A

•icsjuE-^MVEissinnf- • iLiiiaiSiamr •

Gift of
Dr, William C. Minor
1910

, Modern Hiftory:
f'V OR, THE
PRESENT STATE

O F

All NATIONS. DESCRIBING
Their refpe&ive Situations, Perfons, Habits,
Buildings, Manners, Laws and Cuftoms, Religion
and Policy, Arts and Sciences, Trades, Manufactures
and Husbandry, Plants, Animals and Minerals.
By Mr. SALMON. "~

VOL. XXXI.
Being the fourth and laft Volume of AME R ICA, con
tinues the Defcription of Virginia^ and contains The
Prefent State of,

I. Maryland.
II. New-England.
III. Nova Scotia na&Acadie.
IV. New-Britain.
V. New York and New-

Jti.

Penfylvania.

VII. Carolina and Georgia.
VIII; Jamaica.
IX. Barbadoes.
X. The Carihbu IJlandi.
XI. The Bahama IJlands,
Bermudas, and Newfoundland.
XII. French- America.

The whole illujirated with Maps and Cuts.
LONDONt,
Printed for the Autho*: And fold by Jl Roberts, in
Warwick-Lane ; and the Bopkfellers in Town and Country.
MDCCXXXVHI.

"v

THE
CONTENTS OF THE
Thirty-first VOLUME.
The Prefeni State of Virginia.
CHAP. VII. /"VF the Civil Government of Virginia, both
V^/ Indian and Englijh Page 51
CHAP. VIII. Of the Religion both of the Indians and Eng
lijh ; and of their Marriages, Women, Children, Slaves, and
Funeral Rites 76
CHAP. IX. Of their Fortifications, Wars, and Forces; and
of their Shipping, foreign Trade, and Coin ; as alfo of their
Roads and way of Travelling ; and of their Stones, Earths,
and Minerals 101
The Prefent State of Maryland.
CHAP. I. Of the Name, Situation, and Extent of Mary
land, and of the Face of the Country, its Mountains, Fo-
refts, Seas, Bays, Rivers, and Springs 117
CHAP. II. Of the Air, Seafons, Winds, and Tides iai
CHAP. III. Of the Provinces and chief Towns of Mary
land; and of the Buildings of the Indians 12-j
CHAP/IV. Of the Perfons and Habits of the Indians, their
Genius and Temper, Manufactures, Food, Exercifes and
Diverfions; the Difeafes they are fubjedt to and their Reme-,
dies 127
CHAP. V. Of their Hiftory, Government, and Religion 140
The

The CONTENTS.
The Prefent State of New-England.
CHAP. I. Of the Name, Situation, Extent and Face of the
Country. Of its Seas, Bays, Capes, Lakes, Springs^ and
Rivers ; and of the Tides, Windsj .Air, and Seafons Pag. .160
CHAP. ;I1. Of the Provinces and Subdiyifions of this Coun
try, generally'tnown by the Name of NEJV- ENGLAND;
and of its chief Towns and publick and private Buildings 1 65
CHAP; III. Of the Perfons and Habits of the New-England
Indians; their Genius and Temper, Arts, Manufactures,
Fobd, Exercifes, and Diversions 177
CHAP, IV. Of their Animals and Vegetables 181
CHAP. V. Of the Hiftory of New-England 218
CHAP. VI. Of Nova-Scotia, ot New-Scotland, and Acadit 338
CHAP. VII.' Of New-Britain, or Terra de Lobar ador 343
CHAP. VIII. Of New^rork, New-Jerfey^ and the Indian
, Nations under their Prote&ion 35 1
CHAP. IX. Of Fen/ylvania 382
CHAP. X. Of North and South .Carolina and Georgia 404
The Prefent State of "the British American IJlands.
CHAP. I. Of the Ifland of Jamaica 465
CHAP. II. Of the Ifland of. Bdrbadoes 499
CHAP. 10. Of the Iflands- of ' St.yincent, St. Lucia, Do
minica, Tobago, Barbuda, and Anguilla 509
CHAP. IV. Of the Iflands of Antego, St.Chrifioph.er's, Ne
vis, and Montferrat - 513
CHAP. V. Of the, Lucayo or Bahama Iflands; of Btrtnudas
, or the Summer-lflands ; and of the Ifland of Newfoundland 539
The Prefent State" of French America.
CHAP. I. .Of. the French Colonies on the Continent of
North- America i 554
CHAP. II. Of the French' Iflands In the Atlantick-Ocean 574

T H E

THE

PRESENT STATE

O F

V I R G I N I A.

Ppacoiicanough was a Man of Virginia.
large Stature, noble ;Prefence, <
and extraordinary Parts 3 tho*
he had no Advantage of Lite
rature (that being no where to
be foun'd among the American
Indians) yet he .was perfectly Ikill'd in the Art
of governing his rude Countrymen. He caufcd
all the Indians far and near to dread his Name,
and had them all entirely in Subje&ion.
This King, in Smith's Hiftory, is call'd
Brother to Powhatan, but by the Indians he
was not fo efteem'd : For they fay he was a
•Prince of a foreign Nation, and came to them
a great way from the South-Weft. And by
their Accounts we'fuppofe him to have come
from the Spanijh- Indians, • fomewhere near
Mexico or the Mines of St. Barbe. But be
Vol. XXXI. A that

2 The Present State
"Virginia, that matter how it will, from that time till his
w — v~~mJ Captivity there never was the leaft Truce be
tween the Indians and the Englifh.
Sir William Berkley, upon his Arrival fhew'd
fuch an Opposition to the unjuft Grants made
by Sir John Harvey, that very few of them
took effect, and fuch as did were fubjedted to
the fettled Conditions of the other Parts of the
Government, and made liable to the Payment
of the full Quit-rents. He encouraged the
Country in feveral Effays of Pot-Afh, Soap,
Salt, Flax, Hemp, Silk, and Cotton. But
the Indian War enfuing upon this laft Maffa-
cre, was a great Obftrudtion to thefe good
Defigns, by requiring all the fpare Men to
be employ'd in Defence of the Country.
Oppaconcanough, by his great Age and the
Fatigues of War (in which Sir William Berk
ley followed him clofe) was now grown lb
decriped that he was not able to walk alone,
but was carry'd about by his Men wherever
he had a mind to move'.' His Flefh was all
macerated, his Sinews flackened, and his Eye
lids became fo heavy that he could not fee but
as they were lifted up by his Servants. In
this low Condition he was when Sir William
Berkley ^ hearing that he was at fome diftance
from his ufual Habitation, refolved at all Ad
ventures to feize his Perfon, which he happily
effected ; for with a Party of Horfe he made
a fpeedy March, furprifed him in his Quar- <
Oppacon- ters, and brought him Prifoner to James-Town,
can,U£h where by the Governor's Command he was
TrSier *reate.d with a11 the RefPe& and Tendernefs
imaginable. Sir William had a mind to fend
him to England, hoping to get Reputation by
prefenting his Majefty with a royal- Captive,
who at his Pleafure could call into the Field ten

»/ VIRGINIA. 3
ten times more Indians than Sir William Berk- Virginia.
ley had Englifh in his whole Government. Be- l^Sr>-f
fides, he thought this- ancient Prince would be
an Inftance of the Healthinefs and long Life
of the Natives in that Country. However,
he could not preferve his Life above a Fort
night ; for one of the Soldiers refenting the
Calamities the Colony had fuffer'd by this
Prince's Means, bafely fhot him through the Killed.
Back after he was made Prifoner, of which
Wound he died.
He continued brave to the laft Moment of
his Life, and fhew'd not the leaft Dejection at
his Captivity. He heard one Day a great
Noife of the treading of People about him,
upon which he caufcd his Eye-lids' to be lifted
up, and finding that a Crowd of People were
let in to fee him, he called in high Indigna
tion for the Governor, who being come, Op-
paconcanough fcornfully told him, that had it
been his Fortune to take Sir William Berkley
Prifoner he fhould not meanly have expos'd
him as a Shew to the People.
After this Sir William Berkley made a new A Peace
Peace with the Indians, which continued for *lth the
a long time unviolated, infomuch that all Indians-
Thoughts of future Injury from them were laid
afide j but he himfclf did not long enjoy the
Benefit of this profound Peace, for the un
happy Troubles of King Charles the Firft in- ™
creafing in England, proved a great Diftur- Rebellion
bance to him and all his People. They, to ^England.
prevent the Infection from reaching that Coun
try, made fevere Laws againft the Puritans,
tho' there were as yet none among them. But
all Correfpondence with England was interrupt
ed, the Supplies leffen'd, and Trade obftrudted.
A 2 In

The Present State
In a word, all PeQple were impatient to know
' what would be the Event of fo much Con-
fufion. At laft the King was traiteroufly beheaded
in England, and Oliver inftall'd Protedtor.
However, his Authority was not acknowledg'd
in Virginia for feveral Years after, till they
were forced to it bythe laft Neceflity. For in
the Year 1651, by Cromwell's Command^
Captain Dennis, with a Squadron of Men of
War, arrived there from the Caribbee- Iflands,
where they had been fubduing Barbadoes. The
Country at firft held out vigoroufly againft
him, and Sir William Berkley, by theAffift-
ance of fuch Dutch Veffels as were then there,
made a brave Refiftance. But at laft D&nnis
contrived a Stratagem which betray'd the
Country. He had got a confiderable Parcel
of Goods aboard which belonged to two of the
Council, and found a Method of informing
them of it. By this means they were reduced
to the Dilemma either of fubmitting or lofing
their Goods. This occafion'd Factions among
$hem, fo that at laft, after the Surrender of all
the other Englifh Plantations, Sir William was
forced to yield to the Ufurper on the Terms of
a general Pardon. However, it ought to be
remember'd to his Praife, and to the immor
tal Honour of that Colony, that it was the
^Vg*»;« laft pf all the King's Dominions that fubmitted
the King? t0 theUfurpation, and afterwards the firft that
Domini- caft it off-, and Sir William never took any
ons that Poft or Office under the Ufurper.
fubmitted ^ QUver na(j no fooner fubdu'd the Planta-
' Ufurper. ^ons ^ut ne t>egan to contrive how to keep
them under, that fo they might never be able
for the time tq come to give him farther Trou,
ble. To this End he thought it necefiary to
break_

r r r f

cms.

of V I R GTN I A. 5
break off their Correfpondence with all other Virginia.
Nations, thereby to prevent their being fur-l,-^Y^M'
nifhed with Arms, Ammunition, and other
war-like Provifions. According to this De- The
fign..he contriv'd a fevere Act of Parliament,^1"^"^
whereby he prohibited the Plantations from re- Navigati-
ceiving or exporting any European Commodi-an'tojh'e
ties but what fhould be carry'd to them byp^ntatl"
Englifhmen and in Engtife-huik Ships. They °
were abfolutely forbid correfponding with any
Nation or Colony not fubjedt to the Crown
of England ; neither was any Alien fuffer'd to
manage a Trade or Factory ; in all which
Things the Plantations had been till then in
dulged for their Encouragement.
Notwithftanding this Act of Navigation,
the Protector never thought the Plantations
enough fecur'd, but frequently changed the
Governors to prevent their intriguing with the
People •> fo that during the Time of the Ufur-
pation they had no lefs than three Governors
there, namely, Diggs, Bennet, and Matthews.
. The ftrange arbitrary Curbs he put upon the
Plantations exceedingly afflicted the People,
He had. the Inhumanity to forbid them all
manner of Trade and Correfpondence with
other Nations at a time when England itfelf
was in Diftraction, and could neither take 6ff
their Commodities nor fupply them fufficiently
with its own. Neither had they been ever
ufed to fupply them with half the Commodities
they expended, or to take off above half the
Tobacco they made. Such violent Proceed
ings made the People defperate, and infpir'd
them with a Defire to ufe the laft Remedy to
relieve themfclves from the lawlefs Ufurpation.
In a fhort time afterwards a fair Opportunity
happen'd j for Governor Matthews dy'd, and no

6 The Present State
Virginia, no Perfon was fubftituted to fucceed him in
V^Y^"' the Government. Whereupon the People
apply'd themfelves to Sir William Berkley.
(who had continued all this time upon his own
Plantation in a private Capacity) and qhani-
moufly re-chofe him their Governor.
The/??-- Sir William Berkley had all along retain'd
ginians firft an unfhaken Loyalty for the royal Family, and
the°Ufu5 therefore generoufly told the People, that he
per'sy oak. could not approve of the Protector's Rule,
and was refolved never to fcrve any body but
the lawful Heir to the Crown j and that if he
accepted the Government it fhould be upon
their folemn Promife, after his Example, to
venture their Lives and Fortunes for the King,
who was then in France.
This was no great Obftacle to them, and
therefore with an unanimous Voice they told
him, that they, were ready to hazard all for
the King. Now this was actually before the
King's Return to England, and proceeded
from a brave Principle of Loyalty, for which
they had no Example. Sir William Berkley
embrac'd theirChoice, and forthwith proclaim'd
Charles the Second King of England, Scotland,
France, Ireland, and Virginia, and caufcd all
Procefs to be iflued in his Name. Thus his
Majefty was actually King in Virginia before
he was fo in England. But it pleafed Go d to
reftore him foon after to the Throne of his
Anceftors, and fo that Country efcap'd being
chaftifed for throwing off the Ufurpation.
Upon the King's Reftoration he fent Sir
William Berkley a new Commiffion with Leave
to return to England, and a Power to appoint
a Deputy in his Abfence j for his Majefty in
his Exile had received Intelligence of this
Gentleman's,

^VIRGINIA. 7
Gentleman's Loyalty, and during that time Virginia.
had renewed his Commiflion. • , ^V*-'
Upon this Sir William Berkley appointed
Colonel Francis Morrifon Deputy- Governor,
and went for England to wait on his Majefty,
by whom he was kindly receiv'd. At his
Return he carry'd his Majefty's preffing In-
ftrudtions for encouraging the People in Huf-
bandry and Manufactures, but more efpecially
to promote Silk and Vineyards. There is^a
Tradition that the King, in Compliment to
that Colony, wore at his Coronation a Robe
made of the Silk that was fent from thence.
But this was all the Reward the Country had
for their Loyalty ; for the Parliament was
pleafed to renew the Act contrived by the
Ufurper for difcouraging the Plantations, with
feverer Reftraints arid Prohibitions by Bonds,
Securities, &c.
During the time of Sir William Berkley's
Abfence, Colonel Morrifon had, according to
his Directions, revifed the Laws, and com
piled them into one Body, ready to be con
firmed by the Afiembly at his Return. By, Several
thefe Laws the Church of England was con- beneficial
firmed the eftablifh'd Religion, the Charge £raw,sdcon"
of the Government fuftain'd, Trade and a™r the ,
Manufactures were encourag'd, a Town pro- Reftora-
jedled, and all the Indian Affairs fettled. tion-
The Parifhes were likewife regulated, com
petent Allowances were made to the Minifters
to. the Value of about fourfcore Pounds a Year,
befides Glebes and Perquifites ; and the Method
of their Preferment was fettled. Convenient
Churches and Glebes were provided, and all
necefiary Parifh - Officers inftituted. Some
Steps were made alfo- towards a Free- School and

3 The Present State
Virginia, and College, and the Poor were effectually:
v^V>ta^ provided for. ¦>
Duties. For Support of the Government, the Duty
of two Shillings per Hogfhead on all Tobac
co's, and that of one Shilling per Tun Port-
Duty on Shipping, were made perpetual ; and
the Collectors were oblig'd to account for the
fame to the General Afiembly.
Silk and ,\ • For Encouragement of Manufactures, Prizes
Linnen were appointed for the Makers of the beft
Maenu&c- Pieces of Linnen Cloth, and a Reward of
couraged, ¦ fifty Pounds of Tobacco was given for each
Pound of Silk. All Perfons were enjoin'd to
plant Mulberry-Trees for the Food of the
Silk-worm, according to, the Number of Acres
Leather, of Land they held- Tari-Houfes were fet up
in each County at the County Charge, and
Salt., publick Encouragement was given to a Salt-
work on the Eaftern Shore. A Reward was
appointed in Proportion to the Tonnage of
Ship build- all Sea Veffels built there, and an Exemption
ing. allowed from all Fees and Duties payable by
fuch Shipping.
The King had commanded that all Ships
trading to Virginia fhould go to James-Town
and there enter before they broke Bulk j but
the Aiffembly, from the Impracticablenefs of:
that Command, excufed all except the James-
River Ships from that Order, and left the
Others, in the Rivers they were bound to, to
ride difperfed as the Commanders pleafed j bjr
whofe Example the James-River Ships were
no fooner entered with the Officer in James-
Town but they all' difperfed themfelves to uir-
load and trade' all over the River. By this
means the Defign of Towns was totally baulk
ed, and this Order proved only an Eafe to the
Officer

.»/ VIRGINIA.
Officer of J antes- River, ¦ and a . Means
creating a good Place to him.
Peace and Commerce with the Indians was The
fettled by a Laws and their Boundaries pre- Limits be-
fcrib'd. Several dther Acts were made liiiting t*^e" • the
the Neceffiity of -the Government, fo that no- aT|f t^e
thing then feem'd to remain but the Improve- Indians
ment of the Country, and Encouragement of fettled.
thofe Manufactures the King had been pleafed
to1 recommend, together with fuch others as
fhould be found beneficial.
Sir William Berkley, at his Return, gave a
Sanction to diis Body of Laws, arid' being
then again in full Pofleifion of his GovBramenr,
and at perfect Peace with the Indians, fet all
Hands iMisftrjoufly "to work in making Coua-.
try Improvements. He paiffed a new Act for The only
Encouragement of James-Town, whereby way t0
feveral Houfes were built therein at the Charge 'f^ buiTd-
of fevenal Counties. ^However, the .main;n&0f
Ingredient for the Advancement of Tpwns Towns.
was itill wanting, namely, the Confinement
of all Shipping and Trade to them only/; by
Defect Qf which all the other Expedients 'a-
vaifd nothing, for moft of the Buildings
were foon converted into Houfes of Enter
tainment. ( ,
Artm 1663, diverfe, Sectaries in" Religion Laws a*
beginning to fpread themfclves there, great Sa^ft.che
Reftfaints were {aid upon them under fevere anes\
Penalties to prevent their Increafe.
This jrmade manyofshem fly to other Cd«
Ionics;, airii -iprstfented' abundance \>f others
from jgQibg over ito; feat themfclves among
tibem. Arid' as (the -former all Treatment of
my Lord Bateimotfe. h&pcsmahy People away,
and drove others to Maryland^ fo the prefent
Severities towards the Nonconform ifts kept
• Vol. XXXI. B- ' off

io The Present State
Virginia, off many more who went to the neighbouring
v-rV^-' Colonies.
A Plot of The rigorous Circumfcription of their Trade,
theRepub-the Perfecution of the Sectaries, and the little
llCaiftah Demand of Tobacco, had like to have had
Govern-6 v*eI7 ^ata^ Confequences : For, the poor People
ment becoming thereby very uneafy, their Murmur-
ings were watch'd and fed by feveral mutinous
and rebellious Oliverian Soldiers that were
fent thither as Servants. Thefe depending
upon the difcontented People of all Sorts,
formed a villainous Plot to deftroy their Maf-
ters and afterwards to fet up for themfelves.
This Plot was brought fo near to Perfection
that it was the very Night before the defign'd
Execution e'er it was difcover'd, and then it
came out by the Relenting of one of their
Accomplices, whofe Name was Birkenhead.
This Man was Servant to Mr. Smith of Pur-
ton in Gloucefier County, near which Place,
(viz.) Poplar- Spring, the Mifcreants were to
meet the Night, following, and put in execu
tion their horrid Confpiracy.
detected. Upon this Difcovery by Birkenhead, Notice
was immediately fent to the Governor at Green-
Spring 5 and the Method he took to prevent
it was by private Orders that fome of the
Militia fh'ould meet before the time at the
Place where the Confpirators were to rendez
vous, and feize them as they came fingly up
to it ; which Orders being happily executed
their devilifh Plot was defeated. However,
there were but a few taken, becaufe feveral of
mem baking their Efcape turn'd back fuch Of
their Fellows as they met on the Road, and
prevented moft of them from coming up or
being difcovefd. Four

gf VIRGINIA. u
Four of thefe Rogues were hang'd, but Virginia.
Birkenhead was gratify'd with his Freedom and L" ""v*-— ^
a Reward of two hundred Pounds Sterling.
For the Difcovery and happy Difappolnt-
ment of this Plot an anniverfary Thankfgiving
was appointed on the 13th of September, the
Day it was to be put in execution : And it is
great Pity fome other Days are not commemo
rated as well as that.
The News of this Plot being tranfmitted to
King Charles the Second, , his Majefty fent
his royal Commands to build a Fort, at James-
Town, for the Security of the Governor, and
to be a Curb upon all fuch traiterous Attempts
for the future ; but the Country thinking the
Danger over, only rais'd a Battery of fome
frriall Pieces of Cannon.
Another' Misfortune happen'd to the. Plan- The Plan
tations this Year, which was a new A&. of taiions 10
Parliament in England, laying a fevererN Re- rfc?lv5.
ftraint upon their Supplies than formerly. By chandize'"
this Act they could have no foreign Goods aad Provi-
which were not firft landed in England^ and fions only
carry'd directly from thence to the Plantations ; Jro™ E"£-
the former Reftraint of importing them only an "
by Engliflomen in Englifh -built Shipping not
being thought fufficient.
This was a Misfortune which cut with a
double Edge, for ift, it reduc'd their Staple
Tobacco to a very low Price,* and idly, it
rais'd the Value of European Goods' to what
the Merchants pleafed to put upon them.
• For this their Affembly could think of no' ^he rir-
Remedy , but to be even with the Merchants, ginianspxo-
and make their Tobacco fcarce by prohibiting hibit the
the planting of it for one Year, and during Pj,a"tinS
that idle Year to invite the People to enter
upon manufacturing Fla* and Hemp. But
B 2 Maryland

12 The Present State
Virvinia. Maryland not concurring in this Project, they
**r\~*~' were oblig'd in their own Defence to repeal
the Act of Aflembly agai'n, and return to their
old Drudgery of planting Tobacco without
proficing by it.
The Country thus mifs'd of their Remedy
in the Stint of Tobacco, which on the con
trary multiply'd exceedingly by the great In-
creale of -Servants. This, together with the
abovemention'd Curbs pn Trade* exafperated
the People, becaufe now they found themfejves
under a Necefiity of exchanging their' Com
modities with the Merchants of England on
their own Terms. The Affembly therefore
again attempted the Stint of Tobacco, and
pafs'd another Act againft planting it for one
Year •, and Carolina and Maryland both agreed
to it. But fome Accident hindering the Agent
of Carolina from giving Notice, thereof to
Maryland hy the Day appointed, the Goverr
nor of that Province proclaim'd the Act void,
altho' every body there knew that Carolina had
fully agreed to all things requir'd of them.'
But he took Advantage of this nice Punctilio
becaufe of « the Lofs fuch a Diminution would
have been to his annual Income, arid fo all
People relaps'd again into the Difeafe of plant-.
ing Tobacco. ' -
Virginia was more nettled at this ill Ufage
from Maryland than at her former abfolute
Denial ; but was forced to take all patiently,
and by fair Means get Relief if fhe could.
They therefore appointed Agents to re-affume
the Treaty, and fubmitted fo low as to fend
them to St. Mary's, then the Refidence of the
Governor of Maryland, and the Place where
the Affemblies met. Yet all thisCondefcenfion
could not hold therri to their Bargain, The "
Governor

of V I R G.I N.I A. 13
Governor faid, he had obferv'd his Part of Virginia.
the Agreement,' and would not call an AfTem-,1 — /"~-;
bly any more upon that Subject.
In this manner two whole Years were fpent,
and nothing could be accomplifh'd for their
• Relief. In the mean while England was
ftudious to prevetit their receiving Supplies
from' any 'other Country. v To do that more
effectually, it was thought expedient to con
fine jhe Trade of that Colony to one Place.
But that toeing not found practicable becaufe
¦of the many great Rivers that divide r.heir
Habitations, ' and the extraordinary Conveni
ences of each, his Majefty fent Diredtions to Forts or-
buiki Forts in the feveral Rivers, and en^ der '<! on
join'd all the Ships to ride under thofe Forts : RjverJfbr
And farther order'd, that thofe Places lhould Ships to
only be the Ports of Trade. >'ide under..
This Inftruction was punctually obferv'd
for a Year, and Preparations were made for
Forts by catting up Breaft-works in fuch
Places as the Affembly appointed, and the
- Shipping did for that time ride at thofe Places.,
But the great, Fire and Plague happening in
London immediately upon it made their Sup
plies that Year very uncertain \ and the Terror
the People were in left the Plague fhould be Which
brought over with- the Ships from London, took Place
"prevented them from f eliding at thofe Ports, year"^^-
for fear of being all fwept away at once ; and
fo every body was left at liberty again.
Still no Favour could be obtained for the
Tobacco Trade, and the Englifh Merchants'
afforded but a bare Support of Cloathing for
their Crops. The Aflembly was full enough
of Refentment,. but overlook'd their right way
of Redrefs. All they could do was to caufe
Looms and Work-hoafes to ¦be fet up in the
f feveral

The Present State
feveral Counties at the (bounty Charge. They
renew'd the Rewards of. Silk, and put great-
Penalties upon every Neglect of making Flax
and Hemp. .About this time they fuftain'd
fome Damage by the Dutch War, for which
Reafon they order'd the Forts to be re-built
with Brick. But having yet no true Notion
of the Advantage of Towns they did not ob
lige the Ships to ride under them ; which
thing alone, well executed, would have an-
fwer'd all their Defires.
Further Sir William Berkley, who was always con-
Difcove- triving arj(j induftrious for the Good of the
Kmpted. Country, was not contented to fet a ufcful
Example at home by the Eflays he made of
Pot-afh, Flax, Hemp, Silk, &c. but was
alfo refolv'd to make new Difcoveries abroad
amongft the Indians.
For this End he employ 'd a fmall Company
of about fourteen Englifh and as many Indians,
under the Command of Captain Henry Batt,
to go upon fuch an Adventure. They fet out.
together from Appamattox, and in fevfcn Days
March reagh'd the Foot of the Mountains.
"VheJpa- The Mountains they firft arriv'd at were not
Mouminsextraordinary hiSh or ^eeP' hut, afcer they
had pafs'd the firft Ridge they encounter'd
others that feem'd to reach the Clouds, and
were fb perpendicular and full of Precipices,
that fometimes in a whole Day's March they
could not travel three Miles in a direct Line.
In other Places they found large level Plains
and fine Savanna's three or four Miles wide,
in which were an infinite Quantity of Turkies,
Deer, Elks, and Buffaloes, fo gentle and un-
difturb'd that they had no Fear at the Ap
pearance of the Men, but would fuffer them
to come almpft within Reach of their Hands. There

^VIRGINIA. 15
There they alfo found Grapes fo prodigioufly Virginia.
large that they feem'd more like Bullace than v~"~v — J
Grapes. When they travers'd thefe Moun
tains they came to a fine level Country again,
and difcover'd a Rivulet that defcended back
wards. Down that Stream they travel'd fe- ¦
veral Days till they came to old Fields and
Cabbins where the Indians had lately been,
but were fuppos'd to have fled at the Approach
of Batt and his Company. However, the
Captain follbw'd the old Rule of leaving fome
Toys in their Cabbins for them to find at their
Return, by which they might know they were
Friends. Near to thefe Cabbins were great
Marfhes where the Indians which Captain
Bait had with him made a Halt, and would
pofitively proceed no farther. They fajd,
that not far from that Place lived a Nation
of Indians that made Salt and fold it to their
Neighbours ; that this was a great and power
ful People which never fuffer'd any Strangers
to return that had once difcover'd their Towns.
Captain Batt ufed all the Arguments he could
to get them forward, but in vain ; and fo to
pleafe thofe timorous Indians the Hopes of this
Difcovery were fruftrated, and the Detachment
was forced to return. In this Journey it is
fuppos'd that Batt never crofs'd the great
Ridge of Mountains, but kept up under it to
the Southward ; but of late Years the Indian
Traders have difcover'd on this Side the
Mountains, about five hundred Miles to the Difcove-
Southward, a River, they call'd Oukfusky, !^™ far
full of broad funken Grounds and Marfhes, Gulph of
but falling into the Bay or great Gulph be- Mexico.
tween Cape Florida and the Mouth of the
Miffifippi, which. I fuppofe to be the River
where Batt faw the Indian Cabbinjs and Marfhes,
¦¦ -.. 'but

16 The Present State
Virginia, but is gone to from Virginia without ever
V"^V^^' piercing the high Mountains, and only en
countering the Point of an Elbow-, which they
make a little to the Southward of Virginia.
Upon Captain Batt's, Report to Sir William
Berkley he refolved to make a Journey himfelf,
that fo there might be no Hindrance for want
of fufficient Authority, as had been in the
aforefaid Expedition. To this End he con
certed Matters for it, and had pitch'd upon
his Deputy- Governor. The AiTembly alfo
made an Act to encourage it. But all thefe
Preparations came to nothing by the Con-
fufion which happen'd there foon after by
' Bacorfs Rebellion : And fince that, there has
never been any fuch Difcovery attempted
from Virginia, unlefs when Governor Spotf-
ivood found a Paffage over the great Ridge of
Mountains and went over them himfelf.
Bacon's The Occafion of this Rebellion is not eafy
Rebellion, to be difcover'd ; but 'tis certain there were
many things that concur'd towards it ; for
it cannot be imagin'd that upon the Inftigation
of two or three Traders only, who aim'd at a
Monopoly of the Indian Trade, as fome pre
tend to fay, the whole Country would have
fallen into fo much Diffraction, in which
People did not only hazard their Necks by
Rebellion, but endeavour'd to ruin a Gover
nor whom they .all entirely loved, and had
unanimOufly cfoofen ; a Gentleman who had
devoted his whole Life and Eftate to the
Service of the Country, and againft whom,
in thirty-five Years Experience, there had
never been one fingle Complaint. Neither
can it be fuppofed that upon fo flight Grounds
they would make Choice -of a Leader they
hardly knew, to oppofe a Gentleman that had
- been

e/ VIRGINIA. t?
been fo long and fo defervedly the Darling of Virginia.
the People. So that in all Probability there *—"" v— J
was fomething elfe in the wind, without
Which the Body of the Country had never been
engag'd in that Infurrection.
Four Things may be reckon'd to have The
been the main Ingredients towards this inteftineGrievan-
Commotion, Quiz.) Firft, The extreme low ^jjjjj
Price of Tobacco, and the ill Ufage of the jt-ca '°
Planters in the Exchange of Goods for it,
which the Country, with all their earneft En
deavours, could not remedy. Secondly, The,
fplitting the Colony into Proprieties, contrary
to the original Charters, and the extravagant
Taxes they were forced to undergo to relieve
thamfelves from thofe Grants. Thirdly, The
heavy Reftraints and Burdens laid upon their
Trade by Act of Parliament in England.
Fourthly, The Difturbance given by the /«-
dians ; of all which in their Order.
Firft, Of the low Price of Tobacco, and
the Dilappointment of all fort of Remedy, I
have fpoken fufficiently before.
Secondly, Of fplitting the Country into
Proprieties. King Charles the Second, to gratify fome
Nobles about him, made two great Grants
out of that Country. Thefe Grants were not
of the uncultivated Wcod-Land only, but
alfo of Plantations, which for many Years had
been feated and improved under the Encou
ragement of feveral Charters granted by his
royal Anceftors to that Colony. Thofe Grants
were diftinguifh'd by the Names of the Nor
thern and Southern Grants of Virginia, and
the fame Men were concerned in both. They
were kept dormant fome Years after they were
made, and in the Year 1674 begun to j?e put
Vol. XXXI. C in

18 The Present State
Virginia, in execution. As foon as ever the Country
came to know this they remonftrated againft
them, and the Aflembly drew up an humble
Addrefs to his Majefty, complaining of the faid
Grants as derogatory to the previous Charters
and Privileges granted to that Colony by his
Majefty and his royal Progenitors. They
fent to England Mr. Secretary Ludwell and
Colonel Park as their Agents to addrefs the
King to vacate thefe Grants : And the better
to defray that Charge, they laid a Tax of fifty
Pounds of Tobacco per Poll for two Years
together, over and above all other Taxes,
which was an exceffive Burden. They like-
wife laid Amercements of feventy, fifty, or
thirty Pounds of Tobacco, as the Caufe was,
on every Law Cafe try'd throughout the
Country. Befides all this, they apply'd the
Ballance remaining due upon account of the
two Shillings per Hogfhead and Fort-Duties
to this Ufe ; which Taxes and Amercements
fell heavieft on the poor People, the Effect
of whofe Labour would not clothe their Wives
and Children. This made them defperately
uneafy, efpecially when after a whole Year's
Patience under all thefe Preflures they had no
Encouragement from their Agents in England
to hope for Remedy, nor any Certainty when
they fhould be eafed of thofe heavy Impofi-
tions. Thirdly, Upon the back of all thefe Mif-
fortunes came out the Act of 25 Car. II. for
better fecuring the Plantation Trade. By this
Act feveral Duties were laid on the Trade
from one Plantation to another. This was a
new Hardfhip, and the rather becaufe the
Revenue arifing by this Act was not apply'd
to the Ufe of the Plantation wherein it was
rais'd,

m.

of VIRGINIA.
rais'd, but given clear away ; nay, in that ^'""g"1
Country it feem'd to be of no other Ufe but to ^-^Y^^
burden the Trade, or create' a good Income
to the Officers, for the Collector had half,
the Comptroller a quarter, and the remaining
quarter was fubdivided into Salaries till it was
loft. By the fame Act alfo very great Duties were
laid on the Filheries of the Plantations, if
manufactured by the Engli/h Inhabitants there,
while the People of England were abfolutely
free from all Cuftoms : Nay, tho' the1 Oil,
Blubber, and Whalebone, which were made
by the Inhabitants of the Plantations, were
carry'd to England by Englifh and in Englifh-
built Ships, yet it was held to a confiderable
Duty more than the Inhabitants of England
paid. Thefe were the Afflictions that Country
labour'd under when the fourth Accident hap-
pen'd, viz. the Difturbance offer'd by the
Indians to the Frontiers.
This was occafion'd, Firft, By1 the Indians '
on the Head of the Bay. Secondly, By the
Indians on their own Frontiers.'
Firft, The Indians at the Head of the Bay
drove a conftant Trade with the Dutch in
Monadas, now call'd New-York, and to carry
on this they ufed to come every Year by the
Frontiers of Virginia to hunt and purchafe
Skins and Furs of the Indians to the South
ward. This Trade was carry'd on peaceably
while the Dutch held Monadas, and the Indians
ufed1 to call on the Englifh in Virginia on their
Return, to whom they would fell part of their
Furs, and with the reft go on to Monadas.
But after the Englifh came to poffefs that Place,
and underftoad the Advantages the Virginians
C 2 made

The Present State
made by the Trade of their Indians, they iiir.
fpir'd them with fuch a Hatred to the Inhabi
tants of Virginia, that inftead of coming
peaceably to trade with them, as they had
done for feveral Years before, they afterwards
never came but only to commit Robberies and
Murders among them.
Secondly, The Indians upon their own Fronr
tiers were likewife jnfpir'd with ill Thoughts
of them •, for their Indian Merchants had loft
a confiderable Branch of their Trade they knew
not how, and apprehended the Confequences
of Sir Willeam Berkley's intended Difcoveries
(efpoufed by the Aflembly) might take away
the remaining Part of their Profit. This
made them very troublefome to the neigh.-
bouring Indians, who, on their Part, obferv-
ing an unufual Uneafinefs in the Englifh, and
being terrify'd by their rough Ufage, imme
diately fufpected fome wicked Defign againft
their Lives, "and fo fled to their remoter Ha
bitations. This confirmed the Englifh in their
Belief that they had been the Murderers, till
at laft they provok'd them to be fo in earneft.
This Addition of Mifchief to Minds already
full of Difcontent, made People ready to vent
all their Refentment againft the poor Indians.
There was nothing to be got by Tobacco,
neither could they turn any other-Manufacture
to Advantage ; fo that mpft of the poorer
fort were' willing to quit their unprofitable
Employments and go Volunteers againft the
Indians. At firft they flock'd together tumultuoufly,
running in Troops from one Plantation to
another without a Head, till at laft the fedi-
tious Humour of Colonel Nathaniel Bacon led
him to be of the Party. This Gentleman had
been

$f VIRGINIA. 21
been brought up at one of the Inns of Court Virginia.
in England, and had a moderate Fortune.
He was young, bold, active, of an inviting
Afpect, and powerful Elocution. In a word,
he was every way qualify'd to head a giddy
and unthinking Multitude. Before he had
been three Years in the Country he was, for
his extraordinary Qualifications, made one of
the Council, and in great Honour and Efteem
among the People. For this Reafon he no
fooner gave Countenance to this riotous Mob
but they all prefcntly fix'd their Eyes upon him
for their General, and accordingly made their
Addreffes to him. As foon as he found this
he harangu'd them publickly : He aggravated
the Indian Mifchiefs, complaining that they
were occafion'd for want of a due Regulation
of their Trade : He recounted particularly the
other Grievances and Preffures they lay under,
and pretended that he accepted of the Command
with no other Intention but to do them and
the Country Service, in which he was willing
to encounter the greateft Difficulties and Dan
gers. He farther aflur'd them he would never
lay down his Arms till he had reveng'd their
Sufferings upon the Indians, and redrefs'd all
their other Grievances.
By thefe Insinuations he wrought his Men
into fo perfect an Unanimity that they were
one and all at his Devotion. He took care to
exafperate them to the utmoft, by reprefenting
all their Misfortunes. After he had begun to
mufter them he difpatch'd a Meflenger to the
Governor, to whom he aggravated the Mif
chiefs done by the Indians, and defir'd a
Commiffion of General to go out againft them.
This Gentleman was in fo great Efteem at
that time with the Council that the Governor did

22 The Present State
Virginia, did not think fit to give him a flat Refufal,
"-"'V^' but fent him Word he would confult the
Council and return him a farther Anfwer.
In the mean time Bacon was expeditious in
his Preparations, and having all things in
readinefs began his March, depending on the
Authority the People had given him. He
would not lofe fo much Time as to ftay for his
Commifflon, but difpatch'd feveral Meffengers
to the Governor to haften it, On the other
hand, the Governor, inftead of a Commifflon,
fent pofitive Orders to him to difperfe his Men
and come in Perfon to him on pain of being
declar'd a Rebel.
This unexpected Order was a great Sur-
prife to Bacon, and not a little Trouble to his
Men •, however, he was refolved to profecute
his firft Intentions, depending upon his Strength
and Intereft with the People; neverthelefs he
intended to wait upon the Governor, but not
altogether defenfelefs. Purfuant to this Rer
folution he took about forty of his Men down
with him in a Sloop to James-Town, where
the Governor was with his Council.
Matters did not fucceed there to Mr. Ba
con' 's Satisfaction, wherefore he exprefs'd him
felf a little too freely, for which being fufpend-
ed from the Council, he went away in a huff
with his Sloop and Followers. The Governor
fill'd a long Boat with Men and purfu'd the
Sloop fo elofe that Colonel Bacon removed
into his Boat to make more hafte : But the
Governor had' fent up by Land to the Ships
at Sandy-Point where he was flopped and fent
down again. Upon his Return he was kindly
received by the Governor, who knowing he
had gone a Step beyond his Inftructions in
having fufpended him, was glad to admit him

of V I R G I N I A. 23
him again of the Council, after which he Virginia.
hoped all Things might be pacify'd. LSW"*^
Notwithftanding, Colonel Bacon ftill infifted
upon a Commifflon to be General of the Vo
lunteers, and to go out againft the Indians,
from which the Governor endeavour'd to dif-
fuade him but to no purpofe, becaufe he had
fome fecret Project in view. He had the
Luck to be countenanced in his Importunities
by the News of frefh Murders and Robberies
committed by the Indians. However, not
being able to accomplifh his Ends by fair
means, he ftole privately out of Town, and
having put himfelf at the Head of fix hundred
Volunteers, marched directly to James-Town,
where the Aflembly was then fitting. He
prefented himfelf before the Aflembly, and
drew up his Men in battalia before the Houfe
wherein they fat. He urged to them his
Preparations, and alledg'd, that if the Com
mifflon had not been delay 'd fo long, the War
againft the Indians might have been finifhed.
The Governor refented this infolent Ufage
worft of all, and now abfolutely refufed to
grant him any thing, offering his naked Breaft
againft the Arms of his Followers. But the
Aflembly fearing the fatal Confequence of
provoking a difcontented Multitude ready
arm'd, who had the Governor, Council, and
Aflembly entirely in their Power, addrefTed The
the Governor to grant Bacon his Requeft. Govemor
They prepared themfclves the Commifflon, "™gll'd
conflicting him General of the Forces of Bacons
Virginia, and brought it to the Governor to Commif-
befign'd. gn of
With much Reluctancy the Governor fign'd ener" '
it, and thereby put the Power of War and
Peace into Bacon's Hands. Upon this he
marched

24 / » The PkJSSJSN 1 OTA'l'E
Viiginia. marched away immediately, having gain'd hls
l/Y^O End, which was in effect a Power to fecurea
Monopoly of the Indian Trade to himfelf and
his Friends.
As foon as General Bacon had marched to
fuch a convenient Diftance from James-Town
that the Aflembly thought they might delibe
rate v/ith Safety, the Governor, by their Ad-
Butpro- vice, iffued a Proclamation of Rebellion againft
claims him himj commanding his Followers to furrender
afterwards. him and forthwith difperfe thefnfelves, giving
' Orders at the fame time for raifing the Militia
of the Country againft him.
The People being much exafperated, and
General Bacon by his Addrefs and Eloquence
having gain'd an abfolute Dominion over
their Hearts, they unanimoufly refolved, that
not a Hair of his Head fhould be touched,
much lefs to furrender him as a Rebel. There
fore they kept to their Arms, and inftead of
proceeding againft the Indians they marched
back to James-Town, directing their Fury a-
gainft fuch of their Friends and Countrymen
as fhould dare to oppofe them.
The The Governor feeing this fled over the Bay
forced to* t0 -dcomack, whither he hoped the Infection
fly from °f Bacon's Confpiracy had not reached : But
James- there, inftead of that People's receiving .him
Town, with open Arms in Remembrance, of the for-
Rebels' e mer Services he had done them, they began
burnt. to make Terms with him for Redrefs of their
Grievances, and for the Eafe and Liberty of
Trade againft the Acts of Parliament above-
mention'd. Thus Sir William, who had been
almoft the Idol of the People, was, by rea-
fon of their Calamity and Jealoufy, abandon'd
by all except fome few who went over to him
from the Weftern Shore in Sloops and Boats,
among

gf VIRGINIA. 25
among which Major Robert Beverly was the Virginia.
moft active and fuccefsful Commander ; fo wrVx'.
that it was fome time before he could make
head againft Bxcon, but left him to range
through the Country at Difcretion.
General Bacon at firft held a Convention of
fuch of the chief Gentlemen of the Country as
would come to him, efpecially of thofe about
Middle Plantation, who were near at hand.
At this Convention they made a Declaration
to juftify his unlawful Proceedings, and oblig'd
People to take an Oath of 'Obedience to him p'acon
as their General. Then by their Advice, on q^" *"
Pretence of the Governor's Abdication, he his Fol-
call'd an Affembly by Writs fign'd by him- low. rs and
felf and four others of the Council. inTflfem-
By this time the Governor had got together bl
a fmall Party to fide with him. Thefe he
furnifh'd with Sloops, Arms and Ammunition
under Command of Major Robert Beverly,
in order to crofs the Bay and oppofe the Male-
contents. By this means there "happen'd fome
Skirmifhes, in which feveral were kill'd, and
others taken Prifoners. Thus they were going
on by a Civil War to deftroy one another,
and lay wafte their infant Country, When it
pleafed God, after fome Months Confufion,
to put an End to their' Misfortunes as well as
to Bacon's Defigns by his natural Death. Bounties,
He dy'd at Dr. Green's, in Gloucefier Coun- which puts
ty, but where he was bury'd was never yet*" h"
difcover'd j tho' afterwards there was great Rebellion.
Enquiry made with Defign to expofe his Bones
to publick Infamy.
In the mean while thofe Diforders occafion'd
a general Neglect of Flufbandry, and a great
Deftruction of the Stocks of Cattle, fo that
People' had a dreadful Profpect of Want and
Vol. XXXI. D ' Famine.

26 The Present State
Virginia. Famine. But the Malecontents being thus
difunited by the Lofs of their General, in whom
they all confided, they began to fquabble a-
mong themfclves, and every Man's Bufinefs
was how to make the beft Terms he could for
himfelf. Lieutenant General Ingram (whofe true
Name was Johnfon) and Major General Walk-
late furrender'd on Condition of Pardon for
themfclves and their Followers, tho' they
were both forced to fubmit to an Incapacity of
bearing Office in that Country for the future.
Peace being thus reftor'd, Sir William
Berkley return'd to his former Seat of Govern
ment, and every Man to his feveral Habita
tion. While this interline War was fomenting
there, the Agents of the Country in England
could not fucceed in their Remonflrance againft
the Propriety- Grants, tho' they were told that
thofe Grants fhould be revoked ; but the
News of their Civil , War reaching England
about the fafne time, the King would then
proceed no farther in that Matter ; fo the
Agents thought it their beft way to compound
with the Proprietors. Accordingly, they a-
greed with them for four hundred Pounds a
Man, which was paid, and fo all the Clamour
againft thole Grants ended, neither was any
more heard of them till above a dozen Years
afterwards. But all thofe Agents could obtain after their
Compofition with the Lords was merely the
Name of a new Charter, granting only fo
much of their former Conftitution as men-
tion'd aRefidence of the Governor and Deputy,
a Granting of Efcheat Lands for two Pounds
of Tobacco per Acre Compofition, and that the

^VIRGINIA. 27
the Lands fhould be held of the Crown in the Virginia.
fame Tenure as Eaft-Grecnwich, that is free V-"""V" ¦
and common Soccage, and have their imme
diate Dependance on the Crown.
When this Storm, occafion'd by Bacon, A Regi-
was blown over, and all things quiet again, mentar"
Sir William Berkley called an Aflembly for ]£".'£
fettling Affairs of the Country, and for makingrIQm
Reparation to fuch as hadtieen opprefs'd. M- England. v
ter which a Regiment of Soldiers arriv'd from
England, which were fent to fupprefs the In-
furrection ; but they coming after the Bufinefs
was over had no occafion to exercife their
Courage. However, they were kept on foot
there about three Years after, and in the
Lord Colepeppers time paid off and difbanded.
The Confufion occafion'd by the Civil War,
and the Advantage the Indians made of it in
butchering the Englijh upon all their Frontiers,
caufed fuch a Defolation and put the Country
fo far back that to the Year 1704 they had
feated very little beyond the Boundaries that
were then inhabited. At that time James-Town
was burnt down to the Ground by Richard
Laurence, one of Bacon's Captains, who, when
his own Men, that abhorred fueh Barbarity,
refufed to obey his Command, he himfelf be
came the Executioner and fir'd the Houfes
with his own Hands.
This unhappy Town did never after arrive
to the Splendour it then had, and now it is
almoft deferred, by removing, in Governor
Nicholfon's time, the Aflembly and General
Court from thence to Williamsburgh, an in
land Place about feven Miles from it.
With the Regiment above mention'd arriv'd
Commiffloners, to enquire into the Occafion
and Authors of this Rebellion ; and Sir William
D 2 Berkley

28' hThe Present State
Virginia Berkley, came to England, where from the' time
V-'V^ of his Arrival his Sicknefs obliged him to,
Sir&ra«i;« keep his Chambertill he.dy'd ; fo that he had
Berkley no Opportunity of killing the King's Hand.
eTZj. But his Majefty declared himfejf well fatisfy'd
ni an ' with his Condudt in Virginia, and was very,
kind, to him during his Sicknefs, often en
quiring after his Health, and commanding him
¦not to hazard it by too early an Endeavour to
come to Court.
Jeffrys Upcri Sir William Berkley's Voyage to Eng-
^ovemor- land,. Herbert Jeffreys, Efq; Was appointed
Governor. He made formal Articles of Peace
with the Indians, and ¦¦ held an Affembly at
Middle Plantation, wherein they Fettled anrl
allowed a free Trade With the Indians, but
reftrain'd it to certain Mans to which the
Indians fhould" bring their Commodities ; and
this alfo to be under fuch certain Rules as
were by that -Affembly direaed. But this
Method Was not agreeable to the Indians, who
had never before been under any Regulation.
They thought that if all, former -Ufages were
not reftor'd the Peace was not perfect, and
therefore did not much relye upon it, which
made thofe nfcw Reftrictions ufelefs.
Governor Jeffreyfs Xxvat was very fliort
there j he being taken off by Death the Year
following.
Chkhtky After him Sir Henry Chickelej was made
Governor. Deputy- Governor in the latter -End of the
Year. 1 678. In his time the Affembly, for the
greater Terror of the Indians, built Magazines
at the Heads of the four, great Rivers, and
furnifhed them with Arms, Ammunition, and
Men in coriftant Service.
This Aflembly alfo prohibited the Importa
tion of Tobacco, which Carolina andfometimes " Maryland

of VIRGIN I A. 29
Maryland Were wont to fend thither in order Virginia.
for its being fhipp'd off for. £¦ gl.md. But in """"¦* '
that I think Virginia miftook her Intereft jThe
for had tiiey permitted this Cuftom to become ^'>;:f';^s
habitual, and thus ingrofs'd the Shipping, as ^rake
would foon have happtn'd, they could eafily intereft. .
have regulated the Trade of Tobacco at any
time, without the Concurrence of thofe other
Colonies, and without fubmitting to their
perverfe Humours as' formerly.
The Spring following, Tlwmas Lord Cole- Lord
(pepper arriv'd there Governor, and carry'd Colcpcpper
with him fome Laws which had been drawn tjOVt:rnor-
up in England to be enacted in their Aflembly :
And coming with the Advantage of reftoring
Peace to a troubled Nation, it was' not difficult
for him to obtain whatever he pleafed from
the People. His Influence too was the greater
"bythe Power he had of pardoning thofe who
had a hand in the Diforders committed in the
late Rebellion.
In his firft Affembly he paffed feveral Acts
very obliging to the Country, (viz.) Firft, An
Act of Naturalization, whereby the Power of
naturalizing Foreigners was placed in the Go
vernor. Secondly, An Act for Cohabitation
and Encouragement of Trade and Manufac
tures, wheEeby a certain Place in each County
was appointed for a Town, in which all Goods
imported and exported were to be landed and
fhipp'd off bought and fold ; which Act was
kindly brought to nothing by the Oppofition
^of the Tobacco Merchants of England. Thirdly, The
An Act of general Pardon and Oblivion, where- EngHfi
by all the Tranfgrefflons and Outrages com- ¦ ^ ,i!lts
J. P r ° dticoni''!2e
• mitted in the Time of the late Rebellion were die buiid-
entirely remitted, and Reparation allowed to ng Towns
People that fhould beevil fpoken of on that Ac- '^Virginia.
count. By

The Present State
By pafling fome Laws that obliged the
Country, the Lord Colepepper carry'd on that
The which was very pleafing to himfelf, (viz.) the
SSnsT A£t for raifinS a publick Revenue for the bet-
Salary of ter Support of the Government. By this he
2000/. got the Duties contained therein to be made
per Annum. perpetual, and that the Money, which before
ufed to be accounted for to the Affembly,
fhould from thenceforth be difpofed of by his
Majefty's fole Direction, for the Support of
the Government. When this was done, he
obtain'd of the King, out of the faid Duties,
a Salary of two thoufand Pounds per Annum
inftead of one thoufand, which was formerly
allow'd. Alfo one hundred and flxty Pounds
per Annum for Houfe-Rent, befides all the ufual
Perqufites. In thofe fubmiffive Times his Lordfhip re
duced the greateft Perquifite of his Place to aCer-
tainty, which before that was only gratuitous,
that is, inftead of the Matters of Ships making
Prefents of Liquors or Provifions towards the
Governor's Houfe-keeping, as they were wont
to do, he demanded a certain Sum of Money,
remitting that Cuftom. This Rate has ever
fince been demanded of all Commanders as a
Duty, and is .twenty Shillings for each Ship
or Veffel under an hundred Tons, and thirty
Shillings for each Ship upwards of that Bur
den, to be paid every Voyage or Port-clear
ing.
Coin. This noble Lord feem'd to lament the un
happy State of the Country in relation to their
Coin. He was tenderly concern'd that all
their Cafh fhould be drained away by the
neighbouring Colonies, which had not fet fo
low an Eftimate upon it as Virginia, and
therefore he propos'd the raifing of it. This

gf VIRGINIA. 31
This was what the. Country had formerly Virginia.
defir'd, and the Affembly was about making '-^^/"NJ
a Law for it •, but his Lordfhip ftopt them
alledging it was the King's Prerogative, by
virtue of which he would do it by Proclama
tion. This they did not approve of, well
knowing if that were the Cafe, his Lordfhip
and every other Governor would at any time
have the fame Prerogative of altering it, and
fo People fhould never be at any Certainty, as
they quickly after found from his own Practice ;
for his Drift was only to make Advantage of
paying the Soldiers. Money for that Purpofe
being put into his Lordfhip's Hands, he pro- AnArtifice
vided light Pieces of Eight, which he with of the
this View had bought at a cheap Rate. When ?°7T°rJ
this Contrivance was ripe for Execution hethePeopIe.
extended the royal Prerogative, and iffued
forth a Proclamation for railing the Value of
Pieces of Eight from five to fix Shillings, and
as foon" as they were admitted current at that
Value he produc'd an Order for paying and
difbanding the Soldiers. Then thofe poor
Fellows and fuch as had maintain'd them were
forced to take their Pay in thofe light Pieces
of Eight at fix Shillings. But his Lordfhip which
foon after himfelf found the Inconvenience of afFefts his
that Proclamation, for People began to pay own Sa-
their Duties and their Ship-Money in Coin oflary'
that high Eftimate ; which was like to cut
fhort his Lordfhip's Perquifites, and fo he
was forced to make ufe of the fame Pre
rogative to reduce the Money again to its
former Standard.
In lefs than a Year the Lord Colepepper re-
turn'd to England, leaving Sir Henry Chicheley
Deputy-Governor.

T

'he

The Present State
The Country being then fettled again, made
too much Tobacco or too much trafh Tobacco
for the Market, and "the Merchants would
hardly allow the Planter any thing for it.
This occafion1d much Uneafinefs again, and
the People from former Experience defpairing
of fucceeding in any Agreement with' the neigh
bouring Governments, refolved a total De-
ftruction of the Tobacco in that Country, e-
fpecially of the fweet-fcented, becaufe that was
, planted no where elfe. Tn purfuance of which,
Defign they contriv'd that all the Plants fhould
be deftroy'd while they were yet in the Beds,
and after it was too late to fow more.
The Accordingly the Ring- leaders in this Pro-
n g'nians ject began with their own firft, and then went
deitroy t0 cut up ^g plants 0f fuch 0f their Neighbours
their To- r -.,- j - 1 r 1 n
bacco as wcre not W1»hng to do it themfclves. How
ever, they had not Refolution enough to go
through with their Work.
This was adjudg'd Sedition and Felony.
Several People were committed upon it, and
fome condemn'd to be hangfd : And afterwards
the Affembly paffed a Law to make fuch
Proceedings Felony for the future (whatever
it was before) provided the Company kept
together after Warning by a Juftice.
After this Accident of Plant-cutting,- the
Lord Cole-pepper return'd and held his fecond
Affembly, in which he contriv'd - to gain ano
ther great Advantage over the Country. His
Lordfhip, in his firft Voyage thither, per
ceiving how eafily he could '-twill and manage
the People, conceiv'd new Hopes of retrieving.
the Propriety of the Northern Neck, as being
fo fmall a Part of the Colony. He conceiv'd
that while the Remainder efcap'o! free, which
was far the greater Part, they would not engage in

jf VIRGINIA 33
in the Intereft of the leffer Number, efpecially Virginia.
confidering the Difcouragements they had met (-/V^J
with before in their former Solicitation; tho'
all this while and many Years afterwards his
Lordfhip did not pretend to lay publick
Claim to any Part of the. Propriety. ¦
It did not fquare with this Project that
Appeals fhould be made to the General- Affem
bly, as till then had been the Cuflom. He
feared 'the Burgeffes would be too much in the
Intereft of their Countrymen, and adjudge the
Inhabitants of the Northern-Neck to have an
equal Liberty and Privilege in their Eflates
with the reft of Virginia, as being fettled upon
'the fame Foot. In order therefore to make
a better Pennyworth of thofe poor People, he
ftudied to overturn this odious Method of
appealing to the Aflembly, and to fix the
laft Refort in another Court.
To bring this Point about, his Lordfhip Lord
contriv'd to blow up a Difference in the Af- Cohpepper
fernbly between the Council and the Burgeffes, PT?™otes
i • i_ -n n- ¦ ,.„' Diviiions
privately encouraging the- Burgeffes to infift among the
upon the Privilege of determining all Appeals Virginians.
by themfeives exclufive of the Council, becaufe
they having given their Opinions before in the
General- Court, were for that Reafon unfit
Judges in Appeals from themfeives to the
Affembly. This fucceeded according to his
Wifh, and- the Burgeffes bk at the Bait under
the Notion of Privilege, never dreaming of
the Snake that lay in the Grafs, nor confidering
the Danger of altering an old Conftitution fo
abruptly. Thus my Lord gain'd his End, Deprives
for he reprefented that Quarrel with fo many tl»t Aff m-
Aggravations that he got an Inftruction from py. ?,
the King to take away: alh Appeals from the 0f hearing
General-Court to the Al&hably, and caufe them Appeals."
Vol. XXXI. E to

34 The Present State
Virginia, to be made to him in Council, if the Thing
in Demand was of 300/. Value, lOthtrwife no
Appeal from the General-Court.
Of this his Lordfhip made fufficient Ad
vantage ; for in the Confufion that happen'd
in the End of King James the Second's Reign,
viz. in Otlober 168,8, he having got an Af-
fignment from the other Patentees, gain'd a
favourable Report from the , King's Council
at Law upon his " Patent for the Northern-
Neck. When he had fucceeded in this, his Lord
fhip's next Step was to engage fome noted
Inhabitant of the Place to be on his Side. Ac
cordingly he made ufe of his Coufin, Secretary
Spencer, who lived in the fame -Neck, and
was efteem' d as wife and great a Man- as any
of the Council. This Gentleman did but
little in his Lordfhip's Service, and only gain'd
fome few Strays that ufed to be claim'd by the
Coroner in Behalf of the King.
Upon the Death of Mr. Secretary Spencer,
he engag'd another noted Gentleman, an old
Stander in that Country, tho' not of the Nor
thern-Neck, Colonel Philip Ludwtll, who " was
then in. England. He went over with this
Grant in' the Year 1690, and fet up as Office
in the Neck, claiming fome Efcheats ; but he
likewife could make nothing of it. After him
Colonel George Brent and Colonel William .
Fit z- Hugh, that were noted Lawyers and
Inhabitants of the faid Neck, were employ'd
in that Affair, but fucceeded no better than
their Predeceffors. The People in the mean
while complained frequently to their Affem-
blies, who at laft made another Addrefs to
the King, but there being- no Agent in England
to profecute it, that, likewife mjfcarry'd. At
laft

gf VIRGINIA. 35
laft Colonel Richard Lee, one of the Council, Virginia.
a Man of Note and Inhabitant of the Northern- ^V^
Neck, privately made a Compofition with the
Proprietor for his own Land. This broke the Lord
Ice, and feveral were induced to follow fo Colepepper
great an Example ; fo that by Degrees they g<7ill5.the
were generally brought to pay their Quit- 0f °£"ety
Rents into the Hands of the Proprietor's Agents. Northern- <
And at laft it was manag'd for them by Colo- Neck by
nel Robert Carter, another of the Council, and Artlfice-
the greateft Freeholder in that Propriety.
To return to my Lord Colepepper's Govern
ment. I cannot omit a ufeful thing which his
Lordfhip was pleafed to do with relation to
their Courts of Juflice. It feems Nicety of
Pleading, with all the Juggle of Weftminfter-
Hall, was creeping into their Courts. The
Clerks began in lome Cafes to ' enter the Rea-
fons with the Judgments, pretending to fet
Precedents of inviolable Form to be obferv'd
in all future Proceedings. This my Lord Shortens
found fault with, and retrenched all dilatory Procee<i-
Pleas as prejudicial to Juflice, keeping therJW.
Courts clofe to the Merits of the Caufe, in .
order to bring it to afpeedy Determination,
according to the Innocence of former Times,
and . caufcd the Judgments >to be entered up
fhort, without the Reafon, alledging, that
their Courts were not -of fo great Experience
as to be able to make Precedents to Pofterity,
who ought to be left at liberty to determine
according to the Equity of the Controverfy
before them.
In his Time alfo were difmantled the Forts Forts
built by Sir Henry Chicheley at the Heads of the demolifti'd
Rivers, and the Forces there were difbanded, Jjghutards
as being too great a Charge. The Aflembly nm% -m
appointed fmall Parties of light Horfe in their their Head.
E 2 ftead,

36 The Present State
Virginia, ftead, to range by turns upon the Frontiers j
^*V~^ thefe being chofen put of the neighbouring
Inhabitants might afford to fcrve at eafier
Rates, and yet do the Bufinefs more effectually.
They were rais'd under the Title or Name of
Rangers. After this the Lord Colepepper returned a-
gain for England, his fecond Stay not being
much longer than the firft, and Sir Henry
Chicheley being dead, he proclaim'd his Kinf-
man Mr. Secretary Spencer Prefident, tho' he
was not the eldeft Member in the Council.
Lord , The next Year, being 1684, upon the Lord
Eowardof Colepepper 's refuting to return to Virginia,
Effingba^ prancjs Lord Howard of Effingham was' fent
over Governor. In order to increafc his Per-
quifites, he impos'd the Charge of an Annual
under Seal of twenty Shillings each for School-
Mafters, five Pounds for Lawyers at the Ge
neral-Court, and fifty Shillings each Lawyer
at the County Courts: He alfo extorted an
excefflve Fee for putting the Seal to all Probates
of Wills and Letters of Adminiftration, even
where the Eftates of the Deceafed'were of the
meaneft Value, Neither could any be favoured
with fuch Adminiftration or Probate without
paying that Extortion. If any body prefum'd
to remonftrate againft it his Lordfhip's Beha
viour towards that Man was very fevere. He
kept feveral Perfons in Prifon and under
Confinement from Court to Court without
bringing them. to Trial ; which Proceedings
and many others were fo oppreffive, that
Complaints were made thereof to the King,
and Colonel Philip Ludwell was appointed
Agent to appear againft him in England ;
whereupon the Seal-Money was taken off.

