section 2 K. iii. 1-3 is placed after 2 K. i. 18. The omissions are few. Section 1 K. vi. 11-14 is entirely omitted, and 37, 38, are only slightly alluded to at the opening of ch. iii. The erroneous clause 1 K. xv. 6 is omitted ; and so are the dates of Asa's reign in xvi. 8 and 15 ; and there are a few verbal omissions of no conse quence. The chief interest lies in the additions, of 442 KINGS, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OF which the principal are the following. Tbe sup posed mention of a fountain as among Solomon's works in the Temple in the passage after 1 K. ii. 35 ; of a paved causeway on Lebanon, iii. 46 ; of Solomon pointing to the sun at the dedication of the Temple, before he uttered the prayer, " The Lord said he would dwell in the thick darkness/' &c, viii. 12, 13 (after 53, LXX.), the information that " Joram bis brother" perished with Tibni, xvi. 22 ; an additional date " in the 24th year of Jeroboam/* xv. 8; numerous verbal additions, as xi. 29, xvii. 1, &c. ; and lastly, the long passage concerning Je roboam the son of Nebat, inserted between xii. 24 and 25. Of the other additions tbe mention of Tibni's brother Joram is the one which has most the semblance of an historical fact, or makes the exist ence of any other source of history probable. See too 1 K. xx. 19, 2 K. xv. 25. There remains only the long passage about Jeroboam. It appeal's evid ent that this account is only an apocryphal version made up of the existing materials in the Hebrew Scriptures, after the manner of 1 Esdras, Bel and the Dragon, the apocryphal Esther, and the Targums. Another feature in the literary condition of our books must just be noticed, viz. that the compiler, in arranging his materials, and adopting the very words of the documents used by him, has not always been careful to avoid the appearance of contradic tion. — III. As regards the authorship of these books, but little difficulty presents itself. The Jewish tradition which ascribes them to Jeremiah, is borne out by the strongest internal evidence, in addition to that of the language. The last chapter, espec ially as compared with the last chapter of the Chronicles, bears distinct traces of having been written by one who did uot go into captivity, but remained in Judea, after the destruction of the Temple. This suits Jeremiah. The events singled out for mention in the concise narrative, are pre cisely those of which he had personal knowledge, and in which he took special interest. The writer in Kings has nothing more to tell us concerning the Jews or Chaldees in the land of Judah, which ex actly agi ees with the hypothesis that he is Jeremiah, who we know was carried down to Egypt with the fugitives. In fact, the date ofthe writing and the position of the writer, seem as clearly marked by the termination of the narrative at xxv, 26, as in the case of the Acts of the Apostles. The annexa tion of this chapter to the writings of Jeremiah so as to form Jer. Iii. (with the additional clause con tained 28-30) is an evidence of a very ancient, if not a contemporary belief, that Jeremiah was the author of it. Going back to the xxivth chapter, we find in ver. 14 an enumeration ofthe captives taken with Jehoiachin identical with that in Jer. xxiv. 1 ; in ver. 13, a reference to the vessels of the Temple precisely similar to that in Jer. xxvii. 18- 20, xxviii. 3, 6. Brief as the narrative is, it brings out all the chief points in the political events of the time which we know were much in Jeremiah's mind; and yet, which is exceedingly remarkable, Jeremiah is never once named (as he is in 2 Chr. xxxvi. 12, 21), although the manner of the writer is frequently to connect the sufferings of Judah with their sins and their neglect of "the Word of God, 2 K. xvii. 13, seq., xxiv. 2, 3, &c. And this leads to another striking coincidence between that portion of the history which belongs to Jeremiah's times, and the writings of Jeremiah himself. De Wette speaks of the superficial character of tlie history of Jeremiah's times as hostile to the theoiy of Jeremiah's authorship. Now, considering the nature of these annals, and their conciseness this criticism seems veiy unfounded as regards the reigns of Josiah, Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah. It must, however, be acknowledged that as regards Jehoiakim's reign, and especially the latter part of it, and the way in which he came by his death, the narrative is much more meagre than one would have expected from a contemporary writer, living on the spot. But exactly the same paucity of in formation is found in those otherwise copious notices of contemporary events with which Jeremiah's pro phecies are interspersed. When it is borne in mind that the writer of 2 K. was a contemporary writer, and, if not Jeremiah, must have had independent means of information, this coincidence will have great weight. Going back to the reign of Josiah, in the xxiii. and xxii. chapters, the connexion ofthe destruction of Jerusalem with Manasseh's trans gressions, and the comparison of it to the destruc tion of Samaria, ver. 26, 27, lead us back to xxi. 10-13, and that passage leads us to Jer. vii. 15, xv. 4, xix. 3, 4, &c. The particular account of Josiah's passover, and his other good works, the reference ia ver. 24, 25 to the law of Moses, and the finding of the Book by Hilkiah the priest, with the fuller account of that discovery in ch. xxii., exactly suit Jeremiah, who began his prophetic office in the 13th of Josiah ; whose xith chap, refers repeatedly to the book thus found ; who showed his attach ment to Josiah by writing a lamentation on his death (2 Chr. xxxv. 25), and whose writings show how much he made use of the copy of Deuteronomy so found. With Josiah's reign necessarily cease all strongly marked characters of Jeremiah's author ship. For though the general unity and continuity of plan lead us to assign the whole history in a certain sense to one author, and enable us to carry to the account of the whole book the proofs derived from the closing chapters, yet it must be borne in mind that the authorship of those parts of the his tory of which Jeremiah was not an eye-witness, that is, of all before the reign of Josiah, would have consisted merely in selecting, arranging, in serting the connecting phrases, and, when necessary, slightly modernising the old histories which had been drawn up by contemporary prophets through the whole period of time. See e. g. 1 K. xiii. 32. For, as regards the sources of information, it may truly be said that we have the narrative of contem porary writers throughout. It has already been observed [Chronicles] that there was a regular series of state-annals both for the kingdom of Judah and for that of Israel, which embraced the whole time comprehended in the books of Kings, or at least to the end of the reign of Jehoiakim, 2 K. xxiv. 5. These annals are constantly cited by name as " the Book of the Acts of Solomon," 1 K. xi. 41; and, after Solomon, " the Book of the Chro nicles of the Kings of Judah, or, Israel," e. g. 1 K. xiv. 29, xv. 7, xvi. 5, 14, 20 ; 2 K. x. 34, xxiv. 5, &c, and it is manifest that the author of Kings had them both before him, while he drew up his history, in which the reigns of the two kingdoms are harmonised, and these annals constantly appealed to. But in addition to these national annals, there were also extant, at the time that the Books of Kings were compiled, separate works of the several prophets who had lived in Judah and Israel. Thus the acts of Uzziah, written by Isaiah, were very KINGS, FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OF likely identical with tbe history of his reign in the national chronicles ; and part of the history of He zekiah we know is identical in the chronicles and in the prophet. The chapter in Jeremiah relating to the destruction of the Temple (Hi.) is identical with that in 2 K. xxiv., xxv. In later times we have supposed that a chapter in the prophecies of Daniel was used for the national chronicles, and appears as Ezr. ch. i. These other works, then, as far as the memory of them has been preserved to us, were as follows. For the time of David, the book of Samuel the seer, the book of Nathan the prophet, and the book of Gad the seer (2 Sara. xxi. -xxiv. with 1 K. i. being probably extracted from Nathan's book), which seem to have been collected — at least that portion of them relating to David — into one work called *' the Acts of David the King," 1 Chr. xxix. 29. For the time of Solomon, " the Book of the Acts of Solomon," 1 K. xi. 41, consisting probably of parts of the " Book of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and the visions of Iddo the seer," 2 Chr. ix. 29. For the time of Rehoboam, " the words of Shemaiah the prophet, and of Iddo the seer concerning genealogies," 2 Chr. xii. 15. For the time of Abijah, "the story of the prophet Iddo," 2 Chr. xiii. 22. For the time of Jehosha phat, " the words of Jehu the son of Hanani/' 2 Chr. xx. 34. For the time of Uzziah, " the writings of Isaiah the prophet," 2 Chr. xxvi. 22. For the time of Hezekiah, " the vision of Isaiah the prophet, the son of Amoz," 2 Chr. xxxii. 32. For the time of Manasseh, a book called " the sayings of the seers." For the time of Jeroboam II. , a pro phecy of " Jonah, the son of Amittai, the prophet, of Gath-hepher," is cited, 2 K. xiv. 25 ; and it seems likely that there were books containing special histories of the acts of Elijah and Elisha, seeing that the times of these prophets are described with such copiousness. Ofthe latter Gehazi might well have been the .author, to judge from 2 K. viii. 4, 5, as Elisha himself might have been of the former. Possibly too the prophecies of Azariah the son of Oded, in Asa's reign, 2 Chr. xv. 1, and of Hanani (2 Chr. xvi. 7), and Micaiah the son of Imlah, in Ahab's reign ; and Eliezer the son of Dodavah, in Jehoshaphat's ; and Zechariah the son of Je hoiada, in Jehoash's ; and Oded, in Pekah's ; and Zechariah, in Uzziah's reign ; of the prophetess Huldah, in Josiah's, and others, may have been preserved in writing, some or all of them. With regard to the work so often cited in the chronicles as " the Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah," 1 Chr. ix. 1 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 11, xxvii. 7, xxviii. 26, xxxii. 32, xxxv. 27, xxxvi. 8, it has been thought by some that it Was a separate collection containing the joint histories of the two kingdoms ; by others that it is our Books of Kings which answer to this description ; but by Eichhorn, that it is the same as the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah so constantly cited in the Books of Kings ; and this fast opinion seems the best founded.— IV. As regards the rela tion of the Books of Kings to those of Chronicles, it is manifest, and is universally admitted, that the former is by tar the older work. The language, ivhich is quite free from the Persicisms ofthe Chro nicles and their late orthography, and is not at all moie Aramaic than the language of Jeremiah, clearly points out its relative superiority in regard to age. Its subject also, embracing the kingdom of Israel as well as Judah, is another indication of its 443 composition hefore the kingdom of Israel was for gotten, and hefore the Jewish enmity to Samaria, which is apparent in such passages as 2 Chr. xx. 37, xxv., and in those chapters of Ezra (i.-vi.) which belong to Chronicles, was brought to ma turity. While the Books of Chronicles therefore were written especially for the Jews after their return from Babylon," the Book of Kings was written for the whole of Israel, before their common national existence was hopelessly quenched. Another comparison of considerable interest between the two histories may be drawn in respect to the main de sign, that design having a marked relation both to the indivHual station of the supposed writers, and the peculiar circumstances of their country at the times of their writing. Jeremiah was himself a prophet. He lived while the prophetic office was in full vigour, in his own person, in Ezekiel, and Daniel, and many others, both true and false. Ac cordingly, we find in the Books of Kings great pro minence given to the prophetic office. Ezra, on the contrary, was only a priest. In his days the prophetic office had wholly falien into abeyance. That evidence of the Jews being the people of God, which consisted in the presence of prophets among them, was no more. But to the men of his gener ation, the distinctive mark of the continuance of God's favour to their race was the rebuilding of the Temple at Jerusalem, the restoration of the daily sacrifice and the Levitical worship, and the won derful and providential renewal of the Mosaic insti tutions. Moreover, upon the principle that the sacred writers were influenced by natural feelings in their selection of their materials, it seems most appropriate that while the prophetical writer in Kings deals very fully with the kingdom of Israel, in which the prophets were much more illustrious than in Judah, the Levitical writer, on the contrary, should concentrate all his thoughts round Jeru salem where alone the Levitical caste had all its powers and functions, and should dwell upon all the instances preserved in existing muniments of the deeds and even the minutest ministrations of the priests and Levites, as well as of their faithful ness and sufferings in the cause of truth. From the comparison of parallel narratives in the two books, it appears that the results are precisely what would naturally arise from the circumstances of the case. The writer of Chronicles, having the books of Kings before him, and to a great extent making those books the basis of his own, but also having his own personal views, predilections, and motives in writing, writing for a different age, and for people under very different circumstances ; and, moreover, having before him the original authori ties from which the books of Kings were compiled, as well as some others, naturally rearranged the older narrative as suited his purpose, and his tastes ; gave in full passages which the other had abridged, inserted what had been wholly omitted, omitted some things which the other had inserted, including everything relating to the kingdom of Israel, and showed the colour of his own mind, not only in the nature of the passages which he selected from the ancient documents, but in the reflections which he frequently adds upon the events which he relates, and possibly also in the turn given to some of the speeches which he records. But to say, as has been said or insinuated, that a different view of super natural agency and Divine interposition, or of the Mosaic institutions and the Levitical worship, is 444 KINGS, BOOKS OF given in the two books, or that a less historical character belongs to one than to the other, is to say what has not the least foundation in fact. Super natural agency, as in the cloud which filled the temple of Solomon, 1 K. viii. 10, 11, the appear ance ofthe Lord to Solomon, iii. 5, 11, ix. 2, seq. ; the withering of Jei'oboam's hand, xiii. 3-6 ; the fire from heaven which consumed Elijah's sacrifice, xviii. 38, and numerous other incidents in the lives of Elijah and Elisha ; the smiting of Sennacherib's army, 2 K. xix. 35 ; the going back of the shadow on the dial of Ahaz, xx. 11, and in the very fre quent prophecies uttered and fulfilled, is really more often adduced in these books than in the Chronicles. The selection therefore of one or two instances of miraculous agency which happen to be mentioned in Chronicles, and not in Kings, as indications of the superstitious credulous disposition ofthe Jews after the captivity, can have no effect but to mislead. The same may be said of a selection of passages in Chronicles in which the mention of Jewish idolatry is omitted. It conveys a false inference, because the truth is that the Chronicler does expose the idolatry of Judah as severely as the author of Kings, aud traces the destruction of Judah to such idolatry quite as clearly aud forcibly ( 2 Chr. xxxvi. 14, seq.). The author of Kings again is quite as explicit in his references to the law of Moses, and has many allu sions to the Levitical ritual, though he does not dwell so copiously upon the details. See e.g. 1 K. ii. 3, iii. 14, viii. 2, 4, 9, 53, 56, ix. 9, 20, x. 12, xi. 2, xii. 31,32; 2 K. xi. 5-7, 12, xii. 5, 11,13, 16, xiv. 6,xvi. 13, 15, xvii. 7-12, 13-15, 34-39, xviii. 4, 6, xxii. 4, 5, 8, seq., xxiii. 21, &c, besides the constant references to the Temple, and to the ille gality of highplace worship. So that remarks on the Levitical tone of Chronicles, when made for the purpose of supporting the notion that the law of Moses was a late invention, and that the Levitical worship was of post-Babylonian growth, are made in the teeth ofthe testimony of the books of Kings, as well as those of Joshua, Judges, and Samuel. The opinion that these books were compiled " to wards the end ofthe Babylonian exile," is doubtless also adopted in order to weaken as much as possible the force of this testimony.— V. The last point for our consideration is the place of these books in the Canon, and the references to them in the N. T. Their canonical authority having never been dis puted, it is needless to bring forward the testimonies to their authenticity which may be found in Jose phus, Eusebius, Jerome, Augustine, &c. They are reckoned among the Prophets, in the three fold division of the Holy Scriptures; a position in accordance with the supposition that they were compiled by Jeremiah, and contain the narratives of the different prophets in succession. They are frequently cited by our Lord and by the Apostles. Thus the allusions to Solomon's glory (Matt. vi. 29) ; to the queen of Sheba's visit to Solomon to hear his wisdom (xii. 42) ; to the Temple (Acts vii. 47, 48) ; to the great drought in the days of Elijah, and the widow of Sarepta (Luke iv. 25, 26) ; to the cleansing of Naaman the Syrian (ver. 27) ; to the charge of Elisha to Gehazi (2 K. iv. 29, comp. with Luke x. 4) ; to the dress of Elijah (Mark i. 6, comp. with 2 K. i. 8) ; to the complaint of Elijah, and God's answer to him (Rom. xi. 3, 4) ,¦ and to the raising of the Shunammite's son from the dead (Heb. xi. 35) ; to the giving and withholding the rain in answer to Elijah's prayer KIEJATHAIM (Jam. v. 17, 18 ; Eev. xi. 6) ; to Jezebel (Rev. ii, 20) ; are all derived from the Books of Kings, and with the statement of Elijah's presence at the Trans. figuration, are a striking testimony to their value for the purpose of religions teaching, and to their authenticity as a portion ofthe Word of God. Kir is mentioned by Amos (ix. 7) as the land from which the Syrians (Aramaeans) were once "brought up;" i.e. apparently, as the country where they had dwelt before migrating to the re gion north of Palestine. It was also the land to which the captive Syrians of Damascus were re moved by Tiglath-Pileser on his conquest of that city (2 K. xvi. 9; comp. Am. i. 5). Isaiah joins it with Elam in a passage where Jerusalem is threatened with an attack from a foreign army (xxii. 6). The common opinion among recent com mentators has been that a tract on the river Kur or Cyrus is intended. May not Kir be a variant for Kish or Kush (Cush), and represent the eiistera Ethiopia, the Cissia of Herodotus f Kir-Hara'seth, 2 K. iii. 25. Kir-Ha'resh, Is. xvi. 11. Kir-Hare'seth, Is. xvi. 7. Kir-He'res, Jer. xlviii. 31, 36. This name and the three preceding, all slight variations of it, are all applied to one place, probably Kir-Moab. Whether Heres refers to a worship of the sun earned on there is uncertain ; we are without clue to the meaning of the name. Kir'iah, apparently an ancient or archaic word, meaning a city or town. The grounds for con sidering it a more ancient word than Ir or Ar are — (1.) Its more frequent occurrence in the names of places existing in the country at the time of the conquest. These will be found below. (2.) Its rare occurrence as a mere appellative, except in poetiy. Kiriah may. perhaps be compared to the word " burg " or '' bury," in our own language. Closely related to Kiriah is Kereth, apparently a Phoenician form, which occurs occasionally (Job xxix. 7 ; Prov. viii. 3). This is familiar to us in the Latin garb of Carthago, and in the Parthian and Armenian names Cirta, Tigrano-Certa. As a proper name it appears in the Bible under the forms of Kerioth, Kartah, Kartan ; besides those imme diately following. Kiriatha'im, one of the towns of Moab which were the *' glory ofthe country ;" named amongst the denunciations of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 23) and Ezekiel (xxv. 9). It is the same place as KlR- J ATHA1M, in which form the name elsewhere occurs in the A. V. Kiriathia'rius, 1 Esd. v. 19. [Kirjath-je arim, and K. Arim.] Kir'ioth, a place in Moab, the palaces of which were threatened hy Amos with destruction by fire (Am. ii. 2) ; unless indeed the word means simply " the cities " — which is probably the case also in Jer. xlviii. 41. Kir'jath, the last ofthe cities enumerated as be longing to the tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 28). It Is named with Gibeath, but without any copul ative—" Gibeath, Kirjath." Whether there is any connexion between these two names or not, there seems a strong probability that Kirjath is identical with the better known place Kirjath-JeaRIM, and that the latter part of the name has been omitted by copyists at some very early period. Kirjatha'im. — 1. On the east ofthe Jordan, one of the places which were taken possession of and re- KERJATH-AEBA built by the Keubenites, and had fresh names con ferred on them (Num. xxxii. 37, and see 38), the first and last of which are known with some toler able degree of certainty (Josh. xii. 19). It is pos sibly the same place as that which gave its name to the ancient Shaveh-Kiriathaim, though this is mere conjecture. It existed in the time of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 23) and Ezekiel (xxv. 9— in these three passages the A. V. gives the name Kiriathaim). By Eusebius it appeal's to have been well known. He describes it as a village entirely of Christians, 10 miles west of Medeba, " close to the Baris." Burckhardt (p. 367, July 13) when at Madeba (Medeba) was told by his guide of a place, et-Teym, about half an hour (1J mile English, or barely 2 miles Roman) therefrom, which he suggests was identical with Kirjathaim. But it must be ad mitted that the evidence for the identity ofthe two is not very convincing. Porter pronounces confid ently for Kureiyat, under the southern side of Jebel Attarus, as being identical both with Kir jathaim aud Kirjath-Huzoth ; but he adduces no arguments in support of his conclusion, which is entirely at variance with Eusebius ; while the name, or a similar one, having been a common one east of the Jordan, as it still is, Kureiyat may be the representative of some other place.— 2. A town in Naphtali not mentioned in the original lists of the possession allotted to the tribe (see Josh. xix. 32- 39), but inserted in the list of cities given to the Gershonite Levites, in 1 Chr. (vi. 76), in place of Kartan in the parallel catalogue, Kartan being probably only a contraction thereof. Kir'jath-Ar'ba, an early name of the city which after the conquest is generally known as Hebron (Josh. xiv. 15 ; Judg. i. 10). The identity of Kirjath-Arba with Hebron is constantly asserted 'Gen. xxiii. 2, xxxv. 27 ; Josh. xiv. 15, xv. 13, 54, xx. 7, xxi. 11). Kir'jath-A'rim, an abbreviated form of the name Kirjath-jearim, which occurs only in Ezr. ii. 25. Kir jath-Ba'al, an alternative name of the place usually called Kirjath-jearim (Josh. xv. 60, xviii. 14), but also Baalah, and once Baale-oe-Judah. Kir'jath-Hu'zoth, a place to which Balak ac companied Balaam immediately after his arrival in Moab (Num. xxii. 39), and which is nowhere else mentioned. It appears to have lain between the Arnon (Wady Mojeb) and Bamoth-Baal (comp. ver. 36 and 41), probably north of the former. No trace of the name has been discovered in later times. Kir jath-Je'arim, a city which played a not un important part in the history of the Hebrews. We fii'st encounter it as one of the four cities of the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 17) : it next occurs as one of the landmarks of the northern boundary of Judah (xv. 9) and as the point at which the western and southern boundaries of Benjamin coincided (xviii. 14, 15) ; and in the two last passages we find that it bore another, perhaps earlier, name — that of the great Canaanite deify Baal, namely Baalah and Kirjath-Baal. It is reckoned among the towns of Judah (xv. 60). It is included in the genea logies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 50, 52) as founded by, or descended from, Shobal, the son of Caleb-ben- Hur. " Behind Kirjath-jearim " the band of Danites pitched their camp before their expedition to Mount Ephraim and Laish, leaving their name attached to the spot for long after (Judg. xviii. 12). [Mahaneh-dan.] Hitherto beyond the early sanctity implied in its bearing the name of KISH 445 Baal, there is nothing remarkable in Kirjath-jearim. It was no doubt this reputation for sanctity which made the people of Beth-shemesh appeal to its inhabitants to relieve them of the Ark of Jehovah, which was bringing such calamities on their un tutored inexperience (1 Sam. vi. 20, 21). In this high place the ark remaiued for twenty years (vii. 2). At the close of that time Kirjath-jearim lost its sacred treasure, on its removal by David ' are each of them tipped with black. It belongs to the family Upupidae, sub-order Tenuirostres, and order Passercs. Lasae'a (Acts xxvii. 8). Four or five years ago it would hare been impossible to give any lnf°™a" tion regarding this Cretan city, except indeed that LASHA it might be presumed to be identical with the " Lisia " mentioned in the Peutinger Table as 16 miles to the east of Gobttna. The whole matter, however, has been recently cleared up. In the month of January, 1856, a yachting party made inquiries at Fair Havens, and were told that the name Lasaea was still given to some ruins a few miles to the eastward. A short search sufficed to discover these ruins, and independent testimony confirmed the name. La'sha, a place noticed in Gen. x. 19 only, as marking the limit of the country of the Canaanites. From the order in which the names occur we should infer that it lay somewhere in the south east of Palestine. Its exact position cannot, iu the absence of any subsequent notice of it, be satis factorily ascertained. Jerome and other writers identify it with Callirhoe, a spot famous for hot springs near the eastern shore of the Dead Sea. Laah'aron, one of the Canaanite towns whose kings were killed by Joshua (Josh. xii. 18). Las'thenes, an officer who stood high in the favour of Demetrius II. Nicator. He is described as "cousin" (1 Mace. xi. 31), and "father" (1 Mace. xi. 32) of the king. Both words may be taken as titles of high nobility. It appears from Josephus (Ant. xiii. 4, §3) that he was a Cretan, to whom Demetrius was indebted for a large body of mercenaries (cf. 1 Mace x. 67). Latchet, the tbong or fastening by which the sandal was attached to the foot. It occurs in the proverbial expression in Gen. xiv. 23, and is there used to denote something trivial or worth less. Another semi-proverbial expression in Luke iii. 16 points to the fact that the office of bearing and unfastening the shoes of great personages fell to the meanest slaves. Latin, the language spoken by the Romans, is mentioned only in John xix. 20, and Luke xxiii. 38. Lattice. The rendering in A. V. of three He brew words. 1. Eshn&b, which occurs but twice, Judg. v. 28, and Prov. vii. 6, and in the latter passage is translated " casement " in the A. V. In both instances it stands in parallelism with " window." 2. Kh&raccim (Cant. ii. 9), is ap parently synonymous with the preceding, though a word of later date. 3. Seb&c&h, is simply " a network" placed before a window or balcony. Perhaps the network through which Ahaziah fell and received his mortal injury was on tlie parapet of his palace (2 K. i. 2). Laver. 1. In the Tabernacle, a vessel of brass containing water for the priests to wash their hands and feet before offering sacrifice. It stood in the court between the altar and the door of the Tabernacle, and, according to Jewish tradition, a little to the south (Ex. xxx. 19, 21 ; Eeland, Ant. Hebr. pt. i. ch. iv. 9). It rested on a basis, i. e. a foot, though by some explained to be a cover of copper or brass, which, as well as the laver itself, was made from the mirrors of the women who assembled at the door of the Taber nacle-court (Ex. xxxviii. 8). The form of the laver is not specified, but may be assumed to have been circular. Like the other vessels belonging to the Tabernacle, it was, together with its " foot," consecrated with oil (Lev. viii. 10, 11). As no mention is made of any vessel for washing the flesh of the sacrificial victims, it is possible that the laver may have been used for this purpose also (Reland, Ant. Hebr. i. iv. 9). 2. In Solo- LAW OF MOSES 453 mon's Temple, besides the great molten sea, there were ten lavers of brass, raised on bases (1 K. vii. 27, 39), five on the N. and S. sides respectively of the court of the priests. Each laver contained 40 of the measures called " bath." They were used for washing the animals to be offered in burnt- offerings' (2 Chr. iv. 6). The dimensions of the bases with the lavers, as given in the Hebrew text, are 4 cubits in length and breadth, and 3 in height. The LXX. gives 4x4x6 in height. Josephus, who appears to have followed a var. reading of the LXX., makes them 5 in length, 4 in width, and 6 in height (1 K. vii. 28; Thenius, ad loc; Joseph. Ant. viii. 3, §3). There were to each' 4 wheels of lj cubit in diameter, with spokes, &c, all cast in one piece. The principal parts requiring explanation may be thus enumerated : — (a) " Borders," probably panels. Gesenius (Ths. 938) supposes these to have been ornaments like square shields with engraved work. (5) "Ledges," joints in corners of bases or fillets covering joints. (c) " Additions," probably festoons ; Lightfoot translates, " margines oblique descen- dentes." (d) Plates, probably axles, cast in the same piece as the wheels, (e) Undersetters, either the naves of the wheels, or a sort of handles for moving the whole machine ; Lightfoot renders " columnae fulcientes lavacrum." (/) Naves. (g) Spokes. (A) Felloes, (i) Chapiter, perhaps the rim ofthe circular opening (*' mouth," ver. 31) in the convex top. {k) A round compass, perhaps the convex roof of the base. To these parts Jose phus adds chains, which may probably be the fes toons above mentioned {Ant. viii. 3, §6). Law. The word is properly used, in Scripture as elsewhere, to express a definite commandment laid down by any recognised authority. The com mandment may be general, or (as in Lev. vi. 9, 14, &c, " the law of the burnt-offering," &c.) parti cular in its bearing ; the authority either human or divine. But when the word is used with the article, and without any words of limitation, it refers to the expressed will of God, and, in nine cases out of ten, to the Mosaic Law, or to the Pentateuch, of which it forms the chief portion. The Hebrew word, torah, lays more stress on its moral authority, as teaching the truth, and guiding in the right way; the Greek Nd)ioy, on its con straining power, as imposed and enforced by a recognised authority. The sense of the word, however, extends its scope, and assumes a more abstract character in the writings of St. Paul. Niy.os, when used by him with the article, still refers in general to the Law of Moses ; but when used without the article, so as to embrace any manifestation of " law," it includes all powers which act on the will of man by compulsion, or by the pressure of external motives, whether their commands be or be not expressed in definite forms. The occasional use of the word " law " (as in Rom. iii. 27, "law of faith;" &c.) to denote an internal principle of action, does not really militate against the general rule. It should also be noticed" that the title " the Law" is occasionally used loosely to refer to the whole of the Old Testament (as in John x. 34, referring to Ps. lxxxii. 6 ; in John xv. 25, referring to Ps. xxxv. 19; and in 1 Cor. xiv. 21, referring to Is. xxviii. 11, 12). Law of Moses, lt will be the object of this article to give a brief analysis of its substance, to point out its main principles, and to explain the 454 LAW OF MOSES position which it occupies in the progress of Divine Revelation. In order to do this the more clearly, it seems best to speak of the Law, 1st, in relation to the past; 2ndly, in its own intrinsic character; and, 3rdly, in its relation to the future. (1.) (a.) In reference to the past, it is all important, for the proper understanding of the Law, to remember its entire dependence on the Abrahamic Covenant, and its adaptation theieto (see Gal. iii. 17-24). That covenant had a twofcild character. It con tained the " spiritual promise " of the Messiah, which was given to the Jews as representatives of the whole human race. But it contained also the temporal promises subsidiaiy to the former. These promises were special, given distinctively to the Jews as a nation. It follows that there should be in the Law a corresponding duality of nature, (b.) The nature of this relation of the Law to the promise is clearly pointed out. The belief in God as the Redeemer of man, and the hope of His manifesta tion as such in the person of the Messiah, involved the belief that the Spiritual Power must be supe rior to all carnal obstructions, and that there was in man a spiritual element which could rule his life by communion with a Spirit from above. But it involved aho the idea of an antagonistic Power of Evil, from which man was to be redeemed, existing in each individual, and existing also in the world at large, (c.) Nor is it less essential to remark the period of the history at which it was given. It marked and determined the transition of Israel from the condition of a tribe to that of a nation, and its definite assumption of a distinct position and office in the history of the world. (d.) Yet, though new in its general conception, it was probably not wholly new in its materials. There must necessarily have been, before the Law, commandments and revelations of a fragmentary character, under which Israel had hitherto grown up. It is the peculiar mark of legislative genius to mould by fundamental principles, and animate hy a higher inspiration, materials previously exist ing in a cruder state. So far therefore as they were consistent with the objects of the Jewish law, the customs of Palestine and the laws of Egypt would doubtless be traceable in the Mosaic system. (e.) In close connexion with and almost in con sequence of this reference to antiquity we find an accommodation of tlie Law to the temper and cir cumstances of the Israelites, to which our Lord refers in the case of divorce (Matt. xix. 7, 8) as necessarily interfering with its absolute perfection. In many cases it rather should be said to guide and modify existing usages than actually to sanction them; and the ignorance of their existence may lead to a conception of its ordinances not only erroneous, but actually the reverse of the truth. Nor is it less noticeable that the degree of promin ence, given to each part of the Mosaic system, has a similar reference to the period at which the nation had arrived. The ceremonial portion is marked out distinctly and with elaboration; the moral and criminal law is clearly and sternly decisive ; even the civil law, so far as it relates to individuals, is systematic; because all these were called for by the past growth of the nation, and needed in order to settle and develope its resources. But the political and constitutional law is comparatively imperfect; a few leading principles are laid down, to be developed hereafter but the law is directed rather to sanction the LAW OP MOSES various powers of the state, than to define and balance their operations. (/.) In close connexion with this subject we observe also tlie gradual pro cess by which the Law was revealed to the Israelites. In Ex. xx.-xxiii., in direct connexion with the re velation from Mount Sinai, that which may be called the rough outline of the Mosaic Law is given hy God, solemnly recorded by Moses, and accepted by the people. In Ex. xxv.-xxxi. there is a similar outline of the Mosaic ceremonial. Oa the basis of these it may be conceived that the fabric of the Mosaic system gradually grew up under the require ments of the time. The first revelation of the Law in anything like a perfect form is found in the book of Deuteronomy. Yet even then the revelation was not final ; it was the duty of the prophets to amend and explain it in special points (Ez. xviii.), and to bring out more clearly its great principles. (ii.) In giving an analysis of the substance of the Law, it will probably be better to treat it, as any other system of laws is usually treated, by dividing it into — (I.) Laws Civil; (II.) Laws Criminal; (III.) Laws Judicial and Constitutional; (IV.) Laws Ecclesiastical and Ceremonial. (I.) Laws Civil. (A) Of Persons. (a) Father and Son. — The power of a Father to be held sacred ; cursing, or smiting (Ex. xxi. 15, 11 ; Lev. xx. 9), or stubborn and wilful disobedience, to be consi dered capital crimes. But uncontrolled power of life and death was apparently refused to the father, and vested only in tbe congregation (Deut. xxi. 18-21). Bight of the first-born to a double portion of the inheritance not to be set aside by partiality (Deut. xxi. 15-lt). Inheritance by Daughters to be allowed in default of sons, provided (Num. xxvii. 6-8, comp. xxxvi.) that heiresses married in their own tribe. Daughters unmarried to be entirely dependent on their father (Num. xxx. 3-5). (&) Husband and Wife. — The power of a Eusband to be so great that a wife could never he sui jwis, or enter independently into any engagement, even before God (Num. xxx. 6-15). A widow or divorced wife became independent, and did not again fall under her father's power (ver. 9). Divorce (for uncleanness) aUowed, hut to be formal and irrevocable (Deut. xxiv. 1-4). Marriage within certain degrees forbidden (Lev. xviii. &c). A Slave Wife, whether bought or captive, not to be actual property, nor to be sold ; if ill-treated; to be ipso facto free (Ex. xxi. »-9 ; Deut xxi. 10-14). Slander against a wife's virginity, to be punished by fine, and by deprival of power of divorce; on the other hand, ante-connubial uncleanness in her to be punished by death (Deut. xxii. 13-21). The raising up of seed (Levirate law) a formal right to be claimed by the widow, under pain of infamy, with a view to preservation of families (Deut. xxv. 5-10). (c) Master and Slave.— Power of Master so far limited, that death under actual chastisement was punishable (Ex. xxi. 20) ; and maiming was to give liberty ipso facto (ver. 26, 21). The Hebrew Slave to be freed at the sabbatical year," and provided with necessaries (his wife and children to go with only if they came to his master with him), unless by his own formal act he consented to be a per petual slave (Ex. xxi. 1-6; Deut. xv. 12-18). In any case, It would seem, to be freed at the jubilee (Lev. xxv. 10), with bis children. If sold to a resident alien, to he always redeemable, at a price proportional to the distance of the jubilee ( Lev. xxv. 41-54). Foreign Slaves to be held and Inherited as property for ever (Lev. xxv. 45, 46) ; and. fugitive slaves from foreign nations not to be given up (Deut. xxiii. 15). ° The difficulty of enforcing this law is seen in Jer. xxxiv. 8-16. LAW OP MOSES (d) Strangers.— Tbey seem never to have been sui juris, or able to protect themselves, and accordingly pro tection and kindness towards them are enjoinedas a sacred duty (Ex. xxii. 21 ; Lev. xix. 33, 34). (B) Law of Things. (a) Laws op Land (and Property).— (1) All Land to te the property of God alone, and Its holders to be deemed His tenants (Lev. xxv. 23). (2) All sold Land therefore to return to its original owners at the Jubilee, and the price of sale to be calculated accordingly ; and redemption on equitable terms lo be allowed at all times (xxv. 25-27). A Souse sold to be redeemable within a year ; and, if not redeemed, to pass away altogether (xxv. 29, 30). But the Souses of tlie Levites, or those in unwalled villages to be redeemable at all times, In the same way as land ; and the Levitical suburbs to be Inalienable (xxv. 31-34). (3) Land or Souses sanctified, or tithes, or unclean firstlings to be capable of being redeemed, at jj value (calculated according to the distance from the Jubilee-year by the priest) ; if devoted by the owner and unredeemed, to be hallowed at the jubilee for ever, and given to the priests ; if only by a possessor, to return to the owner at the Jubilee (Lev. xxvii. 14-34). (4) Inheritance. LAW OF MOSES 455 (1) Sons. | (2) Daughters.* (3) Brothers. (4) Uncles on the Father's side. (5) Next Kinsmen, generally. (Jb) Laws of Debt. — (1) All Debts (to an Israelite) to be released at the 7th (sabbatical) year; a blessing pro mised to obedience, and a curse on refusal to lend (Deut. xv. 1-11). (2) Usury (from Israelites) not to be taken (Ex. xxlt. 25-27 ; Deut. xxiii. 19, 20). (3) Pledges not to be insolently or ruinously exacted (Deut. xxiv. 6, 10-13, 17, 18). (c) Taxation.— (1) Census-money, a poll-tax (of a half- shekel), to be paid for the service of the tabernacle (Ex, xxx. 12-16). All spoil in war to be halved ; of the com batant's half, 3Q(jth, of the people's, ^th, to be paid for a "heave-offering" to Jehovah. (2) Tithes, (a) Tithes of all produce to be given for maintenance of the Levites (Num. xviii. 20-24). (Of this ¦jUth to be paid as a heave-offering for maintenance of the priests .... 24-32. O) Second Tithe to be bestowed in religious feasting and charity, either at the Holy Place, or every 3rd year at home (?) (Deut. xiv. 22-2h). (y) First Fruits of coro, wine, and oil (at least ^th, generally ^th, for the priests) to be offered at Jerusalem, with a solemn declaration of dependence ou God the King of Israel (Deut. xxvi. 1-15; Num. xviii. 12, 13). Firstlings of clean beasts ; the redemption -money (5 shekels) of man, and (i shekel, or 1 shekel) of unclean beasts, to be given to the priests after sacrifice (Num. xviii. 15-18). (3) Poor Laws, (a) Gleanings (in field or vineyard) to be a legal right ot the poor (Lev. xix. 9, 10 ; Deut. xxiv. 19-22). (/3) Slight Trespass (eating on the spot) to be allowed as legal (Deui. xxiii. 24, 25). (y) Second Tithe (see 2 /3) to be given in charity. (S) Wages to be paid day by day (Deut. xxiv. 15). (4) Maintenance of Priests (Num. xviii. 8-32). (a) Tenth of Levites' Titlie. (See 2 a). (0) The heave and wave-offerings (breast and right shoulder of all peace- offerings), (y) Tlie meat and sin-offerings, to be eaten solemnly, and only in the hoty place. (S) First Fruits and redemption money. (See 2 y). (e) Price of all de voted things, unless specially given for a sacred service. A man's service, or that of his household, to be redeemed at 50 shekels for man, 30 for woman, 20 for boy, and 10 for girl. fc Heiresses to marry in their own tribe (Num. xxvii. fi-8, xxxvi.). (II.) Laws Criminal. (A) Offences against God (of the nature of treason). 1st Command. Acknowledgment of false gods (Ex. xxii. 20), as e. g. Molech (Lev. xx. 1-5), and generally all idolatry (Deut. xiii., xvii. 2-5). 2nd Command. Witchcraft and false prophecy (Ex. xxii. 18; Deut. xviii. 9-22; Lev. xix. 31). 3rd Command. Bjfitsphemy (Lev. xxiv, 15, 16). 4th Command. Sabbath-breaking (Num. xv. 32-36). Punishment in all cases, death by stoning. Idolatrous cities to be utterly destroyed. (B) Offences against Man. 5th Command. Disobedience to or cursing or smiting of parents (Ex. xxi. I£, 17 ; Lev. xx. 9 ; Deut. xxi. 18-21), to be punished by death by stoning, publicly adjudged and inflicted ; so also of disobedience to the priests (as judges) or Supreme Judge. Comp. 1 K. xxi. 10-14= (Naboth) ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 21 (Zechariah). 6th Command. (1) Murder, to be punished by death without sanctuary or reprieve, or satisfaction (Ex. xxi. 12, 14; Deut. xix. 11-13). Death of a slave, actually under the rod, to be punished (Ex. xxi. 20, 21). (2) Death by negligence, to be punished by death (Ex. xxi. 28-30). (3) Accidental Somicide : the avenger of blood to be escaped by flight to the cities of refuge till the death, of the high-priest (Num. xxxv. 9-28 ; Deut. iv. 41-43 ; xix. 4-1 0). (4) Uncertain Murder, to be expiated by formal disavowal and sacrifice by the elders of the nearest city (Deut. xxi. 1-9). (5) Assault to be punished by lex talionis, or damages (Ex. xxi. 18, 19, 22-25 ; Lev. xxiv. 19, 20). 7 th Command. (1) Adultery to be punished by death of both offenders ; the rape of a married or betrothed woman, by death of the offender (Deut. xxii. 13-27). (2) Rape or Seduction of an unbetrothed virgin, to be compensated by marriage, with dowry (50 shekels), and without power of divorce; or, if she be refused, by pay ment of full dowry (Ex. xxii. 16, 17; Deut. xxii. 28, 29). (3) Unlawful Marriages (incestuous, &c), to be punished, some by death, some by childlessness (Lev. xx.). 8th Command. (1) Theft to be punished by fourfold or double restitution; a nocturnal robber might be slaty as an outlaw (Ex. xxii. 1-4). (2) Trespass and injury ol things lent to be compensated (Ex. xxii. 5-15). (3) Per version of Justice (by bribes, threats, &c). and especially oppression of strangers, strictly forbidden (Ex. xxiii. 9, &&). (4) Kidnapping to be punished by death (Deut. xxiv. 7). 9th G>mmand. False Witness; to be punished by lex talionis (Ex. xxiii. 1-3 ; Deut. xix. 1 6-21). Slander of a wile's chastity, by fine and loss of power of divorce (Deut. xxii. 18, 19). A fullei consideration of the tables of the Ten Com* mandments is given elsewhere. [Ten Commandments.-) (III.) Laws Jcdicial and Constitutional. (A) Jurisdiction. (a) Local Judges (generally Levites, as more skilled in the Law) appointed, for ordinary matters, probably by the people with approbation of the supreme authority (as of Moses in the wilderness) (Ex. xviii. 25 ; Deut. i. 15-18;. through all the land (Deut. xvi. 18). (6) Appeal to the Priests (at the holy place), or to the judge; their sentence final, and to be accepted under pain of death. See Deut. xvii. 8-13 (comp. appeal to Moses, Ex. xviii. 26). (c) Two witnesses (at least) required in capital matters (Num. xxxv. 30; Deut. xvii. 6, 7). (d) Punishment (except by- special command), to be personal, and not to extend to the family (Deut. xxiv. 1 6). Stripes allowed and limited (Deut. xxv. 1-3), so as to avoid outrage on the human frame. AU this would be to a great extent set aside— 1st. By the summary jurisdiction of the king (see 1 Sam. xxii, 11-19 (Saul); 2 Sam. xii. 1-5, xiv. 4-11; 1 K. iii. 16-28), which extended even to the deposition of the high-priest (1 Sam. xxii. 17, 18 ; 1 K. ii. 26, 27). The practical diffi culty of its being carried out is seen in 2 Sam. xv. 2-6, and would lead of course to a certain delegation of his power. 2nd. By the appointment of the Seventy (Num. xi. 24-30) 456 LAW OF MOSES with a solemn religious sanction. In later times there was a local Sanhedrim of 23 in each city, and two such In Jerusalem, as well as the Great Sanhedrim, consisting of 70 members, besides the president, who was to be the high-priest if duly qualified, and controlling even the king and high-priest. The members were priests, scribes (Levites), and elders (of other tribes). A court of exactly this nature is noticed, as appointed to supreme power by Jehoshaphat. (See 2 Chr. xix. 8-11). (B) Royal Power. Tlie King's Power limited by the Law, as written and formally accepted by the king: and directly forbidden to be despotic0 (Deut. xvii. 14-20; comp. 1 Sam. x. 25). Yet he had power of taxation (to -^th) ; and of compulsory service (1 Sam. viii. 10-18) ; the declaration of war (1 Sam. xi.), &c. There are distinct traces of a " mutual contract " (2 Sam. v. 3 ; a " league," 2 K. xi. 17) ; the remon strance with Rehoboam being clearly not extraordinary (1 K. xii. 1-6). The Princes of the Congregation. The beads of the tribes (see Josh. ix. 15) seem to have had authority under Joshua to act for the people (comp. 1 Chr. xxvii. 16-22); and in the later times " the princes of Judah" seem to have had power to control both the king and the priests (see Jer. xxvi. 10-24, xxxviii. 4, 5, &c). (C) Royal Revenue. (1) Tenth of produce. (2) Domain land (1 Chr. x*xvii. 26-29). Note confiscation of criminal's land (1 K. xxi. 15). (3) Bond service (1 K. v. 17, 18), chiefly on foreigners (1 K. ix. 20-22; 2 Chr. ii. 16, 17). (4) Flocks and herds (1 Chr. xxvii. 29-31). (5) Tributes (gifts) from foreign kings. (6) Commerce ; especially in Solomon's time (1 K. x. 22, 29, &c). (IV.) Ecclesiastical and Ceremonial Law. (A) Law of Sacrifice (considered as the sign and the appointed means of the union with God, on which the holiness of the people depended). (1) Ordinary Sacrifices. (a) The whole Burnt- Offering (Lev. i.) of the herd or the flock ; to be offered continually (Ex. xxix. 38-42); and the fire on the altar never to be extin guished (Lev, vi. 8-13). (fi) The Meat-Offei-ing (Lev. ii., vi. 14-23) of flour oil, and frankincense, unleavened, and seasoned with salt. (y) The Peace-Offering (Lev. iii., vii. 11-21) of the herd or the flock ; either a thank-offering, or a vow, or freewill offering. (5) The Sin-Offering, or Trespass- Offering (Lev. iv., v., vi.). (a) For sins committed in ignorance (Lev. iv.). (b) For vows unwittingly made and broken, or uncleanness unwittingly contracted (Lev. v.). (c) For sins wittingly committed (Lev. vi. 1-7). '2) Extraordinary Sacrifices. ; (a) At the Consecration of Priests (Lev. viii., ix.). (S) At the Purification of Women (Lev. xii.). (y) At the Cleansing of Lepers (Lev. xiii., xiv.). (&) On the Great Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi.). (e) On the great Festivals (Lev. xxiii.). (B) Law of Holiness (arising from the union with God through sacrifice). (1) Holiness of Persons. (a) Soilness of the whole people as "children of God" (Ex. xix. 5, 6; Lev. xi.-xv., xvii., xviii.; Deut. xiv. 1-21), shown in (a) The Dedication of the first-born (Ex. xiii. 2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, 30, &c.) ; and the offering of all firstlings and first-fruits (Deut. xxvi., &c). c Military conquest discouraged oy the prohibition of the use of horses. (See Josh. xi. 6.) For an example of obe dience to this law see 2 Sam. viii. 4, and of disobedience to it in 1 K. x. 26-29. LAW OF MOSES (&) Distinction of clean and unclean food (Lev. xi. ; Deut. xiv.). (c) Provision for purification (Lev. xii., xiii,, xiv. xv. ; Deut. xxiii. 1-14). (d) Laws against disfigurement (Lev. xix. 27* Deut. xiv. 1 ; comp. Deut. xxv. 3, against ex cessive scourging). (e) Laws against unnatural marriages and lusts (Lev. xviii., xx.). (fi) Soliness of the Priests (and Levites). (a) Their consecration (Lev. viii., ix. ; Ex. xxix.). (&) Their special qualifications and restrictions (Lev. xxi., xxii. 1-9). (c) Their rights (Deut. xviii. 1-6; Num. xviii.) and authority (Deut. xvii. 8-13). (2) Holiness of Places and Things. (a.) The Tabernacle with the ark, the vail, the altars, > the laver, the priestly robes, &c. (Ex. xxv.-xxviii., xxx.). (fi) The Holy Place chosen for the permanent erection of the tabernacle (Deut. xii., xiv. 22-29), where only all sacrifices were to be offered.and all tithes, first- fruits, vows, &c., to be given or eaten. (3) Holiness of Times. (a.) The Sabbath (Ex. xx. 9-11, xxiii. 12, &a). (fi) The Sabbatical Year (Ex. xxiiL 10, 11 ; Lev. xxv. 1-7, &c). (y) The Year cf Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 8-16, &a). (5) The Passover (Ex. xii. 3-27 ; Lev. xxSi. 4-14). (e) The Feast of Weeks (Pentecost) (Lev. xxiii. 15, &c.). (£) The Feast of Tabernacles (Lev. xxiii. 33-43). (tj) The Feast of Trumpets (Lev. xxiii. 23-25). (6) Tlie Day of Atonement (Lev. xxiii. 26-32, &a). Such is the substance of the Mosaic Law. The leading principle of the whole is its Theocratic character, its reference (that is) of all action and thoughts of men directly and immediately to the will of God. It follows from this, that it is to be regarded not merely as a law, that is, a rule of con duct, based on known truth and acknowledged au thority, but also as a Revelation of God's nature and His dispensations. But this theocratic cha racter of the law depends necessarily on the belief in God, as not only the Creator and sustainer of the world, but as, by special covenant the head of the Jewish nation. This immediate reference to God as their king, is clearly seen as the groundwork oi their whole polity. From this theocratic nature of the law follow important deductions with regard to (a) the view which it takes of political society ; (6) the extent of the scope of the law; (c) the penalties by which it is enforced ; and (d) the cha racter which it seeks to impress on the people. (a.) The Mosaic Law seeks the basis of its polity, first, in the absolute sovereignty of God, nest in the relationship of each individual to God, and through God to his countrymen. It is clear that such a doctrine, while it contradicts none of the common theories, yet lies beneath theni all. (6.) The law, as proceeding directly from God, and referring directly to Him, is necessarily absolute in its su premacy and unlimited in its scope. It is supreme over the governors, as being only the delegates of the Lord, and therefore it is incompatible with any despotic authority in them. On the other hand, it is supreme over the governed, recognising no in herent rights in the individual, as prevailing against, or limiting the law. It regulated the whole life of an Israelite. His actions were rewarded and punished with great minuteness and strictness; and that according to the standard, not of their conse quences, but of their intrinsic morality. His re- LAW OF MOSES ligious worship was defined and enforced in an elaborate and unceasing ceremonial, (c.) The pe nalties and rewards by which the law is enforced are such as depend on the direct theocracy. With regard to individual actions, it may be noticed that, as generally some penalties are inflicted by the sub ordinate, and some only by the supreme authority, so among the Israelites some penalties came from the hand of man, some directly from the Providence of God. The bearing of this principle on the in quiry as to the revelation of a future life, in the Pentateuch, is easily seen. The sphere of moral and religious action and thought to which the law extends is beyond the cognizance of human laws, and the scope of their ordinary penalties, and is therefore left by them to the retribution of God's inscrutable justice, which, being but imperfectly seen here, is contemplated especially as exercised in a future state. Hence arises the expectation of a direct revelation of this future state in the Mosaic Law. Such a revelation is certainly not given. The truth seems to be that, in a law which appeals directly to God himself for its authority and its sanction, there cannot be that broad line of demarca tion between this life and the next, which is drawn for those whose power is limited by the grave. (J.) But perhaps the most important consequence of the theocratic nature of the law was the pecu liar character of goodness which it sought to im press on the people. The Mosaic Law, beginning with piety, as its first object, enforces most emphat ically the purity essential to those who, by their union with God, have recovered the hope of intrinsic goodness, while it views righteousness and love rather as deductions from these than as independent ¦objects. The appeal is not to any dignity of human nature, but to the obligations of communion with a Holy God. The subordination, therefore, of this idea also to the religious idea is enforced ; and so long as the due supremacy of the latter was pre served, all other duties would find theh' places in proper harmony. But the usurpation of that su premacy in practice by the idea of personal and national sanctity was that which gave its peculiar •colour to the Jewish character. It is evident that this characteristic of the Israelites would tend to preserve the seclusion which, under God's provid ence, was intended for them, and would in its turn be fostered by it.— III. In considering the re lation of the Law to the future, it is important to be guided by the general principle laid down in Heb. vii. 19, " The Law made nothing perfect." This principle will be applied in different degrees to its bearing (a) on the after-history of the Jewish commonwealth before the coming of Christ ; (o) on the coming of our Lord Himself; and (c) on the dispensation of the Gospel, (a.) To that after- history the Law was, to a great extent, the key. It was indeed often neglected, and even forgotten ; yet still it formed the standard from which the people knowingly departed, and to which they constantly returned ; and to it therefore all which was peculiar in their national and individual cha racter was due. Its direct influence was probably greatest in the periods before the establishment of the kingdom, and after the Babylonish captivity. The last act of Joshua was to bind the Israelites to it as the charter of their occupation of the con quered land (Josh. xxiv. 24-27) ; and, in the semi- anarchical period of the Judges, the Law and the Tabernacle were the only centres of anything like LAW OF MOSES 457 national unity. The establishment of the kingdom was due to an impatience of this position, and a desire 'for a visible and personal centre of authority, much the same in nature as that which plunged them so often in idolatry. In the kingdom of Israel, after the separation, the deliberate rejection of the leading principles of the Law by Jeroboam and his successors was the beginning of a gradual declension into idolatry and heathenism. But in the kingdom of Judah the very division of the monarchy and consequent diminution of its splendour, and the need of a principle to assert against the superior material power of Israel, brought out the Law once more in increased honour and influence. Far more was this the case after the captivity. The loss of the independent monarchy, and the cessation of prophecy, both combined to throw the Jews back upon the Law alone, as their only distinctive pledge of nationality, and sure guide to truth. This love for the Law, rather than any abstract patriotism, was the strength of the Maccabean struggle against the Syrians, and the success of that struggle, en throning a Levitical power, deepened the feeling from which it sprang. The Law thus became the moulding influence of the Jewish character. The Pharisees, truly representing the chief strength of the people, systematized this feeling. Against this idolatry of the Law there were two reactions. The first was that of the Sadducees ; one which had its basis in the idea of a higher love and service of God, independent of the Law and its sanctions. The other, that of the Essenes, was an attempt to burst the bonds of the formal law, and assert its ideas in all fulness, freedom, and purity. {!>.) The relation ofthe Law to the advent of Christ is also laid down clearly by St. Paul. The Law was the IlaiSo- yoybs eis XbiotoV, the servant (that is), whose task it was to guide the child to the true teacher (Gal. iii. 24) ; and Christ was " the end " or object "ofthe Law" (Rom. x. 4). As being subsidiary to the promise, it had accomplished its purpose when the promise was fulfilled. In its national aspect it had existed to guard the faith in the theo cracy. The chief hindrance to that faith had been the difficulty of realising the invisible presence of God, and of conceiving a communion with the in finite Godhead which should not crush or absorb the finite creature. This difficulty was now to pass away for ever, in the Incarnation of the God head in One truly and visibly man. In its indi vidual, or what is usually called its " moral " aspect, the Law bore equally the stamp of transitoriness and insufficiency. It had declared the authority of truth and goodness over man's will, and taken for granted in man the existence of a spirit which could recognise that authority ; but it had done no more. Its presence had therefore detected the existence and the sinfulness of sin, as alien alike to God's will and man's true nature ; but it had also brought out with more vehement and desperate antagonism the power of sin dwelling in man as fallen (Rom. vii. 7-25)., The relation of the Law to Christ in its sacrificial and ceremonial aspect, will be more fully considered elsewhere. [Sacrifice.] (c.) It remains to consider how far it has any obligation or existence under the dispensation of the Gospel. As a means of justification or salvation, it ought never to have been regarded, even before Christ: it needs no proof to show that still less can this be so since He has come. But yet the question remains whether it is binding on Christians, even when they 458 LAWYER do not depend on it for salvation. It seems clear enough, that its formal coercive authority as a whole ended with the close of the Jewish dispensation. It referred throughout to the Jewish covenant, and in many points to the constitution, the customs, and even the local circumstances of the people. That covenant was preparatory to the Christian, in which it is now absorbed ; those customs and observances have passed away. It follows, by the very nature of the case, that the formal obligation to the Law must have ceased with the basis on which it is grounded. But what then becomes of the declara tion of our Lord, that He came " not to destroy the Law, but to perfect it," and that " not one jot or one tittle of it shall pass away ?" what of the fact, consequent upon it, that the Law has been reve renced in all Christian churches, and had an im portant influence on much Christian legislation ? The explanation of the apparent contradiction lies in the difference between positive and moral obliga tion. To apply this principle practically there is need of much study and discretion, in order to dis tinguish what is local and temporary from what is universal, and what is mere external foi'm from what is the essence of an ordinance. Lawyer. The title " lawyer " is generally sup posed to be equivalent to the title *' scribe," both on account of its etymological meaning, and also because the man, who is also called a " lawyer" in Matt. xxii. 35 and Luke x. 25, is called " one of the scribes" in Mark xii. 28. If the common reading in Luke xi. 44, 45, 46, be correct, it will he decisive against this. By the use of the word vo/ukSs (Tit. iii. 9) as a simple adjective, it seems more probable that the title " scribe " was a legal and official designation, but that the name vo/j.ik6s was properly a mere epithet signifying one " iearned in the law," and only used as a title in common parlance (comp. the use of it in Tit. iii. 13, " Zenas the lawyer "). Laying on of hands. [Baptism.] Laz'arus. In this name, which meets us as be longing to two characters in the N. T„ we may recognize an abbreviated form of the old Hebrew Eleazar. 1. Lazarus of Bethany, the brother of Martha and Mary (John xi. 1). All that we know of him is derived from the Gospel of St. John, and that records little more than the facts of his death and resurrection. We are able, however, without doing violence to the principles of a true historical criticism, to arrive at some conclusions helping us, with at least some measure of probability, to fill up these scanty outlines. (1.) The language of John xi. 1, implies that the sisters were the better known. Lazarus is " of Bethany, of the village of Mary and her sister Martha." From this, and from the order of the three names in John xi. 5, we may reasonably infer that Lazarus was the youngest of the family. (2.) The house in which the feast is held appears, from John xii. 2, to be that of the sisters. Martha " serves," as in Luke x. 38. Mary takes upon herself that which was the special duty of a hostess towards an ho noured guest (comp. Luke vii. 46). The impres sion left on our minds by this account, if it stood alone, would be that they 'were the givers ofthe feast. In Matt. xxvi. 6, Mark xiv. 3, the same fact appears as occurring in " the house of Simon the leper:" but a leper, as such, would have been compelled to lead a separate life, and certainly could not have given a feast and received a multitude of LAZARTJS guests. Among the conjectural explanations which have been given of this difference, the hypothesis that this Simon was the father of the two sisters and of Lazarus, that he had been smitten with leprosy, and that actual death, or the civil death that followed on his disease, had left his children free to act for themselves, is at least as probable as any other, and has some support in early ecclesias tical traditions. (3.) All the circumstances of John xi. and xii., point to wealth and social position above the average. (4.) A comparison of Matt. xxvi. 6, Mark xiv. 3, with Luke vii. 36, 44, suggests all- other conjecture that harmonises with and in part explains the foregoing. If Simon the leper were also the Pharisee, it would explain the fact just noticed of the friendship between the sisters of La zarus and the members of that party in Jerusalem. It would follow on this assumption that the Pha risee, whom we thus far identify with the father of Lazarus, was probably one of the members of that sect, sent down from Jerusalem to watch the new teacher. (5.) One other conjecture, bolder perhaps than the others, may yet be hazarded. Admitting, as must be admitted, the absence at once of all direct evidence and of traditional au thority, there are yet some coincidences, at least remarkable enough to deserve attention, and which suggest the identification of Lazarus with the young ruler that had great possessions, of Matt, xix., Mark x., Luke xviii. The age (Matt. xix. 20, 22) agrees with what has been before inferred (see above, 1), as does the fact of wealth above the average with what we know of the condition of the family at Erthany (see 2). If the father were an influential Pharisee, if there were ties of some kind uniting the family with that body, it would be natural enough that the son, even in comparative youth, should occupy the position of a " ruler." But further, it is of this rich young man that St. Mark uses the emphatic word (" Jesus, beholding him, loved him ") which is used of no others in the Gospel- history, save of the beloved apostle and of Lazarus and his sisters (John xi. 5). Combining these in ferences then, we get, with some measure of likeli hood, an insight into one aspect of the life of the Divine Teacher and Friend, full of the most living interest. The village of Bethany and its neigh bourhood were a frequent retreat from the contro versies and tumults of Jerusalem (John xviii. 2 ; Luke xxi. 37, xxii. 39). At some time or other one household, wealthy, honourable, belonging to the better or Nicodemus section of the Pharisees (see above, 1, 2, 3) learns to know and reverence him. Disease or death removes the father from the scene, and the two sisters are left with their younger brother to do as they think right. In them and in the brother over whom they watch, He finds that which is worthy of His love. But two at least need an education in the spiritual life. A few weeks pass away, and then comes the sickness of John xi. One of the sharp malignant fevers of Pa lestine cuts off the life that was so precious. The sisters know how truly the Divine Friend has loved him on whom their love and their hopes centered. They send to him in the belief that the tidings of the sickness will at once draw Him to them (John xi. 3). Slowly, and in words which (though after wards understood otherwise) must at the time have seemed to the disciples those of one upon whom the truth came not at once but by degrees, he prepares them for the worst. "This sickness is not unto LAZARUS death" — " Our friend Lazarus sleepeth" — "Laza rus is dead." The work which he was doing as a teacher or a healer (John x. 41, 42) in Bethabara, or the other Bethany (John x. 40 and i. 28), was not interrupted, and continues for two days after the message reaches him. Then comes the journey, occupying two days more. When He and His disciples come, three days have passed since the burial. The friends from Jerusalem, chiefly of the Pharisee and ruler class, are there with their con solations. The sisters receive the Prophet, each accoiding to her character. His sympathy with their sorrow leads Him also to weep. Then comes the work of might as the answer of the prayer which the Son offers to the Father (John xi. 41, 42). The stone is rolled away from the mouth of the rock-chamber in which the body had been placed. " He that was dead came forth, bound hand and foot with grave-clothes ; and his face was bound about with a napkin." It is well not to break in upon the silence which hangs over the interval of that "four days' sleep." One scene more meets us, and then the life of the family which has come before us with such daylight clearness lapses again into obscurity. In the house which, though it still bore the father's name (sup. 1), was the dwelling of the sisters and the brother, there is a supper, and Lazarus is there, and Martha serves, no longer jealously, and Mary pours out her love in the costly offering of the spikenard ointment, and finds herself once again misjudged and hastily condemned. After this all direct knowledge of Lazarus ceases. It would be as plausible an explanation of the strange fact recorded by St. Mark alone (xiv. 51) as any other, if we were to suppose that Lazarus, whose home was near, who must have known the place to which the Lord " oftentimes resorted," was drawn to the garden of Gethsemane by the approach of the officers " with their torches and lanterns and weapons" (John xviii. 3), and in the haste of the night-alarm, rushed eagerly " with the linen cloth cast about his naked body," to see whether he was in time to render any help. Apocryphal traditions even are singularly scanty and jejune, as if the silence which "sealed the lips of the Evangelists " had restrained others also. They have nothing more to tell of Lazarus than the meagre tale that follows : — He lived for thirty years after his resurrection and died at the age of sixty. When he came forth from the tomb, it was with the bloom and fragrance as of a bridegroom. He and his sisters, with Mary the wife of Cleophas, and other disciples, were sent out to sea by the Jews in a leaky boat, but miracu lously escaped destruction, and were brought safely to Marseilles. There he preached the Gospel, and founded a church, and became its bishop. After many years, he suffered martyrdom, and was buried, some said, there ; others, at Citium in Cyprus. Finally his bones and those of Mary Magdalene were brought from Cyprus to Constantinople by the Emperor Leo the Philosopher, and a church erected to his honour. Some apocryphal books were extant bearing his name. The question why the fii'st three Gospels omit all mention of so wonderful a fact as the resurrection of Lazarus, has from a comparatively early period forced itself upon inter preters and apologists. The explanations given of the perplexing phenomenon are briefly these: — (1) That fear of drawing down persecution on one already singled out for it, kept the three Evan gelists, writing during the lifetime of Lazarus, from LAZARUS 459 all mention of him ; and that, this reason for silence being removed by his death, St. John could write freely. (2) That the writers of the first three Gospels confine themselves, as by a deliberate plan, to the miracles wrought in Galilee (that of the blind man at Jericho being the only exception), and that they therefore abstained from all mention of any fact, however interesting, that lay outside that limit. (3) That the narrative, in its beauty and simplicity, its human sympathies and marvellous transparency, carries with it the evidence of its own truthfulness. (4) Another explanation, suggested by the attempt to represent to one's-self what must have been the sequel of such a fact as that now in question upon the 'life of him who had been affected by it, may perhaps be added. The history of mo nastic orders, of sudden conversions after great critical deliverances from disease or danger, offers an analogy which may help to guide us. In such cases it has happened, in a thousand instances, that the man has felt as if the thread of his life was broken, the past buried for ever, old things vanished away. He retires from the world, changes his name, speaks to no one, or speaks only in hints, of all that belongs to his former life, shrinks above all from making his conversion, his resurrection from the death of sin, the subject of common talk. Assume only that the laws of the spiritual life worked in some such way on Lazarus, and it will seem hardly wonderful that such a man should shrink from publicity, and should wish to take his place as the last and lowest in the company of believers. The facts of the case are, at any rate, singularly in har mony with this last explanation. Matthew and Mark omit equally all mention of the three names. John, writing long afterwards, when all three had " fallen asleep," feels that the restraint is no longer necessary, and puts on record, as the Spirit brings all things to his remembrance, the whole of the wonderful history. The circumstances of his life,. too, all indicate that he more than any other Evan gelist was likely to have lived in that inmost circle of disciples, where these things would be most lovingly and reverently remembered.— 2. The name Lazarus occurs also in the well-known parable of Luke xvi. 19-31. What is there chiefly remarkable is, that in this parable alone we meet with a proper name. Were the thoughts of men called to the etymology of the name, as signifying that he who bore it had in his poverty no help but God, or as meaning in the shortened form, one who had become altogether " helpless " f Or was it again not a pa rable but, in its starting-point at least, a history, so that Lazarus was some actual beggar, like him who lay at the beautiful gate of the Temple, familiar therefore both to the disciples and the Pharisees ? Whatever the merit of either of these suggestions, no one of them can be accepted as quite satisfactory, and it adds something to the force of the hypothesis ventured on above, to find that it connects itself with this question also. If we assume the identity suggested in (5), or if, leaving that as unproved, we remember only that the historic Lazarus be longed by birth to the class of the wealthy and influential Pharisees, as in (3), could anything be more significant than the introduction of this name into such a parable? Not Eleazar the Pharisee, rich, honoured, blameless among men, but Eleazar the beggar, full of leprous sores, lying at the rich man's gate, was the true heir of blessedness, for whom was reserved the glory of being in Abraham's- 460 LEAD bosom. Very stiiking too, it must be added, is the coincidence between the teaching of the parable and of the history in another point. The Lazarus ofthe one remains in Abraham's bosom because " if men hear not Moses and the prophets, neither will they be persuaded, though one rose from the dead." The Lazarus of the other returned from it, and yet bears no witness to the unbelieving Jews of the wonders or the terrors of Hades. In this instance also the name of Lazarus has been perpetuated in an institution of the Christian Church. The leper of the Middle Ages ap peal's as a Lazzaro. Among the orders, half-military and half-monastic, of the 12th century, was one which bore the title of the Knights of St. Lazarus (A.D. 1119), whose special work it was to minister to the lepers, first of Syria, and afterwards of Europe. The use of lazaretto and lazar-house for the leper- hospitals then founded in all parts of Western Chris tendom, no less than that of lazzarone for the men dicants of Italian towns, are indications of the effect of the parable upon the mind of Europe in the Middle Ages, and thence upon its later speech. Lead, one of the most common of metals, found generally in veins of rocks, though seldom in a me tallic state, and most commonly in combination with sulphur. It was early known to the ancients, and the allusions to it in Scripture indicate that the Hebrews were well acquainted with its uses. The rocks in the neighbourhood of Sinai yielded it in large quantities, and it was found in Egypt. That it was common in Palestine is shown by the expres sion in Ecclus. xlvii. 18 (comp. 1 K. x. 27). It was among the spoils of the Midianites which the chil dren of Israel brought with them to the plains of Moab, after their return from the slaughter of the tribe (Num. xxxi. 22). The ships of Tarshish sup plied the market of Tyre with lead, as with other metals (Ez. xxvii. 12). Its heaviness, to which allusion is made in Ex. xv. 10, and Ecclus. xxii. 14, caused it to be used for weights, which were either in the form of a round flat cake (Zech. v. 7), or a rough unfashioned lump or " stone " (ver. 8) ; stones having in ancient times served the purpose •of weights (comp. Prov. xvi. 11). In modern me tallurgy lead is used with tin in the composition of solder for fastening metals together. That the ancient Hebrews were acquainted with the use of solder is evident from Isaiah xii. 7. No hint is given as to the composition of the solder, but in all probability lead was one ofthe materials employed, its usage for such a purpose being of great antiquity. The ancient Egyptians used it for fastening stones together in the rough parts of a building, and it was found by Mr. Layard among the ruins at Nim roud. In Job xix. 24 the allusion is supposed to be to the practice of carving inscriptions upon stone, and pouring molten lead into the cavities of the letters, to render them legible, and at the same time pre serve them from the action of the air. In modern metallurgy lead is employed for the purpose of pu rifying silver from other mineral products. The alloy is mixed with lead, exposed to fusion upon an earthen vessel, and submitted to a blast of air. By this means the dross is consumed. This process is called the cupelling operation, with which the de scription in Ez. xxii. 18-22, in the opinion of Mr. Napier, accurately coincides. Leb'ana, one of the Nethinim whose descendants returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 48). He is called Labana in the parallel list of 1 Esdras, and LEAVEN Leb'anah in Ezr. ii. 45. Leaf, Leaves. The word occurs in the A. V either in the singular or plural number in three different senses — (1) Leaf or leaves of trees. (2) Leaves of the doors of the Temple. (3) Leaves of the roll of a book. 1. Leaf of a tree (dleh, tereph aphl). The olive-leaf is mentioned in Gen. viii. 11.' Fig-leaves fonned the first covering of our parents in Eden. The ban-en fig-tree (Matt. xxi. 19 ; Mark xi. 13) on the road between Bethany and Jerusalem " had on it nothing but leaves." The oak-leaf is mentioned in Is. i. 30, and vi. 13. The righteous are often compared to green leaves (Jer. xvii. 8). The ungodly on the other hand are as "an oak whose leaf fadeth " (Is. i. 30). In Ez. xlvii. 12 • Rev. xxii. 1, 2, there is probably an allusion to some tree whose leaves were used by the Jews as a medi cine or ointment ; indeed, it is very likely that many plants and leaves were thus made use of by them, as by the old English herbalists. 2. Leaves of doors (tseldim, deleth). The Hebrew word, which occurs very many times in the Bible, and which in 1 K. vi. 32 (margin) and 34 is translated " leaves" in the A. V., signifies beams, ribs, sides, Sus. In Ez. xii. 24, the Hebrew word deleth is the representative of both doors and leaves. 3. Leaves of a book or roll {deleth') occurs in this sense only in Jer. xxxvi. 23. The Hebrew word (literally doors) would per haps be more correctly translated columns. Leah, the daughter of Laban (Gen. xxix. 16). The dulness or weakness of her eyes was so notable, that it is mentioned as a contrast to the beautiful form and appearance of her younger sister Rachel. Her father took advantage of the opportunity which the local marriage-rite afforded to pass her off in her sister's stead on the unconscious bridegroom, and excused himself to Jacob by alleging that the custom of the country forbade the younger sister to be given first in marriage. Jacob's preference of Rachel grew into hatred of Leah, after he had married both sisters. Leah, however, bore to him in quick succession Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, then Issachar, Zebulun, and Dinah, before Rachel had a child. She died some time after Jacob reached the south country in which his father Isaac lived. She was buried in the family grave in Machpelah (ch. xlix. 31). Leasing, " falsehood." This word is retained iu the A. V. of Ps. iv. 2, v. 6, from the older Enghsh versions ; but the Hebrew word of which it is the rendering is elsewhere almost uniformly translated "lies" (Ps. xl. 4, Iviii. 3, &c). Leather. The notices of leather in the Bible are singularly few ; indeed the word occurs but twice m the A. V., and in each instance in reference to the same object, a girdle (2 K. i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4.) There are, however, other instances in which the word "leather" might with propriety be substi tuted for "skin" (Lev. xi. 32, xiii. 48; Num. xxxi. 20). Leaven, Various substances were known to have fermenting qualities ; but the ordinary leaven con sisted of a lump of old dough in a high state of fer mentation, which was inserted into the mass of dough prepared for baking. The use of leaven was strictly forbidden in all offerings made to the Lord by fire. It is in reference to these prohibitions that Amos (iv. 5) ironically bids the Jews of his day to "offer a sacrifice of thanksgiving witt leaven." In other instances, where the offering was to be consumed by the priests, and not on the LEBANON altar, leaven might be used. Various ideas were asso ciated with the prohibition of leaven in the instances above quoted. But the most prominent idea, and the one which applies equally to all the cases of prohibition, is connected with the corruption which leaven itself had undergone, and which it commu nicated to bread in the process of fermentation. It is to this property of leaven that our Saviour points when he speaks of the " leaven (i. e. the corrupt doctrine) of the Pharisees and of the Sadducees " (Matt. xvi. 6) ; and St. Paul, when he speaks ofthe "old leaven" (1 Cor. v. 7). Leb'anon, a mountain range in the north of Palestine. The name Lebanon signifies " white," and was applied either on account of the snow, which, during a great part of the year, covers its whole summit, or on account of the white colour of its limestone cliffs and peaks. It is the " white mountain " — the Mont Blanc of Palestine. Lebanon is represented in Scripture as lying upon the northern border of the land of Israel (Deut. i. 7, xi. 24 ; Josh. i. 4). Two distinct ranges bear this name. They both begin in lat. 33° 20', and run in parallel lines from S.W. to N.E. for about 90 geog. miles, enclosing between them a long fertile valley from 5 to 8 miles wide, anciently called Coele-Syria. The western range is the " Libanus " of the old geo graphers, and the Lebanon of Scripture. The eastern range was called " Anti-Libanus " by geographers, and " Lebanon toward the sun-rising " by the sacred writers (Josh. xiii. 5). A deep valley called Wady et-Teim separates the southern section of Anti- Libanus from both Lebanon and the hills of Galilee. Lebanon — the western range — commences on the south at the deep ravine of the Litany, the ancient river Leontes, which drains the valley of Coele- Syria, and falls into the Mediterranean five miles north of Tyre. It runs N.E. in a straight line parallel to the coast, to the opening from the Medi- LEBANON 461 terranean into the plain of Emesa, called in Scrip ture the "Entrance of Hamath" (Num. xxxiv. 8). Here Nahr el-Kebir— the ancient river Eleutherus — sweeps round its northern end, as the Leontes does round its southern. The average elevation of the range is from 6000 .to 8000 ft. ; but two peaks rise considerably higher. On the summits of both these peaks the snow remains in patches during the whole summer. The central ridge or backbone of Lebanon has smooth, ban-en sides, and gray rounded sum mits. It is entirely destitute of verdure, and is covered with small fragments of limestone, from which white crowns and jagged points of naked rock shoot up at intervals. Here and there a few stunted pine-trees or dwarf oaks are met with. The line of cultivation runs along at the height of about 6000 ft. ; and below this the features of the western slopes are entirely different. The descent is gradual ; but is everywhere broken by precipices and tower ing rocks which time and the elements have chiselled into strange, fantastic shapes. Ravines of singular wildness and grandeur fun-ow the whole mountain side, looking in many places like huge rents. Here and there, too, bold promontories shoot out, and dip perpendicularly into the bosom of the Mediter ranean. The rugged limestone banks are scantily clothed with the evergreen oak, and the sandstone with pines ; while every available spot is carefully cultivated. The cultivation is wonderful, and shows what all Syria might be if under a good govern ment. Fig-trees cling to the naked rock; vines are trained along nai-row ledges; long ranges of mulberries, on terraces like steps of stairs, cover the more gentle declivities ; and dense groves of olives fill up the bottoms of the glens. Hundreds of vil lages are seen — here built amid labyrinths of rocks : there clinging like swallows' nests to the sides of cliffs ; while convents, no less numerous, are perched on the top of every peak. The vine is still largely fe-^sai Tho grand range of Lebanon. 462 LEBAOTH cultivated in every part of the mountain. Lebanon also abounds in olives, figs, and mulberries; rfhile some remnants exist of the forests of pine, oak, and cedar, which formerly covered it (1 K. v. 6 ; Ps. xxix. 5; Is. xiv. 8; Ezr. iii. 7). Considerable num bers of wild beasts still inhabit its retired glens and higher peaks ; the writer has seen jackals, hyenas, wolves, bears, and panthers (2 K. xiv. 9; Cant. iv. 8 ; Hab. ii. 17). Some noble streams of classic celebrity have their sources high up in Lebanon, and rush down in sheets of foam through sublime glens, to stain with their ruddy waters the trans parent bosom of tbe Mediterranean. Along the base of Lebanon runs the irregular plain of Phoenicia ; nowhere more than two miles wide, and often in- ten'upted by bold rocky spurs, that dip into the sea. The main ridge of Lebanon is composed of Jura limestone, and abounds in fossils. Long belts of more recent sandstone run along the western slopes, which is in places largely impregnated with iron. Lebanon was originally inhabited by tbe Hivites and Giblites (Judg. iii. 3 ; Josh. xiii. 5, 6). The whole mountain range was assigned to the Israelites, but was never conquered by them (Josh. xiii. 2-6 ; Judg. iii. 1-3). During the Jewish mo narchy it appears to have been subject to the Phoe nicians (1 K. v. 2-6 ; Ezr. iii. 7). From the Greek conquest until modern times Lebanon had no sepa rate history. —Anti-Libanus. — The main chain of Anti-Libanus commences in the plateau of Bashan, near the parallel of Caesarea-Philippi, runs north to Hermon, and then north-east in a straight line till it sinks down into the great plain of Emesa, not far from the site of Riblah. Hermon is the loftiest peak; the next highest is a few miles north ofthe site of Abila, beside the village of Bluddn, and has an elevation of about 7000 ft. The rest of the ridge averages about 5000 ft. ; it is in general bleak and barren, with shelving gray declivities, gray cliffs, and gray rounded summits. Here and there we meet with thin forests of dwarf oak and juniper. The western slopes descend abruptly into the Bu- haa ; but the features of the eastern are entirely different. Three side-ridges here radiate from Her mon, like the ribs of an open fan, and form the supporting walls of thiee great ten-aces. Anti- Libanus is only once distinctly mentioned in Scrip ture, where it is accurately described as " Lebanon toward the sun-rising " (Josh. xiii. 5). " The tower of Lebanon which looketh toward Damascus " (Cant. vii. 4) is doubtless Hermon, which forms the most striking feature in the whole panorama round that city. Leb'aoth, a town which forms one of the last group of the cities of " the South " in the enumera tion of the possessions of Judah (Josh. xv. 32), probably identical with Beth-lebaoth. Lebbae'us. This name occurs in Matt. x. 3, according to Codex D (Bezae) of the sixth century, and in the received Text. In Mark iii. 18, it is sub stituted in a few unimportant MSS. for Thaddeus. Leb'onah, a place named in Judg. xxi. 19 only. Lebonah has survived to our times under the almost identical form of el-Lubban. It lies to the west of, and close to, the Nablus road, about eight miles north otBeitin (Bethel), and two'fiom Sellun (Shiloh). Le'cah, a name mentioned in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21 only) as one of the descend ants of Shelah, the third son of Judah by the Oanaanitess Bath-shua. Leech. [Hoese-Leech.] LEEKS Leeks (Heb. chdtsir). The word chdtsir, which in Num. xi. 5 is translated leeks, occurs twenty times in the Hebrew text. The Hebrew term, wnich properly denotes grass, is derived from a root signifying "to be green," and may therefore stand in this passage for any green food, lettuce, Common leek (AUtumporrum). endive, &c., as Ludolf and Maillet have conjec tured ; it would thus be applied somewhat in the same manner as we use the term " greens ;" yet as the clidtsir is mentioned together with onions and garlick in the text, and as the most ancient versions unanimously understand leeks by the He brew word, we may be satisfied with our own translation. There is, however, another and a very ingenious interpretation of chdtsir, first proposed by Hengstenberg, and received by Dr. Kitto [Pictor. Bible, Num. xi. 5), which adopts a more literal translation of the original word, for, says Dr. Kitto, " amoug the wonders in the natural history Trigonella foenum-graccum. of Egypt, it is mentioned by travellers that the common people there eat with special relish a kind of grass similar to clover." Mayer says of this plant (whose scientific name is Trigonella foenwm Graecum, belonging to the natural order Legurnm- osae), that it is similar to clover, but its leaves LEES more pointed, and that great quantities of it are eaten by the people. The leek is too well-known to need description. Its botanical name is Allium porrum ; it belongs to the order Liliaceae. Lees. The Hebrew shemer bears the radical sense of preservation, and was applied to " lees " from the custom of allowing the wine to stand on the lees in order that its colour and body might be better preserved. Hence the expression " wine on the lees," as meaning a generous full-bodied liquor (Is. xxv. 6). Before the wine was consumed, it was necessary to strain off the lees; such wine was then termed " well refined" (Is. xxv. 6). To drink the lees, or " dregs," was an expression for the endurance of extreme punishment (Ps. lxxv. 8). Legion, the chief sub-division of the Roman army, containing about 6000 infantry, with a con tingent of cavalry. The term does not occur in the Bible in its primary sense, but appears to have been adopted in order to express any large number, with the accessory ideas of order and subordination (Matt. xxvi. 53 ; Mark v. 9.) Le'habim, occurring only in Gen. x. 13, the name of a Mizraite people or tribe. There can be no doubt that they are the same as the ReBU or LeBU of the Egyptian inscriptions, and that from them Libya and the Libyans derived their name, These primitive Libyans appear to have inhabited the northern part of Africa to the west of Egypt, though latterly driven from the coast by the Greek colonists of the Cyrenaica, as is more fully shown under Lueim. Le'hi, a place in Judah, probably on the confines ofthe Philistines' country, between it and the cliff Etam ; the scene of Samson's well-known exploit with the jawbone (Judg. xv. 9, 14, 19). It con tained an eminence — Rainath-lehi, and a spring of great and lasting repute — En hak-kore. Whether the name existed before the exploit or the exploit originated the name cannot now be determined from the narrative. On the one hand, in vers. 9 and 19, Lehi is named as if existing before this occuixence ; while on the other the play of the story and the statement of the bestowal of the name Ramath-Iehi look as if the reverse were intended. The analogy of similar names in other countries is in favour of its having existed pre viously. A similar discrepancy in the case of Beer Lahai-roi, and a great similarity between the two names in the original, has led to the supposi tion that that place was the same as Lehi. But the situations do not suit. The same consideration would also appear fatal to the identification pro posed by M. Van de Velde at Tell el-Lekhiyeh, in the extreme south of Palestine. As far as the name goes, a more probable suggestion would be Beit-Likiyeh, a village on the northern slopes of the great Wady Suleiman, about two miles below the upper Beth-horon. Lem'uel, the name of an unknown king to whom his mother addressed the prudential maxims contained in Prov. xxxi. 1-9. The Rabbinical commentators identify Lemuel with Solomon. Grotius, adopting a fanciful etymology from the Arabic, makes Lemuel the same as Hezekiah. Hitzig and others regard him as king or chief of an Arab tribe dwelling on the borders of Pales tine, and elder brother of Agur, whose name stands at the head of Prov. xxx. Lentiles (Heb. 'addshini). There cannot be the least doubt that the A. V. is correct in its trans- LEOPARD 463 lation of the Hebrew word which occurs in the four following passages: — Gen. xxv. 34, 2 Sam. xvii. 28, xxiii. 11, and Ez. iv. 9. There are three or four kinds of lentiles, all of which are still much esteemed in those countries where they Lentile (Erwm Una). uve grown, viz. the South of Europe, Asia, and North Africa: the red lentile is still a favourite article of food in the East ; it is a small kind, the seeds of which after being decorticated, are com monly sold in the bazaars of India. The modern Arabic name of this plant is identical with the Hebrew ; it is known in Egypt and Arabia, Syria, &c, by the name 'Adas, as we learn from the testimony of several travellers. Lentile bread is still eaten by the poor of Egypt. Leopard (Heb. ndmer) is invariably given by the A. V. as the translation of the Hebrew word, which occurs in the seven following passages, — Is. xi. 6 ; Jer. v. 6, xiii. 23 ; Dan. vii. 6 ; Hos. xiii. 7 ; Cant. iv. 8 ; Hab. i. 8. Leopard occurs also in Ecclus. xxviii. 23, and in Rev. xiii. 2. Leopard (Leopardut varitu). From the passage of Canticles, quoted above, we learn that the hilly ranges of Lebanon were in ancient times frequented by these animals, and it is now not uncommonly seen in and about Lebanon, and the southern maritime mountains of Syria. Burckhardt mentions that leopards have sometimes been killed in "the low and rocky chain of the Richel mountain," but he calls them ounces. Under the name ndmer, which means " spotted," 464 LEPER it is not improbable that another animal, namely the cheetah (Gueparda jubat a), maybe included; which is tamed by the Mahometans of Syria, who employ it in hunting the gazelle. Leper, Leprosy. The predominant and cha racteristic form of leprosy in Scripture is a white variety, covering either the entire body or a large tract of its surface.; which has obtained the name of lepra Mosaifia. Such were the cases of Moses, Miriam, Naaman, and Gehazi (Ex. iv. 6; Num. xii. 10; 2 K. v. 1, 27; comp. Lev. xiii. 13). But, remarkably enough, in the Mosaic ritual- diagnosis of the disease (Lev. xiii., xiv.), this kind, when overspreading the whole surface, appears to be regarded as "clean" (xiii. 12, 13, 16, 17). The Egyptian bondage, with its studied degrada tions and privations, and especially the work of the kiln under an Egyptian sun, must have had a frightful tendency to generate this class of dis^ orders ; hence Manetho asserts that the Egyptians drove out the Israelites as infected with leprosy — a strange reflex, perhaps, of the Mosaic narrative of the " plagues " of Egypt, yet probably also containing a germ of truth. The sudden and total change of food, air, dwelling, and mode of life, caused by the Exodus, to this nation of newly- emancipated slaves may possibly have had a. fur ther tendency to produce skin-disorders, and severe repressive measures may have been required in the desert-moving camp to secure the public health, or to allay the panic of infection. Hence it is possible that many, perhaps most of this repertory of symptoms may have disappeared with the period of the Exodus, and the snow-white form, which had pre-existed, may alone have ordinarily continued in a later age. But it is observable that, amongst these Levitical symptoms, the scaling, or peeling off of the surface, is nowhere mentioned, nor is there any expression in the Hebrew text which points to exfoliation of the cuticle. The principal morbid features are a rising or swelling, a scab or baldness, and a bright or white spot (xiii. 2). But especially a white swelling in the skin, with a change of the hair of the part from the natural black to white or yellow (3, 10, 4, 20, 25, 30), or an appearance of a taint going "deeper than the skin," or again, "raw flesh" appearing in the swelling (10, 14, 15), were critical signs of pollution. The mere swelling, or scab, or bright spot, was remanded for a week as doubtful (4, 21, 26, 31), and for a second such period, if it had not yet pronounced (5). If it then spread (7, 22, 27, 35), it was decided as polluting. But if after the second period of quarantine the trace died away and showed no symptom of spreading, it was a mere scab, and the patient was adjudged clean (6, 23, 34). This tendency to spread seems especially to have been relied on. A spot most innocent in all other respects, if it " spread much abroad," was unclean; whereas, as before remarked, the man so wholly overspread with the evil that it could find no farther range, was on the contrary "clean" (12, 13). These two opposite criteria seem to show, that whilst the disease manifested activity, the Mosaic law imputed pollution to and imposed segregation on the sufferer, but that the point at which it might be viewed as having run its course was the signal for his readmission to communion. It is clear that the leprosy of Lev. xiii., xiv, means any severe disease spreading on the LEPER surface of the body in the way described, and so shocking of aspect, or so generally suspected of infection, that public feeling called for separation. It is now undoubted that the " leprosy " of modern Syria, and which has a wide range in Spain, Greece, and Norway, is the Elephantiasis Graecorum. It is said to have been brought home by the cru saders into the various countries of Western and Northern Europe. It certainly was not the dis tinctive white leprosy, nor do any of the described symptoms in Lev. xiii. point to elephantiasis. " White as snow " (2 K. v. 27) would be as in applicable to elephantiasis as to small-pox. Fur ther, the most striking and fearful results of this modem so-called "leprosy" are wanting in the Mosaic description. Whether we regard Lev. xiii. as speaking of a group of diseases having mutually a mere superficial resemblance, or a real affinity, it need not perplex us that they do not con-espond with the threefold leprosy of Hippocrates (the aAipoV, \e6kti, and /xeXos), which are said by Bateman (Skin Diseases, Plates vii. and viii.) to prevail still respectively as lepra alphoides, lepra vulgaris, and lepra nigricans. The first has more minute and whiter scales, and the circular patches in which they form are smaller than those of the vulgaris, which appears in scaly discs of different sizes, having nearly always a circular form, first presenting small distinct red shining elevations of the cuticle, then white scales which accumulate sometimes into a thick crust ; or, as Dr. Mason Good describes its appearance (vol. iv. p. 451) as having a spreading scale upon an elevated base; the elevations depressed in the middle, but without a change of colour ; the black hair on the patches, which is the prevailing colour of the hair in Pales tine, participating in the whiteness, and the patches themselves perpetually widening in their outline. A phosphate of lime is probably what gives their bright glossy colour to the scaly patches, and this in the kindred disease of icthyosis is deposited in great abundance on the surface. The third nigri cans, or rather subfusca, is rarer, in form and dis tribution, resembling the second, but differing in, the dark livid colour of the patches. The scaly incrustations of the first species infest the flat of the fore-arm, knee, and elbow joints, but on the face seldom extend beyond the forehead and temples; comp. 2 Chr. xxvi. 19: "the leprosy rose up in his forehead." The cure of this is not difficult; the second scarcely ever heals ^Celsus, De Med. v. 28, §19). The third is always accompanied by a cachectic condition of body. Further, elephantiasis itself has also passed current under the name of the " black leprosy." It is possible that the " freckled spot" of the A. V. Lev. xiii. 39 may correspond with the harmless lepra alphoides, since it is noted as " clean." There is a remarkable concur rence between the Aeschylean (Clioeph. 271-274) description of the disease which was to produce " lichens coursing over the flesh, eroding with fierce voracity the former natural structure, and white hairs shooting up over the part diseased, and some of the Mosaic symptoms ; the spreading energy of the evil is dwelt upon both by Moses and by Aeschylus, as vindicating its character as a scourge of God. But the symptoms of "white hairs" is a curious and exact confirmation of the genuineness of the detail in the Mosaic account, especially as the poet's language would rather imply that the disease spoken of was not then LESHEM domesticated in Greece, hut the strange horror of some other land. There remains a curious question, before we quit Leviticus, as regards the leprosy of garments and houses. Some have thought garments worn by leprous patients in tended. This classing of garments and house- walls with the human epidermis, as leprous, has moved the mirth of some, and the wonder of others. Tet modern science has established what goes far to vindicate the Mosaic classification as more philosophical than such cavils. It is now known that there are some skin-diseases which originate in an acarus, and others which proceed from a fungus. In these we may probably find the solution of the paradox. The analogy between the insect which frets the human skin and that which frets the garment that covers it, between the fungous growth that lines the crevices of the epidermis and that which creeps in the interstices of masonry, is close enough for the purposes of a ceremonial law, to which it is essential that there should be an arbitrary element intermingled with provisions manifestly reasonable. Michaelis has suggested a nitrous efflorescence on the surface of the stone, produced by saltpetre, or rather an acid containing it, and issuing in red spots, and cites the example of a house in Lubeck ; he mentions also exfoliation of the stone from other causes ; but probably these appearances would not be developed without a greater degree of damp than is common in Palestine and Arabia. It is manifest also that a disease in the human subject caused by an acarus or by a fungus would be certainly contagious, since the propagative cause could be transferred from pel-son to person. The lepers of the New Testa ment do not seem to offer occasion for special remark, save that by the N. T. period the disease. as known in Palestine, probably did not differ materially from the Hippocratic record of it. Le'shem, a variation in the form of the name of Laish, afterwards Dan, occurring only in Josh. xix. 47 (twice). Lethecb. (Hos. iii. 2, margin). [Measures.] Lett'us, the same as Hattush (1 Esd. viii. 29). Let'ushirn, the name of the second of the sons of Dedan, son of Jokshan, Gen. xxv. 3 (and 1 Chr. i. 32, Vulg.). Fresnel identifies it with Tasm, one of the ancient and extinct tribes of Arabia, like as he compares Leummim with Umeiyim. Le'nmmim, the name of the third of the de scendants of Dedan, son of Jokshan, Gen. xxv. 3 (1 Chr. i. 32, Vulg.), being in the plural form like his brethren, Asshurim and Letushim. It evidently refers to a tribe or people sprung from Dedan. Leummim has been identified with the 'AWov- fiaiT&Tat of Ptolemy, and by Fresnel with an Arab tribe called Umeiyim. The latter was one of the very ancient tribes of Arabia of which no genealogy is given by the Arabs, and who appear to have been ante-Abrahamic, and possibly aboriginal in habitants of the country. Le'vi. 1. The name of the third son of Jacob by his wife Leah. This, like most other names in the patriarchal history, was connected with the thoughts and feelings that gathered round the child's birth. As derived from lavdh " to adhere," it gave utterance to the hope of the mother that the affec tions of her husband, which had hitherto rested on the favoured Rachel, would at last be drawn to her. "This time will my husband be joined unto me, because I have borne him three sons " (Gen. xxix. Con. D. B. I LEVIATHAN 465 34). The new-bom child was to be a fresh link binding the parents to each other more closely than before. One fact alone is recorded in which he ap pears prominent. The sons of Jacob have come from Padan-Aram to Canaan with their father, and are with him "at Shalem, a city of Shechem." Their sister Dinah goes out " to see the daughters of the land " (Gen. xxxiv. 