Governor.His Ex
tortions and Op-
preffiotis

During

of V I R G I N I A. 37
During the firft Sefflon of Affembly in this Virgmia.
noble Lord's Time the Duty on Liquors im- ' — -v—
ported from the other Englifli Plantations was
firft impos'd. It was then laid on Pretence
of leffening the Levy by the Poll for Payment'
of publick Taxes, but more efpecially "for
rebuilding the State-Houfe, which had not
rebuilt fince Lawrence burnt it in Lacon's
Time. This Duty was at firft laid on Wine and
Rum only at- the Rate of Three-pence per
Gallon, with an Exemption of all fuch as
mould be imported in the Ships of Virginia
Owners j but the like Duty has fince been laid
on other Liquors alfo, and is raifed to Four-
' pence per Gallon on Wine and Rum, and one
Penny per Gallon on Beer, Cyder, Lime-
juice, rjjV. and the Privilege of Virginia
Owners taken away, to the great Difcourage-
ment of their Shipping and home Trade.
This Lord, tho' he pretended to no great
Skill in legal Proceedings, yet he made great
Innovations in their Courts, pretending to
follow the Englifh Forms. Thus he created a
new Court of Chancery diftinct from the Ge
neral-Court, which had ever before claimed that
Jurifdiction. • He eredted himfelf into a Lord
Chancellor, taking the Gentlemen of the
Council to fit with him as meer Aflbciates and
Advifers, not having any Vote in theCaufes
before them. And that it might have more
the Air of a new Court, he would not fo much
as fit in the State-Houfe where all the other
pubjick Bufinefs was difpatch'd, but took the
Dining-room of a large Houfe for that Ufe.
, He likewife, made arbitrary Tables of Fees
peculiar to this high Court. However, his
Lordfhip not beginning this Project very long
before

The Present State
before he left the Country, all thefe Innovations
came to an End upon his Removal, and the
Jurifdiction returned to the General-Court
again in the Time of Colonel Nathaniel Bacon,
whom he left Prefident.
During that Gentleman's Prefldency, which
began in 1689, the Project of a College was firft
agreed upon. The Contrivers drew up their
Scheme and prefented it to the Prefident and
Council. This was by therri appro v'd and
referred to the next Affembly ; but Colonel
Bacon's Adminiftration being very fhort, and
no Affembly call'd all the while, this pious
Defign could proceed no farther.
Nidolfon , Anno 1690, Francis Nicholfon, Efqj being
Governor, appointed Lieutenant Governor under , the
Lord Effingham, arriv'd there. This Gentle
man difcourfed freely of Country Improve
ments, iriftituted publick Exercifes, and gave
Prizes to all thofe that fhould excel in the
Exercifes ' of Riding, Running, Shooting,
Wreflling, and Cudgel-playing. When the
Defign of a College was communicated to him
he promifed it all imaginable Encouragement..
The firft thing defired of him in its Behalf
was the calling of an Aflembly ; but this he
could by no means agree to, being under
Obligations to the Lord Effingham to ftave
off Affemblies as long as he could for fear
there might be farther Reprefentations fent
over againft his Lordfhip, who was confcious
to himfelf how uneafy the Country had been
under his -defpotick Adminiftration.
When that could not be obtain'd, then they
propofed that a Subfcription might pafs
through the Colony, to try the Humour of
the People in general, and fee what voluntary
Contributions they could get towards it. This he

©/.VIRGINIA. 39
he granted, and he himfelf, together with the Virginia.
Council, fet a generous Example to the other <— -v—
Gentlemen of the Country ; fo that the Sub-
fcriptions at laft amounted to about two thou
fand five hundred Pounds, in which Sum is
included the general Benevolences of feveral
Merchants of London.
Anno 1691, an Affembly being call'd, this
Defign was moved to them, and they efpoufed
it heartily, and foon after made an Addrefs to
King William and Queen Mary in its Behalf,
and fent the Reverend Mr. James Blair their
Agent to England, to folicit their Majefties
Charter for it.
It was propos'd that three Things fhould
be taught in this College, viz.. Languages,
Divinity, and Natural Philofophy.
The Aflembly was fo fond of Governor
Nicholfon at that time, that they prefented him
the Sum of three hundred Pounds as a Tefti-
mony of their good Difpofition towards him.
But he having an - Inftrudtion to receive no
Prefent from the Country, they drew up an
Addrefs to their Majefties, praying that he
might have Leave -to' accept it, which was
granted, and he gave one naif thereof to the
College. Their Majefties were well pleas'd with that A Co]]
pious Defign of the Plantation, and granted erefted!28
a Charter according the Defire of Mr. Blair
their Agent.
Their Majefties were graciOufly pleafed to
give near two thoufand Pounds Sterling, the
Ballanee then due upon the Account of Quit-
Rents, towards the Founding the College, and
towards the Endowing of it they allowed
20000 Acres of choice Land,, together with
the Revenue arifing by the- Penny per Pound on

40 The Present State
Virginia on Tobacco exported from Virginia and Mary*
^-—v — J land to the other' Plantations.
It was a- great Satisfaction to the Archbifhops
and Bifhops to fee fuch a Nurfery of Religion
founded in that new World, efpecially for
that it was begun in an epifcopal Way, and
carry'd on wholly by zealous Cohformifts to
the. Church of England.
In this firft Affembly, Lieutenant-Governor
Nicholfon paffed Acts for Encouragement of
the Linnen Manufacture, Tanning, Currying,
and Shoe-making. He alfo in that Seffion
paffed a Law for Cohabitation and Improve
ment of Trade.
Before the next Affembly he tack'd about,
and was quite the reverfe of what he was in '
the firft, as to Cohabitation. Inftead of en
couraging Ports and Towns, he fpread abroad
his Diflike of them, and went among the
People finding fault w-ith thofe things which
he and the Affembly had unanimoufly agreed
upon the preceding Sefflon : Such a violent
The Change there was in him that it proceeded
Building from fome other Caufe than barely the Incon-
^owns m ftancy 0f njs Temper. He had receiv'd Di-
difwurag'- rections from thofe Englifh Merchants, 'who
ed again, well knew that Cohabitation would leffen their
cdnfign'd Tfade.
judros ' In February 1692, Sir Edmund Andres
Governor, arriv'd Governor. He began his Govern
ment with an Affembly which over-threw the
good Defigns of Ports and Towns : But the
Ground- work of this Proceeding was laid before
¦ Sir Edmund's Arrival. However, this Af
fembly proceeded no farther, than to fufpend
the Law till their Majefties Pleafure fhould
be known. But tt feems the Merchants in
London were diffatisfy'd and made publick
Complaints

«/ VIRGINIA. ^r
Complaints againft it, which their Majefties Virginia.
were pleafed to hear, and afterwards refer'd '•—-v— '
the Matter back to the Affembly again, to
confirfer if it were fuitable to the Circumftances
of the Country, and to regulate it accordingly.
But the Affembly did not then proceed any
farther in it, the People themfeives being in
fected by the Merchants Letters.
At this Sefflon Mr. NeaPs Project for a
Poft-Offlce, and his Patent of Poft-Mafter
General in thofe Parts of America were prefent-
ed. The Affembly made an Act to promote
that Defign, but by reafon of the inconvenient
Diftance of their Habitations and Want of Towns
this Project fell to nothing.
With Sir Edmund Andros was fent over the
College Charter, and the fubfequent Affem
bly declared that the Subfcriptions which had
been made to the College were due and im
mediately dema'ndable. They likewife gave
a Duty on the Exportation of Skins and Furs
, for its more plentiful Endowment, and the
Foundation of the College was laid.
The Subscription Money did not come in
with the fame Readinefs with which it had
been underwritten. However, there was
enough given by their Majefties and gathered
from the People to keep all Hands at Work
and carry on the Building, the Foundation
whereof they then laid, and the reft upon Suit
had Judgment given againft them.
Sir Edmund Andros was a great Encourager SWEdmunJ
of Manufactures. In his Time Fulling- Mills'* §ood
were fet up by Aft of Affembly. He alfo GoVOTlor-
gave particular Marks of his Favour towards
the propagating of Cotton, which fince his
Time has been much neglected. He was
likewife a great Lover of Method and Difpatch
Vol. XXXI. F in

42 The Present State
Virginia, in all Sorts of Bufinefs, which made him find
1 fault with the Management of the Secretary's
Office ; and indeed with very good Reafon,
for frorn the Time of Bacon's Rebellion till
then there was never any Office in the World
more negligently kept : Several Patents of
Land were enter'd blank upon the Record,
many original Patents, Records, and Deeds,
with other Matters of great Confequence,
were thrown loofc about the Office, and
fuffer'd to be dirted, torn, and eaten by
the Moths and other Infects. But upon this
Gentleman's Accefiion to the Government' he
immediately gave Directions to reform all
thefe Irregularities •, he caufed the Joofe and
torn Records of Value to be tranfcrib'd into
new Books, and order'd Conveniences to be
built within the Office for preferving the Re
cords from being loft and confounded as before.
He prefcrib'd Methods to keep the Papers
dry and clean, and to reduce them into fuch
Order as that any thing might be turned to
immediately. But all thefe Conveniences were
burnt foon after they were finifh'd in Otlober
1698, together with the Office itfelf and the
whole State-Houfe: But his Diligence was fo
great in that Affair, that tho' his Stay after
wards in the Country was very fhort, yet he
caufed all the Records and Papers which had
been faved from the Fire to be forted again,
and regifter'd in better Order than ever they
had been before. In this Condition he left
them at his quitting the Government.
He made feveral Orders to rebuild the
State-Houfe in the fame Place ; and had his
Government continud fix Months longer, 'tis
probable he would have effedled it after fuch
a manner as might have beenfeaft burthenfome to

c/ VIRGINIA. 43
to the People, defigning the greateft Part at Virginia.
his own Coft. v— " v— •*
Sir Edmund Andros being upon a Progrefs
one Summer, ¦ call'd at a poor Man's Houfe
in Stafford County for Water ; there came out
to him an ancient Woman, and with her a
lively brifk Lad about twelve Years old. The
Lad was fo ruddy and fair that his Complexion
gave the Governor a Curiofity to afk fome
Queftions concerning him, and to his great
Surprife was told that he was the Son of that
Woman at feventy-fix Years of Age. His
Excellency fmiling at this Improbability, en
quired what fort of Man had been his Father.
To this the good Woman made no Reply,
but inftantly ran and led her Hufband to the
Door, who was then above an hundred Years
old. He confirmed all that the Woman had
faid about the Lad, and notwithflanding his
great Age was ftrong in his Limbs and Voice,
but had loft his Sight. The Woman, for her
Part, was without Complaint, and feem'd to
retain a Vigour very uncommon at her Years.
Sir Edmund was fo well pleafed with this ex
traordinary Account, that after having made
himfelf known to them he offered to take
care of the Lad ; but they would by no means
be perfuaded to part with him : However, he
gave them twenty Pounds.
In November 1698, Francis Nicholf on, Efq; Nicholfin
was removed from Maryland to be Governor Goyernor
of Virginia ; but he went not then with that a£ain-
Smoothnefs on his Brow he had carry'd with
him when he was appointed Lieutenant-Go
vernor. He talked then no more of improv
ing Manufactures, Towns, and Trade ¦, but
inftead of encouraging the Manufadlures, he
fent oyer inhuman Memorials againft them,
F 2 oppofitq

44. The Present State
Virginia, oppofite to all Reafon. In one of thefe he
w—v-— remonftrar.es, that the Tobacco of that Country
often bears fo low a Price that it would not
yield Cloaths to the People' that make it; and
yet prefently after in the fame. Memorial he
recommends it to the Parliament to pafs an
Acl forbidding the Plantations to make their
¦ own Cloathing, which in other Words is defiring
a charitable Law that the Planters fhall go •
Propofed naked. In a late Memorial concerted between
to have him and his Creature Colonel Quarry, 'tis
rTZT moft humbly propofed, That all the Englifh
all the Colonies on the Continent of North- America,
Colonies, be reduced under one Government sand under
cnd J* one Vice-roy, -and that a Standing- Army be
Aray"in there kePt on foot to fubdue the' Queen's E-
Amerka. nemies, furmifing that they were intending to
fet up for themfeives.
He began his Government with a Shew of
Two Sides Zeal for the Church. In the latter End of
of the his Time one_half of the intended Building',
Quadran- jjiat js^ two sides of the Square, were carry'd
College UP and finifh'd, in which were allotted the
finifh'd.' publick Hall, the Apartments and Convenien
ces for feveral Mailers and Scholars, and the
publick Offices for the Domefticks ; the Ma
ilers and Scholars were alfo fettled in it ; and
it had its regular Vifitations from the Vifitors
and Governors thereof.
The Seat Soon after his Acceflion to the Government,
©f. the Go- ne procured the Affembly and Courts of Ju-
KmovM1 dictture to be removed from James-Town,
where there were good Accommodations for
People, to Middle* Plantation where there
were none. There he flattered himfelf with
the fond Imagination of being the Founder of
a new City. ..He marked out the Streets in
many Places fo as that they might reprefcnt the

of VIRGINIA. '45
the Figure of a W, in Memory of his late Virginia.
Majefty King William, after whofe Name the ^—v-
Town was called Williamsburgh. There he
procured a ftately Fabrick to be erected, which '
he placed oppoflte to the College, and graced
it with the magnificent Name of The Capitol. TheTown
In the fecond Year of this Gentleman's Go-Hou,k ,
, , , , A ., nam d Tot
vernment there happen d an Adventure very Qapii0/_
fortunate for him, which gave him much
Credit, and that was the taking of a Pyrate
within the Capes of that Country.
It fell' out that feveral Merchant-Ships were
got ready and- fallen down to Lynhaven Bay,
near the Mouth of James-River, in order for
failing. A Pyrate being informed of this,
and hearing that there was no Man of War
there except a Sixth Rate, ventured within
the Capes and took feveral of the Merchant
Ships. But a fmall Veffel happened to come
down the Bay, and feeing an Engagement
between the Pyrate and a Merchant- Man,
made a fhift to get into the Mouth of James-
River where, the Shoram, a Fifth- Rate Man
of War, was newly arriv'd. The Sixth-Rate,
commanded by Captain John Aldred, was
then on the Careen in Elizabeth- River, in
order for her Return to England.
The Governor happen'd to be at that time
at Kiauotan fealing up his Letters, and Captain
Paffenger, Commander of the Shoram, was
a-ftiore to pay his Refpedts to him. In the
mean while News was brought that a Pyrate
was within the Capes ; upon which the Captain
was in hafte to go aboard his Ship, but the
Governor ftay'd. him a little, promising to go
along with him. The Captain foon after
aflced his Excufe and went off» "leaving hirn,
another Boat if he pleafed to follow. It was
about

46 The Present State
Virginia, about one o' Clock in the Afternoon when the
V"V>-' News was brought, but it was Night before
his Excellency went on Board, flaying all
that while a-fhore upon fome weighty Occa-
fions. ' At laft he followed, and by Break of
Day the Man of War was fairly out between
the Capes and the Pyrate, where, after ten
Hours fharp Engagement, the Pyrate was
oblig'd toftrike and furrender upon the Terms
of being left to the King's Mercy.
Now it happen'd that three Men of this
Pyrate's Gang were , not on Board their own
Ship at the time of the Surrender, and fo were
not included in the Articles of Capitulation,
but were try'd in that Country. In fumming
up the Evidence againft them (the Governor
being prefent) the Attorney- General extol'd
his Excellency's mighty Courage and Conduct,
as if the Honour of taking the Pyrate had
been due to him. Upon this Captain Paffenger
took the Freedom to interrupt Mr. Attorney
in open Court, and faid he was Commander
of the Shoram, that the Pyrates were his
Prifoners, and that no body had pretended to
command in that Engagement but himfelf.
He farther defir'd, that the Governor, who,
was then prefent, would do him the Juflice
to declare whether he had given the leaft Word
of Command . all that Day, or diredled any
one thing during the whole Fight. This his
Excellency acknowledg'd was' true, and fairly.
yielded the Honour of that Exploit to the
Captain. This Governor likewife gain'd fome Re
putation by another Inftance of his Manage
ment, whereby he let the World know the
violent Paffion he had to publifh his owjn,:
Fame.
Ta

^VIRGINIA. 47
To get Honour in New-York, he had zea- Virgink.
loufly recommended to the Court of England ***~Y*^
the Necefflty that Virginia fhould contribute a
certain Quota of Men, or elfe a Sum of Money
towards the Building and maintaining a Fort at
New-York. The Reafon he gave for this was,
becaufe New-York was their Barrier, and as
fuch it was but Juflice they fhould help to
defend it. This was by Order of his late
Majefty King William prppofed to the Af
fembly ; but upon- the moft folid Reafons they
humbly remonftrated, That neither the Forts
then in being, nor any other that might be
built in the Province of New- York, could in
the leaft avail to the Defence and Security of
Virginia j for that either the French or the
Northern Indians might invade that Colony and
not come within an hundred Miles of any fuch
Fort. The Truth of thefe Objections are
obvious to any one that ever looked, on the
Maps of that Part of the World : But the
Secret of the whole Bufinefs in plain Terms
was this : Thofe Forts were neceffary for New-
York, to enable that Province to engrofs the
Trade of the neighbouring Indians, which
Virginia had fometimes fhar'd in when the
Indians rambled, to the Southward.
Now the Glory Colonel Nicholfon got in
that Affair was this : After he had reprefented
Virginia as republican and rebellious for not
complying with his Propofal, he faid pub
licity, that New-York fhould not want the
nine hundred Pounds tho' he paid it out of
his own Pocket, and foon after took a Jour
ney to that Province.
When he arriv'd . there he blamed Virginia a Gafco-
very much ; but pretending earneft Defires to nade of
ferve New-York, gave .his own Bills of Ex- £°J.e™°,r
change "'y-,M *¦

4$-' The Present State
Virginia, change for nine hundred Pounds to the afore-
V-^V>>-/ fkid Ufe, but prudently took a Defeafance
from the Gentleman to whom they were given,
fpecifying, That till her Majefty fhould be
gracioufty pleafed to remit him the Money out
of the Quit- Rents of Virginia, th-ofe Bills fiould
never be made ufe of. This was an admirable
piece of fliam Generofity, and worthy of the
great Pains he took to proclaim it. I myfelf
have frequently heard him boaft that he gave
this Money out of his own Pocket, and only
depended on the Queen's Bounty to repay him ;
tho' the Money is not paid by him to this
Day. Neither was he contented to fpread abroad
this Untruth there, but he alfo foifted it into
a Memorial of Colanel Quarry's to the Coun
cil of Trade, in which are thefe Words ; As
foon as Governor Nicholfon found the Affembty
of Virginia wauld not fee their own Intereft,
nor comply with her Majefty' s Orders, he went
immediately to New- York, and out of his great
Zeal to the Queen's Service and the Security
of her Province, he gave his own Bills for
1 nine hundred Pounds to anfwer the Quota of
Virginia, wholly depending on her Majeftfs
Favour to roimburfe him out of the Revenues-
of that Province.
Certainly hisExcellency and Colonel Quarry,
by whofc joint, Wifdom and Sincerity this
Memorial was compofed, muft believe that
the Council of Trade have very imperfect
Intelligence how Matters pafs in that Part of
the World, or elfe they would not prefume to
impofe fuch a Banter upon them.
But this is nothing if compared to fome
other Paffages of that unjuft Reprefcntation,
wherein they took- upon them to defcribe the
People

?f VIRGINIA. 49
People of Virginia to be both numerous and Virginia.
rich, of republican Notions and Principles, *^T*~*
fuch as ought to be correcled and lowered in He mifre-
time ; and that then or never was the time Preients
to maintain the Queen's Prerogative, and put ^tV'riint-
a Stop to thofe wrong pernicious Notions which ""ft 3"f the*
were improving daily, not only in Virginia but Plantati-
in all her Majefty' s other Governments. A0™ aC
Frown now from her Majefty will do more than <-ourt*
an Army hereafter, &c, i
With thefe inhuman falfe Imputations did
thofe Gentlemen afterwards introduce the
Necefflty of a Standing- Army.
Thus did Governor Nicholfon continue to
rule till Auguft 1705, when Edward Nott, Governor
Efqj arriv'd Governor and gave Eafe to thtNott-
Country by a mild Rule. His Commifflon
was to be Governor-General, but Part of his
Salary was paid my Lord Orkney as chief.
Governor Nott had the general Commifflon
given him becaufe it was fuggefted that that
Method, viz. the fupreme Tide would give
the greater Awe, and the better put the Coun
try, to rights.
Governor Nott called an Aflembly the Fall
after his Arrival, who paft the general Revifal
of the Laws which had been too long in hand :
But that Part of it which related to the Church
and Clergy Mr. Commiffary could not be
pleafed in, wherefore that Bill was dropt, and
fo it lies at this Day.
This. Affembly alfo paffed a new Law for
Ports and Towns, grounding it only upon
Encouragements, according to her Majefly's
Letter to that Purpofe ; but it feems this alfo
could not pleafe the Virginia Merchants in
England, for they complain'd againft it to
the Crown, and fo it was alfo fufpended.
Vol. XXXI. G This

The Present State
This Affembly alfo paffed the Law making
Slaves a real Eftate ; which made a great
Slaves Alteration in the Nature of their Eftates, and
made a becomes a very good Security for Orphans,
real Eftate. whofe Parents happen to die inteftate.
This Affembly alfo voted a Houfc to be
built for the Governor's Refidence, and laid
Duties to raife the Money for it \ but his
Excellency lived not to fee much effected
therein, being taken off by Death in Auguft
1706. In the firft Year of his Government
the College was burnt down to the Ground.
After this Governor's Death, there being
no other nominated by her Majefty to fucceed
him, the Government fell into the Hands of
Edmund J enings, Efq-, the Prefident, and the
Council, who held no Affembly during his
Time, neither did any thing of Note happen
here, only we heard that Brigadier Robert
Hunter receiv'd Commifflon to be Lieutenant-
Earl of Governor under George Earl of Orkney the
Orkney c\nef, and fet out for Virginia, but was taken
Governor. _ . * . _ £> . *
Prifoner into France.
During Brigadier Hunter's Confinement in
France, a new Commifflon iffued to Colonel
Spot/wood Alexander Spotfwood to be Lieutenant- Gover-
Deputy- nor, who arriv'd in Virginia Anno 1710, and
ovemor 1^^^ tne Colony beyond Imagination.
His Conduct, according to Colonel Beverley,
produced Wonders. And it was the Happi-
nefs of Virginia that this Gentleman's Admi
niftration was of a longer Duration than ufual,
whereby he, had an Opportunity of putting in
practice the prudent Schemes he had laid, in.
which he was fupported and encourag'd by
the Earl of Orkney, who dy'd Governor of
Virginia this prefent Year 1737.
CHAP.

of VIRGINIA.

51

CHAP. VII.
Of the Civil Government of Virginia
' both Indian and Englifh.
:EFORE I proceed to defcribe Virginia.
their Civil Government, give me <— - y— - i
Leave to obferve, that the Boun- The _
daries of the feveral Counties in daries 0f
Virginia have been much altered the Coun-
fince they were firft laid out, and fome others nes cor~
added to them, as Colonel Beverley informs us. r^,^erleI
The Defcription therefore already given of
them, which was taken from Mr. Oldmixon's
Hiftory of this Country, muft of necefflty be
corrected by the Colonel's Prefent State of
Virginia, who relates, that in the new model
ling of the Subdivifions of this Province they
contrived it fo that each County might be
fituated on fome Angle River for the Benefit of
Trade and Shipping.
That in the Northern Neck of Land, which
lies between the Rivers Patowmack and Rap
pahannock, which is the Property of the Lord
Colepepper's Family, are contained fix Counties.
i. Lancafter, in which are two Parifhes, name-r
ly, Chrift-Church and St. Mary White- Chapel.
2. Northumberland, two Parifhes, viz. Fair
field- Boutracy and Wiccocomoco. 3. Weftmore-
land, two Parifhes, viz. Copely and Wafhington.
4. Stafford, two Parifhes, viz. St. Paul and
Overworton. 5. Richmond, one Parifh, viz.
North- Far nhara, and part of another,, viz.
G 2 Sitten-

4? The Present State
Vnginia. Sittenbum. 6. King George County, one Pa-
t-^V>^ r}fh5 named Hanover, the other Part of &"/-
tenburn. In the Neck between Rappahannock and
7bfv& Rivers are contained fix other Counties,
viz. i. , Gloucefter, in which are four Parifhes,
w'z. P^, Abingdon, Ware, and Kingfton.
2. Middlefex, only one Parifh, w'z. Chrift-
Church. 3. iTiwg «»i Queen, two Parifhes, wz.
Stratton-Major and i'/. Stephens. 4. Z/»g
William, two Parifhes, w'z. ,9?. John's and
iSV. Margaret's. 5. Ejfex, three Parifhes, wz*
.South-Farnham, St. Anne, and «SV. Aforj'j1.
6. Spotfylvania, one Parifh, <wz. £/. George.
In the Neck between Tw£ and James Rivers
there are feven Counties and part of an eighth ;
the feven entire Counties are, 1. Elizabeth.
City, in which is only one Parifh, named alfo
Elizabeth City Parifh. 2. The County of
Warwick, in which are two Parifhes, viz.
Denby, and Mulberry- Ifland. 3. York, in
which are two Parifhes, viz. Charles and York-
Hampton, and part of a third call'd Bruion.
4. James-City, in which are three Parifhes,
and part of two others, viz. James-City, part
of Wilmington, Merchants Hundred, and the
other half of Bruion. 5. New-Kent, two Pa
rifhes, viz. Blifland and St. Peter's. 6.
Charles City, two Parifhes, viz. Weftover and
part of Wilmington. 7. Hanover, one Parifh,
viz. St. Paul's ; and 8. part of Henrico
County on the North Side of James-River,
by which River the Parifhes are alfo divided,
there being two Parifhes in the whole County,
viz. Henrico and St. James's, and part of a
third call'd Briftol.
On the South Side of James- River are feven
Counties, and the other Part of Henrico-, the
feven

of VIRGINIA. $3
feven Counties beginning at the Bay, as I have Virginia.
done in all the reft, are i. Princefs Anns,""""* — '
in which is but one Parifh, namely, Lynhaven.
2. Norfolk, alfo one Parifh, call'd Elizabeth-
River. 3. Nanfamund, in which are three
Parifhes, viz. Lower-Parijh, Upper- Pa-riff,
and Chickaluck. 4. Ifle of Wight, in which
are two Parifhes, viz. Warwick- Squeeke Bay
and New-Port. 5. Surrey, two Parifhes, viz..
Lyon's-Creek and Southwark. 6. Prince
George, in which is one Parifh, viz. Martin-
Brandon, and the other Part of Briftol Parifh
in Henrico. 7. Brunfwick, a new County,
conftituted towards the Southern Pafs of the
Mountains on purpofe that by extraordinary
Encouragements the Settlements may fend up
that Way firft, as is given alfo to Spotfylvania
County for the Northern Pafs. It is made
one Parifh by the Name of St. Andrew.
On the Eaftern Shore, that is, on the Eaft
Side of the great Bay of Chefepeak, the Place
Where Sir William Berkley retired to- in the
Rebellion, without withdrawing from his
Government (as Mr. Oldmixon declares he
did) are two Counties. 1. Northampton, hav
ing one Parifh, named Hungers. 2. Acco
mack, having one Parifh, named alfo Acco
mack. In all there are at prefent twenty-nine Coun
ties and fifty-four Parifhes.
The Colonel alfo, in his Preface to his Other
Prefent State of Virginia, points out fome Miflakes
Other Miftakes Mr. Oldmixon has made in the °f^r-
Geography of Virginia, obferving that Prince correaed
George County, which/ lies on the South Side by ColoneJ
of James-River, Mr. Oldmixon places on the Bewrky,
North ; and that he places fome part of James-
City County on the South Side of James -River,
whereas

The Present State
whereas not an Inch of it has been placed on
that Side of the( River thefe threefcore Years.
That the fame Gentleman makes Elizabeth
and Warwick Counties lie upon York-River,
whereas both of them lie upon James-River,
and neither of them comes near York-River :
That he placed King. William County on both
fides of Pamunky- River, whereas it lies all on
the North Side of Pamunky-River ; and thor
he placed King and Queen County upon the
South of New -Kent, at the Head of Chicka-
homony- River, that County lies North of New-
Kent, and there are two large Rivers and two
entire Counties between the Head of Chicka-
homony-River and King and Queen County :
And whereas he fays that York and Rapahanock
Rivers iffue out of low Marfhes, it is very
certain thofe Rivers have their Sources in the
higheft Ridge of Mountains, as he (Colonel
Beverley) avers upon his own View of them.
Some ,of thefe Miftakes of Mr. Oldmixon
I was fo unfortunate to follow in defcribing
the Virginian Counties ; but fince I have ad
ded Colonel Beverley's Corrections I hope I
fhall be forgiven. I fhould not have followed
this Gentleman of all Men in his Effays on
Religion or Politicks, or in his Hiftory of the
Stuarts, but as there was nothing of Party in
defcribing the Situation or Subdivifions of an
American Province, I thought I might have
given fome Credit to him, efpecially when he
affures us, p. 278 of his Hiftory, That he was
well acquainted with the modern Surveys of that
Country. If I was cautious how I took his
Word before, I fhall be much more fo after
he has led me into thefe Errors, which I com-
niitted before I could get the laft Edition of
Colonel Beverley's. Prefent State, or I had laid
Mr,

«/' VIRGINIA: 5;
Mr. Oldmixon's Hiftory of Virginia entirely Virginia.
afide •, for what he has valuable relating to *— — v~— J
that Country I perceive he was oblig'd to the
Colonel for.
I proceed now to enquire into the Virginian Govern-
Government ; and firft of that of the Indians, mem of
which, according to Colonel Beverley, is mo- %h:e v'r&~
narchical, but the Crown defcends to the next"''
Brother, and not to the Son of the preceding
Monarch: And if there are no Sons, to the
Sifters fucceffively and their refpedlive Iffue,
according to their Seniority. The Prince is
reftrain'd by no Laws, but acts arbitrarily}
and the ufual Punifhment for capital Offences
is the knocking out the Offender's Brains with
Clubs. But tho' the Civil Power is lodg'd in
the King, there is another Weroance, or great
Man, who is their General, and has the Con
duct of all military Affairs : And neither the
one or the other of thefe tranfacts any thing of
Confequence without confulting their Priefts
and Prophets (or Conjurers) as our People call
the latter: But the fame Perfon, I perceive,
is fometimes Prieft, Prophet and Phyfician ;
and in fome Parts of Florida the Prieft is their
General alfo.
But to qualify any Man for a Poft, either Hmka-
in the State or Army, he is oblig'd to undergo na^'V!»S^
very fevere Difcipline, which is called Huska- Qualifka-
nawing. The Sons of fome of the beft Fa- tion for an
milies at fixteen or eighteen Years of Age are °fficer in
carry'd by their Priefts into fome folitary Wood ^^^.
and there fhut Up for feveral Months in a <
kind of Cage of a Conick Form \ nor fuffer'd
to converfe with any Man but their Tutors, or
to eat any thing more than will juft keep them
alive ; but they are obliged to drink a certain
intoxicating Liquor, which makes them rave like

The Present State
like Madmen, and forget every thing that ever
1 happen'd, if we may believe them. 'But what
ever Effect the Liquor may have, or how 'great
foever the Change may be that is wrought in
their Pupils, the End of all this is (as the
Indians themfclves relate) to extinguifh all
childifh Imprefflons, and that Partiality to
Perfons and Things which is fo natural to all
Men ; and to eradicate fuch Prepoffefflons and
unreafonable Prejudices as they may have
imbibed, alledging, that till this is done they
ate by no means fit for Minifters or Magiftrates.
Thefe Gentlemen, thus difciplin'd, are call'd
Cockroufes, and of them the King's Council
is always compofed, and no others are ever
advanc'd to any Poft in the Government civil
or military.
Properties. As to their Goods or perfonal Eftate, every
Man claims a Right to what he poffeffes as
well as to the Fruits of his Labour and his'
Cloathing: His Plantation and the Buildings
Ke erects on it are efteem'd his Property alfo
fo long as he remains in that Part of the Coun
try but no longer ; for the whole Territory be
longing to one King or Tribe is really no
more than one great Common, no Man claim
ing a diflinct Property in any Part any longer
than while he actually ufes it. When he re
moves, another is at liberty to fettle on the
fame Spot of Ground : But every Prince or
Tribe has their refpedtive Territories bounded
by fome Wood, River, or other natural
Fence, and will not fuffer their Neighbours, to
encroach upon them ; tho' I can't perceive
they made any other Ufe of their Lands before
the Arrival of the Englifh than to hunt and take
the wild Beafts, Game and Fowl they founds
upon them, unlefs it were that every Man had
a little

*/ VIRGINIA. 57
a little Garden or Spot of Ground wherein he Virginia.
planted juft Corn and Roots enough for the ^V"NJ
Ufe of his own Family. They had no fort of
tame Cattle to graze in their Fields till the
Englifh arriv'd.
As to the Government ofthe Englifh in Vir- The Go-
ginia, this is formed upon the fame Mode] as vernraent
that of England, and has a very near Refem- ^J^L in
blance to it. The legislative Authority is Virginia.
lodg'd in the Governor, the Council, and the
Houfe of Reprefentatives : And the Governor
has a Negative as the King has here, but their
Acts muft be ratify'd afterwards by his Majefty
in England : However, -they are of Force in
Virginia iititnediately upon receiving the Go
vernor's Affent until his Majefty's Pleafure
is know"n.
The Governor is appointed by his Majefty Tne Go-
during Pleafure, and is oblig'd to act accord- vemor.
ing to his Iriftrudlions. He calls Afiemblies
by the Advice of the Council, but prorogues
or diffolves them by his own Authority : He
prefides in «all Councils of State, where he
alfo has a Negative.
He appoints Gommiffloners or Juftices to
adminifter Juflice in the County Courts by
theConfent of the Council : He grants Com-
mifflons to all the Officers of the Militia, and
is himfelf vefted with the Title and Office of
Lieutenant-General, having the fole Com
mand of that Body.
He tells all Proclamations, difpofes of all
unpatented Lands agreeably to his Inftructions
and the Laws of the Country •, and the Seal
of the Colony for this and all other Matters
of State is in his Keeping.
He is alfo conftituted Vice- Admiral by a
Commifflon from the Admiralty of England :
Vol. XXXI. H The

The Present State
The Iffues of the publick Revenue muft bear
his Teft •, and his Salary is 2000 /. per Annum,
befldes Perquifites, Computed to amount to
near 1000/. more.
On the Death of the Governor, the Admi
niftration devolves on the Prefident and Coun
cil. The Members of the Council are ap
pointed by Letters or Inftructions from his
Majefty, which only directs them to be fworn
of that Body : Their ufual Number is twelve,
and if there happen to be under nine refident
in the Country, the Governor is impower'd
to fwear fuch Gentlemen as he thinks fit to
make up that Number.
All Bills which come from the Affembly
muft have their Affent-, but I don't find any
Bills brought in by the Council and fent down
to the lower Houfe, as is pradlifed in the Eng
lifh Houfe of Lords frequently. There is an
annual Sum of 350/. diftributed among the
Members of the Council, in proportion to the
Trouble they are at in attending General
Courts and Affemblies.
General The Free-holders of every Country elect
Affembly, two Burgeffes to reprefent them in the General
Affernbly. James-City elects one, and the
College one, fo that there are in all fixty
Burgeffes. They are fummoned by Writs
iffued from the Secretary's Office under the
Seal of the Colony, and tefted by the Go
vernor, being directed to the refpective
( Sheriffs, and bearing Date forty Days before
the Return : The Writs and Notice of the
intended Election being publifli'd in every
Church and Chapel of each County two Sun
days fuccefflvely, and controverted Elections
are determined by the Houfe, as in England.

^VIRGINIA. 59
A Speaker is alfo chofen, and Freedom Virginia.
of Speech and other Privileges allowed the *y""'Y">0
Affembly on the Speaker's Application to the
Governor, as in the Britiflo Parliament by the
King : And a Speech is made, acquainting
them with the Occafion of their meeting,
which is ufually once a Year, or oftner if the
Governor fees fit.
Having treated of their Affembly or High
Court of Parliament, I come naturally to
enquire into the Conftitution of their other
Courts, which are chiefly two, viz. the Ge
neral Court and their refpective County
Courts. The General Court confifts of the Governor General
and Council, or any five of them, who are Court. ,
the Judges of it, and take Cognizance of all
Caufes, whether civil, criminal, or ecclefi-
aftical, from whence there is no Appeal, un
lets the Matter in Difpute exceed the Value
of 300 /. Sterling, and then there lies an Ap
peal to the King and Council, and is there
determined by a Committee of the Privy-Coun
cil, call'd the Lords of Appeals ; but in cri
minal Cafes there is no Appeal from this
Court, only the Governor is empower'd to
pardon all Crimes but Treafon and Murder,
and even in thefe lnftances may reprieve the
Criminal from time to time till the King's
Pleafure is known.
The General Court is held annually on the
15th of April and the 15th of Otlober, each
.Term or Sefflon continuing eighteen Days,
exclufive of Sundays, and thefe were formerly
the only Times of Goal-Delivery, but at this
Pay the Governor appoints Commiffioners for
the Trial of criminal Caufes,
H % In

60 The Present State
Virginia. \n trie General Court civil Caufes' are not
v---v""~' try'd by a Jury of the County where the
Trials. Parties live, but by Gentlemen fummoned
from all Parts to attend the General Court ;
' but in criminal Cafes the Sheriff is order'd to
fummon fix of the neareft Neighbours to the
Prifoner, who may be fuppofed to be beft
acquainted with his Life and Converfation ;
to which fix are added fix more of the Gen
tlemen fummoned to attend the Court ; and
the Prifoner is allowed his Challenges, as in
, England. Civil Caufes are ufually brought to a Trial
and determin'd in the third Term or Sefflon ;
fo that a Year and half puts an End to Suits
in the General Court-, and three or four Months
in the County Court, the latter being held
monthly : And where any one appeals from
the County Court to the General Court, the
Appeal is try'd and determin'd at the next
General Court.
Every one is allow'd to plead his own
Caufe by himfelf or his Friends, or by his
Attorney or Council, at his Option • and
tho' the Suitor may appeal from the County
Court to the General Court, the General Court
does not take Cognizance of any Caufe origi
nally, where the Matter in Difpute is not of
the Value of xol. Sterling, or two thoufand
Pounds of Tobacco.
Judges of The Judges or Commiffloners of the Coun-
Courts"^ £y Coum receive their Commifflons from the
Governor, and are Juftices of Peace in their
refpective Counties, being eight or more in
Number. They are authoriz'd to determine
all civil Caufes in Law or Equity, and fuch
criminal Caufes as do not affect Life or Mem
ber -, and in the Cafe of Hog-ftealing they are
empower'd

^VIRGINIA. 61
empower'd to condemn the Offender to lofe Virginia.
his Ears for the fecond Offence j their Pro- '— ~v~— '
ceedings refembling thofe of the General Court,
except that here every Caufe is try'd by a Jury
of the fame County where the Parties live, or
the Facts are committed.
This monthly Court hath alfo the Care of Orphans.
Orphans, and of their Eftates and Effects, and
put out Apprentices, and provide for fuch
.• Orphans as are in low Circumftances : And in
September annually audit the Accounts of Or
phans, and enquire into their Education and
Maintenance, putting fome to School and
others to Trades, as they fee proper : And
where they find Children neglected or hardly
ufed, they remove them to other Mailers ;
and when poor Orphans have ferved the Time
they were bound for, their Matters are oblig'd
to furnifh them with a Stock of Cattle, Tools,
&c. to enable them to begin the World with
to a certain Value j the Boys being bound till
twenty^one, and the Girls till eighteen Years
of Age, when the Maids, if they behave well,
ufually get good Hufbands and live plentifully.
Of the publick Officers there are three be- puu;ck
fides the Governor, which have their Com- Officers.
mifflons immediately from his Majefty, viz.
the Auditor of the Revenue, the Receiver-
General, and the Secretary of State.
17?, The< Auditor audits all the publick Auditor.
Accounts, and tranfmits the State of them to
England i his Salary being 6 per Cent, of the
publick Money.
idly, The Receiver-General fells the pub- Receiver-
lick Tobacco, and iffues the Money or the General.
Produce of it by the King's Order ; his Salary
alfo being 6 per Cent. $dly%

Secretary.

The. Present State
gdly, The Secretary, who keeps the pub
lick Records, viz. all Judgments of the Ge
neral Court, and Deeds and other Writings
proved therein ; iffues all Writs relating there
to ; makes out and records all Patents of Lands,
and takes the Returns of all Inquefls of Efcheat.
In his Office alfo is kept a Regifter of all
Commiflions of Adminiftration and Probates
of Wills, of Marriages, Births, and Burials ;
of all Perfons who leave the Country, and of.
all Houfes of Entertainment, &c. From this
Office iffues the Writs for electing Burgeffes,
and here are kept authentick Copies of all
Proclamations. His Revenue arifes from Fees
for Bufinefs done in hjs Office, and amounts
oneYear wjth another tofeventy thoufandPounds
of Tobacco, out of which he pays twelve hun
dred and fifty to Clerks.
There are two other publick Officers, viz.
the Ecclefiaftical Commiffary, who viflts the fe-r
Commiffa- veral Churches of the Province, and receives his
ry" Authority from the Bifhop of London, Ordi-
Treafurer nary of all the Plantations ; and, 2. The
of the Treafurer of the Province, who is appointed
Province. by. the Generaj Affembly to receive fuch Sums
as are rais'd by their Acts.
Judge of There is alfo a Judge of the Admiralty,
the Ad mi- but he is appointed from time to time, as
raky. Bufinefs happens, and is not a ftanding Officer.
The reft of the publick Officers are Efchea-
tors, Sheriffs of Counties, Coroners, Collectors,
Surveyors of Lands, Clerks of Courts, and
others of lefs Moment.
The conftant publick Revenues are of five
of Virginia forts, ift, A Rent referv'd by the Crown out
of all Lands granted by Patent, which is call'd
his Majefty 's Quit- Rent, being two Shillings
for every hundred Acres fo granted, and Two-pencs

The Bi-
fhop's

OtherOfficers.

Revenues

$f VIRGINIA. 63
pence an Acre for all Lands efcheated to the Virginia.
Crown (which is paid by all except the In- •— -v— -^
habitants of the Northern Neck, who hold
of my Lord Colepeppeis Family, the Pro
prietors of that Diftridt) which Quit-Rents
amount to about 1500/. Sterling per Annum,
and are left in Bank there againft any fudden
Emergency, except it be fent for to England.
~ idly, A Revenue granted by an Act of A Duty of
Affembly for the Support of the Government ?*•/">¦
arifing firft by two Shillings per Hogfhead hoSfhrad-
for every Hogfhead exported. idly, By a isd.ptr
Rate of Fifteen-pence per Ton for every Voy- Ton- ,
age a Ship makes. %dly, By a Duty of Six- Sd.per
pence per Head for every Paffenger brought Paffenger.
into the Country. 4-thly, By Fines and For- p;nes
feitures impofed by feveral Adlsof Affembly j Waifs and
by Waifs and Strays, Compofitions for efcheat- Strays,
ed Lands and Goods, ci?f. which Revenue 9^P°*-
amounts to 3000/. per Annum and upwards,
and is difpofed of by the Governor and Coun
cil for defraying the Expences of the Govern
ment, which Accounts may be infpected by
the General Affembly.
%dly, Revenues arifing by Act of Affembly a Duty on
referved to their own Difpofal, viz. a Duty, foreign
on Liquors imported from the neighbouring Liquors.
Plantations, and upon all Slaves and Servants ^ \ f^_ei
imported. The Duty on Liquors Four-pence vants.
per Gallon for Rum, Brandy or Wine, and
one Penny for Beer, Syder, and other Li
quors. The Duty on Servants and Slaves
twenty Shillings for each Servant not a Native
of England, and five Pounds for each Slave or
Negroe. ifthly, The Revenue granted to the College a Duty!
by a Duty on Skins and Furs exported, raifing f°r tne
about an hundred Pounds per Annum. skKnT
5*blyt Furs.

The Present State
$thly, The Revenue raifed by Britifh Acts
of Parliament on the Trade there, being a
i d. per Duty of one Penny per Pound on all Tobacco
Pound on exported to the Plantations and not carry'd di-
Tobacco redtly to England, which was given by an Act of
College. W- & M- to the College, but does not raife
200 h per Annum.
Duties laid But thefe are Trifles compar'd to the Du-
onTobac- ties laid upon Tobacco imported into England,
co in Eng- by A_dt of Parliament, which do not amount
to lefs than 200,000/. Sterling one Year with
another, which is all apply'd to the Support
of the Crown and Government of England, its
Mother Country ; which no doubt will have
; a fuitable Regard for a Daughter that makes
fuch noble and grateful Returns.
Poll-Tax The m°ft u^ua^ way °* raifing Money in
in Virginia Virginia next to thofe already mention'd (of
on all laying Duties upon Trade and Shipping) is
titheable by a p0n_Tax, affefflng a certain Rate or
erons. port:jon 0f Tobacco on the Head of every
taxable or titheable Perfoh, as they call them.
Titheable Perfons are all Negroes Male and
Female, above fixteen Years of Age, and
white Men of that Age ; but white Women
and white Children under fixteen are not deem'd
titheable or fubject to a Poll- Tax, either for
the Support of the Government, or towards
any County or Parifh-Rates.
And that it may be known what titheable
Perfons there are in each County, every Ma
iler of a Family is oblig'd, under a fevere
Penalty, to bring a true Lift of every titheable
Perfon in his Family to the Juftices of Peace
at their refpective Seffions. : Thefe Poll-Taxes
and Levies are of three kinds. 17?, Such as
are enacted by the General, Aflembly for the
Support and Defence of the Government, idly,
Such

of ,y I R G I N I A. t6$
.Such as.are order'd to be raifed by the Juftices Virginia.
'of Peace of each County at their refpedliiye l-^y~~J
Seffions for building abd repairing their, Cpurf-
Hpufes, Prifons, &c. and, ^dty, Parifh Levies,
' which are affefled by the Veftries of thp'„fi-
. Jpedlive Parifhes, for the building and adorning
"Churches and Chappels, building. Parfonage-
_ Houfes, buying Glebes* and railing, a ,'Re-
. venue for the Minifler, Reader, Clerk, a^ncf
'Sexton. ,]
The next Head proper to be treated of jjn Tenures
this Place is that of Tenures. And it appears of Lands.
.that their Lands are holder* by free arid corn-
Vmon Soccage, according to trie Cuflom oiEafl-
' Greemvich, } and are granted by LettersrBa-
tents upffer;the-Sealpf the Colony tefted. by the
'Governor.' ,And thefe .Gtants are,, obtain^ by
i Petition \. {ft, Upon a Survey of Lands that How a
have never' been "granted. to any one, Defor,e 15 Rlg^.t0
"idly, OnafLapfe; and $dly, Where Lands 0btain'd
^are efcheafled.to the Crown. . '
Lands are faid to be lapfed when' any , J^lan
who has obtain'd a Patent or Grant of .thern
'does not plant them within three Years, , as his
Patent requires. Bur,' iF- within three VYea#s
aftler %Wf .Date, .of his Patent, or before another
prefers a. Petition for them, he plant the Lands,
they cannot afterwards be forfeited unlefs by
Attainder, when they , return" to the'j^fowh,
and the Governor and Council grant trfem to
whom they pleafe, referving1 only, a ^.ehf'.'dF
two Pounds- of. Tobacco per Acre- -to the .Grown
for fuqh efche'ated Lands. ,--...
Every Man has a Right to a Grant of fifty
Acres of 'Land in Confideration of his perfonal
Tranfportatibn to Virginia ; ;and if "he ca-r-ries
his Family with him, he is entitled to -the like
Number of" Acres for his Wife arid -every ope
Vol. XXXI. I " 'of

66 The Present State
Virginia, of his Children : * But where there is nothing
»— -v— ^ of this Nature ftipulated with the 'Perfon who
tranfpofts himfelf, a Right to fifty Acres of
Land may be purchafed for five Shillings when
he comes there.
It is the Bufinefs of the Surveyor to lay out
and mark the Boundaries of every Man's Plan
tation who has obtain'd a Right, a Copy where
of, with the Surveyor's Certificate, being
brought to the Secretary (if there be no Ob
jection to it) a Patent is made out of courfc,
which gives thePatentee an Eftate inFee-fimple,
fubject to a Quit-Rent of Twelve-pence for
every fifty Acres, provided he plant three
Acres of every fifty within three Years, and
' build a Houfe, and keep a Stock of black
Cattle, Sheep or Goats thereon ; which Con
ditions if he does not perform, the Land
lapfes, and the Governor grants it to whom
he fees fit upon a Petition prefer?d.
Naturali- .Foreigners are naturalized, and have all the
zation. Privileges of Englifhmen allow'd them in Virgi-
hid'on taking the Oaths to theGovernment there.
Laws. The Laws of England are generally in
Force in Virginia ; and not only the Adts of
Parliament of Great- Britain, but even Orders
of Council have the Force of Laws in moft of
the Plantations.
, Some of the Laws enacted by their General-
. Affembly, and peculiar to Virginia, are thefe
that follow.
Ads of When a Perfon is fued for a Debt he may
Affembly. difeount whatever appears due to him from the
Plaintiff, and fhall be oblig'd to pay no more
than the Ballance of the Account.
Upon Sufpicion of any Perfon's Intention
to remove out of the County, in order to con
ceal or withdraw himfelf from his Creditors, any

»/ VIRGINIA. 67
any Juflice of Peace, upon Complaint, may Virginia.
iffue out an Attachment againft fo much of V^V>^
his Eftate as amounts to the Value of the
Debt claimed by the Creditor, he giving Secu
rity to pay the Defendant fuch Damages as
fhall be awarded in cafe he (the Creditor) be,
caft. None fhall pradlife as an Attorney unlefs Attornies
licenfed by the Governor ; and no licenfed Fees-
Attorney fhall demand or receive for bring
ing any Caufe to Judgment in the General
Court more than five hundred Pounds of To
bacco, and in the County Court one hundred
"and fifty ; and if any Attorney refufe to plead
for the faid Fees he fhall forfeit as much as
his Fees fhould have been. , .
No Man fhall be debar'd by this Act from
pleading and managing his own Caufe.
Every Perfon refufing to have his Child Baptifm.
baptized by a lawful Minifter forfeits two
thoufand Pounds of Tobacco.
The Baptizing Slaves or their Children fhall Slaves.
not alter their Condition as to Bondage or
Freedom. No County fhall fend above two Burgeffes Burgeffes.
to the General- Affembly, provided that James-
City, being the Capital, may elect one ; and
every County that will lay out an hundred
Acres of Land, and people it with an hundred
titheable Perfons, fhall have the like Privilege.
A Burgefs not appearing in the Affembly
on the Day of the Return forfeits three hun
dred Pounds of Tobacco. No Burgefs is to
be arretted during a Seflion, or within ten Days
after a Diffolution or Adjournment.
None but Freeholders and Houfe-keepers
to have Voices in Elections. J 2 Every

6$ The Present State
Virginia. Every County not' fending two Burgeffes
K^\T^' forfeits ten thoufand Pounds of Tobacco.
The Allowance to every Burgefs. is one
hundred and twenty Pounds, of Tobrcco per
Diem, and' for travelling Charges, ten Pounds
of Tobacco per Diem for every Horfe, or the
Charges of a Water- Paffage.
Horfes. ' No Horfe or Mare to* be imported from,
any other Plantation on Pain of, Forfeiture.
Phyficians Surgeons and Phyficians are oblig'd to declare
Fees. Up0n Oath what Drugs have been taken by
the Patient, and then the Court will allow.
50 per Cent, above the Value of the Drugs,
and as much for Cure and Attendance as the
Court fees fit : And if any one neglects his
Patient he fhall be fined at difcretion.
Church. 'For Laws relating to the Church, fee the
Chapter of Religion.
Circuits. ; The Governor, and one or two of the.
Council Commifflori'd by • him, fhall go the
Circuit annually in Auguft, and vifit the Coun--
ty Courts, hearing and determining the Caufes
depending in them.
Manufac- Encouragements were enacted. Anno 1682,
tures; > for tne p]antjng ancj manufacturing Hemp and
Flax, and for thofe that fhould make Hats and'
Stockings ; but they ftill receive thefe and
almoft every other kind of Manufacture from
England. '
Debts. • A ' Debt acknowledged before two Com-
miffloners (Quor un) to be of the Nature of a
Judgment. '
Convey- Conveyances of Lands in Virginia made in
ances. England to be fent over thither by the firft
Shipping, and recorded there, or otherwife to'
be deem'd fraudulent.
Corn_ Every Man, for each titheable Perfon in his
Family, fhall plant two Acres of Corn or
Pulfc

of V I R G I N I A. 6$
Pulfe on Pain of five hundred' Pounds of To- Virginia.
bacco for every Acre neglected,- provided that ' — "v — -*
the fowing one Acre of. Englifh . .Wheat fhall
e'xcufe the planting two Acres of Indian Corn
or Pulfe as afcre'faicL ! ; ! '-
The Court held by the Governor and Cbun-General
cil, and call'd the General Court, to be held Court.
three times, a Year : The firft on the 20th of
•March, and continue eighteen Days befides
Sundays; the fecohd on the 20th of September,
and continue twelve Days", and the third on
the 20th of November, and fit twelve Days.
Four Gentlemen -atteaft -to be commiffion'd County
by the Governor to adt as Juftices of the Peace Court-
in .every County : And the Courts of the faid
Juftices to be call'd County Courts-; which
fhall not take Cognizance of any Caufe under
the Value of two hundred Pounds of Tobacco,
or twenty Shillings Sterling ; but Matters
under that Value fhall be determin'd by a
Angle Juflice of Peace.
Two Men fhall be chofen in every Parifh, By-Laws.
who- being' return'd by the Church- Wardens
fhall fit in the feveral County Courts, and have
equal Voices with the Juftices for making of
By-Laws. Any Petfon who fhall fteal or unlawfully Hog fleal,
kill a Hog that is not his own fhall forfeit a ing.
thoufand Pounds of Tobacco to the Owner
and as much to the Informer ; arid he that
brings home a Hog without his Ears fhall be
adjudged a Hog-ftealer, and the Receiver
fhall be punifh'd as the Thief.
The fecond Offence of Hog-ftealing to be
punifh'd with Lofs of Ears, ' after two Hours
ftanding in the Pillory j and the third is made
Felony. Every

The Present State
Every Planter fhall make a fufficient Fence
about his Ground, at leaft four Foot and a
Fences. half high.
Servants. Where a Freeman is punifhable by a Fine,
a Servant fhall receive corporal Punifhment,
viz. for every five hundred Pounds of Tobac
co twenty Lafhes, unlefs his Mafter will pay
the Penalty.
Fornica- A Man and Woman committing Fornication
tion. fhall pay each of them five hundred Pounds
of Tobacco ; and if either of them be a Ser
vant, the Mafter to pay the five hundred-
Pounds of Tobacco, and the Servant to ferve
half a Year beyond his Time ; and if the Ma
tter refufe to pay it, the Servant, is to be
whip'd. If a Baftard be born of a Woman '
Servant, fhe fhall ferve her Mafter two Years
beyond her Time, or pay him two thoufand
Pounds of Tobacco, and the Father fhall
give Security to keep the Child.
Conveyances of Lands, Cattle, or Goods,
J^J~ fhall be regifter'd in the General Court or
County Court within fix Months after Aliena
tion, or be deem'd fraudulent.
Hides, Wool, and Iron, are prohibited to
be exported.
j. ... No Englifhman fhall purchafe Land of an
Indian ; and whoever fhall defraud or injure
them fhall make them Satisfaction.
No Perfon fhall buy or receive any Com
modity of an Indian without the Governor's.
Licenfe. ,
No Perfon, of what Quality foever, fhall
prefume to imprifon an Indian King without a
fpecial Warrant from the Governor and two
of the Council ; And no Encroachments fhall
be made on the Indians Lands.
No

7*
No Indian fhall come into the Englifh Bounds Virginia,
without a Badge in their Company to fhew *-" "V" ¦*¦'
what King they belong to ; and if any Injury
be done by them, his King or Chief fhall be
anfwerable for it.
When a tributary Indian King has Notice
of the March of any ftrange Indians near the
Englifh Colonies, he fhall acquaint the next
Officer of the Militia with it ; and if the friend
ly Indians defire Affiftance1, a Party fhall be
immediately fent to fupport them by the Co
lonel of the Militia.
No Indian Servant fhall be fold for a Slave,
'and no Indian fhall be entertain'd by any one
without the Leave of the Governor.
No Man fhall fell' Arms, Powder or Shot
-to' the Indians, on Pain of forfeiting ten thou
fand Pounds of Tobacco. >
Where an Englijhman is murder'd by Indi
ans, the next Indian Town fhall be anfwerable
fork with their Lives and Liberties.
The Wer ounce, or General of the Indians',
fhall not be chofen by them, but the Englifh
Governor fhall appqint fuch Perfons as he can
¦confide in to |be Commander in chief 'of the
Indian Towns ; and in cafe any Town dif-
obey fuch Commands, they fhall be treated as
Rebels. No Indian or Negroe, baptiz'd and enfran
chise, fhall be capable of purchafing a Chrif-
tian Servant.
Proof by Indians fhall be good to convidl Ho^-fleal-
other Indians oi Hog-ftealing ; and the Indians ing.°
who keep Hogs fhall put fuch a Mark on
them v as fhall be appointed by the adjacent
Counties. ,
No Marriage fhall be reputed valid which Marriage.
is not folefnnized by a lawful Minifter, accord

ing

jz 5T& Present-State
Virginia, ing.to the Book;of Common-Prayer ', and none
^Y^^ fhall marry without a Lieenfe' from the Go
vernor, or his Deputy, or Banes thrice pub-
lifh'd.. The Children of, other Manages
deem'd illegitimate, and their . Parents to be
punifh'd as :for Fornication. .. Servants who
procure themfeives, to be marry'd' without the
Confent of their Mailers, fhall each of them
ferve' their refpedtive Matters- a Year beyond
'.their Time ; And if. a Freeman' marries, a
Servant without t|e., Matter's jLeave he fhall
forfeit fifteen hundred" Pounds of Tobacco to
the -Mailer,; ,orrone Year's Service.
Militia. •, -,F°rty' Titheables oblig'd to fet out one Man
and Horfe in the Militia. ;
Minifters, fee Religion. , : ; : :,_
Slaves. Children begotten by an Englijhman on a
Negroe Woman to be Slaves, or free, according
to the Condition, of the Mother .: . And if a
Chriftian commits Fornication with -a. Negroe
the Offender fhall pay double the, Fine impos'd
on Fornication. f
Nc? ,ji Women, tho' enfranchis'd, liable fo
pay Taxes.
No Negroe. may carry any Weapon or Club,
or go off his Matter's Ground without a Cer
tificate from his Mafter or Overfeer. .
A Negroe - or Slave lifting1 up his' Hand
againft any Chriftian, to receive thirty Lafhes.
If a Negroe or. Slave hide himfelf from- his
Mailer's Service, and refill thofe that are
authoriz'd to apprehend him, it fhall be law
ful to kill him..
Notice to No Mafter of a Ship fhall tranfport any
. be given Perfon out of the Country without a Pafs from
when any the Secretary, on Pain of paying all his Debts
tteSun-5 and a thoufand Pounds of Tobacco to the
try_ ou " Secretary. And all Perfons, before they can
obtain

of V I R G I ft I A. 73
obtain Paffes, muft fet up their Names at the Virginia.
Monthly Court ten Days before their . De- *— "*— r*
parture, or have their Names publifh'd two
Sundays in every Parifh of the County, or ,
give Security for the Payment of their Debts.
Five Years peaceable Poffeffion fhall be Poffeffion.
deem'd a good Bar to any Claim of Lands,
except as to .Orphans, Feme coverts, and Per
fons out of the Country, or Nonfane.
Scolds are order'd to be duck'd by an Act Scolds,
of Affembly. Servants, coming into the Country without Servants,
Indenture, fhall ferve five Years if upwards
of fixteen, and' all under that Age till they
are twenty-four.
Servants abfenting themfeives from their
Matters Service fhall make Satisfaction by.
ferving after their Times expir'd double the
time of the Service fo neglected, or longer if
the Court fo determine.
If an Englifh Servant run away in Company
with Negroes, who cannot make Satisfaction
by an Addition- of Time, the Englifh, after
their own Time is expir'd, fhall ferve the ¦ '
Mailers of the faid Negroes as Jong as the
Negroes fhould have done if they had not been
Slaves. Servants receiving immoderate Correction,
or not being provided with competent Cloath-
ing, Diet, or Lodging, may complain to a
Commiffionerof the County, who is impower'd
to redrefs the Grievance.
A Servant laying violent Hands on his
Mafter, to ferve a Year beyond his Time.
None may traffick with a Servant without
.his Mailer's Leave under fevere Penalties.
'Servants bringing Goods with them, or
having Goods afflgn'd to them in the Country,
Vol. XXXI. K , fhall

The Present State
fhall have the Property thereof and Liberty to
difpofe of them to their own Ufe.
A Woman Servant got with Child to ferve
two Years after her Time expir'd.
No Mafter fhall make any Bargain with
his Servant but before a Juflice of Peace.
Religion. Servants and Sacraments, fee Religion.
Sheriffs. None but a Commiffloner fhall be Sheriff of
a County, and fuch Commifiioners fhall exe
cute the Office fucceffively.
Commiffioners of every County fhall be
anfwerable for all publick Levies and Taxes
laid on the County, and for the Sheriff's due
Performance of his Office ; and are impower'd
therefore to take Security of him on his Ad-
miffion. Any one of the Council of State may fit
in any Court in Virginia, and have a Voice
as the Juftices have.
No Perfon No Perfon not born in this Country fhall
t0 hpVeft have an Office here till he has been refident
till7 he has tnree Years, unlefs by the King's immediate
beenrefi- Commifflon.
dent three N0 Perfon convicted of Felony in England
Convifts or elfewnere fhall be capable of bearing airy
difabled. Office civil or military.
Ships. Whoever fhall build a Veffel, and fit her
out for Sea in this Country, fhall receive of
the Publick a Premium of fifty Pounds of
Tobacco per Ton.
Mailers of Ships fhall provide four Months
Victuals for their Paffengers in fetting out
from England, and take care that poor Ser»
vants do not want Bedding during the Voyage.
Guns. For the better taking Alarms on the Ap
proach of an Enemy, the Firing Guns at
merry Meetings are prohibited. In

^VIRGINIA. 7£
In the Year 1662 the Planters were en- Virginia.
join'd to plant a certain Number of Mulberry- y^Ts-f
Trees in order to fet up a Silk Manufacture, silk.
and Encouragements were given for the mak
ing of Silk ; but they have long fince laid
afide all Attempts of this Nature.
If a Slave refill his Mafter, or thofe who Slaves.
correct him by his Matter's Orders, and he,
by the Extremity of the Correction, chance
to die, the Perfons correcting him fhall be
jndemnify'd. All Servants imported by Shipping, who
are not Chriftians, fhall be Slaves for Life ;
and fuch as come by Land fhall ferve twelve
Years, and if Boys and Girls till they are
thirty. All Minifters officiating in any publick Taxes.
Cure, and fix of their ^refpective Families,
fhall be exempted from publick Taxes.
None fhall buy or fell but by Englifh Weights Weights
and Meafiires. andMea-
The Widow may make choice of any third widows
Part of the real Eftate, where her Hufband and Or-
dies inteftate, and fhall have a Third of the phans.
perfonal Eftate, where there are not more than
two Children j but where there are more the
perfonal Eftate fhall be divided equally be^
tween the Mother and the Children.

K 2 CHAP.

7*

The Present State

CHAP. VIII.
Of the Religion both of the Indians and
Englifh ; and of their Marriages, Wo
men, Children, Slaves, a?td Funeral
Rites.

Virginia

Religion
of the
VirginiansHarriot's '
Accountof their
Faith.

Of the
Creation.