1), i. e. as the words pro bably indicate, and as Josephus distinctly states (Ant. i. 21), to be present at one of their great annual gatherings for some festival of nature- worship, analogous to that which we meet with afterwards among the Midianites (Num. xxv. 2). The license of the time or the absence of her natural guardians exposes her, though yet in earliest youth, to lust and outrage. A stain is left, not only on her, but on the honour of her kindred, which, according to the rough justice of the time, nothing but blood could wash out. The duty of extorting that revenge fell, as in the case of Amnon and Tamar (2 Sam. xiii. 22), on the brothers rather than the father, just as, in the case of Rebekah, it belonged to the brother to conduct the negotiations for the marriage. Simeon and Levi take the task upon themselves. The history that follows is that of a cowardly and repulsive crime. For the offence of one man, they destroy and plunder a whole city. They cover their murderous schemes with fail- words and professions of friendship. They make the very token of their religion the instrument of their perfidy and revenge. Their father, timid and anxious as ever, utters a feeble lamentation. Of other facts in the life of Levi, there are none in which he takes, as in this, a prominent and dis tinct part. He shares in the hatred which his brothers bear to Joseph, and joins in the plots against him (Gen. xxxvii. 4). Simeon appears to have been foremost in this attack on the favoured son of Rachel ; and it is at least probable that in this, as in their former guilt, Simeon and Levi were brethren. After this we trace Levi as joining in the migration of the tribe that owned Jacob as its patriarch. He, with his three sons, Gershon, Kohath, Merari, went down into Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 11). As one of the four eldest sons we may think of him as among the five (Gen. xlvii. 2) that were specially presented before Pharaoh. Then comes the last scene in which his name appears. When his father's death draws near, and the sons are gathered round him, he hears the old crime brought up again to receive its sentence from the lips that are no longer feeble and hesitating. They, no less than the incestuous first-born, had forfeited the privileges of their birthright.— 2. Son of Melchi, one of the near ancestors of our Lord, in fact the great-grandfather of Joseph (Luke iii. 24).— 3. A more remote ancestor of Christ, son of Simeon (Luke iii. 29).— 4. Mark ii. 14; Luke v. 27, 29. [Matthew.] Levi'athan occurs five times in the text of the A. V., and once in the margin of Job iii. 8, where the text has " mourning." In the Hebrew Bible the word livyathan, which is, with the foregoing exception, always left untranslated in the A. V., is found only in the following passages: Job iii 8 xl. 25 (xii. 1, A. V.) ; Ps. lxxiv. 14, civ. 26 ; Is! xxvu. 1. In the margin of Job iii. 8, and text of Job xii. 1, the crocodile is most clearly the animal denoted by the Hebrew word. Ps. lxxiv. 14 also clearly points to this same saurian. The context of Ps. civ. 26 seems to show that in this passage 2 H 466 LEVIS the name represents some animal of the whale tribe; but it is somewhat uncertain what animal is denoted in Is. xxvii. 1. The passage in Job iii. 8 is beset with difficulties. There can however be little doubt that the margin is the correct rendering. There appears to he some reference to those who practised enchantments. The detailed description of levia than given in Job xii. indisputably belongs to the trocodile. The Egyptian crocodile also is certainly the animal denoted by leviathan is Ps. lxxiv. 14. Crocodile of the Nile (0. vulgaris). The leviathan of Ps. civ. 26 seems clearly enough to allude to some great cetacean. The Orca gla diator (Gray), the Physalus antiquorum (Gray), or the Rorqual de la Mediterranee (Cuvier), are not uncommon in the Mediterranean, and in an cient times the species may have been more numerous. There is some uncertainty about the leviathan of Is. xxvii. 1. As the term leviathan is evidently used in no limited sense, it is not impro bable that the " leviathan the piercing serpent," or " leviathan the crooked serpent," may denote some species of the great rock-snakes (Boidae) which are common in South and West Africa, perhaps the Hortulia Sebae, which Schneider [Amph. ii. 266), under the synonym Boa hieroglyphica, appears to identify with the huge serpent represented on the Egyptian monuments. Levis, improperly given as a proper name in 1 Esd. ix. 14. It is simply a corruption of " the Levite " in Ezr. x. 15. Le'vites. The analogy of the names of the other tribes of Israel would lead us to include under these titles the whole tribe that traced its descent from Levi. The existence of another division, however, within the tribe itself, in the higher office of the priesthood as limited to " the sons of Aaron," gave to the common form, in this instance, a peculiar meaning. Most frequently the Levites are dis tinguished, as such, from the priests (1 K. viii. 4; Ezr. ii. 70 ; John i. 19, &c), and this is the mean ing which has perpetuated itself. Sometimes the word extends to the whole tribe, the priests in cluded (Num. xxxv. 2 ; Josh. xxi. 3, 41 ; Ex. vi. 25 ; Lev. xxv. 32, &c). Sometimes again it is added as an epithet of the smaller portion of the tribe, and we read of " the priests the Levites " (Josh. iii. 3; Ez. xliv. 15). The history ofthe tribe, and of the functions attached to its several orders, is obviously essential to any right apprehen sion of the history of Israel as a people. ¦ It will fall naturally into four great periods. • I. The time of the Exodus. II. The period of the Judges, III. That of the Monarchy. IV. That from the Captivity to the destruction of Jerusalem.— I. The LEVITES absence of all reference to the consecrated character of the Levites in the book of Genesis is noticeable enough. The only occasion on which the patriarch of the tribe appears — the massacre of the She chemites — may indeed have contributed to in fluence the histoi-y of his descendants, by fostering in them the same fierce wild zeal against all that threatened to violate the purity of their race; but generally what strikes us is the absence of all re cognition of the later character. In the genealogy of Gen. xlvi. 11, in like manner, the list does not go lower down than the three sons of Levi, and they are given in the order of their birth, not in that which would have corresponded to the official superiority of the Kohathites. There are no signs, again, that the tribe of Levi had any special pre-eminence over the others during the Egyptian bondage. Within the tribe itself there are some slight tokens that the Kohathites are gaining the first place. But as yet there are no traces of a caste-character, no signs of any intention to esta blish an hereditary priesthood. Up to this time the Israelites had worshipped the God of their fathers after their fathers' manner. It was ap parently with this as their ancestral worship that they came up out of Egypt. The "young men " of the sons of Israel offer sacrifices (Ex. xxiv. 5). They, we may infer, are the priests who remain with the people while Moses as' ids the heights of Sinai (xix. 22-24). They repre sented the truth that the whole people were " a kingdom of priests" (xix. 6). Neither they nor the " officers and judges " appointed to assist Moses in administering justice (xviii. 25) are connected in any special manner with the tribe of Levi. The first step towards a change was made in the insti tution of an hereditary priesthood in the family of Aaron, during the fii'st withdrawal of Moses to the solitude of Sinai (xxviii. 1). The next exten sion of the idea of the priesthood grew out ofthe terrible crisis of Ex. xxxii. The tribe stood forth, separate and apart, recognising even in this stern work the spiritual as higher than the natural, and therefore counted worthy to be the representative of the ideal life of the people, " an Israel within an Israel." From this time accordingly they occupied a distinct position. The tribe of Levi was to take the place of that earlier priesthood of the first-born as representatives of the holiness of the people. The minds of the people were to be drawn to the fact of the substitution by the close numerical cor respondence of the consecrated tribe with that of those whom they replaced. As the Tabernacle was the sign of the presence among the people of their unseen King, so the Levites were, among the other tribes of Israel, as the royal guard that waited exclusively on Him. When the people were at rest they encamped as guardians round the sacred tent (Num. i. 51, xviii. 22). ' The Levites might come nearer than the other tribes ; but they might not sacrifice, nor burn incense, nor see the " holy things" of the sanctuary till they were covered (Num. iv. 15). When on the march no hands but theirs might strike the tent at the commence ment of the day's journey, or carry the parts of its structure during it, or pitch the tent once again when they halted (Num. i. 51). It was obviously essential for such a work that there should be a fixed assignment of duties ; and now accordingly we meet with the first outlines of the organization which afterwards became permanent. The division 'levites of the tribe into the three sections that traced their descent from the sons of Levi, formed the ground work of it. The work which they all had to do required a man's full strength, and therefore, though twenty was the starting-point for military service (Num. i.), they were not to enter on their active service till they were thirty (Num. iv. 23, 30, 35). At fifty they were to be free from all duties but those of superintendence (Num. viii. 25, 26). The result of this limitation gave to the Kohathites 2750 on active service out of 8600 ; to the sons of Gershon 2630 out of 7500 ; to those of Merari 3200 out of 6200 (Num. iv.). Of these the Kohathites, as nearest of kin to the priests, held from the fii'st the highest offices. They were to bear all the vessels of the sanctuary, the ark itself included (Num. iii. 31, iv. 15; Deut. xxxi. 25), after the priests had covered them with the dark- blue cloth which was to hide them fi-om all pro fane gaze ; and thus they became also the guardians of all the sacred treasures which the people had so freely offered. The Gershonites had to carry the tent-hangings and curtains (Num. iv. 22-26). The heavier burden of the boards, bars, and pillars of the tabernacle fell on the sons of Merari. Before the march began the whole tribe was once again solemnly set apart. The new institution was, however, to receive a severe shock from those who were most interested in it. The section of the Levites whose position brought them into contact with the tribe of Reuben conspired with it to reassert the old patriarchal system of a household priesthood (Num. xvi.). When their self-willed ambition had been punished it was time also to provide more de finitely for them, and this involved a permanent organisation for the future as well as for the pre sent. Jehovah was to be their inheritance (Num. xviii. 20; Deut. x. 9, xviii. 2). They were to have no territorial possessions. In place of them they were to receive from the others the tithes of the produce ofthe land, from which they, in their turn, offered a tithe to the priests, as a recognition of their higher consecration (Num. xviii. 21, 24, 26 ; Neh. x. 37). When the wanderings of the people should be over and the tabernacle have a settled place, great part of the labour that had fallen on them would come to an end, and they too would need a fixed abode. Distinctness and diffu sion were both to be secured by the assignment to the whole tribe of forty-eight cities, with an out lying "suburb" (Num. xxxv. 2) of meadow-land for the pasturage of their flocks and herds. The reverence of the people for them was to be heightened by the selection of six of these as cities of refuge. Through the whole land the Levites were to take the place of the old household priests, sharing in all festivals and rejoicings (Deut. xii. 19, xiv. 26, 27, xxvi. 11). Every third year they were to have an additional share in the produce of the land (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12). To "the priests the Levites" was to belong the office of preserving, transcribing, and interpreting the law (Deut. xvii. 9-12 ; xxxi. 26). Such, if one may so speak, was the ideal of the religious organisation which was present to the mind of the lawgiver. The great principle was, that the warrior-caste who had guarded the tent of the captain of the hosts of Israel, should be throughout the land as witnesses that the people still owed allegiance to Him. As yet, no traces appear of their character as a learned caste, and of the work which after- LEVITES 467 wards belonged to them as hymn-writera and musicians.— II. The successor of Moses, though be longing to another tribe, did faithfully all that could be done to convert this idea into a reality. The submission of the Gibeonites, after they had obtained a promise that their lives should be spared, enabled him to relieve the tribe-divisions of Ger shon and Merari of the most burdensome of their duties. The conquered Hivites became "hewers of wood and drawers of water " for the house of Jehovah and for the congregation (Josh. ix. 27). As soon as the conquerors had advanced far enough to proceed to a partition of the country, the forty- eight cities were assigned to them. The scanty memorials that are left us in the book of Judges fail to show how far, for any length of time, the reality answered to the idea. The tendency of the people to fall into the idolatry of the .neigh bouring nations showed either that the Levites failed to hear their witness to the truth or had no power to enforce it. The old household priest hood revives, and there is the risk of the national worship breaking up into individualism (Judg. xvi.). The shameless license of the sons of Eli may be looked upon as the result of a long period of decay, affecting the whole order. The work of Samuel was the starting-point of a better time. Himself a Levite, and, though not a priest, belonging to that section of the Levites which was nearest to the priesthood (1 Chr. vi. 28), adopted as it were, by a special dedication into the priestly line and trained for its offices (1 Sam. ii. 18), he appears as in fusing a fresh life, the author of a new organisa tion. There is no reason to think, indeed, that the companies or schools of the sons of the pro phets which appear in his time (1 Sam. x. 5), and are traditionally said to have been founded by him, consisted exclusively of Levites ; but there are many signs that the members of that tribe formed a large element in the new order, and received new strength from it.— III. The capture ofthe Ark by the Philistines did not entirely interrupt the wor ship of the Israelites, and the ministrations of the Levites went on, first at Shiloh (1 Sam. xiv. 3), then for a time at Nob (1 Sam. xxii. 11), after wards at Gibeon (1 K. iii. 2; 1 Chr. xvi. 39). The history of the return of the ark to Beth shemesh after its capture by the Philistines, and its subsequent removal to Kirjath-jearim, points appa rently to some strange complications, rising out of the anomalies of this period, and affecting, in some measure, the position of the tribe of Levi. The rule of Samuel and his sons, and the prophetical character now connected with the tribe, tended to give them the position of a ruling caste. In the strong desire of the people for a king, we may perhaps trace a protest against the assumption by the Levites of a higher position than that originally assigned. The reign of Saul, in its later period, was at any rate the assertion of a self-willed power against the priestly order. The reign of David, however, wrought the change from persecution to honour. When his kingdom was established, there came a fuller organisation of the whole tribe. Their position in relation to the priesthood was once again definitely recognised. When the ark was carried up to its new resting-place in Jerusalem, their claim to be the bearers of it was pubhcly acknow ledged (1 Chr. xv. 2). In the procession which attended the ultimate conveyance of the ark to its new resting-place the Levites ware conspicuous, 2 H 2 468 LEVITES wearing their linen ephods, and appearing in their new character as minstrels (1 Chr. xv. 27, 28). In the worship of the tabernacle under David, as afterwards in that of the Temple, we may trace a development of the simpler an-angements of the wilderness and of Shiloh. The Levites were the gatekeepers, vergers, sacristans, choristers of the central sanctuary of the nation. They were, in the language of 1 Chr. xxiii. 24-32, to which we may refer as almost the locus classicus on this sub ject, " to wait on the sons of Aaron for the service of the house of Jehovah, iu the courts, and the chambers, and the purifying of all holy things." This included the duty of providing " for the shew- bread, and the fine flour for meat-offering, and for the unleavened bread." They were, besides this, " to stand every morning to thank and praise Jehovah, and likewise at even." They were lastly " to offer " — i. e. to assist the priests in offering — " all burnt-sacrifices to Jehovah in the sabbaths and on the set feasts." They lived for the greater part of the year in their own cities, and came up at fixed periods to take their turn of work (1 Chr. xxv., xxvi.). How long it lasted we have no suffi cient data for determining. The education which the Levites received for their peculiar duties, no less than their connexion, more or less intimate, with the schools of the prophets, would tend to make them, so far as there was any education at all, the teachers of the others, the transcribers and interpreters of the Law, the chroniclers of the times in which they lived. We have some striking instances of their appearance in this new character. The two books of' Chronicles bear un- mistakeable marks of having been written by men whose interests were all 'gathered round the serv ices of the Temple, and who were familiar with its records. The former subdivisions of the tribe were recognised in the assignment of the new duties, and the Kohathites retained their old pre eminence. As in the old days of the Exodus, so in the organisation under David, the Levites were not included in the general census of the people (1 Chr. xxi. 6), and formed accordingly no portion of its military strength. A separate census, made appar ently before the change of age just mentioned (1 Chr. xxiii. 3), gives — 24,000 over the work of the Temple, 6000 officers and judges, 4000 porters, i. e. gate-keepers, and, as such, bearing aims (1 Chr. ix. 19; 2 Chr. xxxi. 2), 4000 praising Jehovah with instruments. The latter number, however, must have included the full choruses of the Temple. The more skilled musi cians among the sons of Heman, Asaph, and Jedu thun are numbered at 288, in 24 sections of 12 each. The revolt of the ten tribes, and the policy pursued by Jeroboam, led to a great change in tlie position of the Levites. They were the witnesses of an appointed order and of a central woi-ship. He wished to make the priests the creatures and instruments of the king, and to establish a provin cial and divided worship. The natural result was, that they left the cities assigned to them in the territory of Israel, and gathered round the metro polis of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 13, 14). In the kingdom of Judah they were, from this time forward, a powerful body, politically, as well as ecclesias tically. We find them prominent in the war of Abijah against Jeroboam (2 Chr. xiii. 10-12). They are sent out by Jehoshaphat to instruct and judge the people (2 Chr. xix. 8-10). The apostasy LEVITES that followed on the maniage of Jehoram and Athaliah exposed them for a time to the dominance of a hostile system ; but the services of the Temple appear to have gone on, and the Levites were again conspicuous in the counter-revolution effected by Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiii.), and in restoring the Temple to its former stateliness under Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 5). The closing ofthe Temple under Ahaz involved the cessation at once of their work and of their privileges (2 Chr. xxviii. 24). Under Hezekiah they again became prominent, as conse crating themselves to the special work of cleansing and repairing the Temple (2 Chr. xxix. 12-15); and the hymns of David and of Asaph were again re newed. Their old privileges were restored, they were put forward as teachers (2 Chr. xxx. 22), and the payment of tithes, which had probably been discontinued under Ahaz was renewed (2 Chr. xxxi. 4). The genealogies of the tribe were revised (ver. 17), and the old classification kept its ground. The reign of Manasseh was for them, during the greater part of it, a period of depression. That of Josiah witnessed a fresh revival and reorganisation (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8-13). In the great passover of his eighteenth year they took their place as teachers of the people, as well as leaders of their worship (2 Chr. xxxv. 3, 15). Then came the Egyptian and Chaldaean invasions, and the rule of cowardly and apostate kings. The sacred tribe itself showed itself unfaithful. They had, as the penalty of their sin, to witness the destruction of the Temple, and to taste the bitterness of exile.— IV. After the Captivity. The position taken by the Levites in the first movements of the return from Babylon indicates that they had cherished the traditions and maintained the practices of then- tribe. They, we may beheve, were those who were specially called on to sing to their conquerors one of the songs of Zion. It is noticeable, however, that in the first body of returning exiles they are present in a dis proportionately small number (Ezr. ii. 3642). Those who do come take their old parts at the foundation and dedication of the second Temple (Ezr. iii. 10, vi. 18). In the next movement under Ezra their reluctance (whatever may have been its origin) was even more strongly marked. None of them presented themselves at the first great gathering (Ezr. viii. 15). The special efforts of Ezra did not succeed in bringing together more than 38, and their place had to be filled by 220 of the Nethinim (ib. 20). Those who returned with him resumed their functions at the feast of Taber nacles as teachers and interpreters (Neh. viii. 7), and those who were most active in that, work were foremost also in chanting the hymn-like' prayer which appears in Neh. ix. as the last great effort of Jewish psalmody. They are recognised in the great national covenant, and the offerings and tithes which were theh- due are once more solemnly secured to them (Neh. x. 37-39). They take then- old places in the Temple and in the villages near Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 29), and are present in full array at the great feast of the Dedication of the Wall. The two prophets who were active at the time of the Return, Haggai and Zechariah, if they did not belong to the "tribe, helped it forward in the work of restoration. The strongest measures are adopted by Nehemiah, as before by Ezra, to guard the purity of their blood from the contami nation of mixed marriages (Ezr. x. 23) ; and they are made the special guardians of the holiness of LEVITICUS the Sabbath (Neh. xiii. 22). The last prophet of the 0. T. sees, as part of his vision of the latter days, the time when the Lord " shall purify the sons of Levi" (Mal. iii. 3). The guidance of the 0. T. fails us at this point, and the history of the Levites in relation to the national life be comes consequently a matter of inference and con jecture. The synagogue worship, then originated, or receiving a new development, was organised irrespectively of them, and thus throughout the whole of Palestine there were means of instruction in the Law with which they were not connected. During the period that followed the Captivity they contributed to the formation of the so-called Great Synagogue. They, with the priests, theoretically constituted and practically formed the majority of the permanent Sanhedrim, and as such had a large share in the administration of justice even in capital cases. They take no prominent part in the Macca- baean struggles, though they must have been present at the great purification of the Temple. They appear but seldom in the history of the N. T. Where we meet with their names it is as the type of a formal heartless worship, without sympathy and without love (Luke x. 32). The mention of a Levite of Cyprus in Acts iv. 36 shows that the changes of the previous century had carried that tribe also into " the dispersed among the Gentiles." Later on in the history of the first century, when the Temple had received its final completion under the younger Agrippa, we find one section of the tribe engaged in a new move ment. With that strange unconsciousness of a coming doom which so often marks the last stage of a decaying system, the singers of the Temple thought it a fitting time to apply for the right of wearing the same linen garment as the priests, and persuaded the king that the concession of this privilege would be the glory of his reign (Joseph. Ant. xx. 8, §6). The other Levites at the same time asked for and obtained the privilege of joining in the Temple choruses, from which hitherto they had been excluded. The destruction of the Temple so soon after they had attained the object of their desires came as with a grim irony to sweep away their occupation, and so to deprive them of every vestige of that which had distinguished them from other Israelites. They were merged in the crowd of captives that were scattered over the Roman world, and disappear from the stage of history. Looking at the long history of which the outline has been here traced, we find in it the light and darkness, the good and evil, which mingle in the character of most corporate or caste societies. On the one hand, the Levites, as a tribe, tended to fall into a formal worship, a nan-ow and exclusive exaltation of themselves andof their country. On the other hand, we must not forget that they were chosen, together with the priesthood, to bear wit ness of great truths which might otherwise have perished from remembrance, and that they bore it well through a long succession of centuries. It is not often, in the history of the world, that a reli gious caste or order has passed away with more claims to the respect and gratitude of mankind than the tribe of Levi. Leviticus. Contents. — The Book consists of the following principal sections: — I. The laws touching sacrifices (chap, i.-vii.). II. An his torical section containing, first, the consecration of Aaron and his sons (chap, viii.) ; next, his first offering for himself and his people (chap, ix.) ; and LEVITICUS 469 lastly, the destruction of Nadab and Abihu, the sons of Aaron, for their presumptuous offence (chap. x.). III. The laws concerning purity and impurity, and the appropriate sacrifices and ordinances for putting away impurity (chap, xi.-xvi.). IV. Laws chiefly intended to mark the separation between Israel and the heathen nations (chap, xvii.-xx.). V. Laws concerning the priests (xxi., xxii.); and certain holy days and festivals (xxiii., xxv.), together with an episode (xxiv.). The section extends from chap. xxi. 1 to xxvi. 2. VI. Promises and threats (xxvi. 2-46). VII. An appendix containing the laws concerning vows (xxvii.).— I. The book of Exodus concludes with the account of the completion of the tabernacle. From the tabernacle, thus rendered glorious by the Divine Presence, issues the legisla tion contained in the book of Leviticus. As Jeho vah draws near to the people in the tabernacle, so the people draw near to Jehovah in the offering. Without offerings none may approach Him. The regulations respecting the sacrifices fall into three groups, and each of these groups again consists of a decalogue of instructions. 1. The first group of regulations (chap, i.-iii.) deals with three kinds of offerings: the burnt-offering, the meat-offering, and the thank-offering, i. The bumt-offering (chap. i.) in three sections. It might be either (1) a made without blemish from the herds, ver. 3-9 ; or (2) a male without blemish from the flocks, or lesser cattle, ver. 10-13; or (3) it might be fowls, an offering of turtle-doves or young pigeons, ver. 14-17. The next group (chap, ii.) presents many more difficulties, ii. The meat-offering, or blood less offering in four sections : (1) in its uncooked form, consisting of fine flour with oil and frank incense, ver. 1-3 ; (2) in its cooked form, of which three different kinds are specified — baked in the oven, fried, or boiled, ver. 4-10 ; (3) the prohibi tion of leaven, and the direction to use salt in all the meat-offerings, 11-13 ; (4) the oblation of first- fruits, 14-16. This at least seems on the whole to be the best arrangement of the group. The Masoretic arrangement is in five sections : vers. 1-3 ; 4 ; 5, 6 ; 7-13 ; 14-16. iii. The She- lamim — "peace-offering" (A. V.), or "thank- offering" (Ewald), (chap, iii.) in three sections. Strictly speaking this falls under two heads : first, when it is of the herd ; and secondly, when it is of the flock. But this last has again its subdivi sion ; for the offering when of the flock may be either a lamb or a goat. Accordingly the three sections are, vers. 1-5 ; 7-11 ; 12-16 ; and ver. 17 a general conclusion. This concludes the first Decalogue of the hook. 2. Chap, iv., v. The laws concerning the sin-offering and the trespass- (or guilt-) offering. The sin-offering (chap, iv.) is treated of under four specified cases, after a short introduction to the whole in ver. 1, 2: (1) the sin-offering for the priest, 3-12 ; (2) for the whole congregation, 13-21 ; (3) for a ruler, 22-26 ; (4) for one of the common people, 27-35. After these four cases, in which the offering is to be made for four different classes, there follow provisions re specting three several kinds of transgression for which atonement must be made (v. 1-4). We may follow Bertheau, Baumgarten, and Knobel, in regarding them as special instances in which a sire-offering was to be brought. The Decalogue is then completed by the three regulations respect ing the guilt-offering (or trespass-offering) : first, when any one sins " through ignorance in the holy things of Jehovah" (ver. 14-26). As in the 470 LEVITICUS iormer Decalogue, the nature of the offerings, so in this the person and the nature of the offence are the chief features in the several sta tutes. 3. Chap, vi., vii. Naturally upon the law of sacrifices follows the law of the priests' duties when they offer the sacrifices. In this group the different kinds of offerings are named in nearly the same order as in the two preced ing Decalogues, except that the offering at the consecration of a priest follows, instead of the thank-offering, immediately after the meat-offering, which it resembles ; and the thank-offering now appears after the trespass-offering (vi. 9-18). 4. The next Decalogue is contained in ver. 19r30. 5. The third Decalogue is contained in chap. vii. 1-10, the laws of the trespass-offering. 6. The fourth Decalogue, after an introductory verse (ver. 11), is contained in ten verses (12-21). 7. The last Decalogue consists of certain general laws about the fat, the blood, the wave-breast, &c, and is comprised again in ten verses (23-33), the verses as before marking the divisions. The chapter closes with a brief historical notice of the fact that these several commands were given to Moses on Mount Sinai (ver. 35-38).— II. Chap, viii., ix., x. This section is entirely historical. In chapter viii. we have the account of the consecration of Aaron and his sons by Moses before the whole congregation. In chap. ix. Aaron offers, eight days after his con secration, his first offering for himself and the people. Chap. x. tells how Nadab and Abihu perished because of their presumption.— III. Chap. xi.-xvi. The first seven Decalogues had reference to the putting away of guilt. The next seven con cern themselves with the putting away of impurity. That chapters xi.-xv. hang together so as to form one series of laws there can be no doubt. The only question is about chap, xvi., which by its opening is connected immediately with the occurrence re lated in chap. x. Historically it would seem there fore that chap. xvi. ought to have followed chap. x. And as this order is neglected, it would lead us to suspect that some other principle of an-angement than that of historical sequence has been adopted. This we" find in the solemn significance of the Great Day of Atonement. 1. The first Decalogue in this group refers to clean and unclean flesh. Five classes of animals are pronounced unclean. The first four enactments declare what animals may and may not be eaten, whether (1) beasts of the earth (2-8), or (2) fishes (9-12), or (3) birds (13-20), or (4) creeping things with wings. The next four are intended to guard against pollution by contact with the carcase of any of these animals : (5) ver. 24-26 ; (6) ver. 27, 28 ; (7) ver. 29-38 ; (8) ver. 39, 40. The ninth and tenth specify the last class of animals which are unclean for food, (9) 41 , 42, and forbid any other kind of pollution by means of them, (10) 43-45. Ver. 46 and 47 are merely a concluding summary. 2. Chap. xii. Women's purification in childbed. The whole of this chapter, according to Bertheau, constitutes the first law of this Decalogue. The remaining nine are to be found in the next chapter, which treats of the signs of leprosy in man and in garments. (2) ver. 1-8 ; (3) ver. -9-17 ; (4) ver. 18-23 ; (5) ver. 24-28 ; (6) ver. 29-37 ; (7) ver. 38, 39 ; (8) ver. 40, 41 ; (9) ver. 42-46; (10) ver. 47-59. 3. Chap. xiv. 1-32. " The law of the leper in the day of his cleansing," i. e. the law which the priest is to ob serve in purifying the leper. 4. Chap. xiv. 33-57. The leprosy in a house. Bertheau's division is as LEVITICUS follows: (1) ver. 34, 35; (2) ver. 36, 37; (3) ver 38 ; (4) ver. 39 ; (5) ver. 40 ; (6) ver. 41, 42; (7) ver. 43-45. Then as usual follows a short summary which closes the statute concerning leprosy, ver. 54-57. 5. Chap. xv. 1-15. 6. Chap. xv. 16-31. The law of uncleanness by issue, &c, in two decalogues. (1) ver. 13-15 ; (2) ver. 28-30. We again give Bertheau's arrangement, though we do not profess to regard it as in all respects satisfactory. 6. (1) ver. 2, 3 ; (2) ver. 4; (3) ver. 5; (4) ver. 6; (5) ver. 7; (6) ver. 8; (7) ver. 9; (8) ver. 10; (9) ver. 11, 12; — these Bertheau considers as one enactment — (10) ver. 13-15. 6. (1) ver. 16; (2) ver. 17; (3) ver. 18 ; (4) ver. 19 ; (5) ver. 20 ; (6) ver. 21; (7) ver. 22; (8) ver. 23; (9) ver. 24; (10) ver. 28-30. In order to complete this arrangement, he considers verses 25-27 as a kind of supplementary enactment provided for an irre gular uncleanness, leaving it as quite uncertain however whether this was a later addition or not. Verses 32 and 33 form merely the same general conclusion which we have had before in xiv. 54-57. The last Decalogue of the second group of seven Decalogues is to be found in chap, xvi., which treats of the Great Day of Atonement. The Law itself is contained in ver. 1-28. The remaining verses, 29-34, consist of an exhortation to its careful observance. In the act of atonement three persons are concerned. The high-priest, — in this instance Aaron ; the man who leads away the goat for Azazel into the wilderness ; and he who burns the skin, flesh, and dung of the bullock and goat of the sin-offering without the camp. The two last have special purifications assigned them. The 9th and 10th enactments prescribe what these purifica tions are. The duties of Aaron consequently ought, if the division into decads is correct, to be com prised in eight enactments. According to this the Decalogue will stand thus: — (1) ver. 2 ; (2) ver. 3-5 ; (3) ver. 6, 7 ; (4) ver. 8 ; (5) ver. 9, 10 ; (6) ver. 11-19 ; (7) ver. 20-22 ; (8) ver. 23-25 ; (9) ver. 26 ; (10) ver. 27, 28. We have now reached the great central point of the book. Two great truths have been established ; first, that God can only be approached by means of appointed sacrifices ; next, that man in nature and hfe is full of pollution, which must be cleansed. And now a third is taught, viz. that not by several cleansings for several sins and pollutions can guilt be put away. The several acts of sin are but so many manifestations of the sinful nature. For this, there fore, also must atonement be made.— IV. Chap. xvii.-xx. And now Israel is reminded that it is the holy nation. The great atonement offered, it is to enter upon a new life. It is a separate nation, sanctified and set apart for the service of God. Here again we may trace, as before, a group of seven decalogues. But the several decalogues are not so clearly marked; nor are the charact eristic phrases and the introductions and conclu sions so common. In chap, xviii. there are twenty enactments, and in chap. xix. thirty. In chap. xvii., on the other hand, there are only six, and in chap. xx. there are fourteen. Bertheau, in order to preserve the usual arrangement of the laws in decalogues, would transpose chapter xviii., and place it after chapter xix. There is, however, a point of connexion between chaps, xvii. and xviii. which must not be overlooked, and which seems to indicate that their position in our present text is the right one. All tlie six enactments in chap. LEVITICUS xvii. (ver. 3-5, ver. 6, 7, ver. 8, 9, ver. 10-12, ver. 13, 14, ver. 15) bear upon the nature and meaning of the sacrifice to Jehovah as compared with the sacrifices offered to false gods. It would seem too that it was necessary to guard against any license to idolatrous practices, which might possibly be drawn from the sending of the goat for Azazel into the wilderness, especially perhaps against the Egyptian custom of appeasing the Evil Spirit of the wilderness and averting his malice. To this there may be an allusion in ver. 7. Per haps however it is better and more simple to regard the enactments in these two chapters as directed against two prevalent heathen practices, the eating of blood and fornication. In chap, xviii., after the introduction, ver. 1-5, there follow twenty enact ments concerning unlawful marriages and unna tural lusts. The first ten are contained one in each verse, ver. 6-15. The next ten range them selves in like manner with the verses, except that ver. 17 and 23 contain each two. Chap. xix. Three Decalogues, introduced by the words, " Ye shall be holy, for I Jehovah your God am holy," and ending with, " Ye shall observe all my statutes, and all my judgments, and do them. I am Jeho vah." The laws here are of a very mixed cha racter, and many of them merely a repetition of previous laws.— V. We come now to the last group of decalogues — that contained in ch. xxi.- xxvi. 2. The subjects comprised in these enact ments are — First, the personal purity of the priests. They may not defile themselves for the dead ; their wives and daughters must be pure, and they them selves must be free from all personal blemish (ch. xxi.). Next, the eating of the holy things is per mitted only to priests who are free from all un cleanness : they and their household only may eat them (xxii. 1-16). Thirdly, the offerings of Israel are to be pure and without blemish (xxii. 17-33). The fourth series provides for the due celebration of the great festivals when priests and people were to be gathered together before Jehovah in holy con vocation. We will again briefly indicate Bertheau's groups. 1. Chap. xxi. Ten laws, as follows: — (1) ver. 1-3; (2) ver. 4; (3) ver. 5, 6; (4) ver. 7, 8; (5) ver. 9; (6) ver. 10, 11 ; (7) ver. 12; (8) ver. 13, 14 ; (9) ver. 17-21 ; (10) ver. 22, 23. 2. Chap. xxii. 1-16. (1) ver. 2 ; (2) ver. 3 ; (3) ver. 4; (4) ver. 5-7 ; (5) ver. 8, 9 ; (6) ver. 10; (7) ver. 11 ; (8) ver. 12 ; (9) ver. 13; (10) ver. 14-16. 3. Chap. xxii. 17-33. (1) ver. 18- 20 ; (2) ver. 21 ; (3) ver. 22 ; (4) ver. 23 ; (5) ver. 24 ; (6) ver. 25 ; (7) ver. 27 ; (8) ver. 28 ; (9) ver. 29 ; (10) ver. 30 ; and a general conclu sion in ver. 3 1-33. 4. Chap, xxiii. (1) ver. 3 ; (2) ver. 5-7; (3) ver. 8 ; (4) ver. 9-14; (5) ver. 15-21 ; (6) ver. 22 ; (7) ver. 24, 25 ; (8) ver. 27-32 ; (9) ver. 34, 35 ; (10) ver. 36 : ver. 37, 38 contain the conclusion or general summing up of the Decalogue. On the remainder of the chapter, as well as chap, xxiv., see below. 5. Chap. xxv. 1-22. (1) ver. 2; (2) ver. 3, 4; (3) ver. 5; (4) ver. 6; (5) ver. 8-10; (6) ver. 11, 12; (7) ver. 13 ; (8) ver. 14; (9) ver. 15 ; (10) ver. 16: with a concluding formula in ver. 18-22. 6. Chap. xxv. 23-38. (1) ver. 23, 24; (2) ver. 25; (3) ver. 26, 27 ; (4) ver. 28 ; (5) ver. 29 ; (6) ver. 30; (7) ver. 31 ; (8) ver. 32, 33; (9) ver. 34; (10) ver. 35-37: the conclusion to the whole in ver. 38. 7. Chap. xxv. 39-xxvi. 2. (1) ver. 39 ; (2) ver. 40-42 ; (3) ver. 43 ; (4) ver. 44, 45 ; LIBERTINES 471 (5) ver. 46 ; (6) ver. 47-49 ; (7) ver. 50; (8, ver. 51, 52; (9) ver. 53; (10) ver. 54. It will be observed that the above arrangement is only com pleted by omitting the latter part of chap, xxiii. and the whole of chap. xxiv. But it is clear that chap, xxiii. 39-44 is a later addition, containing further instructions respecting the Feast of Taber nacles. Chap, xxiv., again, has a peculiar cha racter of its own.— VI. The seven decalogues are now fitly closed by words of promise and threat — promise of largest, richest blessing to those that hearken unto and do these commandments ; threats of utter destruction to those that break the covenant of their God.— VII. The legislation is evidently completed in the last words of the preceding chap ter: — "These are the statutes and judgments and laws which Jehovah made between Him and the children of Israel in Mount Sinai by the hand of Moses." Chap, xxvii. is a later appendix. Inte grity. — This is very generally admitted. Those critics even who are in favour of different docu ments in the Pentateuch assign nearly the whole of this book to one writer, the Elohist, or author ofthe original document. According to Knobel the only portions which are not to be referred to the Elohist are — Moses' rebuke of Aaron because the goat of the sin-offering had been burnt (x. 16-20); the group of laws in chap, xvii.-xx. ; certain additional enactments respecting the Sabbath and the Feast of Weeks and of Tabernacles (xxiii., part of'ver. 2, and ver. 3, ver. 18, 19, 22, 39-44); the punish ments ordained fcr blasphemy, murder, &c. (xxiv. 10-23) ; the directions respecting the Sabbatical year (xxv. 18-22), and the promises and warnings contained in chap. xxvi. We must not quit this book without a word on what may be called its spiritual meaning. That so elaborate a ritual looked beyond itself we cannot doubt. It was a prophecy of things to come ; a shadow whereof the substance was Christ and His kingdom. We may not always be able to say what the exact relation is between the type and the antitype. But we cannot read the Epistle to the Hebrews and not acknowledge that the Levitical priests " served the pattern and type of heavenly things" — that the sacrifices of the Law pointed to and found their interpretation in the Lamb of God — that the ordin ances of outward purification signified the true inner cleansing of the heart and conscience from dead works to serve the living God. One idea moreover penetrates the whole of this vast and burdensome ceremonial, and gives it a real glory even apart from any prophetic significance. Holi ness is its character. Lib 'anus, the Greek form of the name Lebanon (1 Esd. iv. 48, v. 55; 2 Esd. xv. 20; Jud. i. 7; Ecclus. xxiv. 13, 1. 12)). Anti-libanus occurs only in Jud. i. 7. Libertines. This word occurs once only in the N. T. (Acts vi. 9). The question is, who were these " Libertines," and in what relation did they stand to the others who are mentioned with them ? Of the name itself there have been several explana tions. (1.) The other names being local, this also has been refen-ed to a town of Libertum in the pro-consular province of Africa. — (2.) Conjectural readings have been proposed, but every rule of textual criticism is against the reception of a read ing unsupported by a single MS. or version. — (3.) Taking -the word in its received meaning as = freedmen, Lightfoot finds in it a description of 472 LLBNAH natives of Palestine, who, having fallen into slavery, had been manumitted by Jewish masters. — (4.) Grotius and Vitringa explain the word as describ ing Italian freedmen who had become converts to Judaism. — (5.) The earliest explication ofthe word (Chrysost.) is also that which has been adopted by the most recent authorities. The Libertini are Jews who, having been taken prisoners by Pompey and other Roman generals in the Syrian wars, had been reduced to slavery, and had afterwards been emancipated, and returned, permanently or for a time, to tbe country of their fathers. Lib'nah, a city which lay in the south-west part of the Holy Land. It was taken by Joshua immediately after the rout of Beth-horon. Libnah belonged to the district of the Shefelah, the mari time lowland of Judah, among the cities of which district it is enumerated (Josh. xv. 42). Libnah was appropriated with its " suburbs " to the priests (Josh. xxi. 13 ; 1 Chr. vi. 57). In the reign of Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat it " revolted " from Judah at the same time with Edom (2 K. viii. 22 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 10) ; but, beyond the fact of their simul taneous occui-rence, there is no apparent connexion between the two events. On completing or relin quishing the siege of Lachish — which of the two is not quite certain — Sennacherib laid siege to Libnah (2 K. xix. 8 ; Is. xxxvii. 8). It was the native place of Hamutal, or Hamital, the queen of Josiah, and mother of Jehoahaz (2 K. xxiii. 31) and Zedekiah (xxiv. 18; Jer. Iii. 1). Libnah is described by Eusebius and Jerome in the Ono- masticon merely as a village of the .district of Eleutheropolis. Its site has hitherto escaped not only discovery, but, until lately, even conjecture. Professor Stanley, on the ground of the accordance of the name Libnah (white) with the " Blanche- garde" of the Crusaders, and of both with the appearance of the place, would locate it at Tell es-Safieh, a white-faced hill 5 miles N.W. of Beit- jibrin. Van de Velde places it with confidence at Arak el-Menshiyeh, 4 miles W. of Beit.jibrin ; but the conjecture must be left for further exploration. Lib'nah, one of the stations at which the Israel ites encamped, on their journey between the wilder ness of Sinai and Kadesh (Num. xxxiii. 20, 21). But no trace of the name has yet been discovered ; and the only conjecture which appears to have been made concerning it is that it was identical with Laban, mentioned in Deut. i. 1. Lib'ni. 1. The eldest son of Gershom, the son of Levi (Ex. vi. 17; Num. iii. 18; 1 Chr. vi. 17, 20), and ancestor ofthe family of the Libnites.— 2. The son of Mahli, or Mahali, son of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 29), as the Text at present stands. It is probable, however, that he is the same with the preceding, and that something has been omitted (comp. ver. 29 with 20, 42). Lib'nites, the, the descendants of Libni, eldest son of Gershom (Num. iii. 21, xxvi. 58). Lib'ya occurs only in Acts ii. 10, in the peri phrasis " the parts of Libya about Cyrene," which obviously means the Cyrenaica. The name Libya is applied by the Greek and Roman writers to the African continent, generally however excluding Egypt. Lice (Heb. cinnim, cinndm). This word occurs in the A. V. only in Ex. viii. 16-18, and in Ps. cv. 31 ; both of which passages have reference to the third great plague of Egypt. The Hebrew word — which, with some slight variation, occurs LIGURE only in Ex. viii. 16-18, and in Ps. cv. 31- has given occasion to whole pages of discussion. Some commentators, and indeed modern writers Gene rally, suppose that gnats are the animals intended by the original word ; while, on the other hand, the Jewish Rabbis, Josephus and others, are in favour of the translation. The old versions are claimed by Bochart as supporting the opinion that lice are here intended. Another writer believes he can identify the cinnim with some worm-like creatures (perhaps some kind of Scobpendridae) called tarrentes, mentioned in Vinisauf's account of the expedition of Richard I. into the Holy Land, and which by their bites during the night-time occasion extreme pain. Oedmann is of opinion that the species of mosquito denoted by the cinnim is probably some minute kiud allied to the Culex reptans, s. pulicoris of Linnaeus ; but no proof at all can be brought forward in support of this theory. On the whole this much appears certain, that those commentators who assert that cinnim means gnats have arrived at this conclusion with out sufficient authority ; they have based their arguments solely on the evidence of the LXX., though it is by no means proved that the Greek word used by these translators has any reference to gnats. It appears therefore that there is not suffi cient authority for departing from the translation of the A. V., which renders the Hebrew word by lice. Lieutenants. The' Hebrew achashdarpan was the official title of the satraps or viceroys who governed the provinces of the Persian empire ; it is rendered " lieutenant " in Esth. iii. 12, viii. 9, ix. 3; Ezr. viii. 36, and "prince" in Dan. iii. 2, vi. 1, &c. Lign Aloes. [Aloes.] Ligure (Heb. leshem). A precious stone men tioned in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12, as the first in the third row of the high-priest's breastplate. It is impossible to say, with any certainty, what stone is denoted by the Heb. term. The LXX. version generally, the Vulgate and Josephus, under stand the lyncurium or ligurium ; but it is a matter of considerable difficulty to identify the ligurium of the ancients with any known precious stone. Dr. Woodward and some old commentators have sup posed that it was some kind of belemnite. Others have imagined that amber is denoted by this word. Others again, without reason, suppose the opal to be meant. Dr. Watson identifies it with the tour maline. Beckmann believes that the description of the lyncurium agrees well with the hyacinth stone of modern mineralogists. But there is the follow ing difficulty in the identification of the lyncurium with the hyacinth. Theophrastus, speaking of the properties of the lyncurium, says that it attracts not only light particles of wood, but fragments of iron and brass. Now there is no peculiar attractive power in the hyacinth ; nor is Beckmann's explana tion of this point sufficient. More probable, though still inconclusive, appears the opinion of those who identify the lyncurium with the tourmaline, or more definitely with the red variety known as rubellite, which is a hard stone and used as a gem, and sometimes sold for red sapphire. Tourmaline becomes, as is well known, electrically polar when heated. It is a mineral found in many parts of the world. The fine specimen of rubellite now in the British Museum belonged foimerly to the King of Ava. The word ligure is unknown in niodera LTKHT mineralogy. The claim of rubellite to be the leshem of Scripture is very uncertain, but it is per haps better than that of the other minerals which writers have from time to time endeavoured to identify with it. Lik'hi, a Manassite, son of Shemida, the son of Manasseh (1 Chr. vii. 19). 'Lily (Heb. shushdn, shoshannah). The Hebrew word is rendered " rose " in the Chaldee Targum, and by Maimonides and other rabbinical writers, with the exception of Kimchi and Ben Melech, who in 1 K. vii. 19, translated it by " violet." But Kpivov, or " lily," is the uniform rendering of the LXX., and is in all probability the true one, as it is supported by the analogy of the Arabic and Persian susan, which has the same meaning to this day, and by the existence of the same word in Syriac and Coptic. But although there is little doubt that the word denotes some plant of the lily species, it is by no means certain what individual of this class it especially designates. Father Souciet laboured to prove that the lily of Scripture is the " crown-imperial." But there is no proof that it was at any time common in Palestine. Dioscorides (i. 62) bears witness to the beauty of the lilies of Syria and Pisidia, from which the best perfume was made. If the sMshan or shoshannah of the 0. T. and the Kpivov of the Sermon on the Mount be identical, which there seems no reason to douDt, the plant designated by these terms must have been a conspicuous object on the shores of the Lake of Gennesaret (Matt. vi. 28 ; Luke xii. 27) ; it must have flourished in the deep broad valleys of Pales tine (Cant. ii. 1), among the thorny shrubs (ib. ii. 2) and pastures of the desert (ib. ii. 16, iv. 5, vi. 3), and must have been remarkable for its rapid and luxuriant growth (Hos. xiv. 5 ; Ecclus. xxxix. 14). That its flowers were brilliant in colour would seem to be indicated in Matt. vi. 28, where it is compared with the gorgeous robes of Solomon ; and that this colour was scarlet or purple is implied in Cant. v. 13. There appeals to be no species of lily which so completely answers all these requirements as the Lilium Chalcedonicum, or Scarlet Martagon, which grows in profusion in the Levant. But direct evidence on the point is still to be desired from the observation of travellers. Other plants have been identified with the sh&shdn. Gesenius LINEN 473 Lilium CIkiIci. donicuin. derives the word from a root signifying " to be white," and it has hence been infen-ed that the shushdn is the white lily. Dr. Royle identified the " lily" ofthe Canticles with the lotus of Egypt, in spite of the many allusions'to "feeding among the lilies." The purple flowers of the khob, or wild artichoke, which abounds in the plain north of Tabor and in the valley of Esdraelon, have been thought by some to be the " lilies of the field " alluded to in Matt. vi. 28. A recent traveller mentions a plant, with lilac flowers like the hya cinth, and called by the Arabs usweih, which he considered to be of the species denominated lily in Scripture. Dr. Stanley suggests that the name " lily " " may include the numerous flowers of the tulip or amaryllis kind, which appear in the early summer, or the autumn of Palestine." The Phoe nician architects of Solomon's temple decorated the capitals of the columns with " lily-work," that is, with leaves and flowers of the lily (1 K. vii.), cor responding to the lotus-headed capitals of Egyptian architecture. The rim of the " brazen sea " was possibly wrought in the form of the recurved margin of a lily flower (1 K. vii. 26). lame. This substance is noticed only three times in the Bible, viz. iu Deut. xxvii. 2, 4 (A. V. " plaister"), in Is. xxxiii. 12, and in Am. ii. 1. Linen. Five different Hebrew words are thus rendered, and it is difficult to assign to each its pre cise significance. With regard to the Greek words so translated in the N. T. there is little ambiguity. 1. As Egypt was the great centre of the linen manufacture of antiquity, it is in connexion with that country that we find the first allusion to it in the Bible. Joseph, when promoted to the dignity of ruler of the land of Egypt, was arrayed " in vestures oi fine linen" (shesh, marg. "silk," Gen. xii. 42), and among the offerings for the tabernacle of the things which the Israelites had brought out of Egypt were " blue, and purple, and scarlet, and fine linen " (Ex. xxv. 4, xxxv. 6).— 2. But in Ex. xxviii. 42, and Lev. vi. 10, the drawers of the priests and their flowing robes are said to he of linen (bad) ; and the tunic of the high-priest, his girdle and mitre, which he wore on the day of atonement, were made of the same material (Lev. xvi. 4). From a comparison of Ex. xxviii. 42 with xxxix. 28 it seems clear that bad and shesh were synonymous ; or, if there be any difference between them, the latter probably denotes the spun threads, while the former is the linen woven from them. The wise-hearted among the women of the congre gation spun the flax which was used by Bezaleel and Aholiab for the hangings ofthe tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 25) ; and the making of linen was one ofthe occupations of women, of whose dress it formed a conspicuous part (Prov. xxxi. 22, A.V. "silk-"' Ez. xvi. 10, 13; comp. Rev. xviii. 16). In Ez. xxvii. 7 shesh is enumerated among the products of* Egypt, which the Tyrians imported and used for the sails of their ships; and the vessel constructed for Ptolemy Philopator is said by Athenaeus to have had a sail of byssus. In no case is bad used tor other than a dress worn in religious ceremonies though the other terms rendered " linen " are applied to the ordinary dress of women and persons in high rank.— 3. Bits, always translated "fine linen" except 2 Chr. v. 12, is apparently a late word, and probably the same with the Greek jSiWos, by which it is represented by the LXX. It was used for the dresses of the Levite choir in the temple (1 Chr 474 LINTEL v. 12), for the loose upper garment worn hy kings over the close-fitting tunic (1 Chr. xv. 27), and for the vail of the temple, embroidered by the skill of the Tyrian artificers (2 Chr. iii. 14). Mordecai was arrayed in robes oi fine linen (buts) and purple (Esth. viii. 15) when honoured by the Persian king, and the dress of the rich man in the parable was purple and fine linen (fSiaaos, Luke xvi. 19). "Fine linen," with purple and silk, are enume rated in Rev. xviii. 1 2 as among the merchandise of the mystical Babylon. — 4. Etun occurs but once (Prov. vii. 16), and there in connexion with Egypt. It was probably a kind of thread, made of fine Egyptian flax, and used for ornameuting the cover ings of beds with tapestry-work. Schultens (Prov. vii. 16) suggests that the Greek aivoiv is derived from the Hebrew sadin, which is used of the thirty linen garments which Samson promised to his com panions (Judg. xiv. 12, 13). It was made by women (Prov. xxxi. 24), and used for girdles and under-garments (Is. iii. 23 ; comp. Mark xiv. 51). Linen was used for the winding-sheets of the dead by the Hebrews as well as by the Greeks (Matt. xxvii. 59 ; Mark xv. 46 ; Luke xxiii. 53 ; Hom. II. xviii. 353, xxiii. 254; comp. Eur. Bacch. 819). Towels were made of it (John xiii. 4, 5), and napkins (John xi. 44), like the coarse linen of the Egyptians. The dress of the poor (Ecclus. xl. 4) was probably unbleached flax, such as was used for barbers' towels. The general term which included all those already mentioned was pishteh, which was employed — like our " cotton" — to denote not only the flax (Judg. xv. 14) or raw material from which the linen was made, but also the plant itself (Josh. ii. 6), and the manufacture from it. It is gene rally opposed to wool, as a vegetable product to an animal (Lev. xiii. 47, 48, 52, 59 ; Deut. xxii. 11 ; Prov. xxxi. 13; Hos. ii. 5, 9), and was used for nets (Is. xix. 9), girdles (Jer. xiii. 1), and measuring- lines (Ez. xl. 3), as well as for the dress of the priests (Ez. xliv. 17, 18). From a comparison ofthe last- quoted passages with Ex. xxviii. 42, and Lev. vi. 10 (3), xvi. 4, 23, it is evident that bad and pishteh denote the same material, the latter being the more -general term. It is equally apparent, from a com parison of Rev. xv. 6 with xix. 8, 14, that \lvov and fitiaaivov are essentially the same. One word remains to be noticed, which our A. V. has trans lated "linen yam" (IK. x. 28; 2 Chr. i. 16), brought out of Egypt by Solomon's merchants. The Hebrew mikvth, or mikve, is explained by some as the name of a place. In translating the word " linen yam" the A. V. followed Junius and Tre- mellius. From time immemorial Egypt was cele brated for. its linen (Ez. xxvii. 7). It was the dress of the Egyptian priests (Her. ii. 37, 81). Panopolis or Chemmis (the modern Akhmim) was anciently inhabited by linen-weavers (Strabo, xvii. 41, p. 813). According to Herodotus (ii. 86) the mummy- cloths were of byssus. Combining the testimony of Herodotus as to the mummy-cloths with the re sults of microscopic examination, it seems clear that byssus was linen, and not cotton. Lintel. The beam which forms the upper part of the framework of a door. In the A. V. " lintel " is the rendering of three Hebrew words. 1. Ayil (1 K. vi. 31); translated "post" throughout Ez. xl., xii. The true meaning of this word is ex tremely doubtful. In the LXX. it is left untrans lated ; and in the Chaldee version it is represented by a modification of itself. The A. V. of 1 K. vi. LION 31, " lintel," is supported by the versions of Aquila Symmachus, and Theodotion of Ez. xl. 21 ¦ while Kimchi explains it generally by " post." J. D. Michaelis considers it to be the tympanum or tri angular area of the pediment above a gate, sup ported by columns. Gesenius anives at the con clusion that in the singular it denotes the whole projecting framework of a door or gateway. In the plural it is applied to denote the projections alon» the front of an edifice ornamented with columns oi palm-trees, and with recesses or intercolumniations between them sometimes filled up by windows. Another explanation still is that of Boettcher, who says that ayil is the projecting entrance- and pas sage-wall — which might appropriately be divided into compartments by panelling; and this view is adopted by Ffirst. — 2. Caphtar(Amo$ ix. 1 ; Zeph. ii. 14). The marginal rendering, "chapiter or knop," of both these passages is undoubtedly the more correct. — 3. Mashkoph (Ex. xii. 22, 23); also rendered " upper door-post" in Ex. xii. 7. That this is the true rendering is admitted by all modem philologists. Li'nus, a Christian at Rome, known to St. Paul and to Timothy (2 Tim. iv. 21). That the first bishop of Rome after the apostles was named Linus is a statement in which all ancient writers agree. The early and unequivocal assertion of Irenaeus, corroborated by Eusebius and Theodoret, is suffi cient to prove the identity of the bishop with St, Paul's friend. The date of his appointment, the duration of his episcopate, and the limits to which his episcopal authority extended, are points which cannot be regarded as absolutely settled, although they have been discussed at great length. Eusebius and Theodoret, followed by Baronius and Tillemont, state that he became bishop of Rome after the death of St. Peter. On the other hand, the words of Irenaeus — " [Peter and Paul] when they founded and built up the church [of Rome] committed the office of its episcopate to Linus " — certainly admit, or rather imply the meaning, that he held that office before the death of St. Peter. The duration of his episcopate is given by Eusebius as A.D. 68- 80 ; by Tillemont as 66-78 ; by Baronius as 67- 78 ; and by Pearson as 55-67. This point has been subsequently considered by Baraterius, who gives A.D. 56-67 as the date of the episcopate of Linus. The statement of Ruffinus, that Linus and Cletus were bishops in Rome whilst St. Peter was alive, has been quoted in support of a theory which sprang up in the 17th century, and has been recently re vived. It is supposed that Linus was bishop in Rome only of the Christians of Gentile origin, while at the same time another bishop exercised the same authority over the Jewish Christians there. Linus is reckoned by Pseudo-Hippolytus, and in the Greek Menaea, among the seventy disciples. Lion. Rabbinical writers discover in the 0. T. seven names of the lion, which they assign to the animal at seven periods of its life. 1. Gur, or Gor, a cub (Gen. xlix. 9 ; Deut. xxxiii. 22 ; Jer. li. 38 ; Nah.,ii. 12). 2. Cephir, a young lion (Judg. xiv. 5; Job iv. 10; Ez. xix. 2, &c). 3. Art, or ArySh, a full-grown lion (Gen. xlix. 9 ; Judg. xiv. 5, 8, &c). 4. Shakhal, a lion more advanced in age and strength (Job iv. 10 ; Ps. xci. 13, &c.). 5. Shakhats, a lion in full vigour (Job xxviii. 8). 6. Labi, or Lebiyyd, an old lion (Gen. xlix. 9 ; Job iv. 11, &c). 7 Laish, a lion decrepit with age (Job iv. 11; Is. xxx. 6, &c). Bochart differs LION ¦from this arrangement in every point hut the second. In the first place, g&r is applied to the young of other animals besides the lion ; for in stance, the sea monsters in Lam. iv. 3. Secondly, cephir differs from gur, as juvencus from vitulus. AH or aryeh is a generic term, applied to all lions without regard to age. Bochart is palpably wrong in rendering shakhal " a black lion." Shakhats does not denote a lion at all. Labi is properly a " lioness," and is connected with the Coptic labai, which has the same signification. Laish is another poetic name. So far from being applied to a lion weak with age, it denotes one in full vigour (Job iv. 11 ; Prov. xxx. 30). At present lions do not -exist in Palestine, though they are said to be found in the desert on the road to Egypt (Schwarz, Desc. of Pal. : see Is. xxx. 6). They abound on the banks of the Euphrates between Bussorah and Bagdad, and in the marshes and jungles near the rivers of Babylonia. This species, according to Layard, is without the dark and snaggy mane of the African lion, though he adds in a note that he had seen lions on the river Karoon with a long black mane. But, though lions have now disappeared from Palestine, they must in ancient times have been numerous. The names Lebaoth (Josh. xv. 32), Beth-Lebaoth (Josh. xix. 6), Arieh (2 K. xv. 25), and Laish (Judg. xviii. 7 ; 1 Sam. xxv. 44), were probably derived from the presence of or connexion with lions, and point to the fact that they were at one time common. They had their lairs in the forests which have vanished with them (Jer. v. 6, xii. 8 ; Am. iii. 4), in the tangled brushwood (Jer. iv. 7, xxv. 38 ; Job xxxviii. 40), and in the caves of the mountains (Cant. iv. 8 ; Ez. xix. 9 ; Nah. ii. 12). The cane-brake on the banks of the Jordan, the " pride " of the river, was their favourite haunt (Jer. xlix. 19, 1. 44; Zech. xi. 3). The lion of Palestine was in all probability the Asiatic variety, described by Aristotle and Pliny as distin guished by its short curly mane, and by being shorter and rounder in shape, like the sculptured lion found at Arban. It was less daring than the longer maned species, but when driven by hunger it not only ventured to attack the flocks in the desert in presence of the shepherd (Is. xxxi. 4 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 34), but laid waste towns and villages (2 K. xvii. 25, 26; Prov. xxii. 13, xxvi. 13), and devoured men (1 K. xiii. 24, xx. 36 ; 2 K. xvii. 25 ; Ez. xix. 3, 6). The shepherds sometimes ven tured to encounter the lion single-hauded (1 Sam. xvii. 34) ; and the vivid figure employed by Amos (iii. 12), the herdsman of Tekoa, was but the tran script of a scene which he must have often wit nessed. At other times they pursued the animal in large bands, raising loud snouts to intimidate him (Is. xxxi. 4), and drive him into the net or pit they had prepared to catch him (Ez. xix. 4, 8). Benaiah, one of David's heroic body-guard, had distinguished himself by slaying a lion in his den (2 Sam. xxiii. 20). The kings of Persia had a menagerie of lions (gob, Dan. vi. 7, &c). When captured alive they were put in a cage (Ez. xix. 9), but it does not appear that they were tamed. The strength (Judg. xiv. 18 ; Prov. xxx. 30 ; 2 Sam. i. 23), courage (2 Sam. xvii. 10 ; Prov. xxviii. 1 ; Is. xxxi. 9 ; Nah. ii. 11), and ferocity (Gen. xlix. 9 ; Num. xxiv. 4) of the lion were proverbial. The " lion-faced " warriors of Gad were among David's most valiant troops (1 Chr. xii. 8) ; and the hero Judas Maccabeus is described as " like a lion, and LIZARD 475 like a lion's whelp roaring for his prey " (1 Mace. iii. 4). Among the Hebrews, and throughout the O. T., the lion was the achievement of the princely tribe of Judah, while in the closing hook of the canon it received a deeper significance as the emblem of him who " prevailed to open the book and loose the seven seals thereof" (Rev. v. 5). On the other hand its fierceness and cruelty rendered it an appropriate metaphor for a fierce and malignant enemy (Ps. vii. 2, xxii. 21, lvii. 4; 2 Tim. iv. 17), and hence for the arch-fiend himself (1 Pet. v. 8). The figure of the lion was employed as an orna ment both in architecture and sculpture. FeiBian Lion. (Etam specimen in tho Zoological Gardens.) Liz'ard (Heb. letaah). The Hebrew word, which with its English rendering occurs only in Lev. xi. 30, appears to be correctly translated in the A. V. Lizards of various kinds abound in Egypt, Pales tine, and Arabia. All the old versions agree in identifying the letaah with some saurian, and some concur as to the particular genus indicated. The LXX., the Vulg., the Targ. of Jonathan, with the Arabic versions, understand a lizard by the Hebrew word. The Syriac has a word which is generally translated salamander, but probably this name was applied also to the lizard. The Greek word, with its slight variations, which the LXX. use to express the letaah, appears from what may be gathered from Aristotle, and perhaps also from its derivation, to point to some lizard belonging to the Geckotidae. Bochart has successfully argued that the lizard de noted by the Hebrew word is that kind which the Arabs call vachara, the translation of which term is thus given by Golius : " An animal like a lizard, of a red colour, and adhering to the ground, cibo potuive venenum inspirat quemcunque contigerit." This description will be found to agree with the character of the Fan-Foot Lizard (Ptyodactylus Gecko), which is common in Egypt and in parts of The Fan-Foot (Ptyodachjlut Gecfco.) 476 LO-AMMI Arabia, and perhaps is also found in Palestine. It is reddish brown, spotted with white. The Geckos live on insects and worms, which they swallow whole. They derive their name from the peculiar sound which some of the species utter. They be long to the sub-order Pachyglossae, order Saura. They are oviparous, producing a round egg with a hard calcareous shell. Lo-am'mi, i. e. " not my people," the figurative name given by the prophet Hosea to his second son by Gomer, the daughter of Diblaim (Hos. i. 9), to denote the rejection of the kingdom of Israel by Jehovah. Its significance is explained in ver. 9, 10. Loan. The law of Moses did not contemplate any raising of loans for the purpose of obtaining capital, a condition perhaps alluded to in the pa rables of the "pearl" and "hidden treasure" (Matt. xiii. 44, 45). Such persons as bankers and sureties, in the commercial sense (Prov. xxii. 26 ; Neh. v. 3), were unknown to the earlier ages of the Hebrew commonwealth. The Law strictly forbade any interest to be taken for a loan to any poor person, and at first, as it seems, even in the case of a foreigner ; but this prohibition was afterwards limited to the Hebrews only, from whom, of what ever rank, not only was no usury on any pretence to be exacted, but relief to the poor by way of loan was enjoined, and excuses for evading this duty were forbidden (Ex. xxii. 25 ; Lev. xxv. 35, 37 ; Deut. xv. 3, 7-10, xxiii. 19, 20). As commerce increased, the practice of usury, and so also of suretyship, grew up ; but the exaction of it from a Hebrew appears to have been regarded to a late period as discreditable (Prov. vi. 1, 4, xi. 15, xvii. 18, xx. 16, xxii. 26; Ps. xv. 5, xxvii. 13 ; Jer. xv. 10 ; Ez. xviii. 13, xxii. 12). Systematic breach of the law in this respect was coi-rected by Nehemiah after the return from captivity (Neh. v. 1, 13). The money-changers, who had seats and tables in the Temple, were traders whose profits arose chiefly from the exchange of money with those who came to pay their annual half-shekel. In making loans no prohibition is pronounced in the Law against taking a pledge of the borrower, but certain limita tions are prescribed in favour ofthe poor. 1. The outer garment, if taken in pledge, was to be re turned before sunset. 2. The prohibition was abso lute in the case of (a) the widow's garment (Deut. xxiv. 17), and (6) a millstone of either kind (Deut. xxiv. 6). 3. A creditor was forbidden to enter a house to reclaim a pledge, but was to stand outside till the borrower should come forth to retum it (Deut. xxiv. 10, 11). 4. The original Roman law of debt permitted the debtor to be enslaved by his creditor until the debt was discharged; and he might even be put to death by him. The Jewish law, as it did not forbid temporary bondage in the case of debtors, so it forbade a Hebrew debtor to be detained as a bonds man longer than the 7th year, or at farthest the year of Jubilee (Ex. xxi. 2 ; Lev. xxv. 39, 42 ; Deut. xv. 9). Loaves. [Bread.] Lock. Where European locks have not been introduced, tlie locks of Eastern houses are usually of wood, and consist of a partly hollow bolt from 14 inches to 2 feet long for external doors or gates, or from 7 to 9 inches for interior doors. The bolt passes through a groove in a piece attached to the door into a socket in the LOCUST door-post. In the groove-piece are from 4 to 9 small iron or wooden sliding-pins or wires, which drop into corresponding holes in the bolt, and fix it in its place. Locust, a well-known insect, which commits terrible ravages on vegetation in the countries which it visits. In the Bible there are frequent allusions to locusts ; and there are nine or ten He brew words which are supposed to denote different varieties or species of this destructive family. They belong to that order of insects known by the term Orthoptera. This order is divided into two large groups or divisions, viz. Cursoria and Saltatona. Oedipoda migratoria. From Lev. xi. 21, 22, we leam the Hebrew names of four different kinds of Saltatorial Orthoptera. " These may ye eat of every flying creeping thing that goeth upon all four, which have legs above their feet to leap withal upon the earth ; even those of them ye may eat, the arbeh after his kind, and the sdldm after his kind, and the chargol (wrongly translated beetle by the A. V., an insect which would be included amongst the flying creeping things forbidden as food in vers. 23 and 42) after his kind, and the chdgdb after his kind." Besides the names mentioned in this passage, there occur five others in the Bible, all of which Bochart (iii. 251, &c.) considers to represent so many distinct- species of locusts viz. gob, gdzdm, chasil, yelek, and tselatsdl. (1.) Arbeh ("locust," "grasshopper") is the most common name for locust, the word occurring about twenty times in the Hebrew Bible. The A.V. in the four following passages has grass hopper, Judg. vi. 5, vii. 12 ; Job xxxix. 20; and Jer. xlvi. 23 : in all the other places it has locust. Aciidium Lineola. The word arbeh, which is derived from a root sig nifying " to be numerous," is probably sometimes used in a wide sense to express any of the larger devastating species. It is the locust ofthe Egyptian plague. In almost every passage where arbeh occurs reference is made to its terribly destructive powers. It is one of the flying creeping creatures that were LOOTJST allowed as food by the law of Moses (Lev. xi. 21). In this passage it is clearly the representative of some species of winged saltatorial orthoptera. It is probable that either the Acridium peregrinum, or the Oedipoda migratoria is the insect denoted by the Hebrew word arbeh, for these two species are the most destructive of the family. Of the former LOCUST 477 Acridium Peregrinum. species M. Olivier (Voyage dans VEmpire Otho- man, ii. 424) thus writes: "With the burning south winds (of Syria) there come from the interior of Arabia and from the most southern parts of Persia clouds of locusts (Acridium peregrinum), whose ravages to these countries are as grievous and nearly as sudden as those of the heaviest hail iu Em-ope. We witnessed them twice. It is difficult to express the effect produced on us by the sight of the whole atmosphere filled- on all sides and to a great height by an innumerable quantity of these insects, whose flight was slow and uniform, and whose noise resembled that of rain : the sky was darkened, and the light of the sun considerably weakened. In a moment the terraces of the houses, the streets, and all the fields were covered by these insects, and in two days they had nearly devoured all the leaves ofthe plants. Happily they lived but a short time, and seemed to have migrated only to reproduce themselves and die ; in fact, nearly all those we saw the next day had paired, and the day following the fields were covered with then- dead bodies." This species is found in Arabia, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Persia. (2.) Chdgdb. In 2 Chr. vii. 13 the A. V. reads "locust," in the other pas sages " grasshopper." In the Talmud chdgdb is a collective name for many of the locust tribe, no less than eight hundred kinds of chagdbim being sup posed by the Talmud to exist ! (3.) Chargol. The A. V. is clearly in en-or in translating this word "beetle;" it occurs only in Lev. xi. 22, but it is clear from the context that it denotes some species of winged Saltatorial orthopterous insect which the Israelites were allowed to use as food. The Rev. J. F. Denham, in Cyclop. Bib. Lit. (arts. Chargol and Locust), endeavours to shew that the Greek word ophiomachus denotes some species of Truxalis, perhaps T. Nasutus. The Jews, however, inter pret chargol to mean a species oi grasshopper, Ger man, heuschrecke, which M. Lewysohn identifies with Locusta viridissima. (4.) Sdldm (A. V. " bald locust ") occurs only in Lev. xi. 22, as one of the four edible kinds of leaping insects. All that Trazaiis Nasnia, can possibly be known of it is that it is some kind of Saltatorial orthopterous insect, winged, and good for food. Tychsen, however, arguing from what is said of the sdldm in the Talmud (Tract, Cholin), viz. that " this insect has a smooth head, and that the female is without the sword-shaped tail," con jectures that the species here intended is Gryllus eversor (Asso), a synonym that it is difficult to identify with any recorded species. (5.) Gdzdm. See Palmee-wokm. (6.) Gob, (A. V. in Nah. iii. 17 ; "great grasshoppers;" "grasshoppers;" margin " green worms," in Am. vii. 1). This word is found only in Is. xxxiii. 4, and in the two places cited above. There is nothing in any of these passages that will help to point out the species denoted. That some kind of locust is intended seems probable from the passage in Nahum. Some writers led by this' pass age, have believed that the gobai represent the larva state of some of the large locusts. It is quite pos sible that the gob may represent the larva or nympha state of the insect, for the last stages of the larva differ but slightly from the nympha, both which states may therefore be comprehended under one name; the gobai oi Nah. iii. 17 may easily have been the nymphae (which in all the Ameta- bola continue to feed as in their larva condition) encamping at night under the hedges, and, obtaining their wings as the sun arose, are then represented^* flying away. . (7.) Chandmdl, (A. V. " frost."' Locust Hying. Some writers have supposed that this word, which occurs only in Ps. lxxviii. 47, denotes some kind of locust ; but the concurrent testimony of the old versions, which interpret the word chandmal to sig nify hail or frost, ought to forbid the conjecture. (8.) Yeleh, occurs in Ps. cv. 34; Nah. iii. 15, 16 ; Joel i. 4, ii. 25 ; Jer. li. 14, 27 ; it is rendered by the A. V. cankerworm in four of these places, and caterpillar in the two remaining. From the epithet of " rough," which is applied to the word in Jeremiah, some have supposed the yelek to be the larva of some ofthe destructive Lepidoptera: the epithet samar, however (Jer. li. 27), more pro perly means having spines, which agrees with the Vulgate, aeuleatus. Michaelis believes the yelek to be the cockchafer. Oedmann 'identifies the ward with the Gryllus cristatus, Linn., a species, how ever, which is found only in S. America. Tychsen, arguing from the epithet rough, believes that the yelek is represented by the G. haematopus, Linn. (Calliptamus haemat. Aud. Serv.) a species found in S. Africa. The term spined may refer not to 478 LOD any particular species, but to the very spinous nature of the tibiae in all the locust tribe, and yelek, the cropping, licking off insect (Num. xxii. 4), may be a synonym of some of the names already mentioned, or the word may denote the larvae or pupae of the locust, which, from Joel i. 4, seems not improbable. (9.) Chasil. See Caterpillar. (10.) Tseldtsdl, "locust." The derivation of this word seems to imply that some kind of locust is indicated by it. It occurs only in this sense in Deut. xxviii. 42, " All thy trees and fruit of thy land shall the locust consume." In the other pas sages where the Hebrew word occurs, it represents some kind of tinkling musical instrument, and is generally translated cymbals by the A. V. The word is evidently onomatopoietic, and is here per haps a synonym for some of the other names for locust. AH that can be positively known respect ing 'the tseldtsdl is, that it is some kind of insect injurious to trees and crops. The most destructive of the locust tribe that occur in the Bible lands are the Oedipoda migratoria and the Acridium pere grinum, and . as both these species occur in Syria and Arabia, &c, it is most probable that one or other is denoted in those passages which speak of the dreadful devastations committed by these insects. Locusts occur in great numbers, and sometimes obscure the sun (Ex. x. 15 ; Jer. xlvi. 23 ; Judg. vi. 5, vii. 12 ; Joel ii. 10 ; Nah. iii. 15). Their voracity is alluded to in Ex. x. 12, 15 ; Joel i. 4, 7, 12, and ii. 3 ; Deut. xxviii. 38 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 46, cv. 34 ; Is. xxxiii. 4. They are compared to horses — Joel ii. 4; Rev. ix. 7. They make a fearful noise in their flight (Joel ii. 5 ; Rev. ix. 9). They have no king (Prov. xxx. 27). their irresistible progress is referred to in Joel ii. 8, 9. They enter dwellings, and devour even the woodwork of houses (Ex. x. 6 ; Joel ii. 9, 10). They do not fly in the night (Nah. iii. 17). The sea destroys the greater number (Ex. x. 19 ; Joel ii. 20). Their dead bodies taint the air (Joel ii. 20). They are used as food (Lev. xi. 21, 22 ; Matt. iii. 4; Mark i. 6). There are different ways of preparing locusts for food : sometimes they are ground and pounded, and then mixed with flour and water and made into cakes, or they are salted and then eaten ; sometimes smoked ; boiled or roasted ; stewed, or fried in butter. Lod, a town of Benjamin, stated to have been founded by Shamed or Shamer (1 Chr. viii. 12 ; Ezr. ii. 33 ; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 35). Lod has retained its name almost unaltered to the present day; it is now called Ludd ; but is most familiar to us from its occurrence in its Greek garb, as Lydda, in the Acts of'the Apostles. Lo'-debar, a place named with Mahanaim, Ro- gelim, and other trans- Jordanic towns (2 Sam. xvii. 27), and therefore no doubt on the eastern side of the Jordan. It was the native place of Machir-ben-Ammiel (ix. 4, 5). Lo-debar receives a bare mention in the Onomasticon, nor has any trace of the name been encountered hy any later traveller. Indeed it has probably never been sought for. Lodge, to. This word in the A. V.— with one exception only, to be noticed below— is used to translate the Hebrew verb Km or I'm, which has, at least in the narrative portions of the Bible, almost invariably the force of " passing the night." The same Hebrew word is otherwise translated in the A. V. by " lie all night" (2 Sam. xii. 16 ; Cant. i. 13 ; Job xxix. 19); " tarry the night " (Gen. xix. 2 ; Judg. LORD'S DAY, THE xix. 10 ; Jer. xiv. 8) ; " remain," i. e. until the morning (Ex. xxiii. 18). The one exception above- named occurs in Josh. ii. 1, where the word in the original is a word elsewhere rendered " to lie," ge nerally in allusion to sexual intercourse. Loft. [House.] Log. [Weights and Measures.] Lo'is, the grandmother of Timothy, and doubt less the mother of his mother Eunice (2 Tim. i. 5). It seems likely that Lois had resided long at Lystra ; and almost certain that from her, as well as from Eunice, Timothy obtained his intimate knowledge of the Jewish Scriptures (2 Tim. iii. 15). LooMng-glasses. [Mirrors.] Lord, as applied to the Deity, is the almost uni form rendering in the A. V. of the O. T. of the Heb. Jehovah, which would be more properly re presented as a proper name. The reverence which the Jews entertained for the sacred name of God forbade them to pronounce it, and in reading they substituted for it either Adonai, "Lord," or Elohim, " God," according to the vowel-points by which it was accompanied. The title Adonai is also ren dered " Lord " in the A. V., though this, as applied to God, is of infrequent occurrence in the historical books. But in the poetical and historical books it is more frequent, excepting Job, where it occurs only in xxviii. 28, and the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Song of Songs, where it is not once found. The difference between Jehovah and Adonai (or Adon) is generally marked in the A. V. by printing the word in small capitals (Lord) when it represents the former (Gen. xv. 4, &c), and with an initial capital only when it is the translation of the latter (Ps. xcvii. 5 ; Is. i. 24, x. 16) ; except in Ex. xxiii. 17, xxxiv. 23, where " the Lord God " should be more consistently " the Lord Jehovah." Lord's Day, the. It has been questioned, though not seriously until of late years, what is the mean ing of the phrase r) Kupm/cl) 'H/te'pa, which occurs in one passage only of the Holy Scripture, Rev. i. 10, and is, in our English version, translated " the Lord's Day." The general consent both of Christian antiquity and of modem divines has refei-red it to the weekly festival of our Lord's resun-ection, and identified it with " the first day of the week," or " Sunday," of every age of the Church. But the views antagonistic to this general consent deserve at least a passing notice. 1. Some have supposed St. John to be speaking, in the passage above re ferred to, ofthe Sabbath, because that institution is called in Isaiah Iviii. 13, by the Almighty Himself, " My holy day." To this it is replied— If St. John had intended to specify the sabbath, he would surely have used that word which was by no means obso lete, or even obsolescent, at the time of his com posing the book of the Revelation. 2. Another theory is, that by " the Lord's Day," St. John in tended " the day of judgment," to which a large portion of the book of Revelation may be conceived to refer. 3. A third opinion is, that St. John intended by the " Lord's Day," that on which the Lord's resurrection was annually celebrated, or, as we now term it, Easter-day. Supposing that ^ Ro om*}) 'H/xepa of St. John is the Lord's Day,— What do we gather from Holy Scripture concerning that institution ? How is it spoken of by early writers up to the time of Constantine? What change, if any, was wrought upon it by the cele brated edict of that emperor, whom some have de clared to have been its originator? 1. Scripture LORD'S DAT, THE says very little concerning it. But that little seems to indicate that the divinely inspired apostles, by their practice and by their precepts, marked the first day of the week as a day for meeting together to break bread, for communicating and receiving instruction, for laying up offerings in store for cha ritable purposes, for occupation in holy thought and prayer. The first day of the week so devoted seems also to have been the day of the Lord's Resurrec tion. The Lord rose on the first day of the week, and appeared, on the very day of His rising, to His followers on five distinct occasions — to Mary Mag dalene, to the other women, to the two disciples on the road to Emmaus, to St. Peter separately, to ten Apostles collected together. After eight days, that is, according to the ordinary reckoning, on the first day of the next week, He appeared to the eleven. On the day of Pentecost, which in that year fell on the first day of the week " they were all with one accord in one place," had spiritual gifts conferred on them, and in their turn began to communicate those gifts, as accompaniments of in struction, to others. At Troas (Acts xx. 7), many years after the occurrence at Pentecost, when Chris tianity had begun to assume something like a settled form, St. Luke records the following circumstances. St. Paul and his companions arrived there, and " abode seven days, and upon the first day of the week when the disciples came together to break bread, Paul preached unto them." In 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2, that same St. Paul writes thus: "Now con cerning the collection for the saints, as I have given order to the churches in Galatia, even so do ye. Upon the first day of the week, let every one of you lay by him in store, as God hath prospered him, that there be no gatherings when I come." In Heb. x. 25, the correspondents of the writer are desired "not to forsake the assembling of themselves together, as the manner of some is, but to exhort one another," an injunction which seems to imply that a regular day for such assembling existed, and was well known ; for otherwise no rebuke would lie. And lastly, in the passage given above, St. John describes himself as being in the Spirit " on the Lord's Day." Taken separately, perhaps, and even all together, these passages seem scarcely adequate to prove that the dedication of the first day of the week to the purposes above mentioned was a matter of apostolic institution, or even of apostolic practice. But, it may be observed, that it is at any rate an extraordinary coincidence, that almost immediately we emerge from Scripture, we find the same day mentioned in a similar manner, and directly asso ciated with the Lord's Resurrection ; that it is an extraordinary fact that we never find its dedication questioned or argued about, but accepted as some thing equally apostolic with Confirmation, with Infant Baptism, with Ordination, or at least spoken of in the same way. The results of our examina tion of the principal writers of the two centuries after the death of St. John are as follows. The Lord's Day (a name which has now come out more prominently, and is connected more explicitly with our Lord's resurrection than before) existed during these two centuries as a part and parcel of apostol ical, and so of Scriptural Christianity. It was never defended, for it was never impugned, or at least only impugned as other things received from the apostles were. It was never confounded with the Sabbath, but carefully distinguished from it (though we have not quoted nearly all the passages LORD'S SUPPER 479' by which this point might be proved). It was not an institution of severe Sabbatical character, but a day of joy and cheerfulness, rather encouraging than forbidding relaxation. Religiously regarded, it was a day of solemn meeting for the Holy Eu charist, for united prayer, for instruction, for alms giving ; and though, being an institution under the law of liberty, work does not appear to have been formally interdicted, or rest formally enjoined, Ter tullian seems to indicate that the character of the day was opposed to worldly business. Finally, whatever analogy may be supposed to exist between the Lord's Day and the Sabbath, in no passage that has come down to us is the Fourth Commandment appealed to as the ground of the obligation to observe the Lord's Day. But on whatever grounds " The Lord's Day " may be supposed to rest, it is a great and indisputable fact that four years before the Oecumenical Council of Nicaea, it was recog nised by Constantine in his celebrated edict, as " the venerable Day of the Sun." The terms of the do cument are these :¦ — "Imperator Constantinus Aug. irelpidio. " Omnes judices urbanaeque plebes et cunctarum artium officia venerabili Die Soils quiescant. Burl tamen posit i agrorum culturae libere licenterque inserviant, quoniam frequenter evenit ut non aptius alio die frumenta sulcis aut vlneae scrobibus mandentur, ne occasione momenti pereat commodltas coelesti provisione concessa."— i?a£. Non. Mart. Crispo II. et Constantino II. Coss. Some have endeavoured to explain away this document by alleging — 1st, that "Solis Dies" is not the Christian name of the Lord's Day, and that Constantine did not therefore intend to acknowledge it as a Christian institution. 2nd. That, before his conversion, Constantine had professed himself to he especially under the guardianship of the sun, and that, at the very best, he intended to make a religious compromise between sun-worshippers, properly so called, and the worshippers of the " Sun of Right eousness," i. e. Christians. 3rdly. That Constan- tine's edict was purely a kalendarial one, and in tended to reduce the number of public holidays. 4thly. That Constantine then instituted Sunday for the first time as a religious day for Christians. The fourth of these statements is absolutely refuted, both by the quotations made above from writers of the second and third centuries, and by the terms of the edict itself. The three other statements con cern themselves rather with what Constantine meant than with what he did. But with such considera tions we have little or nothing to do. It is a fact, that in the year a.d. 321, in a public edict, which was to apply to Christians as well as to Pagans, he put especial honour upon a day already honoured by the former— judiciously calling it by a name which Christians had long employed without scruple, and to which, as it was in ordinary use, the Pagans could scarcely object. What he did for it was to insist that worldly business, whether by the func tionaries of the law or by private citizens, should be intermitted during its continuance. Were any other testimony wanting to the existence of Sunday as a day of Christian worship at this period, it mio-ht be supplied by the Council of Nicaea, a.d. 325. The Fathers there and then assembled assume it as an existing fact, and only notice it incidentally in order to regulate an indifferent matter, the posture of Christian worshippers upon it. Lord's Supper. The words which thus describe 480 LORD'S SUPPER the great central act of the worship of the Christian Church occur but in one single passage of the N. T. (1 Cor. xi. 20). Ofthe fact which lies under the name we have several notices, and from these, incidental and fragmentary as they are, it is possible to form a tolerably distinct picture. To examine these notices in their relation to the life of the Christian society in the first stages of its growth, and so to learn what " the Supper of the Lord " actu ally was, will be the object of this article. — I. The starting point of this inquiry is found in the history of that night when Jesus and his disciples met to gether to eat the Passover (Matt. xxvi. 19 ; Mark xiv. 16 ; Luke xxii. 13). The manner in which the Paschal feast was kept by the Jews of that period differed in many details from that originally pre scribed by the rules of Ex. xii. The ceremonies of the feast took place in the following order. (1) The members of the company that were joined for this purpose met in the evening and reclined on couches (comp. Matt. xxvi. 20 ; Luke xxii. 14 ; and John xiii. 23, 25). The head of the household, or cele brant, began by a form of blessing "for the day and for the wine," pronounced over a cup, of which he and the others then drank. (2) All who were present then washed their hands ; this also having a special benediction. (3) The table was then set out with the paschal lamb, unleavened bread, bitter herbs, and the dish known as Charoseth, a sauce made of dates, figs, raisins, and vinegar, and de signed to commemorate the mortar of their bondage in Egypt. (4) The celebrant first, and then the others, dipped a portion of the bitter herbs into the Charoseth and ate them. (5) The dishes were then removed, and a cup of wine again brought. Then followed an interval which was allowed theor etically for the questions that might be asked by children or proselytes, who were astonished at such a strange beginning of a feast, and the cup was passed round and drunk at the close of it. (6) The dishes being brought on again, the celebrant re peated the commemorative words which opened what was strictly the paschal supper, and pro nounced a solemn thanksgiving, followed by Ps. cxiii. and cxiv. (7) Then came a second washing of the hands, with a short form of blessing as before, and the celebrant broke one of the two loaves or ' cakes of unleavened bread, and gave thanks over it. All then took portions of the bread and dipped them, together with the bitter herbs, into the Charoseth, and so ate them. (8) After this they ate the flesh ofthe paschal lamb, with bread, &c, as they liked; and after another blessing, a third cup, known especially as the "cup of blessing," was handed round. (9) This was succeeded by a fourth cup, and the recital of Ps. cxv.-cxviii. followed by a prayer, and this was accordingly known as the cup of the Hallel, or of the Song. (10) There might be, in conclusion, a fifth cup, provided that the " great Hallel" (possibly Psalms cxx.-cxxxviii.) was sung over it. — Comparing the ritual thus gathered from Rabbinic writers with the N. T., and assum ing (1) that it represents substantially the common practice of our Lord's time ; and (2) that the meal of which He and His disciples partook, was either the passover itself, or an anticipation of it, con ducted according to the same rules, we are able to point, though not with absolute certainty, to the points of departure which the old practice presented for the institution of the new. To (1) or (3), or even to '&), we may refer the first words and the LORD'S SUPPER first distribution of the cup (Luke xxii. 17, 18) ¦ to (2) or (7), the dipping of the sop of John xiii.' 26 ; to (7), or to an interval during or after (8), the distribution of the bread (Matt. xxvi. 26 •' Mark xiv. 22 ; Luke xxii. 19 ; 1 Cor. xi. 23, 24) •' to (9) or (10) (" after supper," Luke xxii. 20) the thanksgiving, and distribution of the cup, and the hymn with which the whole was ended. — The nar ratives of the Gospels show bow strongly the dis ciples were impressed with the words which had given a new meaning to the old familiar acts. They leave unnoticed all the ceremonies of the Passover except those which had thus been transferred to the Christian Church and perpetuated in it. Old things were passing away, and all things becoming new. They had looked on the bread and the wine as memorials of the deliverance from Egypt. They were now told to partake of them "in remem brance " of their Master and Lord. The festival had been annual. No rule was given as to the time and frequency ofthe new feast that thus supervened on the old, but the command " Do this as oft as ye drink it" (1 Cor. xi. 25), suggested the more continual recun-ence of that which was to be their memorial of one whom they would wish never to forget. The words, " This is my body," gave to the unleavened bread a new character. They had been prepared for language that would otherwise have been so startling, by the teaching of John (vi. 32-58), and they were thus taught to see in the bread that was broken the witness of the closest possible union and incorporation with their Lord. The cup which was "the new testament in His blood," would remind them, in like manner, ofthe wonderful prophecy in which that new covenant had been foretold (Jer. xxxi. 31-34). It is possible that there may have been yet another thought con nected with these symbolic acts. The funeral customs of the Jews- involved, at or after the burial, the administration to the mourners of bread (comp. Jer. xvi. 7 ; Ez. xxiv. 17 ; Hos. ix. 4 ; Tob. iv. 17), and of wine, known, when thus given, as "the cup of consolation." May not the bread and the wine of the Last Supper have had something of that cha racter, preparing the minds of Christ's disciples for His departure by treating it as already accom plished ? May we not conjecture, without leaving the region of history for that of controversy, that the thoughts, desires, emotions, of that hour of divine sorrow and communion would be such as to lead the disciples to crave earnestly to renew them? Would it not be natural that they should seek that renewal in the way which their Master had pointed out to them? From this time, accordingly, the words "to break bread," appear to have had for the disciples a new significance. It may not have assumed indeed, as yet, the character of a distinct liturgical act ; but when they met to break bread, it was with new thoughts and hopes, and with the memories of that evening fresh on them.— II. In the account given by the writer of the Acts of the life of the first disciples at Jerusalem, a prominent place is given to this act, and to the phrase which indicated it. Writing, we must remember, with the definite associations that had gathered round the words during the thirty years that followed the events he records, he describes the baptized members of the Church as continuing steadfast in or to the teaching of the apostles, in fellowship with them and with each other, and in breaking of bread and in prayers (Acts ii. 42). Taken in LORD'S SUPPER sonnexion with the account given in the preceding verses of the love which made them live as having all things common, we can scarcely doubt that this implies that the chief actual meal of each day was one in which they met as brothers, and which was either preceded or followed hy the more solemn commemorative acts of the breaking of the bread and the drinking of the cup. It will be convenient to anticipate the language and the thoughts of a somewhat later date, and to say that, apparently, they thus united every day the Agape or feast of Love with the celebration of the Eucharist. It would be natural that in a society consisting of many thousand members there should be many places of meeting. The congregation assembling in each place would come to be known as " the Church" in this or that man's house (Rom. xvi. 5, 23 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 19 ; Col. iv. 15 ; Philem. ver. 2). When they met, the place of honour would naturally be taken by one of the apostles, or some elder repre senting him. It would belong to him to pronounce the blessing and thanksgiving, with which the meals of devout Jews always began and ended. The materials for the meal would be provided out of the common funds of the Church, or the liberality of individual members. The bread (unless the con verted Jews were to think of themselves as keeping a perpetual passover) would be such as they habit ually used. The wine (probably the common red wine of Palestine, Prov. xxiii. 