HE firft Account we meet with
of the Religion of the Virginians
is that given us by Mr. Harriot,
an Officer of Sir Walter Ralegh's,
whom he employ'd in the Dif-
covery of that Country.
Mr.. Harriot relates, that the Indians be
lieved there were many Gods of various Orders
and Degrees, tho' but one only fupreme God,
who had.exifted from all Eternity, and by
whom every thing in the Univerfe was pro
duced into Being: That he firft made Gods
of a fuperior Order to be his Minifters and
Inftruments in the fucceeding Creation and
Government of the World : That he afterwards
created the Sun, Moon, and Stars, which are
Gods of an inferiour Clafs, who were to be
Minifters and Agents of, thofe of the higher
Order: That then the Waters were created,,
out of which the Gods formed all other Crea
tures, vifible and invifible j but laft of all, a
Woman, who being impregnated by one of the
Gods, had Children, from whom all the reft
of Mankind proceeded ; bur how long it- was
fince the Creation they do not pretend to know. They

of V I R G I N I A. 77
They believed that all their Gods were of Virginia.
human Form, and therefore reprefented them "-^V^^
as fuch in the Images they made, and placed Gods of
in their Temples; in fome of which he hadnumin
feen one, and in others two or three ; and thatForm*
the Indians worfhipped, pray'd, fung, and Devotion.
made Offerings to them.
They believe, that as foon as the Soul is A State of
departed from the Body (according to its Re,pard-^,
Behaviour in this World) it is either carry'd ^entsm
to Heaven, the Habitation of the Gods, to
enjoy perpetual Happinefs, or elfe to a great
Pit or Gulph ; which, as well as their Pa-
radife, they take to be in the moft Weftern Part
of the World, there to burn and be tormented
for ever, which Place of Torment they call
Popogoffo ; and for the Confirmation of their
Opinion, they related, that a few Years be
fore the Arrival of the Englijh the Grave of
a certain wicked Man, who had been bury'd
the Day before, being feen to move, he was
taken up alive, and declared that his Soul had
been carry'd to the very Entrance of Popogoffo ;
but that he was faved by one of the Gods,
who order'd him to return and tell his Friends
what they fhould do to avoid that Place of
Torment : , That another, who was bury'd
the fame Year the Englifh came thither, being
taken in like manner out of his Grave, de
clared that his Soul, immediately after Death,
was conducted along:a fpacious Road, planted
on each Side with beautiful Groves and the
moft delicious Fruits, fuch as he had never feen
before, or was able to defcribe. This Road /
led him to magnificent Buildings, near which
he met his Father, who commanded him to
return to his Friends, and inftruct them what
they fhould do to obtain the Pfeafures of that
Place. That

The Present State"
That this he learn'd from their Priefts (with
' fome of whom he was very intimate) and this
he took to be the Sum of their Religion : That
upon his acquainting them with the Principles
The Opi- of the Chriftians, they gave that Religion the
Tiion the Preference to their own > nay, the Weroances
firft TOter- anc* §reat Men, when they were fick, would
tained of defire the Englifh, whom they looked upon as a
the Englijh Kind of inferior Deities, to meditate with Hea-
and their ver^ that their Lives might be fpared, or that
igion. a^.er j-jg^ tney j-nighc enjoy eternal Blifs :
Such was the Opinion they at firft entertained
of the Englifh; and had it not been for the un
happy Conduct of fome of our firft Adventu
rers, it had been then the eafieft Matter in the
World to have brought the Indians to have
embraced our Religion and fubmitted to our
Government, without ufing any manner of
Force. Our Ships and Artillery, our Fire
arms, our Clocks and other Pieces Of Mecha-
nifm were fo amazing, fo much beyond any
thing they were acquainted with, that they
looked upon them as more than human Pro
ductions} efteeming them either the Works of
Gods, or of Men exceedingly favoured and
inftrudted by the Gods. Hakluit, Vol. III.
p. 276, 277.
Mr. White, who was Governor of one of
the firft Colonies, fent to Virginia by Sir Wal
ter Ralegh, relates, That they worfhipped the
WorftiipofSun with great Solemnity : That at Break of
the Sun. Day, before they eat or drank, Men, Wo
men and Children upwards of ten Years of
Age, went to the Water and bathed till the Sun
arofe, and then offered Tobacco to this Planet ;
and that they did the like at Sun-fet. Pur-
chafe, Vol. V. p. 842.

e/ VIRGINIA. 79
The next Gentleman who gives us an Account Virginia
of the Religion of the Virginians, is Captain*— -v— '
Smith, who was very inftrumental in eftablifh-
ing the firft Colony at James -Town, and had
the Government of it a confiderable time.
But as Colonel Beverley has included great
part of Mr. Smith's Narrative in theRelation
he gives of the Religious Rites and Ceremo
nies of the Virginians, I fhall in the firft place
prefent the Reader with what the Colonel has
given us on this Head.
I do not pretend (fays Colonel Beverley) to Col. Be
have dived into all the Myfteries of the Indian ver/efsAc-
Religion, nor have I had fuch Opportunities ChU-ntRfr '
of learning them as Father Henepin and Baron lion V'
Lohontan had by living much among the In
dians in their Towns ; and becaufe my Rule
is to fay nothing but what I know to be truth,
I fhall be very brief upon this Head.
In the Writings of thefe two Gentlemen I
cannot but obferve direct Contradictions, al-
tho' they travelled the fame Country and the
Accounts, they pretend to give, are of the fame
Indians. One makes them have very refined
Notions of a Deity j and the other don't allow
them fo much as the Name of a God : For
which Reafon I think myfelf obliged fincereiy
" to deliver what I can warrant to be true up
on my own Knowledge, it being neither my
Intereft rior any part of my yanity to impoie
upon the World.
I have been at feveral of the Indian Towns
and converfed with fome of the moft fenfible
of them in Virginia, but I could learn little
from them, it being reckoned Sacrilege to di
vulge the Principles of their Religion ; how
ever, the following Adventure difcovered fome-
thing of it : As I was ranging the Woods with

So The Present State
Virginia, vvith fome other Friends, we fell upon their
*¦— ¦v— ' Quioccofan (which is their Houfe of Religious'
Worfhip) at a time when the whole Town
was gathered together in another Place, to con
fult about the Bounds of the Lands given them
by the Englifh.
Thus finding ourfelves Matters of fo fair
an Opportunity (becaufe we knew the Indians
were engaged) we refolved to make ufe of it
and to examine their Quioccofan, the Infide of
They were which they never fuffer any Englifhmen to fee;
not fo % ancj haviriQ, removed about fourteen Logs
firft Ad- from the Door, with which it was barricado'd,
venturers we went in, and at firft found nothing but
arrived, naked Walls and a Fire-place in the Middle:
This Houfe was about eighteen Foot wide and
thirty Foot long, built after the Manner of
their other Cabbins, but larger, with a Hole
in the middle of the Roof to vent the Smoke,
the Door being at one End. Round about the
Houfe, at fome diftance from it, were fet up
Pofts, with Faces carved on them and painted.
We did not obferve any Window or Paflage
for the Light, except the Door and the Vent
of the Chimney. At laft we obferved that at
the farther End about ten Foot of the Room
was cut off by a Partition of very clofe Mats,
and it was difmal Dark behind that Partition.
We Were at firft fcrupulous to enter this ob-
fcure Place ; but at laft we ventured, and
groping about we felt fome Pofts in the mid
dle ; then reaching our Hands up thefe Pofts
we found large Shelves, and upon thefe Shelves
three Mats, each of which was rolled up and
fewed faft : Thefe we handed down to the
Light, and to fave time in unlacing the Seams
we made ufe of a Knife, and ripped them
without doing any damage to the Mats. In
one

of V I R G I N I A. 81
one of thefe we found fome vaft Bones, which Virginia.
wc judged to be the Bones of Men, particu
larly we meafured one Thigh Bone, and found
it two Foot and nine Inches long. In another
Mat we found fome Indian Tomahawks finely
graved and painted. Thefe refembled the
wooden Faulchion ufed by the Prize-Fighters
in England, except that they have no Guard
to fave the Fingers. They were made of a
rough heavy Wood, and among thefe Toma
hawks was the largeft that ever I faw. There
was fattened to it a wild Turkey's Beard, paint
ed red, and two of the longefl Feathers of his
Wings hung dangling at it by a String of
about fix Inches long, ty'd to the Head of a
Tomahawk. In the third Mat there was
fomething which we took to be their Idol, tho'
of an underling fort and wanted putting to
gether. The Pieces were thefe, firft, a Board
three Foot and a half long, with one Indenture
at the upper End like a Fork, tp fallen the
Head upon j from thence half way down were
half Hoops nailed to the Edges of the Board,
at fibout four Inches diftance, which were bow
ed out to reprefent the Breaft and Belly : On
the lower Half was another Board, of half
the Length of the other, fattened to it by
Joints or Pieces of Wood, which being fet on
each Side flood out about fourteen Inches from
the Body, and' half as high. We fuppofed
the Ufe of thofe to be for the Bowing out of
the Knees when the Image was fet up. There
were packt up with thefe things red and blue
Pieces of Cotton Cloth, Rolls made up for
Arms, Thighs, and Legs bent too at the
'Knees'. It would be difficult to fee one of
thefe Images at this Day, becaufe the Indians
are extreme fhy of expofing them. We put
Vol. XXXI. L the

82 The Present State >
Virginia, the Cloaths upon the Hoops for the Body,
'— -v*— ' and fattened on the Arms and Legs, to have a
View of the Reprefentation j but the Head and
rich Bracelets which it is ufually adorn'd with
were not there, or at leaft we did not find them.
We had not Leifure to make a very narrow
Search, for having fpent about an Hour in
this Enquiry, we feared the Bufinefs of the
Indians might be near over, and that if
We flaid longer we might be caught offering
an Affront to their Superftkion ; for this
Reafon We wrapt up thofe holy Materials in
their feveral Mats again, and laid them on
the Shelf where we found them. This Image,
when dreffed up, might look very venerable
in that dark Place where 'tis not pofflble to fee
it but by the glimmering Light that is let in
by lifting up a Piece of the Matting, which
we obferv'd to be conveniently hung for that
Purpofe ; for when the Light of the Door and
Chimney glance in feveral Directions upon the
Image through that little Paffage, it muft
needs make a ftrange Reprefentation, which
thefe poor People are taught to worfhip with
a devout Ignorance. There are other things
that contribute towards carrying on this Im-
ttow does pofture. Firft, the chief Conjurer enters within
ourAuthor the Partition in the dark, and may, undifcern-
kno\«t:iis?ecj5 move the Image as he pleafes. Secondly,
A Prieft of Authority ftands in the Room with
the People to keep them from being too in-
quifitive, under the Penalty of the Deity's Dif-
> pleafure and his own Cenfure.
Their Idol bears a feveral Name in every
Nation, as Okee, Quiccos, Kiwafa. They
do not look upon it as one fingle Being, but
reckon there are many of the fame Nature. They

gf VIRGINIA. 83
They likewife believe that there are titular Virginia.
Deities in every Town. *^^/-^J
. There are flillfome things in Captain Smith's Captain
Relation that Colonel Beverley has not men- Smith's
tion'd as I remember,' or at leaft in the man- Account
ner the Captain expreffes himfelf, -particularly, Reij4on.
that the Virginians do not only worfhip the
Devil, whom they call Okee, but converfe
familiarly widi him.
That they adore eyery thing they fear, as
Fire, Water, Thunder, great Guns, Fire-
Arms, and Horfes ; and fome of them feeing
an Engliflo Boar, according to Smith, appear'd
ready to adore him.
He makes alfo the Head-drefs and Orna
ments of their Priefts to be the fame with
thofe Mr. Beverley affigns to their Conjurers,
and fays their Devotions are generally fung ;
that they affemble about a great Fire finging
and dancing, fhouting and making a moft
hideous Noife with their Rattles for fome They
Hours, after which they fit down and fpend "J^3'1-7
the reft of the Day in Feafting, having made f™iJah
an Offering of the firft Piece to the Fire, as in their
'tis faid the better Sort do at every Meal, Hands.
Some relate, that they do not fo much as take
a Pipe of Tobacco but they offer the firft
Fumes of it to the Sun or ¦ to the Fire, as
Incenfe. From thefe feveral Accounts of the Re- Remarks
ligion of the Virginians, it may be obferved, on thefe
that there are fome things in which all Travellers j^ff-1
agree, tho' they differ in many, and there is
fcarce any one Writer confiftent with himfelf
throughout. They all agree, that the Indians acknow
ledge one God, the Creator of all Things,-
who is infinitely happy in himfelf, but has
L 2 little

The Present State^
little or no Regard to the trifling Concerns of
Men, having committed the Government of
the World to certain inferiour Deities or Dae
mons, to whom therefore they pay their' De
votions ; and thefe our Travellers have ¦ de
nominated Devils : But if the Indians pray to
thefe Daemons, and depend on them for Health,
Victory, and ' fruitful Seafons, which they dif-
pen'fe to Mankind, in their Opinion, as well
as Afflictions and Calamities, why' we may
not call thefe imaginary Deities Gods as well
as thofe the Greeks and Romans patid their
Devotions to, I can't conceive; tho"' we admit
both the one and the other to be falfe Gods?
or rather no Gods.
Again ; their Priefts are frequently called
Conjurers, and fome make the Prieft and the
Conjurer diftinct Officers ; but it is admitted
that both of them perform the fame religious
Rites fometimes ; both pretend to foretell future
Events, to command the Elements, and do
abundance of fupernatural things, and both of
them are Phyficians ; fo that I am apt to think
they are of the fame Tribe and Order, and
only receive different Denominations according
as they apply themfeives to this or that Part
of their Office ; tho' it feems probable from
thefe Relations, that before a Prieft is ad
mitted to be a Prophet, or Pawawer, he is
oblig'd to undergo a very fevere Difcipline :
And for aught I perceive, he is neither allow'd
to act as Prieft or Prophet till he is advanced
in Years. Thofe Writers feem to be under a
Miftake who relate, that their Priefts are
elected out of the beft Families j for it is very
evident the Priefthood is hereditary among'ft
them. Thofe young Noblemen that undergo
jthe Difcipline, of Huskanawing, it appears, are

«/ VIRGINIA. 85
are ,defigned for Cockroufes, or Minifters of Virginia.
State, and Generals, and not for the Priefthood. ' — -v™J
Nor is the Indian Creed, in all Particular?,
confiftent with itfelf \ for if they apprehend
God to be unconcerned 1 at their Behaviour in
this- Life, how comes it to pafs that they be
lieve he configns the Good to Paradife and the
Wicked to an Eternity of Torments ? If he
does this, he muft Infpect their Adtions, and
have a Regard to their everlafting Welfare,
tho' it fhould be admitted he has committed
the Conduct of their Affairs in this Life to his
Angels, or, in the Language of the Vulgar, to
Devils. • As to the State of the Chriftian- Religion in The State
Virginia, Colonel Beverley has given us the of the
following Account of it. Chriftian
There is in each Parifh a convenient Ghufchitl^^
built either of Timber, Brick, or Stone, and.
.decently adorn'd with every thing neceffary
For the Celebration of Divine Service.
If a Parifh be of greater , Extent than ordi
nary, it hath generally a Chappel of Eafe,
and fome of the Parifhes have two fuch Chap-
pels, befides the Church, for the greater Con
venience, of the Parifhioners, In thefe Chap-
pels the Minifter preaches alternately, always
leaving a Reader to read Prayers when he
cant attend, himfelf.
The People are generally of the Church of
England, which is the Religion eftablifhed by
. Law in that Country, from which there are
very few Diffenters ; yet Liberty of Con
fidence is given to all other Congregations
pretending to Chriflianity, on Condition they
fubmit to all Parifh Duties.'' They have but
one fet Conventicle amongft them, namely, a
Meeting of Quakers, in Nanfamund County ;
others

86 The Present State
Virginia, others that have lately been being now extindt :
'-''"VNJ And 'tis obferved by letting them alone they
decreafe daily.
The Maintenance for a Minifter there is
appointed by Law at fixteen thoufand Pounds
of Tobacco per Annum (be the Parifh great
or fmall) as alfo a Dwelling-Houfc and Glebe,
together with certain Perquifites for Marriages
and Funeral-Sermons. That which makes
the Difference in the Benefices of the Clergy
is the Value of the Tobacco, according to the.
diftinct Species of it, or according to the Place
of its Growth. Befldes, in large and rich
Parifhes, more Marriages will probably hap*
pen, and more Funeral-Sermons.
The Fee, by Law, for a Funeral -Sermon
is forty Shillings, or four hundred Pounds of
Tobacco ; for a Marriage by Licenfe twenty
Shillings, or two hundred Pounds of Tobacco ;
and where the Banes are proclaim'd only five
Shillings, or fifty Pounds of Tobacco.
When thefe Salaries were granted, the Af
fembly valued Tobacco at ten Shillings per
Hundred, at which Rate the fixteen thoufand
Pounds comes to fourfcore Pounds Sterling j
but in all Parifhes where the fweet-fcented
grows, fince the Law for appointing Agents
to view the Tobacco was made, it has gene
rally been fold for double that Value, and
never under.
In fome Parifhes likewife there are, by Do
nation, Stocks of Cattle and Negroes on the
Glebes, which are alfo allow'd the Minifter
for his Ufe and Encouragement, he only being
accountable for the Surrender of the fame
Value when he leaves the Parifh.
For the well-governing of thefe and all other
Parochial Affairs,1 a Veftry is appointed in each
Parifh,

,gf VIRGINIA, 87
Parifh. Thefe Veftries confift of twelve Gen- Virginia.
tlemen of the Parifh, and were firft chofen by t/*W
the Vote of the Parifhioners ; but upon the
death of any have been .continued by the Survi
vor's electing another ¦ in his place. Thefe in
the Name of the Pariih make Prefentation of
Minifters, and have the fole Power of all Pa
rifh Affeflments. They are qualified for this
Employment by fubfcribing to be conformable
to the Doctrine and Difcipline of the Church of
England. If there be a Minifter incumbent,
he always prefides in the Veft-ry.
For the Eafe of the Veftry in general, and for
difcharging the Bufinefs of the Parifh, they chufe
two from among themfeives to be Church- war
dens, which muft be annually changed, that the
Burthen may lie equally upon all. The Bufinefs of
thefe Church-wardens is to fee the Orders and A-
greements of the Veftry performed, to collect all
the Parifh Tobacco, and diftribute it to the'fe-
veral Claimersj to make up the Accounts of
the Parifh, and to prefent all Profanenefs and
Immorality to the County-courts, and there'
profecute it.
By thefe the Tobacco of the Minifter is col
lected, and brought him in Hogfheads conve
nient for Shipping,- fo that he is at no farther
Trouble but to receive it in that Condition.
This was ordained by the Law of the Country
for the Eafe of the Minifters, that fo they be
ing. delivered from the Trouble of gathering
in their Dues, may have the more time to ap- 1
ply themfeives to the Exercifes of their holy
Function, and live in a Decency fuitable to
their Order. It may here be obferved, that ,
the Labour of a dozen Negroes does but an-
fwer this Salary, and feldom yields a greater Crop

88 The Prese<nt State
Virginia. Crop of fweet fcented Tobacco, than is allow-
•*— v*— ' ed to each of their Minifters.
Probates of Wills and Adminiftrations. are,
according to their Law, petitioned for in the
County-courts, and1 by them Security taken and
certified to the" Governor, which, if he ap
proves the Commifflon', is then figned by therrj
without Fee.- Marriage Licenfes are iffued by
the Clerks of thefe Courts and figned by the
Juflice in Commifflon, or by any Perfon depu
ted by the Governor, for which a Fee of twen
ty Shillings muft be paid to the Governor. The
Power of Induction upon Presentation 'of Mi
nifters is alfo in the Governor.
In the Year 1642, when the Sectaries began
to fpread themfeives fo much in England, the
Aflembly made a Law againft them, to pre
vent' their preaching and propagating^the Doc
trines in that Colony. They admitted none
to preach in their Churches but Minifters or-
-dained. by fome reverend Bifhop of the Church
of England ; and the Governor for the time be
ing, as the moft fuitable publick Perfon among
them, -was left fole Judge of the Certificates of
fuch Ordination, and fo he has continued ever
fince.
The Cler- The only thing I have heard the Clergy
gy's Con- complain of there, is what they call Precari-
rimon pre- oufnefs in their Livings ; that is, they have
fiere°US "ot Inductions generally, and therefore are Hot
intituled to a Freehold ; but are liable, without
Trial or Crime alledged-, to be put out by the,
Veftry : And tho' fome have prevailed Wi'tfi
their Veftries to prefent them for Induction, the
greater Number of their Minifters have no In
duction, yet they are very rarely turned out
without fome great Provocation ; and then, if
they have not been abominably fcandalous, they
immediately

of VIRGINIA. $9
immediately get other Parifhes : For there is Virginia.
no Benefice whatfoever in that Country that v"~ "~*~-J
remains without a Minifter if they can get one,
and no qualified Minifter ever yet returned from
that Country for want of Preferment. They
have frequently feveral vacant Parifhes.
The College, as has been hinted, was found- The Col-
ed by their late Majefties King William and leSe en"
Queen Mary in the Year 1692, towards, the owe '-
Founding of which they gave one thoufand
nine hundred eighty-five Pounds, fourteen Shil
lings and Ten-pence. They gave more to
wards the Endowment of it twenty thoufand
Acres of Land, the Revenue of' one Veany per
Pound on Tobacco exported to the Plantations
; from Virginia and Maryland, and the Survey
or-General's Place of that Colony then void,
and appointed them a Burgefs to reprefent them
in the Affemblies. The Land hitherto has
yielded little or no Profit, the Duty of one
Penny per Pound brings in about two hundred
Pounds a Year, and the Surveyor- General's
Place about fifty Pounds a Year, to which the
Affembly have added a Duty on Skins and
Furs exported, worth about one hundred Pounds
a Year. * •
By the fame Charter likewife their Majefties
granted a Power to certain Gentlemen, and the
Survivors of them as Truftees, to build and
eftablifh the College by the Name of William
and Mary College, to confift of a Prefident,
and fix Mailers or Profeflbrs, and an hundred
Scholars, more or lefs, Graduates or Non-
Graduates, enabling the faid Truftees as a Bo
dy-corporate to enjoy Annuities fpiritual and
temporal of the Value of two thoufand Pounds
Sterling per Ann. with a Provifo to convert it
to the building and adorning the College, and
Vol. XXXI. M then

oo The Present State'
Virginia, then to makeover the Remainder to the Prefi-
*— ""w-""-1' dent and Mafters, and their Succeffors, who
are now become a Corporation, and by the faid
Patent enabled to purchafe and hold to the Va
lue of two thoufand Pounds a Year, and no more.
Vifitors of The Perfons named in the Charter for Truf-
the Col- tees are made Governors and Vifitors of the
eSe- College, and to have a perpetual Succeffion
by the Name of Governors and Vifitors^ with
Power to fill up their own Vacancies happen
ing by the Death or Removal of any of them.
Their complete Number may be Eighteen,
but not to exceed Twenty, of which one is to
be Rector, and annually chofen by themfeives
on the firft Monday on the 2 5th of March.
Thefe have the Nomination of the Prefi
dent and Mafters of the College, and all other
Officers belonging to it, and the Power of
making Statutes and Ordinances for the better
Rule and Government thereof. The Building
is to confift of a Quadrangle, two Sides of which
are not yet carried up. In this Part are con
tained all Conveniences of Cooking, Brew
ing, Baking, &c, and convenient Rooms for
the Reception of the Prefident and Mafters,
with many more Scholars than are as yet come
to it j in this Part are alfo the Hall and School
room. The College was intended to be an entire
Square when finifhed ; two Sides of this was fi-
, nifhed' at the latter End of Governor Nicholfon's
time, and the Mafters and Scholars, with the ne-
ceffary Houfekeepers and Servants were fettled in
it,, and fo continued till the firft Year of Gover
nor Notfs time, in which it happened to be
The Col- burnt (no-body knows how) down to the
kge burnt. Ground, and very little faved that was in it,
the

©/•VIRGINIA. 91
the Fire breaking-out about ten a Clock at Virginia.
Night in a publick time. S— "v— '
The Governor and all the Gentlemen that were
in Town came up to the lamentable Spectacle,
many getting out of their Beds ; but the Fire
had got fuch Power before it was difcovered,
and was fo fierce, that there was no Hopes of
putting a Stop to it, and therefore no Attempts
made to that End.
In this Condition it lay till the Arrival of Rebuilt.
Colonel Spotfwood,^ in whofe time it was raifed
again to the fame Bignefs as before, and fet
tled. There had been a Donation of large Sums
of Money by the honourable Mr. Boyle, Efq;
to this College, for the Education of Indian
Children therein. In order to make ufe of
this, they had formerly bought half a Dozen
captive Indian Children' Slaves, and put them
to the College ; this Method did not fatisfy
this Governor, as not anfwering the Intent of
the Donor ; fo to work he goes among the tri
butary and other neighbouring Indians, and in
a fhort time brought them to fend their Chil
dren to be educated, and brought new Nati
ons, fome of which lived four hundred Miles
off, taking their Children for Hoftages and E-
ducation equally, at the fame time fetting up a
.School in the Frontiers convenient to the Indi- je^edfor'
ans, that they might often fee their Children the Na-
under the firft Management, where they learn'd tives.
to read, paying fifty Pounds per Annum out of
his own Pocket to the School -mafter there ; af
ter which many were brought to the College,-
where they were taught till they grew big
enough for their Hunting and other Exer
cifes,1 at which time they were returned home,
and fmaller taken in their ftead.
M 2 There

The Present State
There are large Tracts of Land, Houfes,
and other things granted to Free-Schools for
the Education of Children in many Parts of the
Country; and fome of thefe are fo large that
of themfeives they are a handfome Mainte
nance to a Mafter : But the additional Allow
ance which Gentlemen give with their Sons
renders them a comfortable Subfiftence. Thefe
Schools have been founded by the Legacies of
well-inclined Gentlemen, and the Manage
ment of them hath commonly been left to
the Direction of the County Court, or to the
Veftry of the refpective Parifhes. In all other
Places where fuch Endowments have not been
already made, the People join and build
Schools for their Children, where they may
dition of ^earn uPon vet7 eafy Terms. As to the Con-
the Poor dition of the Poor in this Country, they live
mVirginia. in fo happy a Climate, and have fo fertile a
Soil, that no body is poor enough to beg or
want Food ; tho' they have abundance of
People that are lazy enough to deferve it.
I remember the time when five Pounds were
left by a charitable Teftator to the Poor of the
Parifh he lived in, and it lay nine Years be
fore the Executors could find one poor enough
to accept of this Legacy •, but at laft it was
given to an old Woman. So that this may
jn truth be termed the beft poor Man's Coun
try in the World. But as they have no body
that is poor to Beggary, fo they have few
that are rich, their Eftates being regulated by
the Merchants in England, who, it feems,
know beft what is Profit enough for them in
the Sale of their Tobacco and other Trade.
When it happens that by Accident or Sick^
nefs any Perfon is difabled from working, and
fo is forced to depend on the Alms of the
, Parifh,

c/ VIRGINIA. 93
Parifh, he is then very well provided for, not Virginia.
at the common Rate of fome Countries (I pre- v— ~v — '
fume he means England) that give but juft
fufficient to preferye the Poor from perifhing ;
but the unhappy Creature is receiv'd into fome
charitable Planter's Houfe, where he is at
the publick Charge boarded plentifully.
Many when they are crippled, or by long
Sicknefs become poor, will fometimes afk to
be free from Levies and Taxes ; but very
few others do ever afk for the Parifh Alms,
or indeed fo much as ftand in need of them.
Mr. Beverley, in fpeaking of the Virginian of their
Women, fays, that their Drefs is hut little Women.
different from that of the Men, except in the
tying of their Hair : But the Ornaments of
Women of Diftinction are deep Necklaces,
Pendants, and Bracelets made of fmall Cylin
ders of Conch-Shell, which they call Peak :
That, they keep their Skins clean and fhining
with Oil, whereas the Men are ufually daubed
all over with Paint or Greafe.
That the Women are remarkable for their
fmall round Breafts, which fearce ever hang
down, even when they come to be old : And
as they commonly go naked from the Navel
upward, and from the middle of the Thigh ¦ '•¦
downward, they have the Advantage of dis
covering their fine Limbs and Shape.
The Indians folemnize their Marriages Marriages,
publickly, and efteem their Vows made at
that time as facred and inviolable, Mr. Be
verley informs us, but does not give us any
Account of the Manner of folemnizing them.
He adds, that either Man or Woman may Divorce.
obtain a Divorce where they can't agree :
But fo great is the Scandal of a Divorce, that
marry'd People very feldom let their Quarrels -, ;
proceed

The Present State
proceed to a Separation. However, when
this does happen, they efteem all the Ties of
Matrimony diffolved, and either Party is at
liberty to marry elfewhere •, -but while the
Contract continues Difloyalty is efteem'd the
moft unpardonable Crime in either Party.
Upon a Divorce the Children go with the
one or the other, according to the Affections
of the Parents for them 5 for Children are not
reckon'd a Burthen here, but rather a Part of
their Treafure ; but if they happen to difagree
about dividing their Children, they part them
as equally as may be, allowing the Man his
Choice. And whereas it is reported that young Indian
Females mayv proftitute themfeives for Peak,
Beads, or almoft any Toy, he looks upon
this to be a Calumny j for if a Angle Woman
have a Child, it is fuch a Difgrace that fhe
can never get her a Hufband afterwards. But
the Colonel feems to except fome Cafes, for
p. 159 he fays, where an Indian of Quality
vifits a Neighbour, after he has been enter-
tain'd with Feafting apd Dancing, a Brace of
young beautiful Virgins are chofen to wait
upon him at Night, who undrefs the happy
Man, and as foon as he is in Bed gently lay
themfeives down by him ; and they efteem
it a Breach of Hofpitality not to fubmit to
every thing he defires. But he adds, that
this kind Ceremony is only ufed to Men of
great Diftindlion : And the young Women
are fo far from fuffering in their Reputations
by this piece of Civility, that they are ehvy'd
by their Companions, as having had the great
eft Honour in the World done them when
thtf were Angled out for that Purpofe.
When

of V I R G I N I A. 95
When aChild is born, inftead of keeping it Virginia.
warm, and fwaddling it up in a great many ^TY^
Cloaths, as European Nurfes do, they plunge
it over Head and Ears in cold Water, and
then bind it naked to a Board with a Hole for
Evacuation •, but the Board is lined with Cot
ton, Wool, Furs, or other foft Covering to
make the Child's Lodging the eafier ; for ic
remains thus fattened to the Board feveral
Months, being only taken off every Day to
be wafhed and cleaned. While the Child is
thus fattened to the Board, they either lay.it
flat on its Back, or fet the Board leaning a-
gainft fomething, or elfe they hang it ' up by
a String on the Bough of a Tree, or againft
a Wall : And when it is let loofe from' the
Board they fuffer it to crawl about on all fours
till it is able to go alone, except when the
Woman goes abroad, and then fhe-takes her
Child at her Back, \ naked if it be in Summer,
having one of the Legs under her Arm, and
the oppofite Hand of the Child in hers oyer
.her Shoulder, the Child hanging about the
Neck with the other Hand ; but in the Win
ter fhe carries her Child in her Mantle or
Watchcoat, as our Beggars do theirs in Blankets,
leaving only the Head expos'd to the Air.
As to the Englifh Women, Mr. Beverley Englijh
obferves, that the Colony was at firft put to Women v
hard Shifts, very few going over with the
'Adventurers, who feem'd to have an Aver-
fion to the Indian Women, either on account
of their Paganifm or their Complexions ; and
fome, perhaps, were apprehenfive fuch Wives
would confpire with their Relations and Coun
trymen to deftroy the Colony. But fo foon -
as the Colony was fettled, and the Planters
were in good Circumftances, a great many Girls

96 The Present State
Virginia. Girls went over thither from England in ex-
OO/NJ pedlation of making their Fortunes, carrying
Certificates with them of their chafte Behaviour
on this fide the Water ; for without fuch Cer
tificates, the Colonel infinuates, the cautious
Planters, tho* in never fo much Diftrefs for
Wives, would not admit them to their Beds.
If they were but moderately qualify'd in other
Refpedts in thofe Days they might depend
upon being well marry 'd. The Planters were
fo far from expedting Money with a Woman
that it was a common thing to buy a deferving
Wife, who came over thither a Servant, at
the Price of a hundred Pounds, if fhe carry'd
good Teftimonies with her. But afterwards,
when the Fruitfulnefs of Virginia wa's: better
known, and the Dangers incident to an infant
Settlement were Over, People in good Cir
cumftances went oyer thither with their Fa
milies, either to improve their Eftates, or
avoid Perfecution at home : And particularly
in the time of the ' grahd Rebellion feveral
good' Cavalier Families retired thither, as thofe
of the other Side did upon the Reftoration of
King Charles the Second : But Virginia had
but few of the latter, having diftinguifh'd her-
felf by her Loyalty in adhering to therbyal
Family after all other People had fubmitted
to the Ufurpation. The Round- heads, for
the moft part, therefore went to New-England.
Servants The Diftindtion ufually made between Ser-
andSlaves, vants an£i Slaves is, that the firft are but
rence**6' temporary Servants, and ufually' Chriftians,
between whereas the latter with their Pofterity are per-
them. petually Slaves, unlefs they happen to be
enfranchis'd. The Cuftom, in relation to 'temporary Ser
vants, where "they have rib "Indentures that
'' * limit

$f VIRGINIA, oy
limit the Time of their Service is^ that if flich Virginia.
Servants be under nineteen Years of Age, they
muft he brought into Court to have their
Ages adjudg'd, and from the Age they are
adjudg'd to be of they muft ferve till tWenty-
four, but if they be adjudg'd upwards of nine
teen, they are then only to be Servants for five
Years. Male Servants and Slaves of both Sexes ale
ernploy'd together in tilling and manuring the
Ground, in fowing and planting Tobacco^
Corn, &c. Some Diftindtion is made be
tween them in their Cloaths and Food, but
the Work of both is no other than what the
Overfeers, the Freemen^ and the Planters
themfeives do.
Sufficient Diftindtion is alfo made between
the Female Servants and Slaves ; for a white
Woman is rarely or never put to work in the
Ground if fhe be good for any thing elfe :
And to difcourage all PJanters from ufing any
Woman fo, their Law makes Female Servants
working in the Ground Titheables, while it
fuffers all other white Women to be abfolutely
exempted} whereas On the other hand it is a
Common thing to work a Woman Slave out
of doors, nor does the Law make any Dif
tindtion in her Taxes, whether her Work be
abroad or at home.-
Becaufe I have heard (adds the Colonel)
how ftrangely cruel and fevere the Service of
this Country is reprefented in fome Parts of
England, I can't forbear affirming that the
Work of their Servants and Slaves is no other
than what every common Freemart does:
Neither is any Servant requir'd to do more in
a Day than his Overfeer. And I can affure
you, with great Truth, that generally their
Vol. XXXI. N Slaves

98 The Present State
Virginia. Slave's are not worked near fo hard nor fo
many Hours in a Day as the Hufbandmcn
and Day-Labourers in England. An Overfeer
is a Man that hath ferved his Time^ and ac
quired the Skill and Character of an experienc'd
Planter* and is therefore intrufted with the
Direction of the Servants and Slaves.
But to .complete this Account of Servants,
I fhall give you a fhort Relation of the Care
their Laws take that they may be ufed as ten
derly as poffible.
By the Laws, of their Country.
ift, All Servants whatfoever have their
Complaints heard without Fee or Reward ;
but if the Mafter be found faulty the Charge
of the Complaint is caft upon him, otherwife '
the Bufinefs is done Ex Officio.
idly, Any Juflice of Peace may receive the
Complaint of a Servant, and order every thing
relating thereto till the next County Court,
where it will be finally determin'd:
$dly, All Mafters are under the Corredlion
and Cenfure of the County Courts, to provide
for their -Servants good and wholefome Diet,
Cfoathing, and Lodging;
4thly, They are always to appear upon the
firft Notice given of the Complaint of their
Servants, otherwife to forfeit the Service of
them until they do appear.
Sthly, All Servants Complaints are to be
receiv'd at any time in Court without Procefs*
and fhall not be delay'd .for want of Form j
but the Merits of the Complaint- muft im
mediately be enquir'd into by the Juftices,
and if the Mafter caufe any Delay therein,
the Court may remove fuch Servants if they
fee caufe until the Mafter will come to Trial; 6thlyi

$f VIRGINIA. 99
6thly, If a Mailer fhall at any time difobey Virginia
an Ofder of Court made upon any Complaint '
of a Servant, the Court is impower'd to re
move %h Servant forthwith to, another Mafter
whp will be kinder, giving to the former
Mafter the Produce only (after Fees deducted)
of what fuch Servants fhall be fold for by
publick Outcry.
ythly, If a Mafter fhould be fo cruel as to
ufe his Servant ill ttiat is fallen tick or lame
in his Service, and thereby render'd unfit for
Labour, he muft be remov'd by the Church-
Wardens out of the way of fuch Cruelty j and
boarded in fome good Planter's Houfe till the
time of his Freedom (the Charge of which
muft be laid before the next County Court,
which has Power to levy the fame from time
to time upon the Goods and Chattels of the
Mafter) after which the Charge of fuch Board
ing is to come upon the Parifh in general.
¦Sthly, All hir'd Servants are intituled to,
thefe Privileges.
^thly, No Mafter of a Servant can make a
new Bargain for Service or other Matter with
his Servant, without the Privity and Confent
of the County Court, to prevent the Mailer's
over-reaching or terrifying fuch Servant into
an unreafonable Compliance.
lothly, The Property of all Money and
Goods fent over thither to Servants, or carry'd
in with them, is referved to themfeives, and
remains entirely at their difpofal.
nthly, Each Servant, at his Freedom,, re
ceives of his Mafter' ten Bufhels of Corn
(which is fufficient almoft for a Year) two
new Suits of Cloaths, both Linnen and Woollen,
and a Qun of twenty Shillings Value, and then
becomes as free in all Refpects, and as much
N 2 intituled.

iqo The Present State
Virginia, intituled to the Liberties and Privileges of the
Country as'^ahy others of the Inhabitants "or
Natives are 'if fuch Servants were not Aliens.
vithly, Each Servant has then alfo a Right
to take up fifty Acre s of Land where he can
find any unpatented.
This is what the Laws prefcribe in Favour
of Servants, by which you may find that the
Cruelties and Severities imputed to that Coun
try are an unju'fl Reflection -, for no People
more abhor the Thoughts of fuch Ufage than
the Virginians, not take more Precaution to-
prevent it now, whatever it was in former Days.
As to convicted Malefactor^ • who'S^e
trahfported to the Plantations to ftl^^^^mn
Number of Years, Mr; Beverley .oMMvfe|-|l|kt
the greedy Planter is always f^|^Ep6tiy
them > but he is of opinion thepwffi in the
End prove very deftructive to that Country,
there having been many Robberies and Mur
ders1' committed there of late Years* which
he looks upon as the Effect of that Law.

CHAP.

of V I R G I N I A. 101

CHAP. IX.
Of their Fortif cations, 'Wars and Forces ;
and of their Shipping, foreign Trade,
and Coin ; as alfo of their Roads and ,
Way of Travelling ; and of their Stones,
Eartfos, and Minerals.
I H E Fortifications of the Indians Virginia.
confift only of a wooden Pallifa- «— -v~— *
do or Stockade, about ten , or Fortifica-
twelve Foot high, and when tions.
they would make themfeives very
fafe (fays Colonel Beverley) they have a triple
Pallifado, with which they fometimes encom-
pafs their whole Town* £>Ut for the moft part
only their Kings Houfes, and as many more as
they judge fufficient to harbour all their People
upon the Approach of an Enemy : And with
in thefe Fottfeffes they never fail to fecure their
Idols and facred Relicks, with the embalmed
Bodies of their deceajed Princes. In chufing
the Ground for theirFort, they always take
care to have, Water enough, and a fpacious
Parade to Irayj"; up: their Troops, in which
they make a Fire every, 'Evening and dance
round it, either in Devotion or for their Di-
verfion, or both ; 4br I find Travellers are
not agreed about it. '
The fame Writer informs us, that whenwani
the Indians are about to enter upon a War, or
any other important Enterprise, the King
fummons a Convention of his great Men to
afiift

102 The Present State
Virginia, affift at a grand Council, which, in their
L.anguage, ts call'd a Matchacomoco. At
thefe Affernblies 'tis the Cuftom, efpecially
when a War is expected, for the young Men
to paint themfeives irregularly with black,
red, white, and feveral other motly Colours,
making one half of their Face, red (for In-
ftance) and the other half black or white, wkh
great Circles of a different Hue round their
Eyes, with monftrous Muftachoes, and a
thoufand fantafticai Figures all over the reft
oTtheir Body ; and to make thernfelves appear
yet more ugly and frightful, they ftrow Fea
thers, Down, or the Hair of Beafts upon, the
Paint while it is ftill moift and capable of
making .thofe light Subftances flick" faft on.
When they are thus formidably equip'd, they
"rufh into the Matchacomoco, and inftantly
begin fome very grotefque Dance, holding
their Arrows or Tomahawks in their Hands^
and all the while finging the ancient Glories;
of their Nation, and efpecially of their own
Families, threatening and making Signs with
their Tomahawks what a dreadful Havock
they intend to make amongft their Enemies.
NQtwithftanding thefe terrible Airs they
give themfeives, they are very timorous when
they come to Action, and rarely perform any
open or bold Feats j but the Execution they-
do is chiefly by Surprife;arid, Ambufcade.
As in the Beginning, of a War they have
Affernblies . for Copfukation, fo Colonel Be
verley obferyes, upon any Victory or other great
Succefs, they have publick Meetings again
for Proceffions and Triumphs, which are ac-
company'd with all the Marks of a wild and
extravagant Jpy. They

of VIRGIN I A. 103
They ufe formal Embafflds for treating, Virginia.
and are very ceremonious in concluding of u""v — J
Peace, burying a Tomahawk, raifing an Heap Treaties
of StoneSj or planting a Tree on the Place in and Em-
Tok<2U that all Enmity is bury'd with the baffies-
Tomahawk, that all the Defolations of War
are at an End, and that Friendfhip fhall
flourifh among them like a Tree.
They have a peculiar way of receiving The Pipe,
Strangers; and ., diftinguifhing whether they °rCalamet
come as Friends or Enemies, tho? they do not of Peace-
underftand each others Language : And that
is by a lingular Method of fmoaking Tobacco,
in which thefe things are always obferv'd :
lft, They .take a Pipe much larger and
bigger than the common Tobacco-Pipe, ex-
prefly made for that Purpofe, with which all
ToWjns are plentifully provided ; they call
them the Pipes of Peace.
idly, This Pipe they always fill with To
bacco before the Face of the Strangers and
light it.
idly, The chief Man of the Indians, to
whom the Strangers come, takes two or three
Whifs, and then hands it to the <hief of the
Strangers, isr-j
4thly, If the Stranger refufes to fmoak in
itj; 'tis a Sign of War.
gthly, If it be Peace, the chief of the Stran
gers, takes a Whiff or two in the Pipe, and
prefents it to the next great Man of the Town
they come to vifit. He, after taking two or
three Whiffs, gives it back to the next of the
Strangers, and fo on alternately until they
have paffed all .fine Perfons of Note on each ,
Side, and then the Ceremony is ended.
After a little Difcourfe, they march together
in a. friendly manner into the Town* and then
proceed

The Present State
proceed to explain the Bufinefs upon which
they come. This Method is as general a Rule1
among all the, Indians of thofe Parts of America
as the' Flag of Truce is among the Europeans.
And tho' the Faflaion of the Pipe differ as well
as the Ornaments of it, according to the Hu
mour, of the feveral Nations, yet 'tis a general
Rule to make thofe Pipes remarkably biggei*
than thofe for common Ufe> and to adorn
them with beautiful Wings and Feathers of
Birds, as likewife with Peak, Beads, or other
Toys. . Such a Pipe is a Pafs and fafe Conduct among
the Allies' of the Nation which has given it:
And in all Embaffles the Ambafiador carries
that Calamet or Pipe, as the Symbol of Peace,
which is always refpected ; for the Savages
are generally perfuaded that fome great Mis
fortune would befall them if they violated the
publick Faith of the Calamet.
Fonifica- i come in the next place to treat of the Forts
SS and Forcesof the Englifh in Virginia : And
I find they formerly had Forts at the Heads
of the Rivers in the up-land Country, to de
fend them againft the Incurfions of the Indians,
and others at the Mouths of the Rivers, and at
the Entrance of the Bay of Chefepeak, for the
Security of their Shipping againft Pyrates and
Enemies 3 but thefe, have been fuffered to
decay,8 and they at this Day depend altogether
on the Militia at Land, and the Men of War
that are fent thither from England, to defend
them againft any Attacks from the Sea-ward.
Having nothing therefore to obferve in regard
to their Fortifications, gwe me Leave, before
I enquire into their Militia, to take notice of
iorne elegant publick Buildings they have
erected of late. Years at Williamsburgh, which
.. ..-may

of VIRGIN I A 105
may now very well be deem'd the Capital of Virginia.
Virginia* as it is the. Seat of the Government. •— -v-^
• JHttfcfi are, according to Mr. Beverley, 1 three Some Pub-
firta.i^wW&.kBuildings lately erected;* ; which * lick Build-
accwding'Kr his Opinion, -aiaSuhe. moft mag^- '"S^ !*te y
nififcent of any in Englifh- America, viz. I;ere"e •
The College, which has i been' already de-
fcribfd. ft 24. The Capitol, or State-Houfe,
where the General Affembly fits y and, 3.
The Governor's Houfe. „.., .... -16' ' ~ ro'Jt
;»yln the Capitol the Council an/1 General
Courts are held,, and here are Apartments' for
the. great Officers,! and others $ and not far
from -it ftands the publick Prifori for Criminals^
having a i, large open Yard' contrived for the
Health of the Prifoners* and at the End of it
issnothen Prifon for Debtors. TheGovernor*s
H<Mfe> is not, the largeft of thefe Buildings,
but by far the moft beautiful. This was e-
nadled to be built by the General- Aflembly
in' Governor: Nott's-z. Time, but was finifh'd
and elegantly adorn'd,' in the manner 'we fee
it at 'prefent, by Governor Spotfwood.M In
his Time alfo was built a new Brick Church
and Magazine of Arms j , he alfo altered the
Plan-ofthe Town, which had. been laid out
ift the whimfical Form- of a, W and M, giving
it quite another Face.. t y !*»¦*¦;
Alt thefe Buildings, are of Brick, and co-
ver'd with Shingle, except the Debtors Prifon,^
which is flat-roofed : Their private Buildings
alfo were much improv'd in the Time of Go
vernor Spotfwoad, feveral Gentlemen building.
themfeives large Brick Houfes many Rooms
on a Floor ; tor they do -not •aifedfc to have
them high as they have Raoro eeough to build
upon, and are in. this way of tasking lefs
expos'd-1 to * the high Winds which rage on
Vol. XXXI. O this

ro6 The Present St Ate
Virginia, this Coaft' at forhe Seafons of the Year*. But
tho' they have not many Stories in their Houfes
they delight in fpacious Room's, and of late
have made them much loftier than formerly j
their Windows are large and fafhed with
CrOWtiGlafs, arid their Apartments adorn'd with
rich Furniture j their DarieSj Kitchens, arid
other Offices ftand at a Diftance from the
: Pwelling-houfe. <=¦ , > * I . *&&* lv "Im « if* '
/siTheirTobacco-'Houfes stVe*built all of Wood
as open and airy as pofflble, which fort of
Building is the moft convenient for curing then*
TobaccoJH Thefe Houfes are cover'd with
Clap-board, as the others are with Shiflgfej
that is, oblong Squares of Cyprefs or- Pine-
wood ; tho' they have Slate enough in fotne
Parts of the Country, '• and good Clay for
making Tiles,, they have 'very few Slate dr"
tile'd Houfes. .U naM -'. h'
The£» The Militia are the only Forces inVirgitiia.
UJb Forces They are happy (according to Colonel 'Sever*
va.Virginia.ley) in the Enjoyment of an everlafting PestceJ
which their Poverty and Want of Towns fo*'
cure to tHem. They have the Indians iround
about in Subjection, and have no fort Of ApH.
pfcehenfion psam them :v And <for a foreigrt'
Enemy>fl«eail&siever be worth thfeir while to
carry TTQopS'fufficient to conquer the COunV
tryj and the fcattering Method- of their Settle
ments will not anfwer the Charge =6f an ExpeA
dition to plunder them ; fo that they feel
none but the diftant Effects of War, whk%
however, keep them fo poor that they %&W
boaft of 'nothing but the Security of»-#g&-
Perfons and Habitations, arb : v -^u JLafiuh
: The GoveMto^is Lieutenafeta@enera:I,iby1li*
Commifflon^ a^iantjeach^eie^nty does ap
point the C^lepe^i^itiKaen^ColOnel, and
Major,

of V I R G I N I A. 107
Major, who have under them .Captains and Virginia.
•Other commiflioned fubaltero,0$kers,,;u>h £W| ,V-''V^
.nJEvery Freeman (by whichnOenomination
, jpg||f all all but indented or bought Servants)
.jSffaftxteen to fixty Years of Age is lifted in
tw Militia, which by a Law is to be mufter'd
*in.£ general Mufter for each County one© a
Year, and in fingle Troops and Companies
feur. limes more at leaft. Moft, People there
are fkillful in the Ufe of Fire- Arms, being
all,, iiheir Lives accuftomed to fhoot in the
Woods. This, together with a little Exer-
cifing,J would foon make the Militia ufeful.
„, The, exact Number of the Militia is not
now ! known, there not being any Account of
the Number taken of late Years ; but I guefs
thernj-at this time (1722) to be about 18,000
effective Men in all. g;
And whereas by the Practice of former
times "upon the Militia Law, feveral People
were oblig'd to travel fometimes thirty or
forty MLIes to a private Mufter of a Troop
Qr: Company, which was very burdenfome to
foirrie more than others to anfwer only the fame
Dul$, I this Governor • (Spotfwood) juft* and
regulaf in alL his Conduct, and fufficiently
experiene'd to put, his Defighs in execution, .,
fo contrived k, that by dividing the Counties
into feveral Cantons^or military Diftricts, form
ing the Troops and Companies belonging to
ea,eh Canton, and by appointing the Mufter-
^ids in the Center jof eaob^to none are now
, pjpriig'd to travel abenrb tenf<lV$§les to a private
Mufter, and yet the Lawiscdtlly executed. -^
- a^jkead «f the (iSoldiers they formerly kept
£DJjftantiy in< Sorts,** and of the others after -
then? by ,chej Mww$&*&*ng>rs, to fcour the
Frontiers clear of the Indian Enemy,, they
i;A 0 2 , have

jo8 Tlie Present State
Virginia, have by Law appointed the Militia to 'march
**"Sr*/' out upon fuch1 OccafiOhs1 under the ComMand '
of the chiefOfffcer of the" County, Oii receiving
AdVice" of "any Incurfion or Invafion : And if
<&ejiw«l£dh fuch Expedition rerttain in Arms
<trYreeJT)ays and upwards, they are then en-
iltnkd to the Pay for the whole Time ; but if*
¦it' prove a falfe Alarm, and they have no Oc-
'feafilri to continue out fo long, they can 'de-
<rfi!nd ¦ nothing.
>fi3 The Number of Soldiers in each Troop of
Light-Horfe are from thirty to fixty, as the
Convenience of the Cariton will admit,- and in
¦a Company of Foot about fifty or fixty. A
Troop- or- Company may be got together 'at a
Day's Warning: « ¦ & < 'JolKol,
As to their Forces by Sea, they ire not
fuffer'd in any of our Plantations t-Ohtfild: Men
of War:1 But fmall Guard-fhips are "ferit from
England from time to time, which juft ferve
to defett'dVihlmn^aihft ^Pyrafes, and 'hardly
that,1 foroSHijS haven ^n^darryM • away by
Py rates' within ih^C^ttW^fWMinm .--"-Nor do
the Virginians apply thefMlv«3»<!0 b«#*t&er-
! chant-Ships themfelv^uihe^vfev^l are built
Foreigisn^by others in their Counby?->rj-tR^r-=ofely foreign
Trade and Trade worth mentiomogVlis^$haf ;to England,
• hlPPln%-' and. that indeed is1 very great, and -Very pro
fitable to England, ] but not 'fo to themfeives,
the Merchants7 beating dowmthgj Price "of their
Tobacco to little or nothing. --<:"¦¦/ 3 \: ./.
jn**They had alfo aTradeQ^heLeiwdrd-Iftands,
whither they fent Lurffeef^Corn^aH^FIsfh,
for - which they took ^itepjiSugaii, iatedMo-
loffes in .Return -, " bntiM^EngyaWpkj&ew-
¦;Mr% -.'and Carolina, hAyl^Mlimn^isim.en
them, out of that Bffn|lpi#BM^lfg3 '?»&© -.';¦
All

of . V IRGINIA. 109
m. All forts of naval Stores are produced here •, Virginia.
rt&utmthefe and a thoufsinds other Advantages yv^
uWhichthis Country naturally affords, fays the
v^plonel, ' the Inhabitant, make no ufe , of;
nilpey fee their naval Storesdaily enrich the Eng-
13^, who fend hither to build Ships, while
¦they, inftead of promoting fuch Undertakings
among themfeives, difcourage them : They
fee alfo what Advantages the neighbouring
Plantations make of their Grain and Provi-
fions, while they, who can produce' them
1 infinitely better^ not only neglect the making
a Trad? thereof, but even a neceflary Provi-
fion againft an accidental Scarcity, contenting
•themfeives with a Supply of Food frona>Hand
to Mouth ; fo that if it fhould pleafe Qpp to
.fend them an unfeafonabie Year, there, would
itfjot be. found. in,xh5Lppuntry Provifion fufficient
o^fi^port.theu^l^le) for three Months extra-
n#rdte^ry.,,:,Vj 9mh o] 5m;: • moff'^.
bifirPy.reafon-oCi\rtp-flRfe|!8JnfttirlM9lhod; of the Maiiufac-
^Settlement andn3$fcn|-.-Q|{ Cohabitation, they wres.
> cannot make £ (beneficial Ufe of tiieir Flax,
Hemp, Silk,. , ^ilk-Grafs and Wool, which
,,might otherwife -fupply their Neceffities, and
¦rieave the Produce of Tobacco to enrich them
when a gainful Market can be found for it., n
Thus they depend altogether upon the Li
berality of Nature without endeavouring to
improve its Gifts by Art or Induftry ; chey
fpunge upon the Bleflings of a warm Sutl and
^fruitful Soil, and almoft grudge the Pains of
!3g|th;§iirig in «the Bounties of the Earth. I
fljjjh<3pld be^jftiamed to, publifh this flothful In-
.^oiehce.ofJliyTGQuntrymen (fays Colonel Be-
\IM&ley) <fout that IvhQpe«it< will fome time or
other roufersteSqk- OrtfinpfHtheir Lethargy, and
exgite them to make the moft of all thofe
happy

no ' 7&?'Present StAte
Virginia, happy Advantages which Nature has given
SJ'"V~>»' them ; and if it does this, I am fure they,
will have the 6oodnefs to forgive me. ,^3
Coin Inftead of Silver and Gpld Coin the /«#?##£
made ufe of Shells before the Englifh arriv'd,
of which they had two forts (viz.) Peak and
Roenoke, and thefe fery'd them for Ornaments
as Well as Money.
Peaiznd Their Peak is of two forts, or rather two
Roenoke Colours, for both are made of one Shell tho'
deicrib'd. 0f different Colours'^, otie' is, a dark purple
Cylinder, and the other white, ^T hey are
^both made in Size and Figure a$ke,Kand com
monly refemble the Englifh Bugles, but are nqt
.ioftanfparent nor fo bflttlp. "They are wrought
al°fnldoih as Glafs, ^eing^pne Third of an
'Inch long* and^bpffi & .^quarter diameter,;,
ftrbhg by a Hgle drill'd through the Center.
TEW dark^Cofou^'^ilpm^dearefl, and diftin-
g^tfh^bytheNa^ of Wampm-Peak, ,.The
Englifhmen that are caffd, Indian Traders
value^ife: Wampom- Peak Jat Eighteen-pf,^;;
P^**§: S^M whice mk at N»WtW«Si
$W%d?dM alfo'malce^es of this t^ob^
jrhree^cheslong^ and thicker than orcj^y,
which are much more valuable. Thejy<ygb0
$l^eA'WMtees of the ftttali Shells and ..gru^d
them as fmooth as , Peafc '"¦ L, ' T^hefe '. ajg fither
ftrlelM^B^o^^ddaiM ^f^gfe,
$£'rhe ovai^ol/rfe they are circular,' ahd;p
almoft an Inch over, and one Toffd
Inch thicK ¥r»q drill'd Edge-ways; '"'jf
Shell thejP-jjflg Imake round Tablets^
lour I nchra jgffameter, which they .gc*
fmooth as the other, and fometimes ffh«
or grave thereon Circles, Stars, a Halft|
or any other Figure fuitable to thei^l,
Thefe. they wear inftead of MgdaJs .blforCloF
V J behind

of VIRGINIA. in
behind theirNeck, and ufe thePeak,Runtees, and Virginia.
Pipes, for Coronets, Bracelets, Belts* or fong *— *¦%""— '
Strings hanging down before the Breaft, or
dfe they lace their Garments with them and
adorrf their Tomahawks and every thing
elfe they value with them.
- The Roenoke alfo is current among them as
Money, but of far lefs Value than the former.
This is made of the Cockle-fhell broken jnto
fmall Bits with rough Edges, drill'd through
in the fame manner as Beads, and this they
ufe alfo as Peak for Ornament.
As to the Money that paffes among the .E*gli{b
Englifh, Mr. Beverley informs us, it is either Money.
Gold of the Stamp of Arabia, or Silver and
Gold .of the Stamp of France, Portugal, or
the- Spanifh-Americ0'. Spanijh, French, and
P6rtugUefe-co\n'afy\ver is fettled by Law at
Three -pence three Farthings the Penny- Weight.
Gdld of the fame Coin, and of Arabia, at
five Shillings the Penny -Weight. Englifh
Guineas at twenty-fix Shillings each j\ and the
Silver, Two-pence in every Shilling Advance.
Englifh old Coin goes by Weight as the other
Gold and Silver. T 'i ' ' > < " ¦
"Th'eir Weights and Meafures are enacted Weights
td'be of die fame Standard as: in England by funrdesMea"
their General Affembly.
Aftd here I fhall take an Opportunity ofEarrhs,-
giving a further Defcription of their Earths, Sto«es,and
Sroties, and' Minerals, from Mr.; .Beverley,. Minexa!r-
This Gentleman informs us, that there are
fourid in this Country a great Variety of Earths
for Phyfick, Cleanfing, Scouring, and mak
ing; all forts of Potters Ware, fuch as Anti-
mohy, ,TaJk, yellow and, rec) Qker, Futfers-
Earth, "Pipe-Clay, and other fat and fine Clays,
Marfe££rV. 'e7

Thei

112 , !TS? PRESENT S.TATE
Viiginia. They have betides in thefe upper Parts Coal
^-— v— ' for Firing, Slate for Covering, and Stones
Coal and for Buildipg and flat Paving in ; vaft Qua'ntf-
Sttate. ties, as ! likewife Pebble-Stones ; neverthekfe
it has been confidently affirm'd, by many who
have been in Virginia, that there is not a
Stone in all the Country. If fuch Travellers
(fays Colonel Betterley)' knew no better than
they faid,*my Judgment of them is, that either
they were People of extreme fhort Memories,
or elfe of very narrow Obfervation,: For tho'
generally the lower Parts are flat, and fo free
from Stories that People feldom fhoe their
Horfes, yet in many Places, and particularly
near the Falls of the Rivers, ' are found vaft
Quantities of Stone fit for all kinds of Ufes.
However, as yet there is feldom any ufe made
of them, becaufe commonly Wood is to be
had at much lefs Trouble. And as for Coals,
it is not likely they fhould ever be ufed there
in any thing but Forges and great ToWns, if
. ever they happen to have any; for in thei?
Growth of Country Plantations the Wood' grows at every
Wood. Man's Door fo faft that after it has been cut
down it will, in feven Years time, grow up1
again from Seed to fubftantial Fire- wood, and
in eighteen or twenty Years it will come to
be very gpod Board- Timber.'
Iron and For Mineral Earths it is believ'd they have
other greac Plenty and Variety, that Country being
in a good > Latitude, and, having great fsr^
pearances of them. It has' been proved too
that they have both Iron and Lead, as -appears
by what was faid before ceHicewpg ehe Iron
Work fet up at Falling-Creek in JamM-River,
where the Iron proved rea^ruffiffy good :• But
before they got into the Body of*rhe Minethe
People were cut off in that fatal Maffkre, aid
"> the

Minerals.

e/ VIRGINIA. 113
the Project has never been fet on foot fince Virginia.
till of late } but it has not had its full Trial. ^V^
t The Gold Mine, of which there was once fo
much Noife, may, perhaps, be found here
after to be fome good Metal when it comes to
be fully examin'd. But be that as if will,
the Stones that are found near it in great Plenty Briftol
are yaluable, their Luftre approaching nearer Stones.
to that of the Diamond than thofe of Briftol
or Kerry. There is no. other Fault in them
but their Softnefs, which the Weather hardens
when they have been fome time exposed to it,
they being found under the Surface of the
Earth. This Place has now Plantations on it.
The Indians have fome Pearl amongft them Petirl.
and formerly had many more, but how they
came' by them is uncertain': , Beverley is of
opinion they found them in the Oyfter-Banks
which abound in this Country.
The Indians perform all their Journies on Their way
Foot, the Fatigue of which they endure to?.fTravel"
Admiration. They make no other Proyifioa '
for their Journey but their Gun or Bow? to
fuppjy them with Food many hundred Miles
together. If they carry any Flefh in their
Marches they barbacue it, or rather dry it by
degrees at fome Diftance over the^cjear Coals
of a Wood Fire, juft as the Charibees are
faid to> preferve the Bodies of their Kings and
great Men from Corruption. Their Sauce to
tiiis dry Meat (if they have any betides a good
Stomach) is only a little Bears Oil, or Oil of
Acorns, which laft they force out by boiling
the. Acorns in a ftrong Lye, Sometimes alfo
in their Travels each Man takes a Pint or
Quart of Rockahomo&y, that is, the fineft In
dian Corn parch'd and beaten to Povyder.
When they find theirs Stomach empty (and
Vol. XXXI. P cannot

The Present State-
cannot flay for the tedious Cookery of other
things') they put about a Spoonful of, this .inr,p
U-7.-.I vara.. Jh'tfll >•-' -i >¦ 'H-tuBl . <asa
upori it, £, wnitfh , ftavs their Stomachs
eriabjes^l1
Dell

%mi

wnfeh','ft*ays
iattfes^lfiem™^ purfliie their-TOrnev ^jhou^

thes @M& ^yS^.jIK^Iir Wr7i'': an,4»t^-
riaMal Fruits of the Earth, \jfftey.

take, rjjj^
ournies, bvjt-'.
e of a Treet'

ca^L3ab$ut Lodging jinv thefe
c1)tfteht themfeives 'with the^'Sha.
oW Jittle high Graisf*;. ^ '^
When they fear being difcovetfd or follow'cL
b^;MEneimyi in 'their Marches. . they every
Mbrnihg', having firft7 agreed where they thai)
rendezvous at Nighr? difbeffe memfelvesiiato
tfteWoods, '' arid Vach rakes irteveKd Wav,,-,
Foj pe Indians are very artful in fojjipw^ng ^
Ttaek, even where1 the Imprefflons are 'hot"
vifiWb other PeopgIfofec|Sly 'if tne^hav£-
arj^ Advantage frorrVJtne Loofenefs "of the.
£$rh, from the StiffnefiA the GraTs,?or.Ae'
Stirring of "the Leaves, which in the Tenter.;
SlaTOrliie very thick upon the Ground and.
InPewife afterwards if they, do not happen, to;
be burned. . . ., ,.,-,,, :,\a :niiotrlo1 J
When in their Travels" they, 'rrJeeVwith any„
Waters which are not fordable^ ' jpey"' ma
Canoes of Birch Bark by flipping It, ^|^pW
the Tree in this manner : lft, Tneyjgafh tk£J
-.Bark quite round the Tree at the Length ''fihfy
v^kild have the Canoe of. then fiit'oownjfie
:l^frgth from End to EWd ; - ' '- - - -
liheV with theit Tomihawl.
^SSIimi Jftr!Hdit whole Wt :....
Itfe :with;r8fc tyT&^M^Jg
unofeM^the' W^f!i^Cth||3S

of VIRGIN! A. it$
Which helps to keep the Belly open j or if the Virginia.
'Birch-Trees happen to be fmall, they few the v-i>v*~!J
Bark of two together. The Seams they daub
with Clay or Mud', and then pafs oyer in thefe
Caribes by twoor three "or more at a time, ac-^
cording as they are in Bignefs. By reafon of
the Lightnefs of thefe Boats (they can eafily
carry them over Land if they forefee they are
like to meet with any more Waters that may
impede their March, or el fe they leave them
at the Water-fide, making no farther Account
of them, except it be to re-pats the fame Wa
ters in their Return. .- ? ,
; T 'he Indians j when they , travel ever fo
fmall a Way, being much embroil'd in/yVa'c.
one- with another, ufe feveral Marks painted
upon their Shoulders to diftinguifh themfeives
by arid fhew what Nation, they are of. The
ufual Mark is one, two, or three Arrows;
One Nation paints thefe Arrows upwards, a-
nother downwards, a third fide- ways •, and
others 'again ufe other Diftinctions, from Whence,
itj cafne to pafs that the Virginia Affembly
took up the Hurnour 'of making Badges, of
Silver, Copper or Brafs, of which they gave.
a fufficfent Number to each- Nation in Amity
with the Englifh, and. then made, a Law that,
the Indians fhould not travel among the Eng
lifh Plantations^ without one. of thefe Badges in{
their Company, to: fhew that they are Friends, '
The Englifh Inhabitants "are very . courteoiK.Hofpitali-
to Travellers, who need no. other Recommen- $ °.: the
dation but the L being human Creatures; Ai{upp]ie8
Stranger has^ 'no more to do but to enquire the Place
upon the Road where any Gentleman or good „?* Inn*>-
Houfe-keepei^ lives, and there,he. may depend,
updri his being received with Hofpitality.
This Good- nature is fo general 'amOng their
P 2.. People,

n6 The Present State, ©Vv
Virginia. People th|.||ffie gentry, when theyge
¦*-— x— ^^^e^heMWincirJal Servant to entej
j|^P^*^ljp^yery thing the Plantation
lipids the rp|ior Planters, who have Bt>t bne
3Sed, .will very often fit up or lie upon a^Form
or Couch all Night to make room for a weary
Traveller to repofe himfelfi after his Joufriey,
If there happen to be a Churl that either
out of Covetoufnefs or 111- nature won't com
ply with this general Cuftom^he has a Mark
of Infamy fet upon him, and is abhor 'd by all.
Roads. As to the Roads, there are no where better,
the Country being for the moft part level, and
fcarce any rugged or deep Ways, infomuch
that it is a common thing to ride forty fcJffifty
Miles in an Afternoon, and fctrietiml sL an
hundred in a Summer's Day.
Land and As the Indians travel on Foot, fo the \ Englifh
Water generally ride on Horfeback, or go by Water
Carnage. ^.Qm ^ par£. Qj ^ Q,untry t0 tne otnerj
their numerous Rivers and Creeks. affording
them Water Carriage to every Plantation al-
moft; which renders Stage-Coaches and Wag
gons perfectly ufelefs in moft Places s, And
I don't find they have any other Way of car-
jpyiBg their jMerchandize pr^aggage. b^Lf nd
y^iTOibi^BaQkalca Porter^ cliSaj^hbTfes.

T H E

T H E

PRESENT STATE

OF

A R Y LA N D.

CHAP. I.
Of the Name, Situation, and Extent of
Maryland ; and of the Face off he Coun-
^ try, its Mountains, Forejis, Seas, Bays,
Rivers and Spring's.
I N G Charles \. wis", pleafed Maryland,
to give this Province the Name u— -«— j
of Maryland in Honour to his Name.
Qyeen Henrietta- Maria, Daugh
ter of Henry IV. of France, when
he granted it by Patent to George
Calvert, Lord Baltimore, Anno 1631.
Maryland is fituated between the 38 th and situation,
40th Degrees of Northern Latitude, and be
tween the 74th and 78th Degrees of Weftern
Longitude, as is generally computed ; but it
muft be confefs'd the Weftern Boundaries are
very

n8 ?TA? 'Present State
Maryland, very uncertain, forrie extending them beyond
*-*v— ' the Apalathean Mountains. Our firft Adven
turers particularly were of opinion that Virginia,*
uhder which Name they comprehended all the
Britijh' Plantations, extended Weflward as far
as the Pacifick Ocean, tho' later Difcoveries
have convinced us that the Continent to the
Weflward of. our Plantations is niore than two
thoufand Miles broad ; and fhould we con
tinue to enlarge our Weftern Frontier for a
theufand Years to come, without any Oppo-
fition from the Natives, the French or Spani
ards, I doubt we fhould-" n^f be able to people
or'plant one half of it.
The North End of the Bay of Chefipeqk
divides Maryland into two Parts, called ' the
Eaftern and Weftern Shores. It is bounded1 at
prefent by Part of Penfylvania on the North,
by another Part of Penjylvania and the At lan-
tick Ocean on the Eaft -, by Virginia Proper
on the South, and by the Apalatheayi Moun
tains on the Weft. It is feparated from Vir
ginia on the South, by the River Pato'wmack
on the Weftern Shore, ahchthe River Pocomoac,
Extent on tne Eaftern Shore. The Length from North
to South being about an hundred and forty
Miles, and the, Breadth 'from "Eaft to Weft,
if we* extend it no further than the Country
already "planted, will not be fo much* tho' its
future Limits pofflbly may extend much farther.
Face of As to the Face of the Country, this, as well
the Coun as Virginia, may be divided into, iftl The
UY- lowLands next the Sea •, idly, The hilly
Country towards the Heads of the Rivers';
and o,dly, The Apalathean Mountains beyond,1
which are exceeding, high, and run parallel to
the Atlantick Ocean, viz.' from' the North-Eaft
to the South- Weft,
The

of M A R Y L A.N D. 119
The lowLands heretofore conflfted of Swamps Maryland.
or Woods, being one continued Foreft almoft *— -v— ¦*
till the Englift] cleared a good Part of it, euh^rn
to, make room for their Plantations, pr for the
building of Ships and Houfes, and the making
Tobacco- Caiks and ^Pipe-Staves for Exporta
tion, which has made fuch Havock among
their Woods, that fome of them begin to ap
prehend the Want of Timber, efpecially, near
their Ports and Rivers ; for as to that which
lies remote | from the Water, it is of little Ufe
to them, the Price of the Carriage exceeding
the Value of the Wood.
Towards the Heads, of the Rivers there are
a Mixture of Hills and Vallies as in Virginia,
well planted with a Variety of Timber and
Fruit- Trees ; and where thefe are wanting
there are large Meadows or Savannahs, where
the.Grrafs grows to a furprifing Length.
This Country, like Virginia, alfo is watered Springs
with innumerable Springs, which form a great andRivers,
many fhie Rivers, of which the chief .are, 1.
Patowmack* which rifing in the Mountains on p-atr.nx-
the Norjth-Weft runs, to the SouthTEpft, 2nd mack.
feparates Marylind, from Virginia on the South- ,,-'
Weft, iaJJing .into the -middle of the Bay pf
'Chefcpeak. 2, The River Pocomoac, which Pocomoac, '
rifing near the Ocean runs almoft directly^outh,
arid then turning r.o the Weft falfsinto the
Bay of Chefcpeak, near Watkins's Ppint ; and
a Line drawn from the Mouth of diis River,
directly Eaft to the Atlantick Ocean is the
true. Boundary between Maryland apd Virginia
on the Eaftern Shore. 3. The Riyer Ptyuxent, Patuxem.
which rifing in Anne t A/undel Coun,ty.,runs to
the Sou'th-.Eaft, and falls into the Bay of Chefe-
' peak, about twenty. .Mifes to the Northward
of the Mouth of Patowmack River. , 4. ¦Seve.rn.Severn.
>', River,, ,

120 The Present State
Maryland. River, which rifes on the North-Weft Part of
*—' ¦****?* Maryland, and running South- Eaft falls into
GhMMift. thc upper ^ par<: af the faid Bay- 5' £&ePm**
which rifing oh the Eaftern Shore runs to the
South- Weft and falls into the fame Bay. 6,
Safafra;. Saflafras River, which rifes in the North-
Eaft ,of Maryland, and running almoft due
Weft falls into the North End of the faid Bay.
Wi&ms. j. Wicomo River, which rifing on the Eaftern
Shore runs to the South- Weft, and; falls into
\ the Bay almoft againft the Mouth of Pato^i-
mack River: The 8fh and laft River I fhalj
St G , mention is St. George" s, on the. Weft Side of
* the Bay, which running from North to South
falls into the Mouth of the River Patowmack :
Here the Englifh f\rf\ fettled and built the Town
of St. Mary's. There are a great many more
Rivers capable of receiving large Ships, which
with the1 numerous Bays and Creeks that indent
the Land on' every fide, give the Seamen an Op
portunity of bringing their Veffels up to the very «
PlantersjDoors to receive their Freight, as mVit-
Sea Coaft. ginid. As to that Part of the Coaft of Maryland
which lies upon the Atlantick Ocean, the fame
may be faid of it which Colonel Beverley fays of
Virginia, that it is a bold even Coaft with re
gular Soundings, and open all the Year round ;
fo that having the Latitude, which can hardly
be wanted where there is fo much clear Weather,
any Ship may go in by Soundings alone by Day
or Night, in Summer or Winter, and need fear
no Difafter if the Mariners underftand any thing.
Let the Wind blow how it Will, and chop about
never fo tuddenly, they will find an Opportunity
by theEvennefs of the Coaft either of ftanding off
and clearing the Shore, or of running into a iafe
Harbour within the Capes of Virginia, tp which.
Conveniences there is the Addition of good An
chorage without the Capes. CHAP.

^MARYLAND.

121

ww^m

CHAP. II.
Of the Mir, Seafons, Winds and Tides.
HE Air of, this Country, I per- Maryland.
ceive, is(exceflive hot fome part l^VNJ
of the Summer, and equally cold Air and
in Winter when the North- Weft Seafons..
Wind blows : But the Natives,
who would have us- believe their Country a
perfect Paradife, tell us they are happily fitua
ted between the Extremes of Heat and. Cold -,
that their Heats are very feldom troublefome,
and then Only by Accident in a perfect Calm,
but that this does not happen above two or
three Days in a Year, and then laffsbut a few
Hours at a time, and even that Inconvenience
is made very tolerable by their cool Shades*
their open and fciry Rooms, Arbours and Grot
to's 5 and in Spring and Fall the Weather is
as pleafant as can; be wifh'd. -n-
That their Winters are not of . more than
three or four Months Duration, and in thefe
they feldom have one Month of bad Weather,
all the reft they are happy in a clear Air and
a bright Sun, and are fcarce ever troubled with .
Fogs. It is acknowledg'd they have hard
Frofts fornetimes, but they laft no longer than
while the Wind blows from the North and
North- Weft Points, which is feldom more
than three or four Days. At other. times they*
have no Froft at all j and their Frofis are
always attended with bright ferene Weather :
Vol. XXXI. Q^ And,

122 The Present. State
>
Maryland. And in the Spring, Summer and Winter thefe
V-^VX*' Winds are only cool pleafant Breezes.
Their Rains, except in the Depthof Winter,
are very, agreeable and refrefhing. In Summer
they laft ''hut a few Hours and then bright
Weather fucceeds. However, it is acknoW'-
ledg'd .that the Showers which fall in Summer
are very heavy for the time uhey laft, ^and that
Part of the Country which lies on the Bays of
the Sea and the -Mouths of River's, which is
much the b^ft peopled, is certainly, hot and
moift, and cbnfequently unheakhful; Indeed
higher up the Country, whither their Planta
tions are now extended, -the Air is much- more
healthful, efpecially fince their Lands are •dear'sl
"of Wood. They have here however dreadful,
Thunder in the Heat of Summer,* but,a&-i$
cools and refrefhes the. Air, they rather^ wiflg
for it than fear it, they tell us, tho' it fometimejS
does much Mifchief. ', .. ,, ; ,. >
Tides. Their Tides are very fmall as well on the
Coaft bordering on the Ocean as in the Bay
of Chefcpeak, as was obferv'd. in treating of
Virginia, to which I muft. refer the Reader fot-
further Satisfaction On thefe.He-ads, thefe Coun
tries being fituated almoft in the fame Latitude
and on the^fame Bay of ChefepeaL,

C H A P.

of, MARYLAND.