31) would, according to their usual practice, be mixed with water. But if this was to be more than a common meal after the pattern of the Essenes, it would be necessary to introduce words that would show that what was done was in remembrance of their Master. At some time, before or after the meal of which they partook as such, the bread and the wine would be given with some special form of words or acts, to indicate its character. New converts would need some explan ation of the meaning and origin of the observance. What would be so fitting and so much in haimony with the precedents of the Paschal feast as the nar rative of what had passed on the night of its insti tution (1 Cor. xi. 23-27)? With this there would naturally be associated (as in Acts ii. 42) prayers for themselves and others. Their gladness would show itself in the psalms and hymns with which they praised God (Heb. ii. 46, 47 ; James v. 13). The analogy of the Passover, the general feeling of tbe Jews, and the practice of the Essenes may pos sibly have suggested ablutions, partial or entire, as a preparation for the feast (Heb. x. 22 ; John xiii. 1-15). At some point in the feast those who were present, men and women sitting apart, would rise to salute each other with the " holy kiss" (1 Cor. xvi. 20 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 12). The next traces that meet us are in 1 Cor., and the fact that we find them is in itself significant. The commemorative feast has not been confined to the personal disciples of Christ, or the Jewish converts whom they ga thered round them at Jerusalem. The title of the " cup of blessing " (1 Cor. x. 16), has been imported into the Greek Church. The synonym of " the cup of the Lord " (1 Cor. I. 21) distinguishes it from the other cups that belonged to the Agape. The word " fellowship " is passing by degrees into the special signification of " Communion." The apostle refers to his own office as breaking the bread and blessing the cup (1 Cor. x. 16). The table on which the bread was placed was the Lord's Table. But the practice of the Agape, as well as the ob- Con. D. B. LOT 481 sei-vance of the commemorative feast, had been transferred to Corinth, and this called for a special notice. Evils had sprang up which had to be checked at once. The meeting of friends for a social meal, to which all contributed, was a suffi ciently familiar practice in the common life of Greeks of this period; and the club-feasts were associated with plans of mutual relief or charity to the poor. The Agape of the new society would seem to them to be such a feast, and hence came a disorder that altogether frustrated the object of the Church in instituting it. What was to be the re medy for this ten-ible and growing evil St. Paul does not state explicitly. He reserves formal regul ations for a later personal visit. In the mean time he gives a rale which would make the union of the Agape and the Lord's Supper possible without the risk of profanation. They were not to come even to the former with the keen edge of appetite. They were to wait till all were met, instead of scrambling tumaltuously to help themselves (1 Cor. xi. 33, 34). In one point, however, the custom of the Church of Corinth differed apparently from that of Jerusalem. The meeting for the Lord's Supper was no longer daily (1 Cor. xi. 20, 33). The direc tions given in 1 Cor. xvi. 2, suggest the constitution of a celebration on the first day of the week. The meeting at Troas is on the same day (Acts xx. 7). The tendency of this language, and therefore pro bably of the order subsequently established, was to separate what had hitherto been united. We stand as it were at the dividing point of the history of the two institutions, and henceforth each takes its own course. One, as belonging to a transient phase of the Christian life, and varying in its effects with changes in national character or forms of civilisation, passes through many stages, and finally dies out. The other also has its changes. The morning cele bration takes the place of the evening. In Acts xx. 11 we have an example of the way in which the transition may have been effected. The disciples at Troas meet together to break bread. The hour is not definitely stated, but the fact that St. Paul's discourse was protracted till past midnight, and the mention of the many lamps indicate a later time than that commonly fixed for the Greek SeTnvov. Then came the teaching and the prayers, and then, towards early dawn, the breaking of bread, which constituted the Lord's Supper, and for which they were gathered together. If this midnight meeting may be taken as indicating a common practice, ori ginating in reverence for an ordinance which Christ had enjoined, we can easily understand how the next step would be to transfer the celebration of the Eucharist permanently to the morning hour, to which it had gradually been approximating. The recurrence of the same liturgical words hi Acts xxvii. 35 makes it probable, though not certain, that the food of which St. Paul thus partook was intended to have, for himself and his Christian com panions, the character at once of the Agape and the Eucharist. Lo-ruia'mah, i. e. " the uncompassionated," the name of the daughter of Hosea the prophet, given to denote the utterly ruined and hopeless condition of the kingdom of Israel, on whom Jehovah would no more have mercy (Hos. i. 6). Lot, the son of Haran, and therefore the nephew of Abraham (Gen. xi. 27, 31). His sisters were Miloah the wife of Nahor, and Iscah, by some identified with Sarah. Haran died before the emi- 2 I 482 LOT gration of Terah and his family from Ur of the Chaldees (ver. 28), and Lot was therefore born there. He removed with the rest of his kindred to Charan, and again subsequently with Abraham and Sarai to Canaan (xii. 4, 5). With them he took refuge in Egypt from a famine, and with them returned, first to the "South" (xiii. 1), and then to their original settlement between Bethel and Ai (ver. 3, 4). But the pastures of the hills of Bethel, which had with ease contained the two strangers on their first arrival, were not able any longer to bear them, so much had their possessions of sheep, goats, and cattle increased since that time. It was not any disagreement between Abraham and Lot — their relations continued good to the last ; but between the slaves who tended their countless herds disputes arose, and a parting was necessary. From some one of the round swelling hills which surround Bethel — from none more likely than that which stands immediately on its east — the two Hebrews looked over the comparatively empty land, in the direction of Sodom, Gomorrah, and Zoar (xiii. 10). And Lot lifted up his eyes towards the left, and beheld all the precinct of the Jordan that it was well watered everywhere ; like a garden of Jehovah ; like that unutterably green and fertile land of Egypt he had only lately quitted. It was exactly the prospect to tempt a man who had no fixed purpose of his own, who had not like. Abram obeyed a stern inward call of duty. So Lot left his uncle on the barren hills of Bethel, and he " chose all the precinct of the Jordan, and journeyed east," down the ravines which give access to the Jordan valley : and then when he reached it turned again southward and advanced as far as Sodom (11, 12). 2. The next occurrence in the life of Lot is his capture by the four kings of the East, and his rescue by Abram (Gen. xiv.). Whatever may be the age of this chapter in relation to those before and after it, there is no doubt that, as far as the history of Lot is concerned, it is in its right posi tion in the narrative. The events which it narrates must have occurred after those of ch. xiii., and before those of xviii., and xix. 3. The last scene preserved to us in the history of Lot is too well known to need repetition. He is still living in Sodom (Gen. xix.). Some years have passed. But in the midst of the licentious corruption of Sodom he still preserves some of the delightful charac teristics of his wandering life, his fervent and chivalrous hospitality (xix. 2, 8), the unleavened bread of the tent of the wilderness (ver. 3), the water for the feet ofthe wayfarers (ver. 2) afford ing his guests a reception identical with that which they had experienced that very morning in Abra ham's tent on the heights of Hebron (comp. xviii. 3, 6). His deliverance from the guilty and con demned city points the allusion of St. Peter (2 Pet. ii. 6-9). Where Zoar was situated, in which he found a temporary refuge during the destruction of the other cities of the plain, we do not know with absolute certainty. But this will be best examined under Zoar. The end of Lot's wife is commonly treated as one of the difficulties of the Bible. But it surely need not be so. It cannot be necessary, as some have done, to create the details ofthe story where none are given. On these points the record is silent. The value and the significance of the story to us are contained in the allusion of Christ (Luke xvii. 32). Later ages have not been satisfied so to leave the matter, but have in- LOVE-PEASTS sisted on identifying the " pillar " with some one of the fleeting forms which the perishable rock of the south end of the Dead Sea is constantly assuming in its process of decomposition and liquefaction. The story of the origin of the nations of Moab and Ammon from the incestuous intercourse between Lot and his two daughters, with which his history abruptly concludes, has been often treated as if it were a Hebi ew legend which owed its origin to the bitter hatred existing from the earliest to the latest times between the "Children of Lot" and the Children of Israel. But even the most destructive critics allow that the narrative is a continuation without a break of that which precedes it, while they fail to point out any marks of later date in the language of this portion; and it cannot be questioned that the writer records it as an historical fact. Even if the legendary theory were admissible, there is no doubt of the fact that Ammon and Moab sprang from Lot. Lot. The custom of deciding doubtful questions by lot is one of great extent and high antiquity, recommending itself as a sort of appeal to the Almighty, secure from all influence of passion or bias, and is a sort of divination employed even by the gods themselves (Hom. II. xxii. 209 : Cic. de Div. i. 34, ii. 41). Among tbe Jews also the use of lots, with a religious intention, direct or indirect, prevailed extensively. The religious estimate of them may be gathered from Prov. xvi. 33. The following historical or ritual instances are — 1. Choice of men for an invading force (Judg. i. 1, xx. 10). 2. Partition (a) of the soil of Palestine among the tribes (Num. xxvi. 55 ; Josh, xviii. 10 ; Acts xiii. 19). (b) of Jerusalem ; i. e. probably its spoil or captives among captors (Obad. 11); ofthe land itself in a similar way (1 Mace. iii. 36). (c) Ap portionment of possessions, or spoil, or of prisoners, to foreigners or captors (Joel iii. 3 ; Nah. iii. 10 j Matt, xxvii. 35). 3. (a) Settlement of doubtful questions (Prov. xvi. 33, xviii. 18). (6) A mode of divination among heathens by means of arrows, two inscribed, and one without mark (Hos. iv. 12 ; Ez. xxi. 21). (c) Detection of a criminal (Josh. vii. 14, 18). (d) Appointment of persons to offices or duties, as above in Achan's case, (e) Se lection of the scape-goat on the Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi. 8, 10). 4. The use of words heard or passages chosen at random from Scripture. Lo'tan, the eldest son of Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22, 29 ; 1 Chi-, i. 38, 39). Lothasu'bus (1 Esd. ix. 44), a corruption of Hashum in Neh. viii. 4. Lots, Feast of. [Purim.] Love-Feasts (Jude 12, and 2 Pet. ii. 13), an entertainment in which the poorer members of the Church partook, furnished from the contributions of Christians resorting to the Eucharistic celebra tion, but whether before or after it may be doubted. The true account of the matter is probably that given by Chrysostom, who says that after the early community of goods had ceased, the richer members brought to the Church contributions ot food and drink, of which, after the conclusion of the services and the celebration of the Eucharist, all partook together, by this means helping to pro mote the principle of love among Christians. The almost universal custom to receive the Eucharist fasting proves that in later times the love-feasts must have followed, not preceded, the Eucharist. The love-feasts were forbidden to be held in churches LOZON tv the Council of Laodicea, a.d. 320, Cone. Quini- scxt., A.D. 692, c. 74, Aix-la-Chapelle, A.D. 816 ; but in some form or other they continued to a much later period. Loz'on, one of the sons of " Solomon's servants " who returned with Zorobabel (l'Esd. v. 33). Lu'him, a nation mentioned as contributing, together with Cushites and Sukkiim, to Shishak's army (2 Chr. xii. 3) ; and apparently as forming with Cushites the bulk of Zerah's army (xvi. 8), spoken of by Nahum (iii. 9) with Put or Phut, as helping No-Amon (Thebes), of which Cush and Egypt were the strength ; and by Daniel (xi. 43) as paying court with the Cushites to a conqueror of Egypt or the Egyptians. For more precise information we look to the Egyptian monuments, upon which we find representations of a people called Rebu, or Lebu, who cannot be doubted to correspond to the Lubim. These Kebu were a ¦warlike people, with whom Menptah and Rameses III., who both ruled in the 13th century B.C., waged successful wars. The latter king routed them with much slaughter. The sculptures of the great temple he raised at Thebes, now called that of Medeenet Haboo, give us representations of the Rebu, showing that they were fair, and of what is called a Shemitic type, like the Berbers and Kabyles. They are distinguished as northern, that is, as ¦parallel to, or north of, Lower Egypt. Of their being African there can be no reasonable doubt. The Lubim are probably the Mizraite Lehabim. The historical indications of the Egyptian monu ments thus lead us to place the seat of the Lubim, ¦or primitive Libyans, on the African coast to the westward of Egypt, perhaps extending far beyond the Cyrenaica. Lu'cas, a friend and companion of St. Paul during his imprisonment at Rome (Philem. 24). He is the same as Luke, the beloved physician (Col. iv. 14; 2 Tim. iv. 11). Lu'cifer. The name is found in Is. xiv. 12, coupled with the epithet " son of the morning,' and clearly signifies a " bright star," and probably what we call the morning star. In this passage it is a symbolical representation of the king of Babylon, in his splendour and in his fall. Its application, from St. Jerome downwards, to Satan in his fall from heaven, arises probably from the fact that the Babylonian Empire is in Scripture represented as the type of tyrannical and self- idolising power, and especially connected with the empire ofthe Evil One in the Apocalypse. Lu'cius, a Roman consul, who is said to have written the letter to Ptolemy (Euergetes), which assured Simon I. of the protection of Rome (cir. B.C. 139-8; 1 Mace. xv. 10, 15-24). The whole form of the letter — the mention of one consul only, the description of the consul by the praenomen, the omission of the senate and of the date shows that it cannot be an accurate copy of the original docu ment ; but there is nothing in the substance of the letter which is open to just suspicion. The im perfect transcription of the name has led to the identification of Lucius with three distinct persons — (1.) [Lucius] Furius Philus, who was not consul till B.C. 136, and is therefore at once excluded. (2.) Lucius Caecilius Metellus Calvus, who was consul in B.C. 142. (3.) But the third identifica tion with Lucius Calpurnius Piso, who was consul B.C. 139, is most probably con-ect. Lu'oins, a kinsman or fellow-tribesman of St. LUDIM 483 Paul (Rom. xvi. 21), by whom he is said by tradi tion to have been ordained bishop of the church of Cenchreae. He is thought by some to be the same with Lucius of Cyrene. Lu'cius of Cyre'ne. Lucius, thus distinguished by the name of his city, is first mentioned in the N. T. in company with Barnabas, Simeon, called Niger, Manaen, and Saul, who are described as pro phets and teachers of the church at Antioch (Acts xiii. 1). Whether Lucius was one of the seventy disciples, as stated by Pseudo-Hippolytus, is quite a matter of conjecture, but it is highly probable that he formed one of the congregation to whom St. Peter preached on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 10) ; and there can hardly be a doubt that he was one of "the men of Cyrene" who, being "scat tered abroad upon the persecution that arose about Stephen," went to Antioch preaching the Lord Jesus (Acts xi. 19, 20). It is commonly supposed that Lucius is the kinsman of St. Paul, mentioned by that apostle as joining with him in his saluta tion to the Roman brethren (Rom. xvi. 21). There is certainly no sufficient reason for regarding him as identical with St. Luke the Evangelist. Lud, the fourth name in the list of the children of Shem (Gen. x. 22 ; comp. 1 Chr. i. 17), that of a person or tribe, or both, descended from him. It has been supposed that Lud was the ancestor of the Lydians (Jos. Ant. i. 6, §4), and thus repre sented by the Lydus of their mythical period (Herod, i. 7). But the Egyptian monuments show us in the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries B.C. a powerful people called Ruten or Luden, probably seated near Mesopotamia, and apparently north of Palestine, whom some, however, make the Assy rians. Lu'dim (Gen. x. 13; 1 Chr. i. 11), a Mizraite people or tribe. From their position at the head of the list of the Mizraites, it is probable that the Ludim were settled to the west of Egypt, perhaps further than any other Mizraite tribe. Lud and the Ludim are mentioned in four passages of the prophets (Is. lxvi. 19 ; Jer. xlvi. 9 ; Ez. xxvii. 10, xxxviii. 5). There can be no doubt that but one nation is intended in these passages, and it seems that thus far the preponderance of evidence is in favour of the Mizraite Ludim. We have still to inquire how the evidence of the Egyptian monu ments and of profane history may affect our sup position. From the former we learn that several foreign nations contributed allies or mercenaries to the Egyptian armies. Among them we identify the Rebu with the Lubim, and the Sharyatana with the Cherethim, who also served in David's army. The rest of these foreign troops seem to have been of African nations, but this is not certain. From the Greek writers we learn that Ionian, Carian, and other Greek mercenaries, formed an important element in the Egyptian army in all times when the country was independent, from the reign of Psammetichus until the final conquest by Ochus. These mercenaries were even settled in Egypt by Psammetichus. There does not seem to be any mention of them in the Bible, excepting they be intended by Lud and the Ludim in the passages that have been considered. It must be recollected that it is reasonable to connect the Shemite Lud with the Lydians, and that at the time of the pro phets by whom Lud and the Ludim are mentioned, the Lydian kingdom generally or always included the more western part of Asia Minor, so that tbe 2 12 484 LUHITH, THE ASCENT OP terms Lud and Ludim might well apply to the Ionian and Carian mercenaries drawn from this tei-ritory. We must therefore hesitate before ab solutely concluding that this important portion of the Egyptian mercenaries is not mentioned in the Bible, upon the prima facie evidence that the only name which could stand for it would seem to be that of an African nation. Lu'hith, the Ascent of, a place in Moab ; ap parently the ascent to a sanctuary or holy spot on an eminence. It occurs only in Is. xv. 5, and the parallel passage of Jeremiah (xlviii. 5). In the days of Eusebius and Jerome (Onomasticon, "Luith") it was still known and stood between Areopolis (Rabbath-Moab) and Zoar. M. de Saulcy places it at " Kharbet-Nouehin ; " but this is north of Areopolis, and cannot be said to lie between it and Zoar. Luke. The name Luke is an abbreviated form of Lucanus or of Lucilius. It is not to be confounded with Lucius (Acts xiii. 1 ; Rom. xvi. 21), which belongs to a different person. The name Luke occurs three times in the New Testament (Col. iv. 14; 2 Tim. iv. 11 ; Philem. 24), and probably in all three, the third evangelist is the person spoken of. Combining the traditional element with the scriptural, the uncertain with the certain, we are able to trace the following dim outline of the Evan gelist's life. He was bom at Antioch in Syria (Eusebius, Sist. iii. 4) ; in what condition of life is uncertain. That he was taught the science of medicine does not prove that he was of higher birth than the rest of the disciples. The well-known tradition that Luke was also a painter, and of no mean skill, rests on the authority of Nicephorus (ii. 43), and of other late writers. He was not born a Jew, for he is not reckoned among them " of the circumcision " by St. Paul (comp. Col. iv. 11 with ver. 14). The date of his conversion is uncertain. The statement of Epiphanius and others, that he was one of the seventy disciples, has nothing very improbable in it; whilst that which Theo- phylact adopts (on Luke xxiv.) that he was one of the two who journeyed to Emmaus with the risen Redeemer, has found modern defenders. The first ray of historical light falls on the Evangelist when he joins St. Paul at Troas, and shares his journey into Macedonia. The sudden transition to the first person plural in Acts xvi. 9, is most naturally explained, after all the objections that have been urged, by supposing that Luke, the writer of the Acts, fonned one of St. Paul's company from this point. As far as Philippi the Evangelist journeyed with the Apostle. The resumption of the third person on Paul's departure from that place (xvii. 1) would show that Luke was now left behind. During the rest of St. Paul's second missionary journey we hear of Luke no more. But on the third journey the same indication reminds us that Luke is again of the company (Acts xx. 5), having joined it apparently at Philippi, where he had been left. With the Apostle he passed through Miletus, Tyre, and Caesarea to Jerusalem (xx. 5, xxi. 18). Between the two visits of Paul to Philippi seven years had elapsed (a.d. 51 to A.D. 58), which the Evangelist may have spent in Philippi and its neighbourhood, preaching the Gospel. There re mains one passage, which, if it refers to St. Luke, must belong to this period. " We have sent with him " (i. e. Titus) " the brother whose praise is in the gospel thoughout all the churches" (2 Cor. LUKE, GOSPEL OP viii. 18). The subscription ofthe epistle sets forth that it was " written from Philippi, a city of Macedonia, by Titus and Lucas," and it is an old opinion that Luke was the companion of Titus although he is not named in the body of the Epistle. If this he so, we are to suppose that during the " three months " of Paul's sojourn at Philippi (Acts xx. 3) Luke was sent from that place to Corinth on this errand. He again appears in the company of Paul in the memorable journey to Rome (Acts xxvii. 1). He remained at his side during his first imprisonment (Col. iv. 14 ; Philem. 24) ; and if it is to be supposed that the Second Epistle to Timothy was written during the second imprisonment, then the testimony of that Epistle (iv. 11) shows that he continued faithful to the Apostle to the end of his afflictions. After the death of St. Paul, the acts of his faithful companion are hopelessly obscure to us. In the well-known passage of Epiphanius, we find that receiving the commission to preach the Gospel, [Luke] preaches first in Dalmatia and Gallia. As to the age and death of the Evangelist there is the utmost uncer tainty. That he died a martyr, between A.D. 75 and A.D. 100, would seem to have the balance of suffrages in its favour. Luke, Gospel of. The third Gospel is ascribed, by the general consent of ancient Christendom, to " the beloved physician," Luke, the friend and companion of the Apostle Paul. It has been shown already [GOSPELS] that the Gospels were in use as one collection, and were spoken of undoubtingly as the work of those whose names they bear, towards the end of the second century. But as regards the genuineness of St. Luke any discussion is entangled with a somewhat difficult question, namely, what is the relation of the Gospel we possess to that which was used by the heretic Marcion? The case may be briefly stated. The religion of Jesus Christ announced salvation to Jew and Gentile, through Him who was bom a Jew, of the seed of David. The two sides of this fact produced very early two opposite tendencies in the Church. One party thought of Christ as the Messiah of the Jews ; the other as the Redeemer of the human race. Marcion of Sinope, who flourished in the first half of the second century, expressed strongly the tendency opposed to Judaism. He views the O.T., not as a preparation for the coming of the Lord, but as something hostile in spirit to the Gospel. This divorcement of the N. T. from the Old was at the root of Marcion's doctrine. In his strange system the God of the 0. T. was a lower being, engaged in a constant conflict with matter, over which he did not gain a complete victory. But the holy and eternal God, perfect in goodness and love, comes not in contact with matter, and creates only what is hke to and cognate with himself. Marcion admitted the Epistles of St. Paul, and a Gospel which he re garded as Pauline, and rejected the rest of the N. T., not from any idea that the books were not genuine, but because they were, as he alleged, the genuine works of men who were not faithful teachers of the Gospel they had received. But what was the Gospel which Marcion used? The ancient testimony is very strong on this point; it was the Gospel of St. Luke, altered to suit his peculiar tenets. He did not, however, ascribe to Luke by name the Gospel thus corrupted, calling it simply the Gospel of Christ. The opinion that LUKE, GOSPEL OP LUKE, GOSPEL OP 485 he formed for himself a Gospel, on the principle of I preface is_ against the notion oi any sclnsive m- rejecting all that savoured of Judaism in an existing I narrative, and that he selected the Gospel of St. Luke as needing the least alteration, seems to have been held universally in the Church, until Sender started a doubt, the prolific seed of a large con troversy; from the whole result of which, how ever, the cause of truth has little to regret. His opinion was that the Gospel of St. Luke and that used by Marcion were drawn from one and the same original eource, neither being altered from the other. From this controversy we gain the following result : — Marcion was in the height of his activity about a.d. 138, soon after which Justin Martyr wrote his Apology; and he had probably given forth his Gospel some years before, i.e. about A.D. 130. At the time when he com posed it he found the Gospel of St. Luke so far diffused and accepted that he based his own Gospel upon it, altering and omitting. Therefore we may assume that, about A.D. 120, the Gospel of St. Luke which we possess was in use, and was familiarly known. The theory that it was com posed about the middle or end of the 2nd century is thus overthrown ; and there is no positive evid ence of any kind to set against the harmonious assertion of all the ancient Church that this Gospel is the genuine production of St. Luke.— II. Date of the Gospel of Luke. — We have seen that this Gospel was in use before the year 120. From internal evidence the date can be more nearly fixed. From Acts i. 1, it is clear that it was written before the Acts of the Apostles. The latest time actually mentioned in the Acts is the term of two years during whicn Paul dwelt at Rome " in his ¦own hired house, and received all that came in unto him " (xxviii. 30, 31). The book of the Acts was probably completed about the end of the second year of St. Paul's imprisonment, that is, about A.D. 63. How much earlier the Gospel, described as "the former treatise" (Acts i. 1), may have foeen written is uncertain. Perhaps it was written at Caesarea during St. Paul's imprisonment there, A.D. 58-60.— III. Place where the Gospel was written. — If the time has been rightly indicated, the place would be Caesarea. Other suppositions are — that it was composed in Achaia and the region of Boeotia (Jerome), in Alexandria (Syriac version), in Rome (Ewald, &c.), in Achaia and Macedonia (Hilgenfeld), and Asia Minor (Kostlin). It is impossible to verify these traditions and con jectures.— IV. Origin of the Gospel. — The preface, -contained in the first four verses of the Gospel, describes the object of its writer. Here are several facts to be observed. There were many narratives ¦of the life of our Lord current at the early time when Luke wrote his Gospel. The ground of fitness for the task St. Luke places in his having carefully followed out the whole course of events from the beginning. He does not claim the cha racter of an eye-witness from the first ; but possibly he may have been a witness of some part of our Lord's doings. The ancient opinion, that Luke wrote his Gospel under the influence of Paul, rests on the authority of Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origen, and Eusebius. The two first assert that we have in Luke the Gospel preached by Paul ; Origen calls it "the Gospel quoted by Paul," alluding to Rom. ii. 16 ; and Eusebius refers Paul's words, " accord ing to my Gospel " (2 Tim. ii. 8), to that of Luke, in which Jerome concurs. The language of the fluence of St. Paul. The four verses could not have been put at the head of a history composed under the exclusive guidance of Paul or of any one apostle, and as little could they have introduced a gospel simply communicated by another. The truth seems to be that St. Luke, seeking informa tion from every quarter, sought it from the preach ing of his beloved master, St. Paul ; and the apostle in his turn employed the knowledge ac quired from other sources by his disciple. Upon the question whether Luke made use of the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, no opinion given here could be conclusive. [Gospels.] Each reader should examine it for himself, with the aid of a Greek Harmony. It is probable that Matthew and Luke wrote independently, and about the same time.— V. Purpose for which the Gospel was written. — The Evangelist professes to write that Theophilus " might know the certainty of those things wherein he had been instructed" (i. 4). Who was this Theophilus? Some have supposed that it is a significant name, applicable not to one man, but the addition of KodViirros, a term of honour which would be used towards a man of station, or some times towards a personal friend, seems against this. Some indications are given in the Gospel about him, and beyond them we do not propose to go. He was not an inhabitant of Palestine, for the Evangelist minutely describes the position of places which to such a one would be well known. By the same test he probably was not a Macedonian (Acts xvi. 12), nor an Athenian (Acts xvii. 21), nor a Cretan (Acts xxvii. 8, 12). But that he was a native of Italy, and perhaps an inhabitant of Rome, is probable from similar data. In tracing St. Paul's journey to Rome, places which an Italian might be supposed not to know are described min utely (Acts xxvii. 8, 12, 16) ; but when he comes to Sicily and Italy this is neglected. All that emerges from this argument is, that the person for whom Luke wrote in the first instance was a Gen tile reader. We must admit, but with great caution, on account of the abuses to which the notion has led, that there are traces in the Gospel of a leaning towards Gentile rather than Jewish converts. As each Gospel has within certain limits its own character and mode of treatment, we shall recognise with Olsbausen that " St. Luke has the peculiar power of exhibiting with great clearness of conception and truth, not so much the discourses of Jesus as His conversations, with all the incidents that gave rise to them, with the Remarks of those who were present, and with the final results." Some have endeavoured to see in Luke's Gospel an attempt to engraft the teaching of St. Paul on the Jewish representations of the Messiah, and to elevate the doctrine of universal salvation, of which Paul was the most prominent preacher, over the Judaizing tendencies, and to put St. Paul higher than the twelve Apostles.— VI. Language and style of tlie Gospel. — It has never been doubted that the Evangelist wrote his Gospel in Greek. Whilst Hebraisms are frequent, classical idioms and Greek compound words abound. The number of words used by Luke only is un usually great, and many of them are compound words for which there is classical authority. On comparing the Gospel with the Acts it is found that the style of the latter is more pure and free from Hebrew idioms ; and the style of the later 486 LUNATICS portion of the Acts is more pure than that of the fonner. Where Luke used the materials he de rived from others, oral or written, or both, his style reflects the Hebrew idioms of them ; but when he comes to scenes of which he was an eye witness and describes entirely in his own words, these disappear.— VII. Quotations from the Old Testament. — In the citations from the 0. T., of the principal of which the following is a list, there are plain marks of the use of the Septuagint ver sion : — Luke i. 1?. Mal. lv. 4, 5. ii. 23. ' Ex. xiii. 2. tf ti. 24. Lev. xii. 8. M til. 4, 5, 6. Is. Xl. 3, 4, 5. M iv. 4. Deut. viii. 3. B iv. 8. Deut. vi. 13. M Iv. 10,11. Ps. xci. 11, 12. it iv. 12. Deut. vi. 14. Jt iv. 18. Is. Ixi. 1, 2. H vii. 27. MaL iii. 1. „ viii. 10. Is. vi. 9. w x. 27. Deut. vi. 5 ; Lev. xix. 18 w xviii. 20. Ex. xx. 12. „ xix. 46. Is. lvi. 7 ; Jer. viii. 11. „ xx. 17. Ps. cxviii. 22, 23. „ xx. 28. Deut. xxv. 5. ip xx. 42, 43. Ps. ex. 1. » xxii. 37. Is. liii. 12. xxiii. 46. Ps. xxxi. 5. —VIII. Integrity of the Gospel — the first two Chapters. — The Gospel of Luke is quoted by Justin Martyr and by the author of the Clementine Homi lies. The silence of the Apostohc fathers only indicates that it was admitted into the Canon some what late, which was probably the case. The result of the Marcion controversy is, as we have seen, that our Gospel was in use before A.D. 120. A special question, however, has been raised about the first two chapters. But there is no real ground for distinguishing between the first two chapters and the rest. Lunatics. This word is used twice in the N. T. (Matt. iv. 24, xvii. 15). It is evident that the word itself refers to some disease, affecting both the body and the mind, which might or might not be a sign of possession. By the description of Mark ix. 17-26, it is concluded that this disease was epilepsy. Luz. The uncertainty which attends the name attaches in a greater degree to the place itself. It seems impossible to discover with precision whether Luz and Bethel represent one and the same town — the former the Canaanite, the latter the Hebrew name — or whether they were distinct places, though in close proximity. The latter is the natural in ference from two of the passages in which Luz is spoken of (Gen. xxviii. 19 ; Josh. xvi. 2, xviii. 13)T Other passages, however, seem to speak of the two as identical (Gen. xxxv. 6 ; Judg. i. 23). The con clusion of the writer is that the two places were, during the times preceding the conquest, distinct, Luz being the city and Bethel the pillar and altar of Jacob : that after the destruction of Luz by the tribe of Ephraim the town of Bethel arose.— 2. When the original Luz was destroyed, through the treachery of one of its inhabitants, the man who had introduced the Israelites into the town went into the "land of the Hittites" and built a city, which he named after the former one. This city was standing at the date of the record (Judg. i. 26) ; but its situation, as well as that of the " land of the Hittites," has never been dis covered since, and is one of the favourite puzzles of Scripture geographers. LYDDA Lycao'nia. This is one of those districts of Asia> Minor, which, as mentioned in the N. T., are to be understood rather in an ethnological than a strictly political sense. From what is said in Acts xiv. 11 of " the speech of Lycaonia," it is evident that the inhabitants of the district, in St. Paul's day, spoke something very different from ordinary Greek. Whether this language was some Syrian dialect, or a corrupt form of Greek, has been much debated. The fact that the Lycaonians were familiar with the Greek mythology is consistent with either sup position. Lycaonia is for the most part a dreary plain, bare of trees, destitute of fresh water, and with several salt lakes. It is, however, very favourable to sheep-farming. In the first notices of this district, which occur in connexion with Roman history, we find it under the rule of robber-chief tains. After the provincial system had embraced the whole of Asia Minor, the boundaries of the pro vinces were variable ; and Lycaonia was, politically, sometimes in Cappadocia, sometimes in Galatia. Lycia is the name of that south-western region of the peninsula of Asia Minor which is imme diately opposite the island of Rhodes. It is a re markable district, both physically and historically. The last eminences of the range of Taurus come down here in majestic masses to the sea, forming the heights of Cragus and Anticragus, with the river Xanthus winding between them, and ending in the long series of promontories called by modern sailors the "seven capes," among which are deep inlets favourable to seafaring and piracy. The Lycians were incorporated in the Persian empire, and their ships were conspicuous in the great war against the Greeks (Herod, vii. 91, 92). After the death of Alexander the Great, Lycia was included in the Greek Seleucid kingdom, and was a part of the tenitory which the Romans forced Antiochus to cede. It was not till the reign of Claudius that Lycia became part of the Roman provincial system. At first it was combined with Pamphylia. At a later period of the Roman empire it was a separate province, with Myra for its capital. Lyd'da, the Greek form of the name which ori ginally appears in the Hebrew records as LOD (Acts ix. 32, 35, 38). Quite in accordance with these and the other scattered indications of Scrip ture is the situation of the modem town, which exactly retains its name, and probably its position. Lidd, or Ludd, stands in the Merj, or meadow, of ibn Omeir, part of the great maritime plain which anciently bore the name of Sharon. It is 9 miles from Joppa, and is the first town on the northern most of the two roads between that place and Jeru salem. The watercourse outside the town is said still to bear the name of Abi-Butrus (Peter), in memory of the Apostle. It was in the time of Josephus a place of considerable size. A century later (B.C. cir. 45) Lydda, with Gophna, Emmaus,. and Thamna, became the prey of the insatiable Cassius. From this they were, it is true, spon re leased by Antony ; but a few years only elapsed before their city (A.D. 66) was burnt by Cestius Gallus on his way from Caesarea to Jerusalem. In less than two years, early in a.d. 68, it was in a condition to be again taken by Vespasian, then on his way to his campaign in the south of Judaea. It was probably not rebuilt till the time of Hadrian, when it received the name of Diospolis. When Eusebius wrote (a.d. 320-330) Diospolis was a well-known and much-frequented town, to which LYDIA MAACAH 487 he often refers, though the names of neither it nor Lydda occur in the actual catalogue of his Ono- masticon. In Jerome's time, A.D. 404, it was an episcopal see. St. George, the patron saint of Eng land, was a native of Lydda. After his martyrdom his remains were buried there, and over them a church was afterwards built and dedicated to his honour. When the counti-y was taken possession of by the Saracens, in the early part of the 8th century, the church was destroyed ; and in this ruined condition it was found by the Crusaders in A.D. 1099, who reinstituted the see, and added to its endowment the neighbouring city and lands of Bamleh. Again destroyed by Saladin after the battle of Hattin in 1191, the church was again rebuilt by Richard Coeur-de-Lion. The town is, for a Mohammedan place, busy and prosperous. Lydda was, for some time previous to the destruction of Jerusalem, the seat of a very famous Jewish school. scarcely second to that of Jabneh. Lyd'ia, a maritime province in the west of Asia Minor, bounded by Mysia on the N., Phrygia on the E., and Caria on the S. The name occurs only in 1 Mace. viii. 8 (the rendering of the A. V. in Ez. xxx. 5 being for Ludim) ; it is there enumer ated among the districts which the Romans took away from Antiochus the Great after the battle of Magnesia in B.C. 190, and transferred to Eumenes II., king of Pergamus. For the connexion between Lydia and the Lud and Ludim of the 0. T., see Ludim. Lydia is included in the "Asia" of the N. T. Lyd'ia, the first European convert of St. Paul, and afterwards his hostess during his first stay at Philippi (Acts xvi. 14, 15, also 40). She was a Jewish proselyte at the time of the Apostle's coming ; and it was at the Jewish Sabbath-worship by the side of a stream (ver. 13) that the preaching of the Gospel reached her heart. Her native place was Thyatira, in the province of Asia (ver. 14; Rev. ii. 18). Thyatira was famous for its dyeing- works ; and Lydia was connected with this trade, either as a seller of dye, or of dyed goods. We infer that she was a person of considerable wealth. Lysa'nias, mentioned by St. Luke in one of his chronological passages (iii. 1) as being tetrarch of Abilene (i. e. the district round Abila) in the 15th year of Tiberius, at the time when Herod Antipas was tetrarch of Galilee, and Herod Philip tetrarch of Ituraea and Trachonitis. It happens that Josephus speaks of a prince named Lysanias who ruled over a territory in the neighbourhood of Lebanon in the time of Antony and Cleopatra, and that he also mentions Abilene as associated with the name of a tetrarch Lysanias, while recounting events of the reigns of Caligula and Claudius. In the first case Abila is not specified here at all, and Lysanias is not called tetrarch. But it is probable that the Lysanias mentioned by Josephus in the second instance is actually the prince referred to by St. Luke. Lys'ias, a nobleman ofthe blood-royal (1 Mace. iii. 32 ; 2 Mace. xi. 1), who was entrusted by Antiochus Epiphanes (cir. B.C. 166) with the government of southern Syria, and the guardian ship of his son Antiochus Eupator (1 Mace. iii. 32 ; 2 Mace. a. 11). In the execution of his office Lysias armed a very considerable force against Judas Maccabaeus. Two detachments of this army under Nicanor (2 Mace, viii.) and Gorgias were defeated by the Jews near Emmaus (1 Mace, iv.) ; and in the following year Lysias himself met with a much more serious reverse at Bethsura (B.C. 165), which was followed by the purification of the Temple. Shortly after this Antiochus Epiphanes died (B.C. 164), and Lysias assumed the govern ment as guardian of his son, who was yet a child (1 Mace. vi. 17). The war against the Jews was renewed ; and, after a severe struggle, Lysias, who took the young king with him, captured Bethsura, and was besieging Jerusalem when he received tidings of the approach of Philip, to whom Antio chus had transferred the guardianship of the prince (1 Mace. vi. 18; 2 Mace. xiii.). He defeated Philip (B.C. 163), and was supported at Rome; but in the next year, together with his ward, fell into the hands of Demetrius Soter, who put them both to death (1 Mace. vii. 2-4 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 2). Lysim'achus. 1. " A son of Ptolemaeus of Jerusalem," the Greek translator of the book of Esther (comp. Esth. ix. 20).— 2. A brother of the high-priest Menelaus, who was left by him as his deputy during his absence at the court of Antio chus. . He fell a victim to the fury of the people, cir. B.C. 170 (2 Mace. iv. 29-42). Lys'tra has two points of extreme interest in connexion respectively with St. Paul's first and second missionary journeys — (1) as the place where divine honours were offered to him, and where he was presently stoned (Acts xiv.) ; (2) as the home of his chosen companion and fellow-mis sionary Timotheus (Acts xvi. 1). The first set tlement of Jews in Lystra, and the ancestors of Timotheus among them, may very probably be traced to the establishment of Babylonian Jews in Phrygia by Antiochus three centuries before. Still it is evident that there was no influential Jewish population at Lystra: no mention is made of any synagogue ; and the whole aspect of the scene de scribed by St. Luke (Acts xiv.) is thoroughly heathen. Lystra was undoubtedly in the eastern part of the great plain of Lycaonia ; and there are very strong reasons for identifying its site with the ruins called Bin-bir-Kilisseh, at the base of a conical mountain of volcanic structure, named the Karadagh. Pliny places this town in Galatia, and Ptolemy in Isauria ; but these statements are quite consistent with its being placed in Lycaonia by St. Luke, as it is by Hierocles. M Ma'acah. 1. The mother of Absalom = Maachah 5 (2 Sam. iii. 3).— 2. Maacah, and (in Chron.) Maachah. A small kingdom in close proximity to Palestine, which appears to have lain outside Argob (Deut. iii. 14) and Bashan (Josh. xii. 5). These districts, probably answering to the Lejah and Jaulan of modern Syria, occupied the space from the Jordan on the west to Salcah (Sulkhad) on the east and Mount Hermon on the north. There is therefore no alternative but to place Maacah somewhere to the east of the Lejah. It is sometimes assumed to have been situated about Abel-beth-Maacah, but this is hardly probable. The Ammonite war was the only occasion on which the Maacathites came into contact with Israel, when their king assisted the Bene-Ammon against Joab with a force which he led himself (2 Sam. x. 6, 8 ; 1 Chr. xix. 7). To the connexion which is 488 MAACHAH always implied between Maacah and Geshur we have no clue. Ma'achoi. 1. The daughter of Nahor by his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). — 2. The father of Achish, who was king of Gath at the beginning of Solomon's reign (1 K. ii. 39).— 3. The daughter, or more probably grand-daughter, of Absalom, named after his mother ; the third and favourite wife of Rehoboam, and mother of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2 ; 2 Chr. xi. 20-22) . According to Josephus her mother was Tamar, Absalom's daughter. But the mother of Abijah is elsewhere called " Michaiah, the daughter of Uriel of Gibeah" (2 Chr. xiii. 2). It is more probable that " Michaiah " is the error of a transcriber, aud that "Maachah" is the true reading in all cases. During the reign of her grand son Asa she occupied at the court of Judah the high position of " King's Mother " (comp. 1 K. ii. 19), which has been compared with that of the Sultana Valide in Turkey. It may be that at Abijah's death, after a short reign of three years, Asa was left a minor, and Maachah acted as regent, like Athaliah under similar circumstances. If this con jecture be correct, it would serve to explain the influence by which she promoted the practice of idolatrous worship..— 4. The concubine of Caleb the son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 48).— 5. The daughter of Talmai king of Geshur, and mother of Absalom (1 Chr. iii. 2) : also called Maacah in A. V. of 2 Sam. iii. 3. — 6. The wife of Machir the Manas- site (1 Chr. vii. 15, 16).— 7. The wife of Jehiel, father or founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 29, ix. 35).— 8. The father of Hanan, one of the heroes of David's body-guard (1 Chr. xi. 43).— 9. A Simeonite, father of Shephatiah, prince of his tribe in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 16). Maa'chathi, and Maa'chathites, the. Two words which denote the inhabitants of the small kingdom of Maachah (Deut. iii. 14 ; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11, 13). Individual Maachathites were not unknown among the warriors of Israel (2 Sam. xxiii. 34 ; Jer. xl. 8 ; 2 K. xxv. 23). Maada'i, one of the sons of Bani who had mar ried a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 34). Maadi'ah, one of the priests, or families of priests, who returned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 5) ; elsewhere (ver. 17) called Moadiah. Iffaa'i, one of the Bene-Asaph who took part in the solemn musical service by which the wall of Jerusalem was dedicated after it had been rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 36). Ha'aleh-Acrab'bim, the full form of the name (Josh. xv. 3) which in its other occurrences is given in the A. V. as " the ascent of, or the going up to, Akrabbim." [Akrabbim.] Ha'ani (1 Esd. ix. 34), identical with Bani, 4. Ma'arath, one of the towns of Judah, in the district of the mountains (Josh. xv. 58). The places which occur in company with it have been identified at a few miles to the north of Hebron, but Maarath has hitherto eluded observation. Maasei'ah. The name of four persons who had married foreign wives in the time of Ezra. 1. A descendant of Jeshua the priest (Ezr. x. 18)— 2. A priest, of the sons of Harim (Ezr. x. 21).— 3. A priest, of the sons of Pashur (Ezr. x. 22).— 4. One of the laymen, a descendant of Pahath- Moab (Ezr. x. 30).— 5. Tho father of Azariah, one of the priests from the oasis of the Jordan, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the wall of Jeru salem (Neh. iii. 23).— 6. One of those who stood MACCABEES, THE on the right hand of Ezra when he read the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). — 7. A Levite who assisted on the same occasion (Neh. viii. 7).— 8. One of the heads of the people whose descendants signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 25).— .9, Son of Baruch and descendant of Pharez, the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 5). — 10. A Benjamite, ancestor of Sallu (Neh. xi. 7). — 11. Two priests of this name are mentioned (Neh. xii. 41, 42) as raking part in the musical service which accompanied the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem under Ezra. One of them is probably the same as 6. — 12. Father of Zepha niah, who was a priest in the reign of Zedekiah (Jer. xxi. 1, xxix. 25, xxxvii. 3).— 13. The father of Zedekiah the false prophet (Jer. xxix. 21).— 14. One ofthe Levites of the second rank, appointed by David to sound "with psalteries on Alamoth" (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20).— 15. The son of Adaiah, and one of the captains of hundreds in the reign of Joash king of Judah (2 Chr. xxiii. 1).— 16. An officer of high rank in the reign of Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 11). He was probably a Levite (comp. 1 Chr. xxiii. 4), and engaged in a semi-military capacity. —17. The " king's son," killed by Zichri the Ephraimitish hero in the invasion of Judah by Pekah king of Israel, during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 7).— 18. The governor of Jerusa lem in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8).— 19. The son of Shallum, a Levite of high rank in the reign of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxv. 4 ; comp. 1 Chr. ix. 1 9). — 20. A priest ; ancestor of Baruch and Seraiah, the sons of Neriah (Jer. xxxii. 12, li. 59). Maasia'i, a priest who after the return from Babylon dwelt in Jerusalem (1 Chr. ix. 12). Maasias, Bar. i. 1. [Maaseiah, 20.] Ma'ath, son of Mattathias in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 26). Ma'az, son of Ram, the firstborn of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 27). Maazi'ah. 1. One of the priests who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 8).— 2. A priest in the reign of David, head of the twenty- fourth course (1 Chr. xxiv. 1 8). Mabda'i. The same as Benaiah (1 Esd, ix. 34). Mac'alon (1 Esd. v. 21). This name is the equivalent of Michmash iu the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah. Maccabees, the. This title, which was ori ginally the surname of Judas, one of the sons of Mattathias, was afterwards extended to the heroic family of which he was one of the noblest repre sentatives, and in a still wider sense to the Pales tinian martyrs in the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, aud even to the Alexandrine Jews who suffered for their faith at an earlier time. The original term Maccabi has been variously derived. Some have maintained that it was formed from the combination of the initial letters of the Hebrew sentence, " Who among the gods is like unto thee, Jehovah?" (Ex. xv. 11), which is supposed to have been inscribed upon the banner of the patriots. Another derivation has been proposed, which, al though direct evidence is wanting, seems satis factory. According to this, the word is formed from Makkdhdh, " a hammer," giving a sense not altogether unlike that in which Charles Martel de rived a surname from his favourite weapon. Al though the name Maccabees has gained the widest currency, that of Asmonaeans, or Basmonaeans, is the proper name of the family. The origin of this name also has been disputed, but tlie, obvious MACCABEES, THE derivation from Chashmon, great-grandfather of Mattathias, seems certainly correct. The original authorities for the history of the Maccabees are extremely scanty ; but for the course of the war itself the first book of Maccabees is a most trust worthy, if an incomplete witness. The second hook adds some important details to the history of the earlier part of the struggle, and of the events which immediately preceded it ; but all the state ments which it contains require close examination, and must be received with caution. Josephus fol lows 1 Mace, for the period which it embraces, very closely ; but slight additions of names and minute particulars indicate that he was in posses sion of other materials, probably oral traditions, which have not been elsewhere preserved. On the other hand there are cases in which, from haste or carelessness, he has misinterpreted his authority. From other sources little can be gleaned. 1. The essential causes of the Maccabaean War have been already pointed out [Antiochus IV.]. The annals of the Maccabaean family, " by whose hand de liverance was given unto Israel" (1 Mace. v. 62), present the record of its progress. The standard of independence was first raised by Mattathias, a priest of the course of Joarib, which was the first of the twenty-four courses (1 Chr. xxiv. 7), and consequently of the noblest blood. He seems, how ever, to have been already advanced in years when the rising was made, and he did not long survive the fatigues of active service. He died B.C. 166, and " was buried in the sepulchre of his fathers at Modin." — 2. Mattathias himself named Judas — apparently his third son — as his successor in direct ing the war of independence (1 Mace. ii. 66). The energy and skill of " the Maccabee," as Judas is often called in 2 Mace, fully justified his father's preference. It appears that he had already taken a prominent part in the first secession to the moun tains (2 Mace. v. 27), where Mattathias is not men tioned. His first enterprises were night attacks and sudden surprises (2 Mace. viii. 6, 7) ; and when his men were encouraged by these means, he ven tured on more important operations, and defeated Apollonius (1 Mace. iii. 10-12) and Seron (1 Mace. iii. 13-24) at Bethhoron. Shortly afterwards Anti ochus Epiphanes, whose resources had been im poverished by the war (1 Mace. iii. 27-31), left the government of the Palestinian provinces to Lysias. Lysias organised an expedition against Judas ; but his army, a part of which had been separated from the main body to effect a surprise, was defeated by Judas at Emmaus with great loss, B.C. 166 (1 Mace. iii. 46-53) ; and in the next year Lysias himself was routed at Bethsura. After this success Judas was able to occupy Jerusalem, except the " tower " (1 Mace. vi. 18, 19), and Be purified the Temple (1 Mace. iv. 36, 41-53) on the 25th of Cisleu, ex actly three years after its profanation (1 Maoc. i. 59). The next year was spent in wars with frontier nations (1 Mace, v.); but in spite of con tinued triumphs the position of Judas was still precarious. In B.C. 163 Lysias laid siege to Jeru salem. The accession of Demetrius brought with it fresh troubles to the patriot Jews. A large party of their countrymen, with Alcimus at their head, gained the ear of the king, and he sent Nicanor against Judas. Nicanor was defeated, first at Capharsalama, and again in a decisive battle at Adasa, near to the glorious field of Bethhoron (B.C. lfil) on the 13th Adar (1 Mace. vii. 49; 2 Mace. MACCABEES, THE 489 xv. 36), where he was slain. This victory was the greatest of Judas's successes, and practically decided the question of Jewish independence, but it was followed by an unexpected reverse. A new invasion under Bacchides took place. Judas was able only to gather a small force to meet the sudden danger. Of this a large part deserted him on the eve of the battle ; but the courage of Judas was unshaken, and he fell at Eleasa, the Jewish Ther mopylae, fighting at desperate odds against the in vaders. His body was recovered by his brothers, and buried at Modin " in the sepulchre of his fathers" (B.C. 161).— 3. After the death of Judas the patriotic party seems to have been for a short time wholly disorganised, and it was only by the pressure of unparalleled sufferings that they were driven to renew the conflict. For this purpose they offered the command to Jonathan, sur- named Apphus (the wary), the youngest son of Mattathias. He retired to the lowlands of the Jordan (1 Mace. ix. 42), where he gained some advantage over Bacchides (b.c. 161), who made an attempt to hem in and destroy his whole force. After two years Bacchides again took the field against Jonathan (B.C. 158). This time he seems to have been but feebly supported, and after an unsuccessful campaign he accepted terms which Jonathan proposed ; and after his departure Jona than "judged the people at Michmash " (1 Mace. ix. 73), and gradually extended his power. The claim of Alexander Balas to the Syrian crown gave a new importance to Jonathan and his adherents. The success of Alexander led to the elevation of Jonathan, who assumed the high-priestly office (1 Mace. x. 21); and not long after he placed the king under fresh obligations by the defeat of Apollonius, a general of the younger Demetrius (1 Mace. x.). After the death of Alexander, Jonathan attached himself to Antiochus VI. He at last fell a victim to the treachery of Tryphon, B.C. 144 fl Mace. xi. 8— xii. 4). — 4. As soon as Simon, the last remaining brother of the Macca baean family, heard of the detention of Jonathan in Ptolemais by Tryphon, he placed himself at the head of the patriot party. His skill in war had been proved in the lifetime of Judas (1 Mace. v. 17-23), and he had taken an active share in the campaigns of Jonathan (1 Mace. xi. 59). Tryphon, after carrying Jonathan about as a prisoner for some little time, put him to death ; and then, having murdered Antiochus, seized the throne. On this Simon made overtures to Demetrius II. (B.C. 143), which were favourably received, and the in dependence of the Jews was at length formally re cognised. The long struggle was now triumphantly ended, and it remained only to reap the fruits of victory. This Simon hastened to do. The pru dence and wisdom for which he was already distin guished at the time of his father's death (1 Mace. "• 65), gained for the Jews the active support of Rome (1 Mace. xv. 16-21), in addition to the con firmation of earlier treaties. After settling the external relations of the new state upon a sure basis, Simon regulated its internal administration. With two of his sons he was murdered at Dok by Ptolemaeus, B.C. 135 (1 Mace. xvi. 11-16).— 5. The treason of Ptolemaeus failed in its object. Johannes Hyrcanus, one of the sons of Simon, escaped from the plot by which his life was threatened, and at once assumed the government (B.C. 135). At first he was hard pressed by 490 MACCABEES. THE Antiochus Sidetes, and only able to preserve Jeru salem on condition of dismantling the fortifica tions and submitting to a tribute, B.C. 133. He reduced Idumaea, confirmed the alliance with Rome, and at length succeeded in destroying Samaria, the hated rival of Jerusalem, B.C. 109. The external splendour of his government was marred by the growth of internal divisions ; but John escaped tbe fate of all the older members of his family, and died in peace, B.C. 106-5. His eldest son Aris tobulus I,, who succeeded, "was the first who assumed the kingly title, though Simon had en joyed the fulness of the kingly power. — 6. Two of the first generation of the Maccabaean family still remain to be mentioned. These, though they did not attain to the leadership of their countrymen like their brothers, shared their fate — Eleazer by a noble act of self-devotion, John, apparently the eldest brother, by treachery. — 7. The great out lines of the Maccabaean contest, which are some what hidden in the annals thus briefly epitomised, admit of being traced with fair distinctness. The disputed succession to the Syrian throne (b.c. 153) was the political turning-point of the struggle, which may thus be divided into two great periods. During the first period (B.C. 168-153) the patriots maintained their cause with varying success against the whole strength of Syria: during the second (B.C. 153-139) they were courted by rival factions, and their independence was acknowledged from time to time, though pledges given in times of danger were often broken when the danger was over. The paramount importance of Jerusalem is conspicuous throughout the whole war. The occu pation of Jerusalem closed the first act of the war (b.c. 165). On the death of Judas the patriots were reduced to as great distress as at their first rising. So far it seemed that little had been gained when the contest between Alexander Balas and Demetrius I. opened a new period (B.C. 153). The former unfruitful conflicts at length produced their full harvest. When the Jewish leaders had once obtained legitimate power they proved able to maintain it, though their general success was chequered by some reverses. The solid power of the national party was seen by the slight effect which was produced by the treacherous murder of Jonathan. Simon was able at once to occupy his place, and carry out his plans. — 8. The war, thus brought to a noble issue, if less famous is not less glorious than any of those in which a few brave men have successfully maintained the cause of free dom or religion against overpowering might. For it is not only in their victory over external diffi culties that the heroism of the Maccabees is con spicuous: their real success was as much imperilled by internal divisions as by foreign force. — 9. The view of the Maccabaean war which regards it only as a civil and not as a religious conflict, is essen tially one-sided. If there were no other evidence than the book of Daniel — whatever opinion be held as to the date of it — that alone would show how deeply the noblest hopes of the theocracy were centred in the success of the struggle. When the feelings of the nation were thus again turned with fresh power to their ancient faith, we might expect that there would be a new creative epoch in the national literature ; or, if the form of Hebrew com position was already fixed by sacred types, a pro phet or psalmist would express the thoughts of the new age after the models of old time. Yet in part MACCABEES. THE at least the leaders of Maccabaean times felt that they were separated by a real chasm from the times of the kingdom or of the exile. If they looked for a prophet in the future, they acknowledged that the spirit of prophecy was not among them. The volume of the prophetic writings was completed, and, as far as appears, no one ventured to imitate its contents. But the Hagiographa, though they were already long fixed as a definite collection, were not equally far removed from imitation. The apocalyptic visions of Daniel served as a pattern for the visions incorporated in the book of Enoch • and it has been commonly supposed that the Psalter contains compositions of the Maccabaean date. This supposition, which is at variance with the best evidence which can be obtained on the history of the Canon, can only be received upon the clearest internal proof; and it may well be questioned whether the hypothesis is not as much at variance with sound interpretation as with the history of the Canon. — 10. The collection of the so-called Psalms of Solomon furnishes a strong confirmation of the belief that all the canonical Psalms are earlier than the Maccabaean era. This collection, which bears the clearest traces of unity of authorship, is, almost beyond question, a true Maccabaean work. There is every reason to believe that the book was originally composed in Hebrew; and it presents exactly those characteristics which are wanting. in the other (conjectural) Maccabaean Psalms.— 11. Elsewhere there is httle which marks the dis tinguishing religious character of the era. The notice of the Maccabaean heroes in the book of Daniel is much more general and brief than the corresponding notice of their great adversary ; but it is not on that account less important as illus trating the relation of the famous chapter to the simple history of the period which it embraces. — 12. The history of the Maccabees does not con tain much which illustrates in detail the religious or social progress of the Jews. It is obvious that the period must not only have intensified old beliefs, but also have called out elements which were latent in them. One doctrine at least, that of a resurrec tion, and even oP a material resurrection (2 Mace. xiv. 46), was brought out into the most distinct apprehension by suffering. And as it was believed that an interval elapsed between death and judg ment, the dead were supposed to be in some mea sure still capable of profiting by the intercession of the living. Thus much is certainly expressed in the famous passage, 2 Mace. xii. 43-45, though the secondary notion of a purgatorial state is in no way implied in it. On the other hand it is not very clear how far the future judgment was supposed to extend. The firm faith in the righteous provid ence of God, shown ^n the chastening of His people, as contrasted with his neglect of other nations, is another proof of the widening view of the spiritual world, which is characteristic of the epoch (2 Mace. iv. 16, 17, v. 17-20, vi. 12-16, &c.). — 13. The various glimpses of national life which can be gained during the period, show on the whole a steady adherence to the Mosaic law. Probably the law was never more rigorously fulfilled. The importance of the Antiochian persecution in fixing the Canon of the Old Testament has been already noticed. [Canon.] The interruption of the suc cession to the high-priesthood was the most im portant innovation which was made, and one which prepared the way for the dissolution of the state. MACCABEES, BOOKS OF After various arbitrary changes the office was left vacant for seven years upon the death of Alcimus. The last descendant of Jozadak (Onias), in whose family it bad been for nearly four centuries, fled to Egypt, and established a schismatic worship ; and at last, when the support of the Jews became important, the Maccabaean leader, Jonathan, of the family of Joarib, was elected to the dignity by the nomination of the Syrian king (1 Mace. x. 20), whose will was confirmed, as it appears, by the voice of the people (comp. 1 Mace. xiv. 35). — 14. Little can be said of the condition of litera ture and the arts which has not been already anti cipated. In common intercourse the Jews used the Aramaic dialect which was established after the return : this was " their own language " (2 Mace. vii. 8, 21, 27, xii. 37) ; but it is evident from the narrative quoted that they understood Greek, which must have spread widely through the influence of Syrian officers. There is not, however, the slightest evidence that Greek was employed in Palestinian literature till a much later date. The description of the monument which was erected by Simon at Modin in memory of his family (1 Mace. xiii. 27-30), is the only record of the architecture of the time. — 15. The only recognised relics of the time are the coins which bear the name of " Simon," or " Simon Prince (Nasi) oi Israel " in Samaritan letters. The privilege of a national coinage was granted to Simon by Antiochus VII. Sidetes (1 Mace. xv. 6) ; and numerous examples occur which have the dates of the first, second, third, and fourth years of the liberation of Jerusalem (Israel, Zion). Maccabees, Books of. Four books which bear the common title of " Maccabees," are found in some MSS. of the LXX. Two of these were in cluded in the early current Latin versions of the Bible, and thence passed into the Vulgate. As forming part of the Vulgate they were received as canonical hy the council of Trent, and retained among the apocrypha by the reformed churches. The two other books obtained no such wide circu lation, and have only a secondary connexion with the Maccabaean history. But all the books, though they differ most widely in character and date and worth, possess points of interest which make them a fruitful field for study. If the historic order were observed, the so-called third book would come first, the fourth would be an appendix to the second, which would retain its place, and the first would come last ; but it will be more convenient to ex amine the books in the order in which they are found in the MSS., which was probably decided by some vague tradition of their relative antiquity.— I. The First Book of Maccabees. — 1. The first book of Maccabees contains a history of the patriotic struggle, from the first resistance of Matta thias to the settled sovereignty and death of Simon, a period of thirty-three years (B.C. 168-135). The opening chapter gives a short summary of the conquests of Alexander the Great, and describes at greater length the oppression of Antiochus Epi phanes. The great subject of the book begins with, the enumeration of the Maccabaean family (ii. 1-5), which is followed by an account of the part which the aged Mattathias took in rousing and guiding the spirit of his countrymen (ii. 6-70). The re mainder of the narrative is occupied with the ex ploits of his five sons. Each of the three divisions, into which the main portion of the book thus MACCABEES, BOOKS OP 491 naturally falls, is stamped with an individual character derived from its special hero. The his tory, in this aspect, presents a kind of epic unity. 2. While the grandeur and unity of the subject invest the book with almost an epic beauty, it never loses the character of history. The earlier part of the narrative, including the exploits of Judas, is cast in a more poetic mould than any other part, except the brief eulogy of Simon (xiv. 4-15) ; but when the style is most poetical (i. 37- 40, ii. 7-13, 49-68, iii. 3-9, 18-22, iv. 8-11, 30- 33, 38, vi. 10-13, vii. 37, 38, 41, 42)— and this poetical form is chiefly observable in the speeches — it seems to be true in spirit. The great marks of trustworthiness are everywhere conspicuous. Vic tory and failure and despondency are, on the whole, chronicled with the same candour. There is no attempt to bring into open display the working of providence. 3. There are, however, some points in which the writer appears to have been imper fectly informed, especially in the history of foreign nations ; and some, again, in which he has been supposed to have magnified the difficulties and suc cesses of his countrymen. Of the former class of objections two, which turn upon the description given of the foundation of the Greek kingdoms of the East (1 Mace. i. 5-9), and of the power of Rome (viii. 1-16), deserve notice from their intrinsic interest. After giving a rapid summary of the exploits of Alexander, the writer states that the king, conscious of approaching death " divided his kingdom among his servants who had been brought up with him from his youth" (1 Mace. i. 6). In this instance the author has probably accepted without inquiry the opinion of his countrymen ; in the other it is distinctly said that the account of the greatness of Rome was brought to Judas by com mon report (1 Mace. viii. 1, 2). The errors in detail are only such as might be expected in oral accounts. The very imperfection of the writer's knowledge is instructive. 4. Much has been written as to the sources from which the narrative was derived, but there does not seem to be evidence sufficient to indicate them with any certainty. In one passage (ix. 22) the author implies that written accounts of some of the actions of Judas were ia existence. It appears, again, to be a reasonable conclusion from the mention of the official records of the life of Hyrcanus (xvi. 24), that similar records existed at least for the high-priesthood of Simon. Many documents are inserted in the text of the history, but even when they are described as " copies " it is questionable whether the writer designed to give more than the substance of the originals. But whatever were the sources of differ ent parts of the book, and in whatever way written, oral and personal informatkm were combined in its structure, the writer made the materials which he used truly his own ; and the minute exactness of the geographical details carries the conviction that the whole finally rests upon the evidence of eye witnesses. 5. The language of the book does not present any striking peculiarities. Both in diction and structure it is generally simple and unaffected, with a marked and yet not harsh hebraistic cha racter. The number of peculiar words is not very considerable, especially when compared with those in 2 Mace. 6. The testimony of antiquity leaves no doubt but that the book was first written in Hebrew. Origen, in his famous catalogue of the books of Scripture, after enumerating the contents 492 MACCABEES, BOOKS OF of the 0. T. according to Ihe Hebrew canon, adds : " But without (i. e. excluded from the number of) these is the Maccabaean history, which is entitled Sarbeth Sabanaiel." The statement of Jerome is quite explicit : — " The first book of Maccabees," he says, " I found in Hebrew ; the second is Greek, as can be shown in fact from its style alone." A question, however, might be raised whether the book was written in biblical Hebrew, or in the later Aramaic (Chaldee) ; but it seems almost certain that the writer took the canonical histories as his model. Yet it is by no means unlikely that the Hebrew was corrupted by later idioms, as in the most recent books of the 0. T. 7. The whole structure of 1 Mace, points to Palestine as the place of its composition. This fact itself is a strong proof for a Hebrew original, for there is no trace of a Greek Palestinian literature during the Hasmonaean dynasty, though the wide use of the LXX. towards the close of the period, prepared the way for the apostolic writings. But though the country of the writer can be thus fixed with cer tainty, there is considerable doubt as to his date. From xvi. 23, 24, it has been concluded that he must have written after the death of Hyrcanus, B.C. 106. j'i It cannot certainly have been composed long after his death. Perhaps we may place the date of the original book between B.C. 120-100. The date and person of the Greek translator are wholly undetermined. 8. In a religious aspect the book is more remarkable negatively than positively. The historical instinct of the writer confines him to the bare recital of facts, and were it not for the words of others which he records, it might seem that the true theocratic aspect of national life had been lost. Not only does he relate no miracle, such as occur in 2 Mace, but he does not even refer the triumphant successes of the Jews to divine inter position. It is a characteristic of the same kind that he passes over without any clear notice the Messianic hopes, which, as appears from the Psalms of Solomon and the Book of Enoch, were raised to the highest pitch by the successful struggle for independence. 9. The book does not seem to have been much used in early times. Eusebius assumes an acquaintance with the two books ; and scanty notices of the first book, but more of the second, occur in later writers. 10. The books of Macca bees were not included by Jerome in his translation of the Bible. The version of the two books which has been incorporated in the I-iomish Vulgate was consequently derived from the old Latin, current before Jerome's time. This version was obviously made from the Greek, and in the main follows it closely. The Syriac version given in the Polyglotts is, like the Latin, a close rendering of the Greek. —II. The Second BgOK of Maccabees.— 1. The history of the Second Book of the Maccabees begins some years earlier than that of the Fii'st Book, and closes with the victory of Judas Mac cabaeus over Nicanor. It thus embraces a period of twenty years, from B.C. 180 (?) to B.C. 161. For the few events noticed during the earlier years it is the chief authority ; during the remainder of the time the narrative goes over the same ground as 1 Mace, but with very considerable differences. The firet two chapters are taken up by two letters supposed to be addressed by the Palestinian to the Alexandrine Jews, and by a sketch of the author's plan, which proceeds without any perceptible break from the close of the second letter. The main nar- MACCABEES, BOOKS OP rative occupies the remainder of the book. This presents several natural divisions, which appear to coincide with the " five books " of Jason on which it was based. The first (c. iii.) contains the history of Heliodorus (cir. B.C. 180). The second (iv.— vii.) gives varied details of the beginning and course of the great persecution (B.C. 175-167). The third (viii.-x. 9) follows the fortunes of Judas to the triumphant restoration of the Temple service (B.C. 166, 165). The fourth (x. 10-xiii.) includes the reign of Antiochus Eupator (B.C. 164-162). The fifth (xiv., xv.) records the treachery of Alcimus, the mission of Nicanor, and the crowning success of Judas (B.C. 162, 161). 2. The relation of the letters with which the book opens to the substance of the book is extremely obscure. The first (i. 1-9) is a solemn invitation to the Egyptian Jews to celebrate "the feast of tabernacles in the month Casleu." The second (i. 10— ii. 18), which bears a formal salutation from "the council and Judas" to " Aristobulus . . . and the Jews in Egypt," is a strange, rambling collection of legendary stories of the death of " Antiochus," of the preservation of the sacred fire and its recovery by Nehemiah, of the hiding of the vessels of the sanctuary by Jere miah, ending — if indeed the letter can be said to have any end — with the same exhortation to observe the feast of dedication (ii. 10-18). For it is im possible to point out any break in the construction or style after ver. 19, so that the writer passes insensibly from the epistolary form in ver. 16 to that of the epitomator in ver. 29. For this reason some critics, both in ancient and modern times, have considered that the whole book is intended to be included in the letter. It seems more natural to suppose that the author found the letters already in existence when he undertook to abridge the work of Jason, and attached his own introduction to the second letter for the convenience of transition, with out considering that this would necessarily make the whole appear to be a letter. The letters them selves can lay no claims to authenticity. Some have supposed that the original language of one, or of both the lettere was Hebrew, but this cannot be made out by any conclusive arguments. 3. The writer himself distinctly indicates the source of his narrative — " the five books of Jason of Cyrene " (ii. 23), of which he designed to furnish a short and agreeable epitome for the benefit of those who would be deterred from studying the larger work. His own labour, which he describes in strong terms (ii. 26, 27 ; comp. xv. 38, 39), was entirely confined to condensation and election ; all investigation of detail he declares to be the peculiar duty of the original historian. Of Jason himself nothing more is known than may be gleaned from this mention of him. There are certainly many details in the book which show a close and accurate knowledge (iv. 21, 29 ff., viii. Iff., ix. 29, a. 12, 13, xiv. 1), and the errors in the order of events may be due wholly, or in part, to the epitomator. 4. The district of Cyrene was most closely united with that of Alexandria. In both the predominance of Greek literature and the Greek language was abso lute. The work of Jason — like the poems of Calli machus — must therefore have been composed in Greek; and the style of the epitome, as Jerome remarked, proves beyond doubt that the Greek text is the original. It is scarcely less certain that 2 Mace, was compiled at Alexandria. 5. The style of the book is extremely uneven. At times it is MACCABEES, BOOKS OP elaborately ornate (iii. 15-39, v. 20, vi. 12-16, 23-28, vii. &c); and again, it is so rude and broken, as to seem more like notes for an epitome than a finished composition (xiii. 19-26) ; but it nowhere attains to the simple energy and pathos of the first book. The vocabulary corresponds to the style. It abounds in new or unusual words. He braisms are very rare (viii. 15, ix. 5, xiv. 24). Idiomatic Greek phrases are much more common (iv. 40, xii. 22, xv. 12, &c.) ; and the writer evidently had a considerable command over the Greek language. 6. In the absence .of all evidence as to the person of Jason there are no data which fix the time of the composition of his original work, or of the epitome given in 2 Mace, within very narrow limits. The superior limit of the age of the epitome, though not of Jason's work, is deter mined by the year 124 B.C., which is mentioned in one of the introductory letters (i. 10) ; but there is no ground for assigning so great an antiquity to the present book. If a conjecture be admissible, we should be inclined to place the original work of Jason not later than 100 B.C., and the epitome half a century later. 7. In order to estimate the his torical worth of the book it is necessary to consider separately the two divisions into which it falls. The narrative in iii.— vii. is in part anterior (iii.-iv. 6) and in part (iv. 7-vii.) supplementary to the brief summary in 1 Mace. i. 10-64 : that in viii.- rv. is, as a whole, parallel with 1 Mace, iii.-vii. In the first section the book itself is, in the main, the sole source of information : in the second, its contents can be tested by the trustworthy records of the first book. The chief differences between the first and second books lie in the account of the cam paigns of Lysias and Timotheus. Differences of detail will always arise where the means of inform ation are partial and separate ; but the differences alleged fo exist as to these events are more serious. The relation between the two books may be not inaptly represented by that existing between the books of Kings and Chronicles. In each case the later book was composed with a special design, which regulated the character of the materials employed for its construction. But as the design in 2 Mace, is openly avowed by the compiler, so it seems to have been carried out with considerable license. The groundwork of facts is true, but the dress in which the facts are presented is due in part at least to the narrator. It is not at all improbable that the error with regard to the first campaign of Lysias arose from the mode in which it was in troduced by Jason as a prelude to the more im portant measures of Lysias in the reign of Anti ochus Eupator. In other places (as very obviously in xiii. 19 ff.) the. compiler may have disregarded the historical dependence of events while selecting those which were best suited for the support of his theme. If these remarks are true, it follows that 2 Mace, viii.-xv. is to be regarded not as a con nected and complete history, but as a series of special incidents from tbe life of Judas, illustrating the providential interference of God in behalf of His people, true in substance, but embellished in form ; and this view of the book is supported by the character of the earlier chapters, in which the narrative is unchecked by independent evidence. 8. Besides the differences which exist between the two books of Maccabees as to the sequence and details of common events, there is considerable diffi culty as to the chronological data which they give. MACCABEES, BOOKS OF 493 Both follow the Seleucian era (" the era of con tracts ; " " of the Greek kingdom ;" 1 Mace. i. 1 0), but in some cases in which the two books give the date of the same event, the first book gives a date one year later than the second (1 Mace. vi. 16 || 2 Mace. xi. 21, 33 ; 1 Mace. vi. 20 || 2 Mace. xiii. 1) ; yet on the other hand they agree in 1 Mace. vii. 1 || 2 Mace. xiv. 4. This discrepancy seems to be due not to a mere error, but to a difference of reckoning; for all attempts to explain away the discrepancy are untenable. The true era of the Seleucida; began in October (Dius) B.C. 312 ; but there is evidence that considerable variations existedl in Syria in the reckoning by it. A very probable mode of explaining (at least in part) the origin of the difference has been supported by most of the best chronologers. Though the Jews may have reckoned two beginnings to the year from the time of the Exodus, yet it appears that the biblical dates are always reckoned by the so-called ecclesiastical year, which began with Nisan (April), and not by the civil year, which was afterwards in common use, which began with Tisri (October). Now since the writer of 1 Mace, was a Palestinian Jew, and fol lowed the ecclesiastical year in his reckoning of ¦months (1 Mace. iv. 52), it is probable that he may have commenced the Seleucian year not in autumn (Tisri), but in spring (Nisan). If the year began in Nisan (reckoning from spring 312 B.C.), the events which fell in the last half of the true Seleucian year would be dated a year forward, while the true and the Jewish dates would agree in the first half of the year. On other grounds, indeed, it is not unlikely that the difference in the reckoning of the two books is still greater than is thus accounted for. The Chaldaeans dated their Seleucian era one year later than the true time from 311 B.C., and probably from October (Dius ; comp. 2 Mace. xi. 21, 33). If, as is quite possible, the writer of 2 Mace. — or rather Jason of Cyrene, whom he epitomized — used the Chaldaean dates, there may be a maximum difference between the two books of a year and a half, which is sufficient to explain the difficulties of the chronology of the events connected with the death of Antiochus Epiphanes. 9. The most interesting feature in 2 Mace, is its marked religious character, by which it is clearly distinguished from the first book. " The manifestations made from heaven on behalf of those who were zealous to behave manfully in defence of Judaism" (2 Mace. ii. 21). The events which are related historically in the former book are in this regarded theocratically, if the word may be used. The doctrine of Providence is carried out in a most minute parallelism of great crimes and their punishment. On a larger scale the same idea is presented in the contrasted relations of Israel and the heathen to the Divine Power. 10. The history of the book, as has been already noticed (§6), is extremely obscure. It is firet mentioned by Clement of Alexandria ; and Origen, in a Greek fragment of his commentaries on Exodus, quotes vi. 12-16, with very considerable variations of text, from "the Maccabaean history." At a later time the history of the martyred brothers was a favourite subject with Christian writers ; and in the time of Jerome and Augustine the hook was in common and public use in the Western Church, where it maintained its position till it was at last definitely declared to be canonical at the council of Trent. 11. The Latin version adopted in the Vulgate, as 494 MACCABEES, BOOKS OF in the case of the first book, is that current before Jerome's time, which Jerome left wholly untouched in the apocryphal books, with the exception of Judith and Tobit. It is much less close to the Greek than in the former book. The Syriac version is of still less value. The Arabic so-called version of 2 Mace, is really an independent work.— III. The Thied Book of the Maccabees contains the history of events which preceded the great Maccabaean struggle. After the decisive battle of Raphia (B.C. 217), envoys from Jerusalem, follow ing the' example of other cities, hastened to Ptolemy Philopator to congratulate him on his success. After receiving them the king resolved to visit the holy city. He offered sacrifice in the Temple, and was so much struck by its majesty that he urgently sought permission to enter the sanctuary. When this was refused he resolved to gratify his curiosity by force, regardless of the consternation with which his design was received (ch. i.). On this Simon the high-priest, after the people had been with difficulty restrained from violence, kneeling in front of the Temple implored divine help. At the con- elusion of the prayer the king fell paralysed into the arms of his attendants, and on his recovery returned at once to Egypt without prosecuting his intention. But angry at his failure he turned his vengeance on the Alexandrine Jews. How this vengeance was frustrated is told in the rest of the hook. 2. The form of the narrative sufficiently shows that the object of the book has modified the facts which it records. The writer, in his zeal to bring out the action of Providence, has coloured his history, so that it has lost all semblance of truth. In this respect the book offers an instructive con trast to the book of Esther. 3. But while it is impossible to accept the details of the book as historical, some basis of truth must be supposed to lie beneath them. The yearly festival (vi. 36 ; vii. 19) can hardly have been a mere fancy of the writer ; and the pillar and synagogue at Ptolemais (vii. 20) must have been connected in some way with a signal deliverance. Besides this, Josephus relates a very similar occurrence which took place in the reign of Ptolemy VII. (Physcon). 4. As suming rightly that the book is an adaptation of history, Ewald and (at greater length) Grimm have endeavoured to fix exactly the circumstances by which it was called forth. It is argued that the writer designed to portray Caligula under the name of the sensual tyrant who had in earlier times held Egypt and Syria, while he sought to nerve his countrymen for their struggle with heathen power, by reminding them of earlier deliverances. It is unnecessary to urge the various details in which the parallel between the acts of Caligula and the narrative fail. 5. The language of the book betrays most clearly its Alexandrine origin. Both in voca bulary and construction it is rich, affected, and exaggerated. The form of the sentences is strained (e. g. i. 15, 17, ii. 31, iii. 23, iv. 11, vii. 7, 19, &c), and every description is loaded with rhetorical ornament (e. g. iv. 2, 5 ; vi. 45). As a natural consequence the meaning is often obscure (e. g. i. 9, 14, 19, iv. 5, 14), and the writer is led into exag gerations which are historically incorrect (vii. 2, 20, v. 2). 6. From the abruptness of the com mencement it has been thought that the book is a mere fragment of a larger work. It is possible that the narrative may have formed the sequel to an earlier history, or that the introductory chapter MACEDONIA has been lost. 7. The evidence of language, which is quite sufficient to fix the place ofthe composition of the book at Alexandria, is not equally decisive as to the date. It might, indeed, seem to belong to the early period of the empire (b.c 40-70). Bat such a date is purely conjectural. 8. The un certainty of the date of the composition of the book corresponds with the uncertainty of its history. In the Apostolical Canons " three books of the Maccabees " are mentioned, of which this is pro bably the third, as it occupies the third place in the oldest Greek MSS., which contain also the so-called fourth book. It is found in a Syriac translation, and is quoted with marked resptct by Theodoret of Antioch (died cir. A.D. 457). No ancient Latin version of it occurs ; and as it is not contained in the Vulgate it has been excluded from the canon of the Romish church.— IV. The Fourth Book of Maccabees contains a rhetorical narrative of the martyrdom of Eleazer and of the "Maccabaean family," following in the main the same outline as 2 Mace. The second title of the book, On the Supreme Sovereignty of Season, explains the moral use which is made of the history. 2. The book was ascribed in early times to Josephus. Eusebius and Jerome, following him, also Photius, give this opinion without reserve ; aud it is found under his name in many MSS. of the great Jewish historian. In the Alexandrine and Sinaitic MSS. it is called simply " the fourth of Maccabees." The internal evidence against the authorship by Josephus is so great as to outweigh the testimony of Eusebius, from whom it is probable that the later statements were derived. 3. If we may assume that the authorship was attributed to Josephus only by error, no evidence remains to fix the date of the book. It is only certain that it was written before the destruction of Jerusalem, and probably after 2 Mace. It might be referred not unnaturally, to the troubled times which immediately preceded the war with Vespasian (cir. A.D. 67). 4. As a his torical document the narrative is of no value. Its interest centres in the fact that it is a unique example of the didactic use which the Jews made of their history. The style is very ornate and laboured ; but it is correct and vigorous, and truly Greek. The richness and boldness of the voca bulary is surprising. 5. The philosophical tone of the book is essentially stoical; but the stoicism is that of a stern legalist. The dictates of reason are supported by the remembrance of noble traditions, and by the hope of a glorious future. The Jew stands alone, isolated by character and by blessing. 6. The original Greek is the only ancient text in which the book has been published, but a Syriac version is preserved in several MSS.— V. The Fifth Book of Maccabees may call for a very brief notice. It is printed in Arabic in the Paris and London Polyglotts ; and contains a history of the Jews from the attempt of Heliodorus to the birth of our Lord. The writer made use of the first two books of Maccabees and of Josephus, and has no claim to be considered an independent authority. It has been supposed that the book was originally written in Hebrew, or at least that the Greek was strongly modified by Hebrew in fluence. Macedo'nia, the first part of Europe which re ceived the Gospel directly from St. Paul, and an important scene of his subsequent missionary labours and the labour's of his companions. In a rough and MACEDONIA popular description it is enough to say that Mace donia is the region hounded inland by the range of Haemus or the Balkan northwards, and the chain of Pindus westwards, beyond which the streams flow respectively to. the Danube and the Adriatic ; that it is separated from Thessaly on the south by the Cambunian hills, running easterly from Pindus to Olympus and the Aegean ; and that it is divided on the east from Thrace by a less definite mountain- boundary running southwards from Haemus. Of the space thus enclosed, two of the most remarkable physical features are two great plains, one watered oy the Axius, which comes to the sea at the Ther- maic gulf, not far from Thessalonica ; the other by the Strymon, which, after passing near Philippi, flows out below Amphipolis. Between the mouths of these two rivers a remarkable peninsula projects, dividing itself into three points, on the farthest of which Mount Athos rises nearly into the region of perpetual snow. Across the neck of this penin sula St. Paul travelled more than once with his companions. This general sketch would sufficiently describe the Macedonia which was ruled over by Philip and Alexander, and which the Romans con quered from Perseus. At first the conquered country was .divided by Aemilius Paulus into four districts. This division was only temporary. The whole of Macedonia, along with Thessaly and a large tract along the Adriatic, was made one pro vince and centralised under the jurisdiction of a proconsul, who resided at Thessalonica. We have now reached the definition which corresponds with the usage of the term in the N. T. (Acts xvi. 9, 10, 12, &c). Three Roman provinces, all very familial to us in the writings of St. Paul, divided the whole space between the basin of the Danube and Cape Matapan. The border-town of Illveicdm was Lissus on the Adriatic. The boundary-line of Achata nearly coincided, except in the western portion, with that ofthe kingdom of modern Greece, and ran in an irregular line from the Acroceraunian promontory to the bay of Thermopylae and the north of Euboea. By subtracting these two pro vinces, we define Macedonia. The history of Mace donia in the period between the Persian wars and the consolidation of the Roman provinces in the Levant is touched in a very interesting manner by passages in the Apocrypha. In Esth. xvi. 10, Ha man is described as a Macedonian, and in xvi. 14 is said to have contrived his plot for the purpose of transferring the kingdom of the Persians to the Macedonians. This sufficiently betrays the late date and spurious character of these apocryphal chapters : but it is curious thus to have our atten tion turned to the early struggle of Persia and Greece. The account of St. Paul's firet journey through Macedonia (Acts xvi. 10-xvii. 15) is marked by copious detail and well-defined incidents. At the close of this journey he returned from Corinth to Syria by sea. On the next occasion of visiting Europe, though he both went and returned through Macedonia (Acts xx. 1-6), the narrative is a very slight sketch, and the route is left uncertain, except as regards Philippi. The character of the Mace donian Christians is set before us in Scripture in a very favourable light. The candour of the Be- reans is highly commended (Acts xvii. 11); the Thessalonians were evidently objects of St. Paul's peculiar affection (1 Thess. ii. 8, 17-20, iii. 10) ; and the Philippians, besides their general freedom from blame, are noted as remarkable for their liber- MACHPELAH 495 ality and self-denial (Phil.iv. 10, 14-19 ; see 2 Cor. ix. 2, xi. 9). Macedo'nian occurs in A. V. only in Acts xxvii. 2 ; Esth. xvi. 10, 14. In the other cases (Acts xvi. 9, xix. 29, 2 Cor. ix. 2, 4) our translators render it " of Macedonia." Machbana'i, one of the lion-faced warriors of Gad who joined the fortunes of David when living in retreat at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 13). Mach'henah (Maxa/tW^ : Machbena). Sheva, the father of Machbena, is named in the genea logical list of Judah as the offspring of Maachah, the concubine of Caleh ben-Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 49). Perhaps Machbena was founded or colonized by the family of Maachah. To the position of the town we possess no clue. Ma'cM, the father of Geuel the Gadite, who went with Caleb and Joshua to spy out the land of Canaan (Num. xiii. 15). Mach'ir, the eldest son (Josh. xvii. 1) of the patriarch Manasseh by an Aramite or Syrian con cubine (1 Chr. vii. 14, and the LXX. of Gen. xlvi. 20). His children are commemorated as having been caressed by Joseph before his death (Gen. 1. 23). His wife's name is not preserved, but she was a Benjamite, the " sister of Huppim and Shup- pim" (1 Chr. vii. 15). The connexion with Ben jamin may perhaps have led to the selection by Abner of Mahanaim, as the residence of Ishbosheth (2 Sam. ii. 8) ; and that with Judah may have also influenced David to go so far north when driven out of his kingdom. At the time of the conquest the family of Machir had become very powerful, and a large part of the country on the east of Jordan was subdued by them (Num. xxxii. 39 ; Deut. iii. 15). So great was their power that the name of Machir occasionally supersedes that of Ma nasseh. —2. The son of Ammiel, a powerful sheykh of one of the trans-Jordanic tribes, but whether of Manasseh — the tribe of his namesake — or of Gad, must remain uncertain till we know where Lo- debar, to which place he belonged, was situated. His name occurs but twice, but the part which he played was by no means an insignificant one. It was his fortune to render essential service to the cause of Saul aud of David successively — in each case when they were in difficulty (2 Sam. ix. 4, 5, xvii. 27-29). Ma'chirites, the. The descendants of Machir the father of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 29). Mach'mas, 1 Maec. ix. 73. [Michmash.] Machnadeba'i, one of the sons of Bani who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's command (Ezr. x. 40). Mach'pelah, the spot containing the wooded field, in the end of which was the cave which Abra ham purchased from the Bene-Heth, and which be came the burial place of Sarah, Abraham himself, Isaac, Rebekah, Leah, and Jacob. Its position is with one exception uniformly — specified as' "facing Mamre " (Gen. xxiii. 17, 19, xxv. 9, xlix. 30, 1. 13). What the meaning of this ancient name — not met with beyond the book of Genesis — may be, appears quite uncertain. The older interpreters explain it as meaning " double" — the double cave or the double field — but the modern lexicographers interpret it an allotted or separated place ; or again, the undu lating spot. Beyond the passages already cited, the Bible contains no mention either of the name Mach pelah or of the sepulchre of the Patriarchs. But there are few, if any, of the ancient sites of Palestine of whose genuineness we can feel more assured than 496 MACHPELAH MADMENAH Mosque at Ilebroo Machpelah. The traditional spot at Hebron has everything in its favour as fnr as position goes ; while the wall which encloses the Haram, or sacred precinct in which the sepulchres themselves are re ported, and probably with truth, still to lie, is a monument certainly equal, and probably superior in age to anything remaining in Palestine. It is a quadrangular building of about 200 feet in length by 115 feet in width, its dark grey walls rising 50 or 60 in height, without window or opening of any description, except two small entrances at the S.E. and S.W. corners. It stands nearly on the crest of the hill which forms the eastern side of the valley on the slopes and bottom of which the town is strewn. The ancient Jewish tradition ascribes its erection to David ; but, whatever the worth of this tradition, it may well be of the age of Solomon. The date must always remain a mystery, but there are two considerations which may weigh in favour of fixing it very early. 1. That often as the town of Hebron may have been destroyed, this, being a tomb, would always be spared. 2. It cannot on architectural grounds be later than Herod's time, while on the other hand it is omitted from the catalogue given by Josephus ofthe places which he rebuilt or adorned. Of the contents of this enclo sure we have only the most meagre and confused accounts. A great part of the area is occupied by a building which is now a mosque, and was pro bably originally a church, but of its date or style nothing is known. The sepulchres of Abraham and Sarah, Isaac and Rebekah, Jacob and Leah, are shown on the floor of the mosque, covered in the usual Mohammedan style with rich carpets ; but the real sepulchres are, as they were in the 12th and 16th centuries, in a cave below the floor. I Mac'ron, the surname ofPtoIemeus, orPtolomee, the son of Dorymenes (1 Mace. iii. 38) and governor of Cyprus under Ptolemy Philometer (2 Mace. x. 12). Mada'i, which occurs in Gen. j. 2, among the list of the sons of Japhet, has been commonly re garded as a personal appellation ; and most com mentators call Madai the third son of Japhet, and the progenitor of the Medes. But it is extremely doubtful whether, iu the mind of the writer of Gen. x., the term Madai was regarded as representing a person. Probably all that the writer intends to assert in Gen. x. 2 is, that the Medes, as well as the Gomerites, Greeks, Tibareni, Moschi, &c, de scended from Japhet. Madiabun. The sons of Madiabun, according to 1 Esd. were among the Levites who superin tended the restoration of the Temple under Zoro babel. Ma'dian, Jud. ii. 26 ; Acts vii. 29. [Midian.] Madmannah, one of the towns in the south district of Judah (Josh. xv. 31). To Eusebius and Jerome it appears to have been well known. It was called in their time Menois, and was not far from Gaza. The first stage southward from Gaza is now el-Miny&y, which, in default of a better, is suggested by Kiepert, as the modern representative of Menois, and therefore of Madmannah. Mad'men, a place in Moab, threatened with de struction in the denunciations of Jeremiah (xlviii. 2), but not elsewhere named, and cf which nothing is yet known. Mad'menah, one pf the Benjamite villages north of Jerusalem, the inhabitants of wliich were fright ened away by the approach of Sennacherib along tlie northern road (Is. x. 31). Like others of the MADNESS places mentioned in this list, Madmenah is not elsewhere named. Madness, In Scripture " madness " is recog nised as a derangement, proceeding either from weak ness and misdirection of intellect, or from ungovern able violence of passion ; and in both cases it is spoken of, sometimes as arising from the will and action of man himself, sometimes as inflicted ju dicially by the hand of God. In one passage alone (John x. 20) is madness expressly connected with demoniacal possession by the Jews in their cavil against our Lord ; in none is it referred to any physical causes. Ma' don, one of the principal cities of Canaan before the conquest, probably in the north. Its king joined Jabin aud his confederates in their at- tempt against Joshua at the waters of Merom, and like the rest was killed (Josh. xi. 1, xii. 19). Schwarz on very slight grounds proposes to discover Madon at Kefr Menda, a village with extensive ancient remains, at the western end of the Plain of Buttauf, 4 or 5 miles N. of Sepphoris. Mae'lus, for Miamin (1 Esd. ix. 26 ; comp. Ezr. x. 25). Mag'bish. A proper name in Ezr. ii. 30, but whether of a man or of a place is doubted by some ; it is probably the latter, as all the names from Ezr. ii. 20 to 34, except Elam and Harim, are names of places. From the position of Magbish in the list in Ezr. ii., it would seem to be in the tribe of Benjamin. Mag'dala. The name Magdala does not really «xist in the Bible. It is found in the received Greek text and the A. V. of Matt. xv. 39 only ; but the chief MSS. and versions exhibit the name as ' Maga dan.' Into the limits of Magadan Christ came by boat, over the lake of Gennesareth, after His miracle ¦of feeding the four thousand on the mountain of the eastern side (Matt. xv. 39) ; and from thence, after a short encounter with the Pharisees and Sadducees, He returned in the same boat to the opposite shore. In the present text of the parallel narrative of St. Mark (viii. 10) we find the " parts of Dalmanutha." Dalmanutha was probably at or near Ain el-Barideh, about a mile below el-Mejdel, on the western edge of the lake of Gennesareth. The Magdala, which conferred her name on " Mary the Magdal-ene," one of the numerous Migdols, e. e. towers, which stood in Palestine, was pro bably the place of that name which is mentioned in the Jerusalem Talmud as near Tiberias, and this again is as probably the modern el-Mejdel, " a mi serable little Muslim village," rather more than an hour, or about three miles, above Tdbiriyeh, lying on the water's edge at the south-east corner of the plain of Gennesareth. Jerome, although he plays upon the name Magdalene, does not appear- to con nect it with the place in question. By the Jews the word megaddeld is used to denote a person who platted or twisted hair, a practice then much in use amongst women of loose character. A certain " Mi riam Magdala" is mentioned by the Talmudists, who is probably intended for St. Mary. Ma«lalum is mentioned as between Tiberias and Capernaum, as early as by Willibald, A.D. 722. Mag'diel. One of the " dukes '' of Edom, de scended from Esau (Gen. xxrvi. 43 ; 1 Chr. i. 54). The name does not yet appear to have been met with, as borne by either tribe or place. Ma'ged, the form in which the name Maked appears in the A. V. on its second occurrence (1 Mace. v. 36). Con. D. B. MAGI 497 Magi (A. V. " wise men "). It does not fall within the scope of this article to enter fully into the history of the Magi as an order, and ofthe rela tion in which they stood to the religion of Zoroaster. What has to be said will be best arranged under the four following heads : — I. The position occu pied by the Magi in the history of the 0. T. — II. The transition-stages in the history of the word and of the order between the close of the 0. T. and the time of the N. T., so far as they affect the latter.— III. The Magi as they appear in the N.T.— IV. The later traditions which have gathered' round the Magi of Matt. ii. — I. In the Hebrew text of the 0. T. the word occurs but twice, and then only in cidentally. In Jer. xxxix. 3 and 13 we meet, among the Chaldaean officers sent by Nebuchad nezzar to Jerusalem, one with the name or title of Rab-Mag. This word is interpreted, as equivalent to chief of the Magi. Historically the Magi are conspicuous chiefly as a Persian religious caste. Herodotus connects them with another people by reckoning them among the six tribes of the Medes (i. 101). They appear in his history of Astyages as interpreters of dreams (i. 120), the name having apparently lost its ethnological and acquired a caste significance. But in Jeremiah they appear at a still earlier period among the retinue of the Chaldaean king. The very word Rab-Mag (if the received etymology of Magi be correct) presents a hybrid formation. The firet syllable is unquestionably Shemitic, the last is all but unquestionably Aryan. The problem thus presented admits of two solu tions: — (1) If we believe the Chaldaeans to have been a Hamitic people, closely connected with the Babylonians, we must then suppose that the colossal schemes of greatness which showed themselves in Nebuchadnezzar's conquests led him to gather round him the wise men and religious teachers of tbe nations which he subdued, and that thus the sacred tribe of the Medes rose under his rule to favour and power. (2) If, on the other hand, with Renan, we look on the Chaldaeans as themselves belonging to the Aryan family, there is even less difficulty in explaining the presence among the one people of the religious teachers of the other. The Magi took their places among " the astrologers and star-gazers and monthly proguosticators." It is with such men that we have to think of Daniel and his fellow- exiles as associated. They are described as " ten times wiser than all the magicians and astrologers " (Dan. i. 20). The office which Daniel accepted (Dan. v. 1 1) was probably identical with that of the Rab-Mag who first came before us. The name of the Magi does not meet us in the Biblical ac count of the Medo- Persian kings. If, however, we identify the Artaxerxes who stops the building of the Temple (Ezr. iv. 17-22) with the Pseudo- Smerdis of Herodotus and the Gomates of the Be- histun inscription, we may see here also another point of contact. The Magian attempt to reassert Median supremacy, and with it probably a corrupted Chal- daized form of Magianism, in place of the purer faith in Ormuzd of which Cyrus had been the pro pagator, would naturally be accompanied by anta gonism to the people whom the Persians had pro tected and supported. The immediate renewal of the suspended work on the triumph of Darius (Ezr. iv. 24, v. 1, 2, vi. 7, 8) falls in, it need hardly be added, with this hypothesis. Under Xerxes, the Magi occupy a position which indicates that they had recovered from their temporary depression. 2 K 493 MAGI No great change is traceable in their position dur ing the decline of tho, Persian monarchy. As an order they perpetuated themselves under the Par thian kings. The name rose to fresh honour under the Sassanidae.— II. In the mean time the word was acquiring a new and wider signification. It pre sented itself to the Greeks as connected with a fo reign system of divination, and the religion of a foe whom they had conquered, and it soon became, a by-word for the worst form of imposture. The rapid growth of this feeling is traceable perhaps in the meanings attached to the word by the two great tragedians. In Aeschylus (Persae, 291) it retains its old significance as denoting simply a tribe. In Sophocles (Oed. Tyr. 387) it appears among the epithets of reproach which the king heaps upon Teiresias. It is interesting to notice how at one time the good, and at another the bad, side of the word is uppermost. Both meanings appear in the later lexicographers. The word thus passed into the hands of the LXX., and from them into those of the writers of the N. T., oscillating between the two meanings, capable of being used in either. The relations which had existed between the Jews and Persians would perhaps tend to give a prominence to the more favourable associations in their use of it. In Daniel (i. 20, ii. 2, 10, 27, v. 11) it is used, as has been noticed, for the priestly diviners with whom the prophet was associated. There were, however, other influences at work tending to drag it down. The swarms of impostors that were to be met with in every part of the Roman empire, known as " Chaldaei," "Mathematics," and the like, bore this name also.— III. We need not wonder accordingly to find that this is the predominant meaning of the word as it appears in the N. T. The noun and the verb derived from it are used by St. Luke in describing the impostor, who is there fore known distinctively as Simon Magus (Acts viii. 9). Another of the same class (Bar-jesus) is de scribed (Acts xiii. 8) as having, in his cognomen Elymas, a title which was equivalent to Magus. In one memorable instance, however, the word retains (probably, at least) its better meaning. In the Gospel of St. Matthew, written (according to the general belief of early Christian writers) for the Hebrew Christians of Palestine, we find it, not as embodying the contempt which the frauds of im postors had brought upon it through the whole Roman empire, but in the sense wliich it had had, of old, as associated with a religion which they re spected, and an order of which one of their own prophets had been the head. The vagueness of the description leaves their countiy undefined, and im plies that probably the Evangelist himself had no certain information. We cannot wonder that there should have been very varying interpretations given of words that allowed so wide a field for conjecture. Some of these are, for various reasons, worth noticing. (1) The feeling of some early writers that the coming of the wise men was the fulfilment of the prophecy which spoke of the gifts of the men of Sheba and Seba (Ps. lxxii. 10, 15; comp. Is. Ix. 6) led them to fix on Arabia as the country of the Magi. (2) Others have conjectured Mesopotamia as the great seat of Chaldaean astrology, or Egypt as the country in which magic was most prevalent. (3) The his torical associations of the word led others ao-ain, with greater probability, to fix on Persia, while Hyde suggests Parthia. It is perhaps a legitimate inference from Matt. ii. that in these Magi we may MAGI recognise, as the Church has done from a very early period, the first Gentile worshippers of the Christ. The narrative supplies us with an outline which we may legitimately endeavour to fill up, as far as our knowledge enables us, with inference and illustra tion. Some time after the birth of Jesus there ap peared among the strangers who visited Jerusalem these men from the far East. They were not idol- ators. Their form of worship was looked upon by the Jews with greater tolerance and sympathy than that of any other Gentiles (comp. Wisd. xiii. 6, 7). Whatever may have been their country, their name indicates that they would be watchers of the stars, seeking to read in them the destinies of nations. They say that they have seen a star in which they recognise such a prognostic. They are sure that one is born King of the Jews, and they come to pay their homage. It may have been simply that the quarter of the heavens in which the star appeared indicated the direction of Judaea. It may have been that some form of the prophecy of Balaam that a " star should rise out of Jacob" (Num. xxiv. 17) had reached them, either through the Jews of the Dispersion, or through traditions running parallel with the 0. T., and that this led them to reiognise its fulfilment. It may have been, lastly, that the traditional predictions ascribed to theh- own prophet Zoroaster, led them to expect a succession of three' deliverers, two working as prophets to reform the world and raise up a kingdom ; the third (Zo- siosh), the greatest of the three, coming to be the head of the kingdom, to conquer Ahriman and to raise the dead. It is not unlikely that they ap peared, occupying the position of Destur-Mobeds ia the later Zoroastrian hierarchy, as the representa tives of many others who shared the same feeling. They came, at any rate, to pay their homage to the- king whose birth was thus indicated (comp. Gen. xliii. 11; Ps. lxxii. 15; IK. x. 2, 10; 2 Chr. ix. 24 ; Cant. iii. 6, iv. 14). The arrival of such a com pany, bound on so strange an errand, in the last years of the tyrannous and distrustful Herod, could hardly fail to attract notice, and excite a people, among whom Messianic expectations had already begun to show themselves (Luke ii. 25, 38). The Sanhedrim was convened, and the question where the Messiah was to be born was formally placed before them. The answer given, based upon the traditional inter pretation of Mic. v. 2, that Bethlehem was to be the birthplace ofthe Christ, determined the king's plans. He had found out the locality. It remained to de termine the time : with what was probably a real belief in astrology, he inquired of them diligently, when they had first seen the star. If he assumed that that was contemporaneous with the birth, he- could not be far wrong. The Magi accordingly are sent on to Bethlehem, as if they were but the fore runners of the king's own homage. As they jour neyed they again saw the star, which for a time, it would seem, they had lost sight of, and it guided them on their way. The pressure of the crowds, which a fortnight, or four months, or well-nigh. two years before, had driven Mary and Joseph to the rude stable ofthe caravanserai of Bethlehem, had apparently abated, and the Magi entering " the house" (Matt. ii. 11) fell down and pid then- homage and offered their gifts. Once more they receive guidance through the channel which their work and their studies had made familiar to them. From first to last, in Media, in Babylon, in Persia, the Magi had been famous as the interpreters ot MAGIC dreams. That which they received now need not have involved a disclosure of the plans of Herod to them. It was enough that it directed them to " return to their own country another way." With this their history, so far as the N. T. carries us, comes to an end. It need hardly be said that this part of the Gospel narrative has had to hear the brunt of the attacks of a hostile criticism. The omission of all mention of the Magi in a gospel which enters so fully into all the, circumstances of the infancy of Christ as that of St. Luke, and the difficulty of harmonising this incident with those which he narrates, have been urged as at least throwing suspicion on what St. Matthew alone has recorded. So far as we cannot explain1 it, our igno rance of all, or nearly all, the circumstances of the composition ofthe Gospels is a sufficient answer. It is, however, at least possible that St. Luke, knowing that the facts related by St. Matthew were already current among the churches, sought rather to add what was not yet recorded. Something too may have been due to the leading thoughts of the two Gospels.— 1¥. In this instance, as in others, what is told by the Gospel-writers in plain simple words, has become the nucleus for a whole cycle of le gends.1 A Christian mythology has overshadowed that which itself had nothing in common with it. (1) The Magi are no longer thought of as simply " wise men," members of a sacred order. The pro phecies of Ps. lxxii. ; Is. xlix. 7, 23, lx. 16, must he fulfilled in them, and they become princes. (2) The number of the Wise Men, which St. Mat thew leaves altogether undefined, was arbitrarily fixed. They were three. (3) Symbolic meanings were found for each of the three gifts. (4) Later on, in a tradition which, though appearing in a Western writer, is traceable probably to reports brought hack by pilgrims from Italy or the East, the names are added, and Gaspar, Melchior, and Balthazar, take their place among the objects of Christian reverence, and are honoured as the patron saints of travellers. In the Eastern Church, where, it would seem, there was less desire to find sym bolic meanings than to magnify the circumstances of the history, the traditions assume a different character. The Magi arrive at Jerusalem with a retinue of 1000 men, having left behind them, on the further bank of the Euphrates, an army of 7000. Among other relics supplied to meet the demands of the market which the devotion of Helena had created, the bodies of the Magi are discovered some where in the East, are brought to Constantinople, and placed in the great church which, as the Mosque of St. Sophia, still bears in its name the witness of its original dedication to the Divine Wisdom. The favour with which the people of Milan received the emperor's prefect Eustorgius called for some special mark of favour, and on his consecration as bishop of that city, he obtained for it the privilege of being the resting-place of the precious relics. When Milan fell into the hands of Frederick Barbarossa (a.d. 1162) the influence of the archbishop of Co logne prevailed on the emperor to transfer them to that city. In that proud cathedral which is the glory of Teutonic art the shrine of the Three Kings has for six centuries been shown as the greatest of its many treasures. Magic, Magicians. The magical arts spoken of in the Bible are those practised by the Egyptians, the Canaanites, and their neighbours, the Hebrews, the Chaldaeans, and probably the Greeks. With MAGIC 499 the lowest race magic is the chief part of religion. The Nigritians, or blacks of this race, show this in their extreme use of amulets and their worship of objects which have no other value in their eyes but as having a supposed magical character through the influence of supernatural agents. With the Turan ians, or corresponding whites of the same great family, — we use the word white for a group of nations mainly yellow, in contradistinction to black, — incantations and witchcraft occupy the same place, shamanism characterizing their tribes in both hemi spheres. The ancient Egyptians show their partly- Nigritian origin not alone in their physical' charac teristics and language but in their religion. With the Shemites magic takes a lower place. Nowhere is it even part of reiigion ; yet it is looked upon as a powerful engine, and generally unlawful or lawful according to the aid invoked. Among many of the Shemite peoples there linger the remnants of a pri mitive fetishism. Sacred trees and stones are revei- renced from an old superstition, of which they do not always know the meaning, derived fronr the nations whose place they have taken. Thus fetishism remains, although in a kind of fossil state. The importance of astrology with the Shemites has tended to raise the character of their magic, which deals rather with the discovery of supposed existing influences than with the production of new influ ences. The only direct association of magic with religion is where the priests, as the educated class, have taken the functions of magicians ; but this is far different from the case of the Nigritians, where the magicians are the only priests. The Iranians assign to magic a still less important position. It can scarcely be traced in the relics of old-nature- worship, which they with greater skill than the Egyptians interwove with their more intellectual beliefs. Magic always maintained some hold on men's minds ; but the stronger intellects despised it. The Hebrews had no magic of their own. It was so strictly forbidden by the Law that it could never afterwards have had any recognised existence, save in times of general heresy or apostasy, and the same was doubtless the case in1 the patriarchal ages. The magical practices which obtained among the Hebrews were therefore borrowed from the nations around. The hold they gained was such as we should have expected with a Shemite race, making allowance for the discredit thrown upon them by the prohibitions of the Law. From the first en trance into the Land of Promise until the destruc tion of Jerusalem we have constant glimpses of magic practised in secret, or resorted to, not alone by the common but also by the great. The Talmud abounds in notices of contemporary magic among the Jews, showing that it survived idolatry notwith standing then- original connexion, and was supposed to produce real effects. The Kur-an in like manner treats charms and incantations as capable of pro ducing evil consequences when used against a man. It is a distinctive characteristic of the Bible that from first to last it warrants no such trust or; dread. In examining the mentions of magic in the Bible we must keep in view the curious inquiry whether there be any reality in the art. We would at the outset protest against the idea, once very prevalent, that the conviction that the seen and unseen worlds were often more manifestly in contact in the Bib hcal ages than now necessitates a belief in the reality of the magic spoken of in the Scriptures. The theft and carrying away of Laban's teraphim 2 K 2 500 MAGIC by Rachel, seems to indicate the practice of magic in Padan-aram at this early time. It appears that Laban attached great value to these objects, from what he said as to the theft and his determined search for them (Gen. xxxi. 19, 30, 32-35). The most important point is that Laban calls them his "gods" (ibid. 30, 32\ although he was not with out belief in the trie God (24, 49-53) ; for this makes it almost certain that we have here not an indication of the worship of strange gods, but the first notice of a superstition that afterwards ob tained among those Israelites who added corrupt practices to the true religion. The derivation of the name teraphim is extremely obscure. We should prefer, if no other etymology be found, to suppose that the name might mean "dancers" or "causers of dancing," with reference either to primitive nature-worship or its magical rites of the character of shamanism, rather than that it signifies, as Gesenius suggests, " givers of plea sant life." There seems, however, to be a cognate word, unconnected with the unused root just mentioned, in ancient Egyptian, whence we may obtain a conjectural derivation. We do not of course trace the worship of teraphim to the sojourn in Egypt. But there is great reason for supposing a close connexion between the oldest language and religion of Chaldaea, and the ancient Egyptian lan guage and religion. There is no description of these images; but from the account of Michal's stratagem to deceive Saul's messengers, it is evi dent, if only one image be there meant, as is very probable, that they were at least sometimes of the size of a man, and perhaps in the head and shoulders, if not lower, of human shape, or of a similar form (1 Sam. xix. 13-16). The worship or use of tera phim after the occupation of the Promised Land cannot be doubted to have been one of the corrupt practices of those Hebrews who leant to idolatry, but did not abandon their belief in the God of Israel. The account of Micah's images in the Book of Judges, compared with a passage in Hosea (iii. 4, 5), shows our conclusion to be correct. We pass to the magical use of teraphim. By the Israelites they were consulted for oracular answers. This was apparently done by the Danites who asked Micah's Levite to inquire as to the success of their spying expedition (Judg. xviii. 5, 6). In later times this is distinctly stated of the Israelites where Zechariah says, " For the teraphim have spoken vanity, and the diviners have seen a lie, and have told false dreams" (x. 2). It cannot be supposed that, as this first positive mention of the use of teraphim for divination by the Israelites is after the return from Babylon, and as that use obtained with the Babylonians in the time of Nebuchadnezzar, there fore the Israelites borrowed it from their con querors ; for these objects are mentioned in earlier places in such a manner that their connexion with divination must be intended, if we bear in mind that this connexion is undoubted in a subsequent period (comp. 1 Sam. xv. 22, 23; 2 K. xxiii. 24). The only account of the act of divining by tera phim is in a remarkable passage of Ezekiel relating to Nebuchadnezzar's advance against Jerusalem. "Also thou son of man, appoint thee two ways, that the sword of the king of Babylon may come : both twain [two swords] shall come forth out of one land : and choose thou a place, choose [it] at the head of the way to the city. Appoint a way, that the sword may come to Rabbath ofthe Am- MAGIC monrtes, and to Judah in Jerusalem the defenced. For the king of Babylon stood at the parting of the way, at the head of the two ways, to use divina tion: he shuffled arrows, he consulted with tera phim, he looked in the liver. At his right hand was the divination for Jerusalem" (xxi. 19-22). The mention together of consulting teraphim and looking into the liver, may not indicate that the victim was offered to teraphim and its liver then looked into, but may mean two separate acts of divining. Before speaking of the notices of the Egyptian magicians in Genesis and Exodus, there is one passage that may be examined out of the regular order. Joseph, when his brethren left after their second visit to buy corn, ordered his steward to hide his silver cup in Benjamin's sack, and after wards sent him after them, ordering him to claim it, thus : " [Is] not this [it] in which my lord drinketh, and whereby indeed he divineth?" (Gen. xliv. 5). Two uses of cups or the like for magical purposes have obtained in the East from ancient times. In one use either the cup itself bears en graved inscriptions, supposed to have a magical influence, or it is plain and such inscriptions are written on its inner surface in ink. In both cases water poured into the cup is drunk by those wish ing to derive benefit, as, for instance, the cure of diseases, from the inscriptions, which, if written, are dissolved. This use, in both its forms, obtains among the Arabs in the present day. In the other use the cup or bowl was of veiy secondary import ance. It was merely the receptacle for water, ia which, after the performance of magical rites, a boy looked to see what the magician desired. This is precisely the same as the practice of the modem Egyptian magicians, where the difference that ink is employed and is poured into the palm of the boy's hand is merely accidental. As this latter use only is of the nature of divination, it is probable that to it Joseph referred. The magicians of Egypt are spoken of as a class in the histories of Joseph and Moses. When Pharaoh's officers were troubled by their dreams, being in prison they were at a loss for an interpreter. Before Joseph explained the dreams he disclaimed the power of interpreting save by the Divine aid, saying " [Do] not interpretations [belong] to God? tell me [them], I pray you" (Gen. xl. 8). In like manner when Pharaoh had his two dreams we find that he had recourse to those who professed to interpret dreams, Joseph, being sent for on the report of the chief of the cup bearers, was told by Pharaoh that he had heard that he could interpret a dream. From the expect ations of the Egyptians and Joseph's disavowals, we see that the interpretation of dreams was a branch of the knowledge to which the ancient Egypt ian magicians pretended. We again hear of the magicians of Egypt in the narrative of the events before the Exodus. They were summoned by Pha raoh to oppose Moses. The account of what they effected requires to be carefully examined, from its bearing on the question whether magic be an im posture. We read: "And the Lord spake unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying, When Pharaoh shall speak unto you, saying, Show a miracle for you: then thou shalt say unto Aaron, Take thy rod, and cast [it] before Pharaoh, [and] it shall become a serpent." It is then related that Aaron did thus, and afterwards: "Then Pharaoh also called the wise men and the enchanters : now they, the scribes of Egypt, did so by their secret arts: for they cast MAGIC down every man his rod, and they became serpents, but Aaron's rod swallowed up their rods" (Ex. vii. 8-12). The rods were probably long staves like those represented on the Egyptian monuments, not much less than the height of a man. If the word used mean here a serpent, the Egyptian magicians may have feigned a change: if it signify a crocodile they could scarcely have done so. The names by which the magicians are designated are to be noted. That which we render " scribes " seems here to have a general signification, including wise men and en chanters. The last term is more definite in its meaning, denoting users of incantations. On the occasion of the first plague, the turning the rivers and waters of Egypt into blood, the opposition of the magicians again occurs. " And the scribes of Egypt did so by their secret arts" (vii. 22). When the second plague, that of frogs, was sent, the magicians again made the same opposition (viii. 7). Once more they appear in the history. The plague of lice came, and we read that when Aaron had worked the wonder the magicians opposed him : " And the scribes did so by their secret arts to bring forth the lice, but they could not: so there were lice upon man and upon beast. And the scribes said unto Pharaoh, This [is] the finger of God: but Pharaoh's heart was hardened, and he hearkened not unto them, as the Lord had said " (viii. 18, 19, Heb. 14, 15). After this we hear no more of the magicians. All we can gather from the narrative is that the appearances produced by them were sufficient to deceive Pharaoh on three occasions. We turn to the Egyptian illustrations of this part of the subject. Magic, as we have before remarked, was inherent in the ancient Egyp tian religion. The Ritual is a system of incanta tions and directions for making amulets, with the object of securing the future happiness of the dis embodied soul. However obscure the belief of the Egyptians as to the actual character of the state of the soul after death may be to us, it cannot be doubted that the knowledge and use of the magical amulets and incantations treated of in the Ritual was held to be necessaiy for future happiness, although it was not believed that they alone could ensure it, since to have done good works, or, more strictly, not to have committed cei'tain sins, was an essential condition of the acquittal of the soul in the great trial in Hades. Besides the Ritual the ancient Egyptians had books of a purely magical character. The main source of their belief in the efficacy of magic appears to have been the idea that the souls of the dead, whether justified or con demned, had the power of revisiting the earth and taking various forms. Bearing in mind the Nigrit ian nature of Egyptian magic, we may look for the source of these ideas in primitive Africa. Like all nations who have practised magic generally, the Egyptians separated it into a lawful kind and an unlawful. A belief in unlucky and lucky days, in actions to be avoided or done on certain days, and iu the fortune attending birth on certain days, was extremely -strong. Astrology was also held in high honour. The belief in omens probably did not take an important place in Egyptian magic, if we may judge from the absence of direct mention of them. The superstition as to "the evil eye" appears to have been known, but there is nothing else that we can class with phenomena of the nature of animal magnetism. Two classes of learned men had the charge of the magical books : one of these, the name MAGIC 501 of which has not been read phonetically, would seem to correspond to the " scribes," as we render the word, spoken of in the history of Joseph; whereas the other has the general sense of " wise men," like the other class there mentioned. The Law contains very distinct prohibitions of all ma gical arts. Besides several passages condemning them, in one place there is a specification which is so full that it seems evident that its object is to include every kind of magical art. The Israelites are commanded in the place referred to not to learn the abominations of the peoples of the Promised Land. Then follows this prohibition : " There shall not be found with thee one who offereth his son or his daughter by fire, a practiser of divinations (kosem kesdmim), a worker of hidden arts (me'Snen), an augurer (menachesh), an enchanter_(mec6ss/i«p/i), or°a fabricator of charms (chober^chaber), or an in quirer by a familiar spirit (shoel 6b), or a wizard (yidde'oni), or a consulter of the dead (doresh el- hammethim)." It is added that these are abomina tions, and that on account of their practice the nations of Canaan were to be driven out (Deut. xviii. 9-14, esp. 10, 11). It is remarkable that the offering of children should be mentioned in con nexion with magical arts. The terms which follow appear to refer properly to eight different kinds of magic, but some of them are elsewhere used in a general sense. 1. Kdsem kesdmim is literally "a diviner of divinations." 2. Me'onen conveys the idea of " one who acts covertly," and so " a worker of hidden arts." 3. Menachesh, which we render " an augurer," is from ndchash, which is literally " he or it hissed or whispered," and in Piel is applied to the practice of enchantments, but also to divining generally. 4. Mecassheph signifies "an enchanter :" the original meaning of the verb was probably "he prayed," and the strict sense of this wold " one who uses incantations." 5. ChobSr chdber seems to mean " a fabricator of material charms or amulets." 6. Shoel 6b is " an inquirer by a familial- spirit." The second term signifies a bottle, a familial- spirit consulted by a soothsayer, and a soothsayer having a familiar spirit. 7. Yid de'oni, which we render "a wizard," is properly "a wise man," but is always applied to wizards and false prophets. 8. The last term, doresh el- hammethim, is very explicit, meaning " a consulter of the dead:" necromancer is an exact translation if the original signification of the latter is retained, instead of the more general one it now usually bears. The history of Balaam shows the belief of some ancient nations in the powers of soothsayers. When the Israelites had begun to conquer the Land of Promise, Balak the king of Moab and the elders of Midian, resorting to Pharaoh's expedient, sent by messengers with " the rewards of divination in their hands " (Num. xxii. 7) for Balaam the diviner (Josh. xiii. 22), whose fame was known to them though he dwelt in Aram. Balak's message shows what he believed Balaam's powers to be (Num. xxii. 5, 6). We are told, however, that Balaam, warned of God, first said that he could not speak of himself, and then by inspiration blessed those whom he had been sent for to curse. He appears to have received inspiration in a vision or a trance. From xxiv. 1 it would seem that it was his wont to use enchantments, and that when on other occa sions he went away after the sacrifices had been offered, he hoped that he could prevail to obtain tbe wish of those who had sent for him, but was 502 MAGIC constantly defeated. The building new altars of the mystic number of seven, and the offering of seven oxen and seven rams, seem to show that Balaam had some such idea. The account of Saul's consulting the witch of Endor is the foremost place in Scripture of those which refer to magic. The supernatural terror with which it is full cannot however be proved to be due to this art, for it has always been held by sober critics that the appearing of Samuel was permitted for the purpose of de claring the doom of Saul, and not that it was caused by the incantations of a sorceress. As, however, the narrative is allowed to be very difficult, we may look for a moment at the evidence of its authen ticity. The details are strictly in accordance with the age : there is a simphcity in the manners de scribed that is foreign to a later time. The cir cumstances are agreeable with the rest of the history, and especially with all we know of Saul's character. Here, as ever, he is seen resolved to gain his ends without caring what wrong he does : he wishes to consult a prophet, and asks a witch to call up his shade. Most of all the vigour of the narrative, showing us the scene in a few words, proves its antiquity and genuineness. We can see no reason whatever for supposing that it is an interpolation. From the beginning to the end of this strange history we have no warrant for attributing supernatural power to magicians. Viewed reasonably, it refers to the question of apparitions of the dead as to which other places in the Bible leave no doubt. The connexion with magic seems purely accidental. The witch is no more than a bystander after the first : she sees Samuel, and that is all. The appa rition may have been a terrible fulfilment of Saul's desire, but this does not prove that the measures he used were of any power. We have examined the narrative very carefully, from its detail and its re markable character: the result leaves the main question unanswered. In the later days of the two kingdoms magical practices of many kinds prevailed among the Hebrews, as we especially leam from the condemnation of them by the prophets. Every form of idolatry which the people had adopted in succession doubtless brought with it its magic, which seems always to have remained with a strange tenacity that probably made it outlive the false worship with which it was connected. In the his torical books of Scripture there is little notice of magic, excepting that wherever the false prophets are mentioned we have no doubt an indication of the prevalence of magical practices. But in the prophets we find several notices of the magic of the Hebrews in their times, and some of the magic of foreign nations. Isaiah says that the people had become " workers of hidden arts like the Philistines," and apparently alludes in the same place to the practice of magic by the Bene-Kedem (ii. 6). In another place the prophet reproves the people for seeking " unto them that have familiar spirite, and unto the wizards that chirp, and that mutter" (viii. 19). The practices of one class of magicians are still more distinctly described (xxix. 3, 4). Isaiah alludes to the magic of the Egyptians when he says that in their calamity " they shall seek to the idols, and to the charmers, and to them that 'have familiar spirits, and to the wizards " (xix. 3-). In xlvii. 12, 13 the magic of Babylon is cha racterized by the prominence given to astrology, no magicians being mentioned excepting practisers of this art; unlike the case of the Egyptians, with MAGIC whom astrology seems always to have held a lower place than with the Chaldaean nation. In both in stances the folly of those who seek the aid of magic is shown. Micah, declaring the judgments coming for the crimes of his time, speaks of the prevalence of divination among prophets who most probably were such pretended prophets as the opponents of Jeremiah, not avowed prophets of idols, as Ahab's seem to have been (iii. 6, 7, 11). These prophets seem to have practised unlawful arts, and yet to have expected revelations. Jeremiah was constantly opposed by false prophets, who pretended to speak in the name of the Lord, saying that they had dreamt, when they told false visions, and who prac tised various magical arts (xiv. 14, xxiii. 25, ad fin., xxvii. 9, 10 — where the several designations applied to those who counselled the people not to serve the king of Babylon may be used in contempt of the false prophets — xxix. 8, 9). Ezekiel, as we should have expected, affords some remarkable details of the magic of his time, in the clear and forcible de scriptions of his visions. From him we learn that fetishism was among the idolatries which the He brews, in the latest days ofthe kingdom of Judah, bad adopted from theh- neighbours, like the Romans in the age of general corruption that caused the decline of their empire (viii. 7-12). This idolatry was probably borrowed from Egypt, for the descrip tion perfectly answers to that of the dark sanc tuaries of Egyptian temples, with the sacred animals poui-trayed upon their walls, and does not accord with the character of the Assyrian sculptures, where creeping things are not represented as objects of worship. With this low form of idolatry an equally low kind of magic obtained, practised by prophetesses who for small rewards made amulets by which the people were deceived (xiii. 17 ad fin.). The passage must be allowed to be very difficult, but it can scarcely be doubted that amulets are referred to which were made and sold by these women, and perhaps also worn by them. If so, we have a practice analogous to that of the modern Egyptians, who hang amulets of the kind called hegab upon the right side, and of the Nubians, who hang them on the upper part of the aim. The notice of Ne buchadnezzar's divination by arrows, where it is said " he shuffled arrows" (xxi. 21), must refer to a practice the same as or similar to the kind of divin ation by arrows called El-Meysar, in use among the pagan Arabs, and forbidden in the Kur-an. The references to magic in the book of Daniel relate wholly to that of Babylon, and not so much to the art as to those who used it. Daniel, when token captive, was instructed in the learning of the Chal daeans and placed among the wise men of Babylon (ii. 18), by whom we are to understand the Magi, for the term is used as including magicians, sor cerers, enchanters, astrologers, and Chaldaeans, the last being apparently the most important class (ii. 2, 4, 5, 10, 12, 14, 18, 24, 27 ; comp. i. 20). As in other cases the true prophet was put to the test with the magicians, and he succeeded where they utterly failed. After the Captivity it is probable that the Jews gradually abandoned the practice of magic. Zechariah speaks indeed of the deceit of teraphim and diviners (x. 2), and fore tells a time when the very names of idols should be forgotten aud false prophets have virtually ceased (xiii. 1-4), yet in neither case does it seem certain that he is alluding to the usages of his own day. In the Apocrypha we find indications that in the MAGIDDO later centuries preceding the Christian era magic was no longer practised by the educated Jews. In the Wisdom of Solomon the writer, speaking of the Egyptian magicians, treats their art as an impos ture (xvii. 7). The book of Tobit is an exceptional case. If we hold that it was written in Persia or a neighbouring country, and, with Ewald, date its composition not long after the fall of the Persian empire, it is obvious that it relates to a different state of society to that of the Jews of Egypt and Palestine. If, however, it was written in Palestine about the time of the Maccabees, as others suppose, we must still recollect that it refers rather to the superstitions of the common people than to those of the learned. In the N. T. we read very little of magic. Our Lord is not said to have been opposed hy magicians, and the Apostles and other early teachers of the Gospel seem to have rarely encoun tered them. Philip the deacon, when he preached at Samaria, found there Simon a famous magician, commonly known as Simon Magus, who had had great power over the people ; but he is not said to have been able to work wonders, nor, had it been so, is it likely that he would have soon been admitted into the Church (viii. 9-24). When St. Barnabas and St. Paul were at Paphos, as they preached to the proconsul Sergius Paulus, Elymas, a Jewish sorcerer and false prophet withstood them, and was struck blind for a time at the word of St. Paul (xiii. 6-12). At Ephesus, certain Jewish exorcists signally failing, both Jews and Greeks were afraid, and abandoned their practice of magical arts. We have besides the remarkable case of the " damsel having a spirit of divination which brought her masters much gain by foretelling," from whom St, Paul cast out the spirit of divination (xvi. 16-18). This is a matter belonging to another subject than that of magic. Our examination of the various notices of magic in the Bible gives us this general result : — They do not, as far as we can understand, once state positively that any but illusive results were produced by magical rites. They therefore afford no evidence that man can gain supernatural powers to use at his will. This consequence goes some way towards showing that we may conclude that there is no such thing as real magic; for although it is dangerous to reason on negative evi dence, yet in a case of this kind it is especially strong. Magid'do, the Greek form of the name Me giddo. It occurs "only in 1 Esd. i. 29. Ma'gog. The name Magog is applied in Scrip ture both to a person and to a land or people. In Gen. a. 2 Magog appears as the second son of Ja pheth in connexion with Gomer (the Cimmerians) and Madai (the Medes) : in Ez. xxxviii. 2, xxxix. 1, 6, it appears as a country or people of which Gog was the prince, in conjunction with Meshech (the Moschici), Tubal (the Tibareni), and Rosh (the Roxolani). In the latter of these senses there is -evidently implied an etymological connexion between Gog and Ma-gog, the Ma being regarded by Ezekiel as a prefix significant of a country. In this case Gog contains the original element of the name, which may possibly have its origin in some Persian root. The notices of Magog would lead us to fix a northern locality: not only did all the tribes mentioned in connexion with it belong to that quarter, but it is expressly stated by Ezekiel I that he was to come up from " the sides of the north " 'xxxix. 2), from a country adjacent to that MAHALATH 503 of Togarmah or Armenia (xxxviii. 6), and not far from "the isles" or maritime regions of Europe (xxxix. 6). The people of Magog further appear as having a force of cavalry (xxxviii. 15), and as armed with the bow (xxxix. 3). From the above data, combined with the consideration of the time at which Ezekiel lived, the conclusion has been drawn that Magog represents the important race of the Scythians. In identifying Magog with the Scythians, however, we must not be understood as using the latter term in a strictly ethnographical sense, but as a general expression for the tribes living north of the Caucasus. We regard Magog as essentially a geographical term, just as it was applied by the Syrians of the middle ages to Asiatic Tartary, and by the Arabians to the district be tween the Caspian and Euxine seas. The inhabitants of this district in the time of Ezekiel were un doubtedly the people generally known by the classical name of' Scythians. In the latter part of the 7th century B.C. they had become well known as a formidable power through the whole of western Asia. As far as the Biblical notices are concerned, it is sufficient to state that the Scythians of Ezekiel's age — the Scythians of Herodotus — were in all prob ability a Japhetic race. Ma'gor-mis'sabib, literally, "terror on every side : " the name given by Jeremiah to Pashur the priest, when he smote him and put him in the stocks for prophesying against the idolatry of Jeru salem (Jer. xx. 3). Mag'piash, one bf the heads of the people who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 20). The same as Magbish in Ezr. ii. 30. Mah'alah, one of the three children of Ham- moleketh, the sister of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 18). Maia'laleel. 1. The fourth in descent from Adam, according to the Sethite genealogy, and son of Cainan (Gen. v. 12, 13, 15-17 ; 1 Chr. i. 2).— 2. A descendant of Perez, or Pharez, the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 4). Hab. alath, the daughter of Ishmael, and one of the wives of Esau (Gen. xxviii. 9). Mah'alath, one of the eighteen wives of king Rehoboam, apparently his first (2 Chr. xi. 18 only). She was her husband's cousin, being the daughter of king David's son Jerimoth. Mah'alath. The title of Ps. liii., in which this rare word occurs, was rendered in the Geneva ver sion, " To him that excelleth on Mahalath ; " which. was explained in the margin to be " an instrument or kind of note." This expresses in short the opinions of most commentators. Connecting the word with machol (Ex. xv. 20 ; Ps. cl. 4), rendered " dance" in the A. V., but supposed by many from its connexion with instruments of music to be one itself, Jerome renders the phrase " on Mahalath," by "per chorum." The title of Ps. liii. in the Chaldee and Syriac versions contains no trace of the word, which is also omitted in the almost identical Ps. xiv. From this fact alone it might be inferred that it was not intended to point enigmatically to the contents of the psalm. Aben Ezra understands by it the name of a melody to which the Psalm was sung, and Rashi explains it as "the name of a musical instrument," adding, however im mediately, with ... play upon the word, " another discourse on the sickness (machalah) of Israel when the Temple was laid waste." But the most probable of all conjectures, and one which Gesenius approves, is that of Ludolf, who quotes 504 MAHALI the Ethiopic machlet, by which the KiBdpa of the LXX. is rendered in Gen. iv. 21. Fiirst (Handw. s. v.) explains Mahalath as the name of a musical corps dwelling at Abel- Meholah, just as by Gittith he understands the band of Levite minstrels at Gath Rimmon. A third theory is that of Delitzsch, who considers Mahalath as indicating to the choir the manner in which the Psalm was to be sung, and compares the modern terms mesto, andante mesto. Mah'alath Lean'rioth.. The Geneva vereion of Ps. lxxxviii., in the title of which these words occur, has " upon Malath Leannoth," and in the margin, " that is, to humble. It was the beginning of a song, by the tune whereof this Psalm was sung." It is a remarkable proof of the obscurity which envelops the former of the two words that the same commentator explains it differently in each of the passages in which it occurs. In De Wette's translation it is a " flute" in Ps. liii., a "guitar" in Ps. lxxxviii. ; and while Rashi in the former passage explains it as a musical instrument, he describes the latter as referring to " one sick of love and affliction who was afflicted with the punish ments of the captivity." Augustine and Theodoret both understand leannoth of responsive singing. There is nothing, however, in the construction of the Psalm to show that it was adapted for respon sive singing ; and if leannoth be simply " to sing," it would seem almost unnecessary. It has refer ence, more probably, to the character of the psalm, and might be rendered " to humble, or afflict," in which sense the root occurs inverse 7. In support of this may be compared, " to bring to remem brance,'' in the titles of Pss. xxxviii. and lxx. ; and " to thank," 1 Chr. xvi. 7. Mah/ali ; Mahli, the son of Merari. His name occurs in the A. V. but once in this form (Ex. vi. 19). Mahana'im, a town on the east of the Jordan, intimately connected with the early and middle history of the nation of Israel. It purports to have received its name at the most important crisis of the life of Jacob. He had parted from Laban in peace after their hazardous encounter on Mount Gilead (Gen. xxxi.), and the next step in the journey to Canaan brings him to Mahanaim : " Jacob went on his way ; and he lifted up his eyes and saw the camp of God encamped ; and the angels (or messengers) of God met him. And when he saw them he said, This is God's host (mahaneli), and he called the name of that place Mahanaim." How or when the town of Mahanaim arose on the spot thus signalized we are not told. We next meet with it in the records of the conquest. The line separating Gad from Manasseh would appear to have run through or close to it, since it is named in the specification of the frontier of each tribe (Josh. xiii. 26 and 29). It was also on the southern boundary ofthe district of Bashan (ver. 30). But it was certainly within the territory of Gad (Josh. xxi. 38, 39), and therefore on the south side of the torrent Jabbok, as indeed we should infer from the history of Genesis, in which it lies between Gilead — probably the modern Jebel Jilad — and the torrent. The town with its "suburbs" was allotted to the service of the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 39 ; 1 Chron. vi. 80). From some cause — the sanctity of its original foundation, or the strength of its position — Mahanaim had become in the time of the monarchy a place of mark (2 Sam. ii. 9, 12, iv. 6). MAHLI The same causes which led Abner to fix Ishbosheth's residence at Mahanaim probably induced David to take refuge there when driven out of the western part of his kingdom by Absalom (2 Sam. xvii. 24- 1 K. ii. 8). It was then a walled town, capacious enough to contain the " hundreds " and the " thou- sands '' of David's followers (2 Sam. xviii. 1 4 comp. " ten thousand," ver. 3) ; with gates and the usual provision for the watchman of a fortified town. Mahanaim was the seat of one of Solomon's commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 14) ; and it is alluded to in the Song which bears his name (vi. 13). On the monument of Sheshonk (Shishak) at Karaak, in the 22nd cartouche — one of those which are believed to contain the names of Israelite cities conquered by that king — a name appears which is read as Ma-lia-n-m", that is, Mahanaim. If this interpretation may be relied on it shows that the invasion of Shishak was more extensive than we should gather from the records of the Bible (2 Chr. xii.), which are occupied mainly with occurrences at the metropolis. As to the identification of Ma hanaim with any modern site or remains little can be said. To Eusebius and Jerome it appears to have been unknown. A place called Mahneh does certainly exist among the villages of the east of Jordan, though its exact position is not so certain. Its identity with Mahanaim is upheld by Porter. But the distance of Mahneh from the Jordan and from both the Wady Zurka and the Yarmuk — each bf which has claims to represent the torrent Jabbok — seems to forbid this conclusion. Mah-'aneh-dan, (the " Camp-of-Dan :"), a name which commemorated the last encampment of the band of six hundred Danite warriors before setting out on their expedition to Laish. The position of the spot is specified with great precision, as "be hind Kirjath-jearim " (Judg. xviii. 12), and as "between Zorah and Eshtaol" (xiii. 25). Mr. Williams {Holy City, i. 1 2 note) was shewn a site on the north side of the Wady Ismail, N.N.E. from Deir el-Howa, which bore the name of Beit Mahanem, and which he suggests may be identical with Mahaneh Dan. The position is certainly very suitable ; but the name does not occur in the lists or maps of other travellers. Mahara'i (2 Sam. xxiii. 28; 1 Chr. xi. 30. xxvii. 13), an inhabitant of Netophah in the tribe of Judah, and one of David's captains. Ma'hath. 1. The son of Amasai, a Kohathite of the house of Korah (1 Chr. vi. 35).— 2. Also a Kohathite, son of Amasai, in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). He was apparently the same who is mentioned 2 Chr. xxxi, 13. Mah'avite, The, the designation of Eliel, one of the warriors of king David's guard, whose name is preserved in the catalogue of 1 Chron. only (xi. 46). The word is plural in tlie Hebrew text. Mahaz'ioth, one of the 14 sons of Heman the Kohathite (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 30). Ma'her-slia'lal-liasb.-oaz, son of Isaiah, of whom nothing more is known than that his name was given by Divine direction, to indicate that Damascus and Samaria were soon to be plundered by the khig of Assyria (Is. viii. 1-4). Mail'lab., the eldest of the five daughters of Zelophehad, the grandson of Manasseh (Num. xxvii. 1-11). Mah'li. 1. The son of Merari, the son of Levi, and ancestor ofthe family of the Mahlites (Num. iii. 20 ; 1 Chr. vi. 19, 29, xxiv. 26). In the last MAHLITES quoted verse there is apparently a gap in the text, Libni and Shimei belonging to the family of Ger shom (comp. ver. 20, 42), and Eleazar and Kish being afterwards described as the sons of Mahli (1 Chr. xxiii. 21, xxiv. 28).— 2. The son of Mushi, and grandson of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 47, xxiii. 23, xxiv. 30). Mahlites, The, the descendants of Mahli the son of Merari (Num. iii. 33, xxvi. 58). Mah'lon, the first husband of Ruth. He and his brother Chilion were sons of Elimelech and Naomi, and are described as " Ephrathites of Beth lehem-judah" (Ruth i. 2, 5 ; iv. 9, 10; comp. 1 Sam. xvii. 12). Maliol. The father of Ethan the Ezrahite, and Heman, Chalcol, and Darda, the four men most famous for wisdom next to Solomon himself (1 K. iv. 31), who in 1 Chr. ii. 6 are the sons and im mediate descendants of Zerah. Maia'neas = Maaseiaii, 7 (1 Esd. ix. 48). Mak'az, a place, apparently a town, named once only (1 K. iv. 9), in the specification of the juris diction of Solomon's commissariat officer, Ben- Dekar. Makaz has not been discovered. Ma'ked or Ma'ged, one of the "strong and great " cities of Gilead into which the Jews were driven by the Ammonites under Timotheus (1 Mace. .. 26, 36). Makheloth, a place only mentioned in Num. xxxiii. 25 as that of a desert encampment of the Israelites. Mak'kedah, a place memorable in the annals of the conquest of Canaan as the scene of the execution by Joshua of the five confederate kings (Josh. x. 10-30). It unquestionably occurred in the after noon of that tremendous day, which " was like no day before or after it." After the execution of the chiefs Joshua turns to the town itself. To force the walls, to put the king and all the inhabitants to the sword (ver. 28), is to that indomitable energy, still fresh after the gigantic labours and excitements of the last twenty-four hours, the work of an hour or two. And now the evening has arrived, the sun is at last sinking — the first sun that has set since the departure from Gilgal,- — aud the tragedy is terminated by cutting down the five bodies from the trees, and restoring them to the cave, which is then so blocked up with stones as henceforth never again to become refuge for friend or foe of Israel. The taking of Makkedah was the first in that series of sieges and destructions by which the Great Captain possessed himself of the main points of defence throughout this portion of the country. Its situa tion has hitherto eluded discovery. The report of Eusebius and Jerome is that it lay 8 miles to the east of Eleutheropolis, Beit-Jibrin, a position irre concileable with every requirement of tbe narrative. Porter suggests a ruin on the northern slope of the Wady es Sumt, hearing the somewhat similar name of el-Klediah. Van de Velde would place it at Smneil, a village standing on a low hill 6 or 7 miles N.W. of Beit-Jibrin. Mak'tesh, a place, evidently in Jerusalem, the inhabitants of which are denounced by Zephaniah (i. 11). Ewald conjectures that it was the " Phoe nician quarter " of the city. The meaning of "Maktesh" is probably a deep hollow, literally a "mortar." This the Targum identifies with the torrent Kedron. But may it not have been the deep valley which separated the Temple from the upper city, and whicli at the time of Titus's siege MALACHI 505 was, as it still is, crowded with the "bazaars" of the merchants ? HaPacM, the last, and therefore called "the seal " of the prophets, as his prophecies constitute the closing hook of the canon. Of his personal history nothing is known. A tradition pre served in Pseudo-Epiphanius relates that Malachi was of the tribe of Zebulun, and born, after the captivity at Sopha in the territory of that tribe. According to the same apocryphal story he died young, and was buried with his fathers in his own country. Jerome, in the preface to his Commentary on Malachi, mentions a belief which was cm-rent among the Jews, that Malachi was identical with Ezra the priest. With equal probability Malachi has been identified with Mordecai, Nehemiah, and Zerubbabel. The LXX. render "by Malachi" (Mal. i. 1), "by the hand of his angel ; " and this translation appears to have given rise to the idea that Malachi, as well as Haggai and John the Baptist, was an angel in human shape (comp. Mal. iii. 1 ; 2 Esd. i. 40). The time at which his prophecies, were delivered is not diffi cult to ascertain. Cyril makes him contemporary with Haggai and Zechariah, or a little later. Syn cellus (p. 240 B) places these three prophets under Joshua the son of Josedec. That Malachi was con temporary with Nehemiah is rendered probable by a comparison of ii. 8 with Neh. xiii. 15 ; ii. 10-16 with Neh. xiii. 23, &c. ; and iii. 7-12 with Neh. xiii. 10, &c. That he prophesied after the times of Haggai and Zechariah is inferred from his omit ting to mention the restoration of the Temple, and from no allusion being made to him by Ezra. The captivity was already a thing of the long past, and is not referred to. The existence of the Temple- service is presupposed in i. 10, iii. 1, 10. The Jewish nation had still a political chief (i. 8), dis tinguished by the same title as that borne by Nehe miah (Neh. xii. 26), to which Gesenius assigns a Persian origin. Hence Vitringa concludes that Malachi delivered his prophecies after the second return of Nehemiah from Persia (Neh. xiii. 6), and subsequently to the 32nd year of Artaxerxes Longi manus (cir. B.C. 420), which is the date adopted by Kennicott, Hales, and Davidson. From the striking parallelism between the state of things indicated in Malachi's prophecies and that actually existing on Nehemiah's return from the court of Artaxerxes, it is on all accounts highly probable that the efforts of the secular governor were on this occasion seconded by the preaching of " Jeho vah's messenger," and that Malachi occupied the same position with regard to the reformation under Nehemiah, which Isaiah held in the time of Heze kiah, and Jeremiah in that of Josiah. The last chapter of canonical Jewish history is the key to the last chapter of .its prophecy. The book of Malachi is contained in four chapters in our version, as in the LXX., Vulgate, and Peshito-Syriac. In the Hebrew the 3rd and 4th form but one chapter. The whole prophecy naturally divides itself into three sections, in the firet of which Jehovah is represented as the loving father and ruler of His people (i 2-ii. 9); in the second, as the supreme God and father of all (ii. 10-16) ; and in the third, as their righteous and final judge (ii. 17-end). These may be again subdivided into smaller sec tions, each of which follows a certain order: first, a short sentence; then the sceptical questions which might be raised by the people; and, finally, 506 MALACHT their full and triumphant refutation. The prophecy of Malachi is alluded to in the N. T., and its can onical authority thereby established (comp. Mark i. 2, ix. 11, 12; Luke i. 17; Rom. ix. 13). Mal'achy, the prophet Malachi (2 Esd. i. 40). Marcham. 1. One of the heads of the fathers of Benjamin, and son of Shaharaim by his wife Hodesh (1 Chr. viii. 9).— 2. The idol Molech, as some suppose (Zeph. i. 5). The word literally signifies " their king," as the margin of our version gives it, and is referred by Gesenius to an idol generally, as invested with regal honours by its worshippers. Malchi'ah. 1. A descendant of Gershom, the son of Levi, and ancestor of Asaph the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 40).— -2. One of the sons of Parosh, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. a. 25).— 3. Enumerated among the sons of Harim, who lived in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x. 31).— 4. Son of Rechab, and ruler of the circuit or environs of Bethhaccerem (Neh. iii. 14).— 5. "The goldsmith's son," who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 31).— 6. One of the priests who stood at the left hand of Ezra when he read the law to the people in the street before the water- gate (Neh. viii. 4).— 7. A priest, the father of Pashui—MALCHUAH 1 (Neh. xi. 12 ; Jer. xxxviii. 1). — 8. The son of Ham-melech (or " the king's son," as it is translated in 1 K. xxii. 26 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 7), into whose dungeon or cistern Jeremiah was cast (Jer. xxxviii. 6). It would seem that the title " king's son " was official, like that of " king's mother," and applied to one of the royal family, who exercised functions somewhat similar to those of Potiphar in the court of Pharaoh. Mal'chiel (Gen. xlvi. 17), the son of Beriah, the son of Asher, and ancestor of the family of the Mal- €HIELITES (Num. xxvi. 45). In 1 Chr. vii. 31 he is called the father, that is founder, of Birzavith. Mal'eMelites, The, the descendants of Malchiel, the grandson of Asher (Num. xxvi. 45). Malcbi'jah. 1. A priest, the father of Pashur (1 Chr. ix. 12) ; the same as Malchiah 7, and Melchiah.— 2. A priest, chief of the fifth of the twenty-four courses appointed by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 9).— 3. A layman of the sons of Parosh, who put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 25).— 4. Son, that is, descendant of Harim (Neh. iii. 11).— 5. One of the priests who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 3).— 6. One of the priests who assisted in the solemn dedication of the wall of Jerusalem under Ezra and Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42). Malch'iram, one of the sons of Jeconiah, or Jehoiachin (1 Chr. iii. 18). Mal'chi-shu'a, one of the sons of king Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 49, xxxi. 2 ; 1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39). His position in the family cannot be exactly deter mined. Nothing is known of him beyond the fact that he fell, with his two brothers, and before his father, in the early part of the battle of Gilboa. Mal'chus is the name of the servant of the high- priest, whose right ear Peter cut off at the time of the Saviour's apprehension in the garden. See the narrative in Matt. xxvi. 51 ; Mark xiv. 47; Luke xxii. 49-51 ; John xviii. 10. He was the personal servant of the high-priest, and not one of the bailiffs or apparitors of the Sanhedrim. It is noticeable that Luke the physician is the only one of the writers who mentions the act of healing. ffial'eleel. Maiialaleel, the son of Cainan (Luke iii. 37 ; Gen. v. 12, marg.). MAMMON Mal'los, They of, who, with the people of Tarsus, revolted from Antiochus Epiphanes because he had bestowed them on one of his concubines (2 Mace. iv. 30). Mallos was an important city of Cilicia, lying at the mouth of the Pyramus (Seihun), on the shore of the Mediterranean, N.E. of Cyprus, and about 20 miles from Tarsus ( Tersus) . Mallo'thi, a Kohathite, one of the fourteen sons of Heman the singer (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 26). Mallows. By the Hebrew word malluach we are no doubt to understand some species of Oracke, and in all probability the Atriplex halimus of botanists. It occurs only in Job xxx. 4. Some writers, as R. Levi (Job xxx.) and Luther, with the Swedish and the old Danish versions, hence under stood " nettles " to be denoted by Malluach. Otheis have conjectured that some species of " mallow " (malva) is intended. Sprengel identifies the " Jew's mallow " (Corchorus olitorius) with the Malluach. There is no doubt that this same mallow is still eaten in Arabia and Palestine, the leaves and pods being used as a pot-herb. But the Atriplex halimus has undoubtedly the best claim to represent the Malluach. .Atriplex halimus. Mal'ltich. 1. A Levite ofthe family of Merari, and ancestor of Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 44). —2. One of the sons of Bani (Ezr. x. 29), and 3. one of the descendants of Harim (Ezr. x. 32), who had married foreign wives.— 4. A priest or family of priests (Neh. x. 4), and 5. One of the "heads' of the people who signed the covenant with Nehe miah (Neh. x. 27).— 6. One of the families of priests who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 2) ; probably the same as No. 4. Mamai'as, apparently the same with Shemaiah in Ezr. viii. 16. Mam'mon (Matt. vi. 24 ; Luke xvi. 9), a word which often occurs in the Chaldee Targums ot MAMNITANAIMUS Onkelos, and later writers, and in the Syriac Ver sion, and which signifies " riches." It is used in St. Matthew as a personification of riches. Mamnitanai'mus, a name which appears in the lists of 1 Esdr. ix. 34, and occupies the place of -" Mattaniah, Mattenai," in Ezr. x. 37, of which it is a corruption. Mam're, an ancient Amorite, who with his brothers Eshchol and Aner was in alliance with Abram (Gen. xiv. 13, 24), and under the shade of whose oak-grove the patriarch dwelt in the interval between his residence at Bethel and at Beersheba (xiii. 18, xviii. 1). The personality of this ancient chieftain, unmistakeably though slightly brought out in the narrative just cited, is lost in the sub sequent chapters. Mamre is there a mere local appellation (xxiii. 17, 19, xxv. 9, xlix. 30, 1. 13). It does not appear beyond the book of Genesis. Mamu'ehus, the same as Malluch 2 (1 Esdr. ix. 30). Man. Four Hebrew terms are rendered " man " in the A. V. 1. Adam. (A) The name of the man created in the image of God. It appears to be derived from ddam, " he or it was red or ruddy," like Edom. The epithet rendered by us " red " has a veiy wide signification in the Shemitic languages, and must not be limited to the English sense. When the Arabs apply the term " red " to man, they always mean by it " fair." (B) The name of Adam and his wife (v. 1, 2: comp. i. 27, in which case there is nothing to shew that more than one pair is intended). (C) A collective Win, indeclinable, having neither construct state, plural, nor feminine fonn, used to designate any or all of the descendants of Adam. 2. Ish, apparently softened from a form unused in the singular by the Hebrews, Snesh, " man," " woman," " men." It corresponds to the Arabic ins, " man," insdn, softened form eesdn, "a man," "a woman," and "man" collectively like ins ; and perhaps to the ancient Egyptian as, " a noble." The variant Enosh occurs as the proper name of a son of Seth and grandson of Adam (Gen. iv. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 1). In the A. V. it is written Enos. 3. Geber, "a man," from g&bar, " to be strong," generally with reference to his strength, corresponding to vir and avfjp. 4. M&thim, "men," always masculine. The singular is to be traced in the antediluvian proper names Methusael and Methuselah. Perhaps it may be derived from the root mitth, " he died," in which case its use would be very appropriate in Is. xii. 14. If this conjecture be admitted, this word would correspond to jSpo-roy and might be read " mortal." Man'aen is mentioned in Acts xiii. 1 as one of the teachers and prophets in the church at Antioch at the time of the appointment of Saul and Bar nabas as missionaries to the heathen. He is not known out of this passage. The name signifies consoler ; and both that and his relation to Herod render it quite cei'tain that he was a Jew. The Herod with whom he is said to have been brought up (triprpoipos) must have been Herod Antipas. Since this Antipas was older than Archelaus, who succeeded Herod the Great soon after the birth of Christ, Manaen must have been somewhat ad vanced in years in A.D. 44, when he appears before us in Luke's history. The two following are the principal views with regard to aivrpoipos that have been advanced, and have still their advocates. One is that it means comrade, associate, or, more strictly, one brought up, educated with MANASSEH 507 another. This is the more frequent sense of the word. The other view is that it denotes foster- brother, brought up at the same breast, and as so taken Manaen 's mother, or the woman who reared him, would have been also Herod's nurse. Walch's conclusion (not correctly represented by some recent writers), combines in a measure these two explana tions. He thinks that Manaen was educated in Herod's family along with Antipas and some of his other children, and at the same time that he stood in the stricter relation of foster-brother to Antipas. He lays particular stress on the statement of Jose phus {Ant. xvii. 1, §3) that the brothers Antipas and Archelaus were educated in a private way at Rome. It is a singular circumstance, to say the least, that Josephus {Ant. xv. 10, §5) mentions a certain Manaem, who was in high repute among the Essenes for wisdom and sanctity, and who foretold to Herod the Great, in early hfe, that he was destined to attain royal honours. Lightfoot surmises that the Manaem of Josephus may be the one mentioned in the Acts ; but the disparity be tween his age and that of Herod the Great, to say nothing of other difficulties, puts that supposition out of the question. Mana'hath, a place named in 1 Chr. viii. 6 only, in connexion with the genealogies of the tribe of Benjamin. Of the situation of Manahath we know little or nothing. It is tempting to believe it identical with the Menuchah mentioned, accord ing to many interpreters, in Judg. xx. 43. Mana hath is usually identified with a place of similar name in Judah, but this identification is difficult to receive. Mana'hath, one of the sons of Shobal, and descendant of Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; 1 Chr. i. 40). Mana'hethitcs, the. " Half the Manahethites " are named in the genealogies of Judah as descended from Shobal, the father of Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 52), and half from Salma, the founder of Beth lehem (ver. 54). It seems to be generally accepted that the same place is referred to in each passage. Of the situation or nature of the place or places we have as yet no knowledge. It is probably identical with Manocho, one of the eleven cities which in the LXX. text are inserted between verses 59 and 60 of Josh. xv. Manas'seas = Manasseh 3, of the sons of Pahath Moab (1 Esd. ix. 31 ; comp. Ezr. x. 30). Manas'seh, the eldest son of Joseph by his wife Asenath the Egyptian (Gen. xii. 51, xlvi. 20). The birth of the child was the first thing which had occurred since Joseph's banishment from Canaan to alleviate his sorrows and fill the void left by the father and the brother he so longed to behold, and it was natural that he should commemorate his acquisition in the name MANASSEH, " Forgetting " — "For God hath-made-me-forget (nasshani) all my toil and all my father's house." Both he and Ephraim were born before the commencement of the famine. Whether the elder of the two sons was inferior in form or promise to the younger, or whether there was any external reason to justify the preference of Jacob, we are not told. It is only certain that when the youths were brought before their aged grandfather to receive his blessing and his name, and be adopted as foreigners into his family, Manasseh was degraded, in spite of the efforts of Joseph, into the second place. It is the first indication of the inferior rank in the 508 MANASSEH nation which the tribe descended from him after wards held, in relation to that of his more for tunate brother. But though, like his grand-uncle Esau, Manasseh had lost his birthright in favour of his younger brother, he received, as Esau had, a blessing only inferior to the birthright itself. At the time of this interview Manasseh seems to have been about 22 years of age. Whether he married in Egypt we are not told. It is recorded that the children of Machir were embraced by Joseph before his death, but of the personal his tory of the patriarch Manasseh himself no trait whatever is given in the Bible, either in the Pen tateuch or in the curious records preserved in 1 Chronicles. The position of the tribe of Ma nasseh during the march to Canaan was with Ephraim and Benjamin on the west side of the sacred Tent. The Chief of the tribe at the time of the census at Sinai was Gamaliel ben-Pedahzur, and its numbers were then 32,200 (Num. i. 10, 35, ii. 20, 21, vii. 54-59). Of the three tribes who had elected to remain on that side of the Jordan, Reuben and Gad had chosen their lot because the country was suitable to their pastoral possessions and tendencies. But Machir, Jair, and Nobah, the sons of Manasseh, were no shepherds. They were pure warriors (Num. xxxii. 39 ; Deut. iii. 13, 14, 15). The district which these ancient warriors conquered was among the most difficult, if not the most difficult, in the whole country. It embraced the hills of Gilead with their inaccessi ble heights and impassable ravines, and the almost impregnable tract of Argob, which derives its modem name of Lejah from the secure " asylum " it affords to those who take refuge within its natural fortifications. The few personages of eminence whom we can with certainty identify as Manassites, such as Gideon and Jephthah — for Elijah and others may with equal probability have belonged to the neighbouring tribe of Gad — were among the most remarkable characters that Israel produced. But with the one exception of Gideon the warlike ten dencies of Manasseh seem to have been confined to the east of the Jordan. There they throve ex ceedingly, pushing their way northward over the rich plains of Jauldn and Jedur to the foot of Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). At the time of the coronation of David at Hebron, while the western Manasseh sent 18,000, and Ephraim itself 20,800, the eastern Manasseh, with Gad and Reuben, mustered to the number of 120,000. But, though thus outwardly prosperous, a similar fate awaited them in the end to that which befel Gad and Reuben ; they gradually assimilated themselves to the old inhabitants of the country (ib. 25). They relinquished too the settled mode of life and the defined limits which befitted the members of a federal nation, and gradually became Bedouins of the wilderness (1 Chr. v. 19, 22). On them first descended the punishment which was ordained to be the inevitable consequence of such misdoing. They, first of all Israel, were carried away by Pul and Tiglath-Pileser, and settled in the Assyrian territories (ib. 26). The connexion, however, be tween east and west had been kept up to a certain degree. In Bethshean, the most easterly city of the cis-Jordanic Manasseh, the two portions all but joined. David had judges or officers there for all matters sacred and secular (1 Chr. xxvi. 32) ; and Solomon's commissariat officer, Ben-Geber, ruled over the towns of Jair and the whole district of MANASSEH Argob (1 K. iv. 13). The genealogies of the tribe are preserved in Num. xxvi. 28-34; Josh. xvii. 1 &c. ; and 1 Chr. vii. 14-19. But it seems im possible to unravel these so as to ascertain for instance which of the families remained east of Jordan, and which advanced to the west. Nor is it less difficult to fix the exact position of the territory allotted to the western half. In Josh. xvii. 14-18 we find the two tribes of Joseph com plaining that only one portion had been allotted to them, viz. Mount Ephraim (ver. 15). In reply Joshua advises them to go up into the forest (ver. 15, A. V. " wood "), into the mountain which is a forest (ver. 18). This mountain clothed with forest can surely be nothing but CARMEL. The majority of the towns of Manasseh were actually on the slopes either of Carmel itself or of the contiguous ranges. From the absence of any attempt to define a limit to the possessions of the tribe on the north, it looks as if no boundary- line had existed on that side. On the south side the boundaiy between Manasseh and Ephraim is more definitely described, and may be generally traced with tolerable certainty. It began on the east in the territory of Issachar (xvii. 10) at a place called Asher, (ver. 7) now Yasir, 12 miles N.E. of Nablus. Thence it ran to Michmethah, described as facing Shechem (Nablus), though now unknown ; then went to the right, i. e. apparently northward, to the spring of Tappuah, also un known ; there it fell in with the watercourses of the torrent Kanah — probably the Nahr Falaik — along which it ran to the Mediterranean. From the indications of the history it would appear that Manasseh took very little part in public affairs. They either left all that to Ephraim, or were so far removed from the centre of the nation as to have little interest in what was taking place. That they attended David's coronation at Hebron has already been mentioned. When his rule was established over all Israel, each half had its distinct ruler — the western, Joel ben-Pedaiah, the eastern, Iddo ben-Zechariah (1 Chr. xxvii. 20, 21). From this time the eastern Manasseh fades entirely from our view, and the western is hardly kept before us by an occasional mention. Manas'seh, the thirteenth king of Judah. The reign of this monarch is longer than that of any other of the house of David. There is none of which we know so little. In part, it may be, this was the direct result of the character and policy of the man. In part, doubtless, it is to be traced to the abhorrence with which the follow ing generation looked back upon it as the period of lowest degradation to which their country had ever fallen. The birth of Manasseh is fixed twelve years before the death of Hezekiah, B.C. 710 (2 K. xxi. 1). We must, therefore, infer either that there had been no heir to the throne up to that comparatively late period in his reign, or that any that had been born had died, or that, as sometimes happened in the succession of Jewish and other Eastern kings, the elder son was passed over for the younger. There are reasons which make the former the more probable alternative. Hezekiah, it would seem, recovering from his sick ness, anxious to avoid the danger that had threatened him of leaving his kingdom without an heir, mar ries, at or about this time, Hephzibah (2 K. xxi. 1), the daughter of one of the citizens or princes of Jerusalem. The child that is born from this union MANASSEH is called Manasseh. This name too is strangely significant. It appears nowhere else in the history of the kingdom of Judah. How are we to account for so singular and unlikely a choice ? The answer is, that the name embodied what had been for years the cherished object of Hezekiah's policy and hope. To take advantage of the overthrow of the rival kingdom by Shalmaneser, and the anarchy in which its provinces had been left, to gather round him the remnant of the population, to bring them back to the worship and faith of their fathers, this had been the second step in his great national reformation (2 Chr. xxx. 6). It was at least par tially successful. " Divers of Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun, humbled themselves and came to Jeru salem." They were there at the great passover. The work of destroying idols went on in Ephraim and Manasseh as well as in Judah (2 Chr. xxxi. 1). The last twelve years of Hezekiah's reign were not, however, it will be remembered, those which were likely to influence for good the character of his successor. His policy had succeeded. He had thrown off the yoke of the king of Assyria, and had made himself the head of an independent kingdom. But he goes a step further. The ambition of being a great potentate continued, and it was to the results of this ambition that the boy Manasseh succeeded at the age of twelve. His accession appears to have been the signal for an entire change, if not in the foreign policy, at any rate in the religious administration of tbe kingdom. The change which the king's mea sures brought about was after all, superficial. The idolatry which was publicly discountenanced, was practised privately (Is. i. 29, ii. 20, lxv. 3). It was, moreover, the traditional policy of " the princes of Judah " (comp. 2 Chr. xxiv. 17), to favour foreign alliances and the toleration of foreign worship, as it was that of the true priests and prophets to protest against it. It would seem, accordingly, as if they urged upon the young king that scheme of a close alliance with Babylon which Isaiah had condemned, and as the natural conse quence of this, the adoption, as far as possible, of its worship, and that of other nations whom it was desirable to conciliate. The result was a debase ment which had not been equalled even in the reign of Ahaz, uniting in one centre the abomina tions which elsewhere existed separately. Not content with sanctioning their presence in the Holy City, as Solomon and Rehoboam had done, he defiled with it the Sanctuary itself (2 Chr. xxxiii. 4). The worship thus introduced was predominantly Baby lonian in its character. With this, however, there was associated the old Molech worship of the Ammonites. The fires were rekindled in the valley of Ben-Hinnom. The Baal and Ashtaroth ritual, which had been imported under Solomon from the Phoenicians, was revived with fresh splendour. All this was accompanied by the extremest moral de gradation. Eveiy faith was tolerated but the old faith of Israel. This was abandoned and proscribed. It is easy to imagine the bitter grief and burning indignation of those who continued faithful. They spoke out in words of corresponding strength. Evil was coming on Jerusalem wliich should make the ears of men to tingle (2 K. xxi. 12). The line of Samaria and the plummet of the house of Ahab should be the doom of the Holy City. Like a vessel that had once been full of precious ointment, but had afterwards become foul, Jerusalem should be MANASSEH 509 emptied and wiped out, and exposed to the winds of Heaven till it was cleansed. Foremost, we may well believe, among those who thus bore their witness was the old prophet, now bent with the weight of fourscore years, who had in his earlier days protested with equal courage against the crimes of the king's grandfather. On him too, according to the old Jewish tradition, came the firet shock of the persecution. But the persecution did not stop there. It attacked the whole order of the true prophets, and those who followed them. The heart and the intellect of the nation were crushed out, and there would seem to have been no chroniclers left to record this portion of its history. Retribution came soon in the natural sequence of events. There are indications that the neighbouring nations — Philistines, Moabites, Am monites — who had been tributary under Hezekiah, revolted at some period in the reign of Manasseh, and asserted their independence (Zeph. ii. 4-19 ; Jer. xlvii. xlviii. xlix.). The Babylonian alliance bore the fruits which had been predicted. The rebellion of Merodach-Baladan was crushed, and then the wrath of the Assyrian king fell on those who had supported him. Judaea was again over run by the Assyrian armies, and this time the inva sion was more successful than that of Sennacherib. The city apparently was taken. The king himself was made prisoner and carried off to Babylon. There his eyes were opened, and he repented, and his prayer was heard, and the Lord delivered him (2 Chr. xxxiii. 12, 13). Two questions meet us at this point. (1) Have we satisfactory grounds for believing that this statement is historically true ? (2) if we accept it, to what period in the reign of Manasseh is it to be assigned ? It has been urged in regard to (1) that the silence of the writer of the books of Kings is conclusive against the trustworthiness of the narrative of 2 Chronicles. It is believed that that answer is not far to seek. (1) The silence of a writer who sums up the his tory of a reign of 55 years in 19 verses as to one alleged event in it is surely a weak ground for refusing to accept that event on the authority of another historian. (2) The omission is in part explained by the character of the narrative of 2 K. xxi. The writer deliberately turns away from the history of the days of shame, and not less from the personal biography of the king. (3) The character of the writer of 2 Chronicles, obviously a Levite, and looking at the facts of the history from the Levite point of view, would lead him to attach greater importance to a partial rein statement of the old ritual and to the cessation of persecution. (4) There is one peculiarity in the history which is, in some measure, of the nature of an undesigned coincidence, and so confirms it. The captains of the host of Assyria take Manasseh to Babylon. The narrative fits in, with the utmost accuracy, to the facts of Oriental history. The first attempt of Babylon to assert its independence of Nineveh failed. It was crushed by Esarhaddon, and for a time the Assyrian king held his court at Babylon, so as to effect more completely the reduction of the rebellious province. There is (5) the fact of agreement with the intervention of the Assyrian king in 2 K. xvii. 24, just at the same time. The circumstance just noticed enables us to return an approximate answer to the other question. The duration of Esarhaddon's Baby lonian reign is calculated as from B.C. 680-667 ; 510 MANASSEH and Manasseh's captivity must therefore have fallen within those limits. A Jewish tradition fixes the 22nd year of his reign as the exact date ; and this, according as we adopt the earlier or the later date of his accession, would give B.C. 676 or 673. The period that followed is dwelt upon by the writer of 2 Chr. as one of a great change for the better. The compassion or death of Esarhaddon led to his release, and he returned after some uncertain in terval of time to Jerusalem. The old faith of Israel was no longer persecuted. Foreign idolatries were no longer thrust, in all their foulness, into the Sanctuary itself. The altar of the Lord was again restored, and peace-offerings and thank- offerings sacrificed to Jehovah (2 Chr. xxxiii. 15, 16). But beyond this the reformation did not go. The other facts known of Manasseh's reign connect themselves with the state of the world round him. The Assyrian monarchy was tottering to its fall, and the king of Judah seems to have thought that it was still possible for him to rule as the head of a strong and independent kingdom. He fortified Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxvii. 3), and put captains of war in all the fenced cities of Judah. There was, it must be remembered, a special reason. Egypt was become strong and aggressive under Psammi- tichus. About this time we find the thought of an Egyptian alliance again beginning to gain favour. The very name of Manasseh's son, Amon, identical in form and sound with that of the great sun-god of Egypt, is probably an indication of the gladness -with which the alliance of Psammitichus was welcomed. As one of its consequences, it involved probably the supply of troops from Judah to serve in the armies of the Egyptian king. In return for this Manasseh, we may believe, received the help of the chariots and horses for which Egypt was always famous (Is. xxxi. 1). If this was the close of Manasseh's reign, we can understand how it was that on his death he was buried as Ahaz had been, not with the burial of a king, in the sepulchres of the house of David, but in the garden of Uzza (2 K. xxi. 26), and that, long afterwards, in spite of his repentance, the Jews held his name in abhor rence. The habits of a sensuous and debased worship had eaten into the life of the people ; and though they might be repressed for a time by force, as in the reformation of Josiah, they burst out again, when the pressure was removed, with fresh violence, and rendered even the zeal of the best of the Jewish kings fruitful chiefly in hypo crisy and unreality. The intellectual life of the people suffered in the same degree. The persecu tion cut off all who, trained in the schools of the prophets, were the thinkers and teachers of the people. But little is added by later tradition to the 0. T. narrative of Manasseh's reign. The prayer that bears his name among the apocryphal books can hardly, in the absence of any Hebrew original, be considered as identical with that re ferred to in 2 Chr. xxxiii., and is probably rather the result of an attempt to work out the hint there supplied than the reproduction of an older docu ment. There are reasons, however, for believing that there existed at some time or other, a fuller history, more or less legendary, of Manasseh and his conversion, from which the prayer may possibly have been an excerpt preserved for devotional pur poses (it appears for the first time in the Apostolical Constitutions) when the rest was rejected as worth less. Scattered here and there, we find the disjecta MANASSES, THE PRATER OF membra of such a work.— 2. One of the descendants of Pahath-Moab, who in the days of Ezra had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 30).— 3. One of the laymen, of the family of Hashum, who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's command. (Ezr. x. 33). — 4. In the Hebrew text of Judg. xviii. 3o' the name of the priest of the graven image of the Danites is given as " Jonathan, the son of Gershom the son of Manasseh ;" the last word being written HE^D" and a Masoretic note calling attention to the " nun suspended." Rashi's note upon the passage is as follows : — " On account of the honour of Moses he wrote Nun to change the name ; and it is written suspended to signify that it was not Manasseh but Moses." The LXX., Peshifo-Syriac, and Chaldee all read " Manasseh," but the Vulgate retains the original and undoubtedly the true read ing, Moyses. Kennicott attributes the presence of the Nun to the corruption of MSS. by Jewish transcribers. With regard to the chronological- difficulty of accounting for the presence of a grand son of Moses at an apparently late period, there is eveiy reason to believe that the last five chapters of Judges refer to earlier events than those after which they are placed. In xx. 28 Phinehas the son of Eleazar, and therefore the grandson of Aaron, is said to have stood before the ark, and there is therefore no difficulty in supposing that a grandson of Moses might be alive at the same time, which was not long after the death of Joshua. Manas'ses. 1. Manasseh 4, of the sons of Hashum (1 Esd. ix. 33).— 2. Manasseh, king of Judah, (Matt. i. 10), to whom the apocryphal prayer is attributed. — 3. Manasseh, the son of Joseph (Rev. vii. 6). — 4 A wealthy inhabitant of Bethulia, and husband of Judith, according to the legend (Jud. viii. 2, 7, x. 3, xvi. 22, 23, 24). Manas'ses, the Prayer of. 1. The repentance and restoration of Manasseh (2 Chr. xxxiii. 12 ff.) furnished the subject of many legendary stories. " His prayer unto his God " was still preserved "in the book of the kings of Israel" when the Chronicles were compiled (2 Chi-, xxxiii. 18), and, after this record was lost, the subject was likely to attract the notice of later writers. " The Prayer of Manasseh," which is found in some MSS. of the LXX., is the work of one who has endeavoured to express, not without true feeling, the thoughts of the repentant king. 2. The Greek text is un doubtedly original, and not a mere translation from the Hebrew. The writer was well acquainted with the LXX. But beyond this there is nothing to determine the date at which he lived. The allu sion to the patriarchs (1, 8) appears to fix the authorship on a Jew; but the clear- teaching on repentance points to a time certainly not long before the Christian era. There is no indication of the place at which the Prayer was written. 3. The earliest reference -to the Prayer is contained in a fragment of Julius Africanus (cir. 221 A.D.), but it may be doubted whether tlie words in their original form clearly referred to the present com position (Jul. Afric. fr. 40). It is, however, given at length in the Apostolical Constitutions (ii. 22). The Prayer is found in the Alexandrine MS. 4. The Prayer was never distinctly recognised as a canonical writing, though it was included in many MSS. of the LXX. and ofthe Latin version, and has been deservedly retained among the apo crypha in A. V. and by Luther. The Latin MANASSITES translation which occurs in Vulgate MSS. is not by the hand of Jerome. Manass'ites, the, that is, the members of the tribe of Manasseh. The word occurs but thrice in the A. V. viz. Deut. iv. 43 ; Judg. xii. 4 ; and 2 K. x. 33. Man'drakes (Heb. duddim). The duddim (the word occurs only in the plural number) are men tioned in Gen. xxx. 14, 15, 16, and in Cant. vii. 13. From the fonner passage we learn that they were found in the fields of Mesopotamia, where Jacob and his wives were at one time living, and that the fruit was gathered " in the days of wheat- harvest," i.e. fn May. From Cant. vii. 13 we learn that the plant in question was strong-scented, and that it grew in Palestine. Various attempts have been made to identify the duddim. The most satisfactory is certainly that which supposes the mandrake (Atropa mandragora) to be the plant MANNA 511 Tho Mandrake [Atropa Mandragora). denoted by the Hebrew word. The LXX., the Vulg., the Syriac, and the Arabic versions, the Targums, the most learned of the Rabbis, and many later commentators, are in favour of the translation of the A. V. It is well known that the mandrake is far from- odoriferous, the whole plant being, in European estimation at all events, very fetid. But Oedmann, after quoting a number of authorities to show that the mandrakes were prized by the Arabs for their odour, makes the following just remark : — " It is known that Orientals set an especial value on strongly smelling things that to more delicate European senses are un- pleasing .... The intoxicating qualities of the mandrake, far fi-om lessening its value, would rather add to it, for every one knows with what relish the Orientals use all kinds of prepai-ations to produce intoxication." That the fruit was fit to be gathered at the time of wheat-harvest is clear from the testimony of several travellers. Schultze found mandrake-apples on the 15th of May. Has- selquist saw them at Nazareth early in May. Dr. Thomson found mandrakes ripe on the lower ranges of Lebanon and Hermon towards the end of April. The mandrake (Atropa mandragora) is closely allied to the well-known deadly nightshade (A. bella donna), and belongs to the order Solanaceae. Ma'neh. [Weights and Measures.] Hanger. This word occurs only in connexion with the birth of Christ, in Luke ii. 7, 12, 16. The original term is tp&Tvn, which is found but once besides in the N. T., viz. Luke xiii. 15, where it is rendered by " stall." The word in classical Greek undoubtedly means a manger, crib, or feeding trough ; but according to Schleusner its real signification in the N. T. is the open court yard, attached to the inn or khan, and enclosed by a rough fence of stones, wattle, or other slight material, into which the cattle would be shut at night, and where the poorer travellers might unpack their animals and take up their lodging, when they were either by want of room or want of means excluded from the house. The above interpretation is of course at .variance with the traditional belief that the Nativity took place in a cave. Professor Stanley has however shown how destitute of foundation this tradition is. Ma'ni. The same as Bani, 4 (1 Esd. ix. 30 ; comp. Ezr. x. 29). Man'lius, T. In the account of the conclusion of the campaign of Lysias (B.C. 163) against the Jews given in 2 Mace, xi., four letters are intro duced, of which the last purports to be from " L. Memmius and T. Manlius, ambassadors of the Romans" (ver. 34-38), confirming the conces sions made by Lysias. There can be but little doubt that the letter is a fabrication. No such names occur among the many legates to Syria noticed by Polybius; and there is no room for the mission of another embassy between two re corded shortly before and after the death of An tiochus Epiphanes. If, as seems likely, the true reading is T. Manius (not Manlius), the writer was probably thinking of the former embassy when C. Sulpicius and Manius Sergius were sent to Syria. Man'na (Heb. man). The most important passages ofthe 0. T. on this topic are the following: — Ex. xvi. 14-36 ; Num. xi. 7-9 ; Deut. viii. 3, 16 ; Josh' v. 12 ; Ps. lxxviii. 24, 25 ; Wisd. xvi. 20, 21. From these passages we learn that the manna came every morning except the Sabbath, in the form of a small round seed resembling the hoar frost; that it must be gathered early, before the sun became so hot as to melt it ; that it must be gathered every day except the Sabbath ; that the attempt to lay aside for a succeeding day, except on the day immediately pre ceding the Sabbath, failed by the substance becomino- wormy and offensive; that it was prepared for food by grinding and baking ; that its taste was like fresh oil, and like wafers made with honey, equally agree able to all palates ; that the whole nation subsTsted upon it for forty years; that it suddenly ceased when they first got the new corn of the land of Canaan ; and that it was always regarded as a miraculous gift directly from God, and not as a product of nature. The natural products of the Arabian deserts and other Oriental regions, which 512 MANNA bear the name of manna, have not the qualities or uses ascribed to the manna of Scripture. The manna of Scripture we regard as wholly miraculous, and not in any respect a product of nature. The etymo logy and meaning of the word manna sire best given by the old authorities, the Septuagint, the Vulgate, and Josephus. According to all these authorities, with which the Syriac also agrees, the Hebrew word man, by which this substance is always designated in the Hebrew Scriptures, is the neuter interroga tive pronoun (what ?) ; and the name is derived from the inquiry (man hu, what is this?), which the Hebrews made when they first saw it upon the ground. The Arabian physician Avicenna gives the following description of the manna which in his time was used as a medicine : — " Manna is a dew which falls on stones or bushes, becomes thick like honey, and can be hardened so as to be like grains of corn." The substance now called manna in the Tamarix QaUica. Arabian desert through which the Israelites passed, is collected in tbe month of June from the tarfa or tamarisk shrub ( Tamarix gallica). According to Burckhardt it drops from the thorns on the sticks and leaves with which the grouud is covered, aud must be gathered early in the day, or it will be melted by the sun. The Arabs cleanse and boil it, strain it through a cloth, and put it in leathern bottles ; and in this way it can be kept uninjured for several years. They use it like honey or butter with their unleavened bread, but never make it into cakes or eat it by itself. Rauwolf and some MANSLAYER more recent travellers have observed that the dried grains of the oriental manna were like the coriander- seed. Niebuhr observed that at Mardin in Meso potamia, the manna lies like meal on the leaves of a tree called in the East ballot and afs or as, which he regards as a species of oak. The harvest is in July and August, and much more plentiful in wet than diy seasons. In the valley of the Jordan Burckhardt found manna Uke gum on the leaves and branches of the tree gliarrob, which is as laree as the olive-tree, having a leaf like the poplar, though somewhat broader. Two other shrubs which have been supposed to yield the manna of Scripture, are the Alhagi maurorum, or Persian manna, and the Alhagi desertorum, — thorny plants common in Syria. The manna of European com merce comes mostly from Calabria and Sicily. It is gathered during the months of June and July from some species of ash (Ornus Europaea and Ornus rotundifolia), from which it drops in con sequence of a puncture by an insect resembling the locust, but distinguished from it by having a sting under its body. The substance is fluid at night, and resembles the dew, but in the morning it begins to harden. Mano'ah, the father of Samson ; a Danite, native of the town of Zorah (Judg. xiii. 2). The narra tive ofthe Bible (xiii. 1-23), of the circumstam-es which preceded the birth of Samson, supplies us with very few and faint traits of Manoah's charac ter or habits. He seems to have had some occu pation which separated him during part of the day from his wife, though that was not field work, be cause it was in the field that his wife was found by the angel during his absence. He was hospitable, as his forefather Abram had been before him; he was a worshipper of Jehovah, and reverent to a great degree of fear. These faint lineaments are brought into somewhat greater distinctness by Jo sephus (Ant. v. 8, §2, 3), on what authority we have no -means of judging, though his account is doubtless founded on some ancient Jewish tradition or record. We hear of Manoah once again in con nexion with the man-iage of Samson to the Philis tine of Timnath. His father and his mother re monstrated with him thereon, but to no purpose (xiv. 2, 3). They then accompanied him to Tim nath, both on the preliminary visit (vers. 5, 6), and to the marriage itself (9, 10). Manoah ap pears not to have survived his son. Manslayer. The cases of manslaughter men tioned appear to be a sufficient sample of the inten tion of the lawgiver, u. Death by a blow in a sudden quarrel (Num. xxxv. 22). 