123

C.H A P. III.
Of the Provinces and chief Towns of
Maryland ; and of the Buildings of
the Indians. •

HEN the Englifh planted this Ma ylar.d;
Country they found a King or Chief 1— -v— *
called z^Weroance, upon almoft provinccs.
every River as in Virginia, but
the Limits of their refpectiye Coun
tries are not exactly known : Since the Indians
transfefd or yielded this Province to the Eng
lifh, it has been divided into ten Counties, fix
ort' the Weft Side of the Bay arid four on the
Eaft Side of it : Thofe on the Weft Side taking
them frc,; South to North are, 1. St. Mary's
'County. 2. Charles County. 3. Prince George-
Courity. 4. Calvert County, 5. Anne A-
rundel County ; and, 6. Baltimore' County.
The Counties on the Eaft Side of the Bay, . ¦
beginning alfo from the South, are, 1. Somerfet
County. 2. Dorchefter County. 3. Talbot
County. 4. Cecil County. As for the Coun
ty of Kent, that or the greateft Part of it is
now held to be in Penfylvania.
St. Mary's, the Capital of the County of the $t_ Mary's
fame Name, and for fome time of the whole Town and
Province, is fituated on the Eaft Side of the County.
River St. George, in 38 Degrees odd Minutes
North Latitude. This, as has been intimated,
was the firft Town in Maryland, built by the
0.2 Englifh,

124 The Present State
Maryland. Englifh,, who raifed a Fort .for its Defence;
*«— "V— -^ DUt I don't perceive in its moft flourifhing State
it had rnore than three or four fcore Houfes in
it, and fince the Seat of the Government has
been rerriov'd to Annapolis, feems to be upon
the decline -, for the fame Humoui* prevails
here as in Virginia of living on their refpective
1 Plantations and not in Towns'. Iii this'Coun-
' ty alfo are the Parifhes of Hervington, St. Cle
ment's, and St. John's ; and here is a noble
Seat of the Lord Baltimore, ' the Proprietor,
call'd Mettapany, fituate near the Mouth of
the River Patuxent.
Prince In Prince Charles County, which lies North
Charles, of St. Mary's, are the Parifhes of Briftol and
County, pifataway ; and in that of Prince Georgi the
Gargt Parifh of Mafterkout. In Calvert County,
-County, which 'rs divided from Charles County by the
Calvert River Patuxent, are the Parifhes of -Abin'gton,
County. Warrington, and. Calverton. In the County
Anne of Anne Arundel, which lies North of Charles
Arundel County,'the chief Town is Annapolis, now the
County. Capital of the Province, and Torn,:, ty call'd
Annapolis, „ f , . _ ' .. , . ¦"
the Capital csevern, beingfituate on the River or that Name,
of the Pro- ip 39 Degrees odd Minutes North Latitude :
v-nce. Here the Courts of' Juflice and the General
Affernblies were order'd to be held in the Year
1699, and this has ever fince been the Refi-
dence of the Govern6r, notwithftanding which,
'tis faid thefe are riot yet an hundred Houfes
Baltimore built in the Town. Xn. Baltimore County, which
County. ]jes between Anne Arundel County and' the
Province of Penfyhania, is the Parifh1 of Bal
timore, fituate on the North-Weft Part of the
Bay of Che fe peak,
Somerfet In Somerfet County, which is the moft -Sou-
Town and therly County on the EaftjSide of the Bay',; are
D°nhlj}er the Town ^ Parifh of 'Somerfet: InBorchefier
County.' County,

of M A R Y L A N D. 125
County, which lies North, of Somerfet, are the Maryland.
Town and Parifh of Dorchefter, befides' a great ^ ~<~m~r>
many Indian Towns. In Talbot County, Which Talbot
lies North of Dorchefler, are the Parifhes ofCounty-
Oxford, St. Michael's, and Bolingbroke ; and
Cecil, the moft Northerly County on the EaftcW
Side of the Bay, is bounded both on the North County.
and Eaft by the Province of Penfylvania ; but
the Limits hereof will, be more particularly
deferib'd when I come to treat of Penfylvania.
In this Province are more Indian Towns
and better peopled than in Virginia, efpecially
on the Eaft Side of the Bay, there never having
been any Wars, and fcarce any Mifunderftand- /
ing between the Englift) and the Natives. The
Houfes :, of the Indians, which they ca.ll Wig- Buildings.
'warns, -, or Wigwangs, are of two Sorts, the
fmaller refembling a Bee-Hive, and the larger
being of an oblong Form, are roofed like a
Barn, and both built with green Poles and
cover'd with Bark, which they tie together
with the Fibres of Roots, or the Rind of
Trees. • Their Windows are only Holes in the
Sides of the Houfe, which they clofe with Shut
ters of Bark in bad Weather, leaving only the
Windows open to the Leeward. Their Fire-
hearth is in the middle of the Houfe, and a
bttle Hole at the top of it to let out the Smoke ;
but it not being confin'd, as in a Chimney,
the Smoke often fpreads all over the Houfe,
and can only be borne by thofe who have been
bred up in fuch Places from their Infancy.
Their Door is no more than a Piece of Matting
hung upon a String, and when they go far
from home they barricade the Door with
great Pieces of Timber, to keep out wild .
Beafts. The Houfe- feldom has m pre than
one Room, unlets it be a great Mean's Palace, which "

126 The Present State
Maryland, which has ufually forpe Partitions in it made
v~"v ' withrPoles-and Matts.
Furniture. As to their Furniture, the better Sort have
Matts or Carpets to fit on, and ufually fit with
their Legs ftretch'd out, and not crofs-leg'd,
like the Eaftern Nations ; Their Lodging is
upon a Couch of Boards or Reeds, fix'd to
the Side of the Houfe, and cover'd with Matts
¦ or Skins. In Winter they will lie upon the
Skin of a Bear or fome other Animal about the
Fire, covering themfeives, with their Watch-
coats, but in warm Weather they lie only on
a Matt, rolling up -another Matt for their.
Pillow. When they are at war, or apprehen-
five of the Approach of an Enemy, they fur-
round their Towns with Pallifadoes, or at feaft\
the Houfes of their Weroances or Chiefs, within
which they all retire with their Families and
Effects, as in Virginia, upon receiving any
Alarm.

, \r>\ - ...

^n;

CHAP,

of MA'RYLA N D.

127

CHAP. IV.
Of the Perfons and Habits of the Indians j,
their Genius and Temper, Manufac
tures, Food, Exercifes and iDiverfons ;
the Difeafes they arejubjecl to, and their
Remedies. HE Stature of the Indians, as Maryland.
has been obfeved in treatirig of 1— — v*— -'
Virginia, is not different from. ^°Mary-
that of the Englifh. Their iand in-
. Bodies are ftrait, and well dians.
proportioned ; . their , Features
tolerable ; their Complexion
would be the fame as that of the People in the
fame Latitude in Europe, if they did not take
a great deal of Pains to make them darker by
greafing, and then «xpofmg themfeives to the
Sun from their Infancy ,- The Features of their
Women are not very engaging, and follow
ing the fame Cuftom of. anointing themfeives,
and lying in the Sun as the Men do,their Com
plexions are very dark, and fome have ob
ferved they have an odd Caft with their Eyes,
which are generally, black.
The Hair of both' Sexes is black ; the Men
cut. theirs fhort in various Forms, and either
greafe or paint it, and Perfons of Diftinction
leave along Lock behind. The Men pulj off
the Hair of their Beards by the Roots with
Tweezers made of Shells, and neither Men ,
; P or

128 , The Present State
Maryland, or Women fuffer any Hair to grow on their
L ~~*~ -' Bodies : The Women wear the Hair of their
Heads very long ; fometimes flowing down
their Backs, and at, others tied up with a Fillet,
or Coronet of Shells and Beads •, and Men of
Diftindtion, as well as the Women, wear Co
ronets of Shells and Beads of various Colours :
The Women alfo have Chains of the fame about
their Necks, and Bracelets on their Arms.
Habits. The common People go bare-headed, only
flicking fome beautiful Feathers on their Crowns ;
and when they are at work, or employ'd- iii
Hunting, Shooting, and other Exercifesj they
wear only a Piece of Skin, wrapped about their
Loins, being naked from the Waift upwards}
and from the middle of the Thigh downwards ;
but when they are dreffed^' efpecially in cold
Weather, they have a Mantle about their
Shoulders, made of the Skin of a Deer, or*
fome other Animal, which they fometimes wear
loofe, and at others tied clofe about them, and
they feldom go abroad withour their Bow,* their
Quiver of Arrows, and their Tomahawk, or
Hatchet: They have a kind of Shoes made:
of aPfece of Deer-Skin, rwhich they lace, or
fatten with a Thong on the Top of the Foot.
The Drefs of the Women does not'differ from
that of the Men, except it be in their Ornar
ments, viz. their Necklaces,' Bracelets, &c.
and in the wearing of their Hair.
Their Priefts have a Garment different' from
other Men, refembling a fhort Cloak, hung'
upOn one Shoulder, which being fattened about
the Neck reaches down to the middle, of the
Thigh j but this Garment having been„de-
fcribed in Virginia, I fhall not trouble the Rea*---
der with it- again. "J
T'ha

cf' MARYLAND. 129
The Indians of Maryland are allowed to be Maryland. .
Men of quick and fprightly Parts,. like' their f^—y~""-s
Neighbours of Virginia, but want like them anT'Tens-
the Advantage of Letters and Education. They per.
are nimble, active, and indefatigable in their
warlike, Expeditions, Hunting and Journies.
There are alfo Men of Courage amongfl them,
but they are generally timorous, revengeful
and implacable} and when they gain' a Vic
tory, or get an Advantage of an Enemy, de-
ftroy Man, Woman and Child. 'Their little
Kingdoms and Tribes are perpetually in a
State of War, which very much leflens their
Numbers ; and if one Man kills another of
the fame Clan, the Quarrel is never forgotten
or forgiven, but they endeavour to retaliate In
jury for Injury, from Generation to Genera
tion. I .don't .find their Princes interpofe in
thefe Cafes, 'but leave every Man to take his
own Revenge. 'Mr. Hugh Jones, in his Ac
count of the Indians of Maryland, fays, though
they are timorous and cowardly in Fight* yet
when they are taken Prifoners, and condemned
to death, they die like Heroes, braving, the moft
exquifite Torments, and tinging even upon the
Rack. ,
As to their Manufactures and- Mechanick Mecha-
Arts, if we conflder the Badnefs of their Tools, llick Arts-
they might be efteem'd excellent Workmen,
efpecially as they had no particular Trades
amongfl them •, but every Man was his own
Artificer, and; did the Work of a Carpenter,
Taylor, Shoe-maker, &c. for himfelf.
When the Englifh arrived there, they had
no fort Of Iron Tools or Inflruments ; their
Axes were fharp Stones fet in Wood, with thefe
they made their Bows of the Locuft-Tree, an
exceflive hard Wood when it is dry, but they ,
Vol. XXXI. R fafhioned

130 The Present State.
Maryland. fafhioned them therefore while it was green and
1 pliant : Their Arrows they made of Reeds or
Sticks, that wanted but little fafhioning; and
fledged their Arrows with Turkeys Feathers^
which they glued to the fmall End of the Shaft,
and armed the Head with a white tranfpa-
rent Stone, a Bone or the Spur of a wild Tur
key. They procured Eire, by rubbing a Stick of
hard Wood upon a Piece that was foft and
dry : They felled Trees of a prodigious Size,
by making a little Fire about the Root, and
keeping the Flame from attending, till they
burnt away fo much of the Bafis, that the
leaft Blaft of Wind brought it down } and/as
it lay on the Ground, they burnt it of what
Length they pleafed: Then they.raifecj it,tp
a convenient Height to work upon,, and burnt
it hollow, when they intended to make a Boat
of it, removing the Fire from Place to Place,
till they had made it as deep as they defigned ;
after which, they fcraped it fmooth, and the
Canoe, or Boat, was finifhed, being all, of a
Piece:, Thefe Canoes are from ten to forty
Foot in Length. ',.•'..
In order to clear the Ground for* a Planta
tion, they ufed to chop the Trees round withf
their StonerHatchets, , of Tomahawks, which
killed them in two or three Years, and the
Trees fell of themfeives, ? but, they were, glad
to change their T0ma.hawks.f9r European Axes,
which make much quicker, Difpatch.'
Utenfilf. Tne"ir Household U'tenfils were earthen
Pots, "in which they boiled their Meat. Baf-
kets "made of Silk-Grafs, with Gourds or
Calabafhes, ferved theni, for.Djihes and
Bow|s:i j a Shell was there Spoon,' and their
, Ivnife an edged Reed or, Flint. Their Matts were

5/ MARYLAND. 131
were made of Rufhes ;, their Mantles of the Mar* land.
Skins of Beafts, which 'ferved them "alfo for' — -v— '
Bedcldatlis} arid as they never troubled them
feives' to fhape their Cloaths to their Bodies,
it did not require much Skill or Pains to finifh
therri. The Fibres of the Bark of Trees, as
well as Silk-Grafs, ferved them for Thread
and Cordage^ and their Needle was a Thorn,
or the Bone of a Fifh.
The Indians here have no fet Meals, but Their
eat all Daylong when they have Plenty of^i".
Provifions, efpecially when they have fuch
Food as they like : However, no Men endure
Hunger with more Patience in a Time of Scar
city; and this they make more tolerable, 'tis
faid, by girding up their Bellies, which make
them not fo fenfible of the Want of Food as
they would otherwife be.
They eat Fifh, Flefh and Fowl of almoft
all Sorts, and even fome fpecies of Snakes
and Infects, fuch as Grubs, the Nymphe of
Wafps ; forhe forts of Scarabaei, Cicade, &c.
They eat alfo Peas, Beans, and all manner of
Pulfe parch'd and boil'd. Their Bread is made
of Indian Corn, wild Oats, or the Seed of
the Sun-flower ; but they never eat Bread with
their Meat* They had no Salt, but ufed the
Afhes of Hiccory Stick- Weed, or fome other
Plants that' afforded a Salt-Afh, to feafon their
Meat : And there is no Food they feem fonder
of than the green Ears of Indian Corn roafted ;
for 'yyhich Reafon they plant it at different.
Times in the Spring, that the Seafon may laft
thd'longer.. They flew their Meat moft commonly : various
They alfo broil and toaft it againft the Fire, Ways of
and frequently put Fifh and Flefh into their J*g«
Horrimony (which is Indian Corn ftewed over
R 2 a gentle

132 The Present State
Maryland, a gentle Fire; for ten or twelve Hours, till it
<— -v— ' is as thick as Furmety or butter'd Wheat.)
. They either broil their Meat upon the Coals,
or- on a hot Hearth, and frequently dry it upon
a wooden Grate, whjch ftands very high above
the Fire, which they call barbacuing it •, and
.this dry'd Ffefh they ufually take with them
on a March, or in their hunting Expeditions,
and flew it as they want it. They flea and
.' -embowel their Venifon and other Meat as the
.Europeans do, and pull and draw their Fowls,
-but they drefs their Fifh without gutting or
!¦.-, foaling j however, they do not eat the Guts
.; as the Europeans do thofe of Woodcocks and
Larks. The ftewed Umblesbf a Deer is a great Difh
with them, and the Soup made thereof much ad
mired. Their Defert confifts of dry'd' Peaches
and other Fruits. They eat no kind of Sallads
or Sauce with their Meats, but boil Roots with
it, and make it pretty fevoury with Pepper,
&c. in the drefflng. They eat alfo Trubs,
Earth, Nuts, wild Onions, and:' a tuberous
.Root called Tuckaboe, which grows in boggy
.,- Grounds and is about the bignefs of a Potato?,
which, it reiembfes in Tafle.
Liquor. As for Liquor, I don't find they drank any
thing but Water, till the Englifh taught them
better (or rather worfe "•,) and it is 'remarkable
that though they had a great Variety of fine
Springs, they always chofe Pond-Water, or
,. any, other that had been expofed to the Air and
Sun, to. drink, rather than Fountain or Well-
Water. They are now very fond of every kind
,. of; ftrong. Liquor the Englifh have, and will
:•;; : be drunk with it as. often as: they can get it.
They , fit drinking, and, at their Meals, on a
Matt on the Ground, with their Legs ftretched out

,«/ MARYLAND. 133
out at Lengtn before them, and the Cup or Maryland.
Difh between their Legs ; and for this -Reafon *"*" "~*~" !*J
feldom more than two eat together.
As to their Exercifes and Diverfions/ there Exercifes.
are no People more cOnftantly employ'd in
Hunting, Fifhing, and Fowling than the far
dians of this Country, during the refpective
Seafons ; but thefe may be looked upon rather
as their Bufinefs than Diverfibns, as they fupply
their Families with Food by thefe Means the
greateft Part of the Year : Their Domeftick
Diverfions are Singing, Inftrumefttal Mufick,
and Dancing-, which not differing from the
Mufick and Dancing of the Virginia Indians
already defcribed, I fhall not weary the Rea
der with the Repetition of what has been al
ready faid upon that Head. The Diverfions
of the Englift} both here and in Virginia are
chiefly Hunting, Fifhing and Fowling • fome
life Stalking-horfes, whereby they cover them
selves from the Sight "of 'the Deer, till they
come within reach of. them ; others cut down
Tree^for the Deer to browze upon,, and lie
in wajt behind them : Qrhers again fet Stakes
:in PitSfnear their Fences, where the Deer have
been ufed to "leap over into a Field of Peas,
which they love extremely. Thefe Stakes they
fo place as to run into the Body of the Deer
when he pitches, by which means they impale
himv and for a Temptation to the Leap, take
down the Top-part of the Fence.
,., They hunt their Hares (which are very nu- Hunting.
merous) on Fqot with Mungrils or fwift Dog;,
which either catch them quickly, or force them
to hole in a hqllow Tree whither all their Hares
generally tend when they are clofety purfued.
r As foqii'as they are thus hol'd and have crawl'd
up into f,he Body of the Tree, they kindle a
Fire,

134 The Present State
Maryland. fire, and Another them with Smoak, till they
' let go their hold, and fall to the Bottom ftifled,
from whence they take them •„ If they have
a mind to fpare their Lives, upon turning them
loofe, they will be as fit as ever to hunt at
another time, for the Mifchief done them by
the Smoak immediately wears off again.
'They have another fort of Hunting which
is very diverting, and that they call Vermine-
Hunting. It is perform'd on Foot with fmall,
Dogs in the Night, by the Light of the Moon
or Stars. Thus in Summer-time they findt
abundance of Raccoons, OpofTums and Foxes,
iii the Corn-Fields, and about their Plantations j
but at other times they muft go into the Woods
for them. The Method is to go" out wkh< three
or four Dogs, and- -as foon as they come to :
the Place, they bid the Dogs, Leek out, arid
all the Company follow immediately. Where^
ever a Dog barks, you may depend upon find
ing the Game, and this Alarm draws both
Meh and Dogs that Way. If this Sport be in
the Woods, the Game, by that time you come
near it, is perhaps mounted on the; Top of an
high Tree, and'then they detach a nimble Fel
low up after it, who muft have a Scuffle with
the Beaft before he can throw it down to the
Dogs ; and then the Sport increafes to fee the
Vermine encounter thofe little Curs. In this
fort of Hunting they alfo carry their great
Dogs out with them, becaufe Wolves, Bears,
Panthers, wild Cats, and) all qther Beafts of
prey, are abroad in.the Night. ^^ic mzAu
For^Volves they make Traps, and fet Guns
baited in the Woods, fo that when he offers
to feize the Bait, he pulls the Trigger^ i,and
the Gun -difcharges upon him,' They have
many

of MARYLAND. 135
many pretty Devices befides the Gun to take Maryland.
wild Turkeys. ** — *"""*
The Indian Invention of Weirs in Fifhing Fifhing.
is mightily improv'd by the Englifh, befides,
which they make ufe of Seins, Trolls, Cafting-
Nets, 'Setting-Nets, Hand-fifhing, and Ang
ling, and in each find abundance pf Diverfior^
Like thofe of the Euxine Sea they alfo fifh with)"
Spilyards, which is a long Line flaked out in
the River, and hung with a -great many Hooks
on fhort Strings, fattened to the main Line-
about three or four Foot afunder,, fupported
by Stakes^ or buoy'd up with Gourds. They
ufe likewife the Indian way. of ftriking by the
Light of a Fire in the Night,< '
Their Fowling is anfwerable to their Fifhing Fowling.
forPlenty of Game in its proper Seafon. Some
Plantations have a vaft Variety of it.
The admirable CEconomy of the Beavers fearers.
deferwes- to be particularly remember'd. They
cohabit in one Houfe, are incorporated ip a
regular Font) of Government, fomething like?
Monarchy, and have over them a Superinten
dent, which the Indians call Pericu : He leads
them outxo their feveral Employments,, which
confifts: in felling of Trees, biting off. the
Branches,land cutting them into certain Lengths
fuitable. to the Bufinefs- they defign them for ;
alia, which they" perform with their Teeth.
When this is<done, the Pericu orders feveral of
his Subjects to join together and take up one of >
thofe Logs, which they muft carry to their ,
Houfe:or Damm, as Occafion requires. He.
Walks in Sta|e by them all the while, and (ees
thati every one bears his equal Share of the
Burden, While he bites with his Teeth and
laftjesf with his Tail thofe that lag behind and.,.
do jwfcUejfuMl their Strength. ^ Their way of
¦¦..'' . Carriage

136 The Present StAte '
Maryland. Carriage is upon their Tail. They commonly
*" "v~11 build their Hoiifps, in Swamps, and then to
raife the Water to a convenient Height, they.
make a Damm with. Logs and a binding fort
of Clay fo firm that tho* the Water runs con
tinually over, it cannot wafhi it away. Within
thefe Da'mms they will ipclofe Water enough
to make a Pool like a Mill-pond } and if a
Mill happen to be built on the fame Stream
below their Damm, the Miller, in a dry Sea-
fon, finds it worth his while to cut it to fupply
his Mill with Watery upon Which Difafter.thq
Beavers are fo expert at their Work, that in
one or two Nights time they will repair the
tJreaeh and make it perfectly whole again.
Sometimes they build their Houfes in a broad
Marfh, where the Tide ebbs and flows, at{d
then they make no Damm at tall. . The Doors
into their- Houfes .-are under Watef. ' I have
been at :the demolifhing one of thefe Houfes,
that was found in a Marfh, and- was furprifed
to find it fortify'd with Logs that were fix
Foot long and ten Inches through, and had
been carry'd at leaft one hundred and fifty,
Yards :. This Houfe. was three. Stories high^:
and.contain'd five Rooms, that is to fay, two
in the lower, two in the middle Storie, arid
but, one- at the. top. Thefe Creatures have &
great deal of Policy, and know how to defeat
all the Subtilty and Stratagems of the,; Hunter,
who! feldom can meet with, them tho' they ate
in great Numbers all-over the Country.,
Wiid They have many Horfes foafd in the Woods
Horfes. pf the Up-lands that nev§r were in hand, artr}
are as fhy as any favage Creature : The$
having no Mark upon them belong to him
that firft takes them. However, , the Captor
commonly purchafes thefe Horfes very dear by

^/MARYLAND. j3;
by fpoiling better in the Purfuit, in which Maryiai.cf.
Cafe he has little to make himfelf amends, be- V-v—*
fides the Pleafure of the Chafe : And very
Often this is all he has for it, for the wild
Horfes are fo fwift that 'tis difficult to catch
them, and when they are taken, 'tis Odds but
their Greafe. is melted, or elfe being old they
are fo fallen that they can't be tameVj.
The Difeafes of the Indians proceed froni Difeafes
Heats and Colds, and are ufually remov'd by and Re-
Sweating j but if the Hurhour fixes, and oc- f edl<\s oi
cafions a Pain in any Of their Limbs, they tiie7 - *
endeavour fo cure it by burning the Part with
a live Coal, with which having made a Sore",
they keep it running till the Humour is drawn
off. They alfo fcarify the Part and fuck the Sore,
arid fometimes make ufe of ReedsTdr Cattteri->'
fing, which they heat over the Fire till they
are ready to flame, and then apply them uport
a piece of wet Leather to the grieved Part,
which makes the Heat more intenfe. As for*
the reft of their Remedies, I muft refer the
'Reader to Virginia, and cdhfider, in the next
Place, the Difeafes the Englifh are fubject to
in this Part of the World.
Difterrtpers tome not here (fays my Author) Of the
by choaking up the Spirits With a foggy and E^ifi*
thick Air, as in fome Northern Climes, not ~
by aftifling Heat, which exhales the Vigour '
or thofe that dwell in a more Southerly Lati
tude, but by a "Wilful and fooliih indulging
themfelVes in thofe Pleafufes which in a warm
and fruitful Country Nature lavifhes upon
Mankind for their Happinets, and not for1 4
their Deftruction.
Thus I have foen Perfons impatient of Heat
lie almoft naked upon the cold Grafs in the
Vol. XXXI, S Shades,

138 The Present State
Maryland; Shades, and there often forgetting themfeives
*"— v—1 fall afleep ; nay, many are fo imprudent as to
do this in an Evening, and perhaps lie fo all
Night, when between the Dew from Heaven,
and the Damps from the Earth f, fuch ImV
prefflons are made upon the HumOurs of their
Body as occafion fatal Diftempers.
Thus alfo I have feen Perfons put into a
great Heat by excefflve Action, ahd in the
midft of that Heat ftrip oflr their Cloaths and
expofe their open Pores to the Air : Nay,
I have known fome mad enough in this hot
Condition to take huge Draughts of cold
Water, or perhaps of Milk and Water, which
they efteem much more cold in Operation thati
Water alone.
And thus likewife have I feen feveral Per?-"*
pie (efpecially new Comers) fo intemperate in
devouring the pleafant Fruits, that they have
fallen into dangerous Fluxes and Surfeits! Thefe
arid fuch like Difbrders are the chief Occafion
pf their Difeafes. '•
The firft Sicknefs that any new Comer hap
pens to have there he' unfair! y calls a Seafoning,
be it Fever, Ague, or any thing elfe that his
own Folly or Exceffes bring upon him.
Their Intermitting-Fevers as well as their
Agues are very troublefome if a fit Remedy
be riot apply'd ; but of late the Doctors there
have made ufe of the Cortex Peruvian with
Succefs, and find that it feldpm or never fails
to remove the Fits. The Planters too have
feveral Roots natural to the Country, which
in this Cafe they cry up .as infallible j and I
r. have found by feveral Examples a total Im-
merfion in cold Spring Water, juft at the
Accefflon of the Fit, an -infallible Cure.
When

of M A R Y L A N D. . 139
When thefe Damps, Colds and Diforders Maryland-
affect the Body more gently, and do not?fei?.fi,'
Peoplejviolently at firft, then for want ofjfonT&
timely Application (the Planters abhorring all,
Phyfick, except in defjperate Cafes) thefe
fmall Diforders are. fuffer'd to .go on until they'
grow into a Cachexy, by whiqh the Body is
over-run with obftinate lcorbutick Humours :
And this in a more fierce and virulent Degree
I take to be the Yaws.
The Gripes is a Diftemper of the Caribbee-.
Iflands, and not of Virginia or Maryland, and
feldom gets Footing there, and then only upon
great Provocations, rnamely, by the Intempe
rances before mention'd, together with an un-
reafonabJe Ufe of filthy and unclean Drinks.
Perhaps too it may come by new unfine Cyder,
Perry, or Peach-drink, which the People are
impatient to drink before it is ready 5 or by
the excefflve Ufe of Lime-juice and foulSugar
in Punch and Flip ; or elfe by the conftarft
drinking- of uncorrected Beer made of fome ,
.windy unwholfome things as fome People make
ufe of in Brewing.

S 2 C H AT.

;*4°

The Present SfATE

Maryland.
Maryland
firit dlf- ' '
cover'd .< '"•
Its Name.

CHAP. V.
Of their Hiftory, Government, and Re
ligion.

I R G IN I A and Maryland
were difcover?d Anno* 1606, by
the fame Adventurers, and reT'
tain'd the fame- Name until the
eighth Year of King Charles I.
Anno 1 63 2,' 'when that Prince

Granted,
to Lord

Planted,4p.»o 1633

granted that Part of Virginia which lay North
of Patowmack River, and was not then planted,
unto Ceciiius Calvert, Lord Baltimore, of the
Kingdom of Ireland, and his Heirs : And
Baltimore1? this Part of the Country was afterwards call'd
u Maryland, in Honour of the then Queen
Contort, Henrietta-Maria, youngeft Daughter,
of the French King, Henry IV.
The Lord Baltimore having Obtain'd this
Grant, fent over his Brother, the Honourable
Leonard Calvert, Efq; with feveral Roman
Catholick Gentlemen and other Adventurers,
to the' ] Number of two hundred to take
poffeffion ' of the Country, who letting '<¦ fail
from England on the 22c! of November, 1633,
arriv'd at Point Comfort, in the" Bay of
Chefcpeak, on the 24th of February following,
where being kindly received and fupply'd with
Provifions by the Englifh of Virginia,-1 they
continued their Voyage NorthwtfrtiW'trief-Ri-
vbr Patowmack, appointed1- to he the Boun
dary between Virginia and1 Maryland, on the
Weft fide of the Bay% The

of MA'RYLAIJ: D. 141
The Adventurers failed up this River, and Maryland.
landing, in. feveral Places on the Northern Shore •-— v— '
acquainted the Natives iliey were comedo -."fettle
arnongft them and trade with them ; 6ut"the
Natives feemed rather to defire their Abfence
than' their Cpmpany;1 FJoweverJ there were
no Acts of Hoftility committed on either Side,
and the Englifh returning down the River Pa
towmack again, made choice of a Place hear
the Mouth of a River (which falls into it, and
by them call'd StsGeorge''s River) to plant.. the
firft Colony. They advanced afterwards to
an Indian Town, call'd Toamaco, then the
Capital of the Country, and at a Conference
with the <Weroance or Soveraign of the Place,
to whom they made conflderable Prefents^ • the
_ Weroance. confented that the Englifh fhould
dwell, in one Part of the Town, referring the
other for ;his own People till the Harveft was
over, and then agrped to quit the whofe entirely
to thp,Englifh, and retire further into, the Coun
try, which they, did , accordingly ; and. the
following Jvfwch ^-r. Calvert and the Plan-
tets were left in the quiet Poffefflon of the
whole Town, to which they gave the, Name
of St.:Marfs, and it was agreed on both Sides, St, Marfs
that if apy Wrong was done by either, Party, tie' firft
the Nation offending fhould, make full Satif- ^^d
faction for the Injury. The Reafon the Toamaco by the*
Indians were fo ready to enter into a Treaty Englifh,
with the Englif}j0 and yield them Part of their
Country, was in hopes of obtaining their Pro
tection and Afflftance againft the Stifyuab^nnah
, Fndians, their Northern Neighbours, with
whom they were then at, war ; and indeed
\$h$i Toamaco Indians were upon the point , of
abandoning their Country tp^ayqid. the Fury
p^she Safquahannah Nation before,- the Englifh
, , ¦- , ,;-., arriv'd ;

j -j

142 The Present State
Maryland, arriv'd ; from Whence it appears, that the
S"*'V>»'' Adventurers fent over by the Lord Baltimore
cannot be charged with any Injuftice in fet
tling themfeives in this Part of America, being
inyited to it by the original Inhabitants.
The Englifh being thus fettled at St. Mary's,
apply'd themfeives with great Diligence to
cultivating the Ground, and raifed large Quan*
titles of Indian Corn, while the Natives went
every Day into the Woods to hunt for Game,
bringing home Venifon and Turkies to the
Englifh Colony in abundance, for which, they
received Knives, Tools, and Toys in return.
And thus both Nations lived in the greateft;
Friendfhip*, doing good Offices to each other,
Mifunder- till fome of the Englifh in Virginia, envious^
Handing of the Happinefs of this thriving Colony,
tixEwM fogged t0 tne Indians that thefe Strangers
and the were not really Englifh, as they pretended,, but
Indians. Spaniards, and would, infallibly enflave them,.
as they had done many of their Countrymen :
And the Indians were fo credulous as to believe
it, arid appear'd jealous of Mr. Calvert, mak
ing Preparations as if they intended to fall
upon the Strangers, which the Englifh per
ceiving, flood upon their guard, and erected
a Fort for their Security, on which they planted
feveral Pieces of Ordinance, at the Firing
whereof the Toamaco's were fo terrify'd that.
The Mi. they abahdon'd their Country without any other
am aban- Cofnpulfion, and left the Englifh in Poffeffion
Counti611- of it, who receiving Supplies and Re-inforce-
to the ments continually from England, and having ji
Englifh. no other Enemy to contend with than Agues \.
and Fevers (which fw'ept off fome of them
before they found out a proper Regimen for
the Climate) they foon becarne a flourifhing
People, many Roman Gatholick Families of
Quality

of, MARYLAND. I4j
Quality and Fortune transporting themfeives Maryland^
hither to avOid the Penal Laws made againft VxVV.
them in England ; and Maryland has been a
Place of Refuge for rhbfe of that Perflation
from that Day to this.
During the grand Rebellion in England the
Lord Baltimore's Family were depriv'd of the
Government of this Province, but'were reflor'd
to theirRight by King Charles II, foon after
his bwn Reftoration. Whereupon the Lord
Baltimore fent" over his Son, Charles 'Calvert,
afterwards Lord Baltimore, to be. Governor
of Maryland, who continued in that Poft up
wards of twenty Years (long after his Father's
Death) by whofe Prudence the Colony became
almoft as confiderable as Virginia for its To
bacco arid other Products of the Soil : Anc!,aU
the Indian Nations oil that. Side put themfeives
under their Protection. "*' The n Indian Chiefs
were appointed, or' .at leaft approv'd and o>n-
firni'd in their' Corhmahds by the Lord 'Balti
more, the' Proprietor, whofe Succefs .is jfo be
afcrib'd in' a great meafure to the Endeavours
he ufed tb cultivate a good Correfpondence with
the Indian Nations, and to give them as little
Offence as poffible. \ can't learn that this
Colony was ever in a State of War with the
Natives, or ever feceiv'd any Injury' from
them,- unlets in the Year 1677, when th$ In
dians being at war with the Englift of Virginia,
pluhder'd the Frontiers' of Maryland, arid half
a doZen People' loft their Lives-, but this pro
ceeded frorri a 'Mjftake ; Peace was foon _re-
ftoted upon the Indians making Satisfaftipn for',
•the[Outrage. ' / '
'At' the Revolution the' Lord Baltimore was^he
depriv'<3 of the Power of appointing a Governor Crown
and 'other Officers, and the Government 0f^Pomts
.* , a G over
eat nor> &v.

144 tffise Present State
Maryland, that Province fell under the fame Regulation a'§
V"**V">»'' other' Plantations "which are immediately fub-
ject to the Crown. The Baltimore Family
alfo were in danger of lofing their Propriety
on account of their Religion, by the Act which
requires ah Roman Catholick Heirs to profefs
the Proteftant Religion, on Pain of being
depriv'd of their Eftates : But that prudent
Family thought fit to profefs the Proteftant
Religion rather than lofe v their Inheritance $
and the prefent Lord Baltimore is now both
Proprietor and Governor of Maryland, being
one of the nobleft Eftates enjoy'd by a Subject
of Britain ; for he is ftill entitled to, a Duty
on every Hogfhead of Tobacco exported., en
joys feveral fair Manours, which may be ftil'd
his demefne Lands, and has a Rent paid him
by every Planter, betides Other Perquifites.
The Governor,1 however, as has been already
obferv'd, is now appointed by the Crown, as
are alfo the Members of the Council. The
Affembly. Affembly is chofen by the Freeholders of the
refpe<5tive Counties, as in Virginia % arid in
the Governor, Council, and Aflembly, the
legiflative Power is Jodg'd. The Governor
has a Negative as the King has in England,
and their Acts muft be confirm'd by the King :
However, they are in Force till the King dif-
approves of them.
Courts. Their Provincial Courts are held once every
Quarter in the capital Town of Annapolis^
which determine" Common-Law Caufes of Con-
fequence in the, firft Inftance, and on Writs of
Error other Caufes brought from the infe-
riour County Courts ; and there is a Court of
Chancery, which gives Relief" in, Equity, as
infygland*. ;
Among

^MARYLAND. J4j
Among the Laws of Maryland, we meet Maryland.
with thefe that follow. v-^y^^
The Parties bringing Appeals or Writs of Laws of
Error in the Provincial Court from the County Maryland,
Courts, are required to give Security to pay
the Cofts arid Damages in cafe the Caufe goes
dgainft them.
No Perfon fhall bring a Writ of Error or
Appeal from the CbUnty Court, where the
Debt or Damage does nbt afhount to fix Pounds
SJtfcfling ; nor from the Provincial Court to the
Governor and Council, where it does not ex
ceed fifty Pounds ; but the Judgments of thofe
Courts in fiich Cafes fhall be final.
None fhall appeal from the Governor and
Council to the King and Council in Englandt
unlefs the Thing in Difpute be of the Value
of three hundred Pounds Sterling.
Every Elector of Burgeffes for the General Burgeffes;
Aflembly fhall have fifty Acres of Freehold
Land in the County, or a vifible Eftate of the
Value of forty Pounds Sterling. Four Mem
bers fhall be chofeft to reprefent each County t
Two Citizens fhall ferve for the City of St.
Mary's, and tw'O for Annapolis, and every
other Town and Borough privileg'd to fend
Members to the General Affembly.
No Perfon keeping a publick Houfe is qua
lified to be a Reprefentative.
Members fhall be allowed one hundred and
Forty Pounds of Tobacco per diem for their
Wages, befides travelling Charges.
'*'¦¦ The fame Allowance fhall be made to every
£ommiffioner or Judge of the Provincial Court
during his Attendance on that Court, and
eighty Pounds of Tobacco per diem to the
judge of every County Court. But the latter
Part of this Statute for allowing Salaries to thi
Vol. XXXI. ' T ' Judgti

146 The Present State
Maryland. Judges .of the Provincial and County Courts
"— ¦v—-' was afterwards repealed.
Blafphe- Any Perfon" that fhall blafpheme, or eurfe
toy- God-, deny our Saviour to. he the Son of God,
deny the Trinity of the Godhead of any of
the three Perfons, or the Unity of the God
head, or fhall utter any reproachful Words
againft any of the three Perfons, fhall be bor'd
thro' theTongue, and fined twenty Pounds Ster
ling for the firft Offence, forty Pounds for the
fecond Offence, and fuffer Death and Corifif-
cation of Goods for the third Offence.
Fornica- The Penalty for Fornication is twenty Shift"
tion. ¦ iingS Sterling, or Corporal Punifhmerit,1 not
exceeding thirty-nine Lathes, at the Difcretfon
Adultery, of the Court. And the Punifhmerit for Adul
tery forty Shillings, or Corporal Punifhment
as aforefaid. .
Perfons who harbour, fuch lewd People are
liable to the fame Penalties.
Curling ' ¦ The Penalty of Curfing and Swearing is five
and Shillings Sterling j and if the Offence be com-'
Swearing. m\t^r\ jn a Court Of. .Juflice ten Shillings. '
Schools. Free-Schools were erected and endow'd in fe
veral Towns of Maryland for teaching" Latin
and Greek, by an Act of Aflembly, jlnnoi
1696:
Englifi The Englifh Statutes or Acts.of Parliament,
Statute- with Bait on' s Juflice of Peace, were ordered
Book. £0 De provided by the Juftices, of .Peace of
every County in Maryland, by an Act of. Aft ;
fembly, Anno 1699.
Evidence. Proof of Bills, Bonds, or other Specialties,
Book-debts or Accounts, may be made before
two Juftices- of Peace of any County, or one
of the Juftices of the Provincial Court,; arid
Nthe Balance due upon fuch, Account, i be
ing certified under ; the, Hands and Seals1 of
-. 1 . ' fuch

c/ MARYLAND. • 147
fuch Juftices,( fhall be deemed fufficient.Evi- Maryland.
deuce in any Court within the Province..' ' *~ Y~~
The Port of Annapolis in Anne Arundel. Annapolis
County was made the chief Seat of Juftice the Capi-
within the Province, for holding. Affernblies tal-
and Provincial Courts, by an Act of Affem
bly palled 1 1 W. III. Anno 1699.
It was enacted by their Affembly 1 1 W.UL Convey-
1699, That no Lands or Tenements fhould ances.
be alienated or transferred from one -to ano
ther, but by Deed, indented and enrolled in
the Provincial Court, or County Court where
fuch Lands, &c. lie.
Necefiary 'Corn for the Defendant's Mainr .Execii-
tenance,hls Gun, Bedding, Tools, arid fuch like,/10115-
fhall; be protected from Executions.
No Bonds or Obligations under Hand and J,imita-
Seal fhall be fuable, urilefs renewed within five tlon.s-of
Years. Aai0M-
No Perfon fhall depart the Provincej unlets Debts.
he fet up his Name three Mouths at the Se
cretary's Office .before his Departure, or give
Security to the Government to pay his Debts.
Every Mafter of a Ship, or other Perfon,
tranfporting' or conveying away any Perfon out
of the Province without a Certificate of his
having complied. with this Law, is made liable
to pay hisTJebts: And if he convey away any
Servant,* he' fhall be Sable to fatisfy the Owner
for his Damages.
The Juftices of the feveral County Courts Thsft.
are made Judges of all Thefts -under the Valus
of one thoufand Pounds of Tobacco (Robbery,
Btwglary, and Houfe -breaking excepted'.)-
' ' Every Perfon convicted of 'fuch Theft fhall
pay. Faanfold (the Value of the! Goods ftoln)
to <jhe! Owner, and be 'put1 in the. Pillory, .and
whip'd, as the Court fhall adjudge, not exl
T 2 feeding

1.48 The Present State
Maryland; ceeding forty Stripes. If the Offender be not
»— — y—~ ' able to fatisfy the Owner otherwife, he fhall
receive the Yard corporal Punithment, and pay
the faid Penalty of Fourfold Retribution by Ser
vitude, the Time thereof being determined by
* the Court ; and the Receiver of fuch floln
Goods is 'made liable to the like Penalties as
the Thief; ;
WildCat- NO Perfon fhall range in the Woods after
tic. wild Neat Cattle, orHprfes, Without the Go
vernor's Licence, on Pain of forfeiting five
thoufand Pounds of Tobacco for every fuch
wild Animal killed or taken. Nor fhall any
Perfon cut off the Ear of a Hog, taken in the '
Woods, on Pain of being adjudged a Hog-
ftealer.
fences. AM Fences for inclofing Corn-ground fhall
be five Foot high at leaft, and ftrongly made^
and if any Cattle break into fuch Fencej the
Owner of the Cattle fhall forfek five hundred
PbUrids of Tobacco, or fuch further Damages
as a Juftice of Peace fhall award.
Convia's; No Mafter of a Ship, or "Merchant, , fhall
prohibited import a convicted Felon into Maryland, on
10 be im- j>^jn 0c forfeiting the Value of two thoufand"
*>or- Pounds of Tobacco.
Indians. Whoever fhall "take, entice away, or fell
any Friend Indian without Licence, fhall be
fin'd and imprifoned at D'foretion. «3 '
In the Year 1698, Part of Dorchefter County
was affigned to the Natives, to hold the fame
of the Lord Proprietor, under the Rent of one
Beaver Skin. -rw. ¦
By an Act, 11 W. III. 1699, The carrying
ftrong Liquors to the Indian Towns was pro
hibited. i'/() 1
By 12 W. III. Annoiyao,! Certain Perfons.
Were authofifed by the Government to -deter-
• mine

c/ MARYLAND, . 149
mine all Differences- between the EngUfk and Maryland.
Indians. Enacted 1 1 W. III. 1 699, That the Libra- Libraries.
ries in every Parifh fhould be in Poffeffion of
the Minifter, who fhould preferve them, and
be .accountable for the Books, ,
Enacted 4 W. Sp J^.,1692, That the Per- Marriage.
fons intending to marry fhall app'y themfeives
to the Minifter or Magiftrate, and Banes fhall
be publifh'd in the Church, County Court, or
Meeting- Houfe next to which the Parties tbvell -
and upon a Certificate thereof the Minifter, or
Magiftrate may, three Weeks after fuch Banes
-publifh'd, join the Parties in Marriage, ac
cording to the Liturgy of the Church of Eng
land : And no Perfon fhall contract Msirmge
without fuch Publication on Pain of forfeiting
Dhe thoufand Pounds of Tobacco, and. the
Minifter or Magiftrate joining them in Mar
riage five thoufand Pounds of Tobacco : A°d
.all Marriages not made by fome Minifter or
Magiftrate, before five fufficient Witneffes at
leaft, fhall be void : , The Fees for Marriage .
bping reftfain'd to one , hundred Pounds of
Tobacco, j. , . .u. .-¦ ¦' . ¦ ¦ -.-'--'
The Colonels and other Officers of the, Mil i- Militia,
. tia in every County are impower'd to- enlift
1 all Perfons to ferve in the Horfe or Foot from
fixteen to fixty (except Negroes, and Slaves)
r who are oblig'd to mufter in their refpective
XJounties from time to time, at fuch. Places as
the Governor fhall appoint, and to 'being their
own Arms and Horfes, and maintain -them- '
felves during fuch Mutter. But if.. they are
fent on. actual Service, their Arms, rjjV. are to
be provided them out of the pubOick. Maga
zines, and they are to be regularly paid by the
refpective Counties they belong, t©!< AndPrefs- Mafters

it;o The Present State
Maryland. Mafters are appointed in every County to prefs
V,-^V>-' Provifions'for the Troops.,
The Prifoners and Plunder to be equally
divided among the,' Soldiery, and Troqpers
lofing their Horfes to have others bought them.
at the publick Charge. . :
AnyJSoldier being wounded -to be provided,
for: by 'the Publick, as alfo the Wives and
/ '.. Children of fuch as are kill'd in the Service. .
Negroes. The Baptizing Negroes fhall not alter, their
Condition as to Servitude.
Conftables Juftices of Peace in- each County are im-
* power'd to appoint Conftables in every Parifh.
Publick "Inns and publick Houfes are to be IicenfecK
Houfes. by the Commiflioners of each- County, who
may afcertain the Price they fhall take for .tfieb^
Liquor, - Beds, Pro vifidns, and Provender j
and may fupprefs them if diforderly.
The Landlord obliged' to credit every Free^
holder'; a's • far as the Value of four hundred^
Pounds of Tobacco. ;
Perjury. The Penalty of .Perjury twenty Pounds
Sterling and fix Months Imprifonment, and;
in Default of paying the Penalty • the Offender
to be fet in the Pillory, * and his Ears , nail'd
.:-. to it.
Enemies. By il W. III. 1699, It was made Felony
to fefve arry foreign Prince or- State againft
any other Prince or State in Amity with Great-
Britain. „ ' rr
Trials. And that Treafons, Felonies, Pyracies,, or
Robberies' committed at Sea, fhould be try'd
in the fame manner as fuch Offences commit
ted on Shore ; the Commitfloners, of Judges
toproceed according to the Englifh. Statute, of
28 Hen. VIII. c. 15. ',... ^( ^i?i
Small No County Court fhall take Cogpizance/of
Debts. any Action where the Debt 'or1 'Damages , does not

of MARYLAND. 151
-not exceed the Value of two hundred Pounds Maryland.
of Tobacco, or fixteen Shillings and Eight- ' — v—"1
pence Sterling ; but fuch Cauies fhall bp de
termined by any one Juftice of Peace of,, the -
County where the Debtor fhall refide without
Fee. %
-The Court of Chancery fhall not hear any chancer
Caufe where the original , Debt or Damages
does not amount to the Value of twelve hun
dred Pounds Of Tobacco, or five Pounds Ster
ling and upwards, but the Judgments of the
County Courts in fuch Cafes fhall be final.
All Acts of Affembly are requir'd to be Aa« of
publifh'd by the Sheriffs in the refpective Affembly.
Counties.
By 12 W. IIIV 1 j 00, TheBook of Common? Common-
Prayer was requir'd to be .read in all the PraJer-
Churches of Maryland. ,
¦ For the Encouragement of the Clergy a Clergy.
Tax of forty Pounds of Tobacco, per Head
was enacted to be levy'd and paid to the Mini
fters of the refpective Parifhes.
Enacted, That none fhould marry within Marriage.
the Degrees prohibited. ,, , ...
No Juftice pf Peace or Magiftrate: fhall
marry People in any Parifh where there is a
Clergyman refident.
The Veftry- men of each Parifh, are incur- Veftries.
porated ' and impower'd to receive for pious,
Ufes, and the Benefit of each Church and.-
'Parifh, all Lands, Tenements,. Goods and
Chatties, granted or bequeathed to.. them. The-
Minifter of the Parifh to prefide in the Veftry.
No Minifter'thall hold more than two Pa- Pluralities.
rifhes, and fhall have the Licence of the Go
vernor and the two Veftries for this.
Where there is no Minifter in any Parifh Readers,
the Veftry may" provide a Reader, allowing
•' him

i£2 The Present State
Maryland, him a Salary out of the forty Pounds^ Poll,
t-'VV not exceeding half the Revenue of a Minifter:
And fuch Readers are allow'd to read Divine
Service out of the Common-Prayer Book, and
read the Homilies.
S-'ivants n0 Servant or Slave fhall travel more than
MdSlavM. Kn Mijes from hjs Rafter's pJ0Ufe withbut a
Note from his Mafter ot1 his Overfeer, on Pain
of being deem'd a Runaway •, and fuch Servant
abfenting himfelf fhall ferve ten Days for every
Day he is abfent.
Paffes. jj^y perfon travelling out of his County
without a Pafs under the County Seal, ;, and
not being known or able to give a good Ac
count of himfelf, fhall be deem'd a Runaway
and carry'd before the next Magiftrate, who
fhall commit him to fafe Cuftody, and give
. notice to his Mafter or Miftrefs, if it appear
he have any ; or elfe caufe the Name ari$ De
fcription of fuch Runaway to be fet up in the
next County Courts, that it may be difcover'd
to whom he belongs.
Servants. Every Servant, at the Expiration of his
Time, fhall have a new Suit of Cloaths, two
Hoes, an Ax, a Gun,, and three Barrels of
Indian Corn given him by his Mafter.
No. Perfon thai! barter Goods, or traffick
with any Servant or Slave without the Matter's
Leave. If any Servant fhall be deny'd fufficient Mea^,
Drink, Lodging, or Clpathing, or fhall be
oyer-work'd or debar'd of his natural Reft,
the County Court -fnay fine fuch .Matter, and
for the third Offence fet the wrong'd Perfon
at liberty.
Baftards. If any white , Woman, fuffer herfelf to be
got with Child by a Negroe,, -the fhall become
a Servant for feven Years ; arid if the be then ,
a Ser-

^MARYLAND. 15-3
a Servant, the fhall ferve feven Years beyond Maryland.
her Time. If the .Negroe , who gop the Child ^-^v~-^
be free, he fhafi" ferve feven Years } and their
Jftue fhajl be Servants till they arrive at thirty-
one Years of Age.
And if a white Man get a Negroe Wpman
with Child he fhall undergo the feme Punifh-
ment as a white Woman got with Child by
a Negroe. If a whiteWoman Servant have a Baftard, and
cannot prove who is the Father, the fhall fa-
jtisfy the pamage to her Matter by further Ser
vitude j and if the do produce the Father, he
fhall fatisfy the Damage if free, arid if a. Servant
half the Damage: And if the Father be a
tingle jperfb'n aud promifed the Maid Marriage
before he lay with, her, he fhall be at liberty
to perform his Promife, or make Satisfaction
Otherwife. ;
" No Perfon fliall work or ufe any Sports, op Smdap.
Sundays, or fuffer his Servants to work, &c.
pn that Day (Works of Neceffity excepted)
or/ Pain of forfeiting one hundred Pounds q£
Tobacco for every Offence.
.No publick Houfe fhall fell ftrong Liquor
on Sundays, or iuffer Tipling, Gaming, or
other Paftime, on Pain of two thoufand Pound*
of Tobacco.
For Irifh Servants or Negroes imported, a A Doty on
Duty of twenty Shillings Sterling per Head Servants.
was given by an Act of 11 W.lll. 1699,
and a Duty of Thtee-pence per Gallon on Rum
arid Wine imported.
Every Conftible fhall annually on the 20th Lifts of
of June require of every Mafter and Miflrefs Efexr^b!e
a Lift of alt taxable Perfons in their refpective
Families**' and fend one Copy thereof to the
Sheriff an«i another to the County Court.
'WoLXXXI. IT Al!

154 The Present State
Maryland. All Male Children born and refident in the
V — /— ~ ' Province (being above- fixteen Years of Age)
all Male Servants of fixteen imported, all
Slaves, Male and Female, imported of fixteen
Years of Age, and all Freemen (except Clergy
men and poor People that receive Arms), fhall
be deemed taxable.
Weights Weights and Meafures are enacted to be the
and Mea- fame as jn E„.landm
DiftVibn- Upon a Man's dying Inteftate, one Third of
tion of In- his Perfonal Eftate goes to his Widow, and
tcftates t}je other two to his Children $ and if he have
E,ftates' no Children, ' to the neareft Relations of the
Inteftate.
Orphans. And the Juftices of the refpective Counties
are empower'd to take care of all Orphans,
With their Eftates and Effects till of Age, every
Male Orphan being deemed' of Age at one
and twenty, and every Female at fixteen, or
Day of Marriage, which fhall firft happen ;
and it was provided that rio Orphan fhould be
put into the Hands of a Perfon of a different
•Religion from that of his Parents. *
The Juftices of the County Courts fhall Ian-
riually enquire by a Jury, how Orphans are
maintained and educated ; and if they are Ap
prentices, how they are ufed and inftructed ;
and if they find any Abufe or Neglect, to re-
drefs the fame.
N. B. The Governors of Maryland, have en'
deavour'd from time to time to make 'their
Laws refemble thofe of England , as. near,
as poffible ; and they have alj% unhappily
introduced moft of the Niceties in plead
ing and, dilatory Proceedings, of <tur Courts,
of Law and Equity, which their Neigh
bours of Virginia have wifely provided againft^

of MARYLAND. 155
againft, and retrenched alh exorbitant Maryland.
Fees i'.fo that Juftice is adminifter'd'lny~~Y~'mJ
that Province with- much more Speed and
xilefs Charge than it is in this.1
Mr. Jones, who refided a confiderable Time
in Maryland, .treating' of their Religion and
Government, expreffes himfelOftpW^ribllow-
ing manner.
We are govern'd (fays ^^^ripema^) by Jones's '

the fame Laws as in Englan)^>if^^p^ Acts Obferva-
of Affembly we have relating., to^fo^, parti- t101?-'-
cular Cafes, not under the Verge 31 the Englifh
Laws, or where the Laws of England dO|m>£
aptly provide for fome Circumftances, under
1»hich our Way of Living hath put us. The
raSvB^ °^ EngJand (God be praifed) is pretty
¦fem^ eftablilhed amongfl us. Churches are
.ouyt^and there is an annual Stipend allowed
^^Pffl$$im^er ^ a perpetual Law, which
"lofjluo'Bi StrfeC?' accordi"g to the Number of
ifEfwl • SS1B wffl^f^ ' every Chriftian jyfale
lixteeri Yeagfolr|jr a^rj^ Negroes Male and JBe-
ffi^r9^yr?o^v!ir^5' VW ^orty Pounds' of
p ^^Min^er, which is levied by
^jraMg^otheh publick Levies ; which
, .a&Jleyenues of the Minifters, one.
witfj'an^her^a^outtyy^nty thoufand Pounds of
Tobacco,' or one hundred Pounds, Sterling per
Annum- It hath been the Unhappinefs of this
Country, that they had bo Proteftant Minifters
hardly among them, till Governor Nicholfon's
Time, but now and then an itinerant Preacher,
of- very loofe Morals, and fcandalous Behavi
our-, fo that what with fuch Mens ill Exam
ples, the Roman Priefts Cunning, and the
Quakers Bigotry, Religion waMnVa manner
turned, outtrf d^fs:~'Bar<$jrod be praifed)
.- *- „ Things

156 Tloe Present- State ;,
Maryland. Thing's now ftand better, and pur Churches
' are crowded as full as they can hold, and the
People are pretty fenfible of the Roinqn Su-
pefftition, and the Quakers Madnefs-, fo that
their Parties both join'd together are very in- .
confiderable to what ours" is. Indeed 'the
Quakers ftruggle hard to mainjtain their Foot
ing, and the^r Teachers (efpecially the Female
Sex, who are the moft zealous) are very free
of their Taunts and Contumelies againft us ;
but 'tis to little pupofe, unlets to make their
own Way more ridiculous.
We have pot yet found the Way of afioei*
ating ourfelves in Towns and Corporations.
There are indeeid feveral P-laces allotted for
Towns, , but hitherto they are only titular
ones, except Annapolis,' where the Governor
refides.- Goyernor Nicholfon did his endeavour
to make a Town of that, and there are in it
about forty Dweltirig-houfes, feven or eight
whereof afford good Lodging and Accom
modation for Strangers. There is alfo a State-r
Houfe, a Church, ^pd. a Free-School built
with Brick, which, make a great Show among.
a Parcel of Wooden Houfes 5 but their Build
ings are much improved fince Mr. Jones wrote.
As for our Predecejflprs, the Indian Inhabi
tants, I cannot 'give you any further Account
of them than this, viz. .That whereas at the firf£
fearing of Maryland there were feveral Na
tions qf Indians in ,the Country govern'd
by feveral petty Kings, I do pot think thati
there are now five hundred fighting Men of
them in the Province, and thofe are mqre on
the Eaftern Shoar than on the Weft. Here*
they hayetwo or three little Towns, and fome,
of them com.e ov?r fo the Weft in Winter
time tp hunt for Deer, bejpg generally em-
ploy'd

«/ MARYLAND. j57
ploy'd by the Englifh. Thefe Indians take Maryland.
delight in nothing elfe, and it is rare that any v- "~v~— '
of them will embrace our Way of Living and
Worfhip. , The Caufe of their diminifhing
proceeded not from any Wars with the Englifh,
for we have had none with them, but from
their own perpetual Difcords and Wars among
themfeives : And their Drinking and other
Vices which the Englifh taught them probably
may have deftroy'd imny more.
I fhall conclude the State of Maryland with A further
a late Account Mr., Jones has given us of the o/^"1"
College erected at Williamftadt in Virginia, College
which was built for the Education of the Youth for the
of Maryland as well as thofe of Virginia. JJto"00
The royal Foundation of William and Mary Engb/h
College, erected with a Profpect of doing the ml Indians
greateft Good to the Colonies of Virginia and
Maryland, and feconded with the ample Be
nefactions of the Honourable Mr. Boyle, and
the Contributions of the Country, had many
Difficulties to ftruggle with in its Infancy :
And two Sides of the Quadrangle were no
fooner finifh'd but it was laid in Afhes by a
terrible Fire, that could not be extinguifh'd
till the whole Fabrick was confumed. And
tho' it was afterwards rebuilt , and much im-
prov'd, it has not anfwered the Expectations
that were conceiv'd of it ; for it was ftill (when
Mr. Jones wrote, being about twelve Years
fince) without a Scholarlhip, without a Statute,
and without a Chappel, and very few Books
in the Library.
The Indians upon Mr. Boyle's Foundation
have indeed a handfome Apartment for them
feives and their Mafter, built near the College j
which ufeful Contrivance ought to be carry'd
on to the utmoft Advantage, in the real
Vol, XXXI. X eduMUjen

ijR The Present State
Maryland. Education and Gonverfion of the Infidels j
for hitherto but little Good has been done
therein, tho' abundance of Money has been
laid out, and a great many Endeavours have
been ufed, and much Pains taken for that
Purpofe. The young Indians, procured from the
tributary or foreign Nations with much Dif
ficulty, were formerly boarded arid lodg*d in
the Town, where abundance of them ufed to
dfej either through Sicknefs, Change of Pro-
vifion and Way of Life \ or, as fome will
have it, often for Want of proper NecefTaries,
and due Care taken of them : Thofe of them
that have efcaped well, and been taught to
read and write, have, for the moft part, re-
tum'd to their Homes, fome with arid fome
without Baptifm, where they follow their own
favage Cuftoms and heathenifh Rites.
A few of them have lived as Servants a-
mong the Englifh\ or lditer'd and idled away
their Time in Lazinefs and Mifchief.
But 'tis great Pity that more Care is not
taken about them after they are difmifs'd from
School. They have admirable Capacities when their
Humours and Tempers are perfectly under-
ftood i and if well taught, they might ad
vance themfeives, and do great Good in the
Service of Religion j whereas now they are
rather taught to become worfe than better, by
Falling into the worft Practices of vile nominal
Chriftians, which they add to their own In
dian Manners and abfurd Cuftoms.
It is unneceflary to dwell longer on the
State of Maryland, having fo largely de-
fcribed that of Virginia, where the Climate
and Soil are the fame j the Government, •Manners,

«/ MARYLAND. 159
Manners, Religion and Cuftoms of the In- Maryland.
dians the fame ; and the European Inhabitants '
differing but little from thofe of Virginia in
their Laws and Cuftoms ; as the Reader will
obferve on comparing the abovefaid Abftracts
that have been given of the Laws of the re
fpective Countries. I proceed therefore now
to the Defcription of New-England.

X 2

THE

THE

PRESENT STATE

O F

NEW-ENGLAND.

New-
England

Name.

Situation.

CHAP. I.
Of the Name, Situation, Extent and Face
of the Country. Of its Seas, Bays,
Cafes, Lakes, Springs and Rivers, and
of the Tides, Winds, Air and Seafons.
N D E R the general Title of
NEW-ENGLAND are
comprehended the feveral Colo
nies or Governments of i. The
Maffachufets ; 2. New Hamp-
Jhire ; 3. GonntUicut ; and, 4.
Rhode Ifland, and Providence Plantation.
This Country received the Name of New)'
England from Prince Charles, afterwards King
Charles 1. and is fituated between 41 and4j
Degrees

The Present State, &c. 161
Degrees of North Latitude, and between 6y New-
and 73 Degrees of Weftern Longitude, being Engla"d^
bounded by Canada on the North-weft, by ' "v"~~^
Nova Scotia on the North-eaft, by the Allan-
tick Ocean on the Eaft and South, and by the
Province of New -York on the Weft ; and as Extent.
it ftretches along the faid Ocean from the
South-weft to the North-weft, is upwards of
three hundred Miles in Length, and from one
hundred to two hundred Miles in Breadth.
This like other uncultivated Countries was Faceofthe
one great Foreft, covered with excellent Tim- Country.
ber when the Englifh firft vifited thefe Shores :
The Land next the Sea being generally low,
and intermixed with a great many Swamps or
Moraffes, on which there grew Under-wood
and Bufhes ; but farther up in the Country the
Land rifes into Hills, and on the North-eaft is
rocky and mountainous.
The Atlantick Ocean wafhes the Shores on Sea.
the Eaft and South, and there are feveral good
Bays and Harbours on the Coaft, particularly Bays.
thofe formed by Plimouth, Rhode Ifland and
Providence Plantation on the South j Monu
ment Bay to the Eaftward of thefe in Barn-
ftable-County ; Wefl-Harbour, formed by the
bending of the Coaft at Cape Cod ; the Har
bour of Bofton, which will be particularly de-
fcribed in treating of that Capital j Cafco Bay
farther Northward, with feveral others of lets
Note, which will be found in the Map of the
Britijh Plantations $ feveral of thefe are capa
ble of receiving the largeft Fleets.
The moft remarkable Capes going from Capes.
South to North are, i. that of Cape Cod; 2.
Marble Head; 3. Cape Anne ; 4. Cape Ne-
tick ; 5. CapePorpus ; 6. Cape Elizabeth ;
and 7. Cape Small-point. The

1§Z The Present State
New- The Country is generally well water'd with
England, gpr^gg and Rivulets, and there are fome
$^£^ Lakes, but riot of that Magnitude as thofe
which lie North and Weft of this Country.
Rivers. The principal Rivers are, 1. thai of Connecli-
Conneaim cut, which riling North of New-England runs
almoft djrectly South, and having divided the
Province of Connecticut in two Parts, falls into
the Sea between the Towns of Saybroke and
Lime, almoft over-againft the Eaft-end of
Long Ifland -, this River is navigable with large
fbames. Veffels a great way. 2. The Thames, which
rifing in fome Lake North of the Maffachu-
fets, runs alfo directly South, falling into the
Sea below New London, and to the Eaftward
fatuxet. of the River Connecticut. 3. The River Pa-
tuxet, which rifing in the North-weft of the
Maffachufets Country, runs to the South-eaft
thro' Providence Plantation, falling into a Bay of
the Sea near the Town of Swanfey. 4. The
Merimack. great River Merimack, which rifing North of
New- England alfo runs to the Southward,
forming a Lake on the Weft of New Hamp-
Jhire, from whence continuing its Courfe South
to 43 Degrees of Latitude, then turns about to
the Eaft, falling into the Sea between Salisbury
and Newbury in the County of Effex. 5. The
Pi/cata- River Pifcataway, which runs from Weft to
""ay- Eaft, and falls into the Sea near the Town of
Portfmouth in Hampfhire ; the Mouth of which
is more like an Arm of the Sea than a River,
and is capable of receiving the largeft Ships.
Saco. 6. The River Saco, which rifing North of
New-England takes its Courfe to the South,
falling into the Sea between Cape Porpus and
Cape Elizabeth in the Province of Maine. 7.
Capo. The River Cafco, which runs parallel to the
River Saco, and falls into Cafco Bay. To the
Eaftward

of N E W'-E NGLAND. ilj
Eaftward of thefe are the Rivers Saghedock, New-
Kenebeck, Penobfcot, and many more conflder- EnSland-
able Streams, which rifing far to the North .^^
run almoft due South, falling into the Oce&h ¦&»«£«*."
to the Eaftward of Cafco Bay ; but this Part
of the Country being but flenderly inhabited
and little reforted fo, I rrieet with no further
Defcription of them. The Tides on thefe Tides.
Shores ebb and flow regularly, rifing ufually
nine or ten Foot in the Bay's and Mouths of
Rivers. Their Winds are variable as with us, Winds.
and very boiftefous in the Wihter Seafbn :
The North and North-weft Winds are' exceed
ing cold, blowing over a long Tract of frozen
Countries. Their Winters are much feverer, Seafons.
and fome Months longer than ours, tho' they
lie nine or ten Degrees nearer the Sun thari we
do } however, their Heaven is ufually bright
er, and the Weather more fettled than in Eng
land, both in Winter and Summer j arid the
Summer, tho' fhorter than in England, is a great
deal hotter whilft it lafts; however, the Climate
is efteemed as healthful and agreeable to Englifh
Conftitutions as any of our Plantations on the
Continent*

CHAP.

164

The Present State

New-
England

IndianKingdoms

The Maf
fachufets.. Neumkeaks

Narragan-
fets. Pocaffets.

Pejuots, WomfanO'
ass.