6. Death hya stone or missile thrown at random (ib. 22, 23). c. By the blade of an axe flying from its handle (Deut. xix. 5). d. Whether the case of a person killed by falling from a roof unprovided with a parapet involved the guilt of manslaughter on the owner, is not clear ; but the law seems intended to prevent the imputation of malice in any such case, by preventing as far as possible the occurrence of the fact itself (Deut. xxii. 8). In all these and the like cases the manslayer was allowed to retire to a city of refuge. Besides these the following may be mentioned as cases of homicide, a. An animal, not known to be vicious, causing death to a human being, was to be put to death, and regarded as unclean. But if it was known to be vicious, the owner also was liable to fine, and even death (Hx. xxi. 28, 31). 5. A thief overtaken at night in MANTLE the act might lawfully he put to death, but if the ! sun had risen the act of killing him was to be re garded as murder (Ex. xxii. 2, 3). Mantle. The word employed in the A. V. to translate no less than four Hebrew terms, entirely distinct and independent both in derivation and meaning. 1, S'micah. This word occurs but once, viz. Judg. iv. 18, where it denotes the thing with which Jael covered Sisera. It may be inferred that it was some part of the regular furniture ofthe tent. The clue to a more exact signification is given by the Arabic version of the Polyglott, which renders it by alcatifah, a word which is explained by Dozy to mean certain articles of a thick fabric, in shape like a plaid or shawl, which are commonly used for beds by the Arabs.— 2. Meil. (Rendered " mantle " in 1 Sam. xv. 27, xxviii. 14; Ezr. ix. 3, 5 ; Job i. 20, ii. 12 ; and Ps. cix. 29.) This word is in other passages of the A.V. rendered " coat," " cloak," and " robe." This inconsistency is undesirable ; but in onj case only — that of Samuel — is it of import ance. It is interesting to know that the garment which his mother made and brought to the infant prophet at her annual visit to the Holy Tent at Shiloh was a miniature of the official priestly tunic or robe ; the same that the great Prophet wore in mature years (1 Sam. xv, 27), and by which he was on one occasion actually identified (xxviii. 14).— 8. Ma'ataphah (the Hebrew word is found in Is. iii. 22 only). Apparently some article of a lady's dress; probably an exterior tunic, longer and ampler than the internal one, and provided with sleeves. But the most remarkable of the four is :— 4, Addereth (rendered " mantle" in 1 K. xix. 13, 19 ; 2 K. ii. 8, 13, 14; elsewhere " garment " and "robe"); since by it, and it only, is denoted the cape or wrapper which, with the exception of a strip of skin or leather round his loins, formed, as we have every reason to believe, the sole garment of the prophet Elijah. It was probably of sheepskin, such as is worn by the modern dervishes. Ma'och, the father of Achish, king of Gath, with whom David took refuge (1 Sam. xxvii. 2). Ma'on, one of the cities of the tribe of Judah, in the district of the mountains ; a member of the snme group which contains also the names of Car mel and Ziph (Josh. xv. 55). Its interest for us lies in its connexion with David (1 Sam. xxiii. 24, 25). The name of Maon still exists all but un changed in the mouths of the Arab herdsmen and peasants in the south of Palestine. Main is a lofty conical hill, south of, and about 7 miles distant from, Hebron. In the genealogical records of the tribe of Judah in 1 Chronicles, Maon appears as a descendant of Hebron. It should not however be overlooked that in the original the name of Maon is identical with that of the Mehunim, and it is quite possible that before the conquest it may have been one of their towns. Ma'onites. the, a people mentioned in one ofthe addresses of Jehovah to the repentant Israelites (Judg. x. 12). The name agrees with that of a people re siding in the desert far south of Palestine, elsewhere in the A. V. called Mehunim ; but, as no invasion of Israel by this people is related before the date of the passage in question, various explanations and con jectures have been offered. The reading of the LXX. — " Midian " — is remarkable as being found in both the grei.t MSS., and having on that account a strong claim to be considered as the reading ofthe ancient Hebrew text. Con. D. B. MAEESHAH 513 MVra, the name wnich Naomi adopted in the exclamation forced from her by the recognition of her fellow-citizens at Bethlehem (Ruth i. 20), " Coll me not Naomi (pleasant), but call me Mara (bitter), for Shaddai hath dealt-very-bitterly (ha- mfer) with me." Ma'rah, a place which lay in the wilderness of Shur or Etham, three days' journey distant (Ex. xv. 22-24, Num. xxxiii. 8) from the place at which the Israelites crossed the Red Sea, and where was a spring of bitter water, sweetened subsequently by the casting in of a tree which " the Lord showed " to Moses. It has been suggested that Moses made use of the berries of the plant GhtirkXd, and which still it is implied would be found similarly to ope rate. Howarah, distant 16J hours from Ayoun Mousa, has been by Robinson, as also by Burck hardt, Schubert, and Wellsted, identified with it, apparently because it is the bitterest water in the neighbourhood. Winer says that a still bitterer well lies east of Marah, the claims of which Tisch- endorf, it appears, has supported. Lepsius prefers Wady GhSrundel. Prof. Stanley thinks that the claims may be left between this and Eowarah. Mar'alah, one ofthe landmarks on the boundary of the tribe of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 11). Maran'atha, an expression used by St. Paul at the conclusion of his first Epistle to the Corinthians (xvi. 22). It is a Grecised form of the Aramaic words mdran athd, " our Lord cometh." Marble. Like the Greek uappapos, the Heb. shesh, the generic term for marble, may probably be taken to mean almost any shining stone. The so- called marble of Solomon's architectural works, which Josephus calls AiOoj \cvk6s, may thus have been limestone — (a) from near Jerusalem ; (6) from Lebanon (Jura limestone), identical with the ma terial of the Sun Temple at Baalbec ; or (c) white marble from Arabia or elsewhere. There can be no doubt that Herod, both in the Temple and elsewhere, employed Parian or other marble. The marble pillars and tesserae of various colours of the palace at Susa came doubtless fi-om Persia itself (Esth. i. 6). Marcheshvan. [Months.] Marcus. The Evangelist Mark, who was cousin to Barnabas (Col. iv. 10), and the companion and fellow-labourer of the apostles Paul (Philem. 24) and Peter (1 Pet. v. 13). Mardoohe'us. 1. Mordecai, the uncle of Esther, in the apocryphal additions (Esth. x. 1, xi. 2, 12, xii. 1-6, xvi. 13 ; 2 Mace. xv. 36).— 2. = Mordecai, who returned with Zerubbabel and Joshua (1 Esdr. v. 8). Mar'eshah, one ofthe cities of Judah in the dis trict of the Shefelah or low country ; named in the same group with Keilah and Nezib (Jfish. xv. 44). If we may so interpret the notices of 1 Chr. ii. 42, Hebron itself was colonized fi om Mareshah. It was one of the cities fortified and garrisoned by Rehoboam after the rupture with the northern kingdom (2 Chr. xi. 8). The natural inference is, that it commanded some pass or position of approach (comp. 2 Chr. xiv. 9). Mareshah is mentioned once or twice in the history of the Mac cabaean struggles. Judas probably passed through it on his way from Hebron to avenge the defeat of Joseph and Azarias (1 Mace. v. 66). A few days later it afforded a refuge to Gorgias when severely wounded in the attack of Dositheus (2 Mace. xii. 35). It was burnt by Judas in his Idumaean war, in passing from Hebron to Azotus. About the year 2 L 514 MARIMOTH 1 1 0 B.C. it was taken from the Idumaeans hy John Hyrcanus. It was in ruins in the 4th century, when Eusebius and Jerome describe it as in the second mile from Eleutheropolis. S.S.W. of Beit- jibrin — in all probability Eleutheropolis — and a little over a Roman mile therefrom, is a site called Marash, which is very possibly the representative of the ancient Mareshah. On two other occasions Mareshah comes forward in the 0. T. (2 Chr. xx. 37 ; Mic. i. 15).— 2. Father of Hebron, and appar ently a son or descendant of Caleb the brother of Jerahmeel (1 -Chr. ii. 42), who derived his descent from Judah through Pharez. — 3. In 1 Chr. iv. 21 we find Mareshah again named as deriving his origin from Shelah, Hie third son of Judah. Mar'imoth = Mebaioth the priest (2 Esdr. i. 2 ; comp. Ezr. vii. 3). Ma'risa, Mareshah (2 Mace. xii. 35). Mark. Mark the Evangelist is probably the same as "John whose surname was Mark" (Acts xii. 12, 25). Grotius indeed maintains the contrary. Bui John was the Jewish name, and Mark, a name of frequent use amongst the Romans, was adopted afterwards, and gradually superseded the other. John Mark was the son of a certain Mary, who dwelt at Jerusalem, and was therefore probably born in that city (Acts xii. 12). He was the cousin of Barnabas (Col. iv. 10). It was to Maiy's house, as to a familiar haunt, that Peter came after his de liverance from prison (Acts xii. 12), and there found " many gathered together praying ;" and probably John Mark was converted by Peter from meeting him in his mother's house, for he speaks of" Marcus my son" (1 Pefr. v. 13). The theory that he was one -of the seventy disciples is without any warrant. Another theory, that an event of the night of our Lord's betrayal, related by Mark alone, is one that befell himself, must not be so promptly dismissed (Mark xiv. 51, 52). The detail of facts is remarkably minute, the name only is wanting. The most -probable view is that St. Mark suppressed his own name, whilst telling a story which he had the best means of knowing. Anxious to work for Christ, he went with Paul and Barna bas as their " minister " on their first journey ; but at Perga, as we have seen above, turned back (Acts xii. 25, xiii. 13). On the second journey Paul would not accept him again as a companion, but Barnabas his kinsman was more indulgent ; and thus he became the cause of the memorable " sharp contention" between them (Acts xv. 36-40). Whatever was the cause of Mark's vacillation, it did not separate him for ever from Paul, for we find him by the side of that Apostle in his first imprisonment at Rome (Col. iv. 10; Philem. 24). In the former place a possible journey of Mark to Asia is spoken of. Somewhat later he is with Peter at Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13). On his return to Asia he seems to have been with Timothy at Ephesus when Paul wrote to him during his second impri sonment (2 Tim. iv. 11). When we desert Scrip ture we find the facts doubtful and even incon sistent. The relation of Mark to Peter is of great importance for our view of his Gospel. Ancient writers with one consent make the Evangelist the interpreter of the Apostle Peter. Some explain this word to mean that the office of Mark was to trans late into the Greek tongue the Aramaic discourses ofthe Apostle; whilst others adopt the more pro bable view that Mark wrote a Gospel which con formed mere exactly than the others to Peter's MARK, GOSPEL OP preaching, and thus " interpreted " it to the church at large. The report that Mark was the companion of Peter at Borne, is no doubt of great antiquitv. Sent on a mission to Egypt by Peter, Mark there founded the church of Alexandria, and preached in various places, then returned to Alexandria, of which church he was bishop, and suffered a martyr's death. But none of these later details rest on sound au thority. Mark, Gospel of. The characteristics of this Gospel, the shortest of the four iuspired records, will appear from the discussion of the various questions that have been raised about it.— I. Sources of this Gospel. — The tradition that it gives the teaching of Peter rather than of the rest of the Apostles, has been alluded to above. John the Presbyter is spoken of by Papias as the interpreter of Peter. Irenaeus calls Mark " interpres et sectator Petri," and cites the opening and the concluding words of the Gospel as we now possess them (iii. x. 6). Eusebius says, on the authority of Cljment of Alexandria, that the hearers of Peter at Rome desired Mark, the follower of Peter, to leave with them a record of his teaching ; upon which Mark wrote his Gospel, which the Apostle afterwards sanctioned with his authority, and directed that it should be read in the Churches. Tertullian speaks of the Gospel of Mark as being connected with Peter, and so having apostolic authority. If the evidence of the Apostle's connexion with this Gospel rested wholly on these passages, it would not be sufficient, since the witnesses, though many in number, are not all independent of each other. But there are peculiarities in the Gospel which are best explained by the supposition that Peter in some way superintended its composition. Whilst there is hardly any part of its narrative that is not common to it and some other Gospel, in the manner of the narrative there is often a marked character, which puts aside at ouce the supposition that we have here a mere epitome of Matthew and Luke. The pic ture of the same events is far more vivid ; touches are introduced such as could only be noted by a vigilant eye-witness, and such as make us almost eye-witnesses of the Redeemer's doings. To this must be added that whilst Mark goes over the same ground for the most part as the other Evangelists, and especially Matthew, there are many facts thrown in which prove that we are listening to an inde pendent witness. Thus the humble origin of Peter is made known through him (i. 16-20), and his connexion with Capernaum (i. 29) ; he tells us that Levi was "the son of Alphaeus" (ii. 14), that Peter was the name given by our Lord to Simon (iii. 16), and Boanerges a surname added by Him to the names of two others (iii. 17) ; he assumes the existence of another body of disciples wider than the Twelve (iii. 32, iv. 10, 36, viii. 34, xiv. 51, 52) : we owe to him the name of Jairus (v. 22), the word " carpenter " applied to our Lord (vi. 3), the nation of the " Syrophoenician " woman (vii. 26) ; he substitutes Dalmanutha for the " Magdala" of Matthew (viii. 10); he names Bartimaeus (x. 46) ; he alone mentions that our Lord would not suffer any man to carry any vessel through the Temple (xi. 16) ; and that Simon of Cyrene was the father of Alexander and Rufus (xv. 21). All these are tokens of an independent writer, different from Matthew and Luke, and in the absence ot other traditions it is natural to look to Peter. One might hope that much light would be thrown on MARK, GOSPEL OF this question from the way in which Peter is men tioned in the Gospel ; but the evidence is not so clear as might have been expected.— II. Relation of Mark to Matthew and Luke. — The results of criticism as to the relation of the three Gospels are somewhat humiliating. Up to this day three views are maintained with equal ardour : (d) that Mark's Gospel is the original Gospel out of which the other two' have been developed ; (6) that it was a com pilation from the other two, and therefore was written last; and (c) that it was copied from that of Matthew, and forms a link of transition between the other two. It is obvious that they refute one another : the same internal evidence suffices to prove that Mark is the first, and the last, and the inter mediate. Let us return to the facts, and, taught by these contradictions what is the worth of "in ternal evidence," let us carry our speculations no further than the facts. The Gospel of Mark con tains scarcely any events that are not recited by the others. There are verbal coincidences with each of the others, and sometimes peculiar words from both meet together in the parallel place in Mark. On the other hand, there are unmistakeable marks of independence. The hypothesis which best meets these facts is, that whilst the matter common to all three Evangelists, or to two of them, is derived from the oral teaching of the Apostles, which they had purposely reduced to a common form, our Evangelist writes as an independent witness to the truth, and not as a compiler ; and that the tradition that the Gospel was written under the sanction of Peter, and its matter in some degree derived from him, is made probable by the evident traces of an eye-witness in many of the narratives.— -III. This Gospel written primarily for Gentiles. — The Evan gelist scarcely refers to the 0. T. in his own person The word Law does not once occur. The genealogy of our Lord is likewise omitted. Other matters in teresting chiefly to the Jews are likewise omitted : such as the references to the 0. T. and Law in Matt. xii. 5-7, the reflexions on the request of the Scribes and Pharisees for a sign, Matt. xii. 38-45 the parable of the king's son, Matt. xxii. 1-14 ; and the awful denunciation of the Scribes and Pha risees in Matt, xxiii. Explanations are given in some places, which Jews could not require : thus. Jordan is a " river" (Mark i. 5; Matt. iii. 6) ; the Pharisees, &c. " used to fast" (Mark ii. 18 ; Matt. ix. 14), and other customs of theirs are described (Mark vii. 1-4; Matt. xv. 1, 2) ; u the time of figs was not yet," *'. e, at the season of the Passover (Mark xi. 13 ; Matt. xxi. 19) ; the Sadducees' worst tenet is mentioned (Mark xii. 18) ; the Mount of Olives is " over against the temple" (Mark xiii. 3 ; Matt. xxiv. 3) ; at the Passover men eat " unlea vened bread" (Mark xiv. 1, 12 ; Matt. xxvi. 2, 17), and explanations are given which Jews would not need (Mark xv. 6, 16, 42: Matt, xxvii. 15, 27, 57). From the general testimony of these and other places, whatever may be objected to an in ference from one or other amongst them, there is little doubt but that the Gospel was meant for use in the first instance amongst Gentiles.— IV. Time when the Gospel was written. — It will be under stood from what has been said, that nothing positive can be asserted as to the time when this Gospel was written. The traditions are contradictory. Ire naeus says that it was written after the death ofthe apostle Peter; but in other passages it is supposed to be written during Peter's lifetime. In the Bible MAKE, GOSPEL OF 515 there is nothing to decide the question. It is not likely that it dates before the reference to Mark in the epistle to the Colossians (i v.' 10), where he is only introduced as a relative of Barnabas, as if this were his greatest distinction ; and this epistle was written about A. D. 62. On the other hand it was written before the destruction of Jerusalem (xiii. 13, 24-30, 33, &c). Probably, therefore, it was written between A. D. 63 and 70.— V. Place where the Gospel was written. — The place is as uncertain as the time. Clement, Eusebius, Jerome, and Epiphanius, pronounce for Rome, and many moderns take the same view. Chrysostom thinks Alexandria ; but this is not confirmed by other tes timony.— VI. Language. — The Gospel was written in Greek ; of this there can be no doubt if ancient testimony is to weigh. Baronius indeed, on the authority of an old Syriac translation, asserts that Latin was the original language.— VII. Genuineness of the Gospel. — All ancient testimony makes Mark the author of a certain Gospel, and that this is the Gospel which has come down to us, there is not the least historical ground for doubting. Owing to the very few sections peculiar to Mark, evidence from patristic quotation is somewhat difficult to produce. Justin Martyr, however, quotes ch. ix. 44, 46, 48, xii. 30, and iii. 17, and Irenaeus cites both the opening and closing words (iii. x. 6). An important testimony in any case, but doubly so from the doubt that has been cast on the closing verses (xvi. 9-19). With the exception of thebe few verses the genuineness of the Gospel is placed above the reach of reasonable doubt.— VIII. Style and Diction.— The purpose of the Evangelist seems to be to place before us a vivid picture of the earthly acts of Jesus. The style is peculiarly suitable to- this. He uses the present tense instead of the nar rative aorist, almost in every chapter. Precise and minute details as to persons, places, and numbers, abound in the narrative. All these tend to give force and vividness to the picture of the human life of our Lord. On the other side, the facts are not very exactly arranged. Its conciseness sometimes makes this Gospel more obscure than the others (i. 13, ix. 5, 6, iv. 10-34). Many peculiarities of diction may be noticed ; amongst them the fol lowing : — 1 . Hebrew (Aramaic) words are used* but explained for Gentile readers (iii. 17, 22, v, 41, vii. 11, 34, ix. 43, x. 46, xiv. 36, xv. 22, 34). 2. Latin words are very frequent. 3. Unusual words or phrases are found here. 4. Diminutives are frequent. 5, The substantive is often repeated instead ofthe pronoun ; as (to cite from ch. ii. only) ii. 16, 18, 20, 22, 27, 28. 6. Negatives are accu mulated for the sake of emphasis (vii. 12, ix. 8, xii. 34, xv. 5, i. 44). 7. Words are often added to ad verbs for the sake of emphasis (ii. 20, v. 5, vi. 25, also vii. 21, viii. 4, x. 20, xiii. 29, xiv. 30, 43). 8. The same idea is often repeated under another expres sion, as i. 42, ii. 25, viii. 15, xiv. 68, &c. 9. And sometimes the repetition is effected by means of the opposite, as in i. 22, 44, and many other places. 10. Sometimes emphasis is given by simple reitera tion, as in ii. 15, 19. U. The elliptic use of ha, like that of oVws in classical writers, is found, v. 23. 12. The word iirepurqv is used twenty-five times in this Gospel. 13. Instead of trvfipofautv Xapfidvetj/ of Matt. Mark has a-vfi^oiKiov irotelv, iii. 6, xv. 1. 14. There are many words peculiar to Mark. The diction of Mark presents thfe diffi culty tbat whilst it abounds in Latin words, and in 2 L 2 516 MARMOTH expressions that recall Latin equivalents, it is still much more akin to the Hebraistic diction of Mat thew than to the purer style of Luke. —IX. Quota tions from the Old Testament.- — The following list of references to the Old Testament is nearlv or quite complete : — Mark i. 2 Mal. iiL n 3 Is. xL 3. tt Ai Lev. xiv. 2- ii. 25 1 Sam. xxi. 0. iv. 12 Is. vi. 10. vii. 3 Is. xxix. 13. 10 Ex. xx. 12, xxi. 17. ix. 44 Is. lxvi. 24, X. 4 Deut. xxiv. 1. PJ 7 Gen. ii. 24. n 19 Ex. xx. 12-17. XI; 17 Is. lvi. 7 ; Jer. vii 11 xii. 10 Ps. cxviii. 22. 19 Deut. xxv. 5. „ 26 Ex. iii. 6. 29 Deut. vt 4. 31 Lev. xix. 18. „ 36 Ps. ex. 1. xiii. 14 Dan. ix. 27. y> 24 Is. xiii. 10. xiv. 27 Zech. xiii. 7. M 62 Dan. vii. 13. xv. 28 (?) Is. liii. 12. „ 34 Ps. xxii. 1. —X. Contents of the Gospel. — Though this Gospel has little historical matter which is not shared with some other, it would be a great error to suppose that the voice of Mark could have been silenced without injury to the divine harmony. It is the history of the war of Jesus against sin and evil in the world dm-ing the time that He dwelt as a Man among men. Its motto might well be, as Lange observes, those words of Peter : "How God anointed Jesus of Nazareth with the Holy Ghost and with power ; who went about doing good, and healing all that were oppressed of the devil ; for God was with Him " (Acts x. 38). Mar'moth = Meremoth the priest (1 Esdr. viii. 62 ; comp. Ezr. viii. 33). Mar'oth, one of the towns of the western low land of Judah whose names are alluded to or played upon by the prophet Micah (i. 12). Marriage. The topics which this subject pre sents to our consideration in connexion with Biblical literature may be most conveniently arranged under the following five heads : — I. Its origin and history. II. The conditions nnder which it could be legally effected. III. The modes by w.hich it was effected. IV". The social and domestic relations of married life. V. The typical and allegorical references to man-iage.— I. The institution of marriage is founded on the requirements of man's nature, and dates from the time of his original creation. It may be said to have been ordained by God, in as far as man's nature was ordained by Him ; but its formal ap pointment was the work of man, and it has ever been in its essence a natural and civil institution, though admitting of the infusion of a religious element into it. No sooner was the formation of woman effected, than Adam recognised in that act the will of the Creator as to man's social condition. " Therefore shall a man leave his father and his mother, and shall cleave unto his wife : and they shall be one flesh" (ii. 24). From these words, coupled with the circumstances attendant on the formation of the first woman, we may evolve the following principles :— (1 ) The unity of man and wife, as implied in her being formed out of man, aud as expressed in the words " one flesh ;" (2) the MARRIAGE indissolubleness of the marriage bond, except on the strongest grounds (comp. Matt. xix. 9) ; (3) monogamy, as the original law of marriage ; (4) the social equality of man and wife ; (5) the subordin ation of the wife to the husband (1 Cor. xi, 8, 9 ; 1 Tim. ii. 13) ; and (6) the respective duties of man and wife. The introduction of sin into the world modified to a certain extent the mutual relations of man and wife. As the blame of seduction, to sia lay on the latter, the condition of subordination was turned into subjection, and it was said to her of her husband, "he shall rule over thee" (Gen. iii. 16). In the post-diluvial age the usages of marriage were marked with the simplicity that characterises a patriarchal state of society. The rule of monogamy was re-established by the ex ample of Noah and his sons (Gen. vii. 13). The early patriarchs selected their wives from their own family (Gen. xi. 29, xxix. 4, xxviii. 2), and the necessity for doing this on religious grounds super seded the prohibitions that afterwards held good against such marriages on the score of kindred (Gen. xx. 12 ; Ex. vi. 20 ; comp. Lev. xviii. 9, 12). Polygamy prevailed (Gen. xvi. 4, xxv. 1, 6, xxviii. 9, xxix. 23, 28 ; 1 Chr. vii. 14), but to a great ex tent divested of the degradation which in modem times attaches to that practice. In judging of it we must take into regard the following considera tions: — (1) that the principle of monogamy was retained, even in the practice of polygamy, by the distinction made between the chief or original wife and the secondary wives. (2) that the motive which led to polygamy was that absorbing desire of progeny which is prevalent throughout Eastern countries, and was especially powerful among the Hebrews ; and (3) that the power of a parent over his child, and of a master over his slave, was para mount even in matters of marriage, and led in many cases to phases of polygamy that are otherwise quite unintelligible, as, for instance, to the cases where it was adopted by the husband at the request of his wife, under the idea that children born to a slave were in the eye of the law the children of the mistress (Gen. xvi. 3, xxx. 4, 9) ; or, again, to cases where it was adopted at the instance of the father (Gen. xxix. 23, 28 ; Ex. xxi. 9, 10). Di vorce also prevailed in the patriarchal age, though but one instance of it is recorded (Gen. xxi. 14). Of this, again, we must not judge by our own standard. The Mosaic law aimed at mitigating rather than removing evils which were inseparable from the state of society in that day. Its enact ments were directed (1) to the discouragement of polygamy ; (2) to obviate the injustice frequently consequent upon the exercise of the rights of a rather or a master ; (3) to bring divorce under some restriction ; and (4) to enforce purity of life during the maintenance of the matrimonial bond. The practical results of these regulations may have been very salutary, but on this poiut we have but small opportunities of judging. The usages them, selves, to which we have referred, remained in full force to a late period. In the post-Babylonian period monogamy appears to have become more prevalent than at any previous time: indeed we have no instance of polygamy during this period on record in the Bible, all the marriages noticed being with single wives (Tob. i. 9, ii. 11 ; Susan, vers. 29, 63 ; Matt, xviii. 25 ; Luke i. 5 ; Acts v. 1;- During the same period the theory of monogamy is set forth in Ecclus. xxvi. 1-27. The practice ot MAERIAGE polygamy nevertheless still existed ; Herod the Great had no less than nine wives at one time. The abuse of divorce continued unahated. Our Lord ' and His Apostles re-established the integrity and sanctity of the marriage-bond by the following mea sures: — (1) by the confirmation of the original charter of marriage as the basis on which all regu lations were to be framed (Matt. xix. 4, 5) ; (2) by the restriction of divorce to the case of forni cation, and the prohibition of re-marriage in all persons divorced on improper grounds (Matt. v. 32, xix. 9; Rom. vii. 3; 1 Cor. vii. 10, 11); and (3) by the enforcement of moral purity generally (Heb. xiii. 4, &c), and especially by the formal condemnation of fornication, which appears to have been classed among acts morally indifferent by a certain party in the Church (Acts xv. 20). Shortly before the Christian era an important change took place in the views entertained on the question of maniage as affecting the spiritual and intellectual parts of man's nature. Throughout the Old Tes tament period marriage was regarded as the indis pensable duty of every man, nor was it surmised that there existed in it any drawback to the attain ment of the highest degree of holiness. In the interval that elapsed between the Old and New Testament periods, a spirit of asceticism had been evolved. The Essenes were the first to propound any doubts as to the propriety of marriage : some of them avoided it altogether, others availed them selves of it under restrictions. Similar views were adopted by the Therapeutae, and at a later period by the Gnostics ; thence they passed into the Chris tian Church, forming one of the distinctive tenets of the Encratites, and finally developing into the system of monachism.— II. The conditions of legal marriage are decided by the prohibitions which the law of any country imposes upon its citizens. In the Hebrew commonwealth these prohibitions were of two kinds, according as they regulated marriage (i.) between an Israelite and a non-Israelite, and (ii.) between an Israelite and one of his own com munity, i. The prohibitions relating to foreigners were based on that instinctive feeling of exclusive- ness, which forms one of the bonds of every social body, and which prevails with peculiar strength in a rude state of society. The only distinct prohi bition in the Mosaic law refers to the Canaanites, with whom the Israelites were not to marry on the ground that it would lead them into idolatry (Ex. xxxiv. 16 ; Deut. vii. 3, 4). But beyond this, the legal disabilities to which the Ammonites and Moabites were subjected (Deut. xxiii. 3), acted as a virtual bar to intermarriage with them', totally preventing the marriage of Israelitish women with Moabites, but permitting that of Israelites with Moabite women, such as that of Mahlon with Ruth. The prohibition against marriages with the Edomites or Egyptians was less stringent, as a male of those nations received the right of marriage on his admis sion to the full citizenship in the third generation of proselytism (Deut. xxiii. 7, 8). There were thus three grades of prohibition — total in regard to the Canaanites on either side ; total on the side of the males in regard of the Ammonites and Moabites ; and temporary on the side of the males in regard of the Edomites and Egyptians, marriages with females in the two latter instances being regarded as legal. Marriages between Israelite women and proselyted foreigners were at all times of rare occur rence. In the reverse case, viz., the marriage of MARRIAGE 517 Israelites with foreign women it is, of course, highly probable that the wives became proselytes after theii marriage, as instanced in the case of Ruth (i. 16; ; but this was by no means invariably the case. Pro selytism does not therefore appear to have been a sine qua non in the case of a wife, though it was so in the case of a husband. In the N.T. no special directions are given on this head, but the general precepts of separation between believers and unbe lievers (2 Cor. vi. 14, 17) would apply with special force to the case of marriage. The progeny of illegal marriages between Israelites and non- Israelites was described under a peculiar term, mamzSr (A. V. "bastard"; Deut. xxiii. 2).— ii. The regulations relative to marriage between Israelites and Israelites may be divided into two classes : (1) general, and (2) special. 1. The gen eral regulations are based on considerations of re lationship. The most important passage relating to these is contained in Lev. xviii. 6-18, wherein we have in the first place a general prohibition against marriages between a man and the " flesh of his flesh," and in the second place special prohibitions against marriage with a mother, stepmother, sister, or half- sister, whether " born at home or abroad," grand daughter, aunt, whether by consanguinity on either side, or by marriage on the father's side, daughter in-law, brother's wife, step-daughter, wife's mother, step-grand-daughter, or wife's sister during the life time of the wife. An exception is subsequently made (Deut. xxv. 5) in favour of marriage with a brother's wife in the event of his having died childless : to this we shall have occasion to refer at length. Different degrees of guiltiness attached to the infringement of these prohibitions. The grounds on which these prohibitions were enacted are reducible to the following three heads: — (1) moral propriety ; (2) the practices of heathen na tions ; and (3) social convenience. The first ot these grounds comes prominently forward in the expressions by which the various offences are cha racterised, as well as in the general prohibition against approaching " the flesh of his flesh." The second motive to laying down these prohibitions was that the Hebrews might be preserved as a peculiar people, with institutions distinct from those of the Egyptians and Canaanites (Lev. xviii. 3), as well as of other heathen nations with whom they might come in contact. The third ground of the prohi bitions, social convenience, comes forward solely in the case of marriage with two sisters simultaneously, the effect of which would be to il vex " or irritate the first wife, and produce domestic jars. A re* markable exception to these prohibitions existed in favour of marriage with a deceased brother's wife, in the event of his having died childless. The law which regulates this has been named the " Levirate," from the Latin to>ir9 ie brother-in-law." The first instance of this custom occurs in the patriarchal period, where Ouan is called upon to marry his brother Er's widow (Gen. xxxviii. 8). It was con firmed by the Mosaic law (Deut. xxv. 5-9). The Levirate marriage Was not peculiar to the Jews ; it has been found to exist in many eastern countries, particularly in Arabia, and among the tribes of the Caucasus. The Levirate law offered numerous op portunities for the exercise of that spirit of casuistry, for which the Jewish teachers are so conspicuous. One such case is brought forward by the Sadducees for the sake of entangling our Lord, and turns upon the complications which would arise in the world to 518 MARRIAGE come (the existence of which the Sadducees sought to invalidate) from the circumstances of the same woman having been married to several brothers (Matt. xxii. 23-30). The Rabbinical solution of this difficulty was that the wife would revert to the first husband : our Lord on the other hand subverts the hypothesis on which the difficulty was based, viz., that the material conditions of the present life were to be earned on in the world to come ; and thus He asserts the true character of marriage as a temporary and merely human insti tution. Numerous difficulties are suggested, and minute regulations laid down by the Talmudical writers, the chief authority on the subject being the book of the Mishna, entitled Yebamoth. From the prohibitions expressed in the Bible, others have been deduced by a process of inferential reasoning. Thus the Talmudists added to the Levitical relation ships several remoter ones, which they termed secondary, such as grandmother and great-grand mother, great-grandchild, &c. : the only points in which they at all touched the Levitical degrees were, that they added (1) the wife of the father's uterine brother under the idea that in the text the brother described was only by the same father, and (2) the mother's brother's wife, for which they had no authority.— 2. Among the special prohibitions we have to notice the following. (1) The high- priest was forbidden to marry any except a virgin selected from his own people, i.e. an Israelite (Lev. xxi. 13, 14). (2) The priests were less restricted in their choice; they were only prohibited from marrying prostitutes and divorced women (Lev. xxi. 7). (3) Heiresses were prohibited from marrying out of their own tribe (Num. xxxvi. 5-9 ; comp. Tob. vii. 10). (4) Persons defective in physical powers were not to intermarry with Israelites by virtue ofthe regulations in Deut. xxiii. 1. (5) In the Christian Church, bishops and deacons were prohibited from haying more than one wife (1 Tim. iii. 2, 12), a prohibition of an ambiguous nature, inasmuch as it may refer (1) to polygamy in the ordinary sense of the term, as explained by Theo doret, and most of the Fathers ; (2) to man-iage after the decease of the first wife ; or (3) to mar riage after divorce during the lifetime of the first wife. The probable sense is second marriage of any kind whatever, including all the three cases alluded to, but with a special reference to the two last, which were allowable in the case of the laity, while the first was equally forbidden to all. (6) A similar prohibition applied to those who were candidates for admission into the ecclesiastical order of widows, whatever that order may have been (1 Tim. v. 9) ; in this case the words " wife of one man " can be applied but to two cases, (1) to re-marriage after the decease of the husband, or (2) after divorce. That divorce was obtained sometimes at the instance ofthe wife, is implied in Mark x. 12, and 1 Cor. vii. 11, and is alluded to by several classical writers. But St. Paul probably refers to the general question of re-marriage. (7) With regard" to the general question of the re-marriage of divorced persons, there is some difficulty in ascertaining the sense of Scripture. According to the Mosaic law, a wife divorced at the instance ofthe husband might many whom she liked ; but if her second husband died or divorced her she could not revert to her first hus band, on the ground that, as far as he was con cerned, she was "defiled" (Deut. xxiv. 2-4); we may infer from the statement of the ground that MARRIAGE there was no objection to the re-marriage of the original parties, if the divorced wife had remained unmarried in the interval. In the N. T. there are no direct precepts on the subject of the re-marriage of divorced persons. All the remarks bearing upon the point had a primary reference to an entirely different subject, viz. the abuse of divorce. With regard to age, no restriction is pronounced in the Bible. Early marriage is spoken of with approval in several passages (Prov. ii. 17, v. 18 ; Is. lxii. 5), and in reducing this general statement to the more definite one of years, we must take into ac count the very early age at which persons arrive at puberty in Oriental countries. In modem Egypt maniage takes place in general before the bride has attained the age of 16, frequently when she is 12 or 13, and occasionally when she is oaiy 10, The Talmudists forbade marriage in the case of a man under 13 years and a day, and in the case of a woman under 1 2 years and a day. The usual age appears to have been higher, about 18 years. Certain days were fixed for the ceremonies of be trothal and marriage — the fourth day for virgins, and the fifth for widows. The more modem Jews similarly appoint different days for virgins and widows, Wednesday and Friday for the formerj Thursday for the latter (Picart, i, 240).— III. The customs of the Hebrews and of Oriental nations generally, in regard to the preliminaries of marriage, as well as the ceremonies attending the rite itself, differ in many respects from those with which we are familiar. In the first place, the choice of the bride devolved not on the bridegroom himself, but on his relations or on a friend deputed by the bride groom for this purpose. It does not follow that the bridegroom's wishes were not consulted in this arrangement. As a general rule the proposal orig inated with the family of the bridegroom. The imaginary case of women soliciting husbands (Is. iv. 1) was designed to convey to the mind a picture of the ravages of war. The consent of the maiden was sometimes asked (Gen. xxiv. 58); but this • appears to have been subordinate to the previous consent of the father and the adult brothers (Gen. xxiv. 51, xxxiv. 11). Occasionally the whole bu siness of selecting the wife was left in the hands of a friend. The selection of the bride was followed by the espousal, which was not altogether like our " engagement," but was a formal proceeding, under taken by a friend or legal representative on the part of the bridegroom, and by the parents on the part of the bride ; it was confirmed by oaths, and accompanied with presents to the bride. These presents were described by different terms, that to the bride by mohar (A. V. " dowry"), and that to the relations by mattdn. Thus Shechem offers " never so much dowry and gift" (Gen. xxxiv. 12), the former for the bride, the latter for the relations. It has been supposed indeed that the mohar was a price paid down to the father for the sale of his daughter. Such a custom undoubtedly prevails in certain parts of the East at the present day, but it does not appear to have been the case with free women in patriarchal times. It would undoubtedly be expected that the mohar should be proportioned to the position of the bride, and that a poor man could not on that account afford to marry a rich wife (1 Sam. xviii. 23). A " settlement," in th« modern sense of the term, i. e. a written document securing property to the wife, did not come into use until the post-Babylonian period: the only in- MARRIAGE stance we have of one is in Tob. vii. 14, where it is described as an "instrument." The Talmudists styled it a ketubdh, and have laid down minute directions as to the disposal of the sum secured, in a treatise of the Mishna expressly on that subject. The act of betrothal was celebrated by a feast, and among the more modern Jews it is the custom in some parts for the bridegroom to place a ring on the bride's ringer. Some writers have endeavoured to prove that the rings noticed in the 0. T. (Ex. xxxv. 22 ; Is. iii. 21) were nuptial rings, but there is not the slightest evidence of this. The ring was nevertheless regarded among the Hebrews as a token of fidelity (Gen. xii. 42), and of adoption into a family (Luke xv. 22). Between the betrothal aud the maniage an interval elapsed, varying from a few days in the patriarchal age (Gen. xxiv. 55), to a full year for virgins and a month for widows in later times. During this period the bride-elect lived with her friends, and all communication be tween herself and her future husband was carried on through the medium of a friend deputed for the purpose, termed the " friend of the bridegroom " (John iii. 29). She was now virtually regarded as the wife of her future husband. Hence faithlessness on her part was punishable with death (Deut. xxii. 23, 24), the husband having, however, the option of " putting her away " (Matt. i. 19 ; Deut. xxiv. 1). We now come to the wedding itself; and in this the most observable point is, that there were no definite religious ceremonies connected with it. It is probable, indeed, that some formal ratification ofthe espousal with an oath took place, as implied in some allusions to marriage (Ez. xvi. 8 ; Mal. li. 14), particularly in the expression, " the covenant of her God" (Prov. ii. 17), as applied to the mar riage bond, and that a blessing was pronounced (Gen. xxiv. 60 ; Ruth iv. 11, 12), sometimes by the parents (Tob. vii. 13). But the essence of the marriage ceremony consisted in the removal of the bride from her father's house to that of the bridegroom or his father. The bridegroom pre pai'ed himself for the occasion by putting on a festive dress, and especially by placing on his head the handsome turban described by the term peSr (Is. Ixi. 10 ; A.V. " ornaments "), and a nuptial crown or garland (Cant. iii. 11) : he was redolent of myrrh and frankincense and "all powders of tlie merchant " (Cant. iii. 6). The bride prepared herself for the ceremony by taking a bath, generally on the day preceding the wedding. The notices of it in the Bible are so few as to have escaped general observa tion (Ruth iii. 3 ; Ez. xxiii. 40 ; Eph. v. 26, 27). The distinctive feature of the bride's attire was the tsd'iph, or " veil " — a light robe of ample dimen sions, which covered not only the face but the whole person (Gen. xxiv. 65 ; comp. xxxviii. 14, 15). This was regarded as the symbol of her submis sion to her husband (1 Cor. xi. 10). She also wore a peculiar girdle, named kishshurim, the " attire " (A. V.), which no bride could forget (Jer. ii. 32) ; and her head was crowned with a chaplet, which was again so distinctive of the bride, that the He brew term calldh, " bride," originated from it. If the bride were a virgin, she wore her hair flowing. Her robes were white (Rev. xix. 8), and sometimes embroidered with gold thread (Ps. xiv. 13, 14), and covered with perfumes (Ps. xiv. 8): she was further decked out with jewels (Is. xlix. 18, Ixi. 10 ; Rev. xxi. 2). When the fixed hour arrived, which was generally late in the evening, the bride- MARRIAGE 519 groom set forth from his house, attended by his groomsmen (A. V. " companions," Judg. xiv. 1 1 ; "children ofthe bride-chamber;" Matt. ix. 15), preceded by a band of musicians or singers (Gen. xxxi. 27 ; Jer. vii. 34, xvi. 9 ; 1 Mace. ix. 39), and accompanied by persons beai'ing flambeaux (2 Esdr. a. 2 ; Matt. xxv. 7 ; compare Jer. xxv. 10; Rev. xviii. 23, "the light of a candle"). Having reached the house of the bride, who with her maidens anxiously expected his arrival (Matt. xxv. 6), he conducted the whole party back to his own or his father's house, with every demonstration of gladness (Ps. xiv. 15). On their way back they were joined by a party of maidens, friends of the bride and bridegroom, who were in waiting to catch the procession as it passed (Matt. xxv. 6). The inhabitants of the place pressed out into the streets to watch the procession (Cant. iii. 11). At the house a feast was prepared, to which all the friends and neighbours were invited (Gen. xxix. 22 ; Matt. xxii. 1-10 ; Luke xiv. 8 ; John ii. 2), and the festi vities were protracted for seven, or even fourteen days (Judg. xiv. 12; Tob. viii. 19). The guests were provided by the host with fitting robes (Matt. xxii. 11), and the feast was enlivened with riddles (Judg. xiv. 12) and other amusements. The bride groom now entered into direct communication with the bride, and the joy of the friend was " fulfilled" at hearing the voice of the bridegroom (John iii. 29) conversing with her, which he regarded as a satis factory testimony of the success of his share in the work. The last act in the ceremonial was the con ducting of the bride to the bridal chamber, cheder (Judg. xv. 1 ; Joel ii. 16), where a canopy, namerj chuppdh, was prepared (Ps. xix. 5; Joel ii. 16). The bride was still completely veiled, so that the deception practised on Jacob (Gen. xxix. 23) was very possible. A newly married man was exempt from military service, or from any public business which might draw him away from his home, for the space of a year (Deut. xxiv. 5) : a similar pri vilege was granted to him who was betrothed (Deut. xx. 7).— IV. In considering the social and domestic conditions of married life amoug the He brews, we must in the first place take into account the position assigned to women generally in their social scale. There is abundant evidence that wo men, whether married or unmarried, went about with their faces unveiled (Gen. xii. 14, xxiv. 16, 65, xxix. 11; 1 Sam. i. 13). Women not unfre- quently held important offices. They took their part in matters of public interest (Ex. xv. 20; 1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7) : in short, they enjoyed as much freedom in ordinary life as the women of our own country. If such was her general position, it is certain that the wife must have exercised an im portant influence in her own home. She appeal's to have taken her part in family affairs, and even to have enjoyed a considerable amount of independence (2 K. iv. 8; Judg. iv. 18; 1 Sam. xxv. 14, &c). The relations of husband and wife appear to have been characterised by affection and tenderness. At the same time we cannot but think that the excep tions to this state of affairs were more numerous than is consistent with our ideas of matrimonial happiness. One of the evils inseparable from poly gamy is the discomfort arising from the jealousies and quarrels of the several wives (Gen. xxi. 11 ; 1 Sam. i. 6). The purchase of wives, and the small amount of liberty allowed to daughters in the choice of husbands, must inevitably have led to 520 MARS* HILL unhappy unions. In the N. T. the mutual rela tions of husband and wife are a subject of frequent exhortation (Eph. v. 22, 33 ; Col. iii. 18, 19 ; Tit. ii. 4, 5 ; 1 Pet. iii. 1-7). The duties of the wife in the Hebrew household were multifarious : in addi tion to the general superintendence of the domestic arrangements, such as cooking, from which even women of rank were not exempted (Gen. xviii. 6 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 8), and the distribution of food at meal times (Prov. xxxi. 15), the manufacture ofthe cloth ing and the various textures required in an Eastern establishment devolved upon her (Prov. xxxi. 13, 2 1 , 22), and if she were a model of activity and skill, she produced a surplus of fine linen shirts and girdles, which she sold, and so, like a well-freighted merchant- ship, brought in wealth to her husband from afar (Prov. xxxi. 14, 24). The legal rights of the wife are noticed in Ex. xxi. 10, under the three heads of food, raiment, and duty of marriage or conjugal right..— V. The allegorical and typical allusions to marriage have exclusive reference to one subject, viz., to exhibit the spiritual relationship between God and his people. The earliest form, in which the image is implied, is in the expressions " to go a whoring," and " whoredom," as descriptive of the rupture of that relationship by acts of idolatry. These expressions have by some writers been taken in their primary and literal sense, as pointing to the licentious practices of idolaters. But this de stroys the whole point of the comparison, and is opposed to the plain language of Scripture. The direct comparison with marriage is confined in the 0. T. to the prophetic writings, unless we re gard the Canticles as an allegorical work. In the N. T. the image of the bridegroom is transferred from Jehovah to Christ (Matt. ix. 15; John iii. 29), and that of the bride to the Church (2 Cor. xi. 2 ; Rev. xix. 7, xxi. 2, 9, xxii. 17), and the com parison thus established is converted by St. Paul into an illustration of the position and mutual duties of man and wife (Eph. v. 23-32). The breach of the union is, as before, described as fornication or whoredom in reference to the mystical Babylon (Rev. xvii. 1, 2, 5). Mars' Hill. [Areopagus.] Mar'sena, one of the seven princes of Persia, " wise men which knew the times," which saw the king's face and sat first in the kingdom (Esth. i. 14). Martha. This name, which does not appear in the 0. T., belongs to the later Aramaic. Of the Martha of the N. T. there is comparatively little to be said. The facts recorded in Luke x. and John xi. indicate a character devout after the customary Jewish type of devotion, sharing in Messianic hopes and accepting Jesus as the Christ ; sharing also in the popular belief in a resurrection (John xi. 24), but not rising, as her sister did, to the belief that Christ was making the eternal life to belong, not to the future only, but to the present. When she first comes before us in Luke x. 38, as receiving her Lord into her house, she loses the calmness of her spirit, is " cumbered with much serving," is "careful and troubled about many things." She needs the reproof "one thing is needful;" but her love, though imperfect in its form, is yet recognised as true, and she too, no less than Lazarus and Mary, has the distinction of being one whom Jesus loved (John xi. 3). Her position here, it may be noticed, is obviously that of the elder sister, the head and manager of the household. It has been conjectured that she was the wife or widow of MARY OP CLEOPHAS " Simon the leper " of Matt. xxvi. 6 and Mark xiv. 3. The same character shows itself in the history of John xi. The same spirit of complaint that she had shown before finds utterance again (ver. 21), but there is now, what there was not before, a fuller faith at once in His wisdom and His power (ver. 22). And there is in that sorrow an education for her as well as for others. She rises from the formula of the Pharisee's creed to the con fession which no " flesh and blood," no human tradi tions, could have revealed to her (ver. 24-27). Her name appears once again in the N. T. She is present at the supper at Bethany as " serving " (John xii. 2). The old character shows itself still, but it has been freed from evil. She is no longer " cumbered," no longer impatient. Activity has been calmed by trust. When other voices are raised against her sister's overflowing love, hers is not heard among them. Mary of Cleophas. So in A. V., hut accu rately " of Clopas." In St. John's Gospel we read that " there stood by the cross of Jesus His mother, and His mother's sister, Mary of Clopas, and Mary Magdalene " (John xix. 25). The same group of women is described by St. Matthew as consisting of " Mary Magdalene, and Mary of James and Joses, and the mother of Zebedee's children " (Matt, xxvii. 56) ; and by St. Mark, as " Mary Magdalene, and Mary of James the Little and of Joses, and Salome" (Mark xv. 40). From a com parison of these passages, it appears that Mary of Clopas, and Mary of James the Little and of Joses, are the same person, and that she was the sister of St. Mary the Virgin. There is an apparent diffi culty in the fact of two sisters seeming to hear the name of Mary. But the fact of two sisters having the same name, though unusual, is not singular. Miriam, the sister of Moses, may have been the holy woman after whom Jewish mothers called their daughters, just as Spanish mothers not unfre- quently give the name of Mary to their children, male and female alike, in honour of St. Mary the Virgin. This is on the hypothesis that the two names are identical, but on a close examination of the Greek text, we find that it is possible that this was not the case. St. Mary the Virgin is Mopio/i ; her sister is Mopla. Mary of Clopas was probably the elder sister of the Lord's mother. It would seem that she had married Clopas or Alphaeus while her sister was still a girl. She had four sons, and at least three daughters. The names of the daugh ters are unknown to us: those of the sons are James, Joses, Jude, Simon, two of whom became enrolled among the twelve apostles [James], and a third (Simon), may have succeeded his brother in the charge of the Church of Jerusalem. Of Joses aud the daughters we know nothing. Mary herself is brought before us for the first time on the day of the Crucifixion — in the parallel passages already quoted from St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. John. In the evening of the same day we find her sitting desolately at the tomb with Mary Magdalene (Matt. xxvii. 61 ; Mark xv. 47), and at the dawn of Easter morning she was again there with sweet spices, which she had prepared on the Friday night (Matt. xxviii. 1 ; Mark xvi. 1 ; Luke xxiii. 56), and was one of those who had " a vision of angels, which said that He was alive " (Luke xxiv. 23). These are all the glimpses that we have of her. Clopas or Alphaeus is not mentioned at all, except as desig nating Mary and James. It is probable that he was dead before the ministry of our Lord com- MARY MAGDALENE menced. Joseph the husband of St. Mary the Virgin, was likewise dead ; and the two widowed sisters, as was natural both for comfort and for protection, were in the custom of living together in one house. Mary Magdale'ne. Four different explanations have been given of this name. (1.) That which at first suggests itself as the most natural, that she came from the town of Magdala. The statement that the women with whom she journeyed, followed Jesus in Galilee (Mark xv. 41) agrees with this notion. (2) Another explanation has been found in the fact that the Talmudic writers in their ca lumnies against the Nazarenes make mention of a Miriam Megaddela, and explain it as meaning " the twiner or plaiter of hair." (3) Either seriously, or with the patristic fondness for paronomasia, Jerome sees in her name, and in that of her town, fhe old Migdol ( = a watch-tower), and dwells on the coincidence accordingly. The name denotes the stedfastness of her faith. (4) Origen sees in her name a prophecy of her spiritual greatness as having ministered to the Lord, and been the first witness of His resurrection.— 1. She comes before us for the first time in Luke viii. 2, among the women who " ministered unto Him of their substance." All appear to have occupied a position of comparative wealth. With all the chief motive was that of gratitude for their deliverance from " evil spirits and infirmities." Of Mary it is said specially that " seven devils went out of her," and the number indicates, as in Matt. xii. 45, and the " Legion " of the Gadarene demoniac (Mark v. 9), a possession of more than ordinary malignity. We must think of her accordingly, as having had, in their most aggravated forms, some of the phenomena of mental and spiritual disease which we meet with in other demoniacs, the wretchedness of despair, the divided consciousness, the preternatural frenzy, the long- continued fits of silence. From that state of misery she had been set free by the presence of the Healer, and, in the absence, as we may infer, of other ties and duties, she found her safety and her blessedness in following Him. It will explain much that follows if we remember that this life of ministration must have brought Mary Magdalene into companionship of the closest nature with Salome the mother of James and John (Mark xv. 40), and even also with Mary the mother of the Lord (John xix. 25). The women who thus devoted themselves are not pro minent in the history : we have no record of their mode of life, or abode, or hopes or fears during the few momentous days that preceded the crucifixion. They " stood afar off, beholding these things " (Luke xxiii. 49) during the closing hours of the Agony on the Cross. The same close association which drew them together there is seen afterwards. She remains jy the cross till all is over, waits till the body is taken down, and wrapped in the linen-cloth and placed in the garden-sepulchre of Joseph of Arima thea (Matt, xxvii. 61 ; Mark xv. 47 ; Luke xxiii. 55). The sabbath that followed brought an en forced rest, but no sooner is the sunset over than she, with Salome and Mary the mother of James, " brought sweet spices that they might come and anoint " the body (Mark xvi. 1). The next morn ing accordingly, in the earliest dawn (Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark xvi. 2) they come with Mary the mother of James, to the sepulchre. Mary Magdalene had been to the tomb and had found it empty, had seen the " vision of angels " (Matt, xxviii. 5 ; Mark xvi. 5). She went with her cry of sorrow to Peter MARY MAGDALENE 521 and John (John xx. 1, 2). But she returns there. She follows Peter and John, and remains when they go back. The one thought that fills her mind is still that the body is not there (John xx. 13). This intense brooding over one fixed thought was, we may venture to say, to one who had suffered as she had suffered, full of special danger, and called for a special discipline. The utter stupor of grief is shown in her want of power to recognise at first either the voice or the form of the Lord to whom she had ministered (John xx. 14, 15). At last her own name uttered by that voice as she had heard it uttered, it may be, in the hour of her deepest misery, recalls her to consciousness; and then follows the cry of recognition, with the strongest word of re verence which a woman of Israel could use, " Rab- boni," and the rush forward to cling to His feet. That, however, is not the discipline she needs. Her love had been too dependent on the visible presence of her Master. She had the same lesson to learn as the other disciples. Though they had " known Christ after the flesh," they were "henceforth to know Him so no more." She was to hear that truth in its highest and sharpest form. " Touch me not, for I am not yet ascended to my Father."— II. What follows will show how great a contrast there is between the spirit in which the Evangelist wrote and that which shows itself in the later tra ditions. Out of these few facts there rise a mul titude of wild conjectures ; and with these there has been constructed a whole romance of hagiology. The questions which meet us connect themselves with the narratives in the four Gospels of women who came with precious ointment to anoint the feet or the head of Jesus. Although the opinion seems to have been at one time maintained, few would now hold that Matt. xxvi. and Mark xiv. are reports of two distinct events. The supposition that there were three anointings has found favour with Origen and Lightfoot. We are left to the conclusion adopted by the great majority of interpreters, that the Gos pels record two anointings, one in some city un named during our Lord's Galilean ministry (Luke vii.), the other at Bethany, before the last entry into Jerusalem (Matt. xxvi. ; Mark xiv. ; John xii.;. We come, then, to the question whether in these two narratives we meet with one woman or with two. The one passage adduced for the fonner conclusion is John xi. 2. There is but slender evidence for the assumption that the two anointings were the acts of one and the same woman, and that woman the sister of Lazarus. There is, if possible, still less for the identification of Mary Magdalene with the chief actor in either history. (1.) When her name appears in Luke viii. 3 there is not one word to connect it with the history that immediately precedes. (2.) The belief that Mary of Bethany aud Mary Magdalene are identical is yet more start ling. Not one single circumstance, except that of love and reverence for their Master, is common The epithet Magdalene, whatever may be its mean ing, seems chosen for the express purpose of distin guishing her from all other Maries. No one Evan gelist gives the slightest hint of identity. Nor is this lack of evidence in the N. T. itself compensated by any such weight of authority as would indicate a really trustworthy tradition. Two of the earliest writers who allude to the histories of the anoint ing—Clement of Alexandria and Tertullian— say nothing to imply that they accepted it. The lan guage of Irenaeus is against it. Origen discusses 522 MARY, MOTHER OP MARK the question fully, and rejects it. He is followed by the whole succession of the expositors of the Eastern Church. In the Western Church, how ever, the other belief began to spread. The services of the feast of St. Mary Magdalene were constructed on the assumption of its truth. The translators under James I. adopted the received tradition. Since that period there has been a gradually accumulating consensus against it. Mary, mother of Mark. The woman known by this description must have been among the earliest disciples. We learn from Col. iv. 10 that she was sister to Barnabas, and it would appear from Acts iv. 37, xii. 12, that, while the brother gave up his land and brought the proceeds of the sale into the common treasury of the Church, the sister gave up her house to be used as one of its chief places of meeting. The fact that Peter goes to that house on his release from prison, indi cates that there was some special intimacy (Acts xii. 12) between them, and this is confirmed by the language which he uses towards Mark as being his "son" (1 Pet. v. 13). She, it may be added, must have been like Barnabas of the tribe of Levi, and may have been connected, as he was, with Cyprus (Acts iv. 36). Mary, sister of Lazarus. The facts strictly personal to her are but few. She and her sister Martha appear in Luke x. 40, as receiving Christ in their house. Mary sat listening eagerly for every word that fell from the Divine Teacher. She had chosen the good part, the life that has found its unity, the " one thing needful," in rising from the earthly to the heavenly, no longer distracted by the " many things " of earth. The same character shows itself in the history of John xi. Her grief is deeper but less active. Her first thought when she sees the Teacher in whose power and love she had trusted, is one of complaint. But the great joy and love wliich her brother's return to life calls up in in her, pour themselves out in larger measure than had been seen before. The treasured alabaster- box of ointment is brought forth at the final feast of Bethany, John xii. 3. Mary the Virgin, There is no person perhaps in sacred or in profane literature, around whom so many legends have been grouped as the Virgin Mary ; and there are few whose authentic history is more concise. We shall divide her life into three periods. I. The period of her childhood, up to the time of the birth of our Lord. II. The period of her middle age contemporary with the Bible record. III. The period subsequent to the Ascension.— I. The childhood of Mary, wholly legendary. — Joachim and Anna were both of the race of David. The abode of the former was Nazareth ; the latter passed her early years at Bethlehem. They lived piously in the sight of God, and faultlessly before man, dividing their substance into three portions, one of which they devoted to the service of the temple, another to the poor, and the third to their own wants. And so twenty years of their lives passed silently away. But they were childless. At the end of this period Joachim went to Jeru salem with some others of his tribe, to make his usual offering at the Feast of the Dedication. And the high-priest scorned Joachim, and drove him roughly away, asking how he dared to present him self in company with those who had children, while he had none. And Joachim was shamed before his friends and neighbours, and he retired into the MARY THE VIRGIN wilderness and fixed his tent there, and fasted forty days and forty nights. And at the end of this period an angel appeared to him, and told him that his wife should conceive, and should bring forth a daughter, and he should call her name Mary. Anna meantime was much distressed at her husband's absence, and being reproached by her maid Judith with her barienness, she was overcome with grief of spirit. And two angels appeared to her, and promised her that she should have a child who should be spohen of in all the world. And Joachim returned joyfully to his home, and when the time was accomplished Anna brought forth a daughter, and they called her name Mary. Now the child Mary increased in strength day by day, and at nine months of age she walked nine steps. And when she was three years old her parents brought her to the Temple, to dedicate her to the Lord. Then Mary remained at the Temple until she was twelve or fourteen years old, ministered to hy the angels, and advancing in perfection as in years. At this time the high-priest commanded all the virgins that were in the Temple to return to their homes and to be married. The legend now begins to attach itself to the history, and tells of the unwilling betrothal of Joseph to Mary, the Annunciation, the marriage, and the birth of Jesus in a fonn distorted from the simple narrative of the fii'st Gospel.— II. The real history of Mary. — We are wholly ignorant of the name and occupation of St. Mary's parents. The evangelist does not tell us, and we cannot know. She was, like Joseph, of the tribe of Judah, and of the lineage of David (Ps. exxxii. 11 ; Luke i. 32; Rom. i. 3). She had a sister, named probably like herself, Mary (John xix. 25), and she was con nected by marriage (Luke i. 36) with Elisabeth, who was of the tribe of Levi and of the lineage of Aaron. This is all that we know of her ante cedents. In the summer of the year which is known as B.C. 5, Mary was Uving at Nazareth, probably at her parents' — possibly at her elder sister's — bouse, not having yet been taken by Joseph to his home. She was at this time be trothed to Joseph, and was therefore regarded by the Jewish law and custom as his wife, though he had not yet a husband's rights over her. At this time the angel Gabriel came to her with a message from God, and announced to her that she was to be the mother of the long-expected Messiah. The scene as well as the salutation is very similar to that recounted in the Book of Daniel (x. 18, 19). Gabriel proceeds to instruct Mary that by the oper ation of the Holy' Ghost the everlasting Son of the Father should lje bom of her. He further informs her, perhaps as a sign by which she might convince herself that his prediction with regard to herself would come true, that her relative Elisabeth was within three months of being delivered of a child. The angel left Mary, and she set off to visit Elisa beth either at Hebron or Juttah (Luke i. 39), where the latter lived with her husband Zacharias, about 20 miles to the south of Jerusalem, and therefore at a very considerable distance from Nazareth. Immediately on her entrance into the house she was saluted by Elisabeth as the mother of her Lord, and had evidence of the truth of the angel's saying with regard to her cousin. She em bodied her feelings of exultation and thankfulness in the hymn known under the name of the Magnificat. The hymn is founded on Hannah's song of thank fulness (1 Sam. ii. 1-10). Mary returned to Naza- MARY THE VIRGIN reth shortly before the birth of John the Baptist, and continued living at her own home. In the course of a few months Joseph became aware that she was with child, and determined on giving her a bill of divorcement, instead of yielding her up to the law to suffer the penalty which he supposed that she had incurred. Being, however, warned aud satisfied by an angel who appeared to him in a dream, he took her to his own house. It was soon after this, as it would seem, that Augustus' decree was promulgated, and Joseph and Mary travelled to Bethlehem to have their names enrolled in the registers (B.C. 4) by way of preparation for the taxing, which however was not completed till ten years afterwards (a.d. 6), in the governorship of Quirinus. They reached Bethlehem, and there Mary brought forth the Saviour of the world, and humbly laid him iu a manger. The visit of the shepherds, the circumcision, the adoration of the wise men, and the presentation in the Temple, are rather scenes in the life of Christ than in that of his mother. The presentation in the Temple might tot take place till forty days after the birth of the child. The poverty of St. Mary and Joseph, it may be noted, is show^i by their making the offer ing of the poor. The song of Simeon and the thanksgiving of Anna, like the wonder of the shep herds and the adoration of the magi, only in cidentally refer to Mary. One passage alone in Simeon's address is specially directed to her, " Yea a sword shall pierce through thy own soul also." The exact purport of these words is doubtful. In the flight into Egypt, Mary and the babe had the support and protection of Joseph, as well as in their return from thence, in the following year, on the death of Herod the Great (B.C. 3). It may be that the holy family at this time took up their residence in the house of Mary's sister, the wife of Clopas. Henceforward, until the beginning of our Lord's ministry — i. e. from B.C. 3 to A.D. 26 — we may picture St. Mary to ourselves as living in Nazareth, in a humble sphere of life. Two cir cumstances alone, so far as we know, broke in on the otherwise even flow of her life. One of these was the temporary loss of her Son when he re mained behind in Jerusalem, A.D. 8. The other was the death of Joseph. The exact date of this last event we cannot determine, but it was pro bably not long after the other. From the time at which our Lord's ministry commenced, St. Mary is withdrawn almost wholly from sight. Four times only is the veil removed, which, not surely without a reason, is thrown over her. These four occasions are, — 1. The marriage at Cana of Galilee (Johnii.) 2. The attempt which she and his brethren made " to speak with him " (Matt. xii. 46 ; Mark iii. 21 and 31 ; Luke viii. 19). 3. The Crucifixion, 4. The days succeeding the Ascension (Acts i. 14)., If to these we add two references to her, the first by her Nazarene fellow-citizens (Matt. xiii. 54, 55 ; Mark vi. 1-3), the second by a woman in the mul titude (Luke xi. 27), we have specified every event known to us in her life. It is noticeable that, on every occasion of our Lord's addressing her, or speaking of her, there is a sound of reproof in His words, with the exception of the last words spoken to her from the cross. — 1. The marriage at Cana in Galilee took place in the three months which intervened between the baptism of Christ and the passover of the year 27. When Jesus was found by his mother and Joseph in the Temple in the year 8, MARY THE VIRGIN 523 we find him repudiating the name of "father" as applied to Joseph (Luke ii. 48, 49). Now, in like manner, at His fii'st miracle which inaugurates His ministry, He solemnly withdraws himself from the authority of His earthly mother.— 2. Capernaum (John ii. 12) and Nazareth (Matt. iv. 13, xiii. 54; Mark vi. 1) appear to have been the residence of St. Mary for a considerable period. The next time that she is brought before us we find her at Caper naum. It is the autumn of the year 28, more than a year and a half after the miracle wrought at the marriage-feast in Cana. Mary was still living with her sister, and her nephews and nieces, James, Joses, Simon, Jude, and their three sisters (Matt. xiii. 55) ; and she and they heard of the toils which He was undergoing, and they understood that He was denying himself every relaxation from His labours. Their human affection conquered their faith. They therefore sent a message, begging Him to allow them to speak to Him. Again He re proves. Again He refuses to admit any authority on the part of his relatives, or any privilege on account of their relationship. — 3. The next scene in St. Mary's life brings us to the foot of the cross. She was standing there with her sister Mary and Mary Magdalene, and Salome, and other women, having no doubt followed her Son as she was able throughout the terrible morniug of Good Friday. It was about three o'clock in the afternoon, and He was about to give up His spirit. Standing near the company of the women was St. John ; and, with almost His last words, Christ commended His mother to the care of him who had borne the name of the disciple whom Jesus loved. " Woman, be hold thy son." And from that hour St. John assures us that he took her to his own abode. — 4. A veil is drawn over her sorrow and over her joy which succeeded that sorrow. Mediaeval ima gination has supposed, but Scripture does not state, that her Son appeared to Mary after His resurrec tion from the dead. She was doubtless living at Jerusalem with John, cherished with the tender ness which her tender soul would have specially needed, and which undoubtedly she found pre eminently in St. John. We have no record of her preseuce at the Ascension, or at the descent of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost, What we do read of her is, that she remained stedfast in prayer in the upper room at Jerusalem with Mary Magdalene and Salome, and those known as' the Lord's brothers aud the apostles. This is the last view that we have of her. Holy Scripture leaves her engaged in prayer. From this point forwards we know nothing of her. It is probable that the rest of her life was spent in Jerusalem with St. John (see Epiph. Haer. 78). According to one tradition the beloved disciple would not leave Palestine until she had expired in his arms. Other traditions make her journey with St. John to Ephesus, and there die in extreme old age. — 5. The character of St. Mary is not drawn by any of the Evangelists, but some of its lineaments are inci dentally manifested in the fragmentary record which is given of her. It is clear from St. Luke's ac count, though without any such intimation we might rest assured ofthe fact, that her youth had been spent in the study of the Holy Scriptures, and that she had set before her the example of the holy women of the Old Testament as her model. This would appear from the Magnificat (Luke i. 46). Her faith and humility exhibit themselves in her 524 MARY THE VIRGIN immediate surrender of herself to the Divine will, I though ignorant how that will should be accom plished (Luke i. 38) ; her energy and earnestness, in her journey from Nazareth to Hebron (Luke i. 39) ; her happy thankfulness, in her song of joy (Luke i. 48).; her silent musing thoughtfulness, in her pondering over the shepherds' visit (Luke ii. 19), and in her keeping her Son's words in her heart (Luke ii. 51), though she could not fully understand their import. In a word, so far as St. Maiy is portrayed to us in Scripture, she is, as we should have expected, the most tender, the most faithful, humble, patient, and loving of women, but a woman still.— III. Her after life, wholly legendary. — We pass again into the region of free and joyous legend which we quitted for that of true history at the period of the Annunciation. The Gospel record confined the play of imagination, and as soon as this check is withdrawn the legend bursts out afresh. The legends of St. Mary's child hood may be traced back as far as the third or even the second century. Those of her death are pro bably of a later date. The chief legend was for a length of time considered to be a veritable history, written by Melito Bishop of Sardis in the 2nd century* When the apostles separated in order to evangelise the world, Mary continued to live with St. John's parents in their house near the Mount of Olives, and every day she went out to pray at the tomb of Christ, and at Golgotha. And in the twenty-second year after the ascension of the Lord, Mary felt her heart burn with an inexpressible longing to be with her Son ; and behold an angel appeared to her, and announced to her that her soul should be taken up from her body on the third day, and he placed a palm-branch from paradise in her hands, and desired that it should be car ried before her bier. And Mary besought that the apostles might be gathered round her before she died, and the angel replied that they should come. And the people of Bethlehem brought their sick to the house, and they were all healed. Then, on the sixth day of the week, the Holy Spirit commanded the apostles to take up Mary, and to carry her from Jerusalem to Gethsemane. And the angel Gabriel announced that on the first day of the week Mary's soul should be removed from this world. And on the morning of that day there came Eve and Anne and Elisabeth, and they kissed Mary and told her who they were : came Adam Seth, Shem, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, David, and the rest of the old fathers : came Enoch and Elias and Moses: came twelve chariots of angels innumerable: and then appeared the Lord Christ in his humanity. And Mary prayed. And after her prayer was finished her face shone with mar vellous brightness, and she stretched out her hands and blessed them all ; and her Son put forth his hands and received her pure soul, and bore it into his Father's treasure-house. And the apostles car ried her body to the valley of Jehoshaphat, to a place which the Lord had told them of, and John went before and carried the palm-branch. And they placed her in a new tomb. And suddenly there appeared the Lord Christ, surrounded by a multitude of angels. And he commanded Michael the archangel to bring down the soul of Mary. And Gabriel rolled away the stone, and the Lord 6aid, " Rise up, my beloved, thy body shall not suffer corruption in the tomb." And immediately Mary arose and bowed herself at his feet and wor- MARY THE VIRGIN shipped ; and the Lord kissed her and gave her to the angels to carry her to paradise. But Thomas was not present with the rest. And he arrived just after all these things were accomplished, and he demanded to see the sepulchre in which they had laid his Lady : " For ye know," said he, " that I am Thomas, and unless I see I will not believe." Then Peter arose in haste and wrath, and the other disciples with him, and they opened the sepulchre and went in ; but they found nothing therein save that in which her body had been wrapped.— IV. Jewish traditions respecting her. — These are of a very different nature from the light-hearted fairy-tale-like stories which we have recounted above. The most definite and outspoken of these slanders is that which is contained in the book called Toldoth Jesu. It is proved by Ammon to be a composition of the 13th century. In the Gospel of Nicodemus, otherwise called the Acts of Pilate, we find the Jews represented as charging our Lord with illegitimate birth (c. 2). The date of this Gospel is about the end of the 3rd century. Stories to the same effect may be found in the Talmud — not in the Mishna, which dates from the 2nd century, but in the Gemara, which is of the 5th or 6th. — V. Mahometan traditions. — These are again cast in a totally different mould from those of the Jews. Mahomet and his followers appear to have gathered up the floating Oriental traditions which originated in the legends of St. Mary's early years, given above, and to have drawn from them and from the Bible indifferently. He is reported to have said that many men have arrived at perfec tion, but only four women; and that these are, Asia the wife of Pharaoh, Mary the daughter of Amram, his first wife Khadljah, and his daughter Fatima. — VI. Emblems. — There was a time in the history of the Church when all the expressions used in the book of Canticles were applied at once to St. Mary. Consequently all the Eastern metaphors of king Solomon have been hardened into symbols, and represented in pictures or sculpture, and attached to her in popular litanies. — VII. Cultus of the Blessed Virgin. — We do not enter into the theo logical bearings of the worship of St. Mary ; but we shall have left our task incomplete if we do not add a short historical sketch of the origin, progress, and present state of the devotion to her. What was its origin ? Cei'tainly not the Bible. There is not a word there from which it could be inferred ; nor in the Creeds ; nor in the Fathers of the first five centuries. Whence, then, did it arise ? There is not a shadow of doubt that the origin of the wor ship of St. Mary is to be found in the apocryphal legends of her birth and of her death which we have given above. There we find the germ of what afterwards expanded into its present portentous proportions. Some of the legends of her birth are as early as the 2nd or 3rd century. They were the production of the Gnostics, and were unanimously and firmly rejected by the Church of the first five centuries as fabulous and heretical. Down to the time of the Nestorian controversy the cultus of the Blessed Virgin would appear to have been wholly external to the Church, and to have been regarded as heretical. But the Nestorian controversies pro duced a great change of sentiment in men's minds. Nestorius had maintained, or at least it was the tendency of Nestorianism to maintain, not only that our Lord had two natures, the divine and the human (which was right), but also that He was two pei> MARY THE VIRGIN sons, in such sort that the child born of Mary was not divine, but merely an ordinary human being, until the divinity subsequently united itself to Him. This was condemned by the Council of Ephesus in the year 431 ; and the title 0<=oVokos, loosely trans lated " Mother of God," was sanctioned. The object of the Council and of the Anti-Nestorians was in no sense to add honour to the mother, but to maintain the true doctrine with respect to the Son. Nevertheless the result was to magnify the mother, and, after a time, at the expense of the Son. The legends too were no longer treated so roughly as before. The Gnostics were not now objects of dread. Nestorians, and afterwards Icono clasts, were objects of hatred. From this time the worship of St. Mary grew apace. We learn the present state of the religious regard in which she is held throughout the south of Europe from St. Alfonso de' Liguori whose every word is vouched for by the whole weight of his Church's authority. Thus in the worship of the Blessed Virgin there are two distinctly-marked periods. The first is that which commences with the apostolic times, and brings us down to the close of the century in which the Council of Ephesus was held, during which time the worship of St. Mary was wholly external to the Church, and was regarded by the Church as heretical, and confined to Gnostic and Collyridian heretics. The second period commences with the 6th century, when it began to spread within the Church ; and, in spite of the shock given it by the Reformation, has continued to spread, and is spreading still.— VIII. Her Assump tion. — Not only religious sentiments, but facts grew up in exactly the same way. The Assump tion of St. Mary is a fact, or an alleged fact. How has it come to be accepted? At the end of the 5th century we find that there existed a book, De Transitu Virginis Mariae, which was condemned by Pope Gelasius as apocryphal. This book is without doubt the oldest fonn of the legend. Down to the end of the 5th century the story of the Assumption was external to the Church, and distinctly looked upon by the Church as belonging to the heretics and not to her. But then came the change of sentiment already referred to, consequent on the Nestorian controversy. About the same time, probably, or rather later, an insertion (now recognised on all hands to be a forgery) was made in Eusebius' Chronicle, to the effect that " in the year A.D. 48 Mary the Virgin was taken up into heaven, as some wrote that they had had it re vealed to them." The fii'st writers within the Church, in whose extant writings we find the Assumption asserted, are Gregory of Tours in the 6th century, who has merely copied Melito's book, De Transitu (De Glor. Mart. lib. i. c. 4 ; Migne, 71, p. 708) ; Andrew of Crete, who probably lived in the 7th century ; and John of Damascus, who lived at the beginning of the 8th century. The last of these authors refers to the Euthymiac his tory as stating that Marcian and Pulcheria being in search of the body of St. Mary, sent to Juvenal of Jerusalem to inquire for it. Juvenal tells them the legend. Here again we see a legend originated by heretics, and remaining external to the Church till the close of the 5th century, creeping into the Church during the 6th and 7th centuries, and finally ratified by the authority both of Rome and Constantinople.— IX. Her Immaculate Conception. — Similarly with regard to the sinlessness of St. MASH 525 Mary, which has issued in the dogma ofthe Imma culate Conception. Down to the close of the 5th century the sentiment with respect to her was identical with that which is expressed by theo logians of the Church of England. At this time the change of mind before referred to, as originate*. by the Nestorian controversies, was spreading within the Church; and it became more and more the general belief that St. Mary was preserved from actual sin by the grace of God. This opinion had become almost universal in the 12th century. And now a further step was taken. It was maintained by St. Bernard that St. Mary was conceived in original sin, bat that before her birth she was cleansed from it, like John the Baptist and Jeremiah. This was the sentiment of the 13th century. Early in the 14th century died J. Duns Sootus, and he is the first theologian or schoolman who threw out as a possibility the idea of an Immaculate Concep tion, which would exempt St. Mary from original as well as actual sin. From this time forward there was a struggle between the maculate and immaculate conceptionists, which has led at length to the decree of Dec. 8, 1854, but which has not ceased with that decree. Mary, a Roman Christian who is greeted hy St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans (xvi. 6) as having toiled hard for him. Nothing more is known of her. Mas'aloth, a place in Arbela, which Bacchides and Alcimus, the two generals of Demetrius, be sieged and took with great slaughter on their way from the north to Gilgal (1 Mace. ix. 2). The name Mesaloth is omitted by Josephus, nor has any trace of it been since discovered; but the word may, as Robinson suggests, have originally signified the " steps " or " terraces." In that case it was probably a name given to the remarkable caverns still existing on the northern side of the same Wady, and now called Kula'at Ibn Ma'an. Maa'cnil. The title of thirteen Psalms ; xxxii., xiii., xliv., xiv., lii.-lv., lxxiv., lxxviii., lxxxviii., lxxxix., cxiii. In the Psalm in which it first occurs as a title, the root of the word is found in another form (Ps. xxxii. 8), " I will instruct thee," from which circumstance, it has been inferred, the title was applied to the whole Psalm as didactic. But since " Maschil " is affixed to many Psalms which would scarcely be classed as didactic, Gese nius (or rather Roediger) explains it as denoting " any sacred song, relating to divine things, whose end it was to promote wisdom and piety." Ewald regards Ps. xlvii. 7 (A. V. " sing ye praises with understanding ;" Heb. maschil), as the key to the meaning of Maschil, which in his opinion is a musical term, denoting a melody requiring great skill in its execution. The objection to the ex planation of Roediger is, that it is wanting in precision, and would allow the term "Maschil " to be applied to every Psalm in the Psalter. The suggestion of Ewald has most to commend it. Mash, one of the sons of Aram (Gen. x. 23). In 1 Chr. i. 17 the name appears as Meshech. As to the geographical position of Mash, Josephus connects the name with Mesene iu lower Babylonia, on the shores of the Persian Gulf. The more pro bable opinion is that which has been adopted by Bochart and others, that the name Mash is repre sented by the Mons Masius of classical writers, a range which forms the northern boundary of1 Mesopotamia, between the Tigris and Euphrates 52G MASHAL Kalisch connects the names of Mash and Mysia: this is, to say the least, extremely doubtful. Mash'al. The same as Misheal or Mishal (1 Chr. vi. 74). Masi'as, one of the servants of Solomon, whose descendants returned with Zorobabel (1 Esdr. v. 34). Mas'man. This name occurs for Shemaiah in 1 Esd. viii. 43 (comp. Ezr. viii. 16). Masora. [Old Testament.] Mas'pha. 1. A place opposite to Jerusalem, at which Judas Maccabaeus and his followers assem bled themselves to bewail the desolation of the city and the sanctuary (1 Mace. iii. 46). There is no doubt that it is identical with Mizpeh of Ben jamin.— 2. One of the cities which were taken from the Ammonites by Judas Maccabaeus in his campaign on the east of Jordan (1 Mace. v. 35). It is probably the ancient city of Mizpeh of Gilead. Masrekah, an ancient place, the native spot of Samlah, one of the old kings of the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 36; 1 Chr. i. 47). Schwarz (215) men tions a site called En-Masrak, a few miles south of Petra. He probably refers to the place marked Ain Mafrah in Palmer's Map, and Ain el-Usdaia in Kiepert's. Mas'aa, a son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 14 ; 1 Chr. i. 30). His descendants were not improbably the Masani, who are placed by Ptolemy in the east of Arabia, near the borders of Babylonia. Mas'sah, i. e. " temptation," a name given to the spot, also called Meribah, where the Israelites tempted Jehovah (Ex. xvi. 7 ; Ps. xcv. 8, 9 ; Heb. iii. 8). Massi'as = Maaseiah 3 (1 Esd. ix. 22 ; comp. Ezr. x. 22). Massi'as. The same as Masseiah, 20, the ancestor of Baruch (Bar. i. 1). Mastich-Tree occurs only in the Apocrypha (Susan, ver. 54), where the margin of the A. V. has lentisk. There is no doubt that the Greek word is correctly rendered, as is evident from the description of it by Theophrastus, Pliny, Dioscorides, and other writers. The fragrant resin known in the arts as " mastich," and which is obtained by incisions made in the trunk in the month of August, is the produce ot this tree, whose scientific Mastich (J islacia J enliscnz). MATTANIAH name is Pistachia lentiscus. It is used with ug io strengthen the teeth and gums, and was so applied by the ancients, by whom it was much prized on this account, and for its many supposed medical virtues. Both Pliny and Dioscorides state that the best mastich comes from Chios. Toumefort has given a full and very interesting account of the Lentisks or Mastich plants of Scio (Chios). The Pistachia lentiscus is common on the shores of the Mediterranean. According to Strand (Flor, Palaest. No. 559) it has been observed at Joppa, both by Rauwolf and Pococke. The Mastich-tree belongs to the natural order Anacardiaceae. Mathan'ias = Mattaniah, a descendant of Pahath-Moab (1 Esd. ix. 31 ; comp. Ezr. x. 30). Mathu'sala = Methuselah, the son of Enoch (Luke iii. 37). Mat'red, a daughter of Mezahab, and mother of Mehetabel, who was wife of Hadar (or Hadad) of Pau, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 50). Mat'ri, a family of the tribe of Benjamin, to which Saul the kine of Israel belonged (1 Sam. x. 21). Mat'tan. 1. The priest of Baal slain before his altars in the idol temple at Jerusalem (2 K. xi. 18; 2 Chr. xxiii. 17). He probably accompanied Atha liah from Samaria.— 2. The father of Shephatiah (Jer. xxxviii. 1). Mat'tanah, a station in the latter part of the wanderings of the Israelites (Num. xxi. 18, 19). It lay next beyond the well, or Beer, and between it and Nahaliel ; Nahaliel again being but one day's journey from the Bamoth or heights of Moab. Mattanah was therefore probably situated to the S.E. of the Dead Sea, but no name like it appears to have been vet discovered. Mattaniah. 1, The original name of Zedekiah king of Judah, which was changed when Nebuchad nezzar placed him on the throne instead of his nephew Jehoiachin (2 K. xxiv. 17).— 2. A Levite singer of the sons of Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15). He is described as the son of Micah, Micha (Neh. xi. 17), or Michaiah (Neh. xii. 35), and after the return from Babylon lived in the villages of the Netophathites (1 Chr. ix. 16) or Netophathi (Neh. xii. 28), which the singers had built in the neigh bourhood of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 29). As leader of the Temple choir after its restoration (Neh. xi. 17, xii. 8) in the time of Nehemiah, he took part in the musical service which accompanied the dedi cation of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 25, 35). We find him among the Levites of the second rank, "keepers of the thresholds," an office which fell to the singers (comp. 1 Chr. xv. 18, 21).— 3. A descendant of Asaph, and ancestor of Jahaziel the Levite in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx. 14).— 4. One of the sons of Elam (Ezr. x. 26).— 6. One of the sons of Zattu (Ezr. x. 27).— 6. A descendant of Pahath-Moab (Ezr. x. 30).— And 7. One of the sons of Bani (Ezr. x. 37), who all put away their foreign wives at Ezra's command,— 8. A Levite, father of Zaccur, and ancestor of Hanan the under-treasurer who had charge of the offerings for the Levites in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 13).— 9. One of the fourteen sons of Heman, whose office it was to blow the horns in the Temple service as appointed by David (1 Chr. xsv. 4, 16).— 10. A descendant of Asaph, the Levite minstrel, who assisted in the purification of, the Temple in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 13\ MATTATHA Mat'tatha, the son of Nathan, and grandson of David in the genealogy of our Lord (Luke iii. 31). Mat'tathah, a descendant of Hashum, who put away his foreign wife in the time of Ezra (Ezr. X. 33). Mattathi'aa. 1. = Maitithiah, who stood at Ezra's right hand when he read the law to the people (1 Esdr. ix. 43 ; comp. Neh. viii. 4).— 2. The father of the Maccabees (1 Mace. ii. 1, 14, 16, 17, 19, 24, 27, 39, 45, 49, xiv. 29).— 3. The son of Absalom, and brother of JONATHAN 14 (1 Mace. xi. 70, xiii. 11).— 4. The son of Simon Maccabeus, who was treacherously murdered, to gether with his father and brother, in the fortress of Docus, by Ptolomeus the son of Abubus (1 Mace xvi. 14). — 5. One of the three envoys sent by Nicanor to treat with Judas Maccabeus (2 Mace. xiv. 19).— 6. Son of Amos, in i,he genealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 25).— 7. Son of Semei, in the same catalogue (Luke iii. 26). Mattenai. 1. One of the family of Hashum, who in the time of Ezra had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33).— 2. A descendant of Bani, who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's command (Ezr. x. 37).— 3. A priest in the days of Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 19). Mat'than, the son of Eleazar, and grandfather of Joseph "the husband of Mary" (Matt. i. 15). He occupies the same place in the genealogy as Matthat in Luke iii. 24, with whom indeed he is probably identical. Matthani'as = Mattaniah, one ofthe descend ants ot Elam (1 Esdr. ix. 27 ; comp. Ezr. x. 26). Mat'that. 1. Son of Levi and grandfather of Joseph, according to the genealogy of Luke (iii. 24).— 2. Also the son of a Levi, and a progenitor of Joseph (Luke iii. 29). Mattb.e'las = MAASEiAH 1 (1 Esd. ix. 19; comp. Ezr. x. 18). Matthew. Matthew the Apostle and Evan gelist is the same as Levi (Luke v. 27-29) the son of a cei'tain Alphaeus (Mark ii. 14). His call to be an Apostle is related by all three Evangelists in the same words, except that Matthew (ix. 9) gives the former, and Mark (ii. 14) and Luke (v. 27) the latter name. The publicans, properly so called (publicani), were persons who farmed the Roman taxes, and they were usually, in later times, Roman knights, and persons of wealth and credit. They employed under them inferior officers, natives of the province where the taxes were collected, called properly portitores, to which class Matthew no doubt belonged. Eusebius mentions that after our Lord's ascension Matthew preached in Judaea (some add for fifteen years), and then went to foreign nations. To the lot of Matthew it fell to visit Aethiopia, says Socrates Scholasticus. But Am, brose says that God opened to him the country of the Persians ; Isidore the Macedonians ; and others the Parthians, the Medes, the Persians of the Euphrates. Nothing whatever is really known. Heracleon, the disciple of Valentinus, describes him as dying a natural death, which Clement, Origen, and Tertullian seem to accept : the tradition that he dipd a martyr, he it true or false, came in afterwards. Matthew, Gospel of. The Gospel which bears the name of St. Matthew was written by the Apostle, according to the testimony of all antiquity. I. Language in which it was first written. — We are told on the authority of Papias, Irenaeus, Pan- taenus, Origen, Eusebius, Epiphanius, Jerome, and many other Fathers, that the Gospel was first written in Hebrew, I. e. in the vernacular language MATTHEW, GOSPEL OF 527 of Palestine, the Aramaic, a. Papias of Hierapolis (who flourished in the first half of the 2nd cen tury) says, " Matthew wrote the divine oracles in the Hebrew dialect ; and each interpreted them as he was able." b. Irenaeus says (iii. 1), that " whilst Peter and Paul were preaching at Rome and founding the Church, Matthew put > forth his written Gospel amongst the Hebrews in their own dialect." a. According to Eusebius, Pantaenus " is reported to have gone to the Indians, where it is said that he found the Gospel of Matthew already among some who had the knowledge of Christ there, to whom Bartholomew, one of the apostles, had preached, and left them the Gospel of Matthew written in Hebrew, which was preserved till the time referred to." This story reappears in two dif ferent forms : — Jerome and Ruffinus say that Pan taenus brought back with him this Hebrew Gospel ; and Nicephorus asserts that Bartholomew dictated the Gospel of Matthew to the inhabitants of that country, d. Origen says, " As I have leamt by tradition concerning the four Gospels, which alone are received without dispute by the Church of God under heaven : the first was written by St. Matthew, once a tax-gatherer, afterwards an apostle of Jesus Christ, who published it for the benefit of the Jewish converts, composed in the Hebrew lan guage." e. Eusebius (H. E. iii. 24) gives as his own opinion the following : " Matthew having first preached to the Hebrews, delivered to them, when he was preparing to depart to other countries, his Gospel, composed in their native language." Other passages to the same effect occur in Cyril, Epi phanius, Hieronymus, who mentions the Hebrew original in seven places at least of his works, and from Gregory of Nazianzus, Chrysostom, Augustine, and other later witters. From all these there is no doubt that the old opinion was that Matthew wrote in the Hebrew language. So far all the testimony is for a Hebrew original. But there are arguments of uo mean weight in favour of the Greek. 1. The quotations from the 0. T. in this Gospel are of two kinds : those introduced into the narrative to point out the fulfilment of prophecies, &c. ; and those where in the course of the narrative the persons introduced, and especially our Lord Himself, make use of 0. T. quotations. Between these two classes a difference of treatment is observable. In the latter class, where the citations occur in discourses, the Septuagint version is followed. The quotations in the narrative, however, do not follow the Septua gint, but appear to be a translation from the Hebrew text. A mere translator could not have done this. But an independent writer, using the Greek tongue, and wishing to conform his narrative to the oral teaching of the Apostles, might have used for the quotations the well-known Greek 0. T. used by his colleagues. 2. But this difficulty is to be got over by assuming a high authority for this translation, as though made by an inspired writer ; and it has been suggested that this writer was Matthew him self, or at least that he directed it, or that it was some other Apostle, or James the brother of the Lord, or John, or the general body ofthe Apostles^ or that two disciples of St. Matthew wrote, from him, the one in Aramaic and the other in Greek ! 3. The original Hebrew, of which so many speak, no one of the witnesses ever saw (Jerome is no ex ception) ; and so little store has the Church set upon it that it has utterly perished. 4. It is cer tain that a gospel, not the same as our canonical Matthew, sometimes usurped the Apostle's name ; 528 MATTHEW, GOSPEL OP and some of the witnesses we have quoted appear to have referred to this in one or other of its various forms or names. The Nazarenes and Ebi- onites possessed each a modification of the same gospel, which no doubt each altered more and more as their tenets diverged, and which bore various names — the Gospel of the twelve Apostles, the Gospel according to the Hebrews, the Gospel of Peter, or the Gospel according to Matthew. Enough is known to decide that the Gospel according to the Hebrews was not identical with our Gospel of Mat thew; but it had many points of resemblance to the synoptical gospels, and especially to Matthew. Is it impossible that when the Hebrew Matthew is spoken of, this questionable document, the Gospel of the Hebrews, was really referred to ? All that is certain is, that Nazarenes or Ebionites, or both, boasted that they possessed the original Gospel of Matthew. Jerome is the exception ; and him we can convict of the very mistake of confounding the two, and almost on his own confession.