CHAP. II.
Of the Provinces and Sub-divifons of
this Country, generally known by the
Name of NEW- ENGLAND;
and of its chief Towns, and publick and
private Buildings. HEN the Englifh arrived here,
they found this Country inhabi
ted by upwards of twenty diffe
rent Nations or Tribes, com
manded by their refpective Chiefs,
the Territories of feveral of them not exceed
ing five and twenty or thirty Miles in Circum
ference. Of thefe the moft powerful were, 1.
The Maffachufets, whofe Country compre
hended the Counties of Suffolk and Middlefex,
and ftill a Part of the Maffachufets Colony.
2. The Neumkeaks, who inhabited that Part
of the Maffachufet County which now goes
by the Name of The County of Effex.
3. The Nattaganfets, whofe Habitations
were in the County of New London, Eaft of
the River Conneclicut.
4. The Pocaffets ; this People dwelt to the
Southward of the Maffachufets in the County
now called New Plimouth.
5. The Peauots, who inhabited another Part
of Conneclicut.
6. The Wompanoags, who inhabited the

Country now called New Briftol.

The

of NEW-ENGLAND. 16$
7. The Moratiggons, feated to the Weftward New-
of the Wompanoags. England.
8. The Patuxsts, feated upon the River ]£C°
which ftill bears that Name. ^„^.
9. The Maquas, who lived to the Weftward Patuxets.
of Conneclicut River.. Afa?«a*.
10. The Mmimoys, who inhabited Barnfla- Marimop.
ble County.
11. The Nicanticks, Mattachiefts and Na- Nicanticks.
maskets, fituated South-weft of Merrimack Ri
ver: And,
1 2. The Marchicans and Sequems, who were Marchi-
feated in New Hampfhire. cans and
The firft four Colonies eftablifhed by the Eng- S^T
lifh in this County were, 1. the Maffachufets ; Colonies
2. New Plymouth ; 3. Conneclicut ; and, 4. firft crec-
A^w Haven : Afterwards three more were add- ted-
ed, viz. 5. The Province of Maine ; 6. New
Hampfhire ; and, 7. iWwfe Ifland and Provi
dence Plantation.
Thefe feven Colonies have fince been redu- The pre-
ced to four, 1. The Provinces of the Maffa- fent Divi-
chufets, New Plymouth and Maine, are now£onsofthe
included in one Charter and fubject to the fame ountry*
Government. 2. New Hampfhire is at this
Day a feparate Government. 3, Connecticut
and New Haven are now included in one
Charter •, and, 4. Rhode Ifland and Providence
Plantation have a diftinct Charter, and are a
Colony independent of any of the former ; the
Occafion of which Alterations will appear in
the Chapter affigned to treat of the Hiftory of
this Country.
I proceed in the next Place to defcribe the
Situation and Boundaries of the prefent larger
Sub-divifions, and to enumerate the Counties
and chief Towns comprehended in each of thefe
Divifions.
Vol. XXXI. Y 1. The

166 The Present State
New- x. The Maffachufet Colony, which at this
England. j)av inclades the following grand Subdivisions ;
"^r" viz. i. That of Maffachufet Proper ; 2. New-
Maffachu- Plymouth; and, 3. That of Maine.
/^Colony. ^ Maffachufet Proper is bounded by New-
SufllL*' Hampfhire towards the North, by the Maffa
chufet Bay on the Eaft, by Plymouth and Con
necticut on the South, and by the Province of
New-York on the Weft, containing the Coun
ties of Suffolk, Middle fete and Effex, all of
them fituated on the Maffachufet~Ba.y, of which
Suffolk is the moft Southerly, comprehending
Chief the Towns of, 1. Bofton the Capital of the
Towns. Province. 2. Braintree. 3. Dedham. 4.
Dorchefler. 5. Hingham. 6. Hull. 7. Med-
field. 8. Mendon. 9. Milton. 10. i?o#-
horough. 11. Weymouth. 12. Woodftock,
13. Wrentham. 14. Brooklin ; and, 15,
.%te. Bofton, the Capital of New-England, accord
ing to Mr. Neale, is fituated in 42 Degrees
24 Minutes North Latitude, and 7 1 Degrees
of Weftern Longitude, making London the
firft Meridian. It ftands in a Peninfula about
four Miles in Circumference, at the Bottom of
a fine Bay of the Sea, at the Entrance whereof
are feveral Rocks w hich appear above Water,
and above a dozen fmall Iflands, fome of
which are inhabited. There is but one fafe
Channel to approach the Harbour, and that fo
narrow that three Ships can fcarce fail through a-
breaft •, but within the Harbour there is Room
enough for five huadred Sail to lie at Anchor.
The Entrance is defended by the Cattle of
Fort William, on which are one hundred Guns
mounted, twenty of Which lie on a Platform
level with the Water 5 fo that it is fcarce pof-
fible for an Enemy to pafs the Cattle : And to

of NEW-ENGLAND. 167
to prevent Surprife, they have a Guard placed New_
on one of the Rocks, about two Leagues dif- EnS,and-
tant, on which alfo there ftands a Light-houfe, '""nr~
from whence they make Signals to the Cattle
when any Ships come in fight. There is alfo
a Battery of great Guns at each End of the
Town which command the Harbour, to the
Fire whereof an Enemy would be expos'd if
he fhould be fo fortunate to pafs the Cattle.
At the Bottom of the Bay there is a Pier
near two thoufand Feet in Length, with Ware-
houfes for the Merchants on the North Side
of it ; and Ships of the greateft Burden may
come up clofe to the Pier and unload without
the Help of Boats.
The fame Writer adds, that the Town of
Bofton lies in the Form of a Crefcent about the
Harbour, the Country beyond rifing gradually,
and affording a moft delightful Profpect from
the Sea : That there are feveral Streets not
much inferiour to the beft in London, the chief
of which runs from the Pier up to their Town-
houfe or Guild-hall, a handfome Building,
where are Walks for the Merchants, as on the
Exchange ; and here alfo are the Council-
Chamber, the Houfe of Reprefentatives, and
their Courts of Juflice ; the Exchange being
furrounded with Bookfellers Shops, who have
Trade enough to employ five Printing -Preffes
here. There are ten Churches of all Denomi
nations, of which fix are Independants, the
moft prevailing Party in New- England : And
the Number of Souls in the Towns may be
about fourteen or fifteen thoufand. The Epifr
copal Church is handfomely built and adorn'd,
and the Congregation faid to be about a thou
fand in Number : Their Church- plate and
fome Pieces of Painting were given them by
Y z King^

The Present State
King William and Queen Mary, and their
Organ by Thomas Brattle, Efq; There is
alfo in this Church a magnificent Seat for the
Governor, who comes hither, I prefume, when
he happens to be of the Church of England.
Mr. Neal obferves further, that Bofton is
the moft flourifhingTown of Trade in Englifh-
America ; and that three or four hundred Sail
of Ships, Brigantines, and other Veffels, are
annually loaden here with Lumber, Beef, Pork,
Fifh, and other Provifions for Europe or the
American Iflands : That their Merchants and
Tradefmen are a polite People, many of them
having travelled into Europe, or converfed with
Foreigners of feveral Nations at home : That
their Houfes are as elegantly furnifh'd, and
their Tables as well ferv'd as thofe of the
Merchants and Tradefmen in London, all
manner of Provifions being as • plentiful as in
any Town in Old- England.
Mr. Dummeis Defcription of Bofton agrees
with Mr. Neal's as to the Fortifications, but
is fomething more particular ; for he fays there
is a Battery of great Guns at each End of the
Town, and about a League from it there is
a beautiful ftrong Cattle, by far the fineft
Piece of military Architecture in Britifh- Ame
rica : That it is a Quarry furrounded by a
cover'd Way, and joined with two Lines of
Communication to the main Battery, as alfo
a Line of Communication from the main Gate
to a Redoubt, to prevent an Enemy's Landing;
and the Battery is fituated fo near the Channel
as to hinder Ships coming up to the Town,
which muft all fail within Piftol-fhot of it :
That in time of Peace there is but one Com
pany on Duty in the Cattle, but in time of
War there are five hundred able-body'd Men,
exempted

of NEW-ENGLAND. 169
exempted from all other military Duty, to at- New-
tend the Service of the Cattle at an Hour's EnJf^\
Warning, when the Signal is given' from the V^NJ
Light-houfe of the Approach of an Enemy -.
That the Caftle thereupon makes a Signal to
the Town, and if five Ships or more appear
in time of War, the neighbouring Country is
alarm'd by firing a Beacon.
The County of Middlefex lies contiguous to Middlefex.
that of Suffolk on the North, and contains the
following Towns. 1. Cambridge. 2. Bille- Chief
rica. 3. Charles-Town. 4. Chelmsford. 5. Towns.
Concord. 6. Lexington. 7. Grotton. 8. Lan-
cafter. 9. Marlborough. 10. Maiden. 11.
Framingham. 12. Medford. 1$. Newton.
14. Oxford. 15. Reading. 16. Sherburn.
17. Stow. 18. Sudbury. 19. Eaft- Water-
ton. 20. Weft on. 21. Woburn; and, 22.
Worcefter. - The chief Town whereof is Cambridge, Camhnd^
commonly call'd Newton, fituated oh the
Northern Branch of Charles River, about feven
Miles from Bofton, in which are feveral well-
built Streets j but it is moft confiderable for
its Univerfity, confifting of three Colleges,
viz. Harvard-College, Stoughton-Hall, and
 Hall. There was alfo a College built
for the Education of Indians, but this is now
converted into a Printing- Houfe, the Educa
tion of the Indians in the learned Languages
being found impradticable ; there never were
above four or five educated there, and but one
that ever took a Degree. They have alfo a
Library here, but very defective in modern
Books ; which my Author is of opinion is the
Reafon that the Stile of the New-England
Divines is no better : they alfo ftill want En
dowments for the reading of publick Lectures in

170 The Present State
New- in the College by ProfefTors of the feveral Sci-
\^Jr?~J ences. The Univerfity is govern'd by a Pre
fident, five Fellows, and the Treafurer, who
have each of them a competent Revenue fettled
on them ; and there may be an hundred and
fifty Students refident in all the Colleges : Their
Vifitors or Overfeers are the Governor, and
Deputy-Governor, with the Magiftrates of the
Province, and the Minifters (for the time be
ing) of fix adjacent Towns.
iffex. Effex is the moft Northerly County of Maf-
Chief fachufet Proper, and contains the Towns of,
Towns. 1. Salem. 2. Amesbury. 3. Salisbury. 4.
Salim. Haverhill. 5. Newbury. 6. Boxford. J.
Rowley. 8. Ipfwich. 9. Topsfield. 10. Brad
ford. 11. Gloucefter. 12. Manchefter. 13.
Beverley. 14. Marble-head. 15. Lyn. 16.
Wenham ; and, 1 7. Andover, of which Sa
lem is the chief, or County-Town, being fitu
ate in a Plain between two Rivers Mouths,
and has two Harbours, the one call'd The
Summer and the other Winter Harbour v They
boaft mightily of their Church, which they
allure us is one of the fineft in New-England ;
They value themfeives alfo on their Antiquity •,
for here it was, they relate, that the Maffa
chufet Adventurers fix'd their firft Colony.
A little to the Northward of Salem lies the
Promontory call'd Cape Anne, efteem'd a good
Station for Fifhing ; and a little -further North-
Newhury. ward lies Newbury, pleafantly fituated at the
Mouth of Merimack River, where they take
abundance of Sturgeon and pickle them after
the fame Manner as they do in the Baltick.
On the oppofite Side of Merimack River lies
Salisbury, the Town of Salisbury ; and between thefe
Towns there is a conftant Ferry half a Mile
over,
The

of NEW-ENGLAND. 171
The fecond grand Divifion of the Maffa- New"
chufet Government is the Province of Maine, ^f^^j
which is bounded on the North-eaft by Nova- The Pro-
Scotia ; by the Bay of Maffachufet on thevinceof
South - eaft, and by the Province of New- Ma'Ke-
Hampfoire on the South -weft and North- weft,
in which are the two Counties of Tork and
Cornwal, tho', according to fome, the whole
Province of Maine is but one County : The
chief Towns are, 1. Falmouth. 2. Saco, or Chief
Scarborough. 3. Wells. 4. Hedeck, or New- Towns.
caftle. 5. Edgar Town. 6. Tork. 7. Ket-
terg. 8. Berwick ; and, 9. Biddeford. Seve
ral Fortifications were erected on the North- Fonifica-
eaft Part of this Province in the late Wars, to u°ns-
defend the Country againft the French and In
dians of Nova-Scotia ; particularly at Saco,
Kennebeck, Saghadock and Pemaquid, the laft
of which was taken by the French and demo-
lifhed : And fince Nova- Scotia has been yielded
to Great- Britain by France, it is to be pre-
fumed the reft are of no great Ufe, our Fron
tiers on that fide being extended much further
by that Ceffion.
The third and laft grand Divifion of the Plymouth
Maffachufet Government is that of Plymouth, Divifion.
Which lies South of Maffachufet Proper, and con
tains the three Counties of Plymouth, Barnftable, Counties.
and Briftol.
Of thefe three Counties, that of Plymouth Plymouth
lies moft Northerly ; in which are the Towns County.
of, 1. New-Plymouth. 2. Bridgewater. 3. £,hief
Duxbury. 4. Marfhfield. 5. Scituate. 6.
Middleburgh. 7. Pembroke $ and, 8. Plymp-
ton. And of thefe New-Plymouth die chief
is fituated on the South-fide of a large Bay,
called Plymouth Bay, and is the oldeft Town
in New-England. The

172 The Present State
New- The County of Barnftable lies contiguous to
England. p}ymmtz, on tne South-eaft, in which is the
^BaTnftMe celebrated Promontory of Cape Cod, forming
County, a large commodious Bay, capable of contain
ing a thoufand Sail of Ship. In this County
Chief the chief Towns are, 1. Barnftable, fituate at
Towns, the bottom of the firft Bay. 2. Eaftham. 3. •
Manimoy. 4. Truro. 5. Rochefter.. 6. Sand
wich. 7. Yarmouth. 8. Harwich ; arid, 9.
Nantucket- Nantucket, fituate in an Iflarid of the fame
Ifland. Name, that lies South-eaft of the Main-land,
near which is one of the moft confiderable
Filheries in New-England, and the Town flou-
rifhes in Proportion, there being three or four
fcore Sail of Ships and Veffels belonging' to
that Port, as I am informed.
Briftol The County of Briftol lies South-weft of
County. Plymouth, and contains the Towns of, 1.
Towns. Briftol. 2. Swanfey. 3. Roh'oboth. 4. Nor
ton. 5. Dartmouth. 6. Taunton. 7. Digh-
ton. 8. Little-Compton. 9. Artie borough. 10.
Freetoun ; of which Briftol the chief is fituated
on a commodious Harbour, at the Entrance
whereof lies Rhode-Ifland.
The Pro- The Province of New-Hampfhire, now a
vince of diflinct Government, is bounded by * Nova-
HamtMre $cotia on tne North-eaft j by the Province of
" 'Maine on the South-eaft ; by the Maffachufet
Colony on tne South-weft •, and by Canada
Chief on*the North- Weft ; the chief Towns where-
Towns, 0f bx&Dvver, Portfmoutb, Exeter, and Hamp
ton, all which lie near the Mouth of the River
Pifcataway ; and indeed I meet with fcarce any
Towns iff the tn-land Country, which flill re
mains i great Foreft, covered with excellent
t.- . , . . :
* N. B. I call all that Coaa/r/Nova-Scctia which lies
North -eaft of New- England".
• ' Timber,

tf NEW-ENGLAND. 173
Timber, Jarge Portions whereof are fet apart New^
and appropriated by Act of Parliament to the Eng'and-
furnifhing Malts, &c. for the Royal-Navy, of V~~V~~J
England, but the Soil does not feem proper
either for Corn or Grafs.
The Province bordering upon Canada, or
New-France, fuffered much by the Ravages
of the French and Indians in the two laft Wars,
which occafioned the building feveral Forts and
Redoubts on the Frontiers for their Security.
The third Colony or Government, efteemed Connematl
alfo a Part of New-England, is that of Con- Colony.
netlicat, which comprehends New- Haven, and
is bounded by the Maffachufet Colony on the
North ; by another Part of the Maffachufet
and Rhode-lfland on the Eaft ; by an Arm of
the Sea, which divides Conneclicut from Long-
Iftand on the South ; and by New-York on the
Weft, being about one hundred Miles in
Length, and eighty in Breadth, and contains
the following Counties, viz. 1. New-London. Counties.
2. Hertford.' 3. New- Haven County ; and,
4. Fairfield County.
New-London County is fituated on both fides New-Ion-
of the River Conneclicut, and contains the fol- dm Coun-
lowing Towns, viz. 1. New-London, fituate^' ,
on the Weft- bank of the Thames not far from Towns,
its Mouth. 2. Saybrook, the oldeft Town in
the County, fituate at the Mouth of the River
Connecticut on the Weft-fide, as 3. Lyme is
on the Eaft-fide. 4. Stoniton. 5. Psefton.
6. Dantfick. 7. Norwich. 8. Lebanon; and,
9. Killingworth.
Hertford County, contiguous to that of Lon- Hertford
don County on the North, lies alfo on both County.
fides the River Conneclicut, containing the fol
lowing Towns, viz. 1. Hertford. 2. Farm- Ch'ef
ington. %.Glaffonbury. 4. Hadham. 5. Mid- T°wns.
Vol. XXXI. Z dletown.

New-Ha-
iien Coun-
ty. Chief Towns.
New -Ha
ven, Lati
tude 41
and an
half.

Fairfield .
County.

Chief
Towns.

Rhode-IflandColony.

Providence

The1 Present State
diet own. 6t Simsbitrg. 7. Waterbury. 8.
Weathersfield. 9. Windfor. 10. Farm; and,
i 1. Windham; of which Hertford is the chief
or County Town, and Capital of the whole
Province, having a little Univerfity or College
in it, as I am informed, where young Gentle
men receive Academical Education.
New-Haven County is bounded by that of
Hertford on the North ; by London County on
the Eaft ; the Sea on the South ; and Fairfield
County on the Weft ; in which are the Towns
of, if New- Haven, the chief, faid to be a
very flourifhing Place, and to have a College
iri it, called Yale-College, where young Gentle
men have Univerfity Education. To which
is added a Library well furnifhed with Books,
procured chiefly by the Application and Intereft
of Jeremy Dimmer, Efq; once Agent for this
Colony. 2. Brainferd. 3. Derby. 4. Guild
ford. 5. Milfdrd ; and, 6. Walling ford.
Fairfield County alfo lies upon the Seaj be
tween the County of New-Haven on the Eaft,
and the Province of New-York on the Weft ;
in Which are the chief Towns of, 1. Fairfield.
•i.D anbury. 3. Greenwich. 4. Nerwalk. 5.
Rye.. 6. Stamford. 7. Stratford; and, 8.
Woodbury. 4. The laft Colony comprehended in New-
England is that of Rhode-Ifland and Provi
dence Plantation eftablifhed by another Char
ted Rhode-Ifland, called by the Natives Aquet-
net, lies in the Narraganfe't Bay, between Ply
mouth Colony and Providence Plantation,
being about fifteen Miles in Length, and fix
in Breadth; to which belong feveral fmaller
, Iflands : Arid Providence Plantation, which is
included in the fame*Charter, being a Diftrict
about twenty Miles fquare> on the neigh
bouring

of NEW-ENGLAND.
bounng Continent, and feparated from Connec
ticut on the Weft by an imaginary Line drawn
from North to South, and from the Muffit-
chufets by another Line drawn from Eaft to
Weft. The chief Towns are, i. Newport, fituated Chief
on the SouthrWeft Part of Rhode-Ifland, in 41 Town.*.
Degrees odd Minutes North Latitude, having Newport,
a very fecure and commodious Harbour de
fended by a regular Fort -at the Entrance, on
Which . are planted three . hundf ed Pieces of
large Cannon. It appears to have a brifk
Trade, for there are no lefs than fixty Ships
and Veffels belonging to this Town.
There are two other large Port Towns
fituated on the Continent, near the Mouth of
the River Patuxent in Providence Plantation,
one of them called; Providence, and the other
Warwick ; but of thefe I rneet with no parti
cular Defcription.
Several other Iflands lie near the South-eaft Block- Ip.
Coaft of New- England, of which Block- Ifland
belongs to Conneclicut Colony ; . and Eliza- Elizabeth-
heth-ffland, Martha's Vineyard, and Nantuc- 1P-
ket already .mentioned belong to the Maffa- y*rt&a'j
chufet- Government, and are very confiderable xeja'
on Account of' the Fifhery carried on in thofe
Seas.; As to the Buildings of the Indians of New- Buildings,
England,, they are not different from thofe publick
of Virginia and Maryland already defcribed ; *°j prl"
and the Englifh follow the' Models of their
Mother Country, as near as they can, except
in their Churches, which come nearer 'the
Form of the London Meeting-Houfes than of
! our Churches. The few;;Churches indeed* that
have been erected, by the \ Members of the
Church of England refemble thofe in Old
Z 2 England,

The Present State
England, and are generally built of Wood, but
fome few of Brick. The only publick Build
ings they have befides, are the Town-Houfe
and Guild-hall in every Province and County-
Town, where the refpective General Affernblies
and Courts of Juftice are held-, and fome Col
leges and Schools that have been erected in
their great Towns for the Education of Youth,
which, I prefume, have "nothing extraordinary
in the Fabrick, by. the Silence of their Hifta»
riansjn the Defcription of them.

CHAP.

of NEW-ENGLAND.

r77

C H A P. III.
Of the, Perfons and Habits of /^New-
England Indians ; their. Genius and Tem
per, Arts, ManufacJunes^ Food, Ex
ercifes and Diverfions. H E New-England Indians are New-
of a good Stature, arid might England.
have good Complexions, if^Hf
they did not affect an Olive- t)ie hdi-
Colour* arid take a great deal ans.
of Pains with certain Oils and
.Juices to make "their Skins
darker than they naturally are.. Their Features
are well enottgh, except their Notes, which
their Parents prefs flat in their Infancy, if they
are not born fo : Their Hair is black, and
ufually cut fhort before, but fuffered to grow
Jong behind, fometimes braided and dreffed up
fantaftically with Feathers. {The Hair of their
Beards and Bodies they pull up by the Roots
as foon as they appear, and fome of them, 'tis.
faid, never have any Beards ; They frequently
paint their Faces and Shoulders with a deep
Red,, and on other Parts of their Bodies make
a Variety of frightful Figures, endeavouring to
render rhe'mfelves as terrible as poffible.
They generally go naked in the Summer, Habits.
covering their Loins only with a Piece of Skin ;
but in the Winter, and Days of Ceremony,
they have a Mantle or fhort Cloak, made of
the

^'Present State
the Skin of a Deer, or of fome other Animal :
, And of the like Materials they make Breeches,
Stockings, and Shoes, all of a piece frequently.
In hard Weather they alfo put on their Snow- .
Shoes, which are very long and broad, and
tied on their Feet with Thon.gs.of green Lea
ther.
Oma- The Women paint as well as the Men, and
mems. tne;r Mantles are much of the fame Form.
, Their Ornament6 are Earings of Copper, Neck
laces and Bracelets, made of Beads and Shells,
or other glittering Toys.
The Natives are generally reckon'd to have
quick Parts, tho' >they hid made bat little
Arts and Improvement in Arts and Sciences when the
Sciences. Engliftj came amongft them. Their Buildings
and Cloathing were very mean, nor was there
anything that could be called < a Manufacture
in the Country, much lets were they ikill'd ip
the liberal Arts, having no Notion of Letters,
and feem but little difpofed to Literature at
this Day ; for the Englifh here, and in the reft
of our Colonies, tell us, they defpair of making
Scholars of them, tho' no means have been
left unattempted to give them a learned Educa
tion. IS: 31a;
Genius Courage or a Contempt of Death is what
and Tem- they moft admire in others, rand affect to be
Fr- , thought , poffefs'd of themfeives. And there
appears to have been fome brave Men amongft
them, but they are generally timorous, revenge
ful, and thievifh. They feldom have die
Courage to face an Enemy in the open, Fitfld,
moft of the great Actions they boaft of beipg
done in the dark, or by Surprife, ; and a Wood-
Fight, where they can tkylk behind the Trees
and Bufhes, is their Mafter-pie.ce. As they
are very nimble and excellent Markfmen, they
have

of NEW-ENGLAND. ij9
have fometimes been too hard for the Europeans New-
in fuch Encounters. F^H^
In War, in Hunting^ Fifhing, and Other ^v^
rural Sparts, they are acknowledg'd to be in
defatigable. They will make prodigious long
and fwift Marches, lie in the Woods Night
after Night, endure Cold and Heat, Hunger
and Thirft to Admiration j and yet, when they
are not engaged in fuch Expeditions, they are
obferved to be the moft idle, flothful Wretches
upon the Face of the Earth, putting their Wo
men upon all manrier of Drudgery both with*
out Doors and within ; for the Women plant
their Corn, Roots, and FruitSj and afterwards
reap and gather them. They alfo prepare and
drefs their Food, lug about their Children,
and do all manner of Houfhold Bufinefs, and
even carry the Provifions and Baggage upon
every March and Removal, the Men carrying
nothing but their Arms ; and 'tis obferv'd they
feldom go out a hunting or fifhing, till Neceffity
forces them, and then they ufually fet cut fifty or
a hundred in a Company, dividing the Country
amongft them, fo as the Game may not efcape,
which ever Way it takes, and continue their
Sport feveral Weeks : Sometimes they beat the
Woods and Thickets, at others they take their
Canoes or Boats, and go -down, their Rivers,
and are fo dextrous at fhooting and ftriking
their Game in the Water, as well as Land,
that they feldom fail of doing Execution.
Their Food, and the manner of dreffirig it, Food.
differs fo little from that of the Indians already
defcribed, that it is unneceffary to enlarge on
thofe Articles any more than on their dome-
ftick Diverfions and Exercifes, which confift Exercifes.
chiefly in Singing, Dancing, and Hollowing, in

180 The Present State
New- in diftorting their Limbs, and the moft extra-*
^"jj-l^j vagant Geftures they can invent.
Lovers ot The Europeans have taught them another
ftrong Li- mifchievous Recreation, viz. The Drinking
quors. ftrong Liquors, of which they are fo fond,
that they would fell their Lands, and every
thing they had, to procure them fome, till the
Government, in Companion to the Natives,
prohibited their Drinking ftrong Liquors, and
forbid the Englifh to purchafe their Lands with
out the Leave of their Superiors; however,
thefe Regulations are little obferved, and thofe
.Indians, that live among the Englifh, are foil
Slothful a wretched, fottith, and beggarly People, that
and poor. wiu apply themfeives to no manner of Bufinefs,
dreading Labour more than Poverty itfelf.

CHAP.

of N E W-E:N GLAND.

iSr

CHAP. IV.
Of their Animals and Vegetables.
HEIR Quadrupedes are al moft Ne w-
the fame here as in Virginia, England.
w'z.Deer, Elks; Racoons, Bears, )fffffffff
Wolves, Foxes, Hares,- Rab- pedes.
bets, Squirrels, -Beavers, Mar
tins, Opoflbms,- and little Cur-
Dogs. They have now, alfo all manner of
European Cattle, viz. Horfes, Oxen, Sheep^
and Hogs, none of which they ever law, till
the Englifh carried them over ; and tho' the
Horfes are not fo large as thofe we have here, yet
they are very ferviceable both for the Saddle and
Draught, and make the beft Troopers Horfes
in America. But the moft celebrated' Animal,
which is almoft peculiar .'t6 New- England, is
the Moofe-Deer; of, which Mr. Dudley,; now
of the Council in: New-England,' and a Mem
ber of the 'Royal Society, has given us the fol
lowing Account. ,; "
The Moofe is thought peculiar to North- The
America, and is one of the nobleft Creatures Moofe'-
of the Foreft; The Aborigines have given him
the Name of Moofe, Moofuck in the Plu
ral. There are two forts ; the common light and
grey Moofe, by the Indians called Wampoofe ;
thefe are more like the ordinary Deer, fpring like
them, and herd fometimes to thirty in a Com
pany : And then there are the1 large and black
Vol, XXXI. A a Moofe,

182 The Present State
New- Moofe, of which I fhall now give you the
^"S1^- following Account.
u- " He is the Head of the Deer-kind, has many
Things in common with other Deer, in many
Things differs ; but in all very fuperior. The
Moofe is made much like a Deer, parts the
Hoof, chews the Cud, has no Gall, his Ears
large and erect. The Hair of the black Moofe
is a dark grey ; upon the Ridge of his Back
the Hair is ten and twelve Inches long, of
which the Indians make good Belts. He has
a very fhort bob Tail. Mr. Neal, in his late
Hiftory of this Country, fpeaking of the Moofe,
fays, They have a long Tail ; but that Gentle
man was impofed on as to other Things befides
the Moofe.
Our Hunters have found a Buck or Stag-
Moofe of fourteen Spans in Height from the
Withers, reckoning nine Inches to a Span j
a Quarter of his Venifon weighed more than
two hundred Pounds. A few Years fince, a
Gentleman furprifed one of thefe black Moofe
in his Grounds, within two Miles of Bofton ;
it proved a Doe or Hind of the fourth Year.
After the was dead, they meafured her upon
the Ground from the Nofe to the Tail between
ten and eleven Feet. She wanted an Inch of
feven Foot in Height.
The Horns of the Moofe, when full grown,
are about four and five Feet from the Head
to the Tip, and have Shoots and Branches to
each Horn, and generally fpread about fix Feet.
When the Horns come out of the Head, they
are round, like the Horns of an Ox. About
a Foot from the Head they begin to grow a
Palm broad, and further up ftill wider, of
which the Indians make good Ladles that will
hold a Pint. When a Moofe goes through a
Thicket,

j/NE W-E N G L A N D. 183
Thicket, or under the Boughs of Trees, he New-
lays his Horns back on his Neck, not only England.
that he may make his Way the eafier, but to '
cover his Body from the Bruife or Scratch of
the W°od. Thefe mighty Horns are fhed
every Year. The Doe- Moofe has none of
thefe Horns.
A Moofe does not fpring or rife in going,
as an ordinary Deer, but fhoves along fide-
ways, throwing out the Feet much like a Horfe
in a racking Pace. One of thefe large black
Moofe, in his common Walk, has been feen
to ftep over a Gate or Fence five Feet high.
After you unharbour a Moofe, he will run a
Courfe of twenty or thirty Miles before he
turns about or comes to a Bay. When they
are chafed, they generally take to the Water,
the common Deer for a fhort Space are fwifter
than a Moofe, but then a Moofe foon out-winds
a Deer, The Meat of a Moofe is excellent Food ;
and tho' it be not fo delicate as the common
Venifon, yet it is more fubftantial, and will
bear faking. The Nofe is looked upon as a
great Dainty. I have eat feveral of them my-
felf ; they are perfect Marrow. The Indians
have told me, that they can travel as far aftei
a Meal of Moofe, as after any other Flefh in
the Forreft.
The black Moofe is not very gregarious,
being rarely found above four or five together ;
the young Ones keep with the Dam a full Year.
A Moofe calves' every Year, and generally
brings two. The Moofe bring forth their
young Ones ftanding, and the Young fall from
the Dam upon their Feet. The Time of their
bringing forth is generally in the Month of
April. A a 2 The

The Present State
The Moofe being very tall, and having
fhort Necks, do not graze on the Ground as
the common Deer, Neat Cattle, &c . do ; and
if at any time they eat Grafs, it is the Top of
that which grows very high, or on fteep rifing
Ground. In the Summer they feed upon Plants,
Herbs? and young Shrubs, that grow upon the
Land ; but moftly, and with greateft Delight,
on Water-Plants, efpecially a fort of wild Colts-
Foot and Lilly that abound in our Ponds, and
by the Sides of the Rivers, and for which the
Moofe will wade far and deep, and by the
Noife they make in the Water our Hunters often
difcover them. In the Winter they Jive upon
Browze, or the Tops of Bullies and young
Trees ; and being very tall and ftrong they
will bend down a Tree as big as a Man's Leg ;
and where the Browze fails them they wilt
eat off the Bark of fome fort of Trees as high
as they can reach. They generally feed in the
Night, and lie ftill in the Day.
The Skin of the Moofe, when well drefs'd,
makes excellent Buffs the Indians make their
Snow-Shoes of them. Their way of Dreffing
it, which is reckon'd very good, is thus : After
they have hair'd and grain'd the Hide, they
make a Lather of the Moofe's Brains in warm
Water, and after they have foak'd the Hide
for fome time, they ftretch and fupple it.
Their Fowls, Birds, Snakes, and Infects are
much the fame here as in Virginia, whither
therefore I refer the Reader: And they have
the fame Fifh in their Seas and Rivers ; only
I muft obferve, that the Cod-Fifhery and
Whale-Fifhery of New-England are far fupe-
rior to any Filheries on the Coaft of North-
America, and yield a vaft Profit to this Coun
try, I am inform'd alfo that, the Year before laft,

pf NEW-ENGLAND. 1&5
laft, the New-England Men fent twenty Sail New-
of Ships to fifh for Whales in Greenland and E^^J
Davis's Streights, Where they met with great *"
Succels, but were not fo fortunate the laft Year.
And here it may be acceptable to the Reader
to introduce Mr. Dudley's Defcription of their
Whales, and the Whale-Fifhery on the Coaft
.of New- England.
This Gentleman obferves, that the moft Ambergris
learned Part of Mankind were at a lofs about
many things even in Medical Ufe, and par
ticularly in what is call'd Ambergris, until
the Whale Fifhermen of Nantucket in New-
England, fome three or four Years ago, made
the Difcovery.
Cutting up a S per ma Cell Bull Whale, they The Sper,
found accidentally in him about twenty Pound ^f,C/"
Weight, more or lefs, of that Drug : After
which they and fome other Fifhermen became
very curious in fearching all fuch Whales as
they kill'd ; and it has fince been found in
leffer Quantities in feveral Male Whales of that
kind and in no other, and fcarcely in one of
an hundred of them. They add further, that
jt is contain?d in a Cyft or Bag, without any
In- let or Out-let to it, and that they have
fometimes found the Bag empty and yet entire.
The Bag is no where to be found but near
the Genital Parts of the Fifh. The Ambergris
is, when firft taken out, moid and of an ex
ceeding ftrong and offenfive Smell.
The following Account refpects only fuch
Whales as are found on the Coaft of New-Eng
land, ¦and of thefe there are divers forts.
The right or Whalebone Whale is a large The
Fifh rneafuring fixty or feventy Feet in Length, |Whale"
and very bulky, having no Scales, but a foft whale.
fine fmooth Skin ; no Fins but only one on
each

1S6 The Present State
New- each Side, from five to eight Foot long, which
f"|!*U|[" they are not obferv'd to ufe but only in turning
^"^ themfeives, unlets while young and carry'd by
the Dam on the Flukes of their Tails, when
with thofe Fins they clafp about her Small,
andfo hold themfeives on. This Fifh, when firft
brought forth, is about twenty Foot long, and
of little Worth, but then the Dam is very fat.
At a Year old, when they are call'd Short-
Heads, they are very fat, and yield to fifty
Barrels of Oil ; but by that time the Dam is
very poor and termed a dry Skin, and will not
yield more than thirty Barrels of Oil, tho' of
large Bulk. At two Years old they are call'd
Stunts, being ftunted after Weaning, and will
then yield generally from twenty-four to twenty-
- eight Barrels. After this they are termed ScuJI-
Fifh, their Age not being known, but only
gueffed at by the Length of their Bones in their
Mouths. The Whalebone fo called grows in
the upper Jaw on each fide, and is fometimes
fix or feven Feet in Length. A good large
Whale has yielded a thoufand Weight in Bone.
'Tis thought by fome that the hairy Part of the
Whalebone, and which is next to the Tongue,
ferves in the nature of a Strainer of their Food.
The Eye of a Whale is about the Bignefs
of an Ox's Eye, and fituated in the After-part
of the Head on each Side, and where the
Whale is broadeft ; for his Head tapers away
forward from his Eyes, and his Body tapers
away backward : His Eyes are more than
half way his Depth, or neareft his Under-part.
Juft under his Eyes are his two Fins above-
mention'd ; he carries his Tail horizontally,
and with that he fculls himfelf along.
The Intrails of this Whale are made and
fituated much like thofe of an Ox, and their
Scalps

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 187
Scalps are fometimes found cover'd with thou- New-
fands of Sea Lice. One of thefe Whales has Jjgjj!^
yielded one hundred and thirty Barrels of Oil, ^/»>J
and near twenty out of the Tongue. The
Whalebone-Whale is the moft valuable, ex
cept the Sperma Ceti Whale.
The Scrag- Whale is near a-kin to the Fin- The Scrag
back ; but inftead of, a Fin upon his Back, the Whale.
Ridge of the After-part of his Back is fcrag-
ged, with half a dozen Knobs: He is neareft
the right Whale in Figure and for Quantity of
Oil : His Bone is white, but will not fplit.
The Fin-back Whale is diftinguifh'd from The Fin-
the right Whale by having a great Fin on his back.
Back from two Foot and a half to four Foot
long, which gives him the Name. He has
alfo two fide Fins, as the Whalebone- Whale,
but much longer, meafuring fix or feven Feet.
This Fifh is fomewhat longer than the other
but not fo bulky, much fwifter, and very furi
ous when ftruck, and very difficultly held ;
their Oil is not rear fo much as that of the
right Whale, and the Bone of little Profit, be
ing fhort and knobby. The Belly of this
Whale is white.
, The Bunch, or Hump-back Whale, is dif- TheBunch
tinguifh'd from the right Whale by having a Whale.
Bunch Handing in the Place where the Fin
does in the Fin-back. This Bunch is as big
as a Man's Head, and a Foot high, fhaped
like a Plug pointing backwards. The Bone
of this Whale is not worth much, tho' fome
what better than the Fin-back's. His Fins are
fometimes eighteen Foot long and very white ;
his Oil as much as that of the Fin-back, Both
the Fin-backs and Hump-backs' are fhaped in
Reeves longitudinal, from Head to Tail on
their Bellies and their Sides, as far as their
Fins,

iS8 The* Present State
New- Fins, which are about half way up their Sides.-
J^"^ The Sper ma Ceti Whale is much of
"~vr~ the fame Dimenfion with the other, but is
The sper- of a grey ith Colour, whereas the others are
^ff' black. He has a Bunch on his Back like the
further Hump-back, but then he is diftinguith'd by
defcrib'd. not having any Whalebone in the Mouth, in
ftead of which there are Rows of fine Ivory
Teeth in each Jaw, about five or fix Inches
long. One of thefe Teeth I have fent the
Society ; the Man who gave it me fays thai
Whale was forty-nine Foot long, and his Head
made twelve Barrels of Sperma Ceti Oil. They
are a more gentle Fifh than the other Whales/
and feldom fight with their Tails, but when
ftruck ufually turn upon their Backs and fight
with their Mouths. The Oil which is made
of the Body of this Fifh is much clearer and
fweeter than that of the other Whales.
The Sperma Ceti Oil fo called lies in a
great Trunk, about four or five Foot deep,
and ten or twelve Foot long, near the whole
Depth, Breadth, and Length of the Head,
in the Place of the Brains, and feems to be the
fame, and difpofed in feveral membranous
Cells, and cover'd not with a Bone but a
thick grifly Subftance below, the Skin, through
which they dig a Hole and lade out the clear/
Oil ; not but that the Head and other glandu-
lous Parts of this Fifh will make the Sperma
Ceti Oil, but the beft, and that which is pre-
par'd by Nature, is in the Trunk aforefaid;
And an ingenious Man, who has himfelf kill'd
many of thefe Whales, afiures me, that only
the Trunk will afford from ten to twenty Bar
rels. Befides the Sperma Ceti Oil, this Fifh
will yield from twenty to fifty Barrels of com-<
mon Oil. They

6/ NE W-E N G L A N D. 189
They generate much like our neat Cattle, New-
arid therefore they are term'd Bull, Cow, and England.
Calf: They bring forth but one at a time, and v""~v">
but every Other Year; When the Cow takes How they
Bull, the thrbws herfelfupdn her Back, fink- engendcr-
ing her Tail, and fo the Bull Aides up, and
when he is Aid up the clafps him with her Fins.
A Whale's Pizzel is fix Foot long, and at
the Root is feven or eight Inches diameter,
and tapers aWay till it comes to about an Inch
diameter 3 his Stones would fill half a Barrel,
but his Genitals are not open cr vifible, like
thofe of the true Bull. The Calf, Or yoUng
Whale, has been found perfectly form'd in
the Cow when not above feventeen Inches
long, and white, and yet Wheri brought forth
is ufually twenty Foot, but of a black Colour ;
it is fuppofed they go with their Young about
nine or ten Months, and are very fat in that
time; efpecially when they bring forth. Wheri
the Female fuckles her Young the turns herfelf
almoft upon her Back upon the Rim of the
Water. She has two Teats of fix or eight
Inches long, and ten or twelve Inches round.
The Milk is white, like that of a Cow ; and
upon opening a young fucking Whale the
Milk was found curdled in his Bag, juft like
that of a Calf.
Their Care of their Young is very remarka- Their
ble, they not only carrying them on their ^are of
Tails and fuckling them, but often rifing with y^rna.
them for the Benefit of the Air ; and however
they are chas'd and Wounded, yet as lorig as
they have Senfe, and perceive Life in their
Young, they will never leave them, nor will
they then ftrike with their Tail ; and if in their
Running the young one lofes his Hold and
drops off, the Dam turns about, and pafiing
Vol XXXI. B b under-

The Present State
underneath takes it on again ; and therefore
Care is taken by thofe who kill thefe Fifh,
only to fatten the Calf but not to kill her, till
they have firft fecured the Cow ; for as foon
as ever the Calf is dead the Cow perceives it,
and grows fo violent that there is no manag
ing her.
The Whales are very gregarious, being
fometimes found a hundred in a Scull, and are
great Travellers : In the Fall of the Year the
Whalebone Whales go Weftward, and in the
Spring they are headed Eaftward : But here
it muft be noted, that the feveral kinds of
Whales do not mix with one another, but keep
by themfeives.
Their way of Breathing is by two Spout-
holes in the top of the Head : The Sperma Ceti
Whale has but one, and that on the left Side of
the Head. Once in a quarter of arj, Hour,
when not difturbed, they are obferv'd to rife
and blow, fpouting out Water and Wind, and
to draw in frefh Air ; but when purfu'd they
will fometimes keep under half an Hour or
more, tho' it is obfervd, when any Cow has
her Calf on her Tail the rifes much oftner for
the young one, to breathe, without breathing
herfelf. Out of their Breathing-holes they
fpout great Quantities of Blood when they
have receiv'd their Death's Wound.
For the firft Year they all fuck the Dam :
After they are weaned the right Whales (as is
generally fuppofed) live upon- ouzy Matter,
which they fuck up from the Bottom of the
Sea. The Triers that open them when dead
acquaint me that they never obferv'd any Grafs,
Fifh, or any other fort of Food in the right
or Whalebone Whale, but only a greyifh toft
Clay, which the People call Bole Armoniac ;
and

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 191
and yet an experienc'd Whale-man tells me, New-
that he has feen this Whale in ftill Weather ^J^
fkimming on the Surface of the Water, to take ^ '~v
in a fort of reddifh Spawn or Brett, as fome
call it, that at fometimes will lie upon the top
of the Water for a Mile together. Here alfo
it may be obferv'd, that tho' the Body of this
Whale is fo very bulky, and fo exceeding fat,
yet when cut open is feldom found to have
much more Draught than that of an Ox, and
they dung much as neat Cattle do. Their
Swallow is not much bigger than an Ox's, but
the Fin-back Whale has a larger Swallow, for
he lives' upon the fmaller Fifh, as Mackarel,
Herrings, &c. great Sculls of which they run
through and with a fhort turn caufe an Eddy or
Whirlpool, by the Force of which the fmall
Fifh are brought into a Clutter, fo that this
Fifh with openMouth will take in fome hundreds
of them at a time. The Sperma Ceti Whale,
betides other Fifh, feeds much upon a fmall
Fifh that has a Bill, our Fifhermen call them
Squid-fifh : The fmall Pieces of thefe Squid -
bills are plainly to be difcerri'd in theAmbergris,
and may be pirk'd out of it ; they appear
glazy, and like little Pieces of broken Shells.
Mr, Harris, in his Bibliotheca Navigantium,
&c. has given us a very particular Account of
the Method of taking Whales at Greenland, and
tho' our Way in New-England differs very The Way-
much from that, yet I fhall wave it as not fo of taking
ftrictly appertaining to Philofophy \ only I ]^hal" m
would take notice of the Boats our Whale-men /a^>_ "s~
ufe in going from the Shore after the Whale :
They , are made of Cedar Clapboards, and fo
very light that two Men can conveniently carry
them, and yet they are twenty Foot long, and
carry fix Men, viz. the Harponeer in the
B b 2 Fore-

The Present State
Fore-part of the Boat, four Oar-men and the
Steerfman. Thefe Boats run very fwift, and
by realbn of their Lightnefs can be brought
on and off, and fo kept qut of Danger. The.
Whale is fometimes kill'd with a tingle Stroke,
and yet at other times the will hold the Whale
men in Play near half a Day together with
their Launces, and will 'fometimes get away
after they have been launc'd and fpouted Blood,
with Irons in them, and Drags faften'd to them,
which are thick Boards about fourteen Inches
fquare. Our People formerly ufed to kill the
Whale near the Shore, but now they go off to
Sea in Sloops and Whale-boats, in the Months
of May, June, and July, between Cape Cod
and Bermudas, where they lie-by in the Night,
and fail to and again in the Day, and feldorri
mifs of them, bringing home the Blubber in
their Sloops. The true Seafon for taking the
right or Whalebone Whale is from the Begin
ning of February to the End of May ; of the
Sperma Ceti Whale from the Beginning of
June to the End of Auguft : And it has been
obferv'd by our Fifhermen, thatwhen a Sperma
Ceti Whale is ftruck, he ufually if not always
throws the Excrements out of the Anus.
The The wonderful and even prodigious Strength
Strength 0f diis Creature lies principally in their Tail^
%£\ that being both their offerifive and defenfive
is in his WeapOn. Many Inftances of this kind I have
Tail. had from credible Perfons, who were Eye-
Witneffes. I will mention but a few. A Boat
has been cut down from top to bottom with
the Tail of a Whale, as if cut with a Saw, the
Clap-boards fcarce fplinter'd, tho' the Gunnel
Upon the top is of a tough Wood. Another
has had the Stem or Stern-pott, of about three
Inches thtough, and of the tougheft Wood that

pf N E W-E N G L A N D. 193
that can be found, into which the Ends of the New-
Cedar Clap-boards are nail'd, cut .off fmooth England.
above the Cuddee, without fo much as flutter
ing the Boat, or drawing the Nails of the Clapr
boards. An Oar has been cut off with a Stroke
upwards, and yet not fo much as lifted up out
of the Thole-pin. One Perfon had an Oar cut
off while in his Hand, and yet never felt any
Jarring. A few Years fince, one of the Fin-back
Whales came into a Harbour near Cape Cod,
and tow'd away a Sloop of near forty Ton out
of the Harbour into the Sea. This Accident
happen'd thus : It was thought the Whale was
rubbing herfelf upon the Fluke of the Anchor,
and going near the Bottom got the Fluke into
her Nifket, or the Orifice of the Uterus, and
finding herfelf caught, tore away with fuch
Violence that fhe tow'd the Ship out of the
Harbour as fail as if fhe had been under Sail
with a good Gale of Wind, to the Aftonifh-
ment of the People on Shore, for there was
ho body on Board. When the Whale came
into deep Water the went under, and had like
to have carry'd the Sloop with' her, bqt the
Cable gave way and fo the Boats that were out
after her recoverd it. This Whale was found
dead fome Days after on that Shore with the
Anchor flicking in her Belly.
After a Whale is dead it has been obferv'd
that the fame way the Head lies fo the Head
will lie, if not forcibly turh'd ; and let the Wind
blow which way it will, that way they will fcull
a-head tho' right in the Eye of the Wind, and
they are much eafier tow'd to the Shore, if
they die that way with their Head than any
pther.
The

194 The Present State
New- The Enemies of the Whale, or the Fifh
England. tjjat prev Up0n the whales and often kill the
v~* young ones (for they will not venture upon a
The young one, unlets much wounded) our Whale-
K'!.le" men have given the Name of Killers. The
prey upon Killers are from twenty to thirty Foot long,
Whales, and have Teeth in both Jaws that lock one
within another : They have a Fin near the
middle of their Backs four or five Foot long:
They go in Company by Dozens and fet
upon a young Whale, and will bait him like
fo many Bull-Dogs ; fome will lay hold of his
Tail to keep him from threfhing, while others
lay hold of his Head, and bite and threfh him
till the poor Creature being thus heated lolls
out his Tongue, and then fome of the Killers
catch hold of his Lips, and if poffible of his
Tongue ; arid after they have kill'd him they
chiefly feed upon the Tongue and Head, but
When he begins to putrify they leave him. This
Killer is without doubt the Orca that Dr.
Frangius defcribes in his Treatife of Animals.
His Words are thefe : ^uando Orca infequitur
balanam, ipfa balana horribilem edit mugitum
non aliter quam cum taurus mordetur a cane.
Thefe Killers are of fuch invincible Strength,
that when feveral Boats together have been
towing a dead Whale, one of them has come
and faften'd his Teeth in her and carry'd her
away down to the Bottom in an inftant. And
fometimes they have bit cut a Piece of Blubber
of about two Foot fquare, which is of that
Toughnefs that an Iron with little Beards be
ing ftruck into it will hold it till it draws the
Boat under Water. The Killers are fometimes
taken, and make good Oil, but have no Whale
bone. The Carcafes of Whales in the Sea
ferve for Food for Gulls and other Sea Fowl as

e/NE W-E N G L A N D. 195
as well as Sharks, for they are not very New-
nice. England.
Many and various have been the Opinions Amber^~J
(even of the learned World) as to the Origin gris what.
and Nature of Ambergris. Some have reck-
on'd it a Bitumen, and to iffue from the In-
trails of the Earth ; others, that it was pro-
duc'd from fome Infect, as Honey, Silk, &c.
The famous Mr. Boyle, as I find it in the fe-
cond Volume of Lowthorfs Abridgment of the
Philofopbical Tranfaclions, communicates an
^Account of Ambergris from a Dutch Mer
chant, who firft denies it to be the Scum or
Excrement of a Whale, and then gives it as
his Opinion, that it is a fat Gum that iffues
from the Root of a Tree, and that you may
raife it in Quantities by planting thofe Trees
by the Shore, and fo the Stream will call it
up to great Advantage. But it is now found
out, that this Occultum Natura is an Animal
Production, and bred in the Body of the Sper
ma Ceti Whale, analogous to what is found in
fome Animals of the Land, as the Mufk-Hog,
or Taiacu, the Mufk-Deer, the Bezoar Sheep,
and fome amphibious Animals, as the Muf-
quafh, &c, who have their valuable Scent in
a particular Cyftis or Bag.. I am apt to think
that which firft gave Occafion to the Notice
of Ambergris being the Production of the
Whale was becaufe it was found in confider-
able Quantities on the Shores of the Summer
Iflands, and among the Bahama's, where the -
dead Whales are frequently wreck'd, and broke
up with the Sea, and the Ambergris found
floating on the Shore •, but here again the Inge
nious, until very lately, were at a lots, and
divided in Opinion ; for tho' they agreed it to
come from the Whale, .yet fome took it to be
the.

196 The Present State
New- the true and proper Semen, being found only in
England, fa Buu at fa Ro0(. Qf the pmh near fa -p^
fticles •, others again thought it was the Ordure
or Excrement of the Whale.
The beft and moft 'exact Account of Am
bergris; that I have been able to procure, I
very lately received from one Mr, Atkins,
now an Inhabitant at- Bofton in New-England^
who ufed the Whale-fifhery for ten or twelve
Years together, and was one of the firft that
went out a fifhing for the Sperma Ceti Whales,
about the Year 1670, and then began to dis
cover the Ambergris ; and being a fober inge
nious Man, what he fays may fafely be de
pended on, tho' for Subftance I have had it
from feveral of the Whale-men.
His Relation, which was taken a few Days
fince from his own Mouth, is as follows :
" The Ambergris is found only in the
*c Sperma Ceti Whales, and confifts of Balls
«' or globular Bodies of various Sizes from a-
«' bout three Inches to twelve Inches diame-
*' ter, and will weigh from a Pound and an half
" to twenty-two Pounds, lying loofe in a
«' large oval Bag or Bladder, of three or four
" Foot long, and two or three Foot deep,'
" and wide almoft in the Form of an Ox's
" Bladder, only the Ends more acute or like
«' a Blackfmith's long Bellows, with a Snout'
«' running tapering into and through the Length
" of the Penis^&nA a Duct or Canal opening
«' into the other End of the Bag, and coming
«« from towards the Kidnies •, this Bag lies juft
«« over the Tefticles, which are above a Foot
« long, and is placed length- ways at the
«' Root of the Penis, about four or five Foot
" below the Navel, and three or four Foot a-
" bove the Anus. This Bag or Bladder is
« almoft

of N E W-E N G L A N D. i97
" almoft of a deep orange-colour'd Liquor, New-
" not quite fo thick as Oil, and fmelling ftrong England.
" or rather ftronger, of the fame Scent with '
" the Balls of Ambergris which float and
" fwim loofe in it. The In-fide of the Bag is
" very deeply tinged with the fame Colour as
45 the Liquor, which may alfo be found in the
" Canal of the Penis. The Balls feem to be
" pretty hard while the Whale is alive, inaf-
" much as there are many times found upon
" opening the Bag large concave Shells of
" the fame Subftance and Confiftence, that
" have fcaled off from them ; and the Balls
<c themfeives feem to be compofed of feveral
" diftinct Coats inclofing one another fome*
" thing like the' Coats of an Onion."
As to the Number of Balls, Mr, Atkins
never found above four in a Bag, and in the
Bag where he found one that weighed twenty
one Pounds, which was the largeft he ever faw,
there was no other.
He further fays, " That to one Sperma
" Ceti Whale that has any of thefe Balls there
" are twO that have nothing but the deep
" orange-colour'd Liquor aforefaid in their
" Bags." This Remark confirms what a-
nother Whale-man told me ; " That the Am-
*' bergris was found only in fuch Sperma Ceti
" Whales as are old and well grown,'' It is
the general Opinion of the Whale-men that the
Ambergris is produced only by the Male, or
the Bull Sperma Ceti Whale. As to this
Particular, Mr. Atkins fays, " He never faw
" or certainly heard of a Female Sperma Ceti
" Whale taken in his Life, the Cows of that
" Species of Whales being much more timorous
" than the Males, and almoft impotable to be
*' come at, unlefs when happily found afleep
Vol. XXXI. C c "on

198 The Present State
New- « on the Water and detain'd by their .Calves."
England, This is certain, the Boats can never come near
them when they are awake they are fo yery '
thy and fearful.
Mr. Atkins's Method of getting the Am
bergris out of the Whale was thus : Afi?r the
Fifh is kill'd he turns the Belly upwards and
fixes a Tackle to the Penis; then cuts a Hole .
round the Root of the Penis, through the, Rim
of the Belly, till he comes to the Intrails, and
then fearching for the Duct or Canal at the
further End of the Bag, cuts the Dudt off be
yond it, upon which he draws forth the Penis
by the Tackle, and the Ambergris Bag en
tirely follows it, and comes clean and whole .
out of the Belly.
The Reverend Mr, Prince of Bofton, who
took the preceding Relation from Mr. Atkins,
apprehends the Bag aforefaid to be the Urinary
Bladder, and the Ambergris Ball to be a cer
tain Concretion formed out of the greafy odorife
rous Subftance of the Liquor aforefaid contained
within it. As for my own Part, I dafe riot
pretend to give any opinion upon the Point, ,
but content myfelf with relating Matter of
Fact. It may be added here, that the Bone taken
out of the New- England Whales is not near fo
good as that taken out of the Greenland Whales, ,
being too brittle for the Ufes Whalebone is
put to, otherwife we fhould not be oblig'd to
import fo much of the Hollanders Whalebone;
But as the New-England. Men are now got
into the way of fifhing for Whales in Green-;
land, it is probable they will be able to furnifh
their Mother Country with the beft Whalebone .
in a few Years, and we fhall not be oblig'd to
part

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 199
part with fo much Treafure to the Dutch for New-
this kind of Merchandize. England
The Plants of England, as well thofe of the {yrY^>
Fields and Orchards as of the Garden that JJ^JiS
have been brought over hither, fuit mighty by Dudley.
Well With our Soil, arid grow here to great
Perfection. Our Apples are without doubt as good as
thofe of England, and much fairer to look to,
arid fo are the Pears, but Vie have not got of
all the Sorts.
Our Peaches do rather excell thofe Of Eng
land^ and then we have riot the Trouble or
Expence of Walls for them' ; for our Peach-
Trees are all Standards, and I have had in my
own Garden feven or eight hundred fine Peaches
of the Rare-ripes growing at a time on one
Tree. Our People of late Years have run fo much
upon Orchards, that in a Village near Bofton,
confifting of about forty Families, th'ey made
near thie; thoufand Barrels of Cyder : This
was in the Year 172 1. And in another Town
of two hundred Families, in the fame Year,
I am credibly inforriVd they rnade near ten
thoufand Barrels. Some Of our Apple-Trees
will make fix, fome have made feven Barrels
of Cyder, but this is not common ; arid the
Apples will yield from feven to nine Bufhels
for a Barrel of Cyder, A good Apple- Tree
with us will meafure from fix, to ten Foot, in
girt. I have feen a fine Pearmain at a Foot
from the Ground meafure ten Foot and four
Inches round : This Tree1 in one Year has
borne thirty-eight Bufhels (by Mea'fur6) of as
fine Pearmains as ever I faW in England. A
Kehiijh Pippin at three Foot from the Ground
feveri Foot in girt : A Golden-Roffetih fix
C c 2 Foot

t/~Y^O

200 The Present State
New- Foot round. The largeft Apple-Tree that I
England.^ could fincj was ten Foot and fix Inches round,
but this was no Graft.
An Orange Pear-Tree grows the largeft and
yields the faireft Fruit. I know one of them
near forty Foot high that meafures fix Foot and
fix Inches in girt a Yard from the Ground,
and has borne thirty Bufhels at a time ; and
this Year I meafur'd an Orange-Pear that grew
in my own Orchard of efeven Inches round the
bulge. I have a Warden Pear- Tree that mea,.
fures five Foot fix Inches round. One of my
Neighbours has a Bergamot Pear-Tree, that
was brought from England in a Box about the
Year 1643, that now meafures fix Foot about,
and has borne twenty-two Bufhels of fine Pears
in one Year. About twenty Years fince, the
Owner took a Cyon and grafted it upon a
common Hedge-Pear, but the Fruit does not
prove altogether fo good, and the Rind or
Skin is thicker than that of the original.
Our Peach-Trees are large and fruitful, and
bear commonly in three Years from the Stone.
I have one in my Garden of twelve Years
Qrowth that meafures two Foot and an Inch
\n girt a Yard from the Ground, which two
Years ago bore me near a Bufhel of fine Peaches.
Our common Cherries are not fo good as the
Kentifh Cherries of England ; and we have no
Dukes, or Heart-Cherries, unlets in two or
three Gardens.
Some Years fince, I meafur'd a Platanus
Occidentalis, or Button-wood-Tree (as they
are call'd here) of nine Yards in girt, and it "
field its Bignefs a great way up. This Tree,
when it was cut down,T am inform'd, made
twenty-two Cord of Wood. A Gentleman
f,e}Js me, that in the Foreft he met with a,
1 ftrait

of N E W-E N G L A N D. ,2or
ftrait Afh , that grew like a Pillar of a great New-
Height, and free from Limbs, that meafured England.
fourteen Foot eight Inches round, near a Yard '
from the Ground ; and the other Day I met
with a Saffafras-Tree that meafured five Foot
three Inches in girt. I meddle not here with
our noble Pines and Cedars, becaufe I defign
to treat-of them in a Chapter of the Ever-greens
of thjs Country. Among our Trees of quick -
and eafy Growth, the ,Button-wood, before-
mention'd, and the Locuft-Tree are the moft
remarkable ; as to the latter, by the Defcription
Mr. Moore, while in New-England, gave me
of the Manna-Tree, our Locuft-Tree may be
call'd the American Manna. I have known a
Seed of it blown off from the Tree into my
Garden that took Root of itfelf, and in lefs
than two Years was got above fix Foot high,
and as big about as a common Walking-cane.
The Platanus I have frequently propagated by
cutting off Sticks of five or fix Foot long, and
fetting them a Foot deep in the Ground, in
the Spring of the Year when the Seafon was
wet ; they thrive beft in a moiftSoil,
An Qnion fet out for Seed will rife to four
Foot nine Inches in Height. A Parfnip will
reach to eight Foot : Red Orrice will mount
nine Foot, White Orrice eight. In the Paf-
tures I meafur'd Seed-Mullen nine Foot two
Inches in Height, and one of the common
Thiftles above eight Foot.
Among the remarkable Inflances of the
Power of Vegetation, I fhall begin with an
Account of a Pompion Seed, which I have
well attefted from a worthy Divine. The
Relation is as follows : That in the Year
%6q®., a fingle Pompion Seed was accidentally
drop'd in a fmall Pafture where Cattle had
been

202 The Present State
New- been fodder'd for fome time. This fingle Seed
England, took Root of itfelf, and without any manner
' of Care the Vine run alortg over feveral Fence's,
and fpread over a large Pidce of Ground far
and wide, and continued its PrOgrefs till the
Froft came and kill'd it. This Seed had rio
more than one Stalk but a very large one, for
it meafured eight Inches round. From this
fingle Vine they gather'd two hundred and
fixty Pompions, and one with another as big
as a Half-peck, enough in the whole to fill a
large Tumbrel, befides a confiderable Number
of fmall and unripe Porrrpioffs that they made
no account of. The Philofophical Tranfaclibns
give an Account of a fingle Plant of Barley
that by fteeping and watering with Salt-petfe
difiblved in Water produced two hundred and
forty- nine Stalks, and eighteen thoufand Grains ;
but tfien there was Art and even Force in that
Cafe, whereas in ours there was nothing but
pure Nature and Accident.
Our Indian Corn is the moft prolifick Grain
that we have, and commonly produces twelvfe
hundred and often two thoufand Grains from
one ; but the faireft Computation is thus :
Six Quarts of this Grain will plant an Acre of
Ground, and it is not unufual for an Acre of
good Ground to produce fifty Bufhels of Corn.
Indian Corn is of feveral Colours, as blue,
white, red, and yellow ; and if they are plant
ed feparately, fo that no other Sort be near
them, they Will keep to their own Colour :
Rut if in the fame Field you plant the blue Corn
in one Row of Hills (as we term them) and
the white or yellow in the next Row, they will
mix and interchange their Colours, that is,
fome of the Ears of Corn in the blueCorn Rows
fhall be White or yellow, and fome again in
the

of N^W-ENGUN D. 293
the white or yelfow Rows fhall be blue. Our New-
Hills of Indian Corn are generally about four England,
Foot afunder, and fo continued in a ftrait Line '
as far as the Field will allow ; and then a fecond
Line or Row of Hills, and fo on ; and yet this
mixing and interchanging of Colours has been
obferv'd when the Diftafice, between the Royr
of Hills has been feveral Yards : and a worthy
Clergyman of an Ifiand in th.js. Province afihres,
me,- that the blue Corn has thus communicated
or exchang'd even at the Diftance. of four or
five Rods, and particularly in one Place where
there was. a broad Ditch of Water betwixt
them. Some of our People, but efpecially the
Aborigines, have been of opinion that this
Commixtion and Interchange was owing to the
Roots and fmall Fibres reaching to and com
municating with one another : Bur. this muft
certainly be a Miftake, confidering the great,
Diftance of the Communication, efpecially at
fometimes, and crofs a Canal of Water ; for
the finall Ffore> °f the Roots of our Indian
Corn cannot extend above four or five Foot.
I am therefore humbly of opinion, that the,
Stamyifl, or Principles of this wonderful, Co
pulation., or mixing of Colours, are carry'd
by the Wind, and that the Seafon of it is wheri
the Corn is in the Earing, and while the Milk
is in t,he Grain ; for at that time the Corn is
in a fort; of Eftuation, and emits a ftrong Scent..
One thing which, confirms the Air's being the
Medium of this Communication of Colours in
the Corn is an Observation of one of my Neigh
bours, that a clofe high Bpard Fence between
two Fields of Corn, that were of a different
Colour, entirely prevented any Mixture or
Alteration of Colour frorn that they were
planted with, Foreft-

The Present State
Foreft-Trees and others of the Growth of
New- England are Cedar, Oak, Afh, Elm,
^T^" Cyprefs, Pine,: Fir, Afpin, Beech, Walnut,
Trees. Chefnut, Hazel, Saffafras, Summack, and
other Woods ufed in dying and tanning Lea
ther. Their Fir Trees are of an uncommon
Growth, and furnifh the royal Navy of Eng
land with Matts and Yards ; they draw alfo
from thefe and other Trees Pitch, Tar, Rofin,
Turpentine, Gums and Balms ufed in Phyfick
and Surgery : And the Soil is extremely pro
per for Hemp and Flax.
Traits. They had a Variety of Fruits of their own
Growth before the Englifh arrived, particularly
Grapes, Strawberries, Rafberries, Hurtleber-
ries, Filberts, and many more mention'd among
the Plants of Virginia : As alfo Roots and
Sallad-Hetbs, feveral Sorts of Beans and Pulfe,
but they had the greateft Plenty of Kidney-
Beans of any of them. I proceed in the next
Trade and Place to fpeak of their Trade and Manufac-
Manufac- tureSj fa beft Account whereof we meet with
the Britijh m tne Reprefentation of the Board of Trade to
Colonies, the Houfe of Commons, in the Year 1732.
In this Reprefentation they inform the Houfe
that an Act paffed in the General Affembly of
the Maffachufet Colony in the Year 1728,
entituled, An Acl for the Encouragement of the
Paper. making of Paper ; but that Manufacture, how-
ever^ has hitherto made, but a very fmall Pro-
grefs, and can hardly be faid to interfere with
the Paper Manufacture in Old-England, becaufe
almoft all the Paper fent to New-England
from hence is foreign Manufacture ; but it
certainly interferes with the Profit made by the
Britifh Merchant upon foreign Paper fent to
this Province : HoWever, no Complaints have
ever been made to us againft this Law. By

of NEW-ENGLAND. 205
By the Return to our Circular Letter from New-
the Governor of New-Hampfhire we are in- England. _
formed, that an Act paffed many Years fince \f^T~
in that Province for encouraging of Iron-works, works in
by which the Exportation of Iron Ore is pro- Hampfhire
hibited ; but, upon the moft diligent Enquiry,
no fuch Act is to be found in our Office, and we
believe none fuch was ever tranfmitted to this
Board : However, not knowing whether this
Act might not have paffed fince the late King's
Accefiion, we have inferted it in this Lift.
A Law paffed in the Year 1728, in New-
York, entitled, An A CI to repeal fome Paris,
and to continue and enforce other Parts of the
Abl therein mentioned, and for granting feveral
Duties to his Majefty for fuppor ting his Govern
ment in the Colony of New- York, from the ift
of September, which will be in the Year 1733 ;
wherein (among other Duties) one was laid of Duties on
five Ounces of Plate, or forty Shillings in Bills Negroes
of Credit, on every Negroe imported from A- imported.
frica, and a Duty of four Pounds on every
Negroe imported from any other Place.
The Plantations in all Times paft have laid
Duties upon the Importation of Negroes, and
as the Merchants have naturally increafed their
Price in proportion to thofe Duties, fo it is
but lately that Complaints have been made
againft thefe Duties, unlets they went to Ex-
cefs : But the Board are of opinion, that it
would be more for the Convenience of the
Trade that thefe Duties fhould for the future
be paid by the Purchafer than by the Importer; Now paid
and his Majefty has (upon our Reprefentation) by tne
been pleafed to fend an Instruction to that Purcnafen
Effect to all the Governors in America.
By the Charter of Penfylvania it has aJready
been obferved, that the Proprietor is obliged
Vol. XXXI. D d to