— II. Style and Diction. — 1. Matthew uses the expression, " that it might be fulfilled which was spoken of the Lord by the prophet" (i. 22, ii. 15). In ii. 5, and in later passages of Matt, it is abbreviated (ii. 17, iii. 3, iv. 14, viii. 17, xii. 17, xiii. 14, 35, xxi. 4, xxvi. 56, xxvii. 9). 2. The reference to the Messiah under the name "Son of David," occurs in Matthew eight times ; and three times each in Mark and Luke. 3. Jerusalem is called " the holy city,'* "the holy place" (iv. 5, xxiv. 15, xxvii. 55). 4. The expression owreAeza rod al&vos is used five times; in the rest of the N. T. only once, in Ep. to Hebrews. 5. The phrase " kingdom of heaven," about thirty-three times ; other writers use " kingdom of God," which is found also in Matthew. 6. " Heavenly Father," used about six times ; and " Father in heaven " about sixteen, and without explanation, point to the Jewish mode of speaking in this Gospel. For other more minute verbal peculiarities, see Credner.— III. Citations from 0. T. — The following list is nearly complete: Matt Matt. i. 23. Is. vii. 14. xvii. 2. Ex. xxxiv. 29. ii. 6. Mic. v. 2. 11. Mal. iii. 1, iv. 5. 15. Hos. xi. 1. xviii. 15. Lev. xix. 17 (?) 18. Jer. xxxi. 15 xix. 4. Gen. i. 27. iii. 3. Is xL 3. 5. Gen. ii. 24. iv. 4. Deut. viii. 3. 7. Deut. xxiv. 1. 6. Ps. xci. 11. 18. Ex. xx. 12, Lev. 7. Deut. vi. 16. xix. 18. 10. Deut. vi. 13. xxi. 5. Zech. ix. 9. 15. Is. viii 23, ix. 1. 9. Ps. cxviii. 25. v. 5. Ps. xxxvii. ll 13. Is.lvi. 7, Jer.vii, 21. Ex. xx. 13. 11. 27. Ex. xx. 14. 16. Ps. viii. 2. 31. Deut. xxiv. 1. 42. Ps. cxviii. 22. 33. Lev. xix. 12, Deut. 44. Is. viii. 14. xxiii. 23. xxii. 24. Deut. xxv. 5. 33, Ex. xxi. 24. 32. Ex. iii. 6. 43. Lev. xix. 18. 37. Deut. vi. 5. viii. 4. Lev. xiv. 2. 39. Lev. xix. 18. n. Is. liii. 4. 44. Ps. ex. 1. ix. 13. Hos. vi. 6. xxiii. 35. Gen, iv. 8, 2 Chr. X. 35. Mic. vii. 6. xxiv. 21. xi. 5. Is. xxxv. 5, xxix. 38. Ps. lxix. 25 (?) 18. Jer. xii. 7, xxii. 10. Mal. iii. l. 5(?) Ps. cxviii. 26. 14. Mal. iv. 5. 39. xii. 3. 1 Sam. xxi. 6. xxiv. 15, Dan. ix. 27. 5. Num. xxviii. 9 (?) 29. Is. xiii. 10. 7. Hos. vi. 6. 37. Gen. vi. 11. 18. Is. xiii. 1. xxvi. 31. Zech. xiii. 7. 40. Jon. i. 17. 52. Gen. ix. 6 (?) Dan. vii. 13. 42. 1 K. x. 1. 64. Xiii. 14. Is. vi. 9. xxvii. 9. Zech. xi. 13. 35. Ps. ixxviii. 2. 35. Ps. xxii. 18. XV. 4. Ex. xx. 12, xxi 1?. 43. Ps. xxii. 8. XV. 8. Is. xxix. 13. 46. Ps. xxii. 1. MATTHEW, GOSPEL OP —IV. Genuineness of the Gospel. — Some critics admitting the apostolic antiquity of a part of the Gospel, apply to St. Matthew as they do to St. Luke, the gratuitous supposition of a later editor or compiler, who by augmenting and altering the earlier document produced our present Gospel. We are asked to believe that in the 2nd century for two or more of the Gospels, new works, differing from them both in matter and compass, were sub stituted for the old, and that about the end of the 2nd century our present Gospels were adopted by authority to the exclusion of all others, aud that henceforth the copies of the older works entirelv disappeared. Passages from St. Matthew are quoted by Justin Martyr, by the author of the letter to Diognetus, hy Hegesippus, Irenaeus, Tatian, Athenagoras, Theophilus, Clement, Ter tullian, and Origen. It is not merely from the matter but the manner of the quotations, from the calm appeal as to a settled authority, from the absence of all hints of doubt, that we regard it as proved that the book we possess had not been the subject of any sudden change. The citations of Justin Martyr, very important for this subject, have been thought to indicate a source different from the Gospels which we now possess ; and by the word aTrofj.V7jfjLore6fj.aTa (memoirs), he has been supposed to indicate that lost work. Space is not given here to show that the remains referred to are the Gospels which we possess, and not any one book ; and that though Justin quotes the Gospels very loosely, so that his words often bear but a slight resemblance to the original, the same is true of his quotations from the Septuagint. The genuineness of the two first chapters of the Gospel has been questioned, but is established on satis factory grounds, i. All the- old MSS. and versions contain them ; and they are quoted by the Fathers of the 2nd and 3rd centuries. Celsus also knew ch. ii. ii. Their contents would naturally form part of a Gospel intended primarily for the Jews. iii. The commencement of ch. iii. is dependent on ii. 23 ; and in iv. 13 there is a reference to ii. 23. iv. In constructions and expressions they are similar to the rest of the Gospel. Professor Norton dis putes the genuineness of these chapters upon the ground of the difficulty of harmonising them with St. Luke's narrative, and upon the ground that a large number ofthe Jewish Christians did not pos sess them in their version ofthe Gospel. — V. Time when the Gospel was written. — Nothing can be said on this point with certainty. Some of the ancients think that it was written in the eighth year after the Ascension (Theophylact and Euthymius) ; others in the fifteenth (JSicephorus) ; whilst Irenaeus says (iii. 1) that it was written " when Peter and Paul were preaching in Rome," and Eusebius at the time when Matthew was about to leave Palestine. The most probable supposition is that it was written between 50 and 60 ; the exact year cannot even be guessed at.— VI. Place where it was written. — There is not much doubt that the Gospel was written in Palestine.— VII. Purpose of the Gospel. — The Gospel itself tells us by plain internal evid ence that it was written for Jewish converts, to show them in Jesus of Nazareth the Messiah of the O. T. whom they expected. Jewish converts over all the world seem to have been intended, and not merely Jews in Palestine. It is pervaded by one principle, the fulfilment of the Law and of the Messianic prophecies in the person of Jesus. MattM'as, the Apostle elected to fill the place MATTHIAS of the traitor Judas (Acts i. 26). All beyond this that we know of him for certainty is that he had been a constant attendant upon the Lord Jesus during the whole course of His ministry ; for such was declared by St. Peter to be the necessary quali fication of one who was to be a witness of the re surrection. It is said that he preached the Gospel and suffered martyrdom in Ethiopia. The election of Matthias is discussed by Bishop Beveridge, Works, vol. i. serm. 2. Matthias = Mattathah, of the descendants of Hashum ( 1 Esdr. ix. 33 ; comp. Ezr. x. 33). Mattithi'ah. 1. A Levite, the first-born of Shallum the Korhite, who presided over the offer ings made in the pans (1 Chr. ix. 31 ; comp. Lev. vi. 20 [12], &c.).— 2. One of the Levites of the second rank under Asaph, appointed by David to minister before the ark in the musical service (1 Chr. xvi. 5), "with harps upon Sheminith" (comp. 1 Chr. xv. 21), to lead the choir.— 3. One of the family of Nebo, who had married a foreign wife in the days of Ezra (Ezr. x. 43). ---4. Pro bably a priest, who stood at the right hand of Ezra when he read the law to the people (Ezr. viii. 4). — 5. The same as 2, the Hebrew being in the lengthened form (1 Chr. xv. 18, 21), He was one of the six sons of Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 21). Mattock (Is. vii. 25). The tool used in Arabia for loosening the ground, described by Niebuhr, answers generally to our mattock or grubbing-axe, i. e. a single-headed pickaxe, the sarculus simplex, as opposed to bicornis, of Palladius. The ancient Egyptian hoe was of wood, and answered for hoe, spade, and pick. Egyptian hooa. (From Wilkinson.) Maul (i. e. a hammer ; a variation of mall, from malleus), a word employed by our translators to render the Hebrew term mephits. The Hebrew and English alike occur in Prov. xxv. 18 only. But a derivative from the same root, and differing but slightly in fonn, viz. moppets, is found in Jer. li. 20, and is there translated by " battle-ax." Manz'zim.. The marginal note to the A. V. of Dan. xi. 38, " the God of forces," gives, as the equivalent of the last word, " Mauzzifn, or gods protectors, or munitions." The Geneva version renders the Hebrew as a proper name both in Dan. Con. D. B. MEAH, THE TOWER OF 529 xi. 38 and 39, where the word occurs again (marg. of A.V. "munitions"). In the Greek version oif Theodotion it is treated as a proper name, as well as in the Vulgate, There can be little doubt that " Mauzzim " is to be taken in its literal sense of " fortresses," just as in Dan. xi. 19, 39 ; " the god of fortresses " being then the deity who presided over strongholds. But beyond this it is scarcely possible to connect an appellation so general with any special object of idolatrous worship. Calvin suggested that it denoted " money," the strongest of all powers. By others it has been supposed to be Mars. The opinion of Gesenius is more pro bable, that " the god of fortresses " was Jupiter Capitoiinus, for whom Antiochus built a temple at Antioch (Liv. xii. 20). A suggestion made by Mr. Layard (Nin. ii. 456, note) is worthy of being recorded. After describing Hera, the Assyrian Venus, as " standing erect on a lion, and crowned with a tower or mural coronet, which, we learn froni Lucian, was peculiar to the Semitic figure of the goddess," he adds in a note, " May she be con nected with the * El Maozem,' the deity presiding over bulwarks and fortresses, the ' god of forces' of Dan. xi. 38 ? " Maziti'as =; Mattithiah 3 (I Esd. ix. 35; comp. Ezr. x. 43). Maz'zaroth. The margin of the A. V. of Job xxxviii. 32 gives " the twelve signs " as the equi valent of " Mazzaroth," and this is in all probabiU ity its tree meaning. The Peshito-Syriac renders it by " the wain " or " Great Bear." Fiirst under stands by Mazzaroth the planet Jupiter, the same as the "star" of Amos v. 26. On referring to 2 K. xxiii. 5, we find the word mazzdloth (A. V. " the planets "), differing only from Mazzaroth in having the liquid I for r, and rendered in the mar gin "the twelve signs," as in the Vulgate. In later Jewish writings mazzdloth are the signs of the Zodiac. In consequence of this, Rashi, and the Hebrew commentators generally, identify maz zaroth and mazzaloth, though their interpretations vary. Meadow. This word, so peculiarly English, is used in the A. V. to translate two words which are entirely distinct and independent of each other. 1. Gen. xii. 2 and 18. Here the word in the original is ha-Achu. It appears to be an Egyptian term. The same form is retained by the Coptic version. Its use in Job viii. 11 (A. V. "flag"). seems to show that it is not a " meadow, but some kind of reed or water-plant. But as during hioh inundations of the Nile— such inundations as aTe the cause of fruitful years— the whole of the land on either side is a marsh,' and as the cultivation extends up to the very Jip of the river, is it not possible that Achu may denote the herbage of the growing crops? 2. Judg. xx. 33 only: "the meadows of Gibeah." Here the word is. Maareh, which occurs nowhere else with the same vowels attached to it. The sense is thus doubly uncer tain. The most plausible interpretation is that ot the Peshito-Syriac, which by a slight difference in the vowel-points makes the word mearah "the cave." Me'ah, the Tower of, one of the towers of the wall of Jerusalem when rebuilt by Nehemiah (iii. 1, xn. 39). It stood between the tower of Hana- neel and the sheep-gate, and appears to have been situated somewhere at the north-east part of the city, outside ofthe walls of Zion. 2 M 530 MEALS Meals. Our information on this subject is but scanty : the early Hebrews do not seem to have given special names to their several meals, for the terms rendered "dine" and "dinner" the A. V. (Gen. xliii. 16; Prov. xv. 17) are in reality general expressions, which might more correctly be'rendered " eat " and " portion of food." In the N. T. we have the Greek terms apiarov and oVIWov, which the A. V. renders respectively "dinner" and "supper" (Luke xiv. 12; John xxi. 12), but which are more properly "break fast " and " dinner." There is some uncertainty as to the hours at which the meals were taken: the Egyptians undoubtedly took their principal meal at noon (Geu. xliii. 16) : labourers took a light meal at that time (Ruth ii, 14; comp. verse 17) ; and occasionally that early hour was devoted to excess and revelling (1 K. xx. 16). It has been inferred from those passages (somewhat too hastily, we think) that the principal meal generally took place at noon : the Egyptians do indeed still make a substantial meal at that time ; but there are indic ations that the Jews rather followed the custom that prevails among the Bedouins, and made their principal meal after sunset, and a lighter meal at about 9 or 10 A.m. The posture at meals varied at various periods : there is sufficient evidence that the old Hebrews were in the habit of sitting (Gen. xxvii. 19; Judg. xix. 6; 1 Sam. xx. 5, 24; 1 K. xiii. 20), but it does not hence follow that they sat on chairs; they may have squatted on the ground, as was the occasional, though not perhaps the general custom of the ancient Egyptians. The table was in this case but slightly elevated above the ground, as is still the case in Egypt. As luxury increased, the practice of sitting was ex changed for that of reclining : the first intimation of this occurs in the prophecies of Amos (iii. 12, vi. 4). The custom may have been borrowed in the first instance from the Babylonians and Syrians, among whom it prevailed at an early period (Esth. i. 6, vii. 8). In the time of our Saviour reclining was the universal custom, as is implied in the terms used for "sitting at meat," as the A. V. incorrectly has it. The couch itself is only once I MEALS mentioned (Mark vii. 4 ; A, V. " tables "), but there can be little doubt that the Roman triclinium, had been introduced, and that the arrangements ofthe table resembled those described hy classical writers. Generally speaking, only three persons reclined on each couch, but occasionally four or even five. The couches were provided with cushions on which the left elbow rested in support of the upper part ofthe body, while the right arm remained free: a room provided with these was described as sarpiafxivov, lit. "spread" (Mark xiv. 15; A.V. " furnished "). As several guests reclined on the same couch, each overlapped his neighbour, as it were, and rested his head on or near the breast of the one who lay behind him : he was then said to " lean on the bosom " of his neighbour (John xiii. 23, xxi. 20). The ordinary arrangement of the couches was in three sides of a square, the fourth being left open for the servants to bring up the dishes. Some doubt attends the question whether the females took their meals along with the males. The cases of Ruth amid the reapers (Ruth ii. 14), of Elkanah with his wives (1 Sam. i. 4), of Job's sons and daughters (Job i. 4), and the general intermixture of the sexes in daily life, make it more than probable that they did so join ; at the same time, as the duty of attending upon the guests devolved upon them (Luke x. 40), they probably took a somewhat irregular and briefer repast. Before commencing the meal, the guests washed their hands. This custom was founded on natural decorum ; not only was the hand the sub stitute for our knife and fork, but the hands of all the guests were dipped into one and the same dish. Another preliminary step was the grace or blessing, of which we have but one instance in the 0. T. (1 Sam. ix. 13), and more than one pronounced by our Lord Himself in the N. T. (Matt. xv. 36 ; Luke ix. 16; John vi. 11). The mode of taking the food differed in no material point from the modern usages of the East; generally there was a single dish into which each guest dipped his hand (Matt. xxvi. 23); occasionally separate por tions were served out to each (Gen. xliii. 34; Ruth ii. 14 ; 1 Sam. i. 4). A piece of bread a, j, n, r. Tables with Yarious dishes. 1'V- 1 lioldd a joint of moat. An anciont Egyptian dinner party. (Wilkinson.) b. p. Figs. d. e, q, and s. Baskets of grapes. Fig. 3 is taking a wing from a g Figs. 5 aud 7 aro eating flan. Fig. 6 ia about to drink water from an oarihen vowel. MEANI was held between the thumb and two fingers of the right hand, and was dipped either into a bowl of melted grease (in which case it was termed ij/to,uioj', " a sop," John xiii. 26), or into the dish of meat, whence a piece was conveyed to the mouth between the layers of bread. At the conclusion of the meal, grace was again said iu conformity with Deut. viii. 10, and the hands were again washed. Thus far we have described the ordinary meal : on state occasions more ceremony was used, and the meal was enlivened in various ways. Such occasions were numerous, in connexion partly with public, partly with private events. On these occasions a sumptuous repast was prepared; the guests were previously invited (Esth. v. 8 ; Matt. xxii. 3), and on the day of the feast a second invi tation was issued to those that were bidden (Esth. vi. 14; Prov. ix. 3; Matt. xxii. 3). The visitors were received with a kiss (Tob. vii. 6 ; Luke vii. 45) ; water was produced for them to wash their feet with (Luke vii. 44) ; the head, the beard, the feet, and sometimes the clothes, were perfumed with ointment (Ps. xxiii. 5 ; Am. vi. 6 ; Luke vii. 38 ; John xii. 3) ; on special occasions robes were provided (Matt. xii. 11) ; and the head was de corated with wreaths (Is. xxviii. 1 ; Wisd. ii. 7, 8 ; Joseph. Ant. xix. 9, §1). The regulation of the feast was under the superintendence of a special officer, named apxirplK\ivos (John ii. 8 ; A. V. "governor of the feast"), whose business it was to taste the food and the liquors before they were placed on the table, and to settle about the toasts and amusements ; he was generally one of the guests (Ecclus. xxxii. 1, 2), and might therefore take part in the conversation. The places of the guests were settled according to their respective rank (Gen. xliii. 33 ; 1 Sam. ix. 22 ; Luke xiv. 8 ; Mark xii. 39 ; John xiii. 23) ; portions of food were placed before each (1 Sam. i. 4 ; 2 Sam. vi. 19; 1 Chr. xvi. 3), the most honoured guests receiving either larger (Gent xliii. 34 ; comp. Herod, vi. 57) or more choice (1 Sam. ix. 24 ; comp. II. vii. 321) portions than the rest. The meal was enlivened with music, singing, and dancing (2 Sam. xix. 35 ; Ps. lxix. 12 ; Is. v. 12 ; Am. vi. 5), or with riddles (Judg. xiv. 12) ; and amid these entertainments the festival was pro longed for several days (Esth. i. 3, 4). Me'ani. The same as Mehotim (1 Esd. v. 31 ; comp. Ezr, ii. 50). Me'arah, a place named in Josh. xiii. 4 only. Its description is " Mearah, which is to the Zido- nians." The word mearah means in Hebrew a cave, and it is commonly assumed that the refer ence is to some remarkable cavern in the neigh bourhood of Zidon. But there is danger in inter preting these very ancient names by the significations which they bore in later Hebrew. Eeland suggests that Mearah may be the same with Meroth, a village named by Josephus. The identification is not improbable, though there is no means of ascertaining the fact. A village called el-Muglidr is found in the mountains of Naphtali, some ten miles W. of the northern extremity of the sea of Galilee, which may possibly represent au ancient Mearah. Measures. [Weights and Measubes.] Meat. It does not appeal' that the word " meat " is used in any one instance in the Authorized Ver sion of either the 0. or N. Testament, in the sense which it now almost exclusively bears of animal MEDAN 531 food. The latter is denoted uniformly by " flesh." 1. The only possible exceptions to this assertion in the 0. T. are :— (a.) Gen. xxvii. 4, Sic, " savoury meat." (6.) Ib. xiv. 23, "corn and bread and meat." 2. The only real and inconvenient ambi guity caused by the change which has taken place in the meaning of the word is in the case of the "meat-offering," which consisted solely of flour, to corn, and oil, sacrifices of flesh being confined or the other two. 3. There are several other words, which though entirely distinct in the original, are all translated in the A. V. by " meat ;" but none of them present any special interest except tereph. This word would be perhaps more accurately rendered " prey " or " booty." Its use in Ps. cxi. 5, especially when taken in connexion with the word rendered "good understanding" in ver. 10, which would rather be, as in the margin, " good success," throws a new and unexpected light over the familiar phrases of that beautiful Psalm. 4. In the N. T. the variety of the Greek words thus rendered is equally great, Mjeat-oifering-. The word minchdh signifies originally a gift of any kind; and appears to be used generally of a gift from an inferior to a superior, whether God or man. Afterwards this general sense became attached to the word " Cor ban ;" and the word minchdh restricted to an " unbloody offering." The law or ceremonial or the meat-offering is described in Lev. ii. and vi. 14-23. It was to be composed of fine flour, sea soned with salt, and mixed with oil and frankin cense, but without leaven ; and it was generally accompanied by a drink-offering of wine. A por tion of it, including all the frankincense, was to be burnt on the altar as " a memorial ;'' the rest belonged to the priest ; but the meatrofferings offered by the priests themselves were to be wholly burnt. Its meaning appeal's to be exactly ex pressed in the words of David (1 Chr. xxix. 10-14). It will be seen that this meaning involves neither of the main ideas of sacrifice — the atonement for sin and self-dedication to God. It takes them for granted, and is based on them. Accordingly, the meat-offering, properly so-called, seems always to have been a subsidiary offering, needing to be in troduced by the sin-offering, which represented the one idea, and forming an appendage to the burnt- offering which represented the other. The un bloody offerings offered alone did not properly belong to the regular meat-offering. They were usually substitutes for other offerings (comp. Lev, V. 11 ; Num. v. 15). Mebtuma'i. lQ this form appears, in one pas sage only (2 Sam. xxiii. 27), the name of one of David's guard, who is elsewhere called Sibbechai (2 Sam. xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. xx. 4) or Sibbeoai (1 Chr. xi. 29, xxvii.' 11) in the A. V. The reading " Sibbechai " is evidently the true one. Meche'rathite, The, that is, the native or in habitant of a place called Mecherah (1 Chr. xi. 36). In the parallel list of 2 Sam. xxiii. the name appeai-s, with other variations, as "the Maacha- thite" (ver. 34). Kennicott concludes that the latter is the more correct. Me'daba, the Greek form of the name Medeba (1 Mace. ix. 36). Me'dad. [Eldad and Medad.] Me'dan, a son of Abraham and Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), whose name and descendants have not been traced beyond this record. It has 2 M 2 532 MEDEBA been supposed, from the similarity of the name, that the tribe descended from Medan was more closely allied to Midian than by mere blood-rela tion, and that it was the same as, or a portion of, the latter. There is, however, no ground for this theory beyond its plausibility. The mention of " Ishmaelite " as a convertible term with " Mi di anite," irr Gen. xxxvii. 28, 36, is remarkable ; but the Midianite of the A. V. in ver, 36 is Medanite in the Hebrew. Me'deba, a town on the eastern side of Jordan. Medeba is first alluded to in the fragment of a popular song of the time of the conquest, pre served in Num. xxi. (see ver. 30). Here it seems to denote the limit of the territory of Heshbon. It next occurs in the enumeration of the country divided amongst the Transjordanic tribes (Josh. xiii. 9), as giving its name to a district of level downs called " the Mishor of Medeba," or " the Mishor on Medeba." This district fell within the allotment of JReuben (ver. 16). At the time of the conquest Medeba belonged to the Amorites, apparently one of the towns taken from Moab by them. When we next encounter it, four centuries later, it is again in the hands ofthe Moabites, or which is nearly the same thing, ofthe Ammonites (1 Chr. xix. 7), In the time of Ahaz Medeba was a sanctuary of Moab (Is. xv;. 2). In the Macca baean times it had returned into the hands ofthe Amorites, who seem most probably intended by the obscure word Jambei in 1 Mace. ix. 36. About 110 B.C. it was taken after a long siege by John Hyrcanus. Medeba has retained its name down to our own times. To Eusebius and Jerome it was evidently known. In Christian times it was a noted bishopric of the patriarchate of " Becerra, or Bitira Arabiae." It is in the pastoral district of the Belka, which probably answers to the Mishor of the Hebrews, 4 miles S.E. of Heshbon, and like it lying on a rounded but rocky hill. Medes (Heb. madai), one of the most powerful nations of Western Asia in the times anterior to the establishment of the kingdom of Cyrus, and one of the most important tribes composing that kingdom. The title by which they appear to have known, themselves was Mada.—l. Primitive His tory. — It may be gathered from the mention of the Medes, by Moses, among the races descended from Japhet,' that they were a nation of very high antiquity ; and it is in accordance with this view that we find a notice of them in the primitive Babylonian history of Berosus, who says that the Medes conquered Babylon at a very remote period (circ. B.C. 2458), and that eight Median monarchs reigned there consecutively, over a space of 224 years. There are independent grounds for thinking that an Aryan element existed in the population of the Mesopotamian valley, side by side with the Cushite and Shemitic elements, at h very early date. It is therefore not at all impossible that the Medes may have been the predominant race there tor a time, as Berosus states, and may afterwards have been overpowered and driven to the moun tains.— 2. Connexion with Assyria. — The deepest obscurity hangs, however, over the whole history of the" Medes from the time of their bearing sway in Babylonia (b.c. 2458-2234) to their first appear ance in the cuneiform inscriptions among the enemies of Assyria, about B.C. 880. They then inhabit a portion of the region wliich bone their name down to the Mahometan conquest of Persia; but whether MEDES they were recent immigrants into it, or had held it from a remote antiquity, is uncertain. However this was, it is certain that at first, and for along series of years, they were very inferior in power to the great empire established upon their flank. They were under no general or centralised govern ment, but consisted of various petty tribes, each ruled by its chief, whose dominion was over a single small town and perhaps a few villages. The Assyrian monarchs ravaged their lands at pleasure, and took tribute from their chiefs ; while the Medes could in no way retaliate upon their anta gonists. Media, however, was strong enough, and stubborn enough, to maintain her nationality throughout the whole period of the Assyrian swav, and was never absorbed into the empire.— 3. Me dian History of Herodotus. — Herodotus represents the decadence of Assyria as greatly accelerated by a formal revolt of the Medes, following upon a period of contented subjection, and places this revolt more than 218 years before the battle of Marathon, or a little before B.C. 708. Ctesias placed the commencement of Median independence as far back as B.C. 875. No one now defends this latter statement, which alike contradicts the He brew records and the native documents. According to Herodotus the Medes, when they first shook off the yoke, established no government. Quarrels were settled by arbitration, and a certain Deioces, having obtained a reputation in this way, con trived after a while to get himself elected sovereign. He was succeeded by his son Phraortes, an ambi tious prince, who directly after his accession began a career of conquest, reduced nation after nation, and finally perished in an expedition against Assyria, after he had reigned 22 years. Cyaxares, ¦ the son of Phraortes, then mounted the throne. After a desperate struggle during eight-and-twenty years with the Scythians, Cyaxares succeeded in recovering his former empire, whereupon he re sumed the projects which their invasion had made him temporarily abandon. He conquered the Assyrians, and engaged in a war with Alyattes, king of Lydia, the father of Croesus, with whom he long maintained a stubborn contest. This war was terminated at length by the formation of an alliance between the two powers. Cyaxares, soon after this, died, having reigned in all 40 years. He was succeeded by his son Astyages.— 4. Its imperfections. — Such is, in outline, the Median History of Herodotus. It has been accepted, as authentic by most modem writers. That the story of Deioces is a romance has been acknow ledged. That the chronological dates are improb able, and even contradictory, has been a frequent subject of complaint. Recently it has been shown that the whole scheme of dates is artificial, _ and that the very names of the kings, except in a single instance, are unhistorical. The cuneiform records of Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esar-haddon clearly show that the Median kingdom did not commence so early as Herodotus imagined. These three princes, whose reigns cover the space ex tending from B.C. 720 to B.C. 660, all carried their arms deep into Media, and found it, not under the dominion of a single powerful monarch, but under the rule of a vast numbei* of petty chieftains. It cannot have been till near the middle of the 7th century B.C. that the Median kingdom was consolidated, and became formidable to its neighbours. How this change was accomplished is MEDES uncertain: the most probable supposition would seem to be, that about this time a fresh Aryan im migration took place from the countries east of the Caspian, and that the leader of the immigrants established his authority over the scattered tribes of his race, who had been settled previously in the district between the Caspian and Mount Zagros. There is good reason to believe that this leader was the great Cyaxares. The Deioces and Phraortes of Herodotus are thus removed from the list of histor ical personages altogether.— 5. Development of Median power, and formation of the Empire. — It is evident that the development of Median power proceeded pari passu with the decline of Assyria, of which it was in part an effect, in part a cause. Cyaxares must have been contemporary with the later years of that Assyrian monarch who passed the greater portion of his time in hunting expedi tions in Susiana. In order to consolidate a powerful kingdom in the district east of Assyria, it was necessary to bring into subjection a number of Scythic tribes. The struggle with these tribes may be the real event represented in Herodotus by the Scythic war of Cyaxares, or possibly his nar rative may contain a still larger amount of truth. His capture of Nineveh and conquest of Assyria are facts which no scepticism can doubt ; and the date of the capture may be fixed with tolerable certainty to the year B.C. 625. It was undoubtedly after this that Cyaxares endeavoured to conquer Lydia. It is surprising that he failed, more espe cially as he seems to have been accompanied by the forces of the Babylonians, who were perhaps com manded by Nebuchadnezzar on the occasion.— 6. Extent of the Empire. — The limits of the Median Empire cannot be definitely fixed. From north to south its extent was in no place great, since it was certainly confined between the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates on the one side, the Black and Caspian Seas on the other. From east to west it had, however, a wide expansion, since it reached from the Halys at least as far as the Caspian Gates, and possibly further. It was separated from Baby lonia either by the Tigris, or more probably by a line running about half-way between that river and the Euphrates. Its greatest length may be reckoned at 1500 miles from N.W. to S.E., and its average breadth at 400 or 450 miles. Its area would thus be about 600,000 square miles, or somewhat greater than that of modern Persia. — 7. Its cha racter. — With regard to the nature of the govern ment established by the Medes over the conquered nations, we possess but little trustworthy evidence. Herodotus in one place compares, somewhat vaguely, the Median with the Persian system (i. 134) ; but on the whole it is perhaps most probable that the Assyrian organization was continued by the Medes, the subject-nations retaining their native monarchs, and merely acknowledging subjection by the pay ment of an annual tribute. This seems certainly to have been the case in Persia. The satrapial organization was apparently a Persian invention, begun by Cyrus, continued by Cambyses, his son, but firet adopted as the regular governmental system by Darius Hystaspis.— 8. Its duration. — Of all the ancient Oriental monarchies the Median was the shortest in duration. It commenced, as we have seen, after the middle of the 7th century B.C., and it terminated B.C. 558 9. Its final overthrow. — The conquest of the Medes by a sister-Iranic race, the Persians, under their native MEDES 533 monarch Cyrus, is another of those indisputable facts of remote history, which make the inquirer feel that he sometimes attains to solid ground iis these difficult investigations. After many partial engagements, a great battle was fought between the two armies, and the result was the complete defeat of the Medes, and the capture of their king, Astyages, by Cyrus. — 10. Position of Media under Persia. — The treatment of the Medes by the vic torious Persians was not that of an ordinary con quered nation. According to some writers (as Herodotus and Xenophon) there was a close rela tionship between Cyrus and the last Median mo narch, who was therefore naturally treated with more than common tenderness. The two nations were closely akin; they had the same Aryan or Iranic origin, the same early traditions, the same language, nearly the same religion, and ultimately the same manners and customs, dress, and general mode of life. Medes were advanced to stations of high honour and importance under Cyras and his successors. The Median capital was at first the chief royal residence. On the first convenient opportunity Media rebelled, elevating to the throne a cei'tain Phraortes (Frawartish). Darius Hystaspis, in whose reign this rebellion took place, had great difficulty in suppressing it. —11, Internal divisions. According to Herodotus the Median natioii was divided into six tribes, called Busae, the Pare- taceni, the Struchates, the Arizanti, the Budii, and the Magi. It is doubtful, however, in what sense these are to be considered as ethnic divisions. We may perhaps assume, from the order of Herodotus' list, that the Busae, Paretaceni, Struchates, and Arizanti were true Medes, of genuine Aryan de scent, while the Budii and Magi were foreigners admitted into the nation.— 12. Beligion.- — -The original religion of the Medes must undoubtedly have been that simple creed which is placed before us in the earlier portions of the Zendavesta. Its peculiar' characteristic was Dualism, the belief in the existence of two opposite principles of good and evil, nearly if not quite on a par with one another. Ormazd and Ahriman were both self-caused and self-existeut, both indestructible, both potent to work their will. Besides Ormazd, the Aryans worshipped the Sun and Moon, under the names of Mithra and Homa ; and they believed in the existence of numerous spirits or genii, some good, some bad, the subjects and ministers respectively ot the two powers of Good and Evil. Their migra tion brought them into contact with the fire- worshippers of Armenia and Mount Zagros, among whom Magism had been established from a remote antiquity. The result was either a combination of the two religions, or in some cases an actual con version of. the conquerors to the faith and worship of the conquered. So far as can be gathered from the scanty materials in our possession, the latter was the case with the Medes. — 13. Manners, customs, and national character. — The customs of the Medes are said to have nearly resembled those of their neighbours, the Armenians and the Per sians ; but they were regarded as the inventors, their neighbours as the copyists. They were brave and warlike, excellent riders, and remarkably skilful with the bow. The flowing robe, so well known from the Persepolitan sculptures, was their native dress, and was certainly among the points for which the Persians were beholden to them. As troops they were considered little inferior to tho native 534 MEDIA Median Dress. (From Monuments.) Persians, next to whom they were usually ranged in the battle-field.— 14. References to the Medes in Scripture. — The references to the Medes in the canonical Scriptures are not very numerous, but they are striking. We first hear of certain " cities of the Medes," in which the captive Israelites were placed by " the king of Assyria " on the destruction of Sa maria, B.C. 721 (2 K. xvii. 6, xviii. 11). This implies the subjection of Media to Assyria at the time of Shalmaneser, or of Sargon, his suc cessor, and accords very closely with the account given by the latter of cei'tain military colonies which he planted in the Median country. Soon afterwards Isaiah pro phecies the part which the Medes shall take in the destruction of Ba bylon (Is. xiii. 17, xxi. 2) ; which is again still more distinctly declared by Jeremiah (li. 11 and 28), who sufficiently in dicates the independence of Media in his day (xxv. 25). Daniel relates the fact of the Medo-Persic conquest (v. 28, 31), giving an account of the reign of Darius the Mede, who appears to have been made viceroy by Cyras (vi. 1-28). In Ezra we have a mention of Achmetha (Ecbatana), " the palace in the province of the Medes," where the decree of Cyrus was found (vi. 2-5) — a notice which accords with the known facts that the Median capital was the seat of government under Cyrus, but a royal residence only and not the seat of government under Darius Hystaspis. FinaUy, in Esther, the high rank of Media under the Persian kings, yet at the same time its subord inate position, are marked by the frequent com bination of the two names in phrases of honour, the precedency being in every case assigned to the Persians. In the Apocrypha the Medes .occupy a more prominent place. The chief scene of one whole book (Tobit) is Media ; and in another (Judith) a very striking portion of the narrative belongs to the same country. The mention of Rhages in both narratives as a Median town and region of importance is geographically correct; and it is historically true that Phraortes suffered his overthrow in the Ehagian district. Me'dia, a country the general situation of which is abundantly clear, though its limits may not be capable of being precisely determined. Media lay north-west of Persia Proper, south and south-west of the Caspian, east of Armenia and Assyria, west and north-west of the great salt desert of Iram. Its greatest length was from north to south, and in this direction it extended from the 32nd to the 40th parallel, a distance of 550 miles. In width it reached from about long. 45® to 53°; but its average breadth was not more than from 250 to 300 miles. Its area may be reckoned at about MEDICINE 150,000 square miles, or three-fourths cf that of modern France. It comprised the modern provinces of Irak Ajemi, Persian Kurdistan, part of Zm- ristan, Azerbijan, perhaps Talish and Ghilan, but not Mazanderan or Asterabad. The division of Media commonly recognised by the Greeks and Ro mans was that into Media Magna, and Media Atro- patene. 1 . Media Atropatene corresponded nearly to the modern Azerbijan, being the tract situated between the Caspian and the mountains which run north from Zagros, and consisting mainly of the rich and fertile basin of Lake Urumiyeh, with the valleys of the Aras and the Sefid Bud. The ancient Atropatene may have included also the countries of Ghilan and Talish, together with the plain of Moghan at the mouth of the combined Eur and Aras rivers. 2. Media Magna lay south and east of Atropatene. It contained great part of Kurd istan and Luristan, with all Ardelan and Irak Ajemi. The character of this tract is very varied. It is indicative ofthe division, that there were two Ecbatanas — one, the northern, at Takht-i-Suleiman: the other, the southern, at Hamadan, on the flanks of Mount Orontes (Elwand) — respectively the ca pitals of the two districts. Next to the two Ecba tanas, the chief town in Media was undoubtedly Rhages — the Baga of the inscriptions. The only other place of much note was Bagistana, the modern Behistun, which guarded the chief pass connecting Media with the Mesopotamian plain. Me'dian. Darius, " the son of Ahasuerus, of the seed of the Medes " (Dan. ix. 1) or " the Mede" (si. 1), is thus described in Dan. v. 31. Medicine. I. Next to care for food, clothing, and shelter, the curing of hurts takes precedence even amongst savage nations. At a later period comes the treatment of sickness, and recognition of states of disease ; and these mark a nascent civiliza tion. From the most ancient testimonies, sacred and secular, Egypt, fi-om whatever cause, though perhaps from necessity, was foremost among the nations in this most human of studies purely phy sical. Egypt was the earliest home of medical ana other skill for the region of the Mediterranean basin, and every Egyptian mummy of the more expensive and elaborate sort, involved a process of anatomy. Still we have no trace of any philosophical or ra tional system of Egyptian origin ; and medicine in Egypt was a mere art or profession. Of science the Asclepiadae of Greece were the true originators. Hippocrates, who wrote a book on " Ancient Medi cine," and who seems to have had many opportu nities of access to foreign sources, gives no promi nence to Egypt. Compared with the wild countries around them, at any rate, the Egyptians must have seemed incalculably advanced. Representations of early Egyptian surgery apparently occur on some of the monuments 'Of Beni-Hassan. Flint knives used for embalming have been recovered — the " Ethi- opic stone " of Herodotus (ii. 86 ; comp. Ex. iv. 25) was probably either black flint or agate ; and those who have assisted at the opening of a mummy have noticed that the teeth exhibited a dentistry not inferior in execution to the work of the best modern experts. This confirms the statement of Herodotus that every part of the bodv was studied by a distinct practitioner. (Pliny vii. 57) asserts that the Egyp tians claimed the invention of the healing art, and (xxvi. 1) thinks them subject to many diseases. Their " many medicines " are mentioned (Jer. xlvi. 11). Athothmes II., king of the country, is said to MEDICINE have written on the subject of anatomy. The various recipes known tfi have been beneficial were recorded, with their peculiar cases, in the memoirs of physic, inscribed among the laws, and deposited in the principal temples of the place (Wilkinson, iii. 396, 397). The reputation of its practitioners in historical times was such that both Cyrus and Darius sent to Egypt for physicians or surgeons. Of midwifery we have a distinct notice (Ex. i. 15), and of women as its practitioners, which fact may also be verified from the sculptures. The physicians had salaries from the public treasury, and treated always according to established precedents, or de viated from these at their peril, in case of a fatal termination ; if, however, the patient died under accredited treatment no blame was attached. The Egyptians who lived in the corn-growing region are said by Herodotus (ii. 77) to have been specially attentive to health. The practice of circumcision is traceable on monuments certainly anterior to the age of Joseph. Its beneficial effects in the temperature of Egypt and Syria have often been noticed, espe cially as a preservative of cleanliness, &c. The scrupulous attention paid to the dead was favour able to the health of the living. But, to pursue to later times this merely general question, it appears that the Ptolemies themselves practised dissection, and that, at a period, when Jewish intercourse with Egypt was complete and reciprocal, there existed in Alexandria a great zeal for anatomical study. In comparing the growth of medicine in the rest of the ancient world, the high rank of its practitioners — princes and heroes — settles at once the question as to the esteem in which it was held in the Ho meric and pre-Homerio period. To descend to the historical, the story of Democedes at the court of Darius illustrates the practice of Greek surgery hefore the period of Hippocrates. The Dogmatic school was founded after the time of Hippocrates by his disciples, who departed from his eminently practical and inductive method. The empirical school, which arose in the third century B.C., under the guidance of Acron of Agrigentum, Serapion of Alexandria, and Philinus of Cos, waited for the symptoms of every case, disregarding the rales of practice based on dogmatic principles. This school was opposed by another, known as the Methodic, which had arisen under the leading of Tbemison, also of Laodicea, about the period of Pompey the Great. Asclepiades paved the way for the " method" in question, finding a theoretic basis in the corpus cular or atomic theory of physics which he borrowed from Heiaclides of Pontus. He was a transitional link between the Dogmatic and Empiric schools and this later or Methodic, which sought to rescue medicine from the bewildering mass of particulars in which empiricism had plunged it. It is clear that all these schools may easily have contributed to form the medical opinions current at the period of the N. T., and that the two earlier among them may have influenced Rabbinical teaching on that subject at a much earlier period.— II. Having thus de scribed the external influences which, if any, were probably most influential in forming the medical practice of the Hebrews, we may trace next its in ternal growth. The cabalistic legends mix up the names of Shem and Heber in their fables about healing, and ascribe to those patriarchs a knowledge of simples und rare, roots, with, of course, magic spells and occult powers. So to Abraham is ascribed a talisman, the touch of which healed all disease. MEDICINE 535 The only notices which Scripture affords in con nexion with the subject are the cases of difficult midwifery in the successive households of Isaac, Jacob, and Judah (Gen. xxv. 26, xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 27), and so, later, in that of Phinehas (1 Sam. iv. 19). The traditional value ascribed to the man drake, in regard to generative functions, relates to the same branch of natural medicine; but through out this period occurs no trace of any attempt to study, digest, and systematise the subject. As Israel grew and multiplied in Egypt, they derived doubtless a large mental cultivation from their po sition until cruel policy turned it into bondage. But, if we admit Egyptian learning as an ingre dient, we should also notice how far exalted above it is the standard of the whole Jewish legislative fabric, in its exemption from the blemishes of sorcery and juggling pretences. We have no occult practices reserved in the hands of the sacred caste. Nor was the practice of physic a privilege of the Jewish priesthood. Any one might practise it, and this publicity must have kept it pure. Nay, there was no scriptural bar to its practice by resident aliens. We read of " physicians," " healing," &c, in Ex. xxi. 19; 2 K. viii. 29; 2 Chr. xvi. 12; Jerem. viii. 22. At the same time the greater leisure of the Levites and their other advantages would make them the students of the nation, as a rule, in all science, and their constant residence in cities would give them the opportunity, if carried out in fact, of a far wider field of observation. The reign of peace of Solomon's days must have opened, especially with renewed Egyptian intercourse, new facilities for the study. He himself seems to have included in his favourite natural history some know ledge of the medicinal uses of the creatures. His works show him conversant with the notion of re medial treatment (Prov. iii. 8, vi. 15, xii. 18, xvii. 22, xx. 30, xxix. 1 ; Eccles. iii. 3) ; and one passage indicates considerable knowledge of anatomy. His repute in magic is the universal theme of eastern story. The dealings of various prophets with quasi- medical agency cannot be regarded as other than the mere accidental form which their miraculous gifts took (1 K. xiii. 6, xiv. 12, xvii. 17 ; 2 K. i. 4, xx. 7 ; Is. xxxviii. 21). Jewish tradition has in vested Elisha, it would seem, with a function more largely medicinal than that of the other servants of God ; but the Scriptural evidence on the point is scanty, save that he appears to have known at once the proper means to apply to heal the waters, and temper the noxious pottage (2 K. ii. 21, iv. 39-41). The sickness of Benhadad is cei'tainly so described as to imply treachery on the part of Hazael (2 K. viii. 15). Yet the observation of Bruce, upon a " cold-water cure " practised among the people near the Red Sea, has suggested a view somewhat different. The bed-clothes are soaked with cold water, and kept thoroughly wet, and the patient drinks cold water freely. But the crisis, it seems, occurs oi the third day, and not till the fifth is it there usual to apply this treatment. If the chamberlain, through carelessness, ignorance, or treachery, precipitated the application, a fatal issue may have suddenly resulted. The statement that King Asa (2 Chr. xvi. 12^ "sought not to Jehovah but to the phy sicians, ' may seem to countenance the notion that a rivalry of actual worship, based on some medical fancies, had been set up. The captivity at Babylon brought the Jews in contact with a new sphere of thought. We know too little of the precise state 536 MEDICINE of medicine in Babylon, Susa, and the " cities of the Medes,1' to determine the direction in which the impulse so derived would have led the exiles. The book of Ecclesiasticus shows the increased regard given to the distinct study of medicine, by the re peated mention of physicians, &c, which it con tains, and which, as probably belonging to the period of the Ptolemies, it might be expected to show. The wisdom of prevention is recognised in Ecclus. xviii. 19, perhaps also in x. 10. Rank and honour are said to be the portion of the physician, and his office to be from the Lord (xxxviii. 1, 3, 12). The repeated allusions to sickness in vii. 35, xxx. 17, xxxi. 22, xxxvii. 30, xxxviii. 9, coupled with the former recognition of merit, have caused some to suppose that this author was himself a physician. In Wisd. xvi. 12, plaister is spoken of; anointing, as a means of healing, in Tob. vi. 8. To bring down the subject to the period of the N. T. St. Luke, " the beloved physician," who practised at Antioch whilst the body was his care, could hardly have failed to be conversant with all the leading opinions current down to his own time. Situated between the great schools of Alexandria and Cilicia, within an easy sea-transit of both, as Well as of the western homes of science, Antioch enjoyed a more central position than any great city of the ancient world, and in it accordingly all the streams of con temporary medical learning may have probably found a point of confluence. The medicine and surgery of St. Luke were probably not inferior to those commonly in demand among educated Asiatic Greeks, and must have been, as regards their basis, Greek and not Jewish. Hence a standard Gentile medical writer, if any is to be found of that period, would best represent the profession to which the evangelist belonged. Without absolute cer tainty as to date, we seem to have such a writer in Aretaeus, commonly called " the Cappadocian," who wrote cei'tainly after Nero's reign began, and pro bably flourished shortly before and after the decade in which St. Paul reached Rome and Jerusalem fell. If he were of St. Luke's age, it is striking that he should also be perhaps the only ancient medical authority in favour of demoniacal posses sion as a possible account of epilepsy. Assuming the date above indicated, he may be taken as ex pounding the medical practice of the Asiatic Greeks in the latter half of the first century. There is, however, much of strongly marked individuality in his work, more especially in the minute verbal por traiture of disease. As the general science of me dicine and surgery of this period may be represented by Aretaeus, so We have nearly a representation of its Materia Medica by Dioscorides. He too was of the same general region — a Cilician Greek — and his first lessons were probably learnt at Tarsus. His period is tinged by the same uncertainty as that of Aretaeus ; but he has usually been assigned to the end of the 1st or beginning of the 2nd cen tury. Before proceeding to the examination of dis eases in detail, it may be well to observe that the question of identity between any ancient malady known by description, and any modern one known by experience, is often doubtful. Some diseases, just as some plants and some animals, will exist almost anywhere; others can only be produced within narrow limits depending on the conditions of climate, habit, &c. Eruptive diseases of the acute kind are more prevalent in the East than in colder climes. They also run their course more MEDICINE rapidly. Disease of various kinds is commonly re garded as a divine infliction, or denounced as a penalty for transgression ; " the evil diseases of Egypt" are especially so characterised (Gen, xx. 18 ; Ex. xv. 26 ; Lev. xxvi. 16 ; Deut. vii. 15, xxviii. 60 ; 1 Cor. xi. 30) ; so the emerods of the Philistines (1 Sam. v. 6); the severe dysentery (2 Chr. xxi. 15, 19) of Jehoram, wliich was also epidemic ; so the sudden deaths of Er, Onan (Gen. xxxviii. 7, 10), the Egyptian first-bom (Ex. ii, 4, 5), Nabal, Bathsheba's son, and Jeroboam's (1 Sam. xxvi 38; 2 Sam. xii. 15; IK. xiv. 1, 5), aie ascribed to the action of Jehovah immediately, or through a prophet. Pestilence (Hab. iii. 5) attends His path (comp. 2 Sam. xxiv. 15), and is innoxious to those whom He shelters (Ps. xci. 3-10). It is by Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Amos associated (as his torically in 2 Sam. xxiv. 13) with "the sword" and "famine" (Jer. xiv. 12, xv. 2, xxi. 7, 9, &c. ; Ez. v. 12, 17, vi. 11, 12, &c. ; Am. iv. 6, 10). The sicknesses of the widow's son of Zarephath, of Ahaziah, Benhadad, the leprosy of Uzziah, the boil of Hezekiah, are also noticed as diseases sent by Je hovah, or in which He interposed, 1 K. xvii. 17, 20 ; 2 K. i. 3, xx. 1. In 2 Sam. iii. 29, disease is invoked as a curse, and in Solomon's prayer, 1 K. viii. 37 (comp. 2 Chr. xx. 9), anticipated as a chas tisement. Satanic agency appears also as procuring disease (Job ii. 7 ; Luke xiii. 11, 16). Diseases are also mentioned as ordinary calamities. Among special diseases named in the O. T. are, ophthalmia (Gen. xxix. 17), which is perhaps more common in Syria and Egypt than anywhere else in the world ; especially in the fig season, the juice of the newly- ripe fruit having the power of giving it. It may occasion partial or total blindness (2 K. vi. 18). The eye-salve (Rev. iii. 1 8), was a remedy common to Orientals, Greeks, and Romans. Other diseases are — barrenness of women, which mandrakes were supposed to have the power of correcting (Gen. xx. 18; comp. xii. 17, xxx. 1, 2, 14-16) — "consump tion," and several, the names of which are derived from various words, signifying to burn or to be hot (Lev. xxvi. 16 ; Deut. xxviii. 22). The " burning boil," or " of a boil " (Lev. xiii. 23) is again merely marked by the notion of an effect resembling that of fire, like our " carbuncle ;" it may possibly find an equivalent in the Damascus boil of the present time. The " botch {shechin) of Egypt " (Deut. xxviii. 27), is so vague a term as to yield a most uncertain sense ; the plague, as known by its attend ant bubo, has been suggested by Scheuchzer. It is possible that the Elephantiasis Graecorum may be intended by shechin. Of this disease some further notice will be taken below ; at present it is observ able that the same word is used to express the " boil " of Hezekiah . Dr. Mead supposes it to have been a fever terminating in an abscess. The diseases rendered " scab " and " scurvy " in Lev. xxi. 20, xxii. 22, Deut. xxviii. 27, may be almost any skin disease. Some of these may 'be said to approach the type of leprosy. The "issue" of xv. 19, may be tlie monorrhagia, or uterine hemorrhage from other causes. In Deut. xxviii. 35, is mentioned a disease attacking the " knees and legs," consisting in a "sore botch which cannot be healed," but ex tended, in the sequel of the verse, from the " sole of the foot to the top of the head." The latter part of the quotation would certainly accord with Elephantiasis Graecorum. On the other hand, a disease which affects the knees and legs, or mote MEDICINE commonly one of them only — is by a mere accident of language known as Elephantiasis Arabum, Bucne- mia Tropica, or " Barbadoes Leg," from being well known in that island. The Elephantiasis Graecorum is what now passes under the name of " leprosy " — the lepers e. g. of the huts near the Zion gate of modern Jerusalem are elephantiasiacs. lt has been asserted that there are two kinds, one painful, the other painless ; but as regards Syria and the East this is contradicted. There the parts affected are quite benumbed and lose sensation. It is classed as a tubercular disease, not confined to the skin, but pervading the tissues and destroying the bones. It is not confined to any age or either sex. It first appears in general, but not always, about the face, as an indurated nodule (hence it is improperly called tubercular), which gradually enlarges, inflames, and ulcerates. If a joint be attacked, the ulceration will go on till its destruction is complete, the joints of ringer, toe, &c, dropping off one by one. If the face be the chief seat of the disease, it assumes a leonine aspect, loathsome and hideous ; the skin be comes thick, rugose, and livid; the eyes are fierce and staring, and the hair generally falls off from all the parts affected. When the throat is attacked the voice shares the affection, and sinks to a hoarse, husky whisper. These two symptoms are emin ently characteristic. It is hereditary, and may be inoculated, but does not propagate itself by the closest contact. This favours the correspondence of this disease with one of those evil diseases of Egypt, possibly its " botch," threatened Deut. xxviii. 27, 35. This "botch," however, seems more probably to mean the foul ulcer mentioned by Aretaeus. It has been asserted that this, which is perhaps the most dreadful disease of the East, was Job's malady. Origen mentions, that one of the Greek versions gives it as the affliction which befel him. Wunderbar supposes it to have been the Tyrian leprosy, resting chiefly on the itching implied, as he supposes, by Job ii. 7, 8. Schmidt thinks the " sore boil " may indicate some graver disease, or concurrence of diseases. But there is no need to go beyond the statement of Scripture. The disease of king Antiochus (2 Mace. ix. 5-10, &c.) is that of a boil breeding worms. There is some doubt whether this disease be not allied to phthiriasis, in which lice are bred, and cause ulcers. In Deut. xxviii. 65, it is possible that a palpitation of the heart is intended to be spoken of (comp. Gen. xiv. 26). In Mark xi. 17 (compare Luke ix. 38) we have an apparent case of epilepsy. Besides the common injuries of wounding, bruising, striking out the eye, tooth, &c, we have in Ex. xxi. 22, the case of mis carriage produced by a blow, push, &c, damaging the fetus. The plague of "boils and blains" is not said to have been fatal to man, as the murrain preceding was to cattle; this alone would seem to contradict the notion of Shapter, that the disorder in question was smallpox. The expression of Ex. ix. 10, a "boil" flourishing, or ebullient with blains, may perhaps be a disease analogous to phlegmonous erysipelas, or even common erysipelas. The " withered hand " of Jeroboam (1 K. xiii. 4-6), and of the man, Matt. xii. 10-13 (comp. Luke vi. 10), is such an effect as is known to follow from the obliteration of the main artery of any member, or from paralysis of the principal nerve, either through disease or through injury. The case of the widow's son restored by Elisha (2 K. iv. 19), was probably one of sunstroke. The disease of Asa MEDICINE 537 " in his feet w which attacked him in his old age (1 K. xv. 23 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 12) and became exceeding great, may have been either oedema, swelling, or podagra, gout. In 1 Mace. vi. 8, occurs a mention of " sickness of grief;" in Ecclus. xxxvii. 30, of sickness caused by excess, which require only a passing mention. The disease of Nebuchadnezzar has been viewed by Jahn as a mental and purely subjective malady. It is not easy to see how this satisfies the plain emphatic statement of Dan. iv. 33, which seems to include, it is true, mental de rangement, but to assert a degraded bodily state to some extent, and a corresponding change of habits. We may regard it as Mead, following Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, does, as a species of the melancholy known as Lycanthropia. Persons so affected wander like wolves in sepulchres by nie;ht, and imitate the howling of a wolf or a dog. Here should be noticed the mental malady of Saul, His melancholy seems to have had its origin in his sin. Music, which soothed him for a while, has entered largely into the milder modern treatment of lunacy. The palsy meets us in the N. T. only, and in fea tures too familiar to need special remark. Gan grene, or mortification in its various forms, is a totally different disorder from the " canker " of the A, V. in 2 Tim. ii. 17. Both gangrene and cancer were common in all the countries familiar to the Scriptural writers, and neither differs from the modern disease of the same name. In Is. xxvi. 18 ; Ps. vii. 14, there seems an allusion to false conception. Poison, as a means of destroying life, hardly occurs in the Bible, save as applied to arrows (Job vi. 4). In the annals of the Herods poisons occur as the resource of stealthy murder. The bite or sting of venomous beasts can hardly be treated as a disease; but in connexion with the "fiery (i. e. venomous) serpents" of Num. xxi. 6, and the deliverance from death of those bitten, it deserves a notice. The brazen figure was symbolical only. It was customary to consecrate the image of the affliction, either in its cause or in its effect, as in the golden emerods, golden mice, of 1 Sam. vi. 4, 8, and in the ex-votos common in Egypt even before the exodus ; and these may be compared with this setting up of the brazen serpent. The scorpion and centipede are natives of the Levant (Rev. ix. 5, 10), and, with a large variety of serpents, swarm there. To these, according to Lichtenstein, should be added a venomous solpuga, or large spider, similar to the Calabrian Tarantula. The disease of old age has acquired a place in Biblical nosology chiefly owing to the elegant allegory into which " The Preacher " throws the successive tokens of the ravage of time on man (Eccl. xii.). The course of decline is marked in metaphor by the darkening ofthe great lights of nature, and the ensuing period of life is compared to the broken weather of the wet season, setting in when summer is gone, when after every shower fresh clouds are in the sky, as contrasted with the showers of other seasons, which pass away into clearness. The "keepers of the house" are perhaps the ribs which support the frame, or the arms and shoulders which enwrap and protect it. The " strong men" are its supporters, the lower limbs "bowing themselves" under the weight they once so lightly bore. The " grinding " hardly needs to be explained of the teeth now be come "few." The "lookers from the windows" are the pupils of the eyes, now " darkened." The " doors shut" represent the dulness of those other 53S MEDICINE senses which are the portals of knowledge. The "rising up at the voice of a bird" portrays the light, soon-fleeting, easily-broken slumber of the aged man ; or possibly, and more literally, actual waking in the early morning, when first the cock crows, may be intended. The "daughters of music brought low," suggest the •" big manly voice Now turn'd again to childish, treble ;" and also, as illustrated by Barzillai, the failure in the discernment and the utterance of musical notes. The fears of old age are next noticed: " They shall be afraid of that which is high ;" an obscure expression, perhaps, for what are popularly called " nervous " terrors, exaggerating and magnify ing every object of alarm. "Fear in the way" is at first less obvious; but we observe that nothing unnerves and agitates an old person more than the prospect of a long jom-ney. Thus regarded, it be comes a fine and subtile touch in the description of decrepitude. All readiness to haste is arrested and a numb despondency succeeds. The " flourishing " of " the almond-tree " is still more obscure ; but we observe this tree in Palestine blossoming when others show no sign of vegetation, and when it is dead winter all around — no ill type, perhaps, of the old man who has survived his own contemporaries and many of his juniors. Youthful lusts die out, and their organs, of which " the grasshopper " is per haps a figure, are relaxed. The "silver cord" may be that of nervous sensation, or motion, or even the spinal marrow itself. Perhaps some incapacity of retention may be signified by the " golden bowl broken ;" the " pitcher broken at the well " suggests some vital supply stopping at the usual source — derangement perhaps of the digestion or of the respiration; the "wheel shivered at the cistern," conveys, through the image of the water-liftiDg process familiar in irrigation, the notion of the blood, pumped as it were, through the vessels, and fertilising the whole system ; for " the blood is the life." This careful register of the tokens of decline might lead us to expect great care for the preserva tion of health aud strength ; and this indeed is found to mark the Mosaic system, in the regulations con cerning diet, the " divers washings," and the pollu tion imputed to a corpse — nay, even in circumcision itself. These served not only the ceremonial pur pose of imparting self-consciousness to the Hebrew, and keeping him distinct from alien admixture, but had a sanitary aspect of rare wisdom, when we regard the country, the climate, and the age. The rite of circumcision, besides its special surgical opera tion, deserves some notice in connexion with the general question of the health, longevity, and fecund ity of the race with whose history it is identified. Besides being a mark of the covenant and a symbol of purity, it was perhaps also a protest against the phallus- worship, which has a remote antiquity in the corruption of mankind, and of which we have some trace in the Egyptian myth of Osiris. Its beneficial effects in such a alimate as that of Egypt and Syria have been the subject of comment to various writers on hygiene. The operation itself consisted originally of a mere incision ; to which a further stripping off the skin from the part, and a custom of sucking the blood from the wound was in a later period added, owing to the attempts of Jews of the Maccabean period, and later (1 Mace. i. 15; comp. 1 Cor. vii. 8) to cultivate heathen practices. No surgical operation beyond this finds MEGIDDO a place in Holy Scripture, unless indeed that ad-. verted to under the article Eunuch. The Talmudists speak of two operations to assist birth. Wunderbar enumerates from the Mishna and Talmud fifty-six surgical instruments or pieces of apparatus ; of these however, the following only are at all alluded to in Scripture. A cutting instrument, supposed a " sharp-stone '' (Ex. iv. 25). The " knife" of Josh. v. 2 was probably a, more refined instrument for the same purpose. An "awl" is mentioned (Ex. xxi. 6) as used to bore through the ear ofthe bond man who refused release, and is supposed to have been a surgical instrument. A seat of delivery called in Scripture obnayim, Ex. i. 16, "the stools." The " roller to bind " of Ez. xxx. 21 was for a broken limb, as still used. A scraper, for which the "potsherd" of Job was a substitute (Job ii. 8). Ex. xxx. 23-25 is a prescription in form. An occasional trace occurs of some chemical knowledge, e. g. the calcination of the gold by Moses ; the effect of "vinegar upon natrum" (Ex. xxxii. 20; Prov. xxv. 20 ; comp. Jer. ii. 22); the mention of "the apothecary" (Ex. xxx. 35 ; Eccl. x. 1), and of the merchant in " powders " (Cant. iii. 6),showsthata distinct and important branch of trade was set up in these wares, in which, as at a modern druggist's, arti cles of luxury, &c, are combined with the remedies of sickness. Among the most favourite of external remedies has always been the bath. Besides the significance of moral purity which it carried, the use of the bath checked the tendency to become unclean by violent perspirations from within and effluvia from without ; it kept the porous system in play, and stopped the outset of mueh disease. In order to make the sanction of health more solemn, most oriental nations have enforced purificatory rites by religious mandates — and so the Jews. There were special occasions on which the bath was ceremon ially enjoined. The Pharisees and Essenes aimed at scrupulous strictness of all such rules (Matt. xv. 2 ; Mark vii. 5 ; Luke xi. 38). River-bathing was common, but houses soon began to include a bath-room (Lev. xv. 13 ; 2 K. v. 10 ; 2 Sam. xi. 2 ; Susanna 15). Vapour-baths, as among the Ro mans, were latterly included in these, as well as hot and cold-bath apparatus, and the use of per fumes and oils after quitting it was everywhere diffused. Iffe'eda = Mehida (1 Esdr. v. 32). _ _ Kegid'do was in a very marked position on the southern rim of the plain of Esdraelon, on the frontier-line, speaking generally, of the territories of the tribes of Issachar and Manasseh, and com manding one of those passes from the north into the hill-country which were of such critical import ance on various occasions in the history of Judaea (Judith iv. 7). The first mention occurs in Josh. xii. 21, where Megiddo appears as the city of one of the " thirty and one kings," or petty chieftains, whom Joshua defeated on the west of the Jordan. The song of Deborah brings tlie place vividly before us, as the scene of the great conflict between Sisera and Barak. The chariots of Sisera were gathered " unto the river of Kishon" (Judg. iv. 13) ; Barak went down with his men " from Mount Tabor into the plain (iv. 14) ; " then fought the kings of Canaan in Taanach by the waters of Megiddo (v. 19). Still we do not read of Megiddo being firmly in the occupation of the Israelites, and per haps it was not really so till the time of Solomon. But the chief historical interest of Megiddo is con- MEGIDDON, THE VALLEY OE centrated in Josiah's death. When Pharaoh-Necho came from Egypt against the king of Assyria, Josiah joined the latter, and was slain at Megiddo (2 K. xxiii. 29), and his body was carried from thence to Jerusalem (ib. 30). The story is told in the Chro nicles in more detail (2 Chr. xxxv. 22-24). There the fatal action is said to have taken place " in the valley of Megiddo." This calamity made a deep and permanent impression on the Jews. Thus, in the language of the prophets (Zech. xii. 11), "the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megid- don " becomes a poetical expression for the deepest and most despairing grief; as in the Apocalypse (Rev. xvi. 16) Armageddon, in continuance of the same imagery, is presented as the scene of terrible and final conflict. The site thus associated with critical passages of Jewish history from Joshua to Josiah has been identified beyond any reasonable doubt. Robinson did not visit this corner of the plain on his first journey, but he was brought con fidently to the conclusion that Megiddo was the modern el-Lejjun, which is undoubtedly the Legio of Eusebius and Jerome. There can be no doubt that the identification is substantially correct. El- Lejjun is on the caravan-route from Egypt to Da mascus, and traces of a Roman road are found near the village. Van de Velde describes the view of the plain as seen from the highest point between it and the sea, and the huge tells which mark the positions of the " key-fortresses " of the hills and the plain, Taanuk and el-Lejjun, the latter being the most considerable, and having another called Tell-Metzeilim, half an hour to the N.W. About a month later in the same year Dr. Robinson was there. Both writers mention a copious stream flowing down this gorge (March and April) and turning some mills before joining the Kishon. Here are probably the " waters of Megiddo " of Judg. v. 19, though it should be added that by Dr. Stanley they are supposed rather to be "the pools in the bed of the Kishon " itself. The same author regards the " plain (or valley) of Megiddo " as de noting not the whole of the Esdraelon level, but that broadest part of it which is immediately oppo site the place we are describing. Megid'don, The Valley of. The extended form of the preceding name. It occurs only in Zech. xii. 11. Mehe'tabeel. Another and less correct form of Mehetabel. The ancestor of Shemaiah the pro phet who was hired against Nehemiah by Tobiah and Sanballat (Neh. vi. 10). Mehe'tabel, the daughter of Matred, and wife of Hadad, or Hadar, the eighth and last-mentioned king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39). Me'hida, a family of Nethinim, the descendants of Mehida, returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 52 ; Neh. vii. 54). Mehi'r, the son of Chelub, the brother of Shuah (1 Chr. iv. 11). Mehol'athite, The, a word occurring once only (1 Sam. xviii. 19). It no doubt demotes that Adriel belonged to a plaee called Meholah, but whether that was Abel-Meholah afterwards the native place of Elisha, or another, is uncertain. Mehu'jael, the son of Irad, and fourth in de scent from Cain (Gen. iv. 18). MeTiuman, one of the seven eunuchs (A.V. "chamberlains") of Ahasuerus (Esth.i. 10). Me'hnnim, Ezr. ii. 50. Elsewhere called Me hunims and Meunlsi. MELCHIZEDEK 539 MeTrailims, The, a people against whom king Uzziah waged a successful war (2 Chr. xxvi. 7). Although so different in its English dress, yet the name is in the original merely the plural of Maon. Maon, or the Maonites, probably inhabited the country at the back of the great range of Seir, the modern esh-Sherah, which forms the eastern side of the Wady el-Arabah, where at the present day there is still a town of the same name. An other notice of the Mehunims in the reign of Heze kiah (cir. B.C. 726-697) is found in 1 Chr. iv. 41., Here they are spoken of as a pastoral people, either themselves Hamites, or in alliance with Hamites, quiet and peaceable, dwelling in tents. Here, how ever, the A. V. treats the word as an ordinary noun, and renders it " habitations." A third notice of the Mehunim, corroborative of those already men tioned, is found in the narrative of 2 Chr. xx. There is every reason to believe that in ver. 1 " the Ammonites" should be read as "the Maonites," who in that case are the " men of Mount Seir " mentioned later in the narrative (ver. 10, 22). In all these passages, including the last, the LXX. render the name by ol MewaToi — the Minaeans— a nation of Arabia renowned for their traffic in spices, who are named by Strabo, Ptolemy, and other ancient geographers, and whose seat is now ascertained to have been the S.W. portion of the great Arabian peninsula, the western half of the mo dern Hadramaut. The latest appearance of the name Mehunims in the Bible is in the lists of those who returned from the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 50, A. V. "Mehunim;" Neh. vii. 52, A. V. " Mennim "). Me-Jar'kon, a town in the territory of Dan (Josh. xix. 46 only) ; named next in order to Gath- rimmon, and in the neighbourhood of Joppa or Japho. Me'konah, one ofthe towns which were re-inha bited after the captivity by the men of Judah (Neh. xi. 28). It is not mentioned elsewhere, and it does not appear that any name corresponding with it has yet been discovered. Melati'ak, a Gibeonite, who assisted in rebuild ing the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 7). Mel 'chi. 1. The son of Janna, and ancestor of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 24).— 2. The son of Addi in the same genealogy (Luke iii. 21). Melchi'ah, a priest, the father of Pashur (Jer. xxi. 1). Melohi'as. 1. The same as Malchiah 2 (1 Esdr. ix. 26).— 2. = Malchiah 3 and Malchijah 4 (1 Esdr. ix. 32).— 3. The same as Malchiah 6 (1 Esdr. ix.44). Mel'chiel. Charmis, the son of Melchiel, was one of the three governors of Bethulia (Jud. vi. 15). Melchis'edec, the form of the name Melchi zedek adopted in the A. V. of the New Testament (Heb. v. vi. vii.). Mel'chi-SIiu'a, a son of Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 49, xxxi. 2). Elsewhere correctly given Malchishua. Melcbiz'edek, king of Salem and priest of the Most High God, who met Abram in the valley of Shaveh, which is the king's valley, brought out bread and wine, blessed Abram, and received tithes from him (Gen. xiv. 18-20). The other places in which Melchizedek is mentioned are Ps. ex. 4, where Messiah is described as a priest for ever, " after the order of Melchizedek," and Heb. v., vi., 540 MELCHIZEDEK vii., where these two passages of the 0. T. are quoted, and the typical relation of Melchizekek to our Lord is stated at great length. There is some thing surprising and mysterious in the first appear ance of Melchizedek, and in the subsequent reference to him. Bearing a title which Jews in after ages would recognize.as designating their own sovereign, bearing gifts which recall to Christians the Lord's Supper, this Canaanite crosses for a moment the path of Abram, and is unhesitatingly recognized as a person of higher spiritual rank than the friend of God. Disappearing as suddenly as he came in, ho is lost to the sacred writings for a thousand years. The faith of early ages ventured to invest his person with superstitious awe. Jewish tradition pro nounces Melchizedek to be a survivor of the Deluge, the patriarch Shem. It should be noted that this supposition does not appear in the Targum of Onkelos, — a presumption that it was not received by the Jews till after the Christian era — nor has it found favour with the Fathers. Equally old, perhaps, but less widely diffused, is the supposition not unknown to Augustine, and ascribed by Jerome (1. c.) to Origen and Didymus, that Melchizedek was an angel. The Fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries record with reprobation the tenet of the Melchizedekians that he was a Power, Virtue, or Influence of God, and the not less daring conjecture of Hieracas and his followers that Melchizedek was the Holy Ghost. Epiphanius mentions some mem bers of the church as holding the erroneous opinion that Melchizedek was the Son of God appealing in human form. Similar to this was a Jewish opinion that he was the Messiah. The way in which he is mentioned in Genesis would rather lead to the im mediate inference that Melchizedek was of one blood with the children of Ham, among whom he lived, chief (like the King of Sodom) of a settled Canaan itish tribe. And as Balaam was a prophet, so Melchizedek was a priest among the corrupted heathen, not self-appointed, but constituted by a special gift from God, and recognised as such by Him. The " order of Melchizedek," in Ps. ex. 4, is explained by Gesenius and Rosenmiiller to mean " manner " = likeness in official dignity = a king and priest. The relation between Melchizedek and Christ as type and antitype is made in the Ep. to the Hebrews to consist in the following parti culars. Each was a priest, (1) not of the Levitical tribe ; (2j superior to Abraham ; (3) whose begin ning and end are unknown ; (4) who is not only a priest, but also a king of righteousness and peace. Another fruitful source of discussion has been found in the site of Salem and Shaveh, wliich certainly lay in Abram's road from Hobah to the plain of Mamre, and which are assumed to be near to each other. The various theories may be briefly enumer ated as follows : — (1) Salem is supposed to have occupied in Abraham's time the ground on which afterwards Jebus and then Jerusalem stood ; and Shaveh to be the valley east of Jerusalem through which the Kidron flows. (2) Jerome denies that Salem is Jerusalem, and asserts that it is identical with a town near Scythopolis or Bethshau. (3) Professor Stanley is of opinion that there is every probability that Mount Gerizim is the place where Melchizedek, the priest of the Most High, met Abram. (4) Ewald denies positively that it is Jerusalem, and says that it must be north of Jeru salem on the other side of Jordan ; an opinion which Rodiger condemns. MELITA Mel'ea. The son of Menan, and ancestor of Jo seph in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 31), Mel'ecli. The second son of Micah, the son of Merib-baal or Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 35, is. 41), Mel'ieu, The same as Malluch 6 (Neh. xii! 14 ; comp. ver. 2). Blel'ita, the modern Malta. This island has an illustrious place in Scripture, as the scene of that shipwreck of St. Paul which is described ia such minute detail in the Acts of the Apostles. (I.) We take §t. Paul's ship in the condition in which we find her about a day after leaving Faik Havens, i. e. when she was under the lee of Clauda (Acts xxvii. 16), laid-to on the starboard tack, and strengthened with " undergirders," the boat being just taken on board, and the gale blow ing hard from the E.N.E. (2.) Assuming (what every practised sailor would allow) that the ship s direction of drift would be about W. by N., and her rate of drift about a mile and a half an hour, we come at once to the conclusion, by measuring MELONS the distance on the chart, that she would be brought to the coast of Malta on the thirteenth day (see ver. 27). (3.) A ship drifting in this direction to the place traditionally known as St. Paul's Bay would come to that spot on the coast without touching any other part of the island previously. The coast, in fact, trends from this bay to the S.E. This may be seen on consulting any map or chart of Malta". (4.) On Koura Point, which is the south-easterly extermity of the bay, there must in fallibly have been breakers, with the wind blowing from 'the N.E. Now the alarm was certainly caused by breakers, for it took place in the night (ver. 27)j and it does not appear that the passengers were at first aware of the danger which became sensible to the quick ear of the "sailors." (5.) Yet the vessel did not strike : and this corresponds with the position of the point, which would be some little distance on the port side, or to the left, ofthe vessel. (6.) Off this point of the coast the soundings are 20 fathoms (ver. 28), and a little further, in the direction of the supposed drift, they are 15 fathoms (ib.). (7.) Though the danger was imminent, we shall find from examining the chart that there would still be time to anchor (ver. 29) before striking on the rocks ahead. (8.) With bad holding ground there would have been great risk of the ship dragging her anchors. The bottom of St. Paul's Bay is remarkably tenacious. (9.) The other geological characteristics of the place are in harmony with the narrative, which describes the creek as having in one place a sandy or muddy beach (ver. 39), and which states that the bow of the ship was held fast in the shore, while the stern was exposed to the action of the waves (ver. 41). (10.) Another point of local detail is of considerable interest — viz. that as the ship took the ground, the place was observed to be SidaXdoaos, i, e. a con nexion was noticed between two apparently separate pieces of water. We shall see, on looking at the chart, that this would be the case. (11.) Malta is in the track of ships between Alexandria and Puteoli : and this corresponds with the fact that the " Castor and Pollux," an Alexandrian vessel which ultimately conveyed St. Paul to Italy, had wintered in the island (Acts xxviii. 11). (12.) Finally, the course pursued in this conclusion of the voyage, first to Syracuse, and then to Rhegium, contributes a last liok to the chain of arguments by which we prove that Melita is Malta. The question has been set at rest for ever by Mr. Smith of Jordan Hill, in his Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, the first published work in which it was thoroughly investigated from a sailor's point of view. As regards the condition of the island of Melita, when St. Paul was there, it was a dependency of the Roman province of Sicily, Its chief officer (under the governor of Sicily) ap pears from inscriptions to have had the title of irpuyros M^Knattcv, or Primus Melitensium, and this is the very phrase which St. Luke uses (xxviii. 7). Melita, from its position in the Mediterranean, and the excellence of its harbours, has always been important both in commerce and war. It was a settlement of the Phoenicians at an early period, and their language, in a corrupted form, continued to be spoken there in St. Paul's day. Melons (Heb. abattichim) are mentioned only in Num. xi. 5. By the Hebrew word we are pro bably to understand both the Melon {Cucumis melo) and the water Melon (Cucurbita citrullus), for the Arabic noun singular, batekh, which is identcal with MEMPHIS 541 the Hebrew word, is used generically. The water melon is by some considered to be indigenous to India, from which country it may .have been intro duced into Egypt in very early times. The com mon melon (Cucumis melo) is cultivated in the same places and ripens at the same time with the water-melon ; but the fruit in Egypt is not so de licious as in this country. The water-melon, which is now extensively cultivated all over India and the tropical parts of Africa and America, and indeed in hot countries generally, is a fruit not unlike the common melon, but the leaves are deeply lobed and gashed, the flesh is pink or white, and contains a large quantity of cold watery juice without much flavour ; the seeds are black. Ouewbita citrullus. Mel'zar. The A. V. is wrong in regarding Melzar as a proper name ; it is rather an official title, as is implied in the addition of the article in each case where the name occurs (Dan. i. 11, 16); the marginal reading, " the steward " is therefore more correct. Mem'mius, Quintus (2 Mace. xi. 34). [Man lius, T.] Mem/phis, a city of ancient Egypt, situated on the western bank of the Nile, in latitude 30° 6' N. It is mentioned by Isaiah (xix. 13), Jeremiah (ii. 16. xlvi. 14, 19), and Ezekiel (xxx. 13, 16), under the name of Noph ; and by Hosea (ix. 6) under the name of Moph in Hebrew, and Memphis in our English version. Though some regard Thebes as the more ancient city, the monuments of Memphis are of higher antiquity than those of Thebes. He rodotus dates its foundation from Menes, the first really historical king of Egypt. The era of Menes is not satisfactorily determined. But, indeterminate and conjectural as the early chronology of Egypt yet is, all agree that the known history of the empire begins with Menes, who founded Memphis. The city belongs to the earliest periods of authentic history. The building of Memphis is associated by tradition with a stupendous work of art which has permanently changed the course of the Nile and the face of the Delta. Before the time of Menes the river emerging from the upper valley into the neck of the Delta, bent its course westward toward the hills of the Libyan desert, or at least discharged a large portion of its waters through au arm in that 542 MEMPHIS direction. Here the generous flood whose yearly inundation gives life and fertility to Egypt, was largely absorbed in the sands ofthe desert, or wasted in stagnant morasses. It is even conjectured that up to the time of Menes the whole Delta was an uninhabitable marsh. The rivers of Damascus, the Barada and 'Awaj, now lose themselves in the same way iu the marshy lakes of the great desert plain south-east ofthe city. Herodotus informs us, upon ihe authority of the Egyptian priests of his time, that Menes " by banking up the river at the bend which it forms about a hundred furlongs south of Memphis, laid the ancient channel dry, while he dug a new course for the stream halfway between the two lines of hills." From his description it appears that Memphis was created upon a marsh reclaimed by the dyke of Menes and drained by his artificial lake. The dyke of Menes began 12 miles south of Memphis, and deflected the main channel ofthe river about two miles to the eastward. Upon the rise of the Nile, a canal still conducted a portion of its waters westward through the old channel, thus irrigating the plain beyond the city in that direction, while an inundation was guarded against on that side by a large artificial lake or reservoir at Abousir. The skill in engineeriug which these works required, and which their remains still indicate, argues a high degree of material civil isation, at least in the mechanic arts, in the earliest known period of Egyptian history. The city is said to have had a circumference of about 1 9 miles. Herodotus states, on the authority of the priests, that Menes " built the temple of Hephaestus, which stands within the city, a vast edifice, well worthy of mention " (ii. 99). The divinity whom Herodotus identifies with Hephaestus was Ptah, "the creative power, the maker of all material things." The temple of Apis was one of the most noted structures of Memphis. It stood opposite the southern portico of the temple of Ptah ; and Psammetichus, who built that gateway, also erected in front of the sanctuary of Apis a magnificent colonnade, supported by colossal statues or Osiride pillars, such as may still be seen at the temple of Medeenet Habou at Thebes (Herod, ii. 153). Through this colonnade the Apis was led with great pomp upon state occasions. At Memphis was the reputed burial place of Isis; it had also a temple to that " myriad-named " divinity. Mem phis had also its Serapeium, which probably stood in the western quarter of the city. The sacred cubit and other symbols used in measuring the rise of the Nile, were deposited in the temple of Serapis. The Necropolis, adjacent to Memphis, was on a scale of grandeur corresponding with the city itself. The " city of the pyramids " is a title of Memphis in the hieroglyphics upon the monuments. The great field or plain of the Pyramids lies wholly upon the western bank of the Nile, and extends from Aboo- Bolish, a little to the north-west of Cairo, to Meydoom, about 40 miles to the south, and thence in a south-westerly direction about 25 miles farther, to the pyramids of Howara and of Biahmii in the Fayoura. But the principal seat of the pyramids, the Memphite Necropolis, was in a range of about 15 miles from Sakkara to Gizeh, and in the groups here remaining nearly thirty are probably tombs of the imperial sovereigns of Memphis. Memphis long held its place as a capital; and for centuries a Memphite dynasty ruled over all Egypt. Lepsius, Bunsen, and Brugsch, agree in regarding the 3rd, MENELAUS 4th, 6th, 7th, and 8th dynasties ofthe Old Empire as Memphite, reaching through a period of about a thousand years. During a portion of this period, however, the chain was broken, or there were con temporaneous dynasties in other parts of Egypt. The overthrow of Memphis was distinctly predicted by the Hebrew prophets (Is. xix. 13; Jer. xlvi. 19). The latest of these predictions was uttered nearly 600 years before Christ, and half a century before the invasion of Egypt by Cambyses (cir. B.C. 525). Herodotus informs us that Cambyses, en raged at the opposition he encountered at Memphis, committed many outrages upon the city. The city never recovered from the blow inflicted by Cam byses. The rise of Alexandria hastened its decline. The Caliph conquerors founded Fostat (Old Cairo) upon the opposite bank of the Nile, a few miles north of Memphis, and brought materials from the old city to build their new capital (a. d. 638). At length so complete was the ruin of Memphis, that for a long time its very site was lost. Pococke could find no trace of it. Recent explorations, espe cially those of Messrs. Mariette and Linant, have brought to light many of its antiquities, which have been dispersed to the museums of Europe and America. Mem'ucan. One of the seven princes of Persia in the reign of Ahasuerus, who "saw the king's face," and sat first in the kingdom (Esth. i. 14, 16, 21). They were "wise men who knew the times " (skilled in the planets, according to Aben Ezra), and appear to have formed a council of state ; Josephus says that one of their offices was that of interpreting the laws (Ant. xi. 6, §1). Men'ahem, son of Gadi, who slew the usurper Shallum and seized the vacant throne of Israel, B.C. 772. His reign, which lasted ten years, is briefly recorded in 2 K. xv. 14-22. It has been inferred from the expression in verse 14, "from Tirzah," that Menahem was a general under Zecha riah stationed at Tirzah, and that he brought up his troops to Samaria and avenged the murder of his master by Shallum. He maintained the calf- worship of Jeroboam. The contemporary prophets, Hosea and Amos, have left a melancholy picture of the ungodliness, demoralisation, and feebleness of Israel. In the brief history of Menahem, his fero cious treatment of Tiphsah occupies a conspicuous place. The time of the occurrence, and the site of the town have been doubted. The act, whether perpetrated at the beginning of Menahem's reign _ or somewhat later, was doubtless intended to strike terror into the hearts of reluctant subjects. But the most remarkable event in Menahem's reign is the first appearance of a hostile force of Assyrians on the north-east frontier of Israel. King Pul, however, withdrew, having been converted from an enemy into an ally by a timely gift of 1000 talents of silver. Rawlinson says that in an inscription the name of Menahem is given, probably by mistake ofthe stonecutter, as a tributary of Tiglath-pileser. Men'an. The son of Mattatha, one ofthe an cestors of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 31). , Mene' (lit. "numbered"). The first word of the mysterious inscription written upon the wall of Belshazzar's palace, in which Daniel read the doom of the king and his dynasty (Dan. v. 25, 26). Menela'us, a usurping high-priest who obtained the office from Antiochus Epiphanes (c. E.C. 17^) by a large bribe (2 Mace. iv. 23-25), and drove out MENESTHEUS Jason, who had obtained it not long hefore by similar means. He met with a violent death at the hands of Antiochus Eapator (cir. B.C. 163"), which seemed in a peculiar manner a providential punish ment of his sacrilege (xiii. 3, 4). According to Josephus he was a younger brother of Jason and Onias, and, like Jason, changed his proper name Onias, for a Greek name. In 2 Maccabees, on the other hand, he is called a brother of Simon the Ben jamite (2 Mace, iv. 23). Menes'theus. The father of Apollonius 3 (2 Mace. iv. 21). Meni'. The last clause of Is. lxv. 11 is rendered iu the A. V. " and that furnish the drink-offering unto that number" the marginal reading for the last word being " Meni.'* That the word so ren dered is a proper name, and also the proper name of an object of idolatrous worship cultivated by the Jews in Babylon, is a supposition which there seems no reason to question, as it is in accordance with the context, and has every probability to recommend it. But the identification of Meni with any known heathen god is still uncertain. Tne versions are at variance. In the LXX. the word is rendered " fortune " or "luck." The judgments of the com mentators are equally conflicting. The majority conclude that Meni is the Moon god or goddess, the Deus Lunus, or Dea Luna of the Romans ; mascu line as regards the earth which she illumines (terrae maritus)j feminine with respect to the sun (Solis uxor), from whom she receives her light. Among those who have interpreted the word literally " number," may be reckoned Kashi and Abrabanel, who understand by it tlie " number" of the priests who formed the company of revellers at the feast. Kimchi, in his note on Is. lxv. 11, says of Meni, " it is a star, and some interpret it of the stars which are numbered, and they are the seven stare of motion," i. e. the planets. But Gesenius, with more probability, while admitting the same origin of the word, gives to the root mdnah the sense of assigning, or distributing, and connects it with manah, one of the three idols worshipped by the Arabs before the time of Mohammad, to which re ference is made in the Koran (Sura 53), " What think ye of Allat, and Al Uzzah, and Manah, that other third goddess ? " Manah was the object of worship of " the tribes of Hudheyl and Khuzd'ah, who dwelt between Mekkeh and El-Medeeneh, and as some say, of the tribes of Ows, El-Khazraj, and Thakeek also. This idol was a large stone, demo lished by one Saad, in the 8th year of the Flight, a year so fatal to the idols of Arabia." The etymo logy given by Gesenius is more probable ; and Meni would then he the personification of fate or destiny, tinder whatever form it was worshipped. Whether this form, as Gesenius maintains, was the planet Venus, which was known to Arabic astrologers as " the lesser good fortune " (the planet Jupiter being the *' greater"), it is impossible to say with cer tainty ; nor is it safe to reason from the worship of Manah by the Arabs in the times before Moham mad to that of Meni by the Jews more than a thousand years earlier. Meo'nenim, the Plain of, an oak, or terebinth, or other great tree — for the translation of the Hebrew Elon hy " plain " is most probably incor rect, as will be shown under tlie head of Plain — which formed a well-known object in central Pales tine in the days of the Judges. It is mentioned — at least under this name — only in Judg. ix. 37. In MEPHIBOSHETH 543 what direction it stood with regard to Shechem we are not told. The meaning of Meonenim, if inter preted as a Hebrew word, is enchanters or " ob servers of times," as itis elsewhere rendered (Deut. xviii. 10, 14; in Mic. v. 12 it is "soothsayers"). This connexion of the name with magical arts has led to the suggestion that the tree in question is identical with that beneath which Jacob hid the foreign idols and amulets of his household, before going into the presence of God at the consecrated ground of Bethel (Gen. xxxv. 4). But the inference seems hardly a sound one, for meonenim does not mean " enchantments " but "enchanters," nor is there any ground for connecting it in any way with amulets or images ; and there is the positive reason against the identification that while this tree seems to have been at a distance from the town of She chem, that of Jacob was in it, or in very close proximity to it. Five trees are mentioned in con nexion with Shechem : — 1. The oak (not "plain" as in A, V.) of Moreh, where Abram made his first halt and built his first altar in the Promised Land (Gen. xii. 6). 2. That of Jacob, already spoken of. 3, " The oak which was in the holy place of Jehovah " (Josh. xxiv. 26). 4. The Elon-Muttsab, or " oak (not " plain," as in A. V.) of the pillar in Shechem," beneath which Abimelech was made king (Judg. ix. 6). 5. The Elon-Meonenim. While four of these were probably one and the same tree, the oak of Meonenim seems to have been a distinct one. It is perhaps possible that Meonenim may have originally been Maonim, that is Maonites or Mehunim ; a tribe or nation of non-Israelites elsewhere mentioned. Meonotha'i. One of the sons of Othniel, the younger brother of Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 14). Mepha'ath., a city of the Reubenites, one of the towns dependent on Heshbon (Josh. xiii. 18), lying in the" district of the Mishor (comp. 17, and Jer. xlviii. 21, A.V. " plain "), which probably answered to the modern Belka. It was one of the cities allotted with their suburbs to the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 37 ; 1 Chr. vi. 79). Mephaath is named j n the above passages with Dibon, Jahazah, Kir- jathaim, and other towns, which have been identified with tolerable certainty on the north of the Arnon ( Wady Mojeb) ; but no one appears yet to have discovered any name at all resembling it. In the time of Eusebius it was used as a military post. HepMbo'sheth, the name borne by two members ofthe family of Saul — his son and his grandson.— 1. Saul's son by Rizpah the daughter of Aiah, his concubine (2 Sam. xxh 8). He and his brother Armoni were among the seven victims who were surrendered by David to the Gibeonites, and by them crucified in sacrifice to Jehovah, to avert a famine from which the country was suffering.— 2. The son of Jonathan, grandson of Saul, and nephew of the preceding. 1. His life seems to have been, from beginning to end, one of trial and discomfort. The name of his mother is unknown. When his father and grandfather were slain on Gilboa he was an infant but five years old. He was then living under the charge of his nurse, probably at Gibeah, the regular residence of Saul. The tidings that the army was. destroyed, the king and his sons slain, and that the Philistines, spreading from hill to hill of the country, were sweeping all before them, reached the royal household. The nurse fled, car rying the child on her shoulder. But in her panic and hurry she stumbled and Mephibosheth was 544 MEPHIBOSHETH precipitated to the ground with such force as to deprive him for life of the use of both feet (2 Sam. iv. 4). 2. After the accident which thus embit tered his whole existence, Mephibosheth was carried with the rest of his family beyond the Jordan to the mountains of Gilead, where he found a refuge in the house of Machir ben-Ammiel, a powerful Gadite or Manassite sheykh at Lo-debar, not far from Mahanaim, which during the reign of his uncle Ishbosheth was the head - quarters of his family. By Machir he was brought up, there he married, and there he was living at a later period, when David having completed the subjugation of the adversaries of Israel on every side, had leisure to turn his attention to claims of other and hardly less pressing descriptions. So completely had the family of the late king vanished from the western side of Jordan, that the only person to be met with in any way related to them was one Ziba. From this man David learnt of the existence of Mephibo sheth. Royal messengers were sent to tbe house of Machir at Lo-debar in the mountains of Gilead, and by them the prince and his infant son MiCHA were brought to Jerusalem. The interview with David was marked by extreme kindness on the part of the king, and on that of Mephibosheth by the fear and humility which have been pointed out as character istic of him. He leaves the royal presence with all the property of his grandfather restored to him, and with the whole family and establishment of Ziba as his slaves, to cultivate the land and harvest the produce. He himself is to be a daily guest at David's table. From this time forward he resided at Jerusalem. 3. An interval of about seventeen years now passes, and the crisis of David's life ar rives. Of Mephibosheth's behaviour on this occasion we possess two accounts — his own (2 Sam. xix. 24- 30), and that of Ziba (xvi. 1-4). They are natur ally at variance with each other. In consequence of the story of Ziba, his loyalty and thoughtful courtesy are rewarded by the possessions of his mas ter, thus once more reinstating him in the position from which he had been so rudely thrust on Mephi bosheth's arrival in Judah. Mephibosheth's story — which, however, he had not the opportunity of telling until several days later, when he met David returning to his kingdom at the western bank of Jordan — was very different to Ziba's. That David did not disbelieve it is shown by his revoking the judgment he had previously given. That he did not entirely reverse his decision, but allowed Ziba to retain possession of half the lands of Mephibosheth, is probably due partly to weariness at the whole transaction, but mainly to the conciliatory frame of mind in which he was at that moment. " Shall then any man be put to death this day ? " is the key-note of the whole proceeding. 