206 The Present State
New- to offer the Laws of the Province to the Crown,
England. for Approbation or Difallowance, within five
V—""V— -1 Years after they are paffed ; and if his Maje
fty does not think fit to repeal them in fix
Months from the Time they are fo offered, it
is not in the Power of the Crown to repeal
them afterwards ; but fince the Year 1715 this
Article of the Charter has been evaded, and
the Laws of this Province have not been tranf-
mitted to this Board (except occafionally an
Act or two ; ) fo that we are not enabled to
lay a State of the Laws of this Province be
fore the Houfe.
That upon a late Petition to his Majefty
from the Merchants of London, in the Behalf
of themfeives and others, complaining that, as
the Law now ftands in fome of the Colonies,
his Subjects refiding in Great- Britain are left
without any Remedy for the Recovery of their
juft Debts, or have fuch only as is very partial
and precarious ; as alfo that in feveral of the
faid Colonies and Plantations greater and higher
Duties and Impofitions are laid on the Ships
and Goods belonging to Subjects in Great-Bri
tain, than on the Goods and Ships of Perfons
inhabiting the faid Colonies and Plantations.
The faid Merchants being defired to acquaint
the Board whether they knew of any particular
Laws in the Colonies againft which they had
Reafon to object, they did deliver to us a Lift
The Plan- of Laws wherein the faid Colonies appear to
rations nave Deen vcry partial in their own Favour ;
themfeives in ^ome °^ them exemPcing their Perfons from
Arrefts, in others giving a Preference to the
Inhabitants before the Britifh Merchants in the
Recovery of Debts, and enacting Duties where
a lefs Burthen is laid upon their own Effects
than upon thofe of the Britifh Merchants.
We

of NEW-ENGLAND. 207
We beg leave to acquaint this Houfe, that, New-
purfuant to an Order of the Committee of England.
Council, this Board did, on the 5th of Decern- A*stateof
bsr, 1728, make a very particular Enquiry in- the Silk,
to the State of the Plantations at that Time, Linnen
with refpect to Silk, Linnen and Woollen andWool-
Manufactures eftablifhed there; and having fe^°J
then difcourfed with many Perfons who had the Plan-
either been Governors of fome of the Colonies, tations.
or were by other Means well acquainted with
their Circumftances, it appeared to this Board,
and we did accordingly reprefent,
That in the Colonies of New-England, New-
York, Connecticut, Rhode-Ifland, Penfylvania,
and in the County of Somerfet in Maryland,
the People had fallen into the Manufacture of
Woollen and Linnen Cloth for the Ufe of their
own Families ; but we could not learn they
had ever manufactured any for Sale in thofe
Colonies, except in a fmall Indian Town . in
Penfylvania, where fome Palatines had then
lately fettled.
The Reafons why thefe People had begun
this Manufacture were,
ift, That the Product of thofe Colonies be- Produce of
ing chiefly Stock and Grain, the Eftates of the fom*e °*
Inhabitants depended wholly upon Farming ; tnem'
and as this could not be carried on, without a
certain Quantity of Sheep, their Wool would
be entirely loft, were not their Servants em-
ploy'd at leifure times of the Year, but chiefly
during the Winter, in manufacturing it for the
Ufe of their Families.
2dly, That Flax and Hemp being likewife
eafily raifed, the Inhabitants manufactured them
into a coarfe Sort of Cloth-bags, Traces and
Halters for their Horfes, which they found did
D d 2 more

208 The Present State
New- more Service than thofe they had from any
England- Part of Europe.
y~~w~m sdly, , That thefe Settlements, which were
diftant from Water- Carriage, and remotely fi
tuated in the Woods, had no Opportunities of
a Market for Grain ; and therefore, as they
did not raife more Corn than was fufficient for
their own Ufe, they had the more time to ma
nufacture both Wool and Flax for the Service
of their Families, and feemed to be under a
greater Neceffity of doing it.
Upon a farther Enquiry into this Matter,
we do not find that thofe People had the fame
Temptation to go on with thofe Manufactures -
during the Time that the Bounty upon Naval
Stores fubfifted, having then Encouragement
to employ their leifure Hours in another Way,
and more profitab! y both to themfeives and this
Kingdom ; for the Heighth of Wages, and
great Price of Labour in general in America,
made it impracticable for the People there to
manufacture their Linnen Cloth at lets than
20 per Cent, more than the Rate in England,
or Woolleri Cloth at lefs than 50 per Cent.
dearer than that which is exported from hence
for Sale. We conceive it was to be wifh'd,
that fome Expedient might be fallen upoa to
divert their Thoughts from Undertakings of
this Nature ; fo much the rather, becaufe thofe
Manufactures, in Procefs of Time, might be
carried on in a greater Degree, unlefs an early
The rai- Stop were put to their Progrefs ; and the
fing Naval moft natural Inducement that we could think
Stores 0f to engage the People in America to defift
belncou- ^rom l^e -Purfuits, was to employ them in
raged in Naval Stores : Wherefore we take leave to
the Plan- renew our repeated Propofals, that a reafona-
tations. bje Encouragement fhould be given for the
making

of NEW-ENGLAND.' 209
making, raifing and manufacturing Naval We*v-
Stores of all kinds in the Plantations, from ^^
whence we might be furnifh'd in Return for ^^^
our own Manufactures.
But feveral Alterations have happened fince Trades
that Time -, and by fuch Lights as we have n°w car~
been able to acquire we find Trades carried on "ear °n
and Manufactures fet up there detrimental to ,,/iicial to
the Trade, Navigation and . Manufacture ot Old Eng-
Great-Britain. ""'"•
The State of the Plantations varying almoft
every Year more or lefs in their Trade and
Manufactures, as well as in other Particulars,
we thought it neceffary for his Majefty's Ser
vice, and for the Difcharge of our-Trult, from
time to time to fend certain General Queries
to the feveral Governors in America, that we
might be the more exactly informed of the
Condition of the faid Plantations ; among
which there were feveral that related to their
Trade and Manufactures : To which we re
ceived the following Returns.
New-Hamffhire.
Colonel Shute, Governor of New-Hampfhire,
in his Anfwer to the fame Queries in 17 19, faid,
That there were no fettled Manufactures in
that Province, and that their Trade principally
conflfted in Lumber and Fifh.
Maffachufet' s-B ay in New-England.
Colonel Shute, at the fame time Governor Woollen
of the Maffachufet' s- Bay, inform'd us, that in ^an?fec"
fome Parts of this Province the Inhabitants jJ^Ens-
worked up their Wool and Flax, and made iand.
an ordinary coarfe Cloth for their own Ufe ;
but did not export any : That the greateft Part
both of the Linnen and Woollen Cioathing, that

210 ^Present State
New- that was then worn in this Province, was irft-
England. p0rte(j from Great - Britain, and fometimes
**~*v~" Linnen from. Ireland ; but, confidering the eX-
ceffive Price of Labour in New- England, the
Merchants could afford what was imported
cheaper than what was made in that Country.
Hats and That there were alfo a few Hatters fet up in
Leather, fa maritime Towns, and that the greateft
Part of the Leather ufed in that Country was
manufactured amongft themfeives.
Iron. That there- had been for many Years fome
Iron-works in that Province, which had af
forded the People Iron for fome of their ne-
ceffary Occafions ; but that the Iron imported
from Great-Britain was efteemed much the
beft, and wholly ufed by the Shipping.
That the Iron-works of that Province were
not able to fupply the twentieth Part of what
was neceffary for the Ufe of the Country.
New-Tork.
Produce of General Hunter, formerly Governor of Nets)-
New-York. York, in his Anfwer to the Queries in the Year
1 7 2G,inform'd us, that they had rto Manufactures
in that Province that deferved mentioning ; and
that the Trade confided chiefly in Furs,Whale-
bone, Oil, Pitch, Tar and Provifions.
New-Jerfey.
General Hunter, formerly Governor of this
Province, alfo informs us, in his Anfwer to
the fame Queries in the Year 1720, that there
were in that Province no Manufactures that de-
ferve mentioning ^ and that their Trade was
chiefly in Provifions exported to New York and
Penfylvania. Penfylt

of NEW-ENGLAND. 211
New-
Penfyhania. England.
Colonel Hart, formerly Governor of Mary- W
land, who lived many Years in the Neighbour
hood of this Government, in Anfwer to the
like Queries in 1720, relating to this Province,
faid, that their chief Trade lay in the Expor
tation of Provifions and Lumber •, and that
they had no Manufactures eftablifh'd, their
Cloathing and Utenfils for their Houfes being
all imported from Great-Britain.
New-Hampjhire.
Mr. Belcher, Governor of New-Hampfhire, Linnen
in his Letter, dated the 4th of December laft, made in
informs us, that the Woollen Manufacture of ^™"^V(f
that Province was much lefs than formerly, the
common Lands on which the Sheep ufed to
feed being now divided into particular Pro
perties, and the People almoft wholly cloathed
with Woollen from Great-Britain : That the
manufacturing of Flax into Linnen (fome
coarfer, fome finer) daily increafed, by the
great Refort of People from Ireland into this
Province, who are well fkilled in that Bufinefs.
And the chief Trade of this Province con
tinued, as for many Years paft, in the Expor- Naval
tation of Naval Stores, Lumber and Fifh. Stores,^-
Maffachufet' s-Bay in New-England.
Mr. Belcher, the prefent Governor of this
Province, in Anfwer to the fame Queries,
which we fent him in June laft, informs us,
That there is a Refolve of the Aflembly of Canvas
that Province fubfifling, for allowing a Bounty for Sai,s m
of twenty Shillings to all Perfons, and ten fhufe/t'
Shillings more to John Powell, the firft Un
dertaker, for every Piece of Duck or Canvas by

The Present State
by them made ; but he does not give us any*
Account of the Quantity that has been made.
He farther fays, that there are fome other
Manufactures carried on there, as the making
of brown Hollands for Womens Wear, which
leffens the Importation of Callicoes and fome
other forts of Indian Goods in that Province.
That there are likewife fome fmall Quan
tities of Cloth made of Linnen and Cotton,
for ordinary Shirting and Sheeting.
That about three Years ago a Paper-mill
was fet up, which makes to the Value of about
200 /. Sterling per ann.
That there are feveral Forges for making
Bar-Iron, and fome Furnaces for Caft-Iron (or
Hollow-ware) and one Slitting-mill, the Un
dertaker whereof carries on the Manufacture
on Nails.
As to the Woollen Manufacture, Mr. Bel
cher fays, the Country People, who ufed for
merly to make moft of their Cloathing out of
their own Wooll, do not now make a third
Part of what they wear, but are moftly cloathed
with Britifh Manufactures.
We are likewife informed, by fome Letters
of older Date from Mr. Belcher, in Anfwer to
our annual Queries, that there are fome few
Copper-Mines in this Province, but fo far di-
ftant from Water-Carriage, and the Ore fo
poor, that it is not worth the digging.
Colonel Dunbar, Surveyor- General of his
Majefty's Woods, in his Letter of September
the 15th, 1730, takes notice, that the People
of New-England have an Advantage over thofe
No Duties of Great- Britain, in the Draw-back for all In-
there on dia and other Goods exported, which pay a
Goodf dm Duty m Gre'at-&rita'™-> and no Duty is paid
upon importing them into the Plantations. He has

212 New-
England.
Brown
Hollandsmade
there.

Cottonand Lin-

Paper.

Iron
works.

Woollen Cloth.

Copper -
Mines in
the Maffa
chufet Colony.

if NEW-ENGLAND. 213
has likewife fent this Board feveral Samples of New-
Edge- Tools made in New-England ; and in J^J^
his Letter to our Secretary of the 4th of June ^f"
1731, he fays they have fix Furnaces and nine- Tools
teen Forges for making Iron in New^ England, made
He alfo informs Us, in his Letter of the *ers-,'
19th of Auguft, 173d, that in this Province nacesamt
many Ships are built for the French and Spani- fourteen
ards, in return for Rum, Moloffes, Wines, Forges
and Silks, which they truck there by Conni- ^ Nfvj
vancC. ShTpffoid
Thefe Informations have been in a great mea- the French
fure confirm'd by Mr. Jeremiah Dummer, De- and SJ>**
puty Surveyor of the Woods, and alfo by Mr. ^ for
Thomas Coram, a Perfon of Reputation, who wine' and
refided many Years in New-England i To Silk.
which they have added, that great Quantities
of Hats are made in New-England, of which
the Company of Hatters of London have like-
wife lately complain'd to us : And Mr. Jeremiah
Dummer further fays, that great Quantities of
Hats made in that Province are exported to
Spaini Portugal, and our Weft- India Iflands ; porte(j "
and that they make all forts of Iron-work for Wrought
Shipping, and that there are feveral Still-houfes Iron-
and Sugar-bakers eftablifh'd in New-England, YS^i.
New-Torh b"akers-
Mr. Rip Van Dam, Prefident Of the Coun^
cil of this Province, in his Letter of the 29th
of October laft, informs us, that there are no
Manufactures eftablifh'd there that can affect
the Manufactures of Great- Britain.
And as to the Trade and Navigation of the
Province; he acquaints us there is yearly im
ported into New-York a very large Quantity
of the Woollen Manufacture of this Kingdom
for their Cloathing j which they fhould be
Vol. XXXI. E e render'd

214 The Present State
New- render'd incapable to pay for, and reduc'd to
England, fa neCefiity of making for themfeives, if they
v-rYv'' were prohibited from receiving from the foreign
Produce Sugar Colonies the Money, Rum, Sugar, Mo
ot the loffes, Cacao, Indico, Cotton, Wool, &c . which
Sugaf™ £^ey at prefent take in return for Provifions,
Colonies Horfes, and Lumber, the Produce of that Pro-
imported vince and New -J er fey, of which he affirms the
kSST' Britifl SuSar Colonies do not take off above
New-Jer- one half.
fey. But the Company of Hatters in London have
Hats made fince inform'd us that Hats are manufacYur'd in
great Quantities in this Province.
New-ferfey.
Mr. Morris, who is at prefent Commander
in chief to this Province, has made no parti
cular Return for the fame.
Penfylvania.
Major Gordon, Deputy-Governor of Pen
fylvania, in his Anfwer receiv'd the 24th of
the laft Month, informs us, that he does not
know of any Trade carry'd on in that Province
that can be injurious to this Kingdom ; and
that they do not export any Woollen or Linnen
Manufactures, all they make (which are of a
coarfer fort) being for the Ufe of themfeives
and Families,
Brigan- We are further inform'd, that in this Pro-
tines and vince are built Brigantines and fmall Sloops,
bu°°tPin which they fdl to the W4-Indies.
jnjy ma- Rhode-Ifland.
Iron. The Governor of Rhode-Ifland, in his An-
works in fwer to Queries dated the 9th of November laft,
Rhode- informs us, that there are Iron Mines there, but
J^and- not a fourth Part Iron enough to ferve their own

of NEW-ENGLAND.
own Ufe ; but he takes no Notice of any fort
of Manufacture fet up there.
Connecticut.
We have no Return from the Governor of Produce
this Province ; but we find by fome Ac- and Han-
counts, that the Produce of this Colony is Q^^t
Timber- board, all forts of Englifh Grain,
Hemp, Flax, Sheep, Cattle, Swine, Horfes,
Goats, and Tobacco, of which they export
Horfes and Lumber to the Weft- Indies, and
receive in return Sugar, Salt, Moloffes and
Rum. We likewife find that their Manufac
tures are very inconfiderable, the People there
being generally employ'd in Tillage ; fome few
in Tanning, Shoe-making, and other. Handi
crafts ; others in Building, Joyners, Taylors,
and Smiths Work, without which they could
not fubfift.
The Sugar Colonies, viz. Jamaica, Lee
ward Iflands, and Barbadoes.
By the laft Returns which We have had from No Ma-
thofe Iflands to our circular Queries, we do not nuI~a&ures
find that they have any other Manufactures efta- SuJarl-
blifh'd befides thofe of Sugar, Moloffes, Rum, fknds
and Indigo of their own Produce ; thefe, with which in-
Cotton, Aloes, Piemento, and fome other te-ffreh r
Productions of lefs Note, are their Whole ^Britain,
Dependance, which are Commodities no ways Their
interfering with the Manufactures of this Kingr Produce.
dom. In the 1724, Mr. Worfeley, then Governor
of Barbadoes, inform'd us, that of Cotton they
made Hammocks, a few Stockings, and Nots
for Horfes.
From the foregoing State it is obfervable,
that there are more Trades carry'd op, and
E e 2 Marju-

The Present State
Manufactures fet up in the Provinces on the
Continent of America to the Northward of
Virginia prejudicial to the Trade and Manufac
tures of Great- Britain, particularly in New-
England, than in any other of the Britifh Co
lonies, which is not to be wonder'd at ; for
their Soil, Climate, and Produce being pretty
near the fame with ours, they have no Staple
Commodities of their own Growth to exchange
for our Manufactures, which puts them under
greater Necefiity, as well as under greater
Temptation of providing for themfeives at
home. To which may be added, in the
Reflecti- Charter Governments the little Dependance
ons on the fay nave Up0n tnejr Mother Country, and
Govern- confequently the fmall Reftraints they are under
ments. in any Matters detrimental to her Intereft.
And therefore we would humbly beg leave
to report and fubmit to the Wifdom of this,
honourable Houfe the Subftance of what we
formerly propos'd in our Report on the Silk,
Linnen, and Woollen Manufactures herein be
fore recited ; namely, whether it might not
be expedient to give thefe Colonies proper
Encouragements for turning their Induftry to
fuch Manufactures and Products as might be
of Service to Great-Britain, and more par
ticularly to the Production of all kinds of naval
Stores.,
Trade and From a confiderable Merchant of New-Eng-
Prpduceof land I receiv'd the following Account of the
Rhode l- Trade and Produce of Rhode Ifland and
PrLuLe Precvideflce Plantation (viz.) That they have
PllTtaZn a great Trade by Sea to the Britifh Weft-Indies,
to the Dutch Colonies at Surinam, on the
Continent of South- America, and to the Dutch
Ifland of Curaco, or Curaffow, near the Coaft
of Terra-Firma, whither they fend Hortes, ' Salt?

of NEW-ENGLAND. 217
Salt, Provifions and Lumber, that is, Deal- New-
boards, Pipe-ftaves, Hoops, and Shingles. gsland;,
They alfo fend their Ships fometimes by the ^*"v~"
way of the Weft-Indies to London : And fe- T-r^deh
veral Veffels fail annually to the Bay of Hon- pa/f^ ana
duras for Logwood, which they tranfport to the S^*-
Europe ; but this Colony has very little con-*'ards.
cern in the Fifhery.
They are fupply'd with moft of their Britifh
Manufactures from Bofton ; but fometimes they
import thefe themfeives directly from Great-
Britain. It is a pleafant healthful and fruitful
Country. They breed and feed great Num
bers of Horfes and black Cattle, their Land
being proper for grazing. They have fome A grazing
Indian Corn indeed, but very little other Grain, Cauntry-
importing moft of their Wheat from New-
York, and fome from Virginia. Here are
fome Iron Mines alfo wrought, and turn to a iron
good Account ; for they rrak& many of their Mine*.
own Edg'd- Tools and Implements of Hus
bandry. 1

CHAP.

2l8

The Present State

Two Compa
nies erec
ted by one
Patent.

The Lon
don-Com
pany plant
South-Vir
ginia.

The Ply
mouth- Company
trade to
North-Vir
ginia or
Neva-Eng- land.

CHAP. V.
Of the Hiftory of New-England.
ING James I, by Letters Patents,
dated the ioth of April, 1606,
erected two Companies of Adven
turers, empowering them to fend
Colonies to Virginia (as the North-
eaft Coaft of America was then called) the
firft of which Companies obtained the Name
of the London-Company, and were author ifed
to plant Colonies between 34 and 41 Degrees
of North Latitude ; and the other obtained the
Name of the Plymouth-Company, and were
empower'd to plant their People between 38
and 45 Degrees of North Latitude ; but it
was provided that the faid Companies fhould
not interfere or fix themfeives within an hun
dred Miles of each other : The London-Com
pany hereupon fent out Ships the very fame
Year, and planted that Country to which the
Name of Virginia is now appropriated, as has
been already related ; but the Plymouth-Com
pany contented themfeives for fome Years with
trafficking with the Natives of North -Virginia
(as New-England was then called) for Furs,
and fifhing upon that Coaft. Two Ships be-
tng employ 'd in thisFifhery in the Year 1614,
commanded by Captain John Smith (formerly
Prefident of South-Virginia) and Captain Tho
mas Hunt, Captain Smith went on Shore, and
took

of NEW-ENGLAND.
took a particular View of the Country of the
Maffachufets, and had fome Skirmifhes with
the Natives : After which he returned to Eng
land, ordering Hunt to fail with the other Ship
to Spain, and difpafe of the Fifh he had taken
there ; but Hunt, propofing to make a Market
of the Natives themfeives, as well as of their
Fifh, after Captain Smith was, gone, enticed Hunt fpi-
twenty-feven of the Indians on Board his Ship ; »ts away
and then fetting fail with them to Malaga, fold fe^f't-
them there to the Spaniards for Slaves, at the tne Na-
Rate of twenty Pounds a Man ; among whom tives, and
was an Indian called Squanto, afterwards very ^lls them
ferviceable to the Englifh. This Outrage was fo ™sp«Jn*
refented by the Indians for the prefent, that all
Commerce with them became impracticable j
nor was this the firft time the Natives had been
thus violently carried away by the Englifh ; tor
Captain Harlow, in the Year 1611, furprifed
one Epenpw, and two more of his Countrymen,
and brought them to England ; where Epenow, A Strata-
having learned Englifh enough to impofe upon £em of atl
his Mafters, and underftanding that the Hopes I,!efZ^
of acquiring Mountains of Gold was the prin- again.
cipal Inducement the Englifh had to vifit his
Country, the cunning Indian, in order to get
thither again, pretended there was a rich Gold
Mine not far from the Country where he was
born, which he would guide them to if they
thought it worth their while to fit out a Ship
on fuch an Expedition. This Overture had
the Succefs Epenow expected, and Captain Hob-
fon was difpatched the next Year, with Provi
fions, Tools and Materials proper to make a
Settlement and open the Mines Epenow had
given them Intelligence of. The Ship arri
ving on the Coaft of the Maffachufets, feveral
Indians came on Board, promifing to return the

220 The Present St ate
New- the next Day with Furs and other Merchant
England, jj^g . an(j fay jjj indeed return, but in a
~l"r~' hoftile manner, with twenty Canoes full of
armed Men, and Epenow beckoning to them
to approach nearer the Ship, jump'd into the
Sea and made his Efcape to them : Whereupon
the Englifh fired upon the Canoes, and Were
anfwered with a Flight of Arrows, and feveral
were wounded on both Sides, among whom
was Captain Hobfon himfelf: After which the
Captain, without attempting any thing farther*
thought fit to return to England.
in the Year 1619, Captain Dormer was fent
to New-England, and with him Squanto the
Indian, as an Interpreter, to endeavour to make
Peace with the Natives, and fettle a Colony in'
the Maffachufet* s- Bay, but to no purpofe, the
Indians would not be reconciled, and in a
Skirmifh with them Dormer received fourteen
Wounds ; whereupon he proceeded to Virgin
nia, leaving Squanto on Shore in New-Eng
land.
The Ori- In the mean time fome Brownifts, the very
ginal of worft of our Englifh Sectaries, who had ren-
*E 6 t^T der'd themfeives obnoxious to the Government
Colonies, by the rebellious Principles they taught, thought
fit to tranfport themfeives to Amfterdam ; where
not being able to agree among themfeives, Part
of them removed with their Preacher Mr. John
Robinfon to Ley den about the Year 1610 ; where
having remained feven Years more, either the
Dutch grew weary of them, or they grew
weary of the Dutch ; for the Brownifts com
plained of very great Hardfhips, declaring
that Imprifonment in England was preferable
to the Condition of Refugees in Holland ; and
many of them actually returned to England.
Whereupon Robinfon and his Elders, apprei-
hending

c/ NE W-E N G L A N D.
themfeives at ,the firft good Harbour they
fhould meet with. They went on Shore there
fore in their Boats ; and having taken a View
of the Country over-againft Cape Cod, after
a Month's laborious Search, many Hazards at
Sea, and fome Skirmifhes with the Natives on
Shore, they arriv'd at a very commodious Bay,
on which they built a Town, arid gave it the
Name of Plymouth, being fituate in 42 Degrees Netv-Pfy-
North Latitude, a great way to the North-Eaft mouth
of the Country they had purchas'd and obtain'd foundetL
a Patent to plant. They determin'd therefore
to have no regard to the Letters Patents they
had obtain'd from the Crown, but to elect a
Governor, and ftrike out fuch a Fopm of
Government as' they could agree on among
themfeives. The Planters defign'd to flay in the Country,
including Women and Children, were about
an hundred, of whom only one Boy dy'd in
the Paffage. Their Hiftorians mention no
more than nineteen Families that fettled at
Plymouth, and give us the Names but of forty-
one effective Men, among whom the chief Tne chief
were John Carver, William Bradford, Edward PIanter5-
Winflow (John Brewfter, Affiftant to Mr.
Robinfon abovemention'd, and ruling Elder of
his Church, to whofe Care he committed that
Part of his Flock who engaged in this Enter-
prize) Ifaac Allerton, Miles Standifh, John
Howland, Richard Warren, Stephen Hopkins,
Edwarfl Tilly, Chriftopher Martin, William
White, Richard Clark, and Thomas Englifh.
The firft thing they confider'd after their
Landing was the Choice of a Governor,
and were unanimous in conferring that Poft
upon Mr. John Carver. They alfo agreed to
fubmit to fuch Laws as fhould be approv'd of
F f 2 by

222 The Present State
New- by the Majority, and fign'd an Inftrument Ks
England. that Effect . but fuch w€re the FatigUes and
v-rV^,/ Hardfhips this young Colony underwent the
firft Winter, that out of art hundred Planters
fifty of them dy'd within the fpace of two
Months ; and had the Indians attack'd them
they had probably all perifhed before the Win
ter was over ; but they met with no Diftur-
bance from the Natives after they fix'd them-:
felves at Plymouth Bay, and only faw fome
few of them now and then at a Diftance till the
middle of March, when Samofet, one Of their
Sagamores or Captains, came to them in a
friendly manner, and gave them to underftancj
they were welcome into the Country, and that
his People would be glad to traffick with them,
And coming again the next Day with feveral
other Indians, they inform'd the Englijh that
their great Sachem or King, whom they call'd
Maffaffoiet, had his Refidence but two or
three Days March to the Northward, and in
tended them a Vifit ; and according! y Maffaffoiet
UaffaffoUt arriv'd on the 2 2d of Marsh, with a Retinue
an Indian °f about fixty People, and being receiv'd by
King vifits Captain Standi ft) at the Head of a File of Muf-
them, keteers, was conducted to a kind of Throne
they had prepar'd for his Indian Majefty in
one of their Houfes.
They relate, that this Monarch was of a
large Stature, middle aged, of a grave Coun
tenance, and fparing in his Speech ; that his
Face was painted red, and both Head and Face
fmear'd over with Oil ; that he had a Mantle
of Deer-fkin, and his Breeches and Stockings',
which were all of a piece, were of the fame
Materials ; that his Knife or Tomahawk hung
upon hisBreaft on a String, his Tobacco-pouch
behind him, and his Arms were eloathed withwild

^NEW-ENGLAND. 223
Wild Cat-fkins ; and in the fame Garb were New'
his principal Attendants. They did not ob- E^ZJ
ferve any Marks of Diftinction between <his
Prince and his Subjects, unlets it were a Cft&iri
of Fifh-bones which Maffaffbiet wore about his
Neck. Soon after the Prince Was feated, Carver
the Governor came in with a Guard of Muf-
keteers, a Drum and Trumpet marching before
him : Whereupoh Maffaffbiet rofe up arid
kifs'd him ; after which they both fat down, and
an Entertainment Was provided for the Indians,
of which no part appear'd more acceptable ,
to them than the Brandy, the Sachem himfelf
drinking very plentifully of it. In Maffaffoiet's
Retinue was the abovemention'd Squanto, who
had been carry'd to Europe by Hunt and brought
to New- England again, as related above. This
Indian it feems had a very great Affection for
the Englifh, among whom he lived feveral
Years ; and it was to his favourable Reprefen
tation of the Colony that the Sachem was induc'd
to make them this friendly Vifit, and at this
firft Meeting to enter into an Alliance offenfive
and defenfive with the Englifh, and even to
acknowledge King James for his Soveraign, Maffaffoiet
and prOmife to hold his Dominions of him ; enters into
and as an Evidence of his'Sincerity, Maffaffbiet anAllianc«
granted and transfer'd part of his Country to ™*l)-2e
the Planters arid their Heirs forever. This and ac-'
Alliance being founded upon the mutual In- know-
terefts of the contracting Parties was main- '£4ses *e
tain'd inviolably many Years, The Sachem, g,!"1
who had been inform'd by Sqaanto howjpo\ver- Britain hii
fill a People the Englifh wefe bbth by Sea and Soveraign.
Land, promifed himfelf their Aftiftance againft
the Narraganfet Indians his Enemies ; arid
the Englifh flood in no lefs need of his Friettd- fhip

224 The Present State
New- fhip and Afflftance to eftablifh themfeives in
England. fat Country.
^v^ The Treaty, being concluded, Maffaffbiet re
turned to his Capital, leaving Squanto with the
Colony, who was extremely ferviceable to them,
not only as an Interpreter, but by inftructing
them how to plant and manage their Indian
Corn, In piloting them along the Coaft, and
fupplying them with Fifh, Fowl and Venifon.
The Colo- Still the Englifh remained very unhealthful, and
ny fickly. many 0f fam fad, among whom was Mr.
Canvenhe Carver their Governor, who did not furvive
Governor the Month of April, 1621. The Seamen alfo
dles- had their Share of Illnefs, infomuch that they
were not in a Condition to fail till May, when
the Ship returned to England to give their
Friends an Account of the Circumftances of
the Colony,
Bradford In the mean time the Colony elected Mr.
eleded Bradford their Governor, who fent an Em-
r' baffy to the Sachem Maffaffbiet, and renewed
and confirmed the Treaty of Alliance his Pre-
deceffor had made with that Monarch. The
Ambaffadors, in their Journey to Pokanoket,
the ufual Refidence of Maffaffbiet, received
great Civilities from the Indians upon the Road,
who fupplied them with Provifions, carried
their Baggage, and affifted them in crofting
the Rivers they met with in their Way ; and
The Na- the Englifh underftood from them . that the
tives de- Country had been in a manner depopulated by
ftroyM by a grea(. pjague which raged there the begin-
lence. ning of this Year, infomuch that feveral Towns
were left without Inhabitants, ?and the Corn
Handing in their Fields without an Owner j
and to this Calamity our Adventurers in a
great meafure afcribed their Security that they
were not molefted by the Natives. They tell us

(/ NE W-E NGLAND. 225
us however, that they were threaten'd by the New-
Narraganfets, Enemies to Maffaffbiet, a power- England.
ful Nation on the South-weft of Plymouth ; but '
having ftrengthen'd their Fort, and planted
Cannon on their Works, they render'd them
feives fo formidable, that the Narraganfets did
not think fit to attack them : On the other Several
hand, feveral Sachems, or petty Princes, came Chiefs de-
in and put themfeives under their Protection, fire the.
acknowledging the King of Great- Britain their of°thf Co-
Soveraign. lony.
In the Year 1622 feveral Ships arrived from Some
England with Planters, but bringing no Provi- ShiPs ar-
fions with them, and there happening a great pVe/r°Jn
Drought in New-England this Summer, they s "'
were in great danger of being diftrefs'd for
Provifions ; but the Rain falling plentifully in
July, they had a better Crop of Indian Corn
• than they expected ; and fome Ships arriving
from England with Cutlery Ware and other
Merchandize about the fame time, they pur-
chafed a farther Supply of Corn of the Na
tives. This Year died that friendly Indian Squanto
Squanto, who had been fo ferviceable to thedies-
Colony : It feems he endeavoured to render the
Englifh as formidable to his Countrymen as
poffible ; and among Things allured them,
that the Englifh could inflict what Plagues they
pleafed upon their Enemies ; infinuating, that
they had been the Authors of the laft Pefti-
lence, which fell upon fome Diftricts that were
for driving the Englifh out of their Country ;
and this, 'lis faid, kept the reft of the Indian
Princes in great Awe.
And now ,the Numbers of the Planters be- Divifions
ingincreafed by the continual Arrrival of Ships in the Co-
from Old-England, and there being fome Dif- 'j^ °"
ferences among them on account of Religion, 0MReil-
Mr. gion.

226 The Present State
New- Mr. Wefton, with Part of the Adventurers
England. rwno feem to have heen Members of the Church
•— ^^" J of England, by the Character the Sectaries of,
Plymouth give of them) removed to a Place
called Wefagufquafet, aftewards Weymouth, fi
tuate on the South-fide of the Maffachufet' s- Bay,
where they built fome Huts, and furrounded
them with Pallifadoes ; but having no great
Guns, or any Reinforcements of Men from
England, or Supplies of Ammunition or Pro-
vifion, as the People of Plymouth had, and
being forced to range about the Fields and
Woods in fearch of Provifions, they became
contemptible among the Indians, were daily
infulted, and had been all maffacred (as the
Plymouth Men relate) if they had not fent a
Detachment to their Relief, who attacked the
Jmdians, killed fome of their Chiefs, and com
pelled the reft to fue for Peace. However,
Wefton and his Men, being in no Condition to
maintain themfeives at Weymouth, quitted that
Settlement, which Captain Gorges afterwards
came from England with a Defign to reftore,
being made Governor of that Part of the Coun
try by the Company ; but not finding Things
anfwer his Expectations, this Gentleman alfo
abandoned Weymouth and returned to England,
being foon fallowed by his Bifhop and the reft
of the Planters, as the Plymouth Men relate.
What they mean by his Bifhop, I prefume, was
the Chaplain of the Colony, which Captain
Gorges carried over with him ; and as this
Weymouth Colony were generally Epifcopal
Men, the New-England Hiftorians (who were
of another Perfuafion ) reprefent the Wey
mouth Planters as a moft licentious and de
bauched Generation, and impute their want of
Succefs to the Wickednefs ot their Lives ; but as

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 227
as they drefs up all Church-men in the like New-
odious Colours, it is prefumed little Weight E"gland-
will be given to this Charge, efpecially as we
find their Dancing round a Maypole enume
rated amongft their greateft Crimes.
The true Reafon why the Sectaries fucceeded
better in this Country than other Adventurers
was, that their whole Party almoft engaged in
the Enterprife, propbfing to make this their Re
treat, if they mifcarried in the Defign they
had in view, of fubverting the Ecclefiaftical
and Civil Government at home : If this could
not be effected, they promifedthemfelveshow-
ever that they fhould be able here to put in
practice their darling Schemes of Independen
cy in the Church, and Democracy in the State,
and become the Founders of a new Religion,
as well as of a new Republick.
- As their Hearts were fet upon this Project:,
they took care to fupply their Friends they fent
before them from time to time with all man
ner of Provifions and Neceffaries, while they
fupplanted and difcouraged all others from fet
tling there, and actually fent feveral confidera-
ble Adventurers back again to England for
prefuming to worthip God after the Manner of
the eftablifhed Church, as will appear from
their own Relations in the Courfe of this Hi
ftory. As for themfeives, they had not for many
Years any Clergy-man amongft them, either
ConforrHift or Non-conformift, but were preach
ed to and directed in their Devotions by Brewfter
the Lay-elder, whom Father Robinfon fent o^-
ver to explore the Country, and prepare a
Place for his Reception ; but Robinfon died in
Holland, and was not fuffered to pafs over
Vol. XXXI. G g Jordan

The Present State
Jordan to that Land of Reformation, that Pa*
radife of the Saints.
rftePl^ The Colony of Plymouth ftill remaining
mouth without a Patent, or any Title to the Lands
Planters fay poffeffed from the North-Virginia (or
Outer* New-England) Company, fent over Mr,
Winftow, one of their Number, to folicit for
both in the Year 1624 ; and this Gentleman fuc
ceeded beyond their Expectations, for the
* Charter he procured enabled the Planters to
electa Governor, a Council and Magiftrates,
and to make Laws, provided they wer^ not
oppofite to the Laws of England, nor en
croached on the, Prerogatives of the Crown.
Cattle fent Three Heifers and a Bull were carried over
to AW to Plymouth Colony this Year (1624) being
England, fa £rfi. horned Cattle that ever were feen
in New- England: Some Hogs, Goats and
Poultry alfo were imported about the fame
time, which foon increafed to a very great
Number. The Company alfo fent over one Lyforiaa
Irifhman, as Chaplain to the Plymouth Colony,
who would have performed Divine1 Service and
adminifter'd the Sacraments after the Manner
of the Church of England ; but the Planters
compelled him to conform himfelf to their
Way of Worthip, and fufficiently humbled
him upon intercepting fome Letters he had
font to England, complaining of their Extra
vagancies, and reprefenting them as Monfters
in Religion ; infomuch that, he was forced to
remove from Plymouth to a new Colony ,of
Planters, who had fixed themfeives near Cape
Anne.,
The Ori- In the Year 1625 (as the New- England Hi-
g>nal °f ftorians relate) Mr. White Minifter of Dor-
thljitCQ. defter, obferving the Succefs of the Plymouth
lony. Colony,

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 229
Colony, • projected a new Settlement in ' the New-
Maffachufets Bay in New-England, as an A- En?'^
fylum alfo for the Sectaries ; and prevailing '
with Mr. Conant and fome others, to go over
and make choice of a proper Settlement he
and his 'Friends purchafed or procured a Grant
from the North-Virginia or New-England Com
pany in the Year 1627, to Sir Henry Rofwell,
Sir John Young, Knights, Thomas Southcot,
John Humphries, and Simon Newcombe, Efqrs.
their Heirs, Affignes and Affociates, of all
that Part of New-England which lies between
the great River Merimack and Charles River at
the Bottom of the Maffachufets Bay, and all
Lands, &V. three Miles North of Merimack
River, and three-Miles South of Charles River,
and in Length or in Longitude between thofe
Rivers from the Athntick to the South Sea ;
and obtained a Patent from King Charles I. to
hold the fame as of his Manour of Eafi-Green-
wich, in common Soccage, yielding and pay^
ing to his Majefty a fifth Part of fuch Gold
and Siver Ore as fhould from time to time be
found within thofe Limits.
Thefe Gentlemen having taken in Sir Rich
ard Saltouftal, Mr. Ifaac Johnfon, Samuel Ad-
derley, John Van Matthew Cradock, Thomas
Goff, George Harwood, Samuel BrOwn, and
feveral more Partners, the following Year 1628,
procur'd a new Patent with the Names of the
laft-mention'd Gentlemen inferred as Proprietors j
by which Patent they and all others who fhould
join with them were incorporated by the Name
of The Governor and Company of the Maffa-r
chufets Bay in New-England, and were im-
power'd to elect a Governor, Deputy-Governor,
and Magiftrates, and to make Laws for the
Qood of the plantation, and not repugnant to
G g 2 the

The Present State
the Laws of England ; and Liberty of Con
fidence was thereby granted to all that fhould
fettle there.
Cradock The Adventurers, by virtue of this Patent,
the firft elected Mr. Cradock their Governor, and Mr.
of SI/- Ea^CBt their Deputy-Governor, and fent over
fachufet trie 'atter immediately to re-inforce Mr. Conant,
Colony, who was fettled at Mumkeak, now Salem, fitu
ate on the Coaft of New-England, between the
Promontories of Marble-head and Cape Anne.
A Fleet of, The following Year the Maffachufet Ad-
Planters venturers fitted out fix Ships, on Board where-
&SaT& at °^ were t^iree nun^re<^ ancl fifty Planters, Men
Women and Children, and two Nonconformity
Minifters, viz. Mr. Shelton and Mr. Higgin-
fon : They alfo fent over Cattle of all kinds,
viz. Horfes, Mares, Cows, Hogs and Goats,
with Rabbits and Barn-Door-Fowls ; as alfo
Cannon, Ammunition and Provifion of all
kinds, neceffary to .eftablifh a Colony ; which
Fleet failed from the Ifle of Wight on the ift
of Mjy, 1629, and arrived at Salem in New-
England on the 24th of June following. The '
firft thing they did after their Arrival was to
fend for fome of their Brethren from Plymouth,
and having-- -learn'd what Species of Indepen
dents they were, refolved to copy after them
(in Religion at leaft) and enter'd into a folemn
Covenant among themfeives for that purpofe ;
declaring (as I underftand the Inftrument) that
they would fubmit to no Government, Eccle-
fiaftical or Civil, but of their own framing,
One of their own Writers obferves,- that they
were attached to the Principles of the Brownifts,
which they carried to fuch 'a length as not only
to difcourage but to drive away a regular and
learned Miniftry, which after, fome Years they
were bleffed with. (I prefume he- means the
Presby-

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 231
Presbyterian Fathers who reforted thither after- New-
Wards) ' England.
The fame Writer informs us, that fome of TjQCe°
the Planters, finding their Minifters did not fufe to to-
ufe the Common- Prayer, or adminifter the Sa- lerate the
craments with the ufual Ceremonies, fet up a s,ej Vi?c of
feparate Affembly, wherein they ufed the Li-ofSf*
turgy of the Church of England ; and of thefe land.
Mr. Samuel Brown a Lawyer, and his Brother
John Brown a Merchant, Men of Eftates and
Figure, were the chief, being of the Number
of the firft Patentees.
The Deputy- Governor fending to thefe Gen
tlemen to demand the Reafon of their Separa
tion, they reprefented, that the Minifters, were
Separatifts from the Church of England, and
the Principles they profefs'd would fhortly lead
them to become Anabaptifts. To which the
,Minifters anfwer'd, they were neither Separa
tifts nor Anabaptifts ; they did not feparate
from the Church of England, or from the Or
dinances of God, but only from the. Cor
ruptions and Diforders of that Church ; that
they came away from the Common-Prayer and
Ceremonies, and had fuffered for their Non
conformity in their native Land j and being
now in a Place where they had their Liberties,
they neither could nor would ufe them, judg
ing the Impofition of thefe Things finful Cor
ruptions of the Word of God.
Mr. Brown and his Friends replied, That as
they were of the Church eftablifh'd by Law in
their native Country, it was highly reafonable
they fhould worfhip God in the manner that
Government required from which they received
their Charter; at leaft they ought "to allow the
Members of the Church that Liberty of Con-'
icience they themfeives thought fo reafonable when

The Present State
when they were on the other fide of the Wa"
ter^ and as one Article in their Charter pro
vided that all Perfuafions of Chriftians fhould
have Liberty of Confcience, they did not know
whether their denying it to them was not a
Forfeiture of their Charter. But thefe Argu
ments were called feditious and mutinous ; and
the Brethren, determining to fuffer none to re-
fide there that were not of the fame levelling
Principles in Church and State as they pro-
fefs'd, forced the two Mr. Browns to return
back to Old- England in the fame Ship that
A great brought them over, whereby they efcaped that
Mortality Mortality which happened among the Planters
among the fhe next Winter, when an hundred of them
Planters, jied, and among the reft Mr. Francis Higgin-
fon their Preacher, and Houghton the Ruling-
Elder of their Church,
Winthrop The Year following (1630) Mr. Cradock
made Go- declining to go over to his Government, the
,or" Maffachufet Adventurers in Old-England made
choice of John Winthrop, Efqj for Governor,
Dudley and Mr. Thomas Dudley Deputy-Governor ;
Deputy- and having fitted out ten Sail of Ships, the
Governor. .Governor and his Deputy embark'd in that
Fleet for New-England, together with Sir Rich
ard Saltouftal, Ifaac Johnfon, Efq-, and his
Lady, Theophilus Eaton and John Venn, Efqs.
with feveral other Gentlemen and Noncon-
formift Minifters, and upwards of two hundred
Planters more, who arriv'd at Salem in July
1630: Soon after which the People of Salem
Charles made two new Settlements, the firft at Charles-
Town Town, on the North Side of Charles- River,
founded, 0pp0fite to the Place where Bofton now ftands,
and Dor- an^ tne otner at Dorchefter, fituate at the bot-
thefter. torn of the Maffachufets Bay ; but the new
Planters bringing the Scurvy and other Dif-
tempers.

of NEW-ENGLAND.
tempers along with them, and lying in Tents
and Booths pretty much expofed to the Wea
ther, above an hundred of them dy'd within
three Months after their Arrival. The Small
pox at the fame time made fuch havock among
the Indians that nine Parts in ten of them (as
the New-England Hiftorians relate) dy'd of
that Diftemper, and the reft flying from the
Diftemper the Country was in a manner de
populated : But this is not very confident with
what the New- England Writers add : That
they purchafed the feveral Trails of Land they
afterwards peffefs'd of the Natives ; for if the
former Inhabitants were all dead or gone, fhe
Engliftj, who fucceeded them in the Poffeffion,
feem to have had the beft Title to the Country,
and had no Occafion or even any Opportunity
to purchafe their Lands, If they did purchafe
fome fmall Parcels on their Arrival,, there is
no doubt to be made but they poffefs'd them
feives of much more on this general Defertion
without paying any thing for it.
The latter End of the fame Year 1630, the
Inhabitants of Charles-Town obferving that
the oppofite Side of the River was a much
more defirabje Situation than that their Town
flood upon, took the liberty to difpoffefs Mr.
Blackfton, an epifcopal Minifter, of it, who
had built a little Houfe there, by virtue whereof
he laid Claim to the whole Peninfula ; and
theyfeem to juftify the Outrage by fuggefting
that Mr: Blackfton was an odd fort of a Man,
who would not join himfelf with any of their
New-England Churches, declaring that as he
came from Old-England becaufe he did not
like Lords Bifhops, fo he would not join with
them becaufe he would not be fubject to the
Lords Brethren, whofe Tyranny he held much more

234 <^>e Present State
New- more infupportable than the other : But how-
England. ever that be, certain it is, when the Brethren
•-"¦v— »' had driven away this unhappy Parfon that Could
agree with no body, they laid the Foundation
Boflon the of their capital City upon this very Spot of
Capital Ground, to which they gave the Name of
founded. Lofton: Cambridge and feveral Towns more
were founded foon after not far from Bofton ;
for now the Nonconformifts reforted hither in
great Numbers ; Fleets of Ships came over
The Small crowded with them every Year. In 1634 the
pox fatal Small-pox was as fatal to the Indians as it had
tothe been in the Year 1630. The Englifh obferve
n ians. t^t ^^ pe0pje are generaiiy Very full of
them, and wanting Beds and Linnen they be
come the moft loathfome Objects imaginable ;
for having nothing but hard Matts to lie on,
when the Pufcles break they flick to the Matts,
and all their Skin is flead off, and in this Con
dition they catch cold and die in the utmoft
Torture, which makes the Natives dread the
Small -pox much more than a Peftilence.
Divlfions There happen'd great Divifions about this
among thetime (1634) among the Brethren. Their Wri-
Planters. ters re\ate^ fat jy[ri jioger Williams, who was
chofen to fucceed Mr. She It on deceas'd, as
Paftor of the Church of Salem, being a rigid
Broxvnift, precife and uncharitable, and of tur
bulent Paflions, was near fetting the whole
Country in a flame. This Father taught, that
it was not lawful for an unregenerate Man to
pray, nor for a good Man to join in Prayer
with thofe he thought unregenerate : That it
was not lawful to take an Oath to a Magiftrate,
and thereupon refufed the Oath of Allegiance,
and advis'd his Congregation to do the fame:
And declared that their Charter granted by the
King of England was void, and an Inftrument of

of NEW-ENGLAND. 235
of Injuftice which they ought, to renounce as in- New-
jurious to the Natives, his Majefty having no ^fff^f^J
Power to difpofe of their Lands to his Subjects : ^^^
That Magiftrates had nothing to do with Mat
ters of the firft Table of the Decalogue, and
therefore there ought to be a general and un
limited Toleration for all Religions : To
punifh Men for Matters of Confcience was
Perfecution. For holding which Tenets the
Magiftrates banifh'd him the Maffachufet Co
lony as a Diflurber of the Peace of their Church
and Commonwealth : But fuch an Influence The Crofs
had his Exhortations on fome of his Followers, in the
that in the Height of their Zeal they cut the Colours
Crofs out of the King's Standard, declaring it as Wola-
to be an Idol ; and the People thereupon be- trous.
came divided in their Opinions, whether it was
lawful to have the Crofs in their Colours or
not. Several furious Books were printed and
publifh'd on each fide the Queftion, and moft
of their Militia refufed to march with their
Colours fo long as the Crofs remain'd in them,
left they fhould be thought to do honour to an
Idol ; while others were for following the King's
Colours with the Crofs in them, left their de-
ferting them fhould be interpreted a catting off
their Allegiance to the Crown of England : But
at length the Magiftrates and Officers com-
promifed the Matter in the following manner.
They order'd that all Catties and Ships fhould
have the fame Colours as formerly, but that
the Crofs might be omitted in the Colours be
longing to the Regiments of Militia. To re
turn to Roger Williams, who ftarted and en
couraged thefe Notions. So much were his
Congregation devoted to him that many of
them chofe to accompany him in his Banifh-
ment. Whereupon he led them to the South-
Vol. XXXI, H fi ward,

236 The Present State
New- ward, beyond the Bounds of the Maffachufets
England.^ jurifdiction, and there became the Founder of
~"*-~^ another petty State, calling the Country Pro-
The Ori- vidence, which it retains to this Day ; and
ginal of here, fay the New-England Writers, they in-
Providence COrporated a Church, proceeding from one
Plantation. Whimfcy t0 another till they crumbled to pieces,
every one following his own Fancy, infomuch
that Religion itfelf grew into Contempt, and
the publick Worthip of God was generally
neglected among them.
However, they tell us, that Roger made a
good Civil Governor, remained in thofe Parts
above forty Years, and regained his Reputa
tion even among the Maffachufet Planters who
had banifhed him, and was very inftrumental
in dbtaining the Charter of Rhode-Ifland, to -
which his Plantation of Providence was an
nexed ; adding, that if he had never meddled
with Divinity he would have been efteemed a
great and ufeful Man,
Mr. Vane In the mean time Mr. Vane arrived in the
Governor jtfajjacbufet Colony, a Gentleman that made a
Maffachu- much greater Noife afterwards both in Old and
fets. New-England than ever RogerWilliams had done.
Their Writers reprefent Mr, Vane at this time
as a hot-headed young Fellow, whofe Zeal for
pure Religion drew him over thither : His firft
Defign was to have fettled a new Colony on
the Banks of the River Conneclicut ; but be
ing complimented with the Government of the
Maffachufets on \\& Arrival, he refolved to
flay there.
He was no fooner advanced to the Govern
ment, but he appeared to be a Perfon of little
Conduct, and by no means equal to the Poft
he was preferred to : He was, they tell us, a
violent Enthufiaft, openly efpoufing the Auti-
nomian

of NEW-ENGLAND. 237
nomian Dodtrines, and gave fuch Encourage- New-
ment to their Preachers, that he had very near j^g'and^
overturned their Infant- Church and Common- *"¦•"*-— '
wealth, if fome of the wifeft of them had not
put an End to his Reign, by electing another
Governor as foon as the Year expired.
He returned afterwards to Old England,
where his Father being principal Secretary
of State he was elected a Member of the
Long Parliament ; and what a Share both Fa
ther and Son had in fomenting the Grand Re
bellion againft King Charles I. all the World
are apprifed ; nor did any Man act with more
Zeal or rather more Malice, againft the Royal
Family and Monarchy itfelf during the Ufurpa-
tion, than this Gentleman, which occafioned his
being left out of the Act of Indemnity by
King Charles II. But to return to the Maffa
chufet Planters ; the Brethren flocking over to
them continually, fo that they began to be
ftraiten'd for want of Room, and. the Indians
on their Weftern Frontiers beginning to be
troublefome, they detached a Party of an hun
dred Men to the Banks of the River Connecti
cut, that they might plant that Country and
ferve as an Outguard to their more Eaftern Set
tlements. And thefe Adventurers beginning
their March in the Month of June, and tra
velling on Foot with their Wives, Children
and Baggage, about nine or ten Miles a Day,
arrived at the River Conneclicut in lefs than a
Fortnight, where they founded the Town of
Hartford, now the Capital of Conneclicut, on Connaii-
the Weft-fide of that River, and foon after cut C0101^
laid the Foundation of Windfor, Weather sfield
and Springfield in the fame Province ; and
finding themfeives beyond the Limits of the
Maffachufets Jurifdiction, they chofe a Go
vernor

The Present State
vernor and Magiftrates among themfeives, and
made fuch Laws as they thought fit in imita
tion of the Colony from whence they came,
and in this State they remained till the Refto-
ration of King Charles II. when they applied
to his Majefty for a Patent, and in .the Year
1664 obtained a very ample Charter, autho-
rifing them to elect their own Governor, Coun
cil and Magiftrates, and enact fuch Laws as
they thought moft advantageous to the Colo
ny, not oppofite to the Laws of England, the
Benefit, whereof they enjoy to this Day. The
Colony of New^Haven, and moft of th^Nar-
raganfet Country being annexed to it by the
fame Charter, and conftituting but one Govern
ment at prefent. New-Haven and the Nana-
ganfet Country it teems had been granted by
King Charles I. to the Earl of Warwick in the
Year 1630, and afterwards purchafed of that
Earl by William Vifcount Say and Seal, Robert
Lord Brooks, Robert Lord Rich, Charles
Fiennes, Efq; Sir Nathaniel Rich, John Pym,
Efq; "John Hampden, Efq; and other Male-
contents, who fomented the Grand Rebellion a-
gainft King Charles I. for a Place of Refuge,
in cafe their Confpiracy againft that Prince
had not fucceeded ; and they were once upon
the point of transporting themfeives thither
with the moft noxious of their Party, being
in doubt of carrying their Point in the Senate.
Oliver Cromwell, 'tis faid, was actually on
Board in the River Thames, intending to have
tranfported himfelf to New-England ; but fuch
Multitudes of People were embarking at the
fame time for the Plantations, that it was
thought proper to publifh a Proclamation (da
ted the 30th of April 1637) prohibiting all
People to tranfport themfeives without Licenfe, whereby

of NEW-ENGLAND. 239
Whereby Cromwell, Sir Arthur Haflerig, Mr. New-
John Hampden, and feveral other difaffedted England.
Gentlemen, were prevented going thither ; and *" — V~~J
fucceeding in their Rebellion afterwards be
yond their Expectation, they fold their Intereft
in thefe Plantations to other Adventurers, who
united with the Conneclicut Colony, and be
came one Government, as has been intimated
already. In the mean time other Englifh Adventurers
poffeffed themfeives of the Countries of New- Ne-zv-
Hampfhire and Maine to the Northward of the Hampfhire
Maffachufets, which for fome time remained a"d Mah"
feparate Governments; but afterwards united pan
themfeives with the Maffachufets, and conti
nued fo till the Reign of King Charles IL
when the Maffachufets Charter Was adjudged
to be forfeited. And in the Charter Which was
granted to the Maffachufets by King William
ill. after the Revolution, the Provinces of
Maine and Plymouth were annexed to the Maf
fachufets, but Hampfhire was made a diftinct
Government immediately depending on the
Crown, which appoints the Governor, Deputy-
Governor, Council and Magiftrates there, as
will appear further under the Head of Go
vernment : I fhall only add here, that all the
New-England Provinces were planted and pret
ty well peopled within the Space of feventeen
or eighteen Years, and a very beneficial Fifh-
ery carried on at the fame time on their Coaits
by the Merchants of Old-England, who with
the Fifh, taken here annually, purchafed the
Merchandize of Spain and Portugal.
Hitherto the Englifh Colonies had lived in
Peace with the Indians ; fome little Mifunder-
ftandings and flight Skirmifhes had happened
indeed, but thefe Differences had been amica-
VoLXXXI. Ii bly

The Present State
bly compofed, and no»formal War yet entered
into with the Natives: But upon the Maffachu
fets penetrating into the Heart of their Coun
try, and taking Poffefiion of the Province of
Conneclicut, without any previous Treaty, or
fo much as Notice given them of their Intention,
the Indians immediately concluded they fhould
be extirpated, or at leaft enflaved by thefe Strang-
The War ers ; and the Pequots, the moft potent Nation in
with the thofe Parts, thereupon fell upon the Englifh be-
Pequots. fore fay na(j perfected their Settlements on Con
necticut River, killed nine Men and carried
two Women into Captivity, and then endea
voured to form a Confederacy with the reft of
the Indian Nations againft the Englifh for
their common Defence ; but the Narraganfets,
ancient Enemies of the Pequots, refuted to
come into their Meafures, and determin'd to
take part with the Englifh, notwithftanding the
Pequots reprefented that nothing could now
preferve their Country from a foreign Yoke but
a ftridt Union among themfeives : That the
Narraganfets, if they favour'd the Englifh,
would only have the Satisfaction of being de-
ftroy'd laft ; conjuring them therefore, as they
valued their own Prefervation, to forget all
Quarrels among themfeives, and unite in the
Defence of their common Country againft fo
formidable an Enemy: That it was true, the
Fire- Arms of the Englifh feem'd to render them
invincible in a Body, yet they might furprife '
them when they were difperfed in fmall Parties,
or bufied in building and fortifying theirTowns ;
they might cut off their Provifions, harrafs their
Troops, and fo diftrefs them by perpetual
Alarms, if they were unanimous, that they would
be glad to retire again to the Sea-coafts, and
probably abandon their Country; whereas if
they

of NEW-ENGLAND.
they defer'd it till more of them came over,
and they were fuffer'd to complete the Fortifi
cations of their Towns, it would then be in
vain to ftruggle for the Recovery of their loft
Liberties, and they muft fubmit to fuch Terms
as thefe Foreigners fhould be pleafed to impofe
on them.
But fuch was the Refentment of the Nar
raganfets againft their former Enemies the Pe- ,
quots, who had frequently triumphed over
them, that they were not to be moved by any
Arguments they could ufe ; the Profpect of fa-
tiating their Revenge, on a People that had of
ten infulted them, made them not conflder the
Confequences of affifting the Englifh ; or per
haps, like fome other People, they chofe rather
to be Slaves to Foreigners than to their Neigh
bours, and might hope for better Terms from
the Englifh by an early Submiffion.
Thus were the Pequots left alone to defend
themfeives againft thefe powerful Invaders, in
finitely fuperior to them both in their Arms
and in the Art of War, and what was ftill
more unfortunate, feveral Indian Nations join
ed in Confederacy with them, and contributed
to the Conqueft of their Country. However,
they affembled their Troops, determining to
make the beft Defence they could ; and on the
other hand the Governor of the Maffachufets
fent a Detachment of an hundred and fixty Men
to fupport the new Colony of Conneclicut, who
were joined by five hundred of their Indian
Allies, who vowed to live and die with the
Engliflo ; but the Narraganfets no fooner came
in fight of the Pequots than moft of them de
ferred the Service and run away ; however,
the Englifh advanced and drove the Pequots be- T,ie p*
fore them, who retired into two Forts that^ddbe"
I i 2 weretiie^M.

The Present State
were defended only by Stakes and Bufhes, one
of which the Englifh entering in the Night
time fet fire to their thatch'd Huts ; and the Pe
quots, endeavouring to make their efcape from
the Flames, were moft of them cut in pieces,
either by the Englifh or their Indian Allies,
who now returned to the {laughter of the
flying Enemy, tho' they could not be perfuad-
ed to face them while they were unbroken ; and
of five hundred Pequots that were fhut up with
in this Fort (as it was called) not more than
fix or feven efcaped •, this Victory being ob
tained with the Lots only of two Englifh Men
killed and twenty wounded.
The Englifh advancing towards the other
Fort the Garrifon mutiny'd againft Saffacus
their Sachem, and he was forced to abandon
it, his People thereupon retiring to the Woods
and Swamps, whither being purfu'd by the
Englifh and their Allies, fome hundreds more
of them were kill'd, and near two hundred
Men, Women and Children taken Prifoners,
who were divided between the Colony and the
Narraganfet Indians : As to thofe that fell to
the Share of the Englifh, the Males were fent
Slaves to the Bermudas, and the-Females diftri-
buted in their own Families •, which Succefs
ftruck fuch a Terror into the Indian Sachem
that many of them came in and defir'd to be
taken into the Protection of the Englifh. As
for Saffacus, the great King of the Pequots, he
fled with moft of his Subjects to the Maquas,
who, at the Inftance of the Narraganfets, cut
Who pof- off his Head, and the Conneclicut Colony pof-
fefs their fefs'd them felves of his Dominions, as the New-
Country. jj,ngjand Writers acknowledge. But after this,
- it is to be prefumed, they will no longer affirm
that they obtain'd the Lands of the Indians by

of NEW-ENGLAND. 243
by Purchafe, or the voluntary Grants of the New-
Natives. J^nd^
To proceed in their Hiftory. While the
Maffachufets were thus fuccefsful againft their
Enemies abroad, they were in great danger of
being deftroy'd hy their inteftine Divifions at Divifions
home, as the celebrated M-.ither, and after lm0,"|the
him Mr. NeaJ relate. Familiftical and and- ocfaffoned
noinian Errors, according to thefe Writers, by the nu-
over-fpread the Colony, the Rife of wnich meroas
they afcribe in a great meafure to one Mrs;tnd™?^
Hutchinfon, who obferving that the Men ufed rej-ies anci
to meet once a Week at Bofton to repeat the Errorsthatj
Sermons they had heard the preceding Sunday, w "'e
and to pafs their Judgments on the Doctrines a[^sc
contained in them, fhe apprehended it might time.
be as expedient for the zealous Women to have
the fame kind of Meetings, grounding her
Opinion on that Pafiage of Scripture, 'that the
elder Women eught to teach the younger; and
accordingly affembied three or four fcore Wo
men at her Houfe every Week, where fhe re
peated the Sermons of her Teacher Mr. Cotton,
and made her Remarks on them. Among
other things fhe taught her Difciples, that
Believers were perfonally united with the Spi
rit of God, and that the Revelations the
Saints were indulg'd with were of equal Au
thority with the holy Scriptures ; that their
Minifters were Legal ifts, Men that were un
acquainted with the Spirit of the Gofpel and
witfi Chrift himfelf: And the whole Country
became immediately divided into two Factions,
the one zealous for the Covenant of Works,
and the other for the Covenant of Grace, as
they calfd them. The Colony of Plymouth
were fo furious for the latter, that they ftarv-
ed and difcarded all their old Minifters who
were

The Present State
were of another Opinion, and fet up Me-'
chanicks in their ftead. TheTown of Bofton alfo
was infedted with Antinomianifm ; whereupon
the Fathers of the Maffachufet Colony thought
fit to call a Synod to cenfure their Errors, of
which they enumerated above four-fcore, fome
of them, according to the abovefaid Writers,
the moft monftrous and abfurd that ever were
broach'd : And when Mr. Wheelright, one of
their Minifters, and Mrs. Hutchinfon perfifted
to avow their Opinions, the Synod call'd in
the Lay Powers to their Afiiftance, and caufed
Wheelright, Mrs. Hutchinfon, and many more
One Party of their Adherents, to be banifh'd the Colony,
baniflies and fin'd and imprifon'd others, without which
the other. wholefome Severities they fuggefted it was
impoffible for their Church or Commonwealth
to fubfift ; For, fay they, thefe Men were
for turning the Government upfede down, and
excluding the Magiftrates as unqualify'd for
their Offices, becaufe they were Men of legal
Spirit, and inclin'd to a Covenant of Works.
TheExiles Thofe that were thus banifh'd, and many
retire to more of their Friends, hereupon retired to
Rhode If- Rhode-Ifland, which they planted in the Year
y,lantitnd l639> and Purchanng that Tra£t of Land
!/fo. 1639. over-againft it on the Continent, where the:
Towns of Providence and Warwick are fitua
ted, they became a feparate Colony, and in
Proportion to the Extent of their Territories,
which are but fmall, are now as flourifhing a
People as any. in New- England ; tho' Dr.
Mather and the reft of the Maffachufet Fathers
load them with the moft fcandalous Reproaches,
reprefenting them as a Generation of Liber
tines, Familifts, Antinomians, and Quakers,
whofe Pofterity, for want of Schools and a
publick Miniftry, became fo barbarous, they. fay,

of NEW-ENGLAND. 245
fay, as not to be capable of fpeaking good New-
Englijh or good Senfe. 2Ji»
On the other hand, the goodPeople of Rhode- *"
Ifland charge the Maffachufet Fathers with CJia[gL
Perfecution for Confcience-fake, the very Mo- ^dents'
tive which induc'd them all to leave their na- with Per-
tive Country : And they glory in it, that in this fecution.
Colony no Man's Confcience was ever forc'd,
or any manner of Compulfibn ufed in Matters
of Religion to this Day.
Notwithftanding thefe Divifions among the
Englifh, the Natives remain'd quiet for fome
time after the Defeat of the Pequots, or Con
neclicut Indians, and in the Year 1641 the
great King or Sachem Maffaffbiet came to
Plymouth with his Son Mooanam, to confirm Maffaffoiet
his ancient League with the Englifh, both of J?^s *^
them promifing to remain faithful Subjects to Alliance
the King of Great-Britain ; and the Colony with the
on the other hand promifed to protedt and de- Plymouth
fend them againft their Enemies. Colony.
And now the Civil Wars breaking out in TheJftw
Old-England, and the Faction at London car- England
rying all before them, the Brethren put a flop Heroes re-
to their Embarkations for New-England, and £,!g/a„j
inftead of tranfporting themfeives thither, a and join
great many Gentlemen and Nonconformift the Rebels,
Minifters return'd to Old-England at this time An' l6+I"
(1641) either to new model the Church here,
or to affift in fubduing their Prince and Coun
try, in order to erect fuch another Common
wealth at home as they had eftablifh'd in Ncw-
-England, among whom were Edward Winflow,
afterwards one of the Commiffioners of the
Navy under the Ufurpers, Edward Hopkins,
a Commiffioner of their Admiralty, George
Downing, afterwards Sir George Downing,
employ'd as Envoy in Holland by the Ufurpers, and

246 The Present State
New- an(j afterwards by King Charles II. Samuel
£T^' Mather, John Knowles, Thomas Allen, Henry
Whitfield, and the infamous Hugh Peters,
CromwelPs Chaplain and Buffoon, who made
a Jeft of all Religions and all Forms of Go
vernment.
The Go- - I" tne mean ^me £h0fe tney teft Denind them
vemment in New-England kept pace with the Difaffedtcd
of New- here, or rather led the way in catling off their
mfdeTd Allegiance t0 the Crown of Great- Britain:
like that and in the Year 1643 the four principal Co-
of Holland, lonies of New-England (viz.) the Maffachu
fets, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New-Haven
Colonies entered into an Affbciation or Con
federacy like that of the United- Provinces, to
defend themfeives againft all Mankind.
Each Province affirmed fovereign Power,
and agreed to fend Deputies to a certain Place,
where they were to form a Council like that of
the States-General, and negotiate their com
mon Concerns, efpecially thofe relating to
Peace and War, and the adjufting their feveral
Quota's and Proportions of Men and Money ;
but their Refolutions were to be of no Force
till confirm'd by the refpective Colonies. They
alfo copied fo far after the Dutch as not to
fuffcr any Denomination of Chriftians but thofe
They ex- of their own Church to have any Pofts or
elude all Places in the Government, and laid Diffenters
that differ tQ ^dependency under very great Reftraints
fromPlaces and Hardfhips, of which the Prefbyterians,
in the Go- Anabaptifts, Antinomians, and other Sects
vemment. complain'd very loudly: They reprefented,
•that they had a natural Right to be admitted to
a Share in the Government as well as the In
dependents without taking the Oaths and
Covenants that were requir'd of them, and
were evidently inconfiftent with the Oath of
Allegiance ;

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 247
Allegiance : And that it was ftill more op- New-
preffiye to fine and imprifon them for neglect- EnSland-
ing to take fuch Oaths, and prefs them into
the military Service againft their Wills, as
many of them were : They prefer'd a Petition
therefore to the Government to have thefe
Grievances redrefs'd, which being rejected,
they appeal'd to the Parliament of England,
and fent over Agents thither to lay their Cafe
before the Houfes ; at which the Independant
Preachers exclaim'd in their Pulpits, calling it
an unjufi and rebellious Appeal againft the People
of God, and denounced Judgment againft
thofe that promoted it.
While the Independants thus perfecuted their Converfi-
Brethren in New- England, their Hiftorians on of the
inform us, they appear'd no lefs zealous in con- Indians-
verting and civilizing the Indians that lived
amongft them ; and as thefe poor Creatures
were abfolutely in their power, I find they
iubmitted to whatever their Mafters dictated,
and thereupon the Independant Fathers boaft
of the hundreds and thoufands they converted
in the fpace of a few Years ; but this feeming
Conversion appears to be owing altogether to
Force and Compulfion, for I don't find they
ever made Converts of any Indians but thofe
in the little Iflands upon the Coaft, and fuch
as refided within their Bounds. There is fcarce
an Inftance of a Convert made beyond the
Walls of their Towns ; or if there were any
fuch they have now deferred their Communion,
all the Indians on the Borders of New-England,
that are at liberty, being Roman Catholicks
at this Day, the Fruits of the Jefuite Millions.
And here give me Leave to mention fome few
of thofe Cuftoms the New- England Fathers of
thofe Days compel'd their Converts to obferve,
Vol. XXXI. K k which

The Present State
which were fuch as thefe : That the Women
fhould not wear their Hair loofe and flowing,
but ty'd up ; and that they fhould not go with
naked Breafts : That the Men fhould not wear
long Hair, or kill their Lice between their
Teeth ; and that they fhould not commit
Fornication, or beat their Wives : That they
fhould not attend the Pawawing, or fuperfti-
tious Ceremonies and Sorceries of their Priefts :
That they fhould lay afide the Cuftom of
Howling, greafing their Bodies, and adorning
their Hair : That they fhould not fteal, get
drunk, or break the Sabbath : That they
fhould pray in their Wigwams with their Fa
milies, and fay Grace before and after Meat.
Their Writers add, that having inftructed a
great many hundred Indians in the Chriftian
Religion, they proceeded to baptize and ad
mit them to the Communion ; and feveral
congregational Churches were form'd out of
them, after the manner of the Independants,
about the Year 1660. They alfo printed
Catechifms, The Practice of Piety, and even
the Bible itfelf in the Indian Language. Se
veral Indians were ordained Preachers, and
fome Specimens are given us of their Sermons
and Prayers ; from whence it is not difficult
to difcover who were their Mafters, and where
they learn'd their Divinity : The chief Apoftles
in thefe notable Converfions of the Indians
were Mr, Elliot, Mr. Mahew, and Mr.
Cotton. Doctor Increafe Mather, Minifter of Bofton,
and Rector of their Univerfity of Cambridge,
in his Letter to Doctor Leufden, Hebrew Pro-
feffor at Utrecht, and dated the 12th of July
1687, tells him, that there were then fix
Churches of baptiz'd Indians in New-England, and

ef N E W-E N G L A N D. 249
and eighteen Affernblies of Catechumens: That New-
there were there four Englifh Minifters who EnSla»^-
preached in the Indian Tongue, and twenty-
four Indians who were Preachers : And Dr.
Cotton Mather, Son of Increafe Mather, who
has brought down their Ecclefiaftical Hiftory
to the Year 1695, fays, there were then three
thoufand adult Indian Chriftians in the Iflands
of Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket ; but the
Indians on the Continent, and efpecially at a
diftance from the Coaft, it appears, have
but little Regard to the Independant Miffio-
naries. Mr. Experience Mayhew, in his Vifi-
tation of the Pequot and Mohegin Indians, in
the Years 17 13 and 17 14, obferved, that the
Remains of thofe Nations were under ftrong
Prejudices againft the Chriftian Religion ; J^e
and that one of their Sachems bid him go and prJudic'd
make the Englifh good firft before he preach'd againft the
to them, objecting, that fome of the Englifh Indepen-
kept Saturday, others Sunday, and others no
Day at all for the Worthip of God, fo that
if his People were inclin'd to turn Chriftians,
they could not tell what Sect to be of. Others,
after they had heard him preach, faid, they
did believe the Being of a God, and worfhip
ped him, but as every Nation had its peculiar
Way of Worthip, fo they had theirs, and
they thought their Way good, and there was
no reafon to alter it. Another faid, that the
Difficulties of the Chriftian Religion were fuch
as the Indians could not endure ; their Fathers
had made fome Trial of it, but found it too
bard for them, and therefore quitted it, and
they were no more able to undergo the Hard-.
fhips of it than their Fathers : That they did
not fee Men were ever the better for being
Chriftians, the Englifh Chriftians cheated the
Kk 2V Indians

The Present State
Jndians of their Lands, and wrong'd them in
, other Inftances ; and their Knowledge of Books
only render'd them more artful and cunning
to cheat others, and therefore feemed to do
them more Hurt than Good ; and one of their
Priefts plainly told Mr. Mayhew, if the In
dians made him any Promifes of becoming
Chriftians they would not keep them, but as
foon as he was gone they would get drunk and
be as bad as ever.
Anaba M^ Author (Mr- Neal) having finifh'd his
tifts and Account of the Converfions of the Indians,
Quakers proceeds to cenfure the Independant Church of
perfected. New-England for not allowing Liberty of
Confcience, telling us they fin'd two Anabap
tifts for feparating from them, and whip'd a
third at the common Whipping- Pott; and
that they afterwards pafs'd an Act of Affem
bly to banifh all Anabaptifts the Colony. But
they appear'd ftill more fevere againft the
Quakers in the Year 1656 ; for having fin'd,
imprifon'd, and whip'd many of them, and
finding this would not reclaim them, tho'
fome of them were almoft whip'd to death,
a Law .was made for cutting off their Ears,
and boring , their Tongues through with hot
Irons ; and laftly, they made it Death (in the
Year 1658) for a Quaker to return from Ba-
nifhment ; and three of them actually fuffer'd
Several Death at Bofton by virtue of that Adt, in the
Quakers Year 1 659, viz. William Robinfon, of Lon-
Putto don, Merchant, Marmaduke Stevenfon, of
Yorkfljire, Hufbandman, and Mary Dyar.
Stevenfon, a little before his Execution,
fign'd a Paper, wherein he fays, " That
« when he was following his Plough, in the
" Eaft Part of Yorkfhire in Old-England, he
«« was in a fort of Rapture, and heard a fecret
" Voice

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 251
*« Voice in his Confcience, faying, / have New-
" ordained thee a Prophet of the Nations : England-
" and in Obedience to this Voice he left his N-^V>^
" Family and Employment, and went firft
" to Barbadoes, in the Year 1658, and from
«< thence to Rhode-Ifland, where, as he was
" vifiting the Seed, the Word of the Lord
" came to him, faying, Go to Bofton with
" thy Brother William Robinfon ; and for
" yielding Obedience to this Command of the
" ever-living God, and not obeying the
" Commands of Men, he fuffer'd." And
Robinfon alfo left a Paper of the like Tenour.
Thefe Executions, fays my Author (Mr,
Neal) raifed a great Clamour againft the Go
vernment, and folly'd the Glory of their former
Sufferings from the Bifhops -, for now it ap
peared that the New-England Puritans were no
- better Friends to Liberty of Confcience than
their Adverfaries ; and that the Queftion be
tween them was not whether one Party of
Chriftians ought to opprefs another, but who
fhould have the Power of doing it. The
Quakers themfeives obferv'd upon thefe Exe
cutions, that the Law for putting them to
death was contrary- to the Laws of England,
and confequently a Forfeiture of their Charter :
And if it was not contrary to the Laws of
England, it was certainly contrary to the Laws
of God, which allow'd every Man a Right of
private Judgment, or to judge for himfelf in
religious Matters. They added, that if it was
an Offence to make profeffion of their Re
ligion, the Punifhment they inflicted, upon it,
however, was too fevere ; for they were nor
charg'd with Felony or Treafon, but only
with a Contempt of Authority and God's
Ordinances, which might deferve a Fine or
the

252 The Present State
New- the Pillory, but were never punifh'd with
^gland^ Death in any civiliz'd Nation.
*~v"" However, the Government ftill continued
to put this fangainary Adt in execution, and
having banifh'd feveral Quakers more, put to
death William Leddia, a Foreigner, in the
Year 1660, who told them, when he was
brought to the Gallows, That he fuffer'd for
bearing his Teftimony for the Lord againft the
Deceivers and the Deceived. Nor did the
Puritans of New-England caufe thefe bloody
Perfecutions to ceafe till they receiv'd the
following Order from King Charles II.
CHARLES Rex.
King " Trufty and well -beloved, We greet you
Charles's . " well. Having been inform'd that feveral
Order to t< of our Subjects among you, call'd Quakers,
Perfecutf- " ^ave been, anc^ are imprifon'd by you,
ons. " whereof fome have been executed, and 0-
" thers (as hath been reprefented to Us) are
" in danger to undergo the like ; We have
" thought fit to fignify Our Pleafure in that
" Behalf for the future, and do hereby require,
" That if there be any of thofe People, call'd
te Quakers, amongft you now already con-
" demn'd to fuffer Death, or other corporal
" Punifhment, or that are imprifon'd, and
" obnoxious to the like Condemnation, you
" are to forbear to proceed any further there-
" in, but that you forthwith fend the faid
" Perfons (whether condemn'd or imprifon'd)
** over into this Our Kingdom of England,
" together with their refpedtive Crimes or
" Offences laid to their Charge, to the end
" fuch Courfe may be taken with them here
" as fhall be agreeable to Our Laws and
•' their Demerits j and for fo doing, thefe
" Our

jf NEW-ENGLAND. 253
" Our Letters fhall be your fufficient War- New-
" rant and Difcharge. Given at Our Court England.
" at Whitehall, September the 9th, 1661, in'
" the 13th Year of Our Reign.
" Subfcribed, To our trufty and well-
" beloved John Endicot, Efq; and
" to all and every other the Go-
" vernor or Governors of Our
" Plantation of New^England, and
" of all the Colonies thereunto be-
«' longing, that now are, or here-
«' after fhall be; and to all and
" every the Minifters and Officers
" of Our faid Plantation and Colo-
" nies whatfoever within the Con-
" tinent of New-England.
By His Majefty's Command.
William Morris.
The fame Author obferves, that all the
Colonies of New-England were not equally
fevere againft the Quakers. They fuffer'd
but little in the Diftricts of Conneclicut and
New-Haven ; but Plymouth Colony copy'd
after the Maffachufets, as appeared by a Letter
from Mr. James Cudworth to his Friend at
London, dated the 10th of December, 16^58,
wherein Mr. Cudworth fays : The Condition
of things amongft us is fad, and fo like to
continue. The antichriftian perfecuting Spirit
is very active. He that will not whip and
lath, perfecute and punifh Men that differ in
Matters of Religion, muft not fit on the Bench,
or fuftain any Office in the Commonwealth,
By our Law, if any Man entertain a Quaker
but a quarter of an Hour he forfeits five Pounds,
and if any Man fee a Quaker he is oblig'd to
give

254 The Present State
New- give notice to the next Conftable, tho' he lives
England. gve Miles off, and the Conftable is to appre-
V"-"V^-' hend him, and if he do not prefendy depart,
to whip and fend him away. Divers haye
been whip'd in our Colony ; and to tell you
truly, the whipping them with that Cruelty as
fome have been whip'd, and their Patience
under it, has gain'd them more Difciples than
their Preaching could have done.
There is another Law in our Colony, which
provides, that if a Quaker's Meeting be held
in any Man's Houfe or Ground, the Owner
thereof fhall pay forty Shillings, and the Prea
cher and every Hearer the like Sum. Our
Civil Powers (fays the Writer) are fo exercis'd
in Matters of Religion and Confcience, that
they have no time to do any thing that tends
to promote the civil Profperity of the Place.
We muft now have a State-Religion, fuch as
the Powers of this World will allow, and no
other. A State- Miniftry (Clergy) and a
State-Maintenance for them : And we muft
worfhip and ferve the Lord Jesus as the
World fhall appoint us : We muft all go to
the publick Place of Meeting in the Parifh
where we dwell, or forfeit ten Shillings for
abfenting : Four-fcore were prefented laft
Court for not coming to the publick Meetings.
But notwithftanding the Independants of
New-England perfecuted every other Denomi
nation of Chriftians-, when they addrefs'd King
Charles II. on his Reftoration, they implor'd
that he would grant them that invaluable
Bleffing, Liberty of Confcience, which they
deny'd to every body elfe, and endeavour'd
at the fame time to juftify their Ufage of the
Quakers. They pretended alfo to merit his
Favour, by telling him, That they were not
feditious

of N E W-E NGLAND. 15$
feditious as to the Interefts of Caefar, nor New-
fchifmatick as to Matters of Religion (which ^#"^j
was equally true, for they had taken part ^"^^"^
with every Species of Ufurpers againft Church
and Crown from the Beginning of the Civil
Wars till the Reftoration.) The next thing Baptifnj
I meet with remarkable in their Hiftory is a deny'd
Difpute among the Independants of New- children
England, in the Year 1662, whether the Chil-0f baptis'd
dren of Perfons baptiz'd (who had not enter'd Chriftians.
into Covenant to be obedient to that Church,
and been formally admitted Members after
they were of Years of Difcretion) might be
baptiz'd ; and upon calling a Synod of their
Preachers, it was decreed, that the Children
of fuch Perfons ought not to be baptized.
In the fame Year they began their Profecu- One exe-
tion of Witches, and put to death one Mrs. cute(* f°*
Greenfmith for Acts of Witchcraft faid to beaWltc '
committed on the Body of Anne Cole, who
being taken with Fits, accufed this Green
fmith as the Occafion of them. Their Mini
fters relate that the Prifoner was prevail'd on
alfo to confefs, that the Devil appear'd to her
in the Shape of a Deer, and that fhe talked >
with him, tho' fhe did not enter into Covenant
with him, and he had carnal Knowledge of
her Body ; from whence it appears that the
Devil is Flefh and Blood, and not a Spirit,
and indulges himfelf in the fame Pleafures as
thofe of human Race, according to the New-
England Creed ; but of this hereafter, when
I come to fpeak of thofe numerous Murders
that were committed there under a Colour of
Law for the like pretended Crimes. In the
Year 1664 Conneclicut and New- Haven pro- Connecticut
cured the Charter already mention'd from rter'
King Charles II. which united thofe two
Vol. XXXI. L 1 Colonies,

The Present State
Colonies, and empower'd them to elect their
own Governor, Council, and Magiftrates, and
make Laws. The fame Year King Charles
New-York made a Grant to his Royal Highnefs James
recover'd Duke of York (his Brother) of the Provinces
&thaendof New-York and New-Jerfey, then called
given to" Nova Belgia, which the Dutch pretended to
the Duke have purchas'd of Mr. Hudfon, an Englifhman,
rf York, about the Year 1608, and afterwards planted
in 1623 ; and the latter End of this Year a
Squadron of Men of War with Land Forces
on Board, under the Command of Sir Robert
'Carr, was fent over to reduce it. Sir Robert
landing 3000 Men near Neiv-Amfterdsin,
how New-York, fituate on an Ifland at the
Mouth of Hudfon' s- River, and fummoning the
Governor, it was furrender'd to him without
ftriking a Stroke, and moft part of the Dutch
Inhabitants chofe to take the Oath of Allegiance
to the King of England arid remain thefe.
Fort Orange, now Albany, an hundred and
fifty Miles up Hudfon' s- River, alfo with the
whole Country, in the Poffeffion of the Dutch,
fubmitted, and has remain'd in the poffeffion
of the Englifti ever fince, having been con-
firm'd to them by the Treaty of Peace that
was made at the End of the Dutch War.
The Per- The Difpleafure of the Government (of New-
fecution England) fays Mr. Neal, ftill ran very high
ftill con- againft the Anabaptifts and Quakers (Anno
jv"wdf™?- * ^9) being very fevere in putting the Laws
land. ln execution againft them, whereby many
honeft People were ruin'd by Fines, Imprifon-
ment and Banifhment, which was the more
extraordinary, the fame Writer obferves, be
caufe their Brethren in Old-England pretended
to groan under Perfecution there. Sad Com
plaints were fent over every Summer of the
Severity

SfNE W-E N G L A N D. 257
Severity of the Government of New-England New-
againft the Anabaptifts, which induc'd theEn£land-
Diffenters in London to fend a Letter to the '•—"V"— ¦
Governor of the Maffachufets, fign'd by their
Preachers, Dr. Goodwin, Dr. Owen, Mr. Nye,
Mr. Caryl, and nine more, intreating him to
make ufe of his Authority and Intereft for
reftoring fuch of them to their Liberty as were
in Prifon on account of Religion, and that
their fanguinary Laws might not be put in
execution for the future. In this Letter they
tell the Governor they hoped he would not
give an Advantage to their Adyerfaries, who
fought Pretences and Occafions againft their
Liberty, and were too apt to retort upon
them, that Perfons of their Principles could
not bear with Diffenters from them, and left
it to his Wifdom therefore to confider if it
was not advifeable at prefent to put an end to
the Sufferings and Confinement of the Perfons
cenfur'd, and reftore them to their Liberty.
But this Letter, fays Mr. Neal (my Author)
made no frhpreffion on them ; the Pfifoners
were not releas'd, nor the Execution of the
Laws fufpended. The perfecuted Quakers alfo The
fent over a Petition or Reprefentation to his Q^ers
Majefty, wherein, having enumerated the t0 j^jng
Hardfhips their Friends fuffer'd during Crom- Charles II.
welt's Tjfurpation, they add, " And now, O
" King, fince the very Day the Lord brought
" thee into this Land again, and gave unto
" thee thy regal Power, have they in thy
" Name made ftrange and cruel Havock of
" thy true Subjects, in putting to death and
" banilhing : And in thy Name, with many
« torturing Whippings of Old and Young at
*< Pofts, and at Wheels of great Guns, and
*< at Carts Tails, dragging the naked Bodies
L 1 2 «? of

The Present State
of Parents and Children through divers
long Towns, through the Dirt and Filth of
their Channels and Cart- ways : And in thy
*« Name commanding one Friend and Brother
** to help imprifon the other ; yea, in thy
" Name they have lately prefs'd the Son to
ss help to force his tender Father and Mother
" to Goal fundry Miles in the Extremity of
c< the Winter-Seafon, to the Hazard of their
" Lives: And fuch as refufed to obey their
f unnatural and abominable Commands, they
" have fined at their Courts. And thus from
" Court to Court do thefe Monfters of Men,
*« in thy Name, fine and break open the
" Houfes of the Quakers, and rob them of
" their Goods, and take away that they fhould
<« eat in and that they fhould drink in ; yea,
6< the very Cloaths from their Backs in the
«' Winter, and the Bed they fhould fie on,
?« while they keep the Body fundry Miles off
" in Prifon ; driving Hufbands and Wives
«' divers Miles to Prifon, in Times of great
« Froft and Snow, keeping them clofe Pri-
«' foners in a very cold Room, to the endan-
*' gering of theirLives, and to theRuin of their
" Families, had not the Lord preferved
44 them. All this, and much more too tedious
" to mention at this time, have they done to
?' the Servants of the Lord in New-England,
" in thy Name, faying that thou owneft their
*' Doings, and efteemeft their Laws as thy
" Laws : And thefe hard things haye the Ser-
44 vants of the Lord patiently fuffered and
«' fuftained at their Hands for no other Caufe
" but for their faithful Obedience to the Spirit
J* of the Lord in their Hearts, which Spirit
*« of Holinefs teacheth them, that forced
*« Worfhfos and Worfhippers are bpth an
«' Abominai

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 259
44 Abomination to the Lord. Thefe few New-
44 Lines are written not from any Defire of England.
44 the leaft Revenge from thy Hand upon*
44 them, but that thou may 'ft know it, and
44 make known thy Diflike of their Wicked-
44 nefs, that fo the Blood of the Innocent there,
44 if poffible, might not be laid to thy Charge
44 in the terrible Day of the Lord."
The Quakers alfo reflected feverely upon
the Difienting Preachers in London, becaufe
they did not mention them in the Letter they
wrote to the Governor of, New-England in
Behalf of the other Sects : And in the Reign
of Queen Anne, Mr. Neal obferves, the prin
cipal Quakers in London prefented the follow
ing fhort Memorial to the Diffenting Minifters
of that City, viz.
44 There being feveral fevere Laws made
*4 by your Brethren in New- England in the
44 Maffachufet Bay and Province, againft our
«4 Friends the People called Quakers, only for
44 their confeientious Diffent from the national
44 Way there, if you are for Liberty of Con-
«4 fcience to thofe that diffent from you, and
« are willing our Friends in New-England
« fhould enjoy the like Liberty of Confcience
44 .there as you with us do here, we requeft
44 you to manifeft your Sincerity herein, not
*4 only by fhewing your Diflike hereof to your
« Brethren there, but alfo by your concurrent
44 Application with us to the Queen, that the
f4 would be favourably- pleafed to difallow of
44 all fuch Laws.
The Diffenters of London thereupon writing
over to their Brethren in New-England, de
fired the Quakers might be allow'd Liberty
pf Confcience there. Dodtor

26q The Present State
New- Doctor Cotton Mather, a New-England
England^ Preacher, in the Name of the reft anfwer'd,
^^y^ That there could not then (in the Reign of
The Inde- Queen Anne) be any fevere Laws in Force
pendants tnere oa account 0f Religion, becaufe their
to"theer Charter exprefly provided, That Liberty of
Quakers Confcience fhould be allow' d there for ever in the
Charge of Worjhip of God to all Chriftians, except Pa-
er ecu i- pj}im But the fevere Laws they complained of
(fays Mather) were only fuch as thefe ; i.
The Law which requires all Perfons of a pro
per Age, Quality and Condition, to attend the
military Exercifes on four training Days in a
Year ; as alfo to be furnifhed with Arms and
Ammunition fit for Service, on the Penalty
of a moderate Fine therein exprefs'd. Now,
the Government does not infift upon the Qua
kers perfonal Appearance, but upon their pay
ing the Fine, in cafe of Default, as many
other Gentlemen and Inhabitants of the Coun
try chufe to do ; but the Quakers will do
neither. Tho' they enjoy the Protection of
the Government, they will do nothing towards
the Security and Defence of it, which is the
more extraordinary, fince all the World knows
that the Quakers in Penfylvania, in the Year
1692, on occafion of a Piracy, hired Men with
Money, and fupply'd them with Ammunition
and Fire- Arms to recover their Sloop from
the Privateers.
Another Branch of the Law provides, That
there be military Watches kept in every Town
at fuch Times, in fuch Places, and in fuch
Numbers, and under fuch Regulations as the
chief Officer in each Town fhall appoint ; and
that all Perfons able of Body, or that are of
Eftates (not exempt by Law) fhall by themfeives, or

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 261
or fome meet Perfon in their ftead, attend the New-
fame, on the , Penalty therein exprefs'd. But F^^\
the Quakers, tho' the Country was then at ^»>^
War with the French and Indians, would
neither provide Arms and Ammunition, nor
watch and ward ; they would neither march
out againft the Enemy nor keep Garrifon at
home, nor pay the Penalty which the Law
provides for Defaulters. 'Tis true, the Quakers
-pay the Taxes rais'd by the General Affembly
for the Maintenance of the Army, but refute
to fubmit to the Penalty which the Law inflicts
on perfonal Defaulters in the Train'd-bands,
which has oblig'd the Officers fometimes to
diftrain their Goods ; but the Quakers have
no, more Reafon to complain of this, than of
the Practices of their own Friends in Penfyl
vania, who have not only fined their Brethren
-for declining to ferve on Juries, but have vio
lently taken away their Goods for Non-pay
ment, tho' they pleaded the Laws of England,
which exempt Quakers from ferving on
Juries. The other fevere Law which the Quakers
complain of is, that which obliges them, as
well as the other Inhabitants, to pay their
"Proportion of Affeffment for the Maintenance
of the Minifters legally chofen and fettled. . This
Law extends only to fuch Places where the
Minifter's Salary is raifed by Affeffment ; for
in Bofton, and fome other Place*, . 'tis rais'd
"by a voluntary Contribution, and there nothing
is demanded of them. But if this Law was
univerfal, 'tis no greater a Hardfhip than they
are under from the national Church of Old-
England ; and yet the Governors of New-
Englandhave fomething more to fay for them
feives j for in a confiderable Part of the Pro
vince,

262 The Present State
New- vince, the original Grants of the Lands were
^"^ made with this Condition, that there fhould
V_J*~V_ be certain Taxes paid out of them as a fort of
Quit-rent, towards the Maintenance of the
eftablifh'd Miniftry : Now, tho' the Quakers
are in poffeffion of fome of thofe Lands, and
have raifed Eftates upon them, yet they deny
to pay the Quit-rent, becaufe 'tis to fupport
a Miniftry they don't approve of.
Now if this be a true State of the Cafe (fays
Mather) I leave the Reader to judge whether
the Quakers had Reafon to raife fuch a Cry
of Perfecution againft the New-Englifh Go
vernment, or to prefer a Supplication to Queen
Anne againft them, when they enjoy'd the fame
Privileges with the reft of their Fellow-Subjects
of that Country.
.' Thus have I given fome Account of the
Divifions. among the New-England Sedtaries,
and of the perfecuting Spirit of the Independants
or governing Party there, which will be en-
Iarg'd upon hereafter. It is time now to return
to the Civil Hiftory of this Province, which
has not yet been brought down lower than the
Year 1673, when there happen'd one of the
moft remarkable Occurrences that is to be
met with upon Record, and can by no means
be omitted here, becaufe it thews how America
was, or might be, firft peopled ; an Event
that has perplexed all inquifitive People that
have hitherto treated on that Subject.
A Boat A Veffel being bound from the Streights to
with Men London, the Crew mutiny'd againft their Ma
in it drove fter and Officers, and having put them into the
frorn the Long.boat, with a fmall Quantity of Provifi-
Spain to ons> about an hundred Leagues to the Weft-
New- ward of the Coaft of Spain, the Mutineers
England. fet faii wjth the Ship for New-England, where they

•f -NEW-ENGLAND'. 263
they arrived in a few Weeks ; but to their great New-
Surprife met with their Mafter and his Officers England-
foon after their coming on Shore, for the * — "*""
Wind having blown brifkiy from the Eaft-:
ward from the Time the Ship parted from the
Long-boat, and the Officers labouring hard at
their Oars, they had the good Fortune to make
the Coaft of New -England before their Provi-
fion was all fpent; and the Captain informing
the Magiftrates of Bo flon of the Matter, the
Crew were apprehended, try'd and convicted
of Piracy ; and Foreft, the Chief of the Muti
neers, with feveral more of the Criminals, were
executed for the Fadt at Bofton this very Year
1673; which does not onlyihew thePoffibili-
ty of peopling America by Ships, or even Boats
driven from the Coafts of Europe bt .Africa,
but that it muft have been very ftrange, if no
fuch Accident had ever happened, when the
Phenicians and Carthaginians were fo long
Mafters of the Weftern Coafts of Europe and A-
frica, and of the Canary Iflands, and Other I-
flands that lie between this and the American
Continent, efpecially as the Wind always fits
Eafterly between the Tropicks, and fix or fe
ven Degrees beyond either Tropick. But to
proceed in the Hiftory of New -England.
The Indians till now made fcarce any At- The Hi-
ternpts for the -Recovery of their Liberties, af- ftory °f
ter fhe Pequot Nation was fubdued in the Year feffEr"^'
1637. Their refpective Soveraigns remained mei**'
at variance among -themfeives, and frequently
called in the Englifh to revenge their domeftick
Quarrels, appealing to them when they appre
hended themfeives injured, and making the
Englifh Arbiters of all their Differences, who
cunningly play'd one againft another, till they
were fo weakened by their private Quarrels^
Vol. XXXI. M ra thai

264 The Present State
New- that our Colonies found themfeives in a Condi-
England.^ tjon to give Law to the whole Country ; after
'" ' which they proceeded to enlarge and ftrengthen
their Frontiers, ufing. the Natives as their
Slaves arid Vaffals ; which the Indians might
eafily have forefeen would be the Confequence
of calling in a People fo much fuperiour to
themfeives to affift in the Conqueft of their do-
meftick Enemies, if they had not been blinded
and infatuated with an infatiable Thirft of Re
venge. There may alfo be other Reafons affigned for
their courting and fubmitting to the Englifh :
They might be fo terrified by their Fire-arms
at their firft Arrival, as to apprehend them ir-
refiftible, and might hope to obtain the better
Terms by a ready Submiffion. They might '
hope perhaps to gain Advantages in point of
Traffick alfo by entring into Alliances with
them ; and probably were impofed on by the
fair Pretences of the Adventurers, who af-
fured them they had no other Defign than
Trade, and to exchange the valuable Merchan
dize of Europe for what their Country afford
ed ; and defired only to purchafe fome fmall
Parcels of Land to fecure their Effects, and
enable them to carry on their Traffick with
Advantage. Thefe or fome fuch Reafons, no doubt, in
duced the Indians to permit the Englijh to fet
tle amongft them, and to give them but little
Difturbance for thirty Years and upwards ;
but when they found the Englifh ufed them eve
ry where like a conquered People, and there
was not much Deftinction made between thofe
that had fubmitted and entered into Alliances
with them, and thofe who had not, but that they
were all now equally Slaves, and compelled to
part

of NEW-ENGLAND. 26S
part with their Religion as well as their Li- New-
berties, they entered into a general Confedera- England-
cy tofhakeoffthis infupportable foreign Yoke, A^eneTl
in which they were encouraged by the follow- Confpira-
ing Confiderations. cy againft
i . The Tyrany of the Englifh had render'd iheE"SliA'
them more unanimous than formerly.
2. Their Fire-arms were no longer terrible;
the Englifh had taught the Natives the Ufe of
Guns, given them Powder and Shot, and em
ployed them in fhooting Game, fo that the In
dians were become better Markfmen than their
Mafters. 3. The Englifh now looking upon them
feives to be fecure, and believing the Indians
would never dare to make head againft them,
had neglected to fortify their Towns and difci
pline their Forces, which rendered it much
eafier to drive them from their Coafts at this
Time than it was when they flood upon their
guard, as in an Enemy's Country.
In thefe Circumftances, Metacomet (the Son
and Suceeflbr of the great Maffaffoiet King of
the Wampanoags, who had formerly taken the
Chriftian Name of Philip upon him when he
renewed the Treaty of Alliance his Father made
with the Colony of Plymouth) obferving the
Encroachments of the Englifh, who had in a
manner deprived him of his Authority, treat
ing him and the neighbouring Sachems as their
Vaffals. This Prince, eminent for his Valour and
Conduct, difpatched Meffengers privately thro'
all the Tribes of Indians, inviting them to a
general Revolt, as the Englifh termed it, of
which the Government of Plymouth received The Con-
Advice by one Saufaman, Who had changed (piracy
his Religion feveral times, and was now pleaf- byXal-
M m 2 ed man. J

.266 X The Present State
New- ed to profefs himfelf a Chriftian. Philip be-
England. jng informed that his Defign had taken air,
<^*V ancj wjjq had betray'd him, ordered fome of
his People to furprife and. kill Saufaman as he
went to vifit his Converts (for the. Englifh it
feems employ'd him as a Miffionary among
the Natives) and the Sachem's Orders were ex
ecuted with great Privacy, for three or four /»-
Who is dians met Saufaman on the Road, and killed
jellied by him as he was going over a Pond that was fro-
thei*foair.zerl) ancj cutting a Hofe in the Ice thruft his
Body under it, leaving his Hat and Gun near
the Place, that it might be thought he fell in
accidentally ; and it feems thofe that found his
Corps were of that Mind, for they buried
him without inquiring farther into the Matter ;
but the Magiftrates of Plymouth fufpedting
fome foul Play, ordered the Body to be dug
up, an 1 a Jury, half Englifh and half Na
tives, to fit upon it, who found that his Neck
was broke, his Head very much fwelled, and
feveral Bruifes on his Body, and gave their
The Mur- Verdidl that he was murdered. But the firft
deiyis pii: intimation, who were the Authors of his Death,
tb.oEnglijI according to the credulous Dr. Mather, pro
ceeded trom the Bleeding of the Corps on its
being touched by an Indian named Tobias, one
of King Philip's Council, tho' afterwards ('tis
faid) another Indian came in as a Witnefs, and
fwore pofitively that he faw Tobias and two
more murder Saufaman ; and tho' all three of
them denied the Fact when they were brought
to the- Gallows, yet one of them breaking the
Rope confefs'd that he faw the other two
murder the Deceafed, but ftill avowed his own
Innocence. From hence it is evident that the Colony had
affumed the Government of the Indians as, well a?

of NEW-ENGLAND. £67
as of the Engliflo : And this Inftance of it was New-
no doubt a frefh Provocation to the Sachem El,S1^/
Philip, and the more fo as diey had taken ^"^
upon them to put to death one of his principal
Minifters without laying the Matter before
him, Or demanding Satisfaction in an amicable
Manner. And tho7 he fmother'd his Refent-
rnent fome Months, he was no fooner pre
pared to execute the Scheme he had formed,
but he. fuffer'd his People to infult the Englifh
Settlements ; and when Complaint was made
to him, he returned fuch haughty Anfvyers as
difcover'd he no longer intended to fubmit to
their Ufurpations. In the Month of June AWar
1675, things came to an open Rupture, for commen-
the Sachem encourag'd his Soldiers to plunder ces ii"Ii~
fome Plantations almoft in view of his Palace up°n
of Mount-Hope •> and a Party of Englifh being
fent out to protedt them, fell into an Arnbuf-
cade of Indians, who fir'd from theBufhes and
kilfd fix or feven of the Plymouth Men, and
then retir'd to the Woods. Whereupon the
Governor of Plymouth immediately difpatch'd
an Exprefs to the Maffachufets, and the reft
of the united Colonies, with Advice that the
War was actually begun, and to demand
the Troops they were rejpedtively oblig'd to
fend to his Affiftance by the Artieles of the
" Confederacy. Thefe Succours being arriv'd, the Englijh £;„„
attack'd the Sachem in his Palace of Mount- Philip
Hope, which, after a faint Refiftance he aban- driven
don'd (the Place being furroUnded by the tj?m
Englifh Plantations) and retir'd to the Pocaffet H^"f
Indians on the Sea-Coaft ; Whereupon the
Englifh marched into the Country of the
Narraganfets, whofe Fidelity they fufpedted,
cOmpelJ'd them to deliver up feveral of their
Sachems

268 - The Present State
New- .Sachems as Hoftages, and fign a Treaty,
V^li^J whereby they oblig'd themfeives to affift the
^^ confederated Colonies againft King Philip and
his Adherents ; after which receiving Intelli
gence that King Philip was fortifying himfelf
in a Swamp cover'd with Bufhes, in the Po-
caflet Country, the Englifh furrounded the
Place with their Forces, and by blocking up
the Avenues to it propofed to reduce him by
Famine. But Philip efcaped in the Night
time on a Float of Timber over a River that
ran by the Side of the Swamp or Morafs, and
fled to the Nipmuck Indians, who inhabited the
in-land Country on the Eaft Side of the River
Connecticut. Here Philip affembled a consi
derable Army, and foon became Mafter of
moft of the Englifh Plantations in this Country}
and four-fcore of the Englifh retiring to a Place
of difficult Accefs, he befieg'd them in it •, but
the confederated Colonies fending a Detachment
to the Affiftance of their Friends, the Siege was
rais'd, and Philip retreated further Weftward^
being purlu'd as far as the River Conneclicut.
Several Skirmifhes in the mean time happen'd
between the Englifh and Indians in the other
Colonies, all the Nations of Indians having by
this time taken Arms to recover their expiring
Liberties, which they were now too late con-
vinc'd were in the utmoft danger. And in
fome Encounters they were fuccefsful. , They
Two attack'd Captain Beers, who commanded a
Parties of Party of fix and thirty Men> killing the
Engtifb Captain and twenty more, the reft making
the Indians tneir E^caPe to Hadly ; after which the Enemy
cutoff the Heads of the Slain, fixing fome of
them on Poles by the High-way fide, and
hanging up others by the Jaws on the Boughs
of Trees } which Major Treat marching with a
Body

of NEW-ENGLAND. 269
Body of four-fcore Men to revenge, and fight- pNew"
ing after the Indian Manner in the Woods, ^J^,
where every Man endeavour'd to cover him- ^^^
felf by fome Tree from the Enemy's Shot,
the Indians, who were ten times his Number,
and better Markfmen, kill'd feventy of his
Men ; and the remainder had been cut off if
Captain Mofely (hearing the continual Fire)
had not come in to their Affiftance ; after
which Philip's Men retir'd, having loft about an
hundred of their Companions, as the New-
England Hiftories relate. However, it ap
pears from the fame Hiftories, that the Indians
were ftill Mafters of the Field, and among
other Places burnt and plunder'd the Town of
Springfield, fituated on the River Connecticut j
and the New-England People were now fo
fenfible of their Weaknefs, that they had re-
courfe to Fatting and Prayers to deprecate the
Divine Vengeance, and inquire into the crying
Sins of the Land, which they held to be the
Occafion of thefe Calamities ; but in their
Bead-roll of Sins they never took notice of
the moft crying Sins of Injuftice and Oppreffion
of the Indians, over whofe Perfons and Coun
try they had ufurp'd the Dominion, and which
were indeed the fole Occafion of this War,
and of the Calamities they moft juftly fuffer'd
in it.
However, bad as their Caufe was, they met
with fome Succefs foon after, which they held
to be the Effect no doubt of their Fafts. They
receiv'd Intelligence, or pretended they had
Intelligence, that the Narraganfets had har-
bour'd fome of King Philip's Soldiers, which
they determin'd amounted to a Declaration of
War ; and therefore in the Beginning of Win
ter, 1675, without fending to enquire the
Truth

The Present State
Truth of the Advice, or expoftulating with
the Narraganfets, they invaded their Country
with twelve or fifteen hundred Englifh, de-
ftroying it with Fire and Sword ; and the
People thereupon retiring into a Swamp, which
they endeavour'd to fortify by cutting down
Trees, and raifing a Breaft-work, the Englifh
ftorm'd and carry'd the Place, killing a thou
fand Indians in Arms, among whom were
twenty of their Captains of great Fame : Be-
The Nar- fides thefe were maffacred multitudes of old
Scred Men' Womenj and Children, who fled hither
' on the Invafion, this being efteem'd the beft
natural Fortification, and the moft inacceffible
in the Country of the Narraganfets. The Eng
lifh loft in the Action fix of their braveft Cap
tains, and eighty-five Soldiers, befides' an hun
dred and fifty that were wounded.
This Slaughter of the Narraganfets did not
go long unrevenged ; for all the Indian Nations
on the Frontiers of New-England immediately
took the Field (and calling in the French of
Canada to their Affiftance, as their Hiftories
The In- relate) they burnt and plunder'd the Towns
dians burn of Mendham, Lancafter, Marlborough, Sudbury,
and plun- Chelmsford, Weymouth, and even the Town
EnzUJb or" Medfield, within twenty Miles of Bofton^
Towns, the Capital of the Maffachufets, carrying many
of the Inhabitants into Slavery. From hence
they marched into the Colony of Plymouth,
where the War firft began > laid the Town cf
Warwick in afhes, and furprifed Plymouth,
the Capital of that Colony, but were beaten
out of it again ; and being purfu'd by fifty
They cut £n^nft, and twenty Chriftian Indians, they
Detach- f°rmed an Ambiifcade, into which the Englifh
ments of fell and were all cut in pieces, except one
Englifh. Englifhman, and twelve of their Indian Allies. After

of N E W-E N G L A N D.
After this KingPhilip's People burnt theTowns
of Rehoboth, Providence, Andover, and feve
ral more, the Inhabitants having deferted
them and fled for Refuge to Places that were
more defenfible.
In the mean time a Detachment of feventy1
Englifh tinder the Command of Captain Wadf-
worth and Captain Brattlebank, marching to
the Affiftance of their Friends, were furround-
ed by five hundred Indians, who kill'd fifty
of them on the fpot, and took fome Prifoners
after a very obftinate Engagement, wherein
'tis faid above one hundred Indians were flain'.-
However, 'tis agreed on all hands, the Indians
obtain'd the Victory, and, according to the
New-England Hiftories, put their Prifoners
to death by the moft unheard-of Tortures.
But notwithftanding the Indians were generally
fuccefsful during the Winter, when the Seafon
was fo rigorous that the Englifh Forces could
not keep the Field, Fortune began to frown
on them in the Beginning of the Year 1676.
King Philip's Troops were defeated in feveral
Encounters, and the potent Nation of the The I"*'-.
Mohawks, upon fome Quarrel with Philip, £" ™'d
entering into a League offenfive and defenfive Divifions,
with the Englifh, he was no longer able to
make head againft his Enemies, but fled to
his Fortrefs of Mount-Hope in Plymouth Co
lony, where the War began. And here he
fhut himfelf up, refuting to furrender, but was
at length kill'd by a Mufket-fhot, on the 12th Philip \
of Auguft i6y6. The brave Queen of Pocaffet,k,Ued- -
his, moft faithful Ally, loft her Life a fewPeenof
Days before. This heroick Savage ' being pocafel°
furprifed by a Detachment of the Englifl?,- defeated1
animated her Men as long as there was any*nd ,
Hopes of Succefs, and when they deferted her,
Vol. XXXI, N n

272 The Present State
New- fled to a River-fide, where miffing of her
England. Canoes, fhe attempted to crofs the River and
^*v">"/ was drown'd.
King ^ The Character the New-England Hiftorians
ch^ft £Ive us °^ ^'n^ Philip is, that he was ever an
' implacable Enemy of the Englifh Nation ; a
bold and daring Prince, with all the Pride,
Fiercenefs, and Cruelty of a Savage, and a
Mixture of deep Cunning and Defign. He
had the Addrefs to engage all the Indian Na
tions in his Neighbourhood in the War againft
the growing Power of the Englifh, and when
his Officers became defperate, chofe rather to
die than furvive the Liberties of his Country,
and fubmit to a foreign Yoke : That he was
no lets an Enemy to the Chriftian Religion
than to the Dominion of the Engliftj, never
fuffering any of them to preach to his People,
telling their Miffionaries he did not care a
Button for their Gofpel.
The hdi- Upon the Death of King Philip, his Ad-
ans on the herents either fubmitted to the Englifh Govern- ,
entireWeft ment or difperfed, fome of them flying to
fubdu'd. Albany, and others beyond the River Pifcata-
wa, which put an End to the War on the
South- Eaft of New-England, and fo broke the
Strength of the Indians there, that they never
attempted an Infurredtion afterwards ; but the
The War War on the Frontiers of New-Hampfhire and
on the Maine (that is, on the North and the North-
North- Eaft) ftill continu'd. The Maffachufet Writers
inform us, that the Englifh Adventurers, who
firft poffefs'd themfeives of the Provinces of
Maine and New-Hampfhire, liv'd difperfed all
over thofe Countries without building a fingle
Town or Fort in it for their Defence, and
behaved themfeives however very infolently,
treating the Indians as Slaves, and cheating 'and

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 273
and impofing upon them in their Traffick, New-
tho' their Trade would have been very advan- England.
tageous to them if they had dealt fairly and '*" v~'~r
upon the fquare, inafmuch as they purchafed
Beaver-fkins and other rich Furrs of the Na
tives for Trifles.
The Indians had long borne with the Intuits
and Outrages committed by the Englifh of thefe
Colonies ; but when they found fhey were
engag'd in a War with their Countrymen on
the South- Weft, they alfo had recourfc to Arms,
over-run and plunder'd the Provinces of Maine
and Hampfhire, the Engltfh flying before them
to the Towns in the Maffachufet Colony, and
thofe which could not efcape thither were either
cut in Pieces or carry'd into Captivity. Where
upon the Maffachufets detach'd a Body of two
hundred Men to oppofe the Indians on the
North-Eaft, who had the good Fortune to
furprife four hundred of the Enemy and make
them all Prifoners. Upon which Succefs the
Indians were induc'd to come to a Treaty with
the Englifh, and a Peace was concluded on the
1 2th of November, 1676, on the following
Terms, viz.
ift, That the Indians fhould deliver up all A Peace
the Englifh Prifoners they had taken, with their JJJ* £
Effects, and make Satisfaction for the Loffes i„J;aJll[n
the Englifh had fuftain'd. 2dly, That the
Englifh furnifhing the Indians with Powder
and Shot, they fhould trade with no other
People ; and, ^dly, That thofe who had
been concerned in mafiacreing the Englifh in
their Houfes before War was declar'd, fhould
be put to death, or deliver'd up to the Englifh.
Upon the Conclufion of this Treaty fome Broken.
few Englifh Prifoners were releas'd, but others
being ftill detain'd in Captivity, the Englifh or-
N n 2 der'd

274 The Present State
New- der'd a Detachment of two hundred Men to
\^^J march to the North -Eaft, to compell, the /»<&»»*
¦¦^v^ to perform their Part of the Articles ; which
they were fo far from obtaining, that the Engr
Another Ufh, in a fobfequent Treaty, were oblig'd to
difadvan- promjfe t0 deliver a certain Quantity of Corn
Treaty, Annually to the Northern Indians, as a Tribute
or Acknowledgment for that Part of the Cowir
try they had planted.
A Surren- : In the Year 1684, the Colony of New-r
.^¦'ofthe Hampfhire finding themfeives continually ex-
Hamp/hire P0^ to tne Invafion of the French and their
Charter, confederate Indians of Canada, furrender'd their
Charter, and put themfeives immediately under
the Protection of the Crown of England, and
ever fince their Governor, Council, and Ma
giftrates have been appointed by the King ,
Judgment and about the fame time Judgment was ob-
againft the tain'd, on a 6)uo Warranto, againft the Maf-
Majfachu- fachufet and Plymouth Colonies. On the other
/^Charter. handj the Connecticut and Rhode-Ifland Colo
nies fubtnitting themfeives to his Majefb/s
Pleafure, no Judgment was given againft them,
and they afterwards refumed their ancient Form
pf Government, which they have been per
mitted to exercife ever fince : But the Maffa
chufet and Plymouth Colonies were govern'd
by the Crown of England in an arbitrary man-
A new ner, till King William granted a new Charter
(Charter t0 fa Maffachufets, in which were compre-
fhe Afo/fc- nen(kd the Colonies of Maine and Plymouth,
fbufets. as has been obferv'd already.
In the mean time King Charles II. granted
a Commiffion to Henry Cranfield, Efqj to be
Governor of the Maffachufet Colony ; and he
remain'd in that Port till the Reign of King
James II. who appointed Jofeph Dudley, Efq;
a Native of New-England, and one he thought
acceptable

of N E W-E NGLAND. 275
acceptable to them, as being a Member of the New- ^
Independant Sect, to fucceed Mr. Cranfield ; EnSland-
but they were fo far from approving Mr. Dud- ' "V"",J
ley's Adminiftration, that they rofe in Arms, An In-
made the Governor Prifoner, and fent him to furre<aion
England, and at the fame time threw off their w^.
Allegiance, pretending to revive their former
Charter by their own Authority ; and actually
proceeded to the Choice of Magiftrates, after
they had depofed thofe appointed by the Crown.
However, the King conftituting Sir Edmond sir Edmund
Andros their Governor, in June i(?86, im- Andros
power'd him and four of the Council to frame made Go-
Laws for the Government of the Colony,vernor"
which the Maffachufets thought fit to fubmit
to for fome time •, and all the Judges, Magi
ftrates, and Officers, civil and military, were
prefer'd to their Pofts by Sir Edmond Andros.
During this Gentleman's Adminiftration, A War
namely, in the Year 1687, the Indians on thewith tha
North-Eaft of New- England, fupported by the h£ms'
French of Canada and Nova Scotia, began to
commit Outrages on the Northern Frontiers
of New-England, for which they gave the
following Reafons : ifl, That the Englifh had
neglected to. pay the Tribute of Corn, as was
ftipulated by the laft Treaty of Peace. 2dly,
That they obftrudted their Fifhery in the River
Saco, by pitching Nets and Seins at the Mouth
of it. %dly, That the Englifh had turned
Cattle into one of their Iflands and eaten up
their Corn ; and, \thly, That their Lands
were actually patented out to the Englifh-,
which feems to be too true, for the New- Eng
land Writers tell us they threaten'd the Survey
ors to knock them on the head when they
came to lay out thofe Lands : And indeed I
don't find the Englifh deny'd any Part of the
Charge,

The Present State
Charge, only reply'd, that the Indians ought to
have complain'd of thefe Grievances firft, and
feen if they would not have been redrefs'd in
an amicable way, before they had proceeded
to Acts of Hoftility.
As to the French, their principal Complaint
was,, that the Englifh had made fome Encroach
ment on their Territories in Canada: But
however, as they were incorporated with the
Indians by Intermarriages, and were become
in a manner one People with them, it could
fcarce be expected they fhould ftand neuter ;
and in fact we find they have fupported thefe
Indians in all their Wars with the Englifh ever
fince. Sir Edmond Andros, who was at this time
at New-York, hearing the Frontiers of New-
England were invaded by the French Indians
of Canada, return'd to Bofton, and having
endeavour'd to accommodate Matters in vain,
marched againft the Enemy in the Winter of
1688, at the Head of a thoufand Men ; where
upon the Indians retiring into the Woods, he
built and garrifon d two Forts to defend the
Frontiers, and fent the reft of his Forces into
Winter Quarters, and before the next Spring,
The Re- 1689, Advice came of the Revolution in Old-
volution. England. Whereupon the People rofe and
made the Magiftrates and Officers of Bofton
Prifoners, and fummon'd Governor Andros,
who was retir'd into the Caftle, to furrender,
The Peo- which, after fome time, he thought fit to do,
pie of obferving the whole Country difpofed to revolt.
New-Eng- Upon his Return to England, King William
/fl0fe their aPProv'd h« Condudt, tho' great Complaints
Governor, were made of the Tyranny of his Adminiftra
tion, and in the Year 1692 he was conftituted
by that Prince Governor of Virginia. In

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 277
In the mean time the Gentlemen of New- New-
England were pleafed to call an Affembly of England.
Reprefentatives by their own Authority, who ,""""V— *
voted that the Government was devolv'd upon
the People, and appointed Simon Bradftreet,
Efq; their Governor, and Thomas Danforth,
Efq; Deputy- Governor, with the fame Coun
cil or Afflftants they had elected in the Year
1 68 6. But their Declaration that the Govern
ment was devolv'd on the diffufive Body of
the People was attended with fome ill Effects 5
for the common People, now looking upon
themfeives as fo many Soveraigns, took upon
them to plunder every one they did not like,
and among the reft the friendly Indians ; but
while they were in this Confufion, a Letter
arriv'd from King William and Queen Mary,
dated the 12th of Auguft, 1689, requiring
them to obey their Magiftrates till they receiv'd
further Orders.
Still the Indians continued to ravage the Sir Wil-
Frontiers, kill'd great Numbers of Englifh, liam t
and were guilty of very barbarous Actions (as g^l.
the New-England Writers relate) in Which againft '
they met with little Oppofitioh while the Go- Port-Royal
vdrnment remain'd in that unfettled Condition.
At length the celebrated Sir William Phips,
in the Year 1690, raifed a Body of feven
hundred Men, and obferving that the Indians
were conftantly fupported in their Wars by
the French, who had poffefs'd themfeives of
Nova Scotia or Acadia, a Country which of
right belong'd to the Englifh, and that their
principal Fwtrefs was at Port-Royal, he rc-
folved to embark with his Troops, and endea
vour to reduce that Place ; but before I give
an Account of the Succefs of that Expedition,
I fhall take this Opportunity to inform the
Reader

The Present State
Reader who this Sir William Phips was, and
the memorable Occafion of raifing his For
tune.
His Rife This Hero was born of mean Parents, Anno
in the 1 650, at z fmall Plantation on the Banks of
World, the River Kennebeck, the North-Eaft Frontier
of New-England. His Father was a Gunfmith,
and left his Mother a Widow with a large
Family of fmall Children : This William be
ing one of the youngeft, kept Sheep in the
Wildernefs till he was eighteen Years of Age,
and was then bound Apprentice to a Ship-
Carpenter. When he had ferv'd his Time,
he went to Sea, and having been fuccefsful in
fome fmall Adventures, at length difcover'd
a rich Spanijh Wreck, near the Port of La
Plata in Hifpaniola, which gain'd him a great
Reputation in the Englifh Court, and intro
duced him into the Acquaintance of fome of
the greateft Men in the Nation.
The Galleon, in which thisTreafure was
loft, had been eaft away upwards of fifty
Years, and how Captain Phips came to the
Knowledge of it does not appear to me ; but
upon his applying to King Charles II. in the
Year 1683, and acquainting his Majefty with
the Probability there was of recovering it,
the King made him Commander of the Algier
Rofe, a Frigate of 18 Guns and 95 Men*
and fent him to Hifpaniola in fearch of the
Prize. Here he was inform'd by an old
Spaniard, of the very Place where it was loft,
and began to fifh for it, but his Ship's Crew
looking upon it as a romantick Undertaking,
after fome little Trial defpaired of Succefs^
and compel'd him to return to England with
out effecting any thing : And tho' the Captain
affur'd the Miniftry that the Impatience of the
Seamen

of N E W-E NGLAND. 279
Seamen only prevented his Succefs, the Court New-
refufed to be concern'd in the Enterprize any ^i^d.
further, and it was drop'd for fome time. ^f*"-
However, the Captain continuing his Appli
cation to fome great Men, the Duke of Albe
marle, and feveral other Perfons of Diftindtion,
fitted him out again in the Year 1686; and
Arriving at the Port De la Plata with a Ship
and Tender, the Captain went dp into the
Woods and built a flout Canoe out of a Cotton
Tree, large enough to carry eight or ten Oars.
This Canoe and Tender, with fome choice
Men and fkillful Divers, the Captain fent out
in fearch of the Wreck, whiift himfelf lay at
anchor in the Port. The Canoe kept bulking
up and down upon the Shallows, and could
difcover nothing but a Reef of rifing Shoals,
call'd the Boylers, within two or three Foot of
the Surface of the Water. The Sea was calm,
every Eye was employ'd in looking down into
it, and the Divers went down in feveral Places
without making any Difcovery, till at laft, as
they were turning back, weary and dejected,
one of the Sailors looking over the fide of the
Canoe into the Sea, fpy'd a Feather under
Water, growing, as he imagin'd, out of the
Side of a Rock ; one of the Divers was im
mediately order'd down to fetch it up, and
look out if there was any thing of Value about
it. He quickly brought up the Feather, and
told them that he had difcover'd feveral great
Guns ; whereupon he was order'd down again,
and then brought up a Pig of Silver of two
or three hundred Pounds Value, the Sight of
which filled them with Tranfports, and con
vinced them fufficiently that they had found
the Treafure they had been fo long looking
for. When they had buoy'd the Place, they
Vol. XXXI, O o mads

280 The Present State
New- made hafte to the Port, and told the Captain the
England. j0yfui News, who could hardly believe them
till they fhew'd him the Silver, and then with
Hands Jift up to Heaven fie cry'd out, Thanks
be to God we are all made ! All Hands were
immediately order'd on Board, and failing to
the Place, the Divers happen'd to fall firft
into the Room where the Bullion had been
ftor'd, and in a few Days they brought up 32
Ton of Silver without the Lofs of any Man's
Life. When they had clear'd the Store-Room
they fearch'd the Hold, and amongft the
Ballaft of the Ship found a great many Bags of
Pieces of Eight. 'Tis obfervable that thefe
Bags having lain fo long under Water amongft
Ballaft, were crufted over with a hard Sub
ftance like, Lime-ftone, to the Thicknefs of
feveral Inches, which being broken with Irons
contriv'd for that Purpofe, the rutty Pieces of
Eight tumbled out in prodigious Quantities.
Betides thefe Things they found vaft Treafures
of Gold, Pearls, Jewels, and every thing that .
a Spanifh Galleon ufed to be laden with, There
was one Adderley of Providence, who had been
with Captain Phips in his former Voyage to
this Place, and promifed to affift him again
if ever he fhould make a fecond Adventure,
who met him with a fmall Veffel at Port Dt
la Plata, and with the few Hands he had on
Board took up fix Ton of Silver for them
feives. They both flaid till their Provifion was
fpent, and then the Captain obliging Adderley
,and his Men not to difcover the Place of the
Wreck, nor come to it himfelf till next Year,
they weigh'd Anchor and returned. The Rea-
fon of this Obligation was, becaufe the laft
Day of their Fifhing the Divers brought up
feveral Sows of Silver, which made the Captain

imagine

^NEW-ENGLAND. 281
imagine that there was a great deal of Trea- New-
fore yet behind, tho' it afterwards appear'd England.
that they had in a manner quite clear'd the
Ship of her Bullion before they left her. The
Captain fteer'd directly away for England with
out calling at any Port by theWay, and arriv'd
the latter End of the Year, with about three
hundred thoufand Pounds Sterling, fixteen thou- The Va-
fand of which, after all Charges paid andIueof
Gratuities to the Sailors, came to his own y°e°i°°0/"
Share : Befides which, the Duke of Albemarle fifh'd up.
made his Wife a Prefent of a golden Cup of a
thoufand Pounds Value.
Some of King James's Courtiers would have
perfuaded him to have feiz'd the Ship and its
Cargo, under Pretence that the Captain had not
rightly inform'd him of the Nature of his
Project when he was gracioufly pleafed to
grant him his Patent ; but the King reply'd,
that Phips was an honeft Man, and that it
was his Council's Fault that he had not em-
ploy'd him himfelf, and therefore he would
five him no Difturbance in what he had got ;
ut as a Mark of his royal Favour conferred
upon him the Honour of Knighthood. But
to proceed in the Hiftory.
1 left Sir William embarking his Forces in
New-England for the Reduction of Acadia,
who failing from Nantafcot on the 20th of
April 1690, came before Port-Royal (now
Annapolis) the Capital of Nova Scotia, on the
nth of May ; and the Place being then but
poorly fortify'd, the Garrifon made fcarce any
Defence, but furrender'd upon Condition of Port-
being conducted to Canada. ' Moft of the Royf
French Inhabitants chufing to remain in the
Town, took the Oaths to King William and
Queen Mary, over whom Sir William having
O o 2 appointed

The Present State
appointed a Governor returned to Bofton on
the 30th of the fame Month, having reduc'd
another French Settlement at the Mouth of
And St. St. John's River, in the Bay of Fundi, by the
John's. Way : And the Englifh kept poffeffion of this
Country till the Peace of Ryfwick, Anno 1697,
Refigned when King William thought fit to refign it to
f ' ' a t^ie French- But Queen Anne being better
King y aPPris'd of the Importance of this Country to
William, the Englifh, oblig'd the French to yield up
Recover'd their Pretentions to Nova Scotia and Acadia
b) ^uuen at fa peace cf Utrecht, Anno 1 7 1 2, the Town
P""fkaa l of Port -Royal now bearing the Name of An*
now call'd napolis in Honour of that Queen. But to
An.-...polis. proceed. The Succefs Sir William Phips met with in
the Reduction of Nova Scotia encourag'd him
to attempt the Conqueft of Canada, which
would have render'd the Englifh Matters of
all the North-Eaft Part of America ; and to
fupport him in this Enterprize, the People of
New-England fitted out a Fleet of two and
thirty Sail, putting on Board of it two thoufand
The Re- Men under his Command : And it was con-
duSion of certed with the Weftern Colonies, that a thou-
C*eTted fand EniJ'!Jh and fifteen hundred Indians fhould
^ enip e ' march over Land from Conneclicut and New-
York at the fame time, and attack the Fortrefs
of Montreal, fituate above Quebeck, on the
River St. Lawrence, that the French might be
oblig'd to divide their Forces.
The Fleet fet fail from the Town of Hull,
on the 9th of Auguft, but contrary Winds
prevented their coming before Quebeck till the
5th of Otlober ; and the Detachment which
marched overLand not meeting with theCanoes
or Boats the Indians had promifed to provide
to tranfport them over the Lakes, they were
oblig'd

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 20*3
oblig'd to return home, which gave Count New-
Frontenac, the Governor of Canada, an Op- England.
portunity to unite all his Forces in the Defence u" ~v"— J
of Quebeck ; and when Sir William fent him
a Summons to furrender, he did not only llight
the Summons, but threaten'd to hang up the
Officer who brought it, telling him they were
a Pack of Pyrates, having no Commiffion from
the true King of England.
Sir William Phips hereupon landed fourteen
hundred Men, giving the Command of them
to Colonel Whalley, with Orders to attack the
Town on the Land fide, while he batter'd it
with his Ships from the River : But Whalley
making his Defcent a League and a half from
the Town, to which the Way lay through a
Wood that the French had fortify'd, he was
twice repulfed and could never penetrate it.
Whereupon Sir William Phips order'd his
Men to embark again, refolving to land them
clofe to the Town ; but a Storm arofe in the
Night which difperfed the Fleet, and at the
fame time it grew fo extreme cold that many
of their Men fell fick. Whereupon it was The En-
thought advifeable to return home : And before terprize
they reach'd Bofton they loft a thoufand Men defeated-
by the Rigour of the Seafon.
Mr. Dummer alfo obferves that their Troops
did not fall by the Sword of the Enemy, but
the Loffes they fuftain'd were occafion'd by
Famine and various Difafters in their Return
home, and chiefly by the early Approach of a
fevere Winter, which made it impracticable
for Provifions to follow them. Certain it is
they were very unfortunate in being detain'd
fo long by contrary Winds, that the Summer
was fpent before they could enter upon Action.
It had been much better after this Accident to
have

284 The Present State
New- have defer'd the Expedition till another YeaK
England. ' jn fat cold Climate it is fcarce ever practicable
to make a Winter's Campaign ; and the
Storms, Fogs, and Difficulty of the Naviga
tion in the River Canada, or St. Lawrence,
after the autumnal Equinox, make that Voyage
extremely hazardous. Whoever therefore fhall
attempt Quebeck hereafter, will do well to be
gin the Enterprize before Midfummer, or they
muft never hope for Succefs. But to return.
During this Expedition of Sir William
Phips to the Weftward, the War was carry'd
on very brifkly in the Eaft. Four or five
hundred French and Indians crofs'd the Bay of
Cafco in Canoes, and furprifed the Town of
Cafco, making the Inhabitants Prifoners of
War. Whereupon all the fmaller Garrifons
thereabouts abandon'd their Forts and retir'd
to Saco : And three hundred Men being de-
tach'd under Major Church, to make head
againft the Enemy on the Frontiers, the Major
did not only recover the Town of Cafco, but
forced the Enemy to retire to the Woods, and
the Indians foon after defired a Truce, whi|:h
was agreed to at the Fortrefs of Saghedoc, bn
the 29th of November, to continue till May,
1 69 1.
Still Sir William Phips had his Heart fix'd
upon the Conqueft of Canada, an Enterprizq
of the laft Confequence to the Britifh Planta
tions, and embark 'd for England in the Begin
ning of the Year 1691, to folicit the Court of
England for a Supply of Troops from thence ;
but King William wanted all his Forces to
make head againft the French in Europe, and
could not fbare him any : When Sir William
found it in vain therefore to continue his Ap
plication on that head, he employ'd his Intereft , with

A Truce
with the
Eaftern Indians.