4. The writer is aware that this is not the view generally taken of Mephibosheth's conduct, and in particular the opposite side has been maintained with much cogency and ingenuity by the late Professor Blunt in his Vmlesignid Coincidences. But when the circum stances on both sides are weighed, there seems to be no escape from the conclusion come to above. Mephibosheth could have had nothing to hope for from the revolution. Ziba, on the other hand, had everything to gain and nothing to lose by any turn affairs might take. With regard to the absence of the name of Mephibosheth from the dying words of David, which is the main occasion of Mr. Blunt's strictures, it is most natural — at any rate it is MERARI quite allowable — to suppose that, in the interval of eight years which elapsed between David's return to Jerusalem and his death, Mephibosheth's painful life had come to an end. We may without diffi culty believe that he did not long survive the anxieties and annoyances which Ziba's treachery had brought upon him. Me'rab, the eldest daughter, possibly the eldest child, of king Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 49). She first appears after the victory over Goliath and the Phi listines, when David had become an inmate in Saul's house (1 Sam. xviii. 2), and immediately after the commencement of his friendship with Jonathan. In accordance with the promise which he made before the engagement with Goliath (xvii. 25), Saul be trothed Merab to David (xviii. 17). David's hesit ation looks as if he did not much value the honour — at any rate before the marriage Merab's younger sister Michal had displayed her attachment for David, and Merab was then married to Adriel the Meholathite, to whom she bore five sons (2 Sam. xxi. 8). The Authorized Version of this last passage is an accommodation. The Hebrew text has " the rive sons of Michal, daughter of Saul, which she bare to Adriel." The most probable solution of the difficulty is that " Michal " is the mistake of a transcriber for " Merab." But the error is one of very ancient date. Merai'ah. A priest in the days of Joiakim, the son of Jeshua, and representative of the priestly family of Seraiah (Neh. xii. 12). Merai'oth. 1. A descendant of Eleazar the son of Aaron, and head of a priestly house. It was thought by Lightfoot that he was the immediate predecessor of Eli in the office of high-priest. It is apparently another Meraioth who comes in be tween Zadok and Ahitub in the genealogy of Azariah (1 Chr. ix. 11, Neh. xi. 11), unless the names Ahitub and Meraioth are transposed, which is not improbable. — 2. The head of one of the houses of priests, which in the time of Joiakim the son of Jeshua was represented by Helkai (Neh. xii. 15). Mer'an. The merchants of Meran and Theman are mentioned with the Hagarenes (Bar. iii. 23) as " searchers out of understanding." The name does not occur elsewhere, and is probably a corruption of" Medan'' or "Midian." Mer'ari, third son of Levi, and head of the third great division of the Levites, THE Merakites, whose designation in Hebrew is the same as that of their progenitor, only with the article prefixed. Of Merari' s personal history, beyond the fact of his birth before the descent of Jacob into Egypt, and of his being one ofthe seventy who accompanied Jacob thither, we know nothing whatever (Gen. xlvi. 8, 11). At the time of the Exodus, and the numbering in the wilderness, the Merarites con sisted of two families, the Mahlites and the Mush- ites, Mahli and Mushi being either the two sons, or the son and grandson, of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 19, 47). Their chief at that time was Zuriel, and the whole number of the family, from a month old and upwards, was 6200 ; those from 30 years old to 50 were 3200. Their charge was the boards, bare, pillars, sockets, pins, aud cords of the tabernacle and the court, and all the tools connected with set ting them up. In the encampment their place was to the north of the tabernacle ; and both they and the Gershonites were " under the hand " of Ithamar the son of Aaron. Owing to the heavy nature ot the materials which they had to carry, four waggons MERATHAIM, THE LAND OF and eight oxen were assigned to them ; and in the march both they and the Gershonites followed im mediately after the standard of Judah, and before that of Reuben, that they might set up the taber nacle against the arrival of the Kohathites (Num. iii. 20, 33-37, iv. 29-33, 42-45, vii. 8, x. 17, 21). In the division of the land by Joshua, the Merarites had twelve cities assigned to them, out of Reuben, Gad, and Zebulun, of which one was Ramoth-Gilead, a city of refuge, and in later times a frequent sub ject of war between Israel and Syria (Josh. xxi. 7, 34-40; 1 Chr. ri. 63, 77-81). In the time of David, Asaiah was their chief, and assisted with 220 of his family in bringing up the ark (1 Chr. xv. 6). Afterwards we find the Merarites still sharing with the two other Levitical families the various func tions of their caste (1 Chr. xxiii. 6, 21-23). In the days of Hezekiah the Merarites were still flou rishing, and Kish the son of Abdi, and Azariah the son of Jehalelel, took their part with their brethren ofthe two other Levitical families in promoting the reformation, and purifying the house of the Lord (2 Chr. xxix. 12, 15). After the return fi-om cap tivity Shemaiah represents the sons of Merari, in 1 Chr. ix. 14, Neh. xi. 15. There were also at that time sons of Jeduthun under Obadiah or Abda, the son of Shemaiah (1 Chr. ix. 16 ; Neh. xi. 17). A little later again, in the time of Ezra, when he was in great want of Levites to accompany him on his journey from Babylon to Jerusalem, "a man of good understanding of the sons of Mahli *' was found, whose name, if the text here and at ver. 24 is correct, is not given. " Jeshaiah also of the sons of Merari," with twenty of his sons and brethren, came with him at the same time (Ezr. viii. 18, 19). But it seems pretty certain that Sherebiah, in ver. 18, is the name of the Mahlite, and that both he and Hashabiah, as well as Jeshaiah, in ver. 19, were Levites of the family of Merari, and not, as the actual text of ver. 24 indicates, priests.— 2. The father of Judith (Jud. viii. 1, xvi. 7). Meratha'im, the land of, that is "of double rebellion," alluding to the country of the Chaldeans, and to the double captivity which it had inflicted on the nation of Israel (Jer. 1. 21). Mercu'rius, properly Hermes, the Greek deity, whom the Romans identified with their Mercury the god of commerce and bargains. Hermes was the son of Zeus and Maia the daughter of Atlas, and is constantly represented as the companion of his father in his wanderings upon earth. The episode of Baucis and Philemon (Ovid, Metam. viii. 620- 724) appears to have formed part of the folk-lore of Asia Minor, and strikingly illustrates the readi ness with which the simple people of Lystra recog nized in Barnabas and Paul the gods who, according to their wont, had come down in the likeness of men (Acts xiv. 11). They called Paul " Hermes, because he was the chief speaker ;" identifying in him as they supposed by this characteristic, the herald of the gods and of Zeus, the eloquent orator, inventor of letters, music, and the arts. Mercy-seat This appears to have been merely the lid of the Ark of the Covenant, not another surface affixed thereto. It was that whereon the blood of the yearly atonement was sprinkled by the high-priest ; and in this relation it is doubtful whether the sense of the word in the Heb. is based on the material fact of its " covering " the Ark, or derived from this notion of its reference to the " covering " (i. e, atonement) of sin. Con. D. B. MERODACH-BALADAN 545 Mer'ed. This name occurs in a fragmentary genealogy in 1 Chr. iv. 17, 18, as that of one of the sons of Ezra. Tradition identifies him with Caleb and Moses. Mer'emoth. 1. Son of Uriah, or Urijah, the priest, of the family of Koz or Hakkoz, the head of the seventh course of priests as established by David. In Ezr. viii. 33, Meremoth is appointed to weigh and register the gold and silver vessels be longing to the Temple. In the rebuilding of the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah we find Mer emoth taking an active part, workiug between Meshullam and the sons of Hassenaah who restored the fish-gate (Neh. iii. 4), and himself restoring the portion of the Temple wall on which abutted the house of the high-priest Eliashib (Neh. iii. 21).— 2. A layman of the sons of Bani, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 36).— 3. A priest, or more probably a family of priests, who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 5). The latter supposi tion is more probable, because in Neh. xii. 3 the name occurs, with many others of the same list, among those who went up with Zerubbabel a cen tury before. Mer'es. One of the seven counsellors of Aha suerus king of Persia, "wise men which knew the times" (Esth. i. 14). Mer'ibah. In Ex. xvii. 7 we read, " he called the name of the place Massah and Meribah," where the people murmured, and the rock was smitten. | For the situation see Rephidim.] The name is also given to Kadesh (Num. xx. 13, 24, xxvii. 14; Deut. xxii. 51 " Merihah-kadesh "), because there also the people, when in want of water, strove with God. Merib-ba'al, son of Jonathan the son of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 34, ix. 40), doubtless the same person who in the narrative of 2 Samuel is called Mephi bosheth. Mer'odach is mentioned once only in Scripture, namely in Jer. 1. 2. It has been commonly con cluded from this passage that Bel and Merodach were separate gods; but from the Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions it appears that this was not exactly the case. Merodach was really identical with the famous Babylonian Bel or Belus," the word being probably at first a mere epithet of the god, which by degrees superseded his proper, appellation. Still a certain distinction appears to have been maintained between the names. The golden imao'e in the great temple at Babylon seems to have been worshipped distinctly as Bel rather than Merodach, while other idols of the god may have represented him as Merodach rather than Bel. Mer'odaoh-Bal'adan is mentioned as king of Babylon in the days of Hezekiah, both in the second book of Kings (xx. 12) and in Isaiah (xxxix. 1). In the former place he is called Berodach-Ba- ladan. The orthography " Merodach " is, however, to be preferred. The name of Merodach-Baladan has been clearly recognised in the Assyrian inscrip tions. The Canon gives Merodach-Baladan (Mar- docempaP) a reign of 12 years— from B.C. 721 to B.C. 709 — and makes him then succeeded by a certain Arceanus. Polyhistor. assigns him a six months' reign, immediately before Elibus, or Be- libus, who (according to the Canon) ascended the throne B.C. 702. It has commonly been seen that these must he two different reigns, and that Mer odach-Baladan must therefore have been deposed in B.C. 709, and have recovered his throne in B.C. 2 N 546 MEROM, THE WATERS OF 702, when he had a second period of dominion lasting half a year. The inscriptions contain express mention of both reigns. Sargon states that in the twelfth year of his own reign he drove Merodach- Baladan out of Bahylon, after he had ruled over it for twelve years ; and Sennacherib tells us that in his first year he defeated and expelled the same monarch, setting up in his place " a man named Belib." Putting all our notices together, it be comes apparent that Merodach-Baladan was the head of the popular party, which resisted the Assyr ian monarchs, and strove to maintain the inde pendence of the country. It is uncertain whether he was self-raised or was the son of a former king. In the second Book of Kings he is styled "the son of Baladan;" but the inscriptions call him "the son of Yagin ;" whence it is to be presumed that Baladan was a more remote ancestor. There is some doubt as to the time at which Merodach- Baladan sent his ambassadors to Hezekiah, for the purpose of enquiring as to the astronomical marvel of which Judaea had been the scene (2 Chr. xxxii. 31). We prefer to assign the embassy to Merodach- Baladan's earlier reign, and bring it within the period, B.C. 721-709, which the Canon assigns to him. Now the 14th year of Hezekiah, in which the embassy should fall (2 K. xx. 6 ; Is. xxxviii. 5), appears to have been B.C. 713. This was the year of Merodach- Baladan's first reign. The real object of the mission was most likely to effect a league between Babylon, Judaea, and Egypt (Is, xx. 5, 6), in order to check the growing power of the Assyr ians. The league, however, though designed, does not seem to have taken effect. Sargon sent expedi tions both into Syria and Babylonia — seized the stronghold of Ashdod in the one, and completely defeated Merodach-Baladan in the other. That monarch sought safety in flight, and lived for eight years in exile. At last he found an opportunity to return. In B.C. 703 or 702, Babylonia was plunged in anarchy — the Assyrian yoke was thrown off, and various native leaders struggled for the mastery. Under these circumstances the exiled monarch seems to have returned, and recovered his throne, Mer odach-Baladan had obtained a body of troops from his ally, the king of Susiana ; but Sennacherib de feated the combined army in a pitched battle. Merodach-Baladan fled to " the islands at the mouth of the Euphrates.'* He lost his recovered crown after wearing it for about six months, and spent the remainder of his days in exile and obscurity. Me'rom, the "Waters of, a place memorable in the history of the conquest of Palestine. Here, after Joshua had gained possession of the southern portions of the countiy, a confederacy of the north ern chiefs assembled under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor (Josh. xi. 5), and here they were encountered by Joshua, and completely routed (ver. 7). The name of Merom occurs nowhere in the Bible but in this passage, nor is it found in Josephus. In the Onomasticon of Eusebius the name is given as " Merran," and it is stated to be " a village twelve miles distant from Sebaste (Sa maria), and near Dothaim." It is a remarkable facr that though by common consent the " waters of Merom " are identified with the lake through which the Jordan runs between Banias and the Sea of Galilee — the Semechonitis of Josephus, and Bafir el-Huleh of the modern Arabs— yet that identity cannot be proved by any ancient record. The region to which the name of Huleh is attached — the Ard MEROZ el-Huleh — is a depressed plain or basin, commenc ing on the north of the foot of-the slopes which lead up to the Merj Ayun and Tell el-Kady, and ex tending southwards to the bottom ofthe lake which bears the same name — Bahr el-Huleh. On the east and west it is enclosed between two parallel ranges of hills ; on the west the highlands of Upper Galilee ¦ — the Jebel Safat ; and on the east a broad ridge or table-land of basalt, thrown off by the southern base of Hermon, and extending downwards beyond the Huleh till lost in the high ground east of the lake of Tiberias. The latter rises abruptly from the low ground, but the hills on the western side break down more gradually, and leave a tract of undulating table-land of varying breadth between them and the plain. This basin is in all about 15 miles long and 4 to 5 wide, and thus occupies an area about equal to that of the lake of Tiberias. It is the receptacle for the drainage of the highlands on each side, but more especially for the waters of the Merj Ayun, an elevated plateau which lies above it amongst the roots of the great northern mountains of Palestine. In form the lake is not far from a triangle, the base being at the north and the apex at the south. It measures about 6 miles in each direction. Its level is placed by Van de Velde at 120 feet above the Mediterranean. The water of the lake is clear and sweet ; it is covered in parts by a broad-leaved plant, and abounds in water-fowl. Owing to its triangular form a consi derable space is left between the lake and the moun tains at its lower end. This appears to be more the case on the west than on the east, and the roll ing plain thus formed is very fertile, and cultivated to the water's edge. Supposing the lake to be identical with the " waters of Merom," the plain just spoken of on its south-western margin is the only spot which could have been the site of Joshua's victory, though, as the Canaanites chose their own ground, it is difficult to imagine that they would have encamped in a position from which there was literally no escape. But this only strengthens the difficulty already expressed as to the identification. Still the district of the Huleh will always possess an interest for the Biblical student, from its con nexion with the Jordan, and from the cities of ancient fame which stand on its border — Kedesh, Hazor, Dan, Laish, Caesarea, Philippi, &c. Mero'nothite, the, that is. the native of a place called probably Meronoth, of which, however no further traces have yet been discovered. Two Meronothites are named in the Bible: — 1. Jeh- deiah, who had the charge of the royal asses of King David (1 Chr. xxvii. 30) ; and 2. JadoN, one of those who assisted in the repair of the wall of Jerusalem after the return from tlie captivity (Neh. iii. 7). Me'roz, a place mentioned only in the Song of Deborah and Barak in Judg. v. 23, and there de nounced because its inhabitants had refused to take any part in the struggle with Sisera. Meroz must have been in the neighbourhood of the Kishon, but its real position is not known : possibly it was de stroyed in obedience to the curse. A place named Merrus (but Eusebius Meo^oV), is named by J dome {Onom. "Merrom") as 12 miles north of Sebaste, near Dothain, but this is too far south to nave been near the scene of-the conflict. Far more feasible is the conjecture of Schwarz that Meroz is to be found at Merasas — more correctly el-MurSssus--- a ruined site about 4 miles N.W. of Beisan, on the MERTJTH southern slopes of the hills, which are the conti nuation of the so-called " Little Hermon," and form the northern side of the valley (Wady Jalid) which leads directly from the plain of Jezreel to tbe Jordan. Me'ruth. A corruption of Immer 1, in Ezr. ii. 37 (1 Esd. v. 24). Me'seoh, Me'sheoh, a son of Japheth (Gen. x. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 5), and the progenitor of a race fre quently noticed in Scripture in connexion with Tubal, Magog, and other northern nations. They appear as allies of Gog (Ez. xxxviii. 2, 3, xxxix. 1), and as supplying the Tyrians with copper and slaves (Ez. xxvii. 13) ; in Ps. cxx. 5, they are no ticed as one of the remotest, and at the same time rudest nations of the world. Both the name and the associations are in favour of the identification of Meshech with the Moschi : the form of the name adopted by the LXX. and the Vulg. approaches most nearly to the classical designation. The posi tion of the Moschi in the age of Ezekiel was pro bably the same as is described by Herodotus (iii 94), viz. on the borders of Colchis and Armenia, where a mountain chain connecting Anti-Taurus with Caucasus, was named after them the Moschici Mantes, and where was also a district named by Strabo (xi. 497-499) Moschice. In the Assyrian inscriptions the name appears under the form of Muskai. Me'sha, the name of one of the geographical limits of the Joktanites when they fii'st settled in Arabia (Gen. a. 30). Without putting too precise a limitation on the possible situation of Mesha and Sephar, we may suppose that these places must have fallen within the south-western quarter of the peninsula ; including the modern Yemen on the west, and the districts of 'Om&n, Mahreh, Shihr, &c, as far as Hadramawt, on the east. In Sephar we believe we have seen the eastern limit of the early settlers, whether its site be the seaport or the in land city. If Mesha was the western limit of the Joktanites, it must be sought for in north-western Yemen. But the identifications that have been proposed are not satisfactory. The seaport called Movaa, or Moi5£a, mentioned by Ptolemy, Pliny. Arrian, and others (see the Dictionary of Geo graphy, s. v. Muza) presents the most probable site. It was a town of note in classical times, but has since fallen into decay, if the modem Moosa, be the same place. Mesha may possibly have lain inland and more to the north-west of Sephar than the position of Moosa, would indicate ; but this is scarcely to be assumed. Me'sha. 1. The king of Moab in the reigns of Ahab and his sons Ahaziah and Jehoram, kings of Israel (2 K. iii. 4), and tributary to the first. When Ahab had fallen in battle at Ramoth Gilead, Mesha seized the opportunity afforded by the con fusion consequent upon this disaster, and the feeble reign of Ahaziah, to shake off the yoke of Israel and free himself from tlie burdensome tribute of " a hundred thousand wethers and a hundred thou sand rams with their wool." The country east of the Jordan was rich in pasture for cattle (Num. xxxii. 1), the chief wealth of the Moabites con sisted in their large flocks of sheep, and the king of this pastoral people is described as ndkid, " a sheep- master," or owner of herds. When Jehoram suc ceeded to the throne of Israel, one of his first acts was to secure the assistance of Jehoshaphat, his father's ally, in reducing the Moabites to their J MESHULLAM 547 former condition of tributaries. The united armies of the two kings marched by a circuitous route round the Dead Sea, and were joined by the forces of the king of Edom. The Moabites were defeated, and the king took refuge in his last stronghold and defended himself with the energy of despair. With 700 fighting men he made a vigorous attempt to cut his way through the beleaguering army, and when beaten back he withdrew to the wall of his city, and there, in sight of the allied host, offered his first-born son, his successor in the kingdom, as a burnt-offering to Chemosh, the ruthless fire-god of Moab. His bloody sacrifice had so far the de sired effect that the besiegers retired from him to their own land. There appears to be no reason for supposing that the son of the king of Edom was the victim on this occasion. It is more natural, and renders the narrative more vivid and consistent, to suppose that the king of Moab, finding his last re source fail him, endeavoured to avert the wrath and obtain the aid of his god by the most costly sacrifice in his power.— 2. Tlie eldest son of Caleb the son of Hezron by his wife Azubah, as Kimchi conjectures '1 Chr. ii. 42).— 3. A Benjamite, son of Shaharaim, by his wife Hodesh, who bare him in the land of Moab (1 Chr. viii. 9). Me'shach. The name given to Mishael, one of the companions of Daniel, and like him of the blood-royal of Judah, who with three others was chosen from among the captives to be taught " the learning and the tongue of the Chaldaeans " (Dan. i. 4), so that they might be qualified to "stand before" king Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 5) as his personal attendants and advisers (i., 20). But, not withstanding their Chaldaean education, these three young Hebrews were strongly attached to the reli gion of their fathers ; and their refusal to join in the worship of the image on the plain of Dura gave a handle of accusation to the Chaldaeans. The rage of the king, the swift sentence of condemnation passed upon the three offenders, then' miraculous preservation from the fiery furnace heated seven times hotter than usual, the king's acknowledg ment of the God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed- nego, with their restoration to office, are written in the 3rd chapter of Daniel, and there the history leaves them. Meshelemfali. A Korhite, son of Kore, of the sons of Asaph, who with his seven sons and his brethren, " sons of might," were porters or gate keepers of the house of Jehovah in the reign of David (1 Chr. ix. 21, xxvi. 1, 2, 9). Meshezabe'el. 1. Ancestor of Meshullam, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the wall of Jeru salem (Neh. iii. 4).— 2. One of the "heads of the people," probably a family, who sealed the cove nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 21).— 3. The father of Pethahiah, and descendant of Zerah the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 24). Meshil lemith. The son of Immer, a priest, and ancestor of Amashai or Maasiai, according to Neh. xi. 13, and of Pashur and Adaiah, according to 1 Chr. ix. 12. Meshil'lemoth. An Ephraimite, ancestor of Be- rechiah, one of the chiefs of the tribe in the reign of Pekah (2 Chr. xxviii. 12).— 2, Neh. xi. 13. The same as Meshillemith. Meshullam. 1, Ancestor ofShaphan the scribe (2 K. xxii. 3).— 2. The son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19).— 3. A Gadite, one of the chief men of the tribe, who dwelt in Bashan at the time the genea- 2 N 2 548 MESHTTLLEMETH logies were recorded in the reign of Jotham king of Judah (1 Chr. v. 13). —4. A Benjamite, ofthe sons of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 17).— 5. A Benjamite, the son of Hodaviah or Joed, and father of Sallu (1 Chr. ix. 7; Neh. xi. 7).— 6. A Benjamite, son of Shephathiah, who lived at Jerusalem after the cap tivity (1 Chr. ix. 8).— 7. The same as Shallum, who was high-priest probably in the reign of Amon, and father of Hilkiah (1 Chr. ix. 11 ; Neh. xi. 11). —8. A priest, son of Meshillemith, or Meshil- lemoth, the son of Immer, and ancestor of Maasiai or Amashai (1 Chr. ix. 12; comp. Neh. xi. 13).— 9. A Kohathite, or family of Kohathite Levites, in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12).— 10. One of the " heads "(A.V." chief men ") sent by Ezra to Iddo " the head," to gather together the Levites to join the caravan about to return to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 16).— 11. A chief man in the time of Ezra, probably a Levite, who assisted Jonathan and Jahaziah in abolishing the marriages which some of the people had contracted with foreign wives (Ezr. x. 15).— 12. One ofthe descendants of Bani, who had married a foreign wife and put her away (Ezr. x. 29).— 13. (Neh. iii. 30, vi. 18). The son of Berechiah, who assisted in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 4), as well as the Temple wall, adjoining which he had his "chamber" (Neh. iii. 30). He was probably a priest, and his daughter was married to Johanan the son of Tobiah the Am monite (Neh. vi. 18). —14. The son of Besodeiah : he assisted Jehoiada the son of Paseah in restoring the old gate of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 6).— 15. One of those who stood at the left hand of Ezra when he read the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). —16. A priest, or family of priests, who sealed the cove nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 7).— 17. One of the heads of the people who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 20). — 18. A priest in the days of Joiakim the son of Jeshua, and representative ofthe house of Ezra (Neh. xii. 13). — 19. Likewise a priest at the same time as the preceding, and head of the priestly family of Ginnethon (Neh. xii. 16). — 20. A family of porters, descendants of Meshul lam (Neh. xii. 25), who is also called Meshelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 1), Shelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 14), and Shallum (Neh. vii. 45).— 21. One ofthe princes of Judah at the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 33). Meshulleni'eth. The daughter of Haruz of Jot- bah, wife of Manasseh king of Judah, and mother of his successor Amon (2 K. xxi. 19). Meso'haite, the, a title which occurs only once, and then attached to the name of Jasiel (I Chr. xi. 47). The word retains strong traces of Zobah, one of the petty Aramite kingdoms. But on this it is impossible to pronounce with any certainty. Mesopota'mia, is the ordinary Greek rendering ofthe Hebrew Aram-Naharaim, or "Syria of the two rivers," whereof we have frequent mention in the earlier books of Scripture (Gen. xxiv. 10 ; Deut. xxiii. 4; Judg. iii. 8, 10). If we look to the signi fication of the name, we must regard Mesopotamia as the entire country between the two rivers — the Tigris and the Euphrates. This is a tract nearly 700 miles long, and from 20 to 250 miles broad, extending in a south-easterly direction from Telek (lat. 38° 23', long. 39° 18') to Kurnah (lat. 31°, long. 47° 30'). The Arabian geographers term it " the Island," a name which is almost literally correct, since a few miles only intervene between tlie source of the Tigris and the Euphrates at Telek. MESOPOTAMIA It is for the most part a vast plain, but is crossed about its centre by the range of the Sinjar hills running nearly east and west from about Mosul to a little below Sakkeh ; and in its northern portion it is even mountainous, the upper Tigris valley being separated from the Mesopotamian plain bv an important range, the Mons Masius of Strabo, which runs from Birehjik to Jezireh. To this description of Mesopotamia in the most extended sense of the term, it seems proper to append a more particular account of that region, which bears the name par excellence, both in Scripture, and in the classical writers. This is the north-western portion of the tract already described, or the country between the great bend of the Euphrates (lat. 35° to 370 30') and the upper Tigris. It consists of the mountain country extending from Birehjik to Jezireh upon the north ; and, upon the south, of the great un dulating Mesopotamian plain, as far as the Sinjar hills, and the river Khabour. The northern range, called by the Arabs Karajah Dagh towards the west and Jebel Tur towards the east, does not attain to any great elevation. The streams from the north side of this range are short, and fall mostly into the Tigris. Those from the south are more important. They flow down at very moderate in tervals along the whole course of the range, and gradually collect into two considerable rivers — the Belik (ancient Bilichus), and the Khabour (Habor or Chaboras) — which empty themselves into the Euphrates. South of the mountains is the great plain already described, which between the Khabour and the Tigris is interrupted only by the Sinjar range, but west of tbe Khabour is broken by several spurs from the Karajah Dagh, having a general direction from north to south. Besides Orfa and Harran, the chief cities of modem Mesopotamia are Mardin and Nisibin, south of the Jebel Tur, and Diarbekr, north of that range, upon the Tigris. Of these places two, Nisibin and Diarbekr, were im portant from a remote antiquity, Nisibin being then Nisibis, and Diarbekr Amida. We first hear of Mesopotamia in Scripture as the country where Nahor and his family settled after quitting Or of the Chaldees (Gen. xxiv. 10). Here lived Bethuel and Laban ; and hither Abraham sent his servant, to fetch Isaac a wife " of his own kindred " (ib. ver. 38). Hither too, a century later, came Jacob on the same errand ; and hence he returned with his two wives after an absence of 21 years. After this we have no mention of Mesopotamia, till the close of the wanderings in the wilderness (Deut. xxiii. 4). About half a century later, we find, for the first and last time, Mesopotamia the seat of a powerful monarchy (Judg. iii.). Finally, the children of Ammon, having provoked a war with David, " sent a thou sand talents of silver to hire them chariots and horsemen out of Mesopotamia, and out of Syria Maachah, and out of Zobah" (1 Chr. xix. 6). Ac cording to the Assyrian inscriptions, Mesopotamia was inhabited in the early times of the empire (B.C. 1200-1100) by a vast number of petty tribes, each under its own prince, and all quite independent of one another. The Assyrian monarchs contended with these chiefs at great advantage, and by the time of Jehu (B.C. 880) had fully established their dominion over them. The tribes were all called " tribes of the Nairi," a term which some compare with the Naharaim of the Jews, and translate " tribes of the stream-lands." But this identifica tion is very uncertain. On the destruction of the MESSIAH Assyrian empire, Mesopotamia seems to have been divided between the Medes and the Babylonians. The conquests of Cyras brought it wholly under the Persian yoke ; and thus it continued to the time of Alexander. Messi'ah. This word (Mashiach) which answers to the word Xoktto's in the N. T., means anointed; and is applicable in its first sense to any one anointed with the holy oil. It is applied to the high-priest in Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16. The kings of Israel were called anointed, from the mode of their consecration (1 Sam. ii. 10, 35, xii. 3, 5, &c). This word also refers to the expected Prince of the chosen people who was to complete God's purposes for them, and to redeem them, and of whose coming the prophets of the old covenant in all time spoke. It is twice used in the N. T. of Jesus (John i. 41, iv. 25, A. V. " Messias ") ; but the Greek equivalent the Christ, is constantly applied, at first with the article as a title, exactly the Anointed One, but later without the article, as a proper name, Jesus Christ. This article contains a rapid survey of the expecta tion of a Messiah among the Jews. The earliest gleam of the Gospel is found in the account of the fall (Gen. iii. 15). Many interpreters would understand by the seed of the woman, the Messiah only ; but it is easier to think with Calvin that mankind, after thej; are gathered into one army by Jesus the Christ, the Head of the Church, are to achieve a victory over evil. The blessings in store for the children of Shem are remarkably indicated in the words of Noah, "Blessed be Jehovah the God of Shem" (Gen. ix. 26). Next follows the promise to Abraham, wherein the blessings to Shem are turned into the narrower channel of one family (Gen. xii. 2, 3). The promise is still in definite; but it tends to the undoing ofthe curse of Adam, by a blessing to all the earth through the seed of Abraham, as death had come on the whole earth through Adam. A great step is made in Gen. xlix. 10, "The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come ; and unto him shall the gathering of the people be." This is the first case iu which the promises distinctly centre in one pei'son. The next passage usually quoted is the prophecy of Balaam (Num. xxiv. 17-19). The star points indeed to the glory, as the sceptre denotes the power of a king. But it is doubtful whether the prophecy is not fulfilled in David (2 Sam. Viii. 2, 14) ; and though David is himself a type of Christ, the direct Messianic application of this place is by no means certain. The prophecy of Moses (Deut. xviii. 18) claims attention. Does this refer to the Messiah ? The reference to Moses in John v. 45-47, " He wrote of me," seems to point to this passage. The passages in the Pentateuch which relate to " the Angel of the Lord " have been thought by many to bear reference to the Messiah. The second period of Messianic prophecy would include the time of David. Passages in the Psalms are numerous which are applied to the Messiah in the N. T. : such as Ps. ii., xvi., xxii., xl., ex. The advance in clearness in this period is great. The name of Anointed, i. e. King, comes in, and the Messiah is to come of the lineage of David. He is described in His exaltation, with His great kingdom that shall be spiritual rather than temporal, Ps. ii., xxi., xl., ex. In other places He is seen in suffering and humiliation, Ps. xxii., xvi., xL After the time of David the pre dictions of the Messiah ceased for a time; until METALS 5-19 those prophets arose whose works we possess in the canon of Scripture. The Messiah is a king and Ruler of David's house, who should come to reform and restore the Jewish nation and purify the church, as in Is. xi., xl.-lxvi. The blessings ot the restora- tionrhuwWeTT*wiirhot be confined to Jews; the heathen are made to share them fully (Js. ihjxyjj. The passage of Micah v. 2 (comp. Matt. ii. 6) left no doubt in the mind of the Sanhedrim as fo the birthplace of the Messiah. The lineage of David is again alluded to in Zechariah xii. 10-14. The time of the second Temple is fixed by Haggai ii. 9 for Messiah's coming; and the coming of the Fore runner and of the Anointed are clearly revealed in Mal. iii. 1, iv. 5, 6. The fourth period after the close of the canon of the 0. T. is known to us in a great measuie from allusions in the N. T. to the expectation of the Jews. The Pharisees and those of the Jews who expected Messiah at all, looked for a temporal prince only. The Apostles themselves were infected with this opinion, till after the Kesur rection, Matt. xx. 20, 21 ; Luke xxiv. 21 ; Acts i. 6. Gleams of a purer faith appear, Luke ii. 30, xxiii. 42 ; John iv. 25. On the other hand there was a sceptical school which had discarded the expectation altogether. The expectation of a golden age that should return upon the earth, was common in heathen nations. This hope the Jews also shared ; but with them it was associated with the coming of a particular Person, the Messiah. It has been asserted that in Him the Jews looked for an earthly king, and that the existence of the hope of a Messiah may thus be accounted for on natural grounds and without a divine revelation. But the prophecies refute this : they hold out not a Prophet only, but a King and a Priest, whose business it should be to set the people free from sin, and to teach them the ways of God, as in Ps. xxii., xl., ex. ; Is. ii., xi., liii. In these and other places too the power of the coming One reaches beyond the Jews and embraces all the Gentiles, which is contrary to the exclusive notions of Judaism. A fair consideration of all the passages will convince that the growth of the Mes sianic idea in the prophecies is owing to revelation from God. ffiessi'as, the Greek form of Messiah (John i. 41 ; iv. 25). Metals. The Hebrews, in common with other ancient nations, were acquainted with nearly all the metals known to modern metallurgy, whether as the products of their own soil or the results of intercourse with foreigners. One of the earliest geographical definitions is that which describes the country of Havilah as the land which abounded in gold, and the gold of which was good (Gen. ii. 11, 12)v The fii-st artist in metals was a Cainite, Tubal Cain, the son of Lamech, the forger or sharpener of every instrument of copper (A. V. "brass") and iron (Gen. iv. 22). "Abram was very rich in cattle, in silver, and in gold" (Gen. xiii. 2) ; silver, as will be shown hereafter, being the medium of commerce, while gold existed in the shape of ornaments, during the patriarchal ages. Tin is first mentioned among the spoils of the Midianites which were taken when Balaam was. slain (Num. xxxi. 22), and lead is used to heighten' the imagery of Moses' triumphal song (Ex. xv. 10). Whether the ancient Hebrews were acquainted with steel, properly so called, is uncertain ; the words so rendered in the A. V. (2 Sam. xxii. 35 ; Job xx. 24 ; Ps. xviii. 34; Jer. xv. 12) are in all other passages 550 METALS translated brass, and would 'be more correctly copper. The " northern iron " of Jer. xv. 12 is believed by commentators to be iron hardened and tempered by some peculiar process, so as more nearly to correspond to what we call steel [Steel] ; and the " flaming torches " of Nah. ii. 3 are pro bably the flashing steel scythes of the war-chariots which should come againit Nineveh. Besides the simple, metals, it is supposed that the Hebrews used the mixture of copper and tin known as bronze, and probably in all cases in which copper is mentioned as in any way manufactured, bronze is to be under stood as the metal indicated. With the exception of iron, gold is the most widely diffused of all metals. Almost every country in the world has in its turn yielded a cei'tain supply, and as it is found most frequently in alluvial soil, among the debris of rocks washed down by the torrents, it was known at a very early period, and was procured with little difficulty. We have no indications of gold streams or mines in Palestine. The Hebrews obtained their principal supply from the south of Arabia, and the commerce of the Persian Gulf. It was probably brought in fonn of ingots (Josh. vii. 21 ; A. V. "wedge," lit. "tongue"), and was rapidly con verted into articles of ornament and use. The great abundance of gold in early times is indicated by its entering into the composition of every ai'ticle of ornament and almost all of domestic use. Among the spoils of the Midianites taken by the Israelites in their bloodless victory when Balaam was slain, were ear-rings and jewels to the amount of 16,750 shekels of gold (Num. xxxi. 48-54), equal in value to more than 30,000£. of our present money. 1700 shekels of gold (worth more than 3000/.) in nose jewels (A. V. " ear-rings ") alone were taken by Gideon's anny from the slaughtered Midianites (Judg. viii. 26). These numbers, though large, are not incred ibly great, when we consider that the country of the Midianites was at that time rich in gold streams which have been since exhausted, and that like the Malays of the present day, and the Peruvians of the time of Pizarro, they carried most of their wealth about them. But the amount of treasure accumulated by David from spoils taken in war, is so enormous, that we are tempted to conclude the numbers exaggerated. Though gold was thus com mon, silver appears to have been tbe ordinary me dium of commerce. The first commercial trans action of which we possess the details was the purchase of Ephron's field by Abraham for 400 shekels oi silver (Gen. xxiii. 16) ; slaves were bought with silver (Gen. xvii. 12) ; silver was the money paid by Abimelech as a compensation to Abraham (Gen. xx. 16); Joseph was sold to the Ishmaelite merchants for twenty pieces oi silver (Gen. xxx,vii. 28) ; and generally in the Old Testament " money" in the A. V. is literally silver. The first payment in gold is mentioned in 1 Chr. xxi. 25, where David buys the threshing-floor of Oman, or Araunah, the Jebusite, for six hundred shekels oi gold by weight. But in tlie parallel narrative ofthe transaction in 2 Sam. xxiv. 24, the price paid for the threshing- floor and oxen is fifty shekels of silver. With this one exception there is no case in the O. T. in which gold is alluded to as a medium of commerce; the Hebrew coinage may have been partly gold, but we have no proof of it. Silver was brought into Pa lestine in the form of plates from Tarshish, with gold and ivory (1 K. x. 22 ; 2 Chr. ix. 21; Jer. x. 9). The accumulation of wealth in the reign of METHTTSAEL Solomon was so great that silver was hut little esteemed ; " the king made silver to be in Jeru salem as stones" (1 K. x. 21, 27). With the treasures which were brought out of Egypt, not only the ornaments but the ordinary metal-work of the tabernacle were made. From a comparison of the different amounts of gold and silver collected by David, it appears that the proportion of the fonner to the latter was 1 to 9 nearly. Brass, or more properly copper, was a native product of Pa lestine, " a land whose stones are iron, and out of whose hills thou mayest dig copper " (Deut. viii. 9 ; Job xxviii. 2). It was so plentiful in the days of Solomon that the quantity employed in the Temple could not be estimated, it was so great (1 K. vii. 47). There is strong reason to believe that brass, a mixture of copper and zinc, was un known to the ancients. To tbe latter metal no allusion is found. But tin was well known, and from the difficulty which attends the toughening pure copper so as to render it fit for hammering, it is probable that the mode of deoxidising copper by the admixture of small quantities of tin had been early discovered. Arms (2 Sam. xxi. 16; Jobxi. 24; Ps. xviii. 34) and armour (1 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38) were made of this metal, which was capable of being so wrought as to admit of a keen and hard edge. The Egyptians employed, it in cutting the hardest granite. Iron, like copper, was found in the hills of Palestine. The " iron mountain" in the trans-Jordanic region is described by Josephus, and was remarkable for producing a particular kind of palm. Iron-mines are still worked by the inha bitants of Kefr Hineh in the S. of the valley Za- hardni. Tin and lead were both known at a very early period, though there is no distinct trace of them in Palestine. The former was among the spoils of the Midianites (Num. xxxi. 22), who might have obtained it in their intercourse with the Phoe nician merchants (comp. Gen. xxxvii. 25, 36), who themselves procured it from Tarshish (Ez. xxvii. 12) and the tin countries of the west. Antimony (2 K. ix. 30; Jer. iv. 30, A. V. "painting"), in the form of powder, was used by the Hebrew women, like the kohl oi the Arabs, for colouring their eye lids and eyebrows. Further information will be found in the articles upon the several metals, and whatever is known of the metallurgy ofthe Hebrews will be discussed under Mining. Mete'nis. According to the list in 1 Esd. v. 17, " the sons of Meterus " returned with Zorobabel. Meth'eg-Am'mah, a place which David took from the Philistines, apparently in his last war with them (2 Sam. viii. 1). In the parallel pas sage ofthe Chronicles (1 Chr. xviii. 1), "Gath and her daughter-towns" is substituted for Metheg ha-Ammah. The renderings are legion, but the interpretations may be reduced to two: — 1. That adopted by Gesenius and Fiirst, in which Ammah is taken as meaning "mother-city" or "metro polis" (comp. 2 Sam. xx. 19), and Metheg-ha- Ammah "the bridle ofthe mother-city"— viz. of Gath, the chief town of the Philistines. 2. That of Ewald, who, taking Ammah as meaning the " forearm," treats the words as a metaphor to express the perfect manner in which David had smitten and humbled his foes. Jfetim'sael, the son of Mehujael, fourth in descent from Cain, and father of Lamech (Gen. iv. 18). METHUSELAH Methu'selah, the son of Enoch, sixth m descent from Seth, and lather of Lamech. (Gen. v. 25-27.) Me'unim, Neh. vii. 52. Elsewhere given in A. V. as Mehunim and Mehuhims. Meuzal, Ez. xxvii. 19 marg. [Uzal.] Me'zahab. The father of Matred and grand father of Mehetabel, who was wife of Hadar or Hadad, the last-named king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 50). His name, which, if it be Hebrew, signifies " waters of gold," has given rise to much speculation. Mi'amin, 1. A layman of Israel of the sons of Parosh, who had man-ied a foreign wife and put her away at the bidding of Ezra (Ezr. x. 25).— 2. A priest or family of priests who went up from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 5). Mibhar. " Mibhar the son of Haggeri " -is the name of one of David's heroes in the list given in 1 Chi", xi. The verse (38) in which it occurs appears to be corrupt, for in the con'esponding catalogue of 2 Sam. xxiii. 36 we find, instead of " Mibhar the son of Haggeri," " of Zobah, Bani the Gadite." It is easy to see, if the latter be the true reading, how Bani haggadi, could be corrupted into ben- haggeri. But that "Mibhar" is a corruption of mitstsobdh, " of Zobah," is not so clear, though not absolutely impossible. It would seem from the LXX. of 2 Sam., that both readings originally co-existed. Mib'sam. 1. A son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 29), not elsewhere mentioned. The signi fication of his name has led some to propose an identification of the tribe sprung from him with some one of the Abrahamic tribes settled in Arabia aromatifera.— 2. A son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25;, perhaps named after the Ishmaelite Mibsam. Mib'zar. One of the phylarchs or " dukes " of Edom (1 Chr. i. 53) or Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 43) after the death of Hadad or Hadar. Mic'ah, an Israelite whose familiar story is pre served in the xviith and xviiith chapters of Judges, furnishing us with a picture of the interior of a private Israelite family of the rural districts, which in many respects stands quite alone in the sacred records, and has probably no parallel in any literature of equal age. But apart from this the narrative has several points of special interest to students of biblical history in the information which it affords as to the condition of the nation. We see (1.) how completely some ofthe most solemn and characteristic enactments of the Law had become a dead letter. Micah was evidently a devout believer in Jehovah. His one anxiety is to. enjoy the favour of Jehovah (xvii. 13) ; the formula of blessing used by his mother and his priest invokes the same awful name (xvii. 2, xviii. 6) ; and yet so completely ig norant is he of the Law of Jehovah, that the mode which he adopts of honouring Him is to make a molten and graven image, teraphim or images of domestic gods, and to set up an unauthorised priest hood, first in his own family (xvii. 5), and then in the person of a Levite not of the priestly line (ver. 12). (2.) The story also throws a light on the condition of the Levites. Here we have a Levite belonging to Bethlehem-judah, a town not allotted to his tribe ; next wandering forth to take up his abode wherever he could find a residence; then undertaking the charge of Micah's idol-chapel ; and lastly, carrying off the property of his master and benefactor, and becoming the first priest to another system of false worship. But the trans- . MICAH 551 action becomes still more remarkable when we con sider (3.) that this was no obscure or ordinary Levite. He belonged to the chief family in the tribe, nay, we may say to the chief family of the nation, for though not himself a priest, he wa; closely allied to the priestly house, and was the grandson of no less a person than the great Moses himself. [Manasseh, No. 4.] (4.) The narrative gives us a most vivid idea of the terrible anarchy in which the country was placed, when " there was no king in Israel, and eveiy man did what was right in his own eyes," and shows how urgently necessary a central authority had become. A body of six hundred men completely armed, besides the train of their families and cattle, traverses the length and breadth of the land, not on any mission for the ruler or the nation, as on later occasions (2 Sam. ii. 12, &c, xx. 7, 14), but simply for their private ends. Entirely disregarding the rights of private property, they burst in wherever they please along their route, and plundering the valuables and carry ing off persons, reply to all remonstrances by taunts and threats. As to the date of these interesting events, the narrative gives us no direct information beyond the tact that it was before the beginning of the monarchy ; but we may at least infer that it was also before the time of Samson, because in this narrative (xviii. 12) we meet with the origin of the name Mahaneh-dan, a place which already bore that name in Samson's childhood (xiii. 25). The date of the record itself may perhaps be more nearly arrived at. That, on the one hand, it was after the beginning of the monarchy is evident from the references to the ante-monarchical times (xviii. 1, xix. l,xxi. 25). The reference to the establishment of the house of God in Shiloh (xviii. 31) seems also to point to the early part of Saul's reign. Micah. The sixth in order ofthe minor pro phets, according to the arrangement in our pre sent canon ; in the LXX. he is placed third, after Hosea and Amos. To distinguish him from Mi caiah the son of Imlah, the contemporary of Elijah, he is called the Mokasthite, that is a native of Moresheth, or some place of similar name, which Jerome and Eusebius call Morasthi and identify with a small village near Eleutheropolis to the east, where formerly the prophet's tomb was shown, though in the days of Jerome it had been succeeded by a church (Epit. Paulae, c. 6). As little is knowu of the circumstances of Micah's life as of many of the other prophets. Pseudo-Epiphanius makes him, contrary to all probability, of the tribe of Ephraim. For rebuking Jehoram for his impieties, Micah, according to the same authority, was thrown from a precipice, and buried at Morathi in his own country, hard by the cemetery of Enakim, where his sepulchre was still to be seen. The period during which Micah exercised the prophetical office is stated, in the superscriptiomto his prophecies, to have extended over the reigns of Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, giving thus a maxi mum limit of 59 years (B.C. 756-697), from the accession of Jotham to the death of Hezekiah, and a minimum limit of 1 6 years (B.C. 742-726), from the death of Jotham to the accession of Hezekiah. In either case he would be contemporary with Hosea and Amos during part of their ministry in Israel, and with Isaiah in Judah. With respect to one of his prophecies (iii. 12) it is distinctly assigned to the reign of Hezekiah (Jer. xxvi. IS), and'was 552 MICAH probably delivered before the great passover which inaugurated the reformation in Judah. The date of the others must be determined, if at all, by in ternal evidence, and the periods to which they are assigned are therefore necessarily conjectural. The time assigned to the prophecies by the only direct evidence which we possess, agrees so well with their contents that it may fairly be accepted as cor rect. A confusion appears to have existed in the minds of those who see in the prophecy in its pre sent form a connected whole, between the actual delivery of the several portions of it, and their col lection and transcription into one book. It is con ceivable, to say the least, that certain portions of Micah's prophecy may have been uttered in the reigns of Jotham and Ahaz, and for the probability of this there is strong internal evidence, while they were collected as a whole in the reign of Hezekiah and committed to writing. The book thus written jnay have been read in the presence of the king and the whole people, on some great fast or festival day. It is impossible in dealing with internal evidence to assert positively that the inferences deduced from it are correct ; but in the present instance they at least establish a probability, that in placing the period of Micah's prophetical activity between the times of Jotham and Hezekiah the superscription is correct. In the first years of Hezekiah's reign the idolatry which prevailed in the time of Ahaz was not eradicated, and in assigning the date of Micah's prophecy to this period there is no anachronism in the allusions to idolatrous practices. In the ar rangement adopted by Wells (pref. to Micah, § iv. — vi.) ch. i. was delivered in the contemporary reigns of Jotham king of Judah and of Pekah king of Israel ; ii. 1 — iv. 8 in those of Ahaz, Pekah, and Hosea; iii. 12 being assigned to the last year of Ahaz, and the remainder of the book to the reign of Hezekiah. But, at whatever time the several prophecies were first delivered, they appear in their present form as an organic whole, marked by a certain regularity of development. Three sections, omitting the superscription, are introduced by the same phrase, " hear ye," and represent three natural divisions of the prophecy — i., ii., iii.-v., vi.-vii. — each commencing with rebukes and threatenings and closing with a promise. The first section opens with a magnificent description of the coming of Jehovah to judgment for the sins and idolatries of Israel and Judah (i. 2-4), and the sentence pro nounced upon Samaria (5-9) by the Judge Himself. The prophet sees the danger which threatens his country, and traces in imagination the devastating march of the Assyrian conquerors (i. 8-16). The impending punishment suggests its cause, and the prophet denounces a woe upon the people generally for the corruption and violence which were rife among them, and upon the false prophets who led them astray by pandering to their appetites and luxury (ii. 1-11). The sentence of captivity is passed upon them (10), but is followed instantly by a promise of restoration and triumphant return (ii. 12, l.°>). The second section is addressed espec ially to the princes and heads of the people; their avarice and rapacity are rebuked in strong terms. But the threatening is again succeeded by a promise of restoration, and in the glories of the Messianic kingdom the prophet loses sight ofthe desolation which should befall his country. The predictions in this section form the climax of the book, and Ewald arranges them in four strophes, consisting MICAIAH of from seven to eight verses each (iv. 1-8, iv. 9- v. 2, v. 3-9, v. 10-15),with the exception of the last, which is shorter. In the last section (vi. vii.) Jehovah, by a bold poetical figure, is represented as holding a controversy with His people, pleading with them in justification of His conduct towards them and the reasonableness of His requirements. The dialogue form in which chap. vi. is cast renders the picture very dramatic and striking. The whole concludes with a triumphal song of joy at the great deliverance, like that from Egypt, which Jehovah will achieve, and a full acknowledgment of His mercy and faithfulness to His promises (16-20). The last verse is reproduced in the song of Zacharias (Luke i. 72, 73). The predictions uttered by Micah relate to the invasions of Shalmaneser (i. 6-8 ; 2 K. xvii. 4; 6) and Sennacherib (i. 9-16 ; 2 K. iviii. 13), the destruction of Jerusalem (iii. 12, vii. 13), the captivity in Babylon (iv. 10), the return (iv. 1-8, vii. 11), the establishment of a theocratic kingdom in Jerusalem (iv. 8), and the Ruler who should spring from Bethlehem (v. 2). The de struction of Assyria and Babylon is supposed to be referred to in v. 5, 6, vii. 8, 10. It is remarkable that the prophecies commence with the last words recorded of the prophet's namesake, Micaiah the son of Imlah, " Hearken, 0 people, every one of you" (IK. xxii. 28). The style of Micah has been com pared with that of Hosea and Isaiah. His diction is vigorous and forcible, sometimes obscure fiom the abruptness of its transitions, but varied and rich iu figures derived from the pastoral (i. 8, ii. 12, v. 4, 5, 7, 8, vii. 14) and rural life of the lowland country (i. 6, iii. 12, iv. 3, 12, 13, vi. 15), whose vines and olives and fig-trees were celebrated (1 Chr. xxvii. 27, 28), and supply the prophet with so many striking allusions (i. 6, iv. 3, 4, vi. 15, vii, 1, 4) as to suggest that, like Amos, he may have been either a herdsman or a vine-dresser, who had heard the howling of the jackals (i. 8, A. V. "dragons") as he watched his flocks or his vines by night, and had seen the lions slaughtering the sheep (v. 8). The language of Micah is quoted in Matt. ii. 5, 6, and his prophecies are alluded to in Matt. x. 35, 36 ; Mark xiii. 12 ; Luke xii. 53 ; John vii. 42.-2. A descendant of Joel the Reubenite (1 Chr. v. 5).— 3. The son of Merib- baal, or Mephibosheth, the son of Jonathan (1 Chr. viii. 34, 35, ix. 40, 41).— 4. A Kohathite Levite, eldest son of Uzziel the brother of Amram (1 Chr. xxiii. 20).— 5. The father of Abdon, a man of high station in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20). Micai'ah. There are seven persons of this name in the O. T. besides Micah the Levite, to whom the name is twice given in the Hebrew (Judg. xvii. 1,4); Micah and Micaiah meaning the same thing, " Who like Jehovah ?" In tlie A. V. however, with the one exception following, the name is given as Michaiah. The son of Imlah, a prophet of Samaria, who, in the last year ofthe reign of Ahab, king of Israel, pre dicted his defeat and death, B.C. 897. The circum stances were as follows : — Three years after the gi eat battle with Benhadad, Ahab proposed to Jehoshaphat that they should jointly go up to battle against Ramoth Gilead. Jehoshaphat assented in cordial words to the proposal ; but suggested that thejr should firet " enquire at the word of Jehovah. Accordingly, Ahab assembled 400 prophets, while, in an open space at the gate of the city of Samaria, he and Jehoshaphat sat in royal robes to meet ana MIOHA consult them. The prophets unanimously gave a favourable response; and among them, Zedekiah the son of Chenaanah, made horns of iron as a symbol, and announced, from Jehovah, that with those horns Ahab would push the Assyrians till he consumed them. Jehoshaphat was dissatisfied with the answer, and asked if there was no other prophet of Jehovah, at Samaria? Ahab replied that there was yet one — Micaiah the son of Imlah ; but, he added, " I hate him, for he does not prophesy good concerning me, but evil." Micaiah was, neverthe less, sent for ; and after an attempt had in vain been made to tamper with him, he first expressed an ironical concurrence with the 400 prophets, and then openly foretold the defeat of Ahab's army and the death of Ahab himself. And in opposition to the other prophets, he said, that he had seen Jehovah sitting on His throne, and all the host of Heaven standing by Him, on His right hand and on His left : that Jehovah said, Who shall persuade Ahab to go up and fall at, Ramoth Gilead? that a Spirit came forth and said that he would do so ; and on being asked, Wherewith ? he answered, that he would go forth and be a lying spirit in the mouth of all the prophets. Irritated by the ac count of the vision, Zedekiah struck Micaiah .on the cheek, and Ahab ordered Micaiah to be taken to prison, and fed on bread and water till his return to Samaria. From his interest in the story, Jo sephus relates several details not contained in the Bible, some of which are probable, while others are very unlikely ; but for none of which does he give any authority. Thus, he says, Micaiah was already in prison, when sent for to prophesy before Ahab aud Jehoshaphat, and that it was Micaiah who had predicted death by a lion to the son of a prophet, under the circumstances mentioned in 1 K. xx. 35, 36 ; and had rebuked Ahab after his brilliant vic tory over the Syrians for not putting Beuhadad to death. The history of Micaiah is an exemplification in practice, of contradictory predictions being made by different prophets. The only rule beai'ing on the judgment to be formed under such circum stances seems to have been a negative one. It is laid down in Deut. xviii. 21, 22, where the ques tion is asked, How the children of Israel were to know the word which Jehovah had not spoken ? And the solution is, that " if the thing follow not, nor come to pass, that is the thing which Jehovah has not spoken." Micha. 1. The son of Mephibosheth (2 Sam. ix. 12).— 2. A Levite, or family of Levites, who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 11). —3. The father of Mattaniah, a Gershonite Levite and descendant of Asaph (Neh. xi. 17, 22).— 4. A Simeonite, father of Ozias, one of the three governors of the city of Bethulia in the time of Judith (Jud. vi. 15). Mi'chaeL 1. An Asherite, father of Sethur, one of the twelve spies (Num. xiii. 13).— 2. The son of Abihail, one of the Gadites who settled in the land of Bashan (1 Chr. v. 13).— 3. Another Gadite, ancestor of Abihail (1 Chr. v. 14).— 4. A Gershon ite Levite, ancestor of Asaph (1 Chr. vi. 40).— 5. One of the five sons of lzrahiah of the tribe of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 3). — 6, A Benjamite of the sons ofBeriah (1 Chr. viii. 16).— 7. One ofthe cap tains of the " thousands " of Manasseh who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 20).— 8. The father, or ancestor of Omri, chief of the tribe of Issachar in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 18).— 9. One MICHAL 553 of the sons of Jehoshaphat who were' murdered by their elder brother Jehoram (2 Chr. xxi. 2, 4).— 10. The father or ancestor of Zebadiah of the sons of Shephatiah (Ezr. viii. 8 ; 1 Esdr. viii. 34).— 11. " One," or " the first of the chief princes " or archangels (Dan. x. 13 ; comp. Jude 9), described in Dan. x. 21 as the " prince" of Israel, and in xii. 1 as " the great prince which standeth " in time of conflict " for the children of thy people." All these passages in the O. T. belong to that late period of its Revelation, when, to the general declaration of the angelic office, was added the division of that office into parts, and the assignment of them to individual angels. As Gabriel represents the minis tration of the angels towards man, so Michael is the type and leader of their strife, in God's name and His strength, against the power of Satan. In the 0. T. therefore he is the guardian of the Jewish people in their antagonism to godless power and heathenism. In the N. T. (see Rev. xii. 7) he fights in heaven against the dragon — " that old serpent called the Devil and Satan, which deceiveth the whole world;" and so takes part in that struggle, which is the work of the Church on earth. There remains still one passage (Jude 9 ; comp. 2 Pet. ii. 11) in which we are told that " Michael the archangel, when contending with the devil he dis puted about the body of Moses, durst not bring against him a railing accusation, but said, The Loid rebuke thee." The allusion seems to be to a Jewish legend attached to Deut. xxxiv. 6. The Rabbinical traditions about Michael are very numerous. Mi'chah, eldest son of Uzziel, the son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxiv. 24, 25), elsewhere (1 Chr. xxiii. 20) called Micah. Michai'ah, 1. The father of Achbor, a man of high rank in the reign of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 12). He is the same as Micah the father of Abdon (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20).— 2. The son of Zaccur, a de scendant of Asaph (Neh. xii. 35). He is the same as Micah the son of Zichri (1 Chr. ix. 15) and Micha the son of Zabdi (Neh. xi. 17).— 8. One or the priests at the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 41).— 4. The daughter of Uriel of Gibeah, wife of Rehoboam, and mother of Abijah king of Judah (2 Chr. xiii. 2). [Maachah, 3.]— 5. One of the princes of Jehoshaphat whom he sent to teach the law of Jehovah in the cities of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 7).— 6. The son of Gemariah. He is only mentioned on one occasion. After Baruch had read, in public, prophecies of Jeremiah an nouncing imminent calamities, Michaiah went and declared them to all the princes assembled in king Jehoiakim's house ; and the princes forthwith sent for Baruch to read the prophecies to them (Jer. xxxvi. 11-14). Mioh'al, the younger of Saul's two daughters (1 Sam. xiv. 49). The king had proposed to be stow on David his eldest daughter Merab ; but before the man-iage could be arranged an unexpected turn was given to the matter by the behaviour of Michal, who fell violently in love with the young hero. The manriage with her elder sister was at once put aside. Saul eagerly caught at the oppor tunity which the change afforded him of exposing his rival to the risk of death. The price fixed ol Michal s hand was no less than the slaughter of a hundred Philistines. For these the usual " dowry " by which, according to the custom of the East, from the time of Jacob down to the present dav, the father is paid for his daughter, was relinquished. 554 MICHAL David by a brilliant feat doubled the tale of victims, and Michal became his wife. It was not long be fore the strength of her affection was put to the proof. They seem to have been living at Gibeah. After one of Saul's attacks of frenzy, Michal learned that the house was being watched by the myrmi dons of Saul, and that it was intended on the next morning to attack her husband as he left his door (xix. 11). Like a true soldier's wife, she meets stratagem by stratagem. She first provided for David's safety by lowering him out of the window ; to gain time for him to reach the residence of Samuel she next dressed up the bed as if still occupied by him : the teraphim, or household god, was laid in bed, its head enveloped, like that of a sleeper, in the usual net of goat's hair for protection from gnats, the rest of the figure covered with the wide beged or plaid. Saul's messengers force their way into the inmost apartment and there discover the decep tion which has been played off upon them with such success. Saul's rage may be imagined : his fury was such that Michal was obliged to fabricate a story of. David's having attempted to kill her. This was the last time she saw her husband for many years ; and when the rupture between Saul and David had become open and incurable, Michal was married to another man, Phalti or Phaltiel of Gallim (1 Sam. xxv. 44 ; 2 Sam. iii. 15). After the death of her father and brothers at Gilboa, Michal and her new husband appear to have be taken themselves with the rest of the family of Saul to the eastern side of the Jordan. It is on the road leading up from the Jordan valley to the Mount of Olives that we first encounter her with her husband. Michal under the joint escort of Javid's messengers and Abner's twenty men, en route to David at Hebron, the submissive Phaltiel behind, bewailing the wife thus torn from him. It was at least fourteen years since David and she had parted at Gibeah, since she had watched him disappear down the cord into the darkness and had perilled her own life for his against the rage of her insane father. That David's love for his absent wife had undergone no change in the interval seems certain from the eagerness with which he reclaims her as soon as the opportunity is afforded him. The meeting took place at Hebron. How Michal com ported herself in the altered circumstances of David's household we are not told ; but it is plain from the subsequent occurrences that something had hap pened to alter the relations of herself and David. It was the day of David's greatest triumph, when he brought the Ark of Jehovah from its temporary resting-place to its home in the newly-acquired city. Michal watched the procession approach from the window of her apartments in the royal harem ; the motions of her husband shocked her as undignified and indecent, " she despised him in her heart." After the exertions of the long day were over, the king was received by his wife with a bitter taunt which showed how incapable she was of appreciating either her husband's temper or the service in which he had been engaged. David's retort was a tre mendous one, conveyed in words which once spoken could never be recalled. It gathered up all the differences between them which made sympathy no longer possible, and we do not need the assurance of the sacred writer that " Michal had no child unto the day of her death ," to feel quite certain that all intercourse between her and David must have ceased from that date. Her name appears MICHTAM but once again (2 Sam. xxi. 8) as the mother of five of the grandchildren of Saul. But it is, pro bably more correct to substitute Merab for Michal in this place. Miche'as, the prophet Micah the Morasthite (2 Esd. i. 39). Micl'mas, a variation, probably a later form, of the name Michmash (Ezr. ii. 27 ; Neh. vii. 31). Mich/mash, a town which is known to us almost solely by its connexion with the Philistine war of Saul and Jonathan (1 Sam. xiii. xiv.). It has been identified with great probability in a village which still bears the name of Mukhmas, and stands at about 7 miles north of Jerusalem, on the northern edge of the great Wady Suweinit — in some Maps W. Fuwar — which forms the main pass of commu nication between the central highlands on which the village stands, and the Jordan valley at Jericho. The place was thus situated in the veiy middle of the tribe of Benjamin. But though in the heart of Benjamin, it is not named in the list of the towns of that tribe (comp. Josh, xviii.), but first appears as one of the chief points of Saul's position at the outbreak of the war (1 Sam. xiii. xiv.). Unless Makaz be Michmash — an identification for which we have only the authority of the LXX. — we hear nothing of the place from this time till the invasion of Judah by Sennacherib in the reign of Hezekiah, when it is mentioned by Isaiah (x. 28). After the captivity the men of the place returned, 122 iu number (Ezr. ii. 27 ; Neh. vii. 31). At a later date it became the residence of Jonathan Macca baeus, and the seat of his government (1 Mace. ix. 73). In the time of Eusebius and Jerome {Ono- masticon, " Machmas ") it was " a very large village retaining its ancient name, and lying near Ramah in the district of Aelia (Jerusalem) at 9 miles distance therefrom." Immediately below the village the great wady spreads out to a considerable width — perhaps half a mile ; and: its bed is broken up into an intricate mass of hummocks and mounds, some two of which, before the torrents of 3000 winters had reduced and rounded their forms, were probably the two " teeth of cliff" — the Bozez and Seneh of Jonathan's adventure. Right opposite is Jeba (Geba) on a curiously terraced hill. Mich'methah, a place which formed one of the landmarks of the boundary of the territories of Ephraim and Manasseh on the western side of Jordan. (1.) It lay "facing Shechem;" it also was the next place on the boundary west of ASHEE (Josh. xvii. 7), if indeed the two are not one and the same place — ham-Micmethath a distinguishing affix to the commoner name of Asher. The posi tion of the place must be somewhere on the east of and not far distant from Shechem. But then (2.) this appears quite inconsistent with the men tion of the same name in the specification of a former boundary (Josh. xvi. 6). The only escape from such hopeless contradictions is the belief that the statements of chap. xvi. have suffered very great mutilation, and that a gap exists between verses 5 and 6. The place has not been met with nor the name discovered by travellers, ancient or modern. Mioh'ri, ancestor of Elah, one of the heads of the fathers of Benjamin (1 Chr. ix. 8) after the cap tivity. . Mioh'tim. This word occurs in the titles of six Psalms (xvi. lvi.-lx.), all of which are ascribed, to David. The marginal reading of our A. V. is " <* MIDDIN golden Psalm," while in the Geneva version it is described as " a cei'tain tune." From the position which it occupies in the title we may infer that michtam is a term applied to these Psalms to denote their musical character, but beyond this everything is obscure. The very etymology of the word is un certain. 1. Kimchi and Aben Ezra trace it to the root cdtham, as it appears in cethem, which is ren dered in the A. V. " gold" (Job xxviii. 16), " pure gold" (Job xxviii. 19), "fine gold" (Job xxxi. 24); because the Psalm was to David precious as fine gold. They have been followed by the translators in the margin of our version. — 2. In Syriac the root in conj. Pael, cathem, signifies " to stain," hence " to defile," the primary meaning in Peal being probably " to spot, mark with spots," whence the substantive is in common use in Rabbinical Hebrew in the sense of " spot" or " mark." From this etymology the meanings have been given to Michtam of " a noted song," or a song which was graven or carved upon stone, a monumental in scription. — 3. The corresponding Arabic katama, " to conceal, repress," is also resorted to for the explanation of Michtam, which was a title given to certain Psalms according to Hezel, because they were written while David was in concealment. From the same root Hengstenberg attributes to them a hidden, mystical import. Apparently re ferring the word to the same origin, Ewald sug gests that it may designate a song accompanied by bass instruments. — 4. But the explanation which is most approved by Rosenmiiller and Gesenius, is that which finds in Michtam the equivalent of mictdb ; a word which occurs in Is. xxxviii. 9 (A. V. " writing"). Beyond the general probability that it is a musical term, the origin of which is uncertain and the application lost, nothing is known. Hupfeld has collected all the evidence bearing upon it, and adheres to the rendering kleinod (jewel, treasure), which Luther also gives, and which is adopted by Hitzig aud Mendelssohn. Mid'din, a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 61), one of the six specified as situated in the district of " the midbar" (A.V. "wilderness"). It is not men tioned by Eusebius or Jerome, nor has it been identified or perhaps sought for by later travellers. Midian, a sou of Abraham and Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32) ; progenitor of the Midian ites, or Arabians dwelling principally in the desert north of the peninsula of Arabia. Southwards they extended along the eastern shore of the Gulf of Eyleh (Sinus Aelaniticus) ; and northwards they stretched along the eastern frontier of Palestine. Midian is first mentioned, as a people, when Moses fled, having killed the Egyptian, to the " land of Midian" (Ex. ii. 15), and married a daughter of a priest of Midian (21). The " land of Midian," or the portion of it specially referred to, was probably the peninsula of Sinai. It should, however, be re membered that the name of Midian (and hence the " land of Midian ") was perhaps often applied, as that of the most powerful of the northern Arab tribes, to the northern Arabs generally. The Midianites were mostly dwellers in tents, not towns ; and Sinai has not sufficient pasture to sup port more than a small, or a moving people. But it must be remembered that perhaps (or we may say probably) the Peninsula of Sinai has consider ably changed in its physical character since the time of Moses. Whatever may have been the posi tion of Midiau in the Sinaitic peninsula, if we may MEDIAN 555 believe the Arabian historians and geographers, backed as their testimony, is by the Greek geo graphers, the city of Midian was situate on the opposite, or Arabian, shore of the Arabian Gulf, and thence northwards, and spreading east and west we . have the true country of the wandering Midianites. The next occurrence of the name of this people in the sacred histoiy marks their northern settlement on the border of the Promised , Land, " on this side Jordan [by] Jericho " in the plains of Moab (Num. xxii. 1-4), when Balak said, of Israel, to the elders of Midian, " Now shall this company lick up all [that are] round about us, as the ox licketh up the grass of the field." The spoil taken in the war that soon followed, and more especially the mention of the dwellings of Midian, render this suggestion very doubtful, and point rather to a considerable pastoral settlement of Midian in the trans-Jordanic country. In this case the Midianites were evidently tributary to the Amorites, being " dukes of Sihon, dwelling in the country:" this inferior position explains their omission from Balaam's prophecy, lt was here, " on this side Jordan," that the chief doings of the Midianites with the Israelites took place. The influence of the Midianites on the Israelites was clearly most evil, and directly tended to lead them from the injunctions of Moses. Much of the dan gerous character of their influence may probably be ascribed to the common descent from Abraham. While the Canaanitish tribes were abhorred, Midian might claim consanguinity, and more readily seduce Israel from their allegiance. The events at Shittim occasioned the injunction to vex Midian and smite them. Twelve thousand men, a thousand from each tribe, went up to this war, a war in which all the males of the enemy were slain. After a lapse of some years, the Midianites appear again as the enemies of the Israelites. They had recovered from the devastation of the former war, probably by the arrival of fresh colonists from the desert tracts over which their tribes wandered ; and they now were sufficiently powerful to become the oppressors of the children of Israel. Allied with the Amalekites, and the Bene-Kedem, they drove them to make dens in the mountains and caves and strongholds, and wasted their crops even to Gaza, on the Medi terranean coast, in the land of Simeon. Midian had oppressed Israel for seven years. As a number less eastern horde they entered the land with their cattle and their camels. The imagination shows us the green plains of Palestine sprinkled with the black goats'-hair tents of this great Arab tribe, their flocks and herds and camels let loose in the standing corn, and foraging parties of horsemen driving before them the possessions of the Israelites, The descent of Gideon and his servant into the camp, and the conversation of the Midianite watch, form a vivid picture of Arab life. It does more : it proves that as Gideon, or Phurah his servant, or both, understood the language of Midian, the Shemitic languages differed much less in the 14th or 13th century B.C. than they did in after times. The stratagem of Gideon receives an illustration from modern Oriental life. Until lately the police in Cairo were accustomed to go their rounds with a lighted torch thrust into a pitcher, and the pitcher was suddenly withdrawn when light was required — a custom affording an exact parallel to the ancient expedient adopted by Gideon. The consequent panic of the great multitude in the valley, if it has no 556 MEDIAN parallels in modern European histoiy, is consistent with Oriental character. At the sight of the 300 torches, suddenly blazing round about the camp in the beginning of the middle watch, with the con fused din of" the trumpets, " all the host ran, and cried, and fled " (21). The rout was complete. The flight of so great a host, encumbered with slow- moving camels, baggage, and cattle, was calamitous, All the men of Israel, out of Naphtali, and Asher, and Manasseh, joined in the pursuit ; and Gideon roused the men of Mount Ephraim to " take before" the Midianites " the waters unto Beth barah and Jordan" (23, 24). Thus cut off, two princes, Oreb and Zeeb (the " raven," or, more cor rectly " crow," and the " wolf"), fell into the hands of Ephraim. But though many joined in a desultory pursuit of the rabble of the Midianites, only the 300 men who had blown the trumpets in the valley of Jezreel crossed Jordan with Gideon, " faint yet pursuing " (viii. 4). With this force it remained for the liberator to attack the enemy on his own ground. Fifteen thousand men, under the " kings " of Midian, Zebah and Zalmunna, were at Karkor, the sole remains of 135,000 (viii. 10). The assurance of God's help encouraged the weary three hundred, and they ascended from the plain (or ghor) to the higher country by a ravine or torrent-bed in the hills, " and smote the host, for the host was secure" (viii. 11) — secure in that wild country, on their own ground, and away from the frequent haunts of man. A sharp pursuit seems to have followed this fresh victory, ending in the capture of the kings and the final discomfiture of the Midianites. Having traced the history of Midian, it remains to show what is known of their condition and customs. The whole account of their doings with Israel plainly marks them as charac teristically Arab. They are described as true Arabs — now Bedawees, or " people of the desert ;" anon pastoral, or settled Arabs — the " flock " of Jethro ; the cattle and flocks of Midian, in the later days of Moses ; their camels without number, as the sand of the sea-side for multitude when they oppressed Israel in the days of the Judges — all agree with such a description. Like Arabs, who are predominantly a, nomadic people, they seem to have partially settled in the land of Moab. The only glimpse of their habits is found in the vigorous picture of the camp in the valley of Jez reel (Judg. vii. 13). The spoil taken in both the war of Moses and that of Gideon is remarkable. The gold, silver, brass, iron, tin, and lead (Num. xxxi. 22), the "jewels of gold, chains, and brace lets, rings, earrings, and tablets" (50) taken by Moses, is especially noteworthy ; and it is con firmed by the booty taken by Gideon (Judg. viii. 21, 24-26). We have here a wealthy Arab nation, living by plunder, delighting in finery ; and, where forays were impossible, carrying on the traffic southwards info Arabia, the land of gold — if not naturally, by trade — and across to Chaldaea; or into the rich plains of Egypt. Midian is named authentically only in the Bible. It has no history elsewhere. The city of " Medyen [say the Arabs] is the city of the people of Shu'eyb, and is opposite Tabook, on the shore of Bahr el-Kulzum [the Red Sea] : between these is six days' journey. It [Medyen] is larger than Tabook; and iu it is the well from which Moses watered the flock of Shu'eyb" (Mardsid, s. v.). El-Makreezee (in his Khitat) enters into considerable detail respecting MIGDOL this city and people. He tells us that in the land of Midian were many cities, of which the people had disappeared, and the cities themselves had fallen to ruin ; that when he wrote (in the year 825 of the Flight) forty cities remained, the names of some being known, and of others, lost. Midwife. Parturition in the East is usually easy. The office of a midwife is thus, in many eastern countries, in little use, but is performed, when necessary, by relatives. In the description of the transaction mentioned in Ex. i. one expres sion "upon the stools" receives remarkable illus tration from modem usage. The Egyptian prac tice, as described by Mr. Lane, exactly answers to that indicated in the book of Exodus. " Two or three days before the expected time of delivery, the Layeh (midwife) conveys to the house the kursee elwilddeh, a chair of a peculiar form, upon which the patient is to be seated during the birth." Mig'dal-el, one of the fortified towns of the possession of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 38 only), possibly deriving its name from some ancient tower — the " tower of El, or God." In the present unexplored condition of the part of Palestine allotted to Naph tali, it is dangerous to hazard conjectures as to the situations of the towns ; bat if it he possible that Hurah is Horem and Yarun Iron, the possibility is strengthened by finding a Mujeidel at no great distance from them, namely, on the left bank of the Wady Kerkerah, 8 miles due east of the Mas en- Nakurah, 6 miles west of Hurah and 8 of Yarun. By Eusebius it is spoken of as a large village lying between Dora (Tantura) and Ptolemais (Akka), at 9 miles from the former. Schwarz (184), reading Migdal-el and Horem as one word, proposes to identify it with Mejdel el-Kerum, a place about 12 miles east of Akka. Mig'dal-gad, a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 37) in the district of the Shefelah, or maritime lowland. By Eusebius and Jerome in the Onomasticon, it appears to be mentioned as " Magdala." A vil lage called el-Medjdel lies in the maritime plain, a couple of miles inland from Ascalon, 9 from Urn Lakhis, and 1 1 from Ajlan. So far this is in sup port of Van de Velde's identification of the place ' with Migdal-gad. Migdal-gad was probably dedic ated to or associated with the worship of the an cient deity Gad. Migdol, proper name of one or two places on the eastern frontier of Egypt, cognate to Migdal, which appeal's properly to signify a military watch- tower, or a shepherd's look-out. This form occurs only in Egyptian geography, and it has therefore been supposed by Champollion to be substituted for an Egyptian name of similar sound, Meshtol or Mejtol. The ancient Egyptian form of Migdol having, however, been found, written in a manner rendering it not improbable that it was a foreign word, MAKTUR or MAKTeRU, as well as so used that it must be of similar meaning to the Hebrew Migdal, the idea of the Egyptian origin and etymo logy of the latter must be given up. 1. A Migdol is mentioned in the account of the Exodus (Ex. xiv. 2 ; Num. xxxiii. 7, 8). We suppose that the position of the encampment was before or at Pi- hahiroth, behind which was Migdol, and on the other hand Baal-zephon and the sea, these places being near together. The place of the encampment and of the passage of the sea we believe to have been not far from the Persepolitan monument, which is made in Linant's map the site of the Serapeum. MIGRON 2. A Migdol is spoken of by Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The latter prophet mentions it as a boundary-town, evidently on the eastern border, coi-responding to Seveneh, or Syene, on the southern (xxix. 10, xxx. 6). In the prophecy of Jeremiah the Jews in Egypt are spoken of as dwelling at Migdol, Tah panhes, and Noph, and in the country of Pathros (xliv. 1) ; and in that foretelling, apparently, an invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, Migdol, Noph, and Tahpanhes are again mentioned together (xlvi. 14). It seems plain, from its being spoken of with Memphis, and from Jews dwelling there, that this Migdol was an important town, and not a mere fort, or even military settlement. After this time there is no notice of any place of this name in Egypt, excepting of Magdolus, by Hecataeus of Miletus, and in the Itinerary of Antoninus, in which Magdolo is placed twelve Roman miles to the southward of Pelusium, in the route from the Serapeum to that town. This latter place most prob ably represents the Migdol mentioned by Jeremiah and Ezekiel. Its position on the route to Palestine would make it both strategically important and populous, neither of which would be the case with a town in the position of the Migdol of the Penta teuch. Gesenius, however, holds that there is but one Migdol mentioned in the Bible (Lex. s. v.). Lepsius distinguishes two Migdols, and considers Magdolo to be the same as the Migdol of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. Migron, a town, or a spot — for there is nothing to indicate which — in the neighbourhood of Saul's city, Gibeah, on the very edge of the district be longing to it (1 Sam. xiv. 2) ; distinguished by a pomegranate-tree, under which on the eve of a memorable event we discover Saul and Ahiah sur rounded by the poor remnants of their force. Migron is presented to our view only once again, viz. in the invaluable list of the places disturbed by Sennacherib's approach to Jerusalem (Is. x. 28). But here its position seems a little further north than that indicated in the former passage. It here occurs between Aiath — that is Ai — and Michmash, in other words was on the north ofthe great ravine of the Wady-Suweinit, while Gibeah was more than 2 miles to the south thereof. In Hebrew, Migron may mean a " precipice," and it is not im possible, therefore, that two places ofthe same name are intended. Mi'jamin. 1. The chief of the sixth ofthe 24 courses of priests established by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 9). — 2. A family of priests who signed the covenant with Nehemiah ; probably the descendants of the preceding (Neh. x. 7). Mik'loth. 1. One of the sons of Jehiel, the father or prince of Gibeon, by his wife Maachah (1 Chr. viii. 32, ix. 37, 38).— 2. The leader ofthe second division of David's army (1 Chr. xxvii. 4). Miknei'ah, One of the Levites of the second rank, gatekeepers of the ark, appointed by David to play in the Temple band " with harps upon Shem- iuith"(l Chr. xv. 18, 21)„ Milala'i. Probably a Gershonite Levite of the sons of Asaph, who assisted at the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 36). Mil'cah. 1. Daughter of Haran and wife of her uncle Nahor, Abraham's brother, to whom she bare eight children (Gen. xi. 29, xxii. 20, 23, xxiv. 15, 24, 47).— 2. The fourth daughter of Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 11 ; Josh. xvii. 3). Mil'com. The " abomination " of the children MILK 557 of Ammon, elsewhere called Molech (1 K. xi. 7, &c.) and Malcham (Zeph. i. 5 marg. "their king"), ofthe latter of which it is probably a dia lectical variation. Mile, a Roman measure of length equal to 1618 English yards. It is only once noticed in the Bible (Matt. v. 41), the usual method of reckoning both in the N. T. and in Josephus being by the stadium. The Roman system of measurement was fully in troduced into Palestine, though probably at a later date. The mile of the Jews is said to have been of two kinds, long or short, dependent on the length of the pace, which varied in different parts, the long pace being double the length of the short one. Miletus, Acts xx. 15, 17, less correctly called MlLETDM in 2 Tim. iv. 20. In the context of Acts xx. 6 we have the geographical relations of Miletus brought out as distinctly as if it were St. Luke's purpose to state them. In the first place it lay on the coast to the S. of Ephesus. Next, it was a day's sail from Trogyllium (ver. 15). More over, to those who are sailing from the north, it is in the direct line for Cos. All these details corre spond with the geographical facts of the case. The site of Miletus has now receded ten miles from the coast, and even in the Apostle's time it must have lost its strictly maritime position. The passage in the second Epistle to Timothy, where Miletus is mentioned, presents a veiy serious difficulty to the theory that there was only one Roman imprison ment. As to the history of Miletus itself, it was far more famous five hundred years before St. Paul's day, than it ever became afterwards. In early times it was the most flourishing city of the Ionian Greeks. In the natural order of events, it was ab sorbed in the Persian empire. After a brief period of spirited independence, it received a blow from which it never recovered, in the siege conducted by Alexander, when on his Eastern campaign. But still it held, even through the Roman period, the rank of a second-rate trading town, and Strabo men tions its four harbours. At this time it was politic ally in the province of Asia, though Caria was the old ethnological name of the district in which it was situated. Milk. As an article of diet, milk holds a more important position in Eastern countries than with us. It is not a mere adjunct in cookery, or re stricted to the use of the young, although it is naturally the characteristic food of childhood, both from its simple and nutritive qualities (1 Pet. ii. 2), and particularly as contrasted with meat (1 Cor. iii. 2 ; Heb. v. 12) : but beyond this it is regarded as substantial food adapted alike to all ages and classes. Not only the milk of cows, but of sheep (Deut. xxxii. 14), of camels (Gen. xxxii. 15), and of goats (Prov. xxvii. 27) was used; the latter appears to have been most highly prized. Milk was used sometimes in its natural state, and some times in a sour coagulated state : the former was named chdldb, aud the latter chemah. In the A. V. the latter is rendered " butter," but there can be no question that in every case (except perhaps Prov. xxx. 33; the term refers to a preparation of milk well known in Eastern countries under the name of leben. The method now pursued in its prepar ation is to boil the milk over a slow fire, adding to it a small piece of old leben or some other acid in order to make it coagulate. The refreshing draught which Jael offered "in a lordly dish" to Sisera (Judg. v. 25) was leben. Leben is still extensively 558 MILL used in the East : at certain seasons of the year the poor almost live upon it, while the upper classes eat it with salad or meat. It is still offered in hos pitality to the passing stranger, exactly as of old in Abraham's tent (Gen. xviii. 8). Mill. The mills (rechaim) of the ancient He brews probably differed but little fi-om those at present in use in the East. These consist of two circular stones, about 18 inches or two feet in dia meter, the lower of which is fixed, and has its upper surface slightly convex, fitting into a corre sponding concavity in the upper stone. The latter, called by the Hebrews receb, " chariot," and by the Arabs rekkab, " rider," has a hole in it through which the grain passes, immediately above a pivot or shaft which rises from the centre of the lower stone, and about which the upper stone is turned by means of an upright handle fixed near the edge. It is worked by women, sometimes singly and some times two together, who are usually seated on the bare ground (Is. xlvii. 1, 2) " facing each other ; both have hold of the handle by which the upper is turned round on the ' nether ' millstone. The one whose right hand is disengaged throws in the grain as occasion requires through the hole in the upper stone. It is not correct to say that one pushes it half round, and then the other seizes the handle. This would be slow work, and would give a spas modic motion to the stone. Both retain their hold, and pull to or push from, as men do with the whip or crosscut saw. The proverb of our Saviour (Matt. xxiv. 41 ) is true to life, for itomai only grind. I cannot recall an instance in which men were at the mill." (Thomson, The Land and the Book, c. 34.) The labour is very hard, and the task of grinding in consequence performed only by the lowest servants (Ex. xi. 5), and captives (Judg. xvi. 21 ; Job xxxi. 10; Is. xlvii. 1, 2; Lam. v. 13). So essential were mill-stones for daily domestic use, that they were forbidden to be taken in pledge (Deut. xxiv. 6 ; Jos. Ant. iv. 8, §26), in order that a man's family might not be deprived ofthe means of pre paring their food. The hand-mills of the ancient Egyptians appear to have been of the same character ¦ as those of their descendants, and like them were worked by women (Wilkinson, Aric. Eg. ii. p. 118, &c). " They had also a large mill on a very similar principle ; but the stones were of far greater power and dimensions; and this could only have been turned by cattle or asses, like those of the ancient Romans, and of the modern Cairenes." It was the millstone of a mill of this kind, driven by an ass, which is alluded to in Matt, xviii. 6. With the moveable upper millstone of the hand-mill the woman of Thebez broke Abimelech's skull (Judg. ix. 53). Millet (Heb. ddchan), in all probability the grains of Panicum miliaceum and itallcum, and ofthe Holcus sorghum, Linn, (the Sorghum vulgare of modern writers), may all be comprehended by the Hebrew word. Mention of millet occurs only in Ez. iv. 9. Dr. Royle maintains that the true dukhun of Arab authors is the Panicum miliaceum, which is universally cultivated in the East. The Panicum miliaceum is cultivated in Europe and in tropical countries. It is probable that both the Sorghum vulgare, and the Panicum miliaceum, were used by the ancient Hebrews and Egyptians, and that the Heb. ddchan may denote either of these plants. Millo, a place in ancient Jerusalem. Both name MINES and thing seem to have been already in existence when the city was taken from the Jebusites by David (2 Sam. v. 9 ; 1 Chr. xi. 8). Its repair or restoration was one of the great works for which Solomon raised his "Ievy"(l K. ix. 15, 24 xi 27) ; and it formed a prominent part of the fortifi cations by which Hezekiah prepared for the approach of the Assyrians (2 Chr. xxxii. 5). The last passage seems to show that " the Millo " was part of the " city of David," that is of Zion (comp. 2 K. xii, 20). If " Millo " be taken as a Hebrew word, it would be derived from a root which has the force of " filling." This notion has been applied by the interpreters after their custom in the most various and opposite ways : — a rampart (agger) ; a mound- an open space used for assemblies, and therefore often filled with people ; a ditch or valley; even a trench filled with water. But none of these guesses enable us to ascertain what Millo really was, and it would probably be nearer the trath — it is certainly safer — to look on the name as an ancient or archaic term, Jebusite, or possibly even still older, adopted by the Israelites when they took the town, and incorporated into their own nomenclature. The only ray of light which we can obtain is from the LXX. Their rendering in every case (excepting only 2 Chr. xxxii. 5) is r\ &Kpa, a word which they employ nowhere else in the 0. T. Now tj &Kpa means " the citadel," and it is remarkable that it is the word used with unvarying persistence throughout the Books of Maccabees for the fortress on Mount Zion. It is therefore perhaps not too much to assume that the word millo was employed in the Hebrew original of 1 Maccabees. Millo, the House of. 1. Apparently a family or clan, mentioned in Judg. ix. 6, 20 only, in con nexion with the men or lords of Shechem.— 2. The " house of Millo that goeth down to Silla " was the spot at which king Joash was murdered by his slaves (2 K. xii. 20). There is nothing to lead us to suppose that the murder was not committed in Jerusalem, and in that case the spot must be con nected with the ancient Millo (see preceding article). Mines, Mining. " Surely there is a source for the silver, and a place for the gold which they refine. Iron is taken out ofthe soil, and stone man melts (for) copper. He hath put an end to dark ness, and to all perfection (i. e„ most thoroughly) he seai-cheth the stone of thick darkness and of the shadow of death. He hath sunk a shaft far from the wanderer ; they that are forgotten of the foot are suspended, away from man they waver to and fro. (As for) the earth, from her cometh forth bread, yet her nethermost parts are upturned as (by) fire. The place of sapphire (are) her stones. and dust of gold is his. A track which the bud of prey hath not known, nor the eye of the falcon glared upon ; which the sons of pride (i. e. wild beasts) have not trodden, nor the roaring lion gone over; in the flint man hath thrust his hand, he hath overturned mountains from the root; in the rocks he hath cleft channels, and every rare thing hath his eye seen : the streams hath he bound that they weep not, and that which is hid he bringeth forth to light" (Job xxviii. 1-11). Such is the highly poetical description given by the author of the book of Job of the operations of mining as known in his day, the only record of the kind which we inherit from the ancient Hebrews. It may be fairly inferred from the description that a dis tinction is made between gold obtained in the MINES manner indicated, and that which is found in the natural state in the alluvial soil, among the debris washed down by the torrents. This appears to be implied in the expression "the gold they refine," which presupposes a process by which the pure gold is extracted from the ore, and separated from the silver or copper with which it may have been mixed. What is said of gold may be equally applied to silver, for in almost every allusion to the process of refining the two metals are associated. In the passage of Job which has been quoted, so far as can be made out from the obscurities with which it is beset, the natural order of mining operations is observed in the description. The poet might have had before him the copper-mines of the Sinaitic peninsula. In the Wady Maghaiah, " the valley of the Cave," are still traces of the Egyptian colony of minei-s who settled there for the purpose of ex tracting copper from the freestone rocks, and left their hieroglyphic inscriptions upon the face of the cliff. The ancient furnaces are still to be seen, and on the coast of the Red Sea are found the piers and wharves whence the miners shipped their metal in the harbour of Abu Zellmeh. The copper-mines of Phaeno in Idumaea, according to Jerome, were between Zoar and Petra : in the persecution of Dio cletian the Christians were condemned to work them. The gold-mines of Egypt in the Bisharee desert, the principal station of which was Eshur- anib, about three days' journey beyond Wady Allaga, have been discovered within the last few years by M. Linant and Mr. Bonomi. Ruins ofthe miners' huts still remain as at Surfibit el-Khadim. Accord ing to the account given by Diodorus Siculus (iii. 1 2-14), the mines were worked by gangs of convicts and captives in fetters, who were kept day and night to their task by the soldiers set to guard them. The work was superintended by an en gineer, who selected the stone and pointed it out to the miners. The harder rock was split by the application of fire, but the softer was broken Up with picks and chisels. The miners were quite naked, their bodies being painted according to the colour ofthe rock they were working, and in order to see in the dark passages of the mine they carried lamps upon their heads. The stone as it fell was carried off by boys, it was then pounded in stone mortars with iron pestles by those who were over 30 years of age till it was reduced to the size of a lentil The women and old men afterwards ground it in mills to a fine powder. The final process of separating the gold from the pounded stone was entrusted to the engineers who Superintended the work. They spread this powder upon a broad slightly-inclined table, and rubbed it gently with the hand, pouring water upon it from time to time so as to cany away all the earthy matter, leaving the heavier particles upon the board. This was repeated several times ; at first with the hand and afterwards with fine sponges gently pressed upon the earthy substance, till nothing but the gold was left. If was then collected by other workmen, and placed in earthen crucibles with a mixture of lead and salt in cei'tain proportions, together with a little tin and some barley bran. The crucible's were covered and carefully closed with clay, and in this condition baked in a furnace for five days and nights without intermission. Of the three methods which have been employed for refining gold and silver, 1. by exposing the fused metal to a current of air ; 2. by keeping the alloy in a state MINES 559 of fusion and throwing nitre upon it ; and 3. by mixing the alloy with lead, exposing the whole to fusion upon a vessel of bone-ashes or earth, and blowing upon it with bellows or other blast : the latter appears most nearly to coincide with the description of Diodorus. To this process, known as the cupelling process, there seems to be a refer ence in Ps. xii. 6 ; Jer.vi. 28-30; Ez.xxii. 18-22. Silver-mines are mentioned by Diodorus (i, 33) with those of gold, iron, and copper, in the island of Meroe, at the mouth ofthe Nile. But the chief supply of silver in the ancient world appears to have been brought from Spain. The mines of that country were celebrated (1 Mace. viii. 3). Mt. Orospeda, from which the Guadalquivir, the ancient Baltes, takes its rise, was formerly called " the silver mountain," from the silver-mines which were in it (Strabo, iii. p. 148). But the largest silver- mines in Spain were in the neighbourhood of Carthago Nova. The process of separating the silver from the lead is abridged by Strabo from Polybius. The lumps of ore were first pounded, and then sifted through sieves into water. The sediment was again pounded, and again filtered, and after this process had been repeated five times the water was drawn off, the remainder of the ore melted, the lead poured away and the silver left pure. If Tartessus be the Tarshish of Scripture, the metal workers of Spain in those days must have possessed the art of ham mering silver into sheets, for we find in Jer. x. 9, "silver spread into plates is brought from Tarshish, and gold from Uphaz." We have no means of knowing whether the gold of Ophir was obtained from mines or from the washing of gold-streams. In all probability the greater part of the gold which came into the hands ot the Phoenicians and Hebrews was obtained from streams ; its great abundance seems to indicate this. As gold is seldom if ever found entirely free from silver, the quantity of the latter varying from 2 per cent, to 30 per cent., it has been supposed that the ancient metallurgists were acquainted with some means of parting them, an operation performed in modern times by boiling the metal in nitric or sulphuric acid. To some process of this kind it has been imagined that refer ence is made in Prov. xvii. 3, "The fining-pot is for silver, and the furnace for gold;" and again in xxvii. 21. A strong proof of the acquaintance pos sessed by the ancient Hebrews with the manipu lation of metals is found by some in the destruction ofthe golden calf in the desert by Moses. " And ne took the calf which they had made, arid burnt it in fire, and ground it to powder, and strawed it upon the water, and made the children of Israel drink " (Ex. xxxii. 20). As the highly malleable character of gold would render an operation like that which is described iu the text almost impos sible, an explanation has been sought in the sup position that we have here an indication that Moses was a proficient in the process known in modern times as calcination. The whole difficulty appears to have arisen from a desire to find too much in the text. The main object ofthe destruction of the calf was to prove its worthleSsness and to throw con tempt upon idolatry, and all this might have been done without any refined chemical process like that referred to. How far the ancient Hebrews were acquainted with the processes at present in use for extracting copper from the ore it is impassible to assert, as there are no references in Scripture to any thing ofthe kind except in the passage of Job already 560 MINGLED PEOPLE quoted. Copper-smelting, however, is in some cases attended with comparatively small difficulties, which the ancients had evidently the skill to overcome. Some means of toughening the metal so as to render it fit for manufacture must have been known to the Hebrews as to other ancient nations. The Egyptians evidently possessed the art of working bronze in great perfection at a very early time, and much of the knowledge of metals which the Israelites had must have been acquired during their residence among them. Of tin there appears to have been no trace in Palestine. That the Phoenicians obtained their supplies from the mines of Spain and Cornwall there can be no doubt. The lead-mines of Gebel e* Rossass, near the coast of the Red Sea, about half way between Berenice and Kossayr, may have sup plied the Hebrews with that metal, of which there were no mines in their own country, or it may have been obtained from the rocks in the neighbourhood of Sinai. The hills of Palestine are rich in iron, and the mines are still worked there though in a very simple rude manner, like that of the ancient Samothracians : of the method employed by the Egyptians and Hebrews we have no certain inform ation. It may have been similar to that in use throughout the whole of India from very early times, which is thus described by Dr. Ure : — " The furnace or bloomery in which the ore is smelted is from four to five feet high ; it is somewhat pear- shaped, being about five feet wide at bottom and one foot at top. It is built entirely of clay .... There is an opening in front about a foot or more in height, which is built up with clay at the com mencement and broken down at the end of each smelting operation. The bellows are usually made of goat's skin .... The bamboo nozzles of the bellows are inserted into tubes of clay, which pass into the furnace .... The furnace is filled with charcoal, and a lighted coal being introduced before the nozzles, the mass in the interior is soon kindled. As soon as this is accomplished, a small portion of the ore, previously moistened with water to prevent it from running through the charcoal, but without any flux whatever, is laid on the top of the coals and covered with charcoal to fill up the furnace. In this manner ore and fuel are supplied, and the bellows are urged for three or four hours. When tbe process is stopped and the temporary wall in front broken down, the bloom is removed with a pair of tongs from the bottom of the furnace." It has seemed necessary to give this account of a very ancient method of iron-smelting, because, from the difficulties which attend it, and the intense heat which is required to separate the metal fi-om the ore, it has been asserted that the allusions to iron and iron manufacture in the Old Testament are anachronisms. But if it were possible among the ancient Indians in a very primitive state of civil ization, it might have been known to the Hebrews, who may have acquired their knowledge by work ing as slaves in the iron furnaces of Egypt (comp. Deut. iv. 20). Mingled People. This phrase {haereb), like that of •' the mixed multitude," which the Hebrew closely resembles, is applied in Jer. xxv. 20, and Ez. xxx. 5, to denote the miscellaneous foreign population of Egypt and its frontier-tribes, includ ing every one, says Jerome, who was not a native Egyptian, but was resident there. It is difficult to attach to it any precise meaning, or to identify with the mingled people any race of which we have MINSTREL knowledge. " The kings of the mingled. people that dwell in the desert," are the same appaventlv as the tributary kings (A.V. "kings of Arabia") who brought presents to Solomon (1 K. x. 15), the Hebrew in the two cases is identical. The " mingled people" in the midst of Babylon (Jer. 1. 37), were probably the foreign soldiers or mercenary troops, who lived among the native population, as the Targum takes it. Min'iamin. 1. A Levite in the reign of Heze« kiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 1 5). — 2, The same as MlAMm 2 and Mijamin 2 (Neh. xii. 17). — 3. One of the priests at the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 41). Min'ni, a country mentioned in connexion with Ararat and Ashchenaz (Jer. li. 27). It has been already noticed as a portion of Armenia. [Ar menia.] Minister. This term, is used in the A. V. to describe various officials of a religious and civil character. In the 0. T. it answers to the Hebrew meshdreth, which is applied, (1) to an attendant upon a person of high rank (Ex. xxiv. 13; Josh, i, 1 ; 2 K. iv. 43) ; (2) to the attaches of a royal court (1 E. ji. 5 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 8 ; comp. Ps. civ. 4), where, it may be observed, they are distinguished from the " servants " or officials of higher rank ; (3) to the Priests and Levites (Is. Ixi. 6 ; Ez. xliv, 11 ; Joel i. 9, 13 ; Ezr. viii. 17 ; Neh. x. 36). In the N. T. we have three terms, each with its distinctive meaning — teirovpySs, vrrnphns, and Sidicovos. The firet answers most nearly to the Hebrew meshdreth and is usually employed in the LXX. as its equivalent. It betokens a subor dinate public administrator (Rom. xiii. 6, xv. 16; Heb. viii. 2). In all these instances the original and special meaning of the word, as ' used by the Athenians of one who performs certain gratuitous public services, is preserved. The second term, vrniperns, differs from the two others in that it contains the idea of actual and personal attendance upon a superior. Thus it is used of the attendant in the synagogue, the chazan of the Talmudists (Luke iv. 20), whose duty it was to open and close the building, to produce and replace the books em ployed in the service, and generally to wait on the officiating priest or teacher. The idea of persoml attendance comes prominently forward in Luke i. 2 ; Acts xxvi. 16. In all these cases the etymological sense of the word (jmb ip4rvs, literally a "sub- rower," one who rows under command ofthe steers man) comes out. The third term, SioWos, is the one usually employed in relation to the ministry of the Gospel : its application is twofold, in a general sense to indicate ministers of any order, whether superior or inferior, and in a special sense to indicate an order of inferior ministers. Min'nith, a place on the east of the Jordan, named as the point to which Jephthah's slaughter of the Ammonites extended (Judg. xi. 33). Min- nith was in the neighbourhood of Abel-Ceramim, the " meadow of vineyards." A site bearing the name Menjah, is marked in Van de Velde's Map, at 7 Roman miles east of Heshbon, on a road to Amman, though not on the frequented track. The " wheat of Minnith " is mentioned in Ez. xxvii. 17, as being supplied by Judah and Israel to lyre; but there is nothing to indicate that the same place is intended, and indeed the word is thought by some not to be'a proper name. ... .. Minstrel. The Hebrew word in 2 h. m. " MINT {menagg$n) properly signifies a player upon a stringed instrument like the harp or kinnor [Harp], whatever its precise character may have been, on which David played before Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 16, xviii. 10, xix. 9), and which the harlots ofthe great cities used to carry with them as they walked to attract notice (Is. xxiii. 16). The passage in which it occurs has given rise to much conjecture ; Elisha, upon being consulted by Jehoram as to the issue of the war with Moab, at first indignantly refuses to answer, and is only induced to do so by the presence of Jehoshaphat. He calls for a harper, apparently a camp follower; "and it came to pass as the harper harped that the hand of Jehovah was on him." Other instances ofthe same divine influence or impulse connected with music, are seen in the case of Saul and the young prophets in 1 Sam. x. 5, 6, 10, 11. In the present passage the reason of Elisha's appeal is variously explained. According to Keil, " Elisha calls for a minstrel, in order to gather in his thoughts by the soft tones of music from the impression of the outer world and by re pressing the life of self and of the world to be transferred into the state of internal vision, by which his spirit would be prepared to receive the Divine revelation." This in effect is the view taken by Josephus, and the same is expressed by Mai monides in a passage which embodies the opinion of the Jews of the Middle Ages. The " minstrels " in Matt. ix. 23, were the flute-players who were em ployed as professional mourners to whom frequent allusion is made (Eccl. xii. 5 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 25 ; Jer. ix. 17-20). Mint occurs only in Matt, xxiii. 23, and Luke xi. 42, as one of those herbs, the tithe of which the Jews were most scrupulously exact in paying. There cannot be the slightest doubt that the A. V. is correct in the translation of the Greek word, and all the old versions are agreed in understanding some species of mint (Mentha) by it. Mint was used by the Greeks and Romans both as a carmin ative in medicine and a condiment in cookery. The woodcut represents the horse mint (M. sylvestris) which is common in Syria, and according to Russell found in the gardens at Aleppo ; M. sativa is gene rally supposed to he only a variety of M. arvensis, MIRACLES 561 Con. D, B. Mall,, sylvestris. another species of mint ; perhaps all these were known to the ancients. The mints belong to the large natural order Labiatae. Miph'kad, the Gate, one of the gates of Jeru salem at the time of the rebuilding of the wall after the return from captivity (Neh. iii. 31). It was , probably not in the wall of Jerusalem proper, but in that of the city of David, or Zion, and some where near to the junction of the two on the north side. Miracles. The word " miracle " is the ordinary translation, in our Authorized English version, of the Greek ai\p.iiov. Our translators did not borrow it from the Vulgate, but, apparently, from their English predecessors, Tyndale, Coverdale, &c. ; and it had, probably before their time, acquired a fixed technical import in theological language, which is not directly suggested by its etymology, lt will perhaps be found that the habitual use of the term " miracle " has tended to fix attention too much on the physical strangeness ofthe facts thus described, and to divert attention from what may be called their signality. In reality, the practical import. ance of the strangeness of miraculous facts consists in this, that it is one of the circumstances which, taken together, make it reasonable to understand the phenomenon as a mark, seal, or attestation of the Divine sanction to something else. And if we suppose the Divine intention established that a given phenomenon is to be taken as a mark or sign of Divine attestation, theories concerning the mode in which that phenomenon was produced become of comparatively little practical value, and are only serviceable as helping our conceptions. In many cases the phenomenon which constitutes a Divine sign may be one not, in itself, at all varying from the known course of nature. This is the common case of prophecy: in which the fulfilment of the prophecy, which constitutes the sign of the pro phet's commission, may be the result of ordinarv causes, and yet, from being incapable of having been anticipated by human sagacity, it may be an adequate mark or sign of the Divine sanction. In such cases, the miraculous or wonderful element is to be sought not in the fulfilment, but in the pre diction. It would appear, indeed, that in almost all cases of signs or evidential miracles somethino- prophetic is involved. In the common case, for example, of healing siekness by a word or touch, the word or gesture may be regarded as a pre diction of the cure ; and then, if the whole circum stances be such as to exclude just suspicion of (1) a natural anticipation of the event, and (2) a casual coincidence, it will be indifferent to the signality of the cure whether we regard it as effected by the operation of ordinary causes, or by an immediate interposition of the Deity reversing the course of nature. Hypotheses by which such cures are at tempted to be accounted for by ordinary causes are indeed generally wild, improbable, and arbitrary, and are, on that ground, justly open to objection ; but, if the miraculous character of the predictive antecedent be admitted, they do not tend to deprive the phenomenon of its signality ; and there are minds who, from particular associations, find it easier to conceive a miraculous agency operating in the region of mind, than one operating in the region of matter. The peculiar improbability of Miracles is resolved by Hume, in his famous Essay, into the circumstance that they are "contrary to experi ence." This expression is, as has often been pointed 2 0 5G2 MIRACLES out, strictly speaking, incorrect. In strictness, that only can be said to be contrary to experience, which is contradicted by the immediate perceptions of persons present at the time when the fact is alleged to have occurred. But the terms " contrary to experience " are used for " contrary to the ana logy of our experience ;" and it must be admitted that, in this latter, less strict sense, miracles are contrary to general experience, so far as their mere physical circumstances, visible to us, are concerned. This should not only be admitted, but strongly in sisted upon, by the maintenance of miracles, because it is an essential element of their signal character. And this leads us to notice one grand difference be tween Divine Miracles and other alleged facts that seem to vary from the ordinary course of nature. lt is manifest that there is an essential difference between alleging a case in which, all the real ante cedents or causes being similar to those which we have daily opportunities of observing, a consequence is said to have ensued quite different from that which general experience finds to be uniformly con joined with them, and alleging a case in which there is supposed and indicated by all the circumstances, the intervention of an invisible antecedent, or cause, which we know to exist, and to be adequate to the production of such result ; for the special operation of which, in this case, we can assign probable reasons, and also for its not generally operating in a similar manner. This latter is the case of the Scripture- miracles. Even if we do not regard the existence of God, in the proper sense of that term, as proved by the course of nature, still if we admit His exist ence to be in any degree probable, or even possible, the occurrence of miracles will not be incredible. For it is surely going too far to say, that, because the ordinary course of nature leaves us in doubt whether the author of it be able or unable to alter it, or of such a character as to be disposed to alter it for some great purpose, it is therefore incredible that He should ever have actually altered it. It will be proper to say a few words here upon some popular forms of expression which tend greatly to increase, in many minds, the natural prejudice against miracles. One of these is the usual de scription of a miracle, as, " a violation of the laws of nature." This metaphorical expression suggests directly the idea of natural agents breaking, of their own accord, some rule which has the authority and sanctity of a law to them. Such a figure can only be applicable to the case of a supposed causeless and arbitrary variation from the uniform order of sequence in natural things, and is wholly inappli cable to a change in that order caused by God Him self. The word " law," when applied to material things, ought only to be understood as denoting a number of observed and anticipated sequences of phenomena, taking place with such a resemblance or analogy to each other as if a rule had been laid down, which those phenomena were constantly ob serving. But the rule, in this case, is nothing different from the actual order itself; and there is no cause of these sequences but the will of God choosing to produce those phenomena, and choosing to produce them in a certain order. Again, the term " nature " suggests to many persons the idea of a great system of things endowed with powers and forces of its own— a sort of machine, set a-going originally by a first cause, but continuing its mo tions of itself. Hence we are apt to imagine that a change in the motion or operation of any part of MIRACLES it by God, would produce the same disturbance of the other parts, as such a change would be likely to produce in them, if made by us, or any other natural agent. But if the motions and operations of material things be produced really by the Divine will, then His choosing to change, for a special pur- pose, the ordinary motion of one part, does not necessarily, or probably, infer His choosing to change the ordinary motions of other parts in a way not at all requisite for the accomplishment of that special purpose. It is as easy for Him to continue the ordinary course of the rest, with the change of one part, as of all the phenomena without any change at all. Thus, though the stoppage ofthe motion of the earth in the ordinary course of nature would be attended with terrible convulsions, the stoppage of the earth miraculously, for a special purpose to be served by that only, would not of itself, be followed by any such consequences. From the same con ception of nature, as a machine, we are apt to think of interferences with the ordinary course of nature as implying some imperfection in it. But it is manifest that this is a false analogy ; for, the reason why machines are made is, to save us trouble; and, therefore, they are more perfect in proportion as they answer this purpose. But no one can seriously imagine that the universe is a machine for the pur pose of saving trouble to the Almighty. Again, when miracles are described as " interferences with the laws of nature," this description makes them appear improbable to many minds, from their not sufficiently considering that the laws of nature interfere with one another ; and that we cannot gel rid of " interferences " upon any hypothesis con sistent with experience. Furthermore, whatever ends may be contemplated by the Deity for the laws of nature in reference to the rest of the uni verse — (in which question we have as little inform ation as interest) — we know that, in respect of us, they answer discernible moral ends — that they place us, practically, under government, conducted in the way of rewards and punishment — a government of which the tendency is to encourage vhtue and re press vice — and to form in us a certain character by discipline ; which character our moral nature compels us to consider as the highest and worthiest object which we can pursue. Since, therefore, the laws of nature have, in reference to us, moral purposes to answer, which, as far as we can judge. they have not to serve in other respects, it seems not incredible that these peculiar purposes should occa sionally require modifications of those laws in rela tion to us, which are not necessary in relation to other parts of the universe. After all deductions and abatements have been made, however, it must be allowed that a certain antecedent improbability mu&t always attach to miracles, considered as events varying from the ordinary experience of mankind as known to us ; because likelihood, verisimilitude, or resemblance to what we know to have occurred, is, by the constitution of our minds, the very ground of probability ; and, though we can perceive reasons, from the moral character of God, for thinking it likely that He may have wrought miracles, yet we know too little of His ultimate designs, and of the best mode of accomplishing them, to argue con fidently from His character to His acts except where the connexion between the character and tlie acts is demonstrably indissoluble, as in the caseot acts rendered necessary by the attributes of veracity and justice. Miracles are, indeed, in the notion MIRACLES of them, no breach of the high generalization that " similar antecedents have similar consequents ;" nor, necessarily, of the maxim that (< God works by general laws;" because we can see some laws of miracles (as e. g. that they are infrequent, and that they are used as attesting signs of, or in eon- junction with, revelations) and may suppose more ; but they do vary, when taken apart from their proper evidence, from this rule, that " what a general experience would lead us to regard as similar antecedents are similar antecedents ;" because the only assignable specific difference observable hy us in the antecedents in the case of miracles, and in the case of the experiments from the analogy of which they vary in their physical phenomena, con sists in the moral antecedents ; and these, in cases of physical phenomena, we generally throw out of the account ; nor have we grounds a, priori for con cluding with confidence that these are not to be thrown out of the account here also, although we can see that the moral antecedents here (such as the fitness for attesting a revelation like the Christian) are, in many important respects, different from those which the analogy of experience teaches us to disregard in estimating the probability of physical events. But, in order to form a fair j udgment, we must take in all the circumstances of the case, and, amongst the rest, the testimony on which the miracle is reported to us. Our belief, indeed, in human testimony seems to rest upon the same sort of instinct on which our belief in the testimony (as it may be called) of nature is built, and is to be checked, modified, and confirmed by a process of experience similar to that which is applied in the other case. As we learn, by extended observation of nature and the comparison of analogies, to distin guish the real laws of physical sequences from the casual conjunctions of phenomena, so are we taught in the same manner to distinguish the circumstances under which human testimony is certain or incred ible, probable or suspicious. The circumstances of our condition force us daily to make continual ob servations upon the phenomena of human testi mony ; and it is a matter upon which we can make such experiments with peculiar advantage, because every man carries within his own breast the whole sum of the ultimate motives which can influence human testimony. Hence arises the aptitude of human testimony for overcoming, and more than overcoming, almost any antecedent improbability in the thing reported. So manifest, indeed, is this inherent power of testimony to overcome antecedent improbabilities, that Hume is obliged to allow that testimony may be so circumstanced as to require us to believe, in some cases, the occurrence of things quite at variance with general experience; but he pretends to show that testimony to such facts when connected with religion can never be so circum stanced. Over and above the direct testimony of human witnesses to the Bible-miracles, we have also what may be called the indirect testimony of events confirming the former, and raising a distinct presumption that some such miracles must have been wrought. Thus, for example, we know, by a copious induction, that, in no nation ofthe ancient world, and in no nation ofthe modern world unac quainted with the Jewish or Christian revelation, has the knowledge of the one true God as the Cr ator and Governor of the world, and the public worship of Him, been kept up by the mere light of nature, or formed the groundwork of such re- MIRACLES 563 ligions as men have devised for themselves. Yet we do find that, in the Jewish people, though no way distinguished above others by mental power or high 'civilization, and with as strong natural tend encies to idolatry as others, this knowledge and worship was kept up from a very early period of their history, and, according to their uniform his torical tradition, kept up by revelation attested by undeniable miracles. Again, the existence of the Christian religion, as the belief of the most con siderable and intelligent part of the world, is an undisputed fact; and it is also certain that this religion originated (as far as human means are concerned) with a handful of Jewish peasants, who went about preaching, on the very spot where Jesus was crucified, that He had risen from the dead, and had been seen by, and had conversed with them, and afterwards ascended into heaven. This miracle, .attested by them as eyewitnesses, was the very ground and foundation of the religion which they preached, and it was plainly one so circum stanced that, if it had been false, it could easily have been proved to be false. Yet, though the preachers of it were everywhere persecuted, they had gathered, before they died, large churches in the country where the facts were best known, and through Asia Minor, Greece, Egypt, and Italy ; and these churches, notwithstanding the severest perse cutions, went on increasing till, in about 300 years after, this religion — i.e. a religion which taught the worship of a Jewish peasant who had been ignominiously executed as a malefactor — became the established religion ofthe Roman empire ; and has ever since continued to be the prevailing reli gion ofthe civilized world. It is manifest that, if the miraculous facts of Christianity did not really occur, the stories about them must have originated either in fraud, or in fancy. The coarse explanation of them by the hypothesis of unlimited fraud, has been generally abandoned in modern times: but, in Germany especially, many persons of great acute- ness have long laboured to account for them by referring them to fancy. Of these there have been two principal schools — the Naturalistic, and the Mythic. 1. The Naturalists suppose the miracles to have been natural events, more or less unusual, that were mistaken for miracles, through ignorance or enthusiastic excitement. But the result of their labours in detail has been (as Strauss has shown in his Leben Jesu) to turn the New Testament, as interpreted by them, into a narrative far less erediMe than any narrative of miracles could be. 2. The Mythic theory supposes the N.T. Scripture-narratives to have been legends, not stating the grounds of men's belief in Christianity, but springing out of that belief, and embodying the idea of what Jesus, if he were the Messiah, must have been conceived to have done in order to fulfil that character, and was therefore supposed to have done. Bat it is obvious that this leaves the origin ofthe belief, that a man, who did not fulfil the idea of the Messiah in any one remarkable particular, was the Messiah, wholly unaccounted for. It is obvious, also, that all the arguments for the genuineness and authen ticity of the writings of the N. T. bring them up to a date when the memory of Christ's real history was so recent, as to make the substitution of a set of mere legends in its place utterly incredible ; and it is obvious, also, that the gravity, simplicity, historical decorum, and consistency with what we know of the circumstances of the times in which 2 0 2 564 MIRACLES the events are said to have occurred, observable in the narratives ofthe N. T., make it impossible reasonably to accept them as mere myth's. It is observable that, in the early ages, the fact that extraordinary miracles were wrought by Jesus and His apostles, does not seem to have been generally denied by the opponents of Christianity. They seem always to have preferred adopting the expedient of ascribing them to art magic and the power of evil spirits. We know that in two instances, in the Gospel narrative, the cure of the man born blind and the Resurrection, the Jewish priests were un able to pretend such a solution and were driven to maintain unsuccessfully a charge of fraud ; and the circumstances of the Christian miracles were, in almost all respects, so utterly unlike those of any pretended instances of magical wonders, that the apologists have little difficulty in refuting this plea. This they do generally from the following consider ations. (1.) The greatness, number, completeness, and publicity of the miracles. (2.) The natural beneficial tendency of the doctrine they attested. (3.) The connexion of them with a whole scheme of revelation extending from the first origin ofthe human race to the time of Christ. This evasion ofthe force of the Christian miracles, by referring them to the power of evil spirits, has seldom been seriously recurred to in modern times ; but the English in fidels of the last century employed it as a kind of argumentum ad hominem, to tease and embarrass their opponents — contending that, as the Bible speaks of "lying wonders" of Antichrist, and re lates a long contest of apparent miracles between Moses and the Egyptian magicians, Christians could not on their own principles, have any certainty that miracles were not wrought by evil spirits. Par ticular theoiies as to the manner in which miracles have been wrought are matters rather curious than practically useful. In all such cases we must bear in mind the great maxim Subtilitas Naturae LONGE STJPERAT SUBTILITATEM MENTIS HtJ"- manae. Another question more curious than prac tical, is that respecting the precise period when miracles ceased in the Christian Church. It is plain, that whenever they ceased in point of fact, they ceased relatively to us whenever a sufficient attestation of them to our faith fails to be supplied. In the case of the Scripture miracles, we must be careful to distinguish the particular occasions upon which they were wrought, from their general pur pose and design ; yet not so as to overlook the con- jiexion between these two things. There are but few miracles recorded in Scripture of which the whole character was merely evidential — -few, that is, that were merely displays of a supernatural power made for the sole purpose of attesting a Divine Revelation. Of this character were the change of Moses' rod into a serpent at the burning bush, the burning bush itself, the going down of the shadow upon the sun-dial of Ahaz, and some others. In general, however, the miracles recorded in Scripture have, besides the ultimate purpose of affording evid ence of a Divine interposition, some immediate temporary purposes which they were apparently wrought to serve, — such as the curing of diseases, the feeding of the hungry, the relief of innocent, or the punishment of guilty persons. These immediate temporary ends are not without value in reference to the ultimate and general design of miracles, as providing evidence of the truth of revelation. And, in some cases it would appear that miraculous MIRACLES works of a particular kind were selected as em blematic or typical of some characteristic of the revelation which they were intended to attest. In this point of view, Christian miracles may be fitly regarded as specimens of a Divine Power, alleged to be present. In this sense, they seem to be called the manifestation or exhibition of the Spirit. In the case of the Old Testament miracles, again in order fully to understand their evidential character we must consider the general nature and design of the dispensation with which they were connected. The general design of that dispensation appeal's to have been to keep up in one particular race a know ledge of the one true God, and of the promise of a Messiah in whom "all the families of the earth" should be " blessed." And in order to this end, it appears to have been necessary that, for some time God should have assumed the character of the local tutelary Deity and Prince of that particular people, And from this peculiar relation in which He stood to the Jewish people (aptly called hy Josephus a Theocracy) resulted the necessity of frequent miracles, to manifest and make sensibly perceptible His actual presence among and government over them. The miracles, therefore, of the Old Testa ment are to be regarded as evidential of the theo cratic government ; and this again is to be conceived of as subordinate to the further purpose of preparing the way for Christianity, by keeping up in the world a knowledge of the true God and of His promise of a Redeemer. With respect to the cha racter of the Old Testament miracles, we must also remember that the whole structure of the Jewish economy had reference to the peculiar exigency of the circumstances of a people imperfectly civilizedj and is so distinctly described in the New Testament, as dealing with men according to the " hardness of their hearts," and being a system of " weak and beggarly elements," and a rudimentary instruction for " children " who were in the condition of " slaves/' It has been often made a topic of com plaint against Hume that, in dealing with testimony as a medium for proving miracles, he has resolved its force entirely into our experience of its veracity, and omitted to notice that, antecedently to all ex perience, we are predisposed to give it credit by a kind of natural instinct. The argument, indeed, in Hume's celebrated Essay on Miracles, was very far from being a new one. Tho restatement of it, however, by a person of Hume's abilities, was of service in putting men upon a more accurate ex amination of the true nature and measure of proba bility. Bishop Butler seems to have been very sensible of the imperfect state, in his own time, of the logic of Probability ; aud, though he appears to have fonned a more accurate conception of it than the Scotch school of Philosophers who succeeded and undertook to refute Hume, yet there is one passage in which we may perhaps detect a miscon ception of the subject in the pages of even this great writer. "There is," he observes, "a very strong presumption against common speculative truths, and against the most ordinary facts, before the proof of them, which yet is overcome hy almost any p-oof. There is a presumption of millions to one against the story of Caesar or any other man. For, suppose a number of common facts so and so circumstanced, of which one had no kind of proof, should happen to come into one's thoughts; every one would, without any possible doubt, conclude them to be false. And the like may be said of a MIRACLES single common fact. And from hence it appears that the question of importance, as to the matter before us, is concerning the degree of the peculiar presumption against miracles: not, whether there be any peculiar presumption at all against them. For if there be a presumption of millions to one against the most common facts, what can a small presumption, additional to this, amount to, though it be peculiar? It cannot be estimated, and is as nothing " {Analogy, part 2, c. ii.). It is plain that, in this passage, Butler lays no stress upon the peculiarities ofthe story of Caesar, which he casually mentions. For he expressly adds " or of any other man ;" and repeatedly explains that what he says applies equally to any ordinary facts, or to a single fact. And this becomes still more evident, when we consider the extraordinary medium by which he endeavours to show that there is a presumption of millions to one against such " common ordinary facts " as he is speaking of. For the way in which he proposes to estimate the presumption against ordinary facts is, by considering the likelihood of their being anticipated beforehand by a person guess ing at random. But, surely, this is not a measure ofthe likelihood of the facts considered in them selves, but of the likelihood of the coincidence of the facts with a rash and arbitrary anticipation. The case of a person guessing beforehand, and the case of a witness reporting what has occurred, are essentially different. The truth is, that the chances to which Butler seems to refer as a presumption against ordinary events, are not in ordinary cases overcome by testimony at all. The testimony has nothing to do with them ; because they are chances against the event considered as the subject of a random vaticination, not as the subject of a report made by an actual observer. But it should be ob served that what we commonly call the chances against an ordinary event are not specific, but par ticular. They are chances against this event, not against this kind of event. The chances, in the case of a die, are the chances against a particular face ; not against the coming up of some face. The Ecclesiastical Miracles are not delivered to us by inspired historians ; nor do they seem to form any part of the same series of events as the miracles of the New Testament, The miracles of the New Testament (setting aside those wrought by Christ Himself) appear to have been worked by a power conferred upon particular persons according to a regular law, in virtue of which that power was ordinarily transmitted from one person to another, and the only persons privileged thus to transmit that power were the Apostles. The only exceptions to this rule were, (1.) the Apostles themselves, and (2.) the family of Cornelius, who were the first- fruits ofthe Gentiles. In all other cases, miraculous gifts were conferred only by the laying on of the Apostles' hands. By this arrangement, it is evident that a provision was made for the total ceasing of that miraculous dispensation within a limited period: because, on the death of the last of the Apostles, the ordinary channels would be all stopped through which such gifts were transmitted in the Church, One passage has, indeed, been appealed to as seeming to indicate the permanent residence of miraculous powers in the Christian Church through all ages, Mark xvi. 17, 18. But — (1.) That passage itself is of doubtful authority, since we know that it was omitted in most of the Greek MSS. which Eusebius was able to examine in the MIRACLES 565 4th century ; and it is still wanting in some of the most important that remain to us. (2.) It does not necessarily imply more than a promise that such miraculous powers should exhibit themselves among the immediate converts of the Apostles. And (3.) this latter interpretation is supported by what follows — " And they went forth, and preached everywhere, the Lord working with them, and con firming the word with the accompanying signs." It is, indeed, confessed by the latest and ablest de fenders of the ecclesiastical miracles that the great mass of them were essentially a new dispensation ; but it is contended, that by those who believe in the Scripture miracles, no strong antecedent impro bability against such a dispensation can be reason ably entertained ; because, for them, the Scripture miracles have already " borne the brunt " of the infidel objection, and " broken the ice." But this is wholly to mistake the matter. If the only ob jection antecedently to proof against the ecclesiastical miracles were a presumption of their impossibility or incredibility — simply as miracles, this allegation might be pertinent; because he that admits that a miracle bas taken place, cannot consistently hold that a miracle as such is impossible or incredible. But the antecedent presumption against the ecclesi astical miracles rises upon four distinct grounds, no one of which can be properly called a ground of infidel objection. (1.) It arises from the very na ture of probability, and the constitution of the human mind, which compels us to take the analogy of general experience as a measure of likelihood. And this presumption it is manifest is neither re ligious nor irreligious, but antecedent to, and in volved in, all probable reasoning. (2.) This gene' ral antecedent presumption against miracles, as varying from the analogy of general experience, is (as we have said) neither religious nor irreligious— neither rational nor irrational — but springs fi-om the very nature of probability; and it cannot be denied without shaking the basis of all probable evidence, whether for or against religion. Nor does the admission of the existence of the Deity, or the admission of the actual occurrence of the Christian miracles, tend to remove this antecedent improba bility against miracles circumstanced as the ecclesi astical miracles generally are. If, indeed, the only presumption against miracles were one against their possibility, this might be truly described as an atheistic presumption. But the true presumption against miracles is not against their possibility, but their probability. Nor can the admission that GoJ has actually wrought such miracles as attest the Christian religion, remove the general presumption against miracles as improbable occurrences. It is indeed quite true that Christianity has revealed to us the permanent operation of a supernatural order of things, actually going on around us. But there is nothing in the notion of such a supernatural system as the Christian dispensation is, to lend us to expect continual interferences with the common course of nature. (3.) It is acknowledged by th<* ablest defenders of the ecclesiastical miracles that, for the most part, they belong to those classes of miracles which are described as ambiguous and tentative ; i. e. they are cases in which the effect, if it occurred at all, may have been the result of natural causes, and where, upon the application of the same means, the desired effect was only sometimes produced. (4.) Though it is not true that the Scripture miracles have so " borne the 566 MIRIAM brunt" of the a priori objection to miracles as to remove all peculiar presumption against them as improbable events, there is a sense in which they may be truly said to have prepared the way for those of the ecclesiastical legends. But it is one which aggravates, instead of extenuating, their improbability. The narratives of the Scripture miracles may very probably have tended to raise an expectation of miraclps in the minds of weak and credulous persons, and to encourage design ing men to attempt an imitation of them. In this sense it may be snid that the Scripture narratives " broke the ice," and prepared the way for a whole succession of legends. On the whole, we may conclude that the mass of the ecclesiastical miracles do not form any part of the same series as those related in Scripture, which latter are, therefore, unaffected by any decision we may come to with respect to the former ; and that they are pressed by the weight of three distinct presump tions agaiust them — being improbable (1) as vary ing from the analogy of nature; (2) as varying from the analogy of the Scripture miracles ; (3) as resembling those legendary stories which are the known product of the credulity or imposture of mankind. Miriam. 1. Miriam, the sister of Moses, was the eldest of that sacred family ; and she first appears, probably as a young girl, watching her infant bro ther's cradle in the Nile (Ex. ii. 4), and suggesting her mother as a nurse (ib. 7). The independent and high position given by her superiority of age she never lost. " The sister of Aaron " is her Biblical distinction (Ex. xv. 20). In Num. xii. 1 she is placed before Aaron ; and in Mic. vi. 4 reck oned as amongst the Three Deliverers. She is the first personage in that household to whom the pro phetic gifts are directly ascribed — "Miriam the Prophetess" is her acknowledged title (Ex. xv. 20). The prophetic power showed itself in her under the same fonn as that which it assumed in the days of Samuel and David, — poetry, accompanied with music and processions (Ex. xv. 1-19). She took the lead, with Aaron, in the complaint against Moses for his marriage with a, Cushite. *' Hath Jehovah spoken by Moses? Hath He not also spoken by us?" (Num. xii. 1, 2). A stern rebuke was administered in front of the sacred Tent to both Aaron and Miriam, But the punishment fell on Miriam, as the chief offender. The hateful Egyptian leprosy, of which for a moment the sign had been seen on the hand of her younger brother, broke out over the whole person of the proud pro phetess. How grand was her position, and how heavy the blow, is implied in the cry of anguish which goes up from both her brothers. And it is not less evident in the silent grief of the nation (Num. xii. 10-15). This stroke, and its removal, which took place at Hazeroth, form the last public event of Miriam's life. She died towards the close of the wanderings at Kadesh, and was buried there (Num. xx. 1). Her tomb was shown near Petra in the days of Jerome. According to Josephus, she was married to the famous Hur, and, through him, was grandmother of the architect BEZALEEL.— 2. A person — whether man or woman does not appear — mentioned in the genealogies ofthe tribe of Judah and house of Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 17). Mir'ma. A Benjamite, *< chief of the fathers," son of Shaharaim by his wife Hodesh; born in the land of Moab (1 Chr. viii. 10). MISHAEL Mirror. The two words, mardh (Ex. xxxviii. 8), and rei (Job xxxvii. 18), are rendered "lookinc glass" in the A. V., but from the context evidently denote a mirror of polished metal. The Hebrew women on coming out of Egypt probably brought with them mirrors like those which were used by the Egyptians, and were made of a mixed metal, chiefly copper, wrought with such admirable skill says Sir G. Wilkinson {Anc. Eg. iii. 384), that they were " susceptible of a lustre, which has even been partially revived at the present day, in some of those discovered at Thebes, though buried in the earth for many centuries. The mirror itself was nearly round, inserted into a handle of wood, stone, or metal, whose form varied according to the taste of the owner. Some presented the figure of a female, a flower, a column, or a rod ornamented with the head of Athor, a bird, or a fancy device; and sometimes the face of a Typhonian monster was introduced to support the mirror, serving as a con trast to the features whose beauty was displayed within it." The metal of which the mirrors were composed, being liable to rust and tarnish, required to be constantly kept bright (Wisd. vii. 26 ; Ecclus, xii. 11). This was done by means of pounded pumice-stone, rubbed on with a sponge, which was generally suspended from the mirror. The obscure image produced by a tarnished or imperfect mirror, appears to be alluded to in 1 Cor. xiii. 12. The obscure word gilyonim (Is. iii. 23), rendered " glasses" in the A. V. after the Vulgate specula, is explained by Schroeder to signify " transparent dresses" of fine linen. Egypt'an Mirror. Qfrom Mr. Salt's collection.) Mis'ael. 1. The same as Mishael 2 (1 Esd. ix. 44; comp. Neh. viii. 4).— 2. = Mishael 3, the Hebrew name of Meshach (Song of the Three Child. 66). Mis'gab, a place in Moab named in company with Nebo and Kiriathaim in the denunciation of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1). It appears to be men tioned also in Is. xxv. 12, though there rendered in the A. V. " high fort." It is possibly identical with Mizpeh of Moab, named only in 1 Sam. xxiii. 3. Mish'aoL 1. One of the sous of Uzziel, tne uncle of Aaron and Moses (Ex. vi. 22). When Nadab and Abihu were struck dead for offering MISHAL strange fire, Mishael and his brother Elzaphan, at tlie command of Moses, removed their bodies from the sanctuary, and buried them without the camp, their loose fitting tunics serving for winding-sheets (Lev. x. 4, 5).— 2. One of those who stood at Ezra's left hand when he read the law to the people (Neh. viii. 4).— 3. One of Daniel's three companions in captivity, and of the blood-royal of Judah (Dan. i. fi, 7, 11, 19, ii. 17). Mish'al, and Misn'eal, one of the towns in the territory of Asher (Josh. xix. 26), allotted to the Gershonite Levites (xxi. 30). Mish'am. A Benjamite, son of Elpaal, and de scendant of Shaharaim (1 Chr. viii. 12). Mish'ma. 1. A son of Ishmael and brother of MiBSAM (Gen. xxv. 14 ; 1 Chr. i. 30). The Ma- samani of Ptolemy may represent the tribe of Mishma.— 2. A son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25). brother of MiBSAM. These brothers were per haps named after the older brothers, Mishma and Mibsam. Mishman'nah. The fourth of the twelve lion- faced Gadites who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 10). Mish'raites, the, the fourth ofthe four " families of Kirjath-jearim," {. e. colonies proceeding there from and founding towns ( 1 Chr. ii. 53). Misper'eth. One of those who returned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua from Babylon (Neh vii. 7). Mis'rephoth-ma'im, « place in northern Pales tine, in close connexion with Zidon-rabbah, i. e. Sidon (Josh. xi. 8). The name occurs once again in the enumeration of the districts remaining to be conquered (xiii. 6). Taken as Hebrew, the literal meaning of the name is " burnings of waters," and accordingly it is taken by the old interpreters to mean " warm waters," whether natural, e. e. hot baths or springs — or artificial, i. e. salt, glass, or smelting works. The probability here, as in so many other cases, is, that a meaning has been forced on a name originally belonging to another language, and therefore unintelligible to the later occupiers of tlie country. Dr. Thomson treats Misrephoth- maim as identical with a collection of springs called Ain-Musheirifeh, on the sea-shore, close under the Bos en-Nakhura ; but this has the disadvantage of being very far from Sidon. May it not rather be the place with which we are familiar in the later history as Zarephath ? Mite, a coin current in Palestine in the time of our Lord (Maik xii. 41-44; Luke xxi. 1-4). It seems in Palestine to have been the smallest piece of money, being the half of the farthing, which was a coin of very low value. From St. Mark's explana tion, "two mites, which make a* farthing" (ver. 42), it may perhaps be inferred that the farthing was the commoner coin. In the Grace-Roman coinage of Palestine, the two smallest coins, of which the assarion is the more common, seem to corre spond to the farthing and the mite, the larger weighing about twice as much as the smaller. Mith'cah, the name of an unknown desert en campment of the Israelites, meaning, perhaps, • " place of sweetness " (Num. xxxiii. 28, 29). Mith'nite, the, the designation of Joshaphat, one of David's guai'd in the catalogue of 1 Chr. xi. (ver. 43V Mitb/redath. 1. The treasurer of Cyrus king of Persia, to whom the king gave the vessels of the Temple, to be by . him transferred to the hands of MIZPAH 567 Sheshbazzar (Ez. i. 8).— 2. A Persian officer sta tioned at Samaria, in the reign of Artaxerxes, or Smerdis the Magian (Ezr. iv. 7). Mithridates. 1. (1 Esdr. ii. 11) = Mithbe- dath 1.— 2. (1 Esdr. ii. 16) = Mithredath 2. Mitre. [Crown.] Mityle'ne, the chief town of Lesbos, and situ ated on the east coast of the island. Mitylene is the intermediate place where St. Paul stopped for the night between ASSOS and Chios (Acts xx. 14, 15). It may be gathered from the circumstances of this voyage that the wind was blowing from the N.W. ; and it is worth while to notice that in the harbour or in the roadstead of Mitylene the ship would be sheltered from that wind. The town itself was celebrated in Koman times for the beauty of its buildings. In St. Paul's day it had the privileges of a free city, lt is one of the few cities of the Aegean which have continued without intermission to flourish till the present day. It has given its name to the whole island, and is itself now called sometimes Castro, sometimes Mitylen. Mixed Multitude. With the Israelites who journeyed from Rameses to Succoth, the first stage of the Exodus from Egypt, there went up (Ex. xii, 38) " a mixed multitude," who have not hitherto been identified. Aben Ezra says it signifies the Egyptians who were mixed with them, Rashi on Num. xi. 4 identities the "mixed multitude" of Num. and Exodus. During their residence in Egypt marriages were naturally contracted between the Israelites and the natives. This hybrid race is evi dently alluded to by Rashi and Aben Ezra, and is most probably that to which reference is made in Exodus. That the " mixed multitude" is a general term including all those who were not of pure Israelite blood is evident ; more than this cannot be positively asserted. In Exodus and Numbers it probably denoted the miscellaneous hangers-on of the Hebrew camp, whether they were the issue of spurious marriages with Egyptians, or were themselves Egyptians or belonging to other na tions. The same happened on the return from Babylon, and in Neh. xiii. 3 (comp. 23-30) a slight clue is given by which the meaning of the " mixed multitude " may be more definitely ascer tained. Mi'zar, the Hill, a mountain apparently in the northern part of trans-Jordanic Palestine, from which the author of Psalm xiii. utters his pa thetic appeal (ver. 6). The name appears nowhere else. Miz'pah, aud Miz'peh, The name borne by several places in ancient Palestine.— 1. Mizpah. The earliest of all, in order ofthe narrative, is the heap of stones piled up by Jacob and Laban (Gen. xxxi. 48) on Mount Gilead (ver. 25), to serve both as a witness to the covenant then entered into, and also as a landmark of the boundary between them (ver. 52). This heap received a name from each of the two chief actors in the transaction — G ALEED and Jegap. Sahadutha. But it had also a third, viz. Mizpah, which it seems from the terms of the narrative to have derived from neither party, but to have possessed already. The name remained attached to the ancient meeting-place of Jacob and Laban, and the spot where their conference had been held became a sanctuary of Jehovah, and a place for solemn conclave and deliberation in times of difficulty long after. On this natural " watch- 568 MIZPAH tower," when the last touch had been put to their misery by the threatened attack of the Bene- Ammon, did the children of Israel assemble for the choice of a leader (Judg. x. 17, comp. ver. 16) ; and when the outlawed Jephthah had been prevailed on to leave his exile and take the head of his people, his first act was to go to " the Mizpah," and on that consecrated ground utter all his words "before Je hovah." At Mizpah he seems to have henceforward resided ; there the fatal meeting took place with his daughter on his return from the war (xi. 34), and we can hardly doubt that on the altar of that sanc tuary the father's terrible vow was consummated. It seems most probable that the " Mizpeh-Gilead " which is mentioned here, and here only, is the same as the ham-Mizpah of the other parts of the nar rative; and both, as we shall see afterwards, are probably identical with the RamaTH-Mizpeh and Ramoth-Gilead, so famous in the later history. It is still more difficult to determine whether this was not also the place at which the great assembly ofthe people was held to decide on the measures to be taken against Gibeah after the outrage on the Levite and his concubine (Judg. xx. 1, 3, xxi. 1, 5, 8). Mizpah is probably the same as Ramath- Mizpeh, mentioned Josh. xiii. 26 only. Ramath ham-Mizpeh was most probably identical also with Ramoth-Gilead. Mizpah still retained its name in the days of the Maccabees, by whom it was besieged and taken with the other cities of Gilead (1 Mace. v. 35).— 2. A second Mizpeh, on the east of Jordan, was the Mizpeh-Moab, where the king of that nation was living when David committed his parents to his eare (1 Sam. xxii. 3). The name does not occur again, nor is there any clue to the situation of the place. It may have been Kir-moab, the modern Kerak, or even the great Mount Pisgah.— 3. A third was The Land of Mizpeh, or more accur ately " of Mizpah," the residence of the Hivites who joined the northern confederacy against Israel, headed by Jabin king of Hazor (Josh. xi. 3.) No other mention is found of this district in the Bible, unless it be identical with— 4. The Valley of Mizpeh, to which the discomfited hosts of the same confederacy were chased by Joshua (xi. 8). lt lay eastward from Misrephoth-maih ; but this affords us no assistance, as the situation of the latter place is by no means certain. If we may rely on the peculiar term here rendered " valley," then we may accept the " land of Mizpah" or " the valley of Mizpeh " as identical with that enormous ttact, the great country of Coele-Syria, the Buka'a alike of the modern Arabs and of the ancient He- biews. But this must not be taken for more than a probable inference.— 5, Mizpeh, a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 38) ; in the district of the Shefelah or maritime lowland. Van de Velde suggests its identity with the present Tell es-Sdfiyeh — the Blanchegarde of the Crusaders.— 6. Mizpeh, in Josh, and Samuel; elsewhere Mizpah, a "city" of Benjamin, named in the list of the allotment between Beeroth and Chephirah, and in apparent proximity to Ramah and Gibeon (Josh, xviii. 26). Its connexion with the two last-named towns is also implied in the later history (1 K. xv. 22; 2 Chr. xvi. 6; Neh. iii. 7).. It was one of the places fortified by Asa against the incursions of the kings of the northern Israel (1 K. xv. 22 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 6 ; Jer. xii. 9) ; and after the destruction of Jerusalem it became the residence of the superintendent ap pointed by the king of Babylon (Jer. xl. 7, &c), MIZRAIM and the scene of his murder and of the romantic1 incidents connected with the name of Ishmael the son of Nethaniah. But Mizpah was more than this. In the earlier periods of the histoiy of Israel, at the first foundation of the monarchy, it was the great sanctuary of Jehovah, the special resort of the people in times of difficulty and solemn deliberation. It was one of the three holy cities which Samuel visited in turn as judge ofthe people (vii. 6, 16), the other two being Bethel and Gilgal. But, unlike Bethel and Gilgal, no record is preserved of the cause or origin of a sanctity so abruptly announced, and yet so fully asserted. We have seen that there is at least some ground for believing that the Mizpah spoken of in the transactions of the early part of the period of the judges, was the ancient sanctuary in the moun tains of Gilead. Is it possible that as the old Mizpah became inaccessible, an eminence nearer at hand was chosen and invested with the sanctity of the original spot and used for the same purposes? With the conquest of Jerusalem and the establishment there of the Ark, the sanctity of Mizpah, or at least its reputation, seems to have declined. We hear of no religious a"ct in connexion with it till that affecting assembly called together thither, as to the ancient sanctuaiy of their forefathers, by Judas Maccabaeus, " when the Israelites assembled themselves together and came to Massepha over against Jerusalem ; for in Maspha was there aforetime a place of prayer for Israel" (1 Mace. iii. 46). The expression " over against," no less than the circumstances of the story, seems to require that from Mizpah the City or the Temple was visible. These conditions are satisfied by the position of Scopus, the broad ridge which forms the continuation of the Mount of Olives to the north and east, from which the tra veller gains, like Titus, his first view, and takes his last farewell, of the domes, walls, and towers of the Holy City. Miz par. Properly MispAR, as in the A. V. of 1611 and the Geneva version; the same as MlS- PERETH (Ezr. ii. 2). Mizpeh. [Mizpah.] Miz'raixn, the usual name of Egypt in the 0. T., the dual of Mazor, which is less frequently employed. If the etymology of Mazor be sought in Hebrew it might signify a " mound," " bulwark," or " citadel," or again " distress ;" but no one of these meanings is apposite. We prefer, with Gesenius, to look to the Arabic. In the Kdmoos, one of the meanings given to Mizr is " red earth or mud," and this we believe is the true one, from its correspondence to the Egyp tian name of the country, KEM, which signifies ' ' black," and was given to it for the blackness of its alluvial soil. Mizraim first occurs in the account ofthe Hamites in Gen. x., where we read, "And the sons of Ham ; Cush, and Mizraim, and Phut, and Canaan " (ver. 6 ; comp. 1 Chr. i. 8). If the names be in an order of seniority, we can fonn no theory as to their settlements from their places; but if the arrangement be geographical, the placing may afford a due to the positions of the Hamite lands. Cush would stand first as the most widely spread of these peoples, extending from Babylon to the upper Mile, the territory of Mizraim would be the next to the north, embracing Egypt and its colonies on the north-west and north-east, Phut as dependent on Egypt might follow Mizraim, and Canaan as the northernmost would end the list. Egypt, the " land of Ham," may have been the primitive seat of these four stocks. In tlie MIZZAH enumeration of the Mizraites, though we have tribes extending far beyond Egypt, we may suppose that they all had their first seat in Mizraim, and spread thence, as is distinctly said of the Philistines. Here the order seems to be geographical, though the same is not so clear of the Canaanites. Mizraim, therefore, like Cush, and perhaps Ham, geographic ally represents a centre whence colonies went forth in the remotest period of post-diluvian history.' We regard the distribution of the Mizraites as showing that their colonies were but a part of the great migration that gave the Cushites the command of the Indian Ocean, and which explains the affinity the Egyptian monuments show us between the pre- Hellenic Cretans and Carians (the latter no doubt the Leleges of the Greek writers) and the Philis tines. In the use of the names Mazor and Mizraim for Egypt there can be no doubt that the dual in dicates the two regions into which the country has always been divided by nature as well as by its inhabitants. It has been supposed that Mazor, as distinct from Mizraim, signifies Lower Egypt ; but this conjecture cannot be maintained. Miz'zah. Son of Reuel and grandson of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 17 ; 1 Chr. i. 37) Mua'son is honourably mentioned in Scripture, like Gaius, Lydia, and others, as one ofthe hosts of the Apostle Paul (Acts xxi. 16). It is most likely, in the first place, that his residence at this time was not Caesarea, but Jerusalem. He was a Cyprian by birth, and may have been a friend of Barnabas (Acts iv. 36), and possibly brought to the know ledge of Christianity by him. Mo'ab, the name of the son of Lot's eldest daughter, the elder brother of Ben-Ammi, the pro genitor of the Ammonites (Gen, xix. 37) ; also of the nation descended from him. Zoar was the cradle of the race of Lot. From this centre the brother-tribes spread themselves. Ammon, whose disposition seems throughout to have been more roving and unsettled, went to the north-east. Moab, whose habits were more settled and peaceful, re mained nearer their original seat. The rich high lands which crown the eastern side of the chasm oi' the Dead Sea, and extend northwards as far as the foot of the mountains of Gilead, appear at that early date to have borne a name, which in its Hebrew form is presented to us as Shaveh-Kiriathaim, and to have been inhabited by a branch of the great race of the Rephaim. This ancient people, the Emim, gradually became extinct before the Moabites, who thus obtained possession of the whole ofthe rich elevated tract referred to. With the highlands they occupied also the lowlands at their feet. Of the valuable district of the highlands they were not allowed to retain entire possession. The warlike Amorites crossed the Jordan and overran the richer portion of the territory on the north, driving Moab back to his original position behind the natural bul wark of the Arnon. The plain of the Jordan- valley appears to have remained in the power of Moab. When Israel reached the boundary of the countiy, this contest had only very recently oc curred. Sihon, the Amorite king under whose com mand Heshbon had been taken, was still reigning there: the ballads commemorating the event were still fresh in the popular mouth (Num. xxi. 27-30). Of these events we obtain the above outline only MOAB 569 10, 11). The position into which the Moabites were driven by the incursion of the Amorites was a very circumscribed one, in extent not so much as half that which they had lost. But on the other hand it was much more secure, and was well suited for the occupation of a people whose disposition was not so warlike as that of their neighbours. The territory occu pied by Moab at the period of its greatest extent, before the invasion of the Amorites, divided itself naturally into three distinct and independent por tions. Each of these portions, appears to have had its name by which it is almost invariably desig nated. (1) The enclosed corner or canton south of the Arnon was the "field of Moab" (Ruth i. 1, 2, 6, &c). (2) The more open rolling country north of the Anion, opposite Jericho, and up to the hills of Gilead, was the " land of Moab " (Deut. i. 5, xxxii. 49, &c). (3) The sunk district in the tro pical depths of the Jordan valley, taking its name from that of the great valley itself— the Arabah — was the Arboth-Moab, the diy regions — in the A. V. very incorrectly rendered the "plains of Moab " (Num. xxii. 1, &c). Outside of the hills, which enclosed the "field of Moab" or Moab proper, on the south-east, lay the vast pasture grounds ofthe waste uncultivated country or " Mid- bar " which is described as " facing Moab " on the east (Num. xxi. 11). Through this latter district Israel appeal's to have approached the Promised Land. Some communication had evidently taken, place, though of what nature it is impossible clearly. to ascertain. But whatever the communication may have been, the result was that Israel did not traverse Moab, but turning, to the right passed out side the mountains through the " wilderness," by the east side of the territory above described (Deut. ii. 8 ; Judg. xi. 18), and finally took up their posi- tion in the country north of the Arnon, from which Moab had so lately been ejected. Here the head quarters of the nation remained for a considerable time while the conquest of Bashan was being effected. lt was during this period that the visit of Balaam took place. The whole of the country east of the Jordan, with the exception of the one little corner occupied by Moab, was in possession of the invaders, and although at the period in question the main body had descended from the upper level to the plains of Shittim, the Arboth-Moab, in the Jordan valley, yet a great number must have remained on the upper level, and the towns up to the very edge of the ravine of the Arnon were still occupied by their settlements (Num. xxi. 24 ; Judg. xi. 26). It was a situation full of alarm for a nation which' had already suffered so severely. The account of the whole of these transactions in the Book of Number's, perhaps hardly conveys an adequate idea ofthe ex tremity in which Balak found himself in his unex pected encounter with the new nation and their mighty Divinity. The connexion of Moab with Midian, and the comparatively inoffensive character of the former, are shown in the narrative of the events which followed the departure of Balaam. The latest date at which the two names appear in conjunction, is found in the notice of the defeat of Midian "in the field of Moab" by the Edomite king Hadad-ben-Bedad, which occurred five genera- tions_ before the establishment of the monarchy of from the fragments of ancient documents, which Israel (Gen. xxxvi. 35; 1 Chr 7 46) ~ Atter'the are found embedded in the records of Numbers conquest of Canaan the relation^ of Moab with and Deuteronomy (Num. xxi. 26-30; Deut. ii. | Israel were of a mixed character. With the tribe 26-30 ; Deut. ii. j Israel were of a mixed character. 570 MOAB of Benjamin, whose possessions at their eastern end were separated from those of Moab only by the Jordan, they had at least one severe struggle, in union with their kindred the Ammonites, and also, for this time only, the wild Amalekites from the south (Judg. iii. 12-30). The feud continued with true Oriental pertinacity to the time of Saul. Of his slaughter of the Ammonites we have full details in 1 Sam. xi., and amongst his other conquests Moab is especially mentioned (1 Sam. xiv. 47). But while such were their relations to the tribe of Ben jamin, the story of Ruth, on the other hand, testifies to the existence of a friendly intercourse between Moab and Bethlehem, one of the towns of Judah By his descent from Ruth, David may be said to have had Moabite blood in his veins. The rela tionship was sufficient, especially when combined with the blood-feud between Moab and Benjamin, already alluded to, to warrant his visiting the land of his ancestress, and committing his parents to the protection of the king of Moab, when hard pressed by Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4). But here all friendly relation stops for ever. The next time the name is mentioned is in the account of David's war, at least twenty years after the last mentioned event (2 Sam. viii. 2 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 2). So signal a vengeance can only have been occasioned by some act of perfidy or insult, like that which brought down a similar treatment on the Ammonites (2 Sam. x.). It. has been conjectured that the king of Moab betrayed the trust which David reposed in him, and either himself killed Jesse and his wife, or sur rendered them to Saul. But this, though not im probable, is nothing more than conjecture. It must have been a considerable time before Moab recovered from so severe a blow. At the disruption of the king dom, Moab seems to have fallen to the northern realm. At the death of Ahab, eighty years later, we find Moab paying him the enormous tribute, apparently annual, of 100,000 rams, and the same number of wethers with their fleeces. It is not surprising that the Moabites should have seized the moment of Ahab's death to throw off so burden some a yoke ; but it is surprising, that notwith standing such a drain on their resources, they were ready to incur the risk and expense of a war with a state in every respect far their superior. Their first step, after asserting their independence, was to attack the kingdom of Judah (2 Chr. xx.). The army was a huge heterogeneous horde of ill-assorted elements, and the expedition contained within itself the elements of its own destruction. As a natural consequence of the late events, Israel, Judah, and Edom united in an attack on Moab. The three confederate armies approached not as usual by the north, but round the southern end ofthe Dead Sea, through the parched valleys of upper Edom. As the host came near, the king of Moab, doubtless the same Mesha who threw off the yoke of Ahab, as sembled the whole of his people on the boundary of his territory. Here they remained all night on the watch. With the approach of morning the sun rose suddenly above the horizon of the rolling plain, and shone with a blood-red glare on a multitude of pools in the bed of the wady at their feet. To them the conclusion was inevitable. The army had, like their own on the late occasion, fallen out in the night ; these red pools were the blood of the slain ; those who were not killed had fled, and no thing stood between them and the pillage of the camp. The cry " Moab to the spoil 1 " was raised. MOAB Down the slopes they rushed in headlong disorder. Then occurred one of those scenes of carnage which can happen but once or twice in the existence of a nation. The Moabites fled back in confusion fol lowed and cut down at every step by their enemies. Far inwards did the pursuit reach, among the cities and fai-ms and orchards of that rich district: nor when the slaughter was over was the horrid work of destruction done. At last the struggle collected itself at KlR-HAEASETH. Here Mesha took refuge with his family and with the remnants of his army. The heights around were covered with slingei-s, who discharged their volleys of stones on the town. At length the annoyance could be borne no longer. Then Mesha, collecting round him a forlorn hope of 700 of his best warriors, made a desperate sally, with the intention of cutting his way through to his special foe the king of Edom. But the enemy were too strong for him, and he was driven back. And then came a fitting crown to a tragedy already so terrible. An awful spectacle amazed and hor- rifled the besiegers. The king and his eldest son, the heir to the throne, mounted the wall, and, in the sight of the thousands who covered the sides of that vast amphitheatre, the father killed and burnt his child as a propitiatory sacrifice to the cruel gods of his country. In the " Burden of Moab " pro nounced by Isaiah (chaps, xv., xvi.), we possess a document full of interesting details as to the condi tion of the nation, at the time of the death of Ahaz king of Judah, B.C. 726. This passage of Isaiah cannot be considered apart fi-om that of Jeremiah, chap, xlviii. The latter was pronounced more than a century later, about the year 600, ten or twelve years before the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar, by which Jerusalem was destroyed. The difficulty of so many of the towns of Reuben being mentioned, as already in the possession of Moab, may perhaps be explained by remembering that the idolatry of the neighbouring nations — and therefore of Moab, had been adopted by the trans-Jordanic tribes for some time previously to the final deportation by Tiglath-pileser (see 1 Chr. v. 25), and that many of the sanctuaries were probably even at the date of the original delivery of the denunciation in the hands ofthe priests of Chemosh and Milcom. On the other hand, the calamities which Jeremiah de scribes, may have been inflicted in any one of the numerous visitations from the Assyrian army, under which these unhappy countries suffered at the period of his prophecy in rapid succession. But the uncertainty of the exact dates referred to in these several denunciations, does not in the least affect the interest or the value of the allusions they contain to the condition of Moab. They bear the evident stamp of portraiture by artists who knew their subject thoroughly. The nation appeal's in them as high-spirited, wealthy, populous, and even to a cei'tain extent, civilised, enjoying a wide reput ation and popularity. And since the descriptions we are considering are adopted by certainly two, and probably three prophets, Jeremiah, Isaiah, and the older seer, extending over a period of nearly 200 years, we may safely conclude that they are not merely temporary circumstances, but were the enduring characteristics of the people. In this case there can be no doubt that amongst the pastoral people of Syria, Moab stood next to Israel in all matters of material wealth and civilisation. Half the allusions of Isaiah and Jeremiah iu the passages leferred to must for ever remain obscure. Many MOAB expressions, also, such as the " weeping of Jazer," the ** heifer of three years old,5* the " shadow of Heshbon," the " lions," must be unintelligible. But nothing can obscure or render obsolete the tone of tenderness and affection which makes itself felt in a hundred expressions throughout these precious docu ments. Isaiah recurs to the subject in another passage of extraordinary force, and of fiercer cha racter than before, viz., xxv. 10-12. Here the extermination, the utter annihilation, of Moab, is contemplated by the Prophet with triumph, as one of the first results ofthe re -establishment of Jehovah on Mount Zion. Between the time of Isaiah's de nunciation and the destruction of Jerusalem we have hardly a reference to Moab. Zephaniah, writ ing in the reign of Josiah, reproaches them (ii. 8-10) for their taunts against the people of Jehovah, but no acts of hostility are recorded either on the one side or the other. From one passage in Jeremiah (xxv. 9-21) delivered in the fourth year of Je hoiakim, just before the first appearance of Nebu chadnezzar, it is apparent that it was the belief of the Prophet that the nations surrounding Israel — aud Moab among the rest — were on the eve of de vastation by the Chaldaeans and of a captivity for seventy years (see ver. 11), from which however, they should eventually be restored to their own country^ (ver. 12, and xlviii. 47). From another record of the events of the same period or of one only just subsequent (2 K. xxiv. 2), it would appear, however, that Moab made terms with the Chal daeans, and for the time acted in concert with them in harassing and plundering the kingdom of Je hoiakim. Four or five years later, in the first year of Zedekiah (Jer. xxvii. 1), these hostilities must have ceased, for there was then a regular inter course between Moab and the court at Jerusalem (ver. 3), possibly; as Bunsen suggests negotiating a combined resistance to the common enemy. The brunt of the storm must have fallen on Judah and Jerusalem. In the time of Ezekiel, the cities of Moab were still flourishing, " the glory of the country," destined to become at a future day a prey to the Bene-kedem, the '* men of the East " — the Bedouins of the great desert of the Euphrates (Ez. xxv. 8-11). After the return from the cap tivity it was a Moabite, Sanballat of Horonaim, who took the chief part in annoying and endeavouring to hinder the operations of the rebuilders of Jerusalem (Neh. ii. 19, iv. 1, vi. 1, &c). During the in terval since the return of the first caravan from Babylon the illegal practice of marriages between the Jews and the other people around, Moab amongst the rest, had become frequent. Even among the families of Israel who returned from the captivity was one bearing the name of Pahath-Moab (Ezr. ii. 6, viii. 4; Neh. iii. 11, &c.), a name which must certainly denote a Moabite connexion. In the book of Judith, the scene of which is laid shortly after the return from captivity (iv. 3), Moabites and Ammonites are represented as dwelling in their ancient seats and as obeying the call of the Assyrian general. In the time of Eusebius, i. e. cir, a.d. 380, the name appears to have been attached to the district, as well as to the town of Rabbath, both of which were called Moab. It also lingered for some time in the name of the ancient Kir-Moab, rvhich, as Charakmoba, is mentioned by Ptolemy, and as late as the Council of Jerusalem, a.d. 536, formed the see of a bishop under the same title. Since that time the modern name Kerak has super- MODIN 571 seded the older one, and no trace of Moab has been found either in records or in the country itself. Like the otner countries east of Jordan, Moab has been very little visited by Europeans, and beyond its general characteristics hardly anything is known of it. In one thing all agree, the extra ordinary number of ruins which are scattered ovei the country. The whole country is undulating, and, after the general level of the plateau is reached, without any serious inequalities ; and in this and the absence of conspicuous vegetation has a certain resemblance to the downs of our own southern counties. Of the language of the Moabites we know nothing or next to nothing. In the few communi cations recorded as taking place between them and Israelites no interpreter is mentioned (see Ruth ; 1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4, &c). For the religion of the Moabites see Chemosh, Molech, Peor. Of their habits and customs we have hardly a trace. Moadi'ah. A priest, or family of priests, who returned with Zerubbabel. The chief of the house in the time of Joiakim the son of Jeshua was Piltai (Neh. xii. 17). Elsewhere (Neh. xii. 5) called Maadiah. Mochmux, the Brook, a torrent, i. e. a wady, mentioned only in Jud. vii. 18. The torrent Moch- mur may be either the Wady Makfuriyeh, on the northern slopes of which Akrabeh stands, or the Wady Ahmar, which is the continuation of the fonner eastwards. Mo'din, a place not mentioned in either Old or New Testament, though rendered immortal by its connexion with the history of the Jews in the in terval between the two. It was the native city of the Maccabaean family (1 Mace. xiii. 25), and as a necessary consequence contained their ancestral sepulchre (ii. 70, ix. 19). It was here that Mat tathias struck the first blow of resistance. Mattathias himself, and subsequently his sons Judas and Jo nathan, were buried in the family tomb, and over them Simon erected a structure which is minutely described in the book of Maccabees (xiii. 25-30), and, with less detail, by Josephus. At Modin the Maccabaean armies encamped on the eves of two of theh* most memorable victories — that of Judas over Antiochus Eupator (2 Mace. xiii. 14), and that of Simon over Cendebeus (1 Mace. xvi. 4). the last battle of the veteran chief before his assas sination. The only indication of the position of the place to be gathered from the above notices is contained in the last, from which we may infer that it was near " the plain " i. e. the great mari time lowland of Philistia (ver. 5). By Eusebius and Jerome it is specified as near Diospolis, i e. Lydda j while the notice in the Mishna (Pesachim, ix. 2), and the comments of Bartenora and Mai monides, state that it was 15 (Roman) miles from Jerusalem. At the same time the description of the monument seems to imply that the spot was so lofty as to be visible from the sea, and so near that even the details of the sculpture were discernible therefrom. All these conditions, excepting the last, are tolerably fulfilled in either of the two sites called Lattvn and Kubab. The mediaeval and modern tradition places Modin at Soba, an eminence south of KurieteUenab ; but this being not more than 7 miles from Jerusalem, while it is as much as 25 fi-om Lydda and 30 from the sea, aud also far removed from the plain of Philistia, is at variance with every one of the conditions implied in the records. The monuments are said by Eusebius to 572 MOETH have been still shown when he wrote — A.D. circa 320. Any restoration ofthe structure from so im perfect an account as that given" in the book of Mac cabees and by Josephus can never be anything more than conjecture. But in its absence one or two questions present themselves. (1.) The "ships" (irAoia, naves). The sea and its pursuits were so alien to the ancient Jews, and the life of the Macca baean heroes who preceded Simon was so unconnected therewith, that it is difficult not to suppose that the word is corrupted from what it originally was. It is perhaps more reasonable to suppose that the sculptures were intended to be symbolical of the departed heroes. (2.) The distance at which the " ships " were to be seen. De Saulcy ingeniously suggests that the true meaning is, not that the sculptures could be discerned from the vessels in the Mediterranean, but that they were worthy to be inspected by those who were sailors by pro fession. Mo'eth. In 1 Esd. viii. 63, " NoADIAH the son of Binnui" (Ezr. viii. 33), a Levite, is called " Moeth the son of Sabban." Mo'lauah, a city of Judah, one of those which lay in the district of " the south," next to Edom (Josh. xv. 26, xix. 2). In the latter tribe it re mained at any rate till the reign of David (1 Chr. iv. 28), but by the time of the captivity it seems to have come back into the hands of Judah, by whom it was reinhabited after the captivity (Neh. xi. 26). In the Onomasticon a place named Mala- tha is spoken of as in the interior of Daroma ; and further it is mentioned as 4 miles from Arad and 20 from Hebron. Ptolemy also speaks of a Mali- attha as near Elusa. The requirements of these notices are all very fairly answered by the position of the modern el-Milh. El-Milh is about 4 Eng lish miles from Tell Arad, 17 or 18 from Hebron, and 9 or 10 due east of Beersheba. Hole. 1. Tinshemeth. This word occurs in the list of unclean birds in Lev. xi. 18; Deut. xiv. 16 (A.V. "swan"), and in Lev. xi. 30 (A.V. " mole "). Bochart has argued with much force in behalf of the " chameleon" being the tinshemeth. The only clue to an identification of tinshemeth is to be found in its etymology, and in the context in which the word occurs. Bochart conjectures that the root from which the Heb. name of this creature is derived, has reference to a vulgar opinion amongst the ancients that the chameleon lived on air. It is probable that the animals mentioned with the tin shemeth (Lev. xi. 30) denote different kinds of lizards ; perhaps therefore, since the etymology of the word is favourable to -that view, the chameleon may be the animal intended by tinshemeth in Lev. xi. 30. The chameleon belongs to the tribe Dendro- saura, order Saura ; the family inhabits Asia and Africa, and the south of Europe ; the C. vulgaris is the species mentioned in the Bible. — 2. ChSphor piroth is rendered " moles" by the A. V. in Is. ii. Tho Chameleon. (Qhomdco milg " Shekel of Israel." Vase, above which g [Year] 1. £ tW*\\) D?K>1T» " Jerusalem the holy." Branch bearing three flowers. M. The average weight of the silver coins is about 220 grains troy for the shekel, and 110 for the half- shekel. The shekel corresponds almost exactly to the tetradrachm or didrachm of the earlier Phoe nician talent in use in the cities of Phoenicia under Persian rule, and after Alexander's time at Tyre-, Sidon, and Berytus, as well as in Egypt, lt is re presented in the LXX. by didrachm, a rendering which has occasioned great difficulty to numis matists. The natural explanation seems to us to be that the Alexandrian Jews adopted for the shekel the term didrachm as the common name of the coin corresponding in weight to it, and that it thus became in Hebraistic Greek the equivalent of shekel. There is no ground for supposing a dif ference in use in the LXX. and N. T. The fabric of the silver coins above described is so different from that of any other ancient money, that it is extremely hard to base any argument on it alone, and the cases of other special classes, as the an cient money of Cyprus, show the danger of such reasoning. Some have been disposed to consider that it proves that these coins cannot be later than the time of Nehemiah, others will not admit it to be later than Alexander's time, while some still hold that it is not too archaic for the Maccabean period. The inscriptions of these coins, and all the other Hebrew inscriptions of Jewish coins, are in a cha racter of which there are few other examples. As Gesenius has observed, it bears a strong resemblance to the Samaritan and Phoenician, and we may add to the Aramean of coins which must be carefully distinguished from the Aramean of the papyri found in Egypt. The meaning of the inscriptions does not offer matter for controversy. Their nature would indicate a period of Jewish freedom from Greek influence as well as independence, and the use of an era dating from its commencement. Tbe old explanation of the meaning of the types of the shekels and half-shekels, that they represent the pot of manna and Aaron's rod that budded, seems to us remarkably consistent with the inscriptions and with what we should expect. Cavedoni has suggested, however, that the one type is simply a vase of the Temple, and tlie other a lily, arguing against the old explanation of the former that the pot of manna had a cover, which this vase has not. Upon the copper coins we have especially to observe that thev form an important guide in judging of the age of the silver. That they really belong to MONEY the same time is not to be doubted. From this inquiry we may lay down the following particulars as a basis for the attribution of this class : — 1. The shekels, half-shekels, and corresponding copper coins, may be on the evidence of fabric and inscrip tions of any age from Alexander's time until the earlier period of the Maccabees. 2. They must be long to a time of independence, and one at which Greek influence was excluded. 3. They date from an era of Jewish independence. M. de Saulcy, struck by the ancient appearance of the silver coins, and disregarding the difference in style ofthe copper, has conjectured that the whole class was struck at some early period of prosperity. He fixes upon the pontificate of Jaddua, and supposes them to have been first issued when Alexander granted great privileges to the Jews ; but there are many difficulties in the way of this supposition. The basis we have laid down is in entire accordance with the old theory, that this class of coins was issued by Simon the Maccabee. M. de Saulcy would, however, urge against our conclusion the circum stance that he has attributed small copper coins all of one and the same class to Judas the Maccabee, Jonathan, and John Hyrcanus, and that the very dissimilar coins hitherto attributed to Simon, must therefore be of another period. If these attribu tions be correct, his deduction is perfectly sound ; but the circumstance that Simon alone is unrepre sented in the series, whereas we have most reason to look for coins of him, is extremely suspicious. We shall, however, show in discussing this class, that we have discovered evidence which seems to us sufficient to induce us to abandon M. de Saulcy's classification of copper coins to Judas and Jonathan, and to commence the series with those of John Hyr canus. For the present therefore we adhere to the old attribution of the shekels, half-shekels, and similar copper coins, to Simon the Maccabee. We now give a list of all the principal copper coins of a later date than those of the class described above and anterior to Herod, according to M, de Saulcy's arrangement: — Copper Coins. 1. Judas Macca baeus, 2. Jonathan. 3. Simon (wanting). 4. John Hyrcanus. 5. Jndas-Aristobulus and Anti gonus. 6. Alexander Jannaeus. Alexandra. Hyrcanus (no coins). Aristobulus (no coins). Hyrcanus (no coins). Oligarchy (no coins). Aris tobulus and Alexander (no coins). Hyrcanus again restored (no coins). Antigonus. This arrange ment is certainly the most satisfactory that has been yet proposed, but it presents serious diffi culties. The most obvious of these is the absence of coins of Simon, for whose money we have more reason to look than for that of any other Jewish ruler. A second difficulty is that the series of small copper coins, having the same, or essentially the same, reverse-type, commences with Judas, and should rather commence with Simon. A third difficulty is that Judas bears the title of priest, and probably of high-priest. These objections are, how ever, all trifling in comparison with one that seems never to have struck any inquirer. These small copper coins have for the main part of their reverse- type a Greek symbol, the united cornua copiae, and they therefore distinctly belong to a period of Greek influence. Is it possible that Judas the Maccabee, the restorer of the Jewish worship, and the sworn enemy of all heathen customs, could have struck money with a type derived from the heathen ? It seems to us that this is an impossibility, and that MONEY 575 the use of such «¦ type points to the time when prosperity had corrupted the. ruling family, and Greek usages once more were powerful in their in fluence. This period may be considered to com mence in the rule of John Hyrcanus. Thus far there is high probability that M. de Saulcy's attri butions before John Hyrcanus are extremely doubt ful. On these and other grounds we maintain Bayer's opinion that the Jewish coinage begins with Simon, we transfer the coins of Jonathan the high-priest to Alexander Jannaeus, and propose the following arrangement of the known money of the princes of the period we have been just consider ing : — John Hyrcanus, B.C. 135-106. — Copper coins, with Hebrew inscription, "John the high- priest ;" on some A, marking alliance with Anti ochus VII., Sidetes. —Aristobulus and Antigonus, B.C. 106-105 (probable attribution). — Copper coins with Hebrew inscription, " Judah the high (?) priest;" copper coins with Greek inscription, " Judah the king," and A. for Antigonus (?). M. de Saulcy supposes that Aristobulus bore the Heb. name Judah, and there is certainly some probab ility iu the conjecture, though the classification of these coins cannot be regarded as more than tentative.— Alexander Jannaeus, B.C. 105-78. — First coinage: copper coins with bilingual inscrip tions — Greek, " Alexander the king ;" IJebrew, " Jonathan the king." Second coinage : copper coins with Hebrew inscription, " Jonathan the high-priest ;" and copper coins with Greek inscrip tion, " Alexander the king." (The assigning of these latter two to the same ruler is confirmed by the occurrence of Hebrew coins of " Judah the high-priest," and Greek ones of " Judas the king," which there is good reason to attribute to one and the same person.)— Alexandra, B.C. 78-69. — The coin assigned to Alexandra by M. de Saulcy may be of this sovereign, but those of Alexander are so frequently blundered that we are not certain that it was not struck by him.— Hyrcanus, B.C. 69-66 (no coins). Aristobulus, B.C. 66-63 (no coins). Hyrcanus restored, B.C. 63-57 (no coins). Oli garchy, B.C. 57-47 (no coins), Aristobulus and Alexander, B.C. 49 (no coins). Hyrcanus again, B.C. 47-40 (no coins). Antigonus, B.C. 40-37. — Copper coins with bilingual inscriptions. It is not necessary to describe in detail the money of the time commencing with the reign of Herod and closing under Hadrian. The money of Herod is abundant, but of inferior interest to the earlier coinage, from its generally having a thoroughly Greek character. It is of copper only, and seems to be of three denominations, the smallest being apparently a piece of brass, the next larger its double, and the largest its triple, as M. de Saulcy has ingeniously suggested. The smallest is the commonest, and appears to be the farthing of the N. T. The coin engraved below is of the smallest denomination of these. The money of Herod EIPOlA BAC1. Anchor. E. Two cornua copio a caducous (degraded from pomegranate). , within which 576 MONEY-CHANGERS Archelaus, and of the similar coinage of the Greek Imperial class, of Roman rulers with Greek inscriptions, present no remarkable peculi arities. There are several passages in the Gospels which throw light upon the coinage of the time. When the twelve were sent forth our Lord thus commanded them, " Provide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses" (lit. " girdles"), Matt. x. 9. In the parallel passages, in St. Mark (vi. 8), copper alone is mentioned for money, the Palestinian currency being mainly of this metal, although silver was coined by some cities of Phoe nicia and Syria, and gold and silver Roman money was also in use. St. Luke, however, uses the term " money " (ix. 3), which may be accounted for by his less Hebraistic style. The coins mentioned by the Evangelists, and first those of silver, are the following : — The stater is spoken of in the account ofthe miracle ofthe tribute-money. The receivers of didrachms demanded the tribute, but St. Peter found in the fish a stater, which he paid for our Lord and himself (Matt. xvii. 24-27). This stater was therefore a tetradrachm, and it is very note worthy that at this period almost the only Greek Imperial silver coin in the East was a tetradrachm, the didrachm being probably unknown, or very little coined. The didrachm is mentioned as a money of account in the passage above cited, as the equivalent ofthe Hebrew shekel. The denarius, or Roman penny, as well as the Greek drachm, then of about the same weight, are spoken of as current coins (Matt. xxii. 15-21 ; Luke xx. 19-25). Of copper coins the farthing and its half, the mite, are spoken of, and these probably formed the chief native currency. The proper Jewish series closes with the money of the famous Barkobab, who headed the revolt in the time of Hadrian. His most important coins are shekels, of which we here engrave one. Money-changers (Matt. xxi. 12; Mark xi. 15; John ii. 15). According to Ex. xxx. 13-15, every Israelite who had reached or passed the age of twenty must pay into the sacred treasury, when ever the nation was numbered, a half-shekel as an offering to Jehovah. The money-changers whom Christ, for their impiety, avarice, and fraudulent dealing, expelled from the Temple, were the dealers who supplied half-shekels, for such a premium as they might be able to exact, to the Jews from all parts of the world, who assembled at Jerusalem during the great festivals, and were required to pay their tribute or ransom money in the Hebrew coin. The word rpa^irns, in Matt. xxv. 27, is a general term for banker or broker. Month. The terms for ' ' month '' and " moon " have the same close connexion in the Hebrew lan guage, as in our own and in the Indo-European languages generally. The most important point MONTE in connexion with the month of the Hebrews is its length, and the mode by which it was calculated. The difficulties attending this enquiry are consider able in consequence of the scantiness of the data. Though it may fairly be presumed from the terms used that the month originally corresponded to a lunation, no reliance can be placed on the mere verbal argument to prove the exact length of the month in historical times. The word appears even in the earliest times to have passed into its second ary sense, as describing a period approaching to a lunation; for, in Gen. vii. 11, viii. 4, where we first meet with it, equal periods of 30 days are described, the interval between the 17th days of the second and the seventh months being equal to 150 days (Gen. vii. 11, viii. 3, 4^. We have there fore in this instance an approximation to the solar month. From the time of the institution of the Mosaic law downwards the month appears to have been a lunar one. The cycle of religious feasts com mencing with the Passover, depended not simply on the month, but on the moon ; the 14th of Abib was coincident with the full moon ; and the new moons themselves were the occasions of regular festivals (Num. x. 10, xxviii. 11-14). The com mencement of the month was generally decided by observation of the new moon, which may be de tected about forty hours after the period of its con* junction with the sun. According to the Rabbinical rule, however, there must at all times have been a little uncertainty beforehand as to the exact day on which the month would begin ; for it depended not only on the appearance, but on the announcement; if the important word Mekuddash were not pro nounced until after dark, the following day was the first of the month ; if hefore dark, then that day (Bosh hash. 3, §1). But we can hardly sup pose that such a strict mile of observation prevailed in early times, nor was it in any way necessary; the recurrence of the new moon can be predicted with considerable accuracy. The length of the month by observation would be alternately 29 and 30 days, nor was it allowed by the Talmudists that a month should fall short of the fonner or exceed the latter number, whatever might be the state ofthe weather. The usual number of months in a year was twelve, as implied in 1 K. iv. 7 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 1-15; but inasmuch as the Hebrew months coincided, as we shall presently show, with the seasons, it follows as a matter of course that an additional month must have been inserted about every third year, which would bring the number up to thirteen. No notice, however, is taken of this month in the Bible. In the modern Jewish calendar the intercalary month is introduced seven times in every 19 years, according to the Metonic cycle, which was adopted by the Jews about A.D, 360. The usual method of designating the months was by their numerical order, e.g. "the second month" (Gen. vii. 11), " the fourth month " (2 K. xxv. 3) ; and this was generally retained even when the names were given, e. g. " in the month Zif, which is the second month " (1 K. vi. 1), "in the third month, that is, the month Sivan " (Esth. viii. 9). An exception occurs, however, in regard to Abib in the early portion of the Bible (Ex. xiii. 4, xxiii. 15; Deut. xvi. 1), which is always men tioned by name alone. The practice of the writers of the post- Babylonian period in this respect varied: Ezra, Esther, aud Zechariah specify both the names and the numerical order ; Nehemiah only the MOON former ; Daniel and Haggai only the latter. The names of the months belong to two distinct periods ; in the firet place we have those peculiar to the period of Jewish independence, of which four only, even including Abib, which we hardly regard as a proper name, are mentioned, viz. : Abib, in which the Passover fell (Ex. xiii. 4, xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18 ; Deut. xvi. 1), and which was established as the first month in commemoration of the exodus (Ex. xii. 2); Zif, the second month (1 K. vi. 1, 37); Bui, the eighth (1 K. vi. 38) ; and Ethanim, the seventh (1 K. viii. 2). In the second place we have the names which prevailed subsequently to the Babylonish captivity ; of these the following seven appear in the Bible: — Nisan, the- first, in which the passover was held (Neh. ii. 1 ; Esth. iii. 7) ; Sivan, the third (Esth. viii. 9 ; Bar. i. 8) ; Elul, the sixth (Neh. vi. 15 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 27) ; Chisleu, the ninth (Neh. i. 1 ; Zech. vii. 1 ; 1 Mace. i. 54) ; Tebeth,the tenth (Esth. ii. 16) ; Sebat,the eleventh (Zech. i. 7 ; 1 Mace. xvi. 14); and Adarr the twelfth (Esth. iii. 7, viii. 12; 2 Mace. xv. 36). The names of the remaining five occur in the Tal mud and other works ; they were Iyar, the second (Targum, 2 Chr. xxx. %) ; Taramuz, the fourth; Ab, the fifth, and Tisri, the seventh; and Mar- cheshvan, the eighth. The name of the intercalary month was Veadar, i. e. the additional Adar. Subsequently to the establishment