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 285
with the New-England Agents to obtain a New-
Reftora'tion of the Maffachufet Charter : And P*8'""^
tho' they did not fucceed in this, they procur'd
another with ample Privileges, which the New- A new
England People were not To well pleafed with Charter
however as the old Patent, becaufe by the new s0raJ}^_
Patent the Appointment of a Governor, Lieu- England.
tenant-Governor, and Secretary, was referved
to the Crown, and the Power of the Militia
veiled in the Governor, as Captain-General ;
whereas, by their former Patent, the Governor
and all Officers, civil and military, were ap
pointed by the General-Afiembly. However,
his Majefty was pleafed to indulge the New-
England Agents fo far as to fuffer them to name
their firft Governor by the new Charter, and
they thereupon defired Sir William Phips might
be the Man ; which the King granted, and
Sir William Phips was appointed Captain-Ge-Sir^7&OT
neral and Governor in chief of the Maffachufet phits Go"
Bay in New-England.
In the mean time the Truce of Saghedoc be- The War
ing expired, the War was revived in New- commences
England, and carry'd on with various Succefs. aSam-
The Englifh defended their Garrifon Towns in
the Province of Maine pretty well, but the
open Places and their Plantations were gene
rally plunder'd and deftroy'd, and great
Cruelties exercis'd on fuch of the Englifh as
were made Prifoners.
Sir William Phips arriving at New-England
with the Charter he had obtain'd about this
time, the People appear'd difcontented that
their Privileges were abridg'd in fo many
Particulars : However, the General-Court
appointed a Day of Thankfgiving for the fafe
Arrival of their Governor, and tranfmitted an
Addrefs of Thanks to his Majefty for granting them-

286 The Present State
New- them a new Charter. And now Sir William
England. appiy»d himfelf with his ufual Diligence to
1/"^"^ carry on the War againft the Indians on the
North-Eaft, who ftill continued to harrafs and
plunder the Englifh Settlements and maffacre
the Inhabitants ; and marching with a Body
of four hundred and fifty Men over the River
Kennebeck, after he had repulfed the Savages,
Pemaquid he caufed a Fort to be erected near the Mouth
Fort built. of the River pemaqUid, which he named Wil
liam-Henry Fort, for the Defence of the
Frontiers, being one of the ftrongeft and moft
regular Fortifications that has been feen in that
- Part of the World, and proved an excellent
Barrier againft the Incurfions of the Indians,
who being now weary of the War fent an
Ambaffador to Pemaquid to make Propofals
of Peace ; and a Treaty being thereupon agreed
to, the following Articles were concluded on
the nth of Auguft, 16931
Peace ift, That all the Indians on the North-Eaft
concluded of Merimack River fhould acknowledge tbem-
*"h the felves fubjedt to the Crown of England, and
promife to abandon the French Intereft. idlj,
That they fhould fet all the Englifh Prifoners
at liberty without Ranfom. %dly, They a-
greed that the Englifh fhould quietly enjoy all
their Plantations in this Country •, and, \thly,
That Trade fhould be under fuch Regulations
as the Government of New-England fhould
prefcribe. And for the Performance of thefe
Articles they deliver'd to Sir William Phips
the Governor feveral Hoftages, as Pledges of
their Fidelity: And the . Governor, on the
other hand, promifed them his Protection.
New- Towards the End of this War the People
England of New- England appear'd perfectly diftradted
bewitch'd. wjt[1 Apprehenfions of their being over-run with

of NEW-ENGLAND. 287
with Witches and evil Spirits, one Neighbour New-
profecuting another capitally for Witchcraft England.
with the utmoft Violence ; in which they were ^ """*"""
fo much encourag'd by their Preachers, and
countenanced by their Magiftrates, that no
Man's Life was fafe. Strange were the Mif-
takes, fays my Author (Mr. Neal) which fome
of the wifeft and beft Men in the Country
committed on this Occafion ! And it muft have
proved fatal to the whole Province, if God
had not mercifully interpofed.
Mr. Paris, Preacher of Salem, began the par{St 3
Tragedy the latter End of the Year 1 69 1 , Preacher,
Under Pretence his Daughter and Niece were the^pnnie
under an ill Tongue (the former of them being ofutvh°r
nine, and the latter eleven Years of Age) and Delufion.
what was thought an Evidence of their being
afflicted by Witches, was their creeping into
Holes and Corners, and lying under Chairs
and Stools. They had alfo, 'tis faid, fome*
thing like Convulfion Fits, and complained
of their being bitten and pinch'd by invifible
Agents ; and Mr. Paris fufpedting an Indian
Woman in his Houfe, named Tituba, and
two others whom the Children cry'd out tor
mented them in their Fits, to be the Witches,
they were examin'd before a Magiftrate, and
Tituba, frighted out of her Wits at the Charge,
confefs'd that fhe and the two other Women
had afflicted the Children ; but upon her En- The
largement (for they never put any to death Witnefles
that confefs'd themfeives Witches) fhe declar'd ^^^d
that her Mafter had beaten and abus'd her to c0nfeffion,
make her confefs and accufe fuch as he called
Witches j and that whatever fhe had faid, by
way of Confeflion and accufing others, was
the Effect of fuch Ufage.
Vol. XXXI. P p The

288 The Present State
New- The Form of their Indictments may be feen
England. jn that prefer'd againft one of their Preachers,
*— ""* — ' viz. Mr. George Burroughs, Minifter of Fal-
TheForm molith.
of the In- Wherein they charge, That the faid George
dictment J \ c %* -i 6i
againrt Burroughs, on the 9th ot May, in the 4th
Burroughs. Year of King William and Queen Mary, and
divers other Days and Times before and after,
Certain deteftable Acts, call'd Witchcrafts and
Sorceries, had wickedly and felohioufly ufed,
practiled, and exercifed, within the Town of
Salem, in the County of Effex, in and upon
Mary Walcot of Salem, fingle Woman ; by
which faid wicked Acts, the faid Mary Walcot,
on the 9th of May aforefaid, and divers other
Days and Times, was tortur'd, afflicted, pined,
confirmed, wafted, and tormented, againft
the King and Queen's Peace, iffc.
Upon this and three Indictments more for
bewitching three other Women, Mr. Burroughs
was brought to his Trial, on the 5th of Augufi,
1692.
The The Witneffes againft him were five Wo-
Evidence men, who pretended to be bewitch'd by him,
againft ancj eight confeffing Witches ; the latter fwear-
im' ing he was the principal Actor in their nightly
Revels, and was promifed to be made King
of Satan's Kingdom, then about to be erected :
And the bewitchedPerfons unanimouflydepos'd,
that a Spectre, refembling the Prifoner, but
invifible to others, tormented them in their
Fits. One of the Witneffes teftify'd, that the
Prifoner preffed her to fet her Hand to a Book,
and inflicted cruel Pains on her when fhe re
futed. Others depofed he founded a Trumpet
for the Witches to rendezvous at a Sacrament,
and tempted thofe he tormented to partake
with them. Another faid, he carry'd her to
the

of NEW-ENGLAND. 289
the Top of a high Mountain, and fhew'd her F^w_
glorious Kingdoms, telling her he would give J^L^J
them all to her if fhe would fign his Book.
The confeffing Witches teftify'd, he gave
them Puppets, and Thorns to flick into the
Puppets, for afflicting other People, exhorting
them to bewitch all the People of Salem, but
to do it gradually.
Some People of Credit depofed, that he had
the Strength of a Giant, and inftanced in his
lifting great Weights ; but he fhew'd that an
Indian in Court had done the fame.
Others teftify'd, he had been a cruel Man
to his Wives, who often complain'd to the
Neighbours his Houfe was troubled with evil
Spirits. The Prifoner deny'd the whole Charge,, and The
declared it to be his Opinion, that never any^nf°^rd
Perfon made a formal Contract with the Devil,
or could fend the Devil to torment other Peo
ple at a Diflance. However, he was convicted,
and Sentence of Death paffed upon him.
Being brought to his Execution, he made His Exe-
folemn Proteftations of his Inno'cence, and con- cution.
eluding his Prayer with the Lord's Prayer, ex-
preffed fo much Devotion and Refignation,
that the People were moved to pity him - and
it was expected the Magiftrates who attended
him would have refpited his Execution, but
his Accufers cry'd out he was afflfted by the
Devil; whereupon he was turn'd off, and af
ter he was cut down drag'd into a Hole, not
being fuffer'd to have a decent Burial in the
ufual Burying-place.
Doctor Mather, giving an Account of the Mathers
Circumftances of feveral Perfons faid to be Account
bewitch'd, relates, " That their Limbs were Tranfac-
11 horribly diftorted and convulfed ; that they tions.
P p 2 " were

29Q The Present State
New- sc were pinched black and blue •, that Pins
England. ti were inviflbly run into their Flefh ; and
that they were fcajded till they had Blifters
raifed in them. One of them (fays he) was
affaulted by a Spectre with a Spindle in its
Hand, which no body elfe in the Room
could fee, till the Afflicted, in one of her
Agonies, fnatch'd it out of the Spectre's
Hand, and then all the Company faw it.
Another was haunted by a Spectre in an
invifible Sheet ; but the Afflicted in one of
her Fits tearing a Piece of it away, it be
came vifible : Sometimes Poifon has been
forced on the Afflicted by an invifible Hand,
which, when they have drank, they have
prefently fwollen, and afterwards been
reliev'd by the Medicines ufually given in
fuch Cafes. Sometimes they have com
plained of burning Rags forced into their
Mouths, which no body elfe could fee, yet
the Burns have remained on their Mouths
afterwards. Sometimes they have com
plained of Irons heating in the Fire to brand
them, the Marks of which they have carry'd
to their Graves. The Spectres (fays he)
ufually perfonated fome Perfons whom the
Afflicted knew, and (which is very ftrange,
if true) when they wounded the Spectre,
the Perfon whom the Spectre reprefented
was wounded too : For example, one of
the Afflicted faid, that, the Spectre that torr
mented her was D — H — and pointing to
a certain Place in the Room, the cry'd out,
There is D — H— upon which a Man with
his Rapier ftruck at the Place, and the Af
flidted told him that he had given her a
fmall Prick about the Eye •, foon after
which /}•— H— being apprehended, con-
*' fefs'd

of NEW-ENGLAND. 291
fefs'd herfelf a Witch ; and that in troubling New-
the Girl that had impeach'd her the had ^^J
received two Wounds, one about the Eye, v"
which fhe fhew'd the Magiftrates, and a-
nother in the Side. If the Accufed eaft
their Eyes on the Afflicted, the Afflidted,
tho' their Faces were turned another way,
would fall into a Swoon, and continue in it
till the Hands of the Accufed came to
touch diem ; and it was often found that
the Flefh of the Afflidted was bitten, fo
that the . Print of Teeth was very vifible,
and there would appear juft fuch a Set of
Teeth as was in the Accufed, even fuch as
might be clearly diftinguifhed from other
People's. In a word, the Afflicted (as the
Doctor obferves) in a few Days time arriv'd
to fuch a refining Alteration upon their
Eyes that they could fee their Tormentors :
They faw a Devil of a little Stature, and of
a tawny Colour, attended with Spedtres,
that appeared in more human Circumftances :
Thefe Tormentors ufed to tender the Af
flicted a Book, requiring them to fign, or
touch it at leaft, in Token of their con
tenting to be lifted in the Devil's Service,
which, if they refuted, the Spectres under
the Command *of the black Man tortured
them with prodigious Moleftations."
But Mr. Calef of Bofton, in his Book en- The
titled More Wonders of the invifible World, Doftor's
has endeavour'd to invalidate the Dodtor's Ac- Ac"™'
count of Things : He declares that the Story exp °
of the Sheet was a known Forgery, it having
been provided by the Afflicted Perfon the Day
before:. And he does not doubt but theSpindle
was fo too. He adds, that the Print of the
Sgt of Teeth was nothing but the Afflidted's biting

292 T%e Present State
New- biting themfeives ; and that fometimes inftead
England. Qf finding a Set of Teeth, the Accufed have
V*'Y^ not hacj a Tooth in their Heads.
And to fhew yet farther the Wickednefs of
thefe afflicted Perfons, he mentions an Acci
dent at the Trial of Sarah Good, which, if
true, ought alone to have invalidated their
Evidence for the future. The Story is this:
While Sarah Good was upon her Trial, one of
the Afflicted fell into a Fit, and cry'd out that
the Prifoner's Spectre was ftabbing her with a
Knife, but had broke it in her Body } and to
confirm the Truth of her Relation, the plucked
a Piece of the Blade out of her Breaft, and
fhew'd it in Court ; but there was a young
Man prefent, who, feeing ths Blade, had the
Honefty and Courage to claim it for his, and
to declare before the Judges, that he broke
his Knife but the Day before, and threw away
that Part of the Blade in the Prefence of the
afflidted Perfon, but that he had the Handle with
the other Part of the Blade in his Pocket, which
he deliver'd into Court ; and upon comparing '
them together, they were found to be Parts of
the fame Knife j upon which the Judge only
reprimanded her, and bid her tell no more
Lies. 'Tis certain that thefe fufpected Wizards
and Witches were convicted on very flender
Evidence ; for the Court allowed the Wit
neffes to tell Stories of twenty or thirty Years
Handing, about over-fetting of Carts, the
Death of Cattle, Unkindnefs of Relations, or
unexpected Accidents befalling them after
fome Quarrel ; all that was alledg'd againft
them, to the Purpofc, being either from the
diftemper'd Perfons themfeives, or from thofe
who had been frighted into a Confeffion of
their

of NEW^EN GLAND. 293
their being Witches by the Threatnings of the RN.ew"
Magiftrates, or encourag'd to it by the Hopes ^s~^/
of Mercy.
Great part of the Evidence given againft The Evi-
thefe unhappy People alfo appears exceeding deace a"
ridiculous. One teftify'd, he bought a Sow |™£*u
of the Prifoner which was troubled with Fits incompe-
foon after. Another, that the Prifoner's Spec- tent and
tre fo oppreffed him in his Bed that he was ndlculous>
not able to ftir, but on calling for Help it
vanifhed. Another, that twelve Years before
the Trial the Prifoner often came to his Houfe,
and foon after his Child was troubled with
ftrange Fits. Another depofed, that having
a Controverfy with the Prifoner about her
Fowls, he was grievoufly oppreffed by fome-
thing in her Likenefs the Night following.
Another time he was troubled with a black
Pig, but going to kick it the Pig vanifhed.
A Miller depofed, that going to receive fome
Money of the Prifoner, he had not gone three
Rods from her before he loft it : And at ano
ther time, having been difcourfing with her,
he had parted from her but a very little time
before one of the Wheels of his Cart funk into
the Earth in very plain Ground, and he was
forced to call for Affiftance to get it out, but
going to view the Hole afterwards there was
no fign of it.
Two other Men depofed, that being em-
ploy'd to repair one of the Prifoner's Collars,
they found feveral Puppets made of Rags and
Hogs Briftles with headlefs Pins in them ;
and a Jury of Women being impannel'd to
fearch her, found a preternatural Teat on her
Body, but upon a fecond Search, three or
four Hours after, there was none to be found. John

The Present State
• John Allen teftif y'd againft another Prifoner^
that refufing to carry fome Pipe-ftaves for her,
the told him, He had as good, or his OxeH
fhould not do him much Service ; and he reply
ing, Do you threaten me, you old Witch ? 1
will throw you into the Br oak, fhe ran away,
but his Oxen afterwards run mad into the Sea,
and were all drown'd except one.
Another depofed, that as he lay in his Bed
one Night, the Prifoner jump'd in at a Win
dow, took hold of his Feet, and drawing his
Body into a Heap, lay upon him two Hours,
fo that he could neither fpeak or ftir ; but at
laft he caught hold of her Hands, and bit
three of her Fingers to the Bone, whereupon
fhe went down Stairs and out of Doors.
One Kembal teftify'd that, upon fome dif-
guft, one of the Prifoners told him his Cow
fhould do him no good, and it dy'd next
Morning: And another time, refufing to buy
one of the Prifoner's Puppies, he was frighted
with a black Dog as he came out of. the
Woods, which flew upon him, and he thought
would have torn his Throat out j but upon
naming the Name of Christ it vanifhed
away, which he fuppofed to be a Piece of the
Prifoner's black Art, to revenge himfelf on
him for not buying his Puppy.
Sarah Atkinfon depofed, that the Prifoner
came on Foot from Ames bury to her Houfe at
Newbury in an extraordinary wet Seafon, when
it was not fit to travel, and yet the Soles of
her Shoes were hardly wet ; which laft piece
of Evidence, Dr. Mather obferves, put the
Prifoner into great Confofibn.
Neat's And here, fays Mr. Neal (who was far
Remarks from Dejng an J7nemy 0f the Doctor) I Can't
Mathers ' forbear making one Remark upon thefe as
Relation. Well

5/ NE W-E N G L A N D. 295
well as upon all the Trials that Dr. Cotton New-
Mather has publifh'd to the World on this England.

Occafion j that when he has given us the
Depofitions of the Witneffes againft the Pri
foners at large, he paffes o^er their Defence
in fuch general Words as thefe, They faid no
thing worth confidering- ; their Difcourfe was
full of Ter giver fations and Contradictions ; they
were confounded, and their Cotintenances fell,
&c. whereby his Reader is left in the dark,
and render'd incapable of judging of the Me
rits of the Caufe. If the Defence of the Pri
foners were fo weak and confuted as the Doctor
reprefents, it had been for the Advantage of
the Court to have expofed it at large to the
World j but if not, 'tis very hard that it
fhould be fmother'd.
But upon fuch Evidence as this twenty-
eight Perfons received Sentence of Death, of
which nineteen were executed, and one (name
ly) Giles Cory, was prefs'd to death, all of
them dying with ftrong Proteftations of their
Innocence. George Jacobs, fen. being con
demned, the Sheriff's Officers came and feiz'd
all he had, even to his Wife's Wedding-Ring.
Hard was the Cafe of this old Man ! who was
convicted by the Evidence of his Grand
daughter, who, to fave her own Life, con
fefs'd herfelf a Witch, and was forced to ap
pear againft her own Grand-father and Mr.
Burroughs. On the Day before their Execu
tions fhe came to Mr. Burroughs, acknowledg
ed her Guilt, and begged his Pardon on her
Knees, who not ' only forgave her, but alfo
pray'd with and for her. The Day after their
Executions the wrote the following Letter to
her Father.
Vol. XXXI. Q^q Honoured

^O/^-'

The Present State
Honoured Father,
<< A FTER my humble Duty remember'd to
«« I3L you, hoping in the Lord of your good
" Health, as bleffed be God I enjoy, tho' in
«' abundance of Affliction, being clofe confined
" here, in a loathfome Dungeon, the Lord look
" down in Mercy upon me, not knowing how
" foon I fhall be put to death, by means of
*' the afflicted Perfons, my Grand-father hav-
" ing fuffered already, and all his Eftate feiz'ti
" for the King. The Reafon of my Con-
«' finement is this, I having thro' the Magi-
" ftrates Threatnings, and my own vile and
" wretched Heart, confeffed feveral Things
" contrary to my Confcience and Knowledge,
" tho' to the wounding of my own Soulj
" the Lord pardon me for it, but oh! the
«' Terrors of a wounded Confcience who can
" bear! but bleffed be the Lord he would
" not let me go on in my Sins, but in Mercy
" I hope to my Soul would-not fuffer me to
" keep it in any longer, but 1 was forced to
" confefs the Truth of all before the Magi-
" ftrates, who would not belieVe me ; but 'tis
" their Pleafure to put me here, and God
" knows how foon I fhall be put to death.
" Dear Father, let me beg your Prayers to
" the Lord on my Behalf, and fend us a joy-
" ful and happy Meeting in Heaven. My
" Mother, poor Woman, is very crazy, and
" remembers her kind Love to you, and to
" Uncle, viz. D  A  , fo leaving you
*' to the Protection of the Lord, I reft your
" Dutiful Daughter,
From the Dung-eon _ . <v i
in s«/,«. Prifon, Margaret Jacobs.
Aug. 20, 1692. There

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 297
There were eight more condemn'd befides Ncw-
thofe that were pardon'd, but on account 0f England.^
their becoming Evidences they were firft re- u
priev'd, and then pardon'd ; and between three
and four hundred more were imprifoned or
accufed : Indeed, the whole Country (fays Mr.
Neal) was in Confufion, every one being jea
lous of his Neighbour.
Mrs. Gary of Charles-Town being commit
ted to Cambridge Prifon and laid in Irons,
her Hufband. attended the Trials of fome
others, and obferving that the Spectral Evi
dence was received, together with idle and
malicious Stories againft Peoples Lives, con
trived his Wife's Elcape, and fled with her to
Rhode- //land, and afterwards to New- York,
where they ftaid till the Storm was over.
Mr. Philip Englifh and his Wife alfo fled,
whofe Eftate Mr. Corwin the Sheriff feized,
to the Value of 1500/. which was wholly loft,
except about 300/. which was afterwards re-
ftored. - •*¦*¦¦.
Mr. Dudley Bradftreet, a Juftice of Peace
in Andover, having: granted out Warrants
againft thirty or forty for fuppofed Witchcraft,
and feeing Caufe at length to refufe granting
any more, was with his Wife accufed of kill
ing nine Perfons by Witchcraft, and forced to
fly the Country.
Mr. John Bradftreet, Brother to the Juftice,
being accufed of afflicting a poor Dog, and
riding upon him through the Air to Witch-
Meetings, was forced to fly for his Life into
Pifcataqua Government, but the Dog was put
to death.
Captain John Aldin, a Man of good Repu
tation and Efteem, being examined at Salem,
and committed to Boflon Goal, May 31, after
*> « *' fifteen

The Present State
fifteen Weeks Imprifonment made his Efcape.
And afterwards returning again, furrender'd
himfelf to the fuperior Court at Bofton, none
of his former Accufers appearing againft him.
Another Gentleman of Bofton, being accufed
by the Afflicted at Andover, ventured to ftand
his ground, and fent a Writ by fome particu
lar Friends to arreft his Accufers in iooo/.
Action for Defamation, with Inftrudtion to
inform themfeives of the Certainty of the
Proof j which fo frighted the poor Creatures,
that from that Time the Accufations at Ando
ver generally ceafed.
Things were indeed come to a wretched
Pafs, no Man being fure of his Life or For
tune for an Hour ; and no Wonder, confider
ing the infamous Methods that were made ufe
of to bring People into the Snare : There
was a Society of Gentlemen at Salem, like
that for the Reformation of Manners in Lon
don, who engaged to find out and profecute
all fufpedted Perfons -,, and many were impri-
foned by their Means.
Mr. Jofeph Ballard's Wife of Andover fall
ing fick of a malignant Fever, of which fhe
died, her Hufband fancied her bewitchV,
and fent Horfe and Man forty Miles to Sa
lem to fetch fome of thefe diftemper'd Wretches
that pretended to the Spectral Sight, to tell
who it was that afflicted her : When they came
they fell into their Fits, and accufed one Per
fon as fitting on the Head, and another on the
lower Parts of the Afflited. No fooner was the
Scene open'd but the whole Town was alarm'd,
and more than fifty were cOmplain'd of for
afflicting their Neighbours in a few Weeks;
here it was that many were made to accufe
themfeives of riding upon Poles through the
Air

ef N E W-E N G L A N D. 299
Air to Witch-Meetings -, many Parents be- New-
lieved their Children to be Witches, and Huf- EngfewL
bands their Wives. _
Things went on in the old Channel till the
Afflicted over-acted their Parts fo far as to ac-
cufe fome of the neareft Relations of Dr. In-
creafe Mather, and of the Governor himfelf j
it was time then to make a Stand : According
ly we find the very next Seffions, which was
January 3, 1692-3, when fifty-fix Bills were
preferred againft Perfons for Witchcraft, the
Grand Jury brought in thirty Ignoramus ; and
of the remaining twenty-fix, the Petty Jury
convicted but three, whom the Governor par
doned : Nay, the People's Eyes were fo far
opened by this Time, that they would not
convict People upon their own Confefflons ;
for when Mary Watts's Confeffion was pro
duced as Evidence againft her, the Grand Jury
would not accept it, but looking upon her as a
diftempered Perfon, brought in the Bill Igno
ramus ; and though the Court fent them out a
fecond Time, they return'd again with the
fame Verdict,
And indeed all the Confeffions that were
made feem to me either the Effects of a dif-
temper'd Brain, or extorted from Perfons to
fave their Lives.
Hence it was, that the Hulbands and Chil
dren of fome upon their bended Knees have
prevailed with them to confefs every Thing
that was laid to their Charge : * Others have
been wearied out with long and tedious Exa
minations before private Perfons for many

* They were never executed if they confefs'd, unlefs
*hey recanted their Confeffion. Hours

300 The Present State
New- Hours together, till they yielded to any thing }
England, fa Queftion being then afk'd, Were you at
s*~^' fUch a Witch-Meeting ? Or have you fign'd
the Devil's Book ? If they replied Yes, the
Whole was drawn out into the Form of a Con
feffion. That this was really the Cafe, will
appear by the following Certificate, fign'd by
the Hands of half a Dozen honeft Women,
whofe Confciences would not fuffer them to dif-
guife the Truth any longer.
" We whofe Names are under-written, In-
« habitants of Andover : Whereas that horri-
«« ble and tremendous Judgment beginning at
«« iWm-Village in the Year 1692, by fome
«« called Witchcraft, firft breaking forth at
" Mr. Paries Houfe, feveral young Perfons
** being feemingly afflicted did accufe feveral
«' Perfons for afflicting them, and many there
«' believing it to fo, we being inform'd, that
«' if a Perfon were fick, the afflicted Perfons
*' could tell what or who was the Caufe of
" that Sicknefs ; J ofeph Ballard (of Jndover) 's
«« Wife being fick at the fame Time, he either
" from himfelf, or the Advice of others,
" fetch'd two of the Perfons called the afflict-
«* ed Perfons from ,5W<?#2-Village to Andover,
*' which was the Beginning of that dreadful
*< Calamity that befell us in Andover ; and the
*' Authority in Andover believing the faid Ac-
«' cufations to be true, fent for the faid Perfons
" to come together to the Meeting-Houfe in
" Andover (the afflicted Perfons being there ;)
" after Mr. Ballard had been at Prayer, we
*• were blind-folded, and our Hands were
" laid upon the afflidted Perfons, they being
«' in their Fits, and falling into thefe Fits at
" our coming into their Prefence, as they
" faid fome led us, and laid our Hands on
" them,

<c

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 301
them, and then they faid they were well, New-
and that we were guilty of afflicting them : England.
" Whereupon we were all feized as Prifoners S^V>-/
" by a Warrant from the Juftice of the Peace,
*' and- forthwith carried to Salem ; and by
" Reafon of that fudden Surprizal, we know-
" ing ourfelves altogether innocent of that
" Crime, we were all exceedingly aftonifhed
" and amazed, and confternated and affrighr,-
" ed out of our Reafon •, and our deareft Re-
*' lations feeing us in that dreadful Condition,
" and knowing our great Danger, apprehend-
" ing that there was no other way to fave our
" Lives, as the Cafe was then circumftantiat-
" ed, but by confeffing ourfelves to be fuch
" and fuch Perfons, as the Afflicted reprefented
" us to be: They out of tender Love and
" Pity perfuaded us to confefs what we did
*' confefs, and indeed that Confeffion, that is faid
" we made, Was no other than what was fug-
" gefted to us by fome Gentlemen, they tell-
'* ing us that we were Witches, and they knew
*' it, and we knew it, and they knew that
" we knew it, which made us think that we
" were fo •, and our Underftandirig and our
" Reafon, and our Faculties being almoft
" gone, we were not capable of judging of
" our Condition ; as alfo the hard Meafures
" they ufed with us rendered us incapable of
«' making our Defence, but we faid any Thing,
" and every Thing -they defired, and moft of
*< what we faid was but in Effect a confenting
tc to what they faid. Some Time after when
" we were better compofed, they telling us of
" what we had confeffed, we did profefs that
" we were innocent and ignorant of fuch
*' Things-, and we hearing that Samuel Ward-
** well, who had renounced his Confeffion, " was

302 The Present State
New- lt was condemn'd and executed, fome of us
England. « were t0\c\ fat we were going after Ward-
k'V^ " well.
One exe- *•«»»»
cuted for
denying Mary Ofgood, Abigail Baker
feffio?"" Mary Tiler, Sarah Wilfon,
Deliverance Dane, Hannah Tiler.
If this Confeffion had been made a little
fboner, while the Spectral Evidence was in Re
pute, it had coft the Confeffors their Lives ;
for 'tis impoffible to exprefs the blind Fury and
Zeal of the People againft the Prifoners who
believed every Thing the Afflicted faid, and
difbelieved every Thing the Accufed offered in
their own Vindication.
When neither Promifes nor Threatningscquld
bring Perfons to Confeffion, they fometimes
made ufe of Violence and Force, as appears
by the moving Letter that Mr. Protlor fent
to the Minifters of Bofton a few Days before
his Trial, which becaufe it gives a clear Ac
count of this Matter, I will traofcribe in his
own Words.
To the Reverend Mr. Mather, Moody,
Baily, Allen, Willard.
Reverend Gentlemen,
" HP HE Innocence of our Cafe, with the
" -¦- Enmity of our Accufers,- and our
" Judges and Juries, whom nothing but our
" innocent Blood will ferve their Turn, hav-
" ing condemned us already before our Trials,
" being fo much incenfed and inraged againft
" us by the Devil, makes us bold to beg and
«' implore your favourable Affiftance of this
" our

of NEW-ENGLAND. 30.3
1 our humble Petition to his Excellency. That New-
1 if it he poffible our innocer; Blood may be England.
' fpared, which undoubtedly otherwife will (
1 be fhed if the Lord does not mercifully flep
; in, the Magiftrates, Minifters, Juries, and
; all the People in General being fo much
; incens'd and enrag'd againft us by the De-
; lufion of the Devil, which we can term no
: other, by reafon we know in our Confci-
; ences we are all innocent Perfons ; here are
; five Perfons who have lately confeffed them-
'• felves to be Witches, and accufe fome of us
• of being along with them at a Sacrament
; fince we were committed to clofe Prifon,
: which we know to be Lies. Two of the
; five are Carriers Sons, young Men who
would not confefs any thing till they tied
; them Neck and Heels, till Blood was ready
; to come out of their Notes ; and 'tis credi-
; bly believed and reported, that this was the
¦ Occafion of making them confefs that they
; never did ; by reafon they faid one had
¦ been a Witch a Month, another five Weeks,
• and that their Mother had made them fo
who had been confined here thefe nine
Weeks. My Son William Protlor, becaufe
he would not confefs when he was exa=
; mined that he was Guilty, they ty'd
Neck and Heels, till the Blood gufhed out
: of his Nofe, and would have kept him fo
twenty-four Hours, if one more merciful
than the reft had not taken Pity on him
and caufed him to be unbound. Thefe Ac
tions are very like the Popifh Cruelties j
they have already undone us in our Eftates,
: and that will not ferve their Turns without
our innocent Blood. If it Can't be granted
that we may have our Trials at Bofton,
Vol. XXXI. R r "we

3°4 New-
England.

The Present State
we humbly beg that you would endeavour
to have thefe Magiftrates changed, and
others put in their room ; begging alfo
and befeeching, that you would pleafe to
be here, fome of you, if not all, at our Trials,
hoping thereby you may be the Means of
faving our innocent Bloods ; defiring your
Prayers to the Lord on our Behalf, we reft
your poor afflicted Servants, John ProCtor, &c.

But this Letter had no Effect, Protlor and
his Fellow Prifoners being convicted and exe
cuted a little after.. Such Methods as thefe
being made ufe of, 'tis no wonder that the
Number of confeffing Witches amounted to
fifty, not one of whom were put to the Trial
whether they would abide by their Confeffions
when they came to die : Unhappy Creatures !
who were forced to do the Drudgery of taking
away the Lives of their Neighbours to fave
their own. But upon the Afflidted's over-act
ing their Part, as I obferved before, the Tide
of the People's Affections began to turn, and
they who a little before were in danger of be
ing torn in Pieces by the Mob, were now uni-
verfally lamented and pitied. All further Pro-
fecutions were now ftop'd, the Accufations
of the Afflicted were entirely difregarded,
the Prifon-Doors were fet open to all that were
under Confinement by the Accufations of the
Afflicted, and Sir William Phips, after fome
time, pardon'd all that were under Sentence pf
Condemnation. But befides the Blood that was fpilt upon
this Occafion, feveral Perfons and Families
were ruined in their Eftates and Reputations, partly

of NEW-ENGLAND. 305
partly by long Imprifonment, and partly by New
the Avarice of the Officers who took Poffef- England.
fion of their Houfes in their Abfence ; and
tho' I am fully fatisfied that the Zeal of the
Government in this Affair proceeded from
their Regard to the Glory of God (continues
Mr. Neal) yet I muft fay, that the Magi
ftrates were too partial in their Behaviour to
wards the Accufed-, and that Sir William
Phips himfelf treated them with too much
Severity, by ordering them to be laid in Irons,
and countenancing the popular Cry againft
them. The whole Country were by Degrees made
fenfible of their Miftake, and moft of the
Actors in this Tragedy repented the Share
they had in it. One of the honourable Judges
that fat on the Bench at thefe Trials on a Faft-
Day, in a full Affembly at the South Meeting
in Bofton, delivered in a Paper to be read to
all the, People, acknowledging his having fallen
into fome Errors in the Trials at Salem, and
begging the Prayers of the Congregation that the
Guilt of fuch Mifcarriages might not be imputed
to the Country in general, or to him and his
Family in particular. And while this Paper
was reading, he flood up in View of the whole
Affembly. The Jury likewife publifhed a Paper fign
ed with their own Hands in the following
Words :
'' \\7" ^ wri°fe Names are under- written,
" VV being, in the Year 1692, called to
" ferve as Jurors in Court at Salem, on Trial
" of many who were by fome fufpedted of do-
" ing Adts of Witchcraft upon the Bodies of
" fundry Perfons, do confefs that we our-
R r 2 " felves

3p6 The Present State
New- " felves were not capable to underftand, nor
England. ^ k abie to withftand the myfterious Delufions
of the Powers of Darknefs and Prince of
*' the Air, but were, for want of Knowledge
" in ourfelves, and better Information from
" others, prevailed with to take up with fuch
" Evidence againft the Accufed, as on further
?' Confideration, and further Informations we
" juftly fear was infufficient for the touching
?' the Lives of any, Deut. xvii. 6. whereby
Ct we fear we have been inftrumental with
" others, though ignorantly and unwillingly
" to bring upon ourfelves, and thefe People
" of the Lord, the Guilt of innocent Blood,
" which Sin the Lord faith in Scripture he
s' would not pardon, 2 Kings xxiv. 4. that
" is, we fuppole in regard to his temporal
" Judgments j we do therefore hereby figni-
" fy to all in general, and to the furviving
" Sufferers in efpecial, our deep Senfeof, and
" Sorrow for our Errors in acting on fuch
" Evidence to the condemning of any
" Perfon. .
" And do hereby acknowledge that we juft-
" ly fear that we are very fadly deluded and
" miflaken, for which we are much difquieted
" and diftreffed in our Minds, and do there-
" fore humbly beg Forgivenefs firft of God
" for Chrijfs Sake for this our Error, and
" pray that God would not impute the Guilt
" of it to ourfelves nor others ; and we alfo
" pray that we may be confidered candidly
" ahd aright by the living Sufferers, as being
" then under the Power of a ftrong and ge-
*' neral Delufion, utterly unacquainted with,
" and not experienced in Matters of that
" Nature. «<.-We

of NEW-ENGLAND. 307
" We do heartily afk Forgivenefs of you New-
*< all, whom we have juftly offended ; and J^ti
«' declare, according to our prefent Minds,
•*' we would none of us do fuch Things again
" for the whole Worlds praying you to ac-
" cept of this in way of Satisfaction for our
*' Offence ; and that you would blefs the In-
" heritance of the Lord, that he may be
*' intreated for the Land.
Thomas Fisk, Foreman. Thomas Pefley, fen.
William Eisk, John Pebody,
John Batcheler, Thomas Perkins,
Thomas Fisk, jun. Samuel Sayer,
John Dane, Andrew Elliot,
Jofeph Evelith, Henry Herrick, fen.
And Dr. Cotton Mather, who writ the Dr. Ma-
foremention'd Trials, has fince declar'd it as his '**T c??fc
Opinion, thatThings were carry'd too far, as grre0srs>1S
appear'd to him. iff, From the great Num
ber of Perfons accufed. idly, From the Qua
lity of the Perfons accufed, fome of whom
¦Were Perfons of blamelefs and holy Lives.
gdly, From the Number of the Afflicted, which
increas'd to about fifty. This (fays he) gave
juft ground to fufpect fome Miftake. \thly,
From the Execution of the Prifoners, not one
of which confefs'd their Guilt at their Death,
tho' feveral of them were Perfons of good
Knowledge and fober Lives, and dy'd in a
ferious and affecting Manner. And as for
the Confeffors (fays he) we had no Experience
whether they would abide by their Confefiions
when they came to die, they being all repriev'd
and pardon'd. sthly, Becaufe, when the Pro-
fecutions ceafed, the Afflicted grew prefcntly
well. The Accufed are generally quiet, and we
have

Neat's

tions.

The Present State
have had no Difturbance fince that time for
thefe five Years.
I have often wonder'd that no publick No-
Remarks tice was ever ta-ken either of the afflicted Per-
on thefe fons or confeffing Witches. If the Agitations
Profecu- 0f the Afflidted were voluntary and artful, the
Blood of the Innocent certainly lay at their
Doors j but if not, they fhould have been
treated as Lunaticks, or as Perfons, who, be
ing poffeffed by an evil Spirit, had been the
unhappy Inftruments of taking away the Lives
of their honeft Neighbours. The confeffing
Witches may poffibly deferve a little more
Compaffion if their Confeffions were extorted
by Violence, or arofe from the pure Neceffity
of faving their Lives this way and no other
(as I believe was the Cafe of moft of them) but
yet their bearing falfe Witnefs againft their
Neighbours, and dipping their Hands in their
innocent Blood, ought not to have been paffed
over in Silence.
Mr. Paris indeed, in whofe Houfe this
Tragedy began, and who had himfelf been a
Witnefs, and a zealous Profecutor of the Ac
cufed, felt the Effects of the People's Re-
fentment fome time after ; for hisPeople not only
withdrew from his Communion, but prefented
feveral Petitions and Remonftrances to the
Magiftrates and Minifters of Bofton to obtain
his Removal : They declared, " That Mr.
" Parish believing the Devil's Accufations,
«« and readily departing from all Charity to
" Perfons of blamelefs Lives and Converfa-
" tions upon fuch Suggeftions ; his promoting
« Accufations, and his Partiality therein ; his
« ftiffling fome and encouraging others; his
«« going to Mary Walut and Abigail Williams,
" to know who afflicted the People in their
" nineties.

of NEW-ENGLAND. 309
" Illneffes, and his taking an Oath that the **?*-
" Prifoners by their Looks knock' d down the X^Xj
*' pretended Sufferers, tho' it is certain he
" knew nothing of the matter ;" obliged therh
to refufe him for their Minifter. The Mini
fters of Bofton did every thing they could to
make up the Difference ; and Mr. Paris him
felf, in the Year 1694, made a publick Ac
knowledgment of his Error, begging Pardon
both of God and Man •, but the People in
filling that they neither could nor would fit
under the Miniftry of a Man who had been
an Inftrument of the Mifery and Ruin of fo
many of their Relations and Friends, he was
at laft removed.
The Confufion occafioned by thefe Profe- Jfie ln~
cutions were no fmall Hindrance to the cul- p'rofyi;tes
tivating a good Correfpondence with the In- to the
dians on the Conclufion of the Peace of Pe- Jefuites.
maquid, in the Year 1693. However, Sir
William Phips, the Governor, did not en
tirely neglect it. He affembled the Sachems
on the Frontiers, made them Prefents, and
opened a free Trade with their Tribes. He
propofed alfo the leaving among them fome
converted Indians, to inftrudt them in the
Chriftian Religion, and they thereupon made
great Proteftations of their Fidelity and future
Friendlhip, but as to Religion they defired to
be excufed, and would not fuffer any Preachers
or Miffionaries to remain amongft them ; for
the French Jefuites and Popifh Priefts had al
ready profelyted this People, and indeed created
in them an Abhorrence of the Religion of the
Englifh, fuggefting that their Anceftors were
the Crucifiers of our Saviour, and them
feives the Perfecutors of all good Catholicks. Sir

sThet Present State
Sir W'Miam was no lefs unfortunate in his
Adminiftration at home than in his Attempts
to convert the Indians ; for his Government
was not only difturbed by People who pre
tended to be poffeffed and bewitched, but a
ftrong Faction was formed againft him, that
afcrib'd.all their Grievances to his Conduct:
To him they imputed it, that their Privileges
were abridg'd by the new Charter, and that
their Taxes were fo high, occafion'd by the
needlefs Expences he had put them upon of
building Fort Pemaquid, and other Fortreffes
on their Frontier : And they proceeded fo far
Sir mi- as t0 exhibit Articles againft him to the Privy-
Ham Phips Council of England > whereupon he was rer
impeached called to defend himfelf ; but carrying over
and fent wjtn njm an Addrefs from the General- Affem-
Eng°and. bty m ms Favour, he was not only acquitted^
but promifed to be reftor'd to his Pott: How*
He dies, ever, -. he fell ill of a Fever in Lsndon, and dy'd
there on the 18th of February, 1694-5, in
the 45th Year of his Age.
The War 1° the mean time the French fpirited up the
breaks out Indians of Camada and Nova Scotia to break
again- the Peace with the Englifh within a Year after
it was made ; and the Savages falling upon the
Plantations and open Towns on the Frontiers,
maffacred great Numbers of the Inhabitants,
and carry'd more into Captivity: And the
French joining their Forces with the Indians,
Fort Pe- -m fa year 1 696, furprifed the important
forpris'd Fortrefs of Pemaquid and demolifti'd it.
by the In the Year 1697, the French and their
French and fndian Allies made Preparations to invade
demohftVd New.Engiand by Sea and Land ; but Lieu
tenant St ought on detaching five hundred Men
to the North-Eaft, under the Command of
Major March, the Enemy was repulfed on
that

of HR W-E NGLAND, 31 1
that Side, and oblig'd to fly into the Woods ; N<=w-
and the French Fleet at the fame time being Engla^ •
lhattery. by a Tempeft, thought fit to return
to the River Canada without attempting to
make^a Defcent. There were afterwards fome
fmall Skirmifhes upon the Frontiers, but no
confidera.ble Action •, and in December 1698,
Advice arriv'd of the Conclufion of the Peace
of Ryfwick'; whereupon the Sieur Frontenac,
Governor of Canada, advifed his Indian Al- ^hp^ea.cf
lies to releafe their Prifoners, and make the ° ¦"*" -
beft Terms they could with the Englifh ; for
his Mafter being now at peace with that Na
tion, he could no longer, fupport them ; and
the Indians taking his Advice, made their
Submiffion at Cafco, on the 7th of January,
1698-9, promifing to perform the Articles
they had agreed to in the Year 1693, and
declar'd they had never broke them, if they
had not been incited to it by the French
Jefuites. The Earl of Bellamont was about this time The Was;
made Governor of New-England and New- renew'd,
York, but refided chiefly at the latter, leaving
the Adminiftration of the Government of New-
England to Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton ;
and a War commencing in Europe between the
Confederates and the French, in the Year 1 702,
New-England was foon involv'd in it. In this
War the New-England People made another
Effort for the Recovery of Port -Royal in Aca- ,
dia, but were not fuccefsful in their firft At
tempt. However, being affifted the next Year The Eng-
with five hundred regular Troops, command- l'fl> take
ed by Colonel Nicholfon, they carried the^j^**'
Place. ° ir
Encourag'd by this Succefs, the Miniftry in
Old-England propos'd the attacking of Canada
Vol. XXXI. S f once

312 The Present State
New- once again, and the Colonies of New-England
England. Znd. New- York readily came- into it, and ac-
'*",""v""" tually made confiderable Levies of Men and
Money to affift and fupport that Enterprize,
being in daily expectation of a Squadron of
Men of War, and a Body of Land Forces
from Great- Britain, to enter upon Adtion j
but our .Generals on this fide being unwilling
to fpare any Troops from Flanders, the En
terprize was laid afide till the Year 17 n,
when the Generals, as well as the Miniftry,
being changed, that important Expedition was
Another reviv'd, and Admiral Walker was commanded
Expedition jor ]\j-ew. England with a Squadron of twelve
Canada, Men °* War, fix Store- Ships, and forty
An. 171 1. Tranfports ; on Board whereof were five
thoufand veteran Troops, under the Command
of Brigadier- General Hill ; all manner of war
like Stores, and forty Horfes, for the Ufe of
the Artillery, alfo were put on Board •, and
Admiral with thefe the Admiral arrivtl at Bofton, on
Walker fa 2^tn 0f jme 17x1, having been feven
rai HUl ' Weeks and three Days in his Paffage from
arrive at Plymouth. Whereupon the Land Forces were
Bhjhn. feC on Shore on Nodd's- Ifland, in the Maffa
chufet Bay, to refrefh themfeives, and wait
till all things were in readinefs to befiege
Quebec k, the Capital of Canada. Here the
Forces lay waiting for Provifions till the 20th
of July, when they were re-imbark'd, and on
the 25th two New-England Regiments alfo
were added to them, and embark'd on Board
the Fleet, by the Command of Governor
Dudley. In the mean time General Nicholfon, Go
vernor of New-York, affembled a Body of
two thoufand Englifh and thirteen hundred
Indians, who were order'd to embark on the
Rivers

of N E W-E N G L A N D4 313
Rivers which fall into the Lake of Ontario, New~
ufually call'd the Lake of Canada, or Frontenac, E^l^\
and fo get into the River of St. Lawrence, *^*^
and attack the Fortrefs of Montreal, fituated
in an Ifland of that River, in order to make
a Diverfion, and divide the French Forces,
while Admiral Walker and General Hill fhould
attack ghtebeck. But our unfortunate Fleet
never reach'd that City ; for arriving in the
Mouth of the River Canada, there fell fo thick
a Fog that their Pilots were at a lofs which
Way to fleer, having no Soundings to direct
them ; and it afterwards blowing hard, they
were driven upon the North Shore among the
Rocks, where they loft eight of their Tranf- part 0f
ports with eight hundred Men on Board, and theTranf-
the whole Fleet was in danger of being fhip- Por:s
wreck'd. Whereupon they made the bed 0fcaltawa>'-
their way to the Eaftward, and coming to
Spanifh- River- Bay, they held a Council of
War, on the 4th of September, wherein it be- The Ad-
ing confider'd that they had but ten Weeks m,ral a"d
Provifion for the Fleet and Army, and that re''l"r*l'J0
the Navigation was fo bad at this time of the England.
Year in thofe Parts that they could not depend
on Supplies of Provifion from New- England,
it, was unanimoufly refolved to return home,
and fetting fail accordingly (after they had
detach'd fome Ships and Forces to Bofton and
Annapolis) the Fleet arriv'd at Portfmouth on
the 9th of Otlober following, where, to com
plete their Misfortune, the Edgar, the Admi
ral's Ship, was blown up, and feven hundred
People perifh'd, including the Sailors Wives
and thofe that came to welcome their Friends
home, but the Captain and moft of the Officers
being then on Shore efcaped the terrible Blow.
As for General Nicholfon, and the Forces
S f 2 that

314 The Present StatS
New- that were defign'd to make a Diverfion by
England. Defjeging Montreal, an Exprefs being fent af-
~* ter them with Advice of the Lots of the Tranf-
ports in the River Canada, they returned to
New-York without attempting any thing. And
thus unhappily ended an Expedition, which,
if it had fucceeded, would have made us Maf
ters of the beft Part of North- America, and
driven the French entirely from that Continent :
And as People are apt to blame one another
where they fail of Succefs, we find the Ad
miral and General complaining that their being
detain'd at Bofton for want of the Provifions and
Re-inforcements the Government of -New-
England had promifed, till the Summer was
fpent, and then not being furnifh'd with good
Pilots there, were the Occafions of their Mif-
fortune. The New- England People on the
other hand ailed g'd, that it was not too late
in the Year but they might have fucceeded, if
the General and Admiral had been hearty in
the Enterprize.
But perhaps neither of them were much to
blame. We may rather afcribe the ill Succefs
they met with to the Want of a good Under-
ftanding between Old and- New-England, and
to the Wind and Weather, which the wifeft
and braveft Commanders cannot provide a-
gainft. An Enterprize of this nature had been con
certed in Old-England fome time before, as
has been obferved already, and the New-
England People had made great Preparations
to fecond it ; but when they had put themfeives
to a very great Expence, our Generals in Flan
ders would fpare no Troops for this Service, ¦
whereby all the Trouble and Charges they
had been at were loft. When this Project
therefor? ¦

of NEW-ENGLAND. 3i£
therefore was revived, the New- England People New-
determin'd to wait till the Fleet and Army England-
fhould arrive at Bofton before they began their ""^V^
Preparations, and the rather becaufe there had
been a Change of the Miniftry •, for they were
jealous that the new Miniftry had but little
Friendfhip for them. When the Fleet and
Army therefore came into the Bay, they were
forced to wait a whole Month for the Forces
and Provifions they were to take in there.
The Colony indeed urge in their Defence, that
no Port in Great-Britain could have furnifh'd
fuch a Fleet and Army with Provifions fooner ;
which I agree to be true, and that they were
very hearty in the Enterprize after they faw
the Forces arrive ; for nothing could be of TheDelay
more Importance to them than the Conqueft ofin furnifli-
Canada ; but they ought to have had their fofnsPtrh0evl"
Forces and Provifions ready on the Arrival of Occafion
the Britifh Squadron, when they had Notice of of the
their coming ; for that Month's Delay, in the H! Succefs
fineft Seafon of the Year, was certainly a vaft J?" Lr.-
Difadvantage to the Lnterpnze : And what- againft
ever fome malicious and envious Spirits in ^beck.
Old-England might foggeft to the contrary
then, and have repeated fince the Difafter hap
pen'd, it is very evident that all imaginable
Encouragement was given to the Undertaking
in England, and that the Officers empfoy'd
ufed the utmoft Diligence and Circumfpedtion
in the Execution of their Orders ; for the
Squadron and Land Forces actually failed
from Plymouth the Beginning of May, and
arriv'd at Bofton on the 25th of June, the beft
Seafon in the world to execute the Scheme that
had been laid, if the New-England People had
been in a readinefs to join them, and furnifh'd
them with good Pilots, in both which Articles they

316 7&? Present State
New- they were apparently defective : And to thefe,
England. anci the crofs Winds and Fogs, and the Bad-
*—~v™~ nefs of the Navigation in the River Canada the
latter End of the Year, as has been intimated
already, the ill Succefs of this Enterprize is
principally to be imputed, and not to Want
of Zeal or Conduct in the Admiral or Gene
ral -, for they were fo intent upon the Enter
prize that they avoided engaging a Squadron
of French Men of War, under the Command
of De Guy Troen, rather than the Defign upon
Canada fhould be defeated ; and for this they
were feverely cenfured by fome who did not
conflder the Importance of the Enterprize they
were going upon: And the preffing Orders
they had to ufe all imaginable Difpatch while
the fair Seafon lafted, an Expedition of the
like kind having mifcarry'd once before, when
the Government of New- England had the fole
Management of it, purely by its being un
dertaken too late in the Year; and more Men
were loft in that Expedition than there were
in this.
j\w* The Year following, Anno 171 2, was con-
Scotia and eluded the Peace of Utrecht, in which New-
MsF^fnes England was included; and as Nova Scotia and
Great- Acadia were yielded to" Britain by that Treaty,
Britain by the Filheries on thofe Coafts and in the Bay
the Peace of Fundi (which are equal, if not preferable,
of Utrecht. tQ fa Filheries of Newfoundland) became
folely vetted in the Subjects of Great-Britain.
TlieTrade There haye not been many Tranfadtions of
of New- any great moment in New-England fince the
England Peace of Utrecht, unlefs it be their falling into
wi" that lome Manufadures and foreign Trades, which
at' Great- interfere with the Manufactures and Trade of
Britain. Great-Britain, as has been touched upon al
ready, and will be confider'd further when I
come

c/ NEW-ENGLAND. 317
come to treat of the Difputes between the Su- New-
gar Iflands and the Northern Colonies. SKJ
The Affembly of New-England have alfo They'""
had a long Conteft with the Court of Great- refufe to
Britain about fettling a fixed Salary on their allow thc
Governor, which they refufing to comply with, G?ve ?or
that Matter was propos'd to have been laidsaiarv,
before the Parliament ; and the People of New-
England beginning to apprehend their Charter
in fome danger, employ'd Mr. Dummer, one
of their Agents, to appear in Print as their
Advocate ; a Gentleman the beft qualify'd for
that Office of any Writer I have met with,
for he evidently acts the Part of an Advocate,
concealing or mitigating their Errors in Go
vernment, and fettirig their beft Actions in the
moft advantageous Light ; which brings me to
inquire into the Conftitution of the refpective
Colonies, which are comprehended under the
Name of New- England, and firft of that of
the Maffachufets.
It is obferv'd by Mr. Dummer, already The Con-
mention'd, that by the new Charter granted to Mtution
the Maffachufets (the moft confiderable of the^i^B_
New- England Colonies) that the Appointment^ colony.
of a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Secre
tary, and all the Officers of the Admiralty, is
vetted in the Crown : That the power of the
Militia is wholly in the Hands of the Governor,
as Captain- General : That all Judges, Juftices,
and Sheriffs, to whom the Execution of the
Laws is intrufted, are nominated by the Go
vernor, with the Advice of the Council ; and
that the Governor has a Negative on the Choice
of Counfellors peremptory and unlimited, and
that he is not oblig'd to give 3 Reafon for what
he does in this Particular, or reftrain'd to any
Number : That all Laws, enacted by the
General-

The Present State
General- Affembly are to be font to^the Court
of England for the royal Approbation \ and
that no Laws, Ordinances, Elections (of
Magiftrates I prefume he means) or Adlsof
Government whatfoever are valid without the
Governor's Confent in Writing.
By thefe Refervations (in the Opinion of
this Gentleman) the Prerogative of the Crown
and the Dependance of this Colony are effec
tually fecur'd : Whereas we find the Lords
Commiffioners of Trade and Plantations, in
their Reprefentation to the Houfe of Commons,
Anno 1632, obferving that notwithftanding
the Power feems to be divided between the
King and the People in the Maffachufet Colony,
the People have much the greateft Share ; for
they do not only .chufe the Affembly of Re-
prefentatives, but this Affembly chufe the
Council (equivalent to our Houfe of Lords)
and the Governor depends upon the Affetnb|y
for his annual Support, which has frequently
laid the Governor of this Province under the
Temptation of giving up the Prerogatives of
the Crown, and the Intereft of Great-Britam :
That this Colony as well as others ought to
tranfmit to Great-Britain authentick Copies of
the feveral Acts pafs'd by them ; but they
fometimes negh?dt it, and pafs temporary Laws
which have their full Effect before the Govern
ment here can' have due Notice of them ;.
And if the Laws of this Colony are not re
pealed within rhree Years after their bein^
prefented, they a, re not repealable by the Crown
after that time.
And here it ma y be proper to mention fome
Obfervations of C Ar. Dummer and other New
England Writers i\ n relation to the Adminiftra- tio»

of NEW-ENGLAND". ji$
tion of the Governors and Officers of our New-
Plantations, as we.ll as on the Government EnSland-
itfelf. ¦ ' — " — '
That Governors are apt to abufe tbejr Power obfervati-
and grow rich by Oppreffion, Experience thews ons on the
us. (fays Mr. Dummer.) We have feen, not Admini-
many Years fince, fome Governors feiz'd by^f^11
their injur'd People and fent Prifoners to White- Plantation
hall, there to anfwer for their Offences. O- Governors
thers have fallen Victims on the fpot, not to
the Fury of a Faction or a Rabble, but to the
Refentment of the whole Body of the People,
rifing as one Man to revenge their Wrongs.
Others, after being recall'd, have been profe-
cuted at the King's-Bench Bar, purfuant to an
Adt of Parliament made in the Reign of the
late King William, whereby it is provided,
That Governors fhall be impfeadable at home
for any Injuries done in their Governments
abroad. We have had more than one flagrant
Inftance of this very lately, where Governors
have been convicted and cenfured, not fo
properly for oppreffing, as for a direct plundering
their People, and fuch other Acts of Mif-rule
and Jawlefs Power, as one would not have
thought it poffible they fhould have committed,
if Experience had not fhewn it to be more
than poffible.
I do not, however, intend by what is here
faid to reproach our own Nation, as if we
were greater Sinners than others, or to reflect
on the prefent Times, as if they were woffe
than the former. I know that the fame A-
bufes have been pradtis'd in every Age as well
as this, and in foreign Colonies as well as our
own. The ancient Romans were as brave and
as virtuous a People as any Frithe World, and
yet their Pro-Confuls or Governors were very
Vol. XXXI. T« guilty

320 The Present State •
New- guilty in this refpedt : Their Corruption was
England. f0 notorious as to be diftinguith'd by the Name
**'~Y>*J 0f Crimen Repetundarum, a Phrafe not ufed
in any other Meaning, and deriv'd from the
Obligation which the Roman Senate laid on
their Governors to make Reftitution.
Nor have the modern Governors in the
French and Spanifh Plantations been lefs crimi
nal. It's a famous Story of a great Minifter
at the Court of Madrid, who writ to his Friend
the Vice-roy of Peru, that great Complaints
were made againft him, for having extorted
immenfe Sums of Money from the People in
his Government, which (fays he) / wifh may
be true, or elfe you are undone. It feems the
fame thing that wounded him was neceffary to
heal him ; what put him out of Favour was
the only thing could reftore him.
Indeed it can hardly be expected but thefe
Corruptions muft happen, when one confiders
that few Gentlemen will crofs the Seas for a
Government whofe Circumftances are not a
little ftreight at home ; and that they know
by how flight and uncertain a Tenure they hold
their Commiffions, from whence they wifely
conclude that no Time is to be loft •, and then
for the Account to be render'd at home, that
is not thought of at fo great a Diftance, for
Procul a Jove, procul a Fulmine.
Of the T° inlarge then the Power of Governors,
Govern- is to give them greater Power to opprefs, and
ment of to vacate the Charters is to inlarge their Power,
the Plan- fa Government in that Cafe of courfe de-
medhtely volving upon them, as we fee in thofe Planta-
fubjeft tions which never had any Charters but are imme-
to the diately dependent on the Crown. There they
Crown, ^ave jn a manner the intire legiflative and
executive Powers, or at leaft, fo great an In
fluence

of NEW-ENGLAND. 321
fluence on the conftituent Parts of the former, New-
as leaves them little more than nominal Sharers, EnEIand-
ferving rather as Screens to the Governor, than
a Defence to the People. The Militia is ab-
folutely vetted in the Governors, which influ
ences all Elections of Reprefentatives : They
appoint Judges, Juftices, Sheriffs, and other
civil Officers with the Confent, 'tis faid indeed,
of the Council ; but that fuch Confent, volun
tary or involuntary, will ever be refufed, feems
too much to be expected, if we conflder, that
altho' the Governors do not indeed appoint the
Council, yet they recommend proper Perfons
to the King ; and it may be fuppofed that a
Gentleman who is intrufted with the chief
Command of a Province, and is actually on
the fpot, will be thought the beft Judge who
are fit to ferve, and therefore his Recommen
dations will almoft always prevail. Befides,
if there be a Turn to ferve, or an Emergency
real or imaginary, and any of the Members
fhould be fo refractory as not to give into his
Meafures with an implicit Faith, the Governor
can fufpend as many of them as. he pleafes ;
and When he has reduced the Board under a
Number limited in his Inftrudtions, he can then
fill it up' to that Number inftanter with whom
he pleafes j and who will they be, may we pre-
fume, ' but fuch as are paffively obedient to his
Will ? And too many fuch there are to be
found in all Colonies, fo conftituted, who are
content to be faddled themfeives, provided they
may ride bdiers1 under the chief Rider. I
muft farther' obferve, that where there are no
Charters, there are Courts of Equity eftablifh-
ed, in which the/ Governor is always- Chan-
celfor,0and!for the moft part chief Juftice and
¦Ordinary- at the- fame Time, which puts the
V .3 T t 2 Eftates,

The- Pr es ent State
Eftates, Lives, and Liberties of the Inhabit
tants, faving the Liberty of an Appeal at
home, intirely in his Difpofal •, and even an
Appeal in all Cafes under a confiderable Sum,
in all Cafes of the ordinary Jurifdiction, and
in all Cafes Capital, is either difallowed by his,
Inftrudtions, or wholly in the Governor's
Bread to allow or not.
The Sum of my Argument is, That the
Benefit which Great-Britain receives from the
Plantations arifes from their Commerce : That
Oppreffion is the moft oppofite Thing in the World
to Commerce, and the moft deftruclive Enemy
it can have : That Governors have in all Times,
and in all Countries, been too much inclined to
opprefs : And confequently, it cannot be the In
tereft of the Nation to increafe their Power,
and leffen the Liberties of the People.
The fame Writer obferves, that all the Of
ficers of the Revenue in the Plantations are
appointed by the Crown ; and all Breaches of
the Acts of Trade and Plantations are try'd by
Judges commiffioned by the Broad-Seal, or by
Warrants from the Admiralty of England.
That the Laws of the Country are not plead
ed in thefe Courts, but Acts of the Britifh
Parliament ; and where they are fifent, the
civil and maritime Laws take place, and the'
Forms of Proceeding are regulated^ after the
Manner pradtifed in Doblors-Commons. That
neitfier the Judge, nor any of the inferior Of
ficers of the Admiralty have Salaries, or other
Dependance, than upon what they get by their
Fees, and are therefore ftrongly tempted to re
ceive all Bufinefs that comes before them,
however improper for their Cognizance.
That the Officers of tfie Revenue are multi
plied, $ late Years in the Plantations, and
guilty

of NEW-ENGLAND. 323
guilty of great .Oppreffions : . The. Merchants ^eW-
cottiplain, that by their violent Practices, they ^£^
have driven away all Veffels from' fome Parts
of , the County, infomuch that they have no
Sloops left to carry their Produce to Market.
In anfwer to that prevailing Opinion, That Of the
the increafing Numbers and Wealth, of this and Iftepen-
the reft of the Charter Colonies, joined ta their ^^.£„£.
great Diftance from Britain, will give them an land on thd
Opportunity in. the Courfe of fome Years to Crown.
throw off their Dependance on this Nation,
end declare themfeives . free States, if not
checked in time, by being made entirely fubje'tl
to the Crown. He anfwers, That thofe Gen
tlemen are but little acquainted with thefe, or-
any of the Northern Colonies, who do not
know and confefs that their Poverty and the de->
clining State of their Trade is fo great at prev
fent, that there is far more danger of their
Sinking, without ibme extraordinary Support
from the Crown, than of their. revolting front
it •, befides, they are fo diftindt from one ano
ther in their Forms of Government, in their
Religious Rites, .in their Emulation of Tradej
and confequently- in their Affections, that they
can never be fuppofed" to unite in fo danger-r
ous an Enterprize: It is for this Reafon I have
often wondered to hear fome great Men pro
fefs their Belief of the Feafihlenefsijof it, and
the Probability that it will fome time or other
actually coma, to pafs, and yet at the fame
time advife, that all the Governments on the
Continent be formed into one, by being brought
under one Vice-roy, and into one Affembly ^
for if they in. earneft' believed Jthat there was,
or .would " be hereafter^ 2. Difpofition in the
Provinces to rebeliand declare thdrrifdves In
dependent, it would be good Policy to keep
them

324 The Present State
New- them difunited; becaufe, if it were poffible
England, fay Cou'd contrive fo wild and rath an Un-
V"'"V>-/ dertakingv yet they wou'd not be hardy enough
to put it in execution, unlefs they cou'd firft
ftrengthen themfeives by a. Confederacy of all
Of uniting, the Parts. On the other hand, another Wri
the Colo- ter is of opinion, that our Colonies can never
nies-under defend' themfeives againft the Invafions and
one Vice- Outrages of the French and their Indian Allies,
but by uniting them under one Vice-roy or Ge-
neraliffimo : He obferves, that all Princes and
States who have planted Colonies, or fubdued
Nations, have given the Command of them
to -particular Governors in Subordination to
others, who have prefided over the Whole, for
the preventing and fuppreffing Sedition ; and
that each particular Government might be
ftrengthened and fupported by the. reft againft
the Attacks of their common Enemies: That
in the Roman Empire, which contained one
hundred and twenty Provinces, and near three
hundred Colonies, there were only four Prefects
or chief Governors under the Emperor ; and
over thefe icxtenfive Countries " the Spaniards
poffefs in ¦ North and South'/ America, there
are but twoVice-roys : In Canada and Louif&i
ma, i equal in Extent to all thedBritifh Colonies*
the Frendo have but one Governor in Chiefs
or Generaliffimo, who can unite the whok
Force .of the French in that Part of the World
againft any:; one of the.. Britifh Colonies- he
pleafes to ^attack; While the Countries in Arm'
rica poffeffedJby the Englifh feem to be. in much
the fame State ;that Britaiifwas on the Invafion
of th&J&J«z«»*,idivided under. feveral Chiefs,, and
confequently eaTily fubdnecLane after another by
the united Forces- of their Enemies. Dam- ftm
¦guli - pagnphkiflL Univerfi .:viBeebantarri-mii!lk
.;...;3 they

»/ NEW-ENGLAND. 325
they fought in fingle Bodies the whole Ifland New-
was conquered (fays the Roman Hiftorian) ; fo ^S1*^
in this Country, to draw the Parallel, we*"
have at leaft thirteen Colonies governed by
their refpective Commanders, according to
their peculiar Laws and Conftitutions, where
of there is fcarce one that can expect Relief
from one another in the moft imminent Danger,
as Experience, has often fhewn.
This Gentleman alfo obferves, that the Co- Of mak-
lonies depending immediately on the Crown, :"S , al! the
i. o * * ^,oloniGS
fuch as Virginia and New-York, have been immedi-
much lefs harraffed by the Indians, and much ately de-
better prepared to defend their refpective Coun- pendenton
tries when attacked, than the Charter Govern-1 e rown"
ments of New-England ; either fays he, the
latter have not Authority enough to prevent
the unfair Ufage the Indians frequently com
plain of there,, or they neglect to give them
Satisfaction when they are injured, and the
frontier Plantations are ruined before they can
agree to march to their Defence.
Another thing that has expofed our Colonies of unquj-
to great Dangers, he obferves, has been the Un- llfied and
tkilfulnefs, or corrupt Views, of fome Gover- Gover
nors and Officers there, who have been left to nors.
truft to Providence and their own Ingenuity
for their Subfiftance : I will not fay, that all
that go thither are like thofe in David's Camp,
in Debt or Diftrefs, and confequently unquali
fied to promote the publick Weal ; but there
have been thofe, who in time of War have fup-
plied their Indian Enemies with Powder and
Shot, the French with Provifions, and the Spa
niards with Naval Stores ; and by keeping up
Parties and Factions, and oppreffing the Peo
ple under Colour of their Authority,, of flourifh- ing

ftration.

326 'The Present State
New- fftg Colonies, have made very poor ones ; but
England. to remrn to the Maffachufets.
TheXaws ^'ie Laws of the greateft Confequence in
of New- this Colony, and the Adminiftration of them,
England, are thus fummed up by my Author Mr. Dum
mer : He fays, there is in every County an Of
fice, where all Conveyances of Land are en
ter'd at large, after the Granters have firft ac
knowledg'd them before a Juftice of Peace;
by which means, much Fraud is prevented,
no Perfon being able to fell his Eftate twice,
or take up more Money upon it than 'tis worth.
and their Provifion has likewife been made for the Se-
Admini- curity of the Life and Property of the Subject
in the Matter of Juries, who are not retum'd
by the Sheriff of the County, but are chofen
by the Inhabitants of the feveral Towns a con
venient Time before the Sitting of the Courts.
And this Election is under the moft exact Re*
gulation, in order to prevent Corruption fo far
as human Prudence can do it. It muft be
noted, that Sheriffs in the Plantations are conv
paratively but little Officers, and therefore not
to be trufted as here, where they are Men of
ample Fortunes. And yet even here fuch fla-
grant Corruptions have been found in return
ing Juries by Sheriffs, that the Houfe of Com
mons thought it neceffary lately to amend the
Law in this Point, and pafs'd a Bill for chuf-
ing them by Ballot.
Redrefs in their Courts of Law is eafy,
quick, and cheap. All Proceffes are in Eng
lifh, and no fpecial Pleadings or Demurrers
are admitted, but the general Iffue is always
given, and fpecial Matters brought in Evidence,
which faves Time and Expence ; and in this
Cafe a Man is not liable to lofe his Eftate for

of N E W-E N G L A N D. 327
a Defect in Form • nor is the Merit of the New-
Caufe made to depend on the Niceties of Clerk- England-
fhip. By a Law of the Country, no Writ ' *"""
may be abated for a circumftantial Error,
fuch as a flight Mif-nomer, or any Informa
lity. And by another Law, it is enacted,
that every Attorney taking out a Writ from
the Clerks Office, fhall indorfe his Sirname
upon it, and be liable to pay to the adverfe
Party his Cofts and Charges in cafe of Non-
profecution or Difcontinuance, or that the Plan-
tiff be non-fuited, or Judgment pafs againft
him. And it is provided in the fame Act,
that if the Plantiff fhall fuffer a Non-fuit by
the Attorney's mif-laying the Action, he fhall
be obliged to draw a new Writ without a Fee,
in cafe the Party fhall fee fit to revive the
Suit. I can't but think that every-body, ex
cept Gentlemen of the long Robe, and the
Attornies, will think this a wholefome Law,
and well calculated for the Benefit of the Sub
ject. For the quicker Difpatch of Caufes, De
clarations are made Parts of the Writ, in which
the Cafe is fully and particularly fet forth. If
it be Matter of Accompt, the Accompt is an
nexed to the Writ, and Copies of both left
with the Defendant •, which being done, four
teen Days before the Sitting of the Court, he
is obliged to plead directly, and the Iffue is
then try'd. Whereas by the Practice of the
Court of Kings- Bench, three or four Months
Time is often loft after the Writ is ferved, be
fore the Caufe can be brought to Iffue.
Nor are the People of New-England oppref
fed with the infinite Delays and Expence that
attend the Proceedings in Chancery, where
both Parties are often ruin'd by the Charge
and Length of the Suit. But as in all other
Vol. XXXI. U u Countries,

328 The Present State
New- Countries, England only excepted, Jus &f
England. Jiquum are held the fame, and never divided, ,
J fo it is there : A Power of Chancery being
vetted in the Judges of the Courts of com
mon Law, as to fome particular Cafes, and
they make equitable Conftrudtions in others.
I muft add, That the Fees of Officers of all
Sorts are fettled by Acts of Affembly at mo
derate Prizes for the Eafe of the Subject.
To thefe Laws give me leave to add fome
others. If a Man commit Adultery with a married
Woman, or Maid, or Woman efpoufed, both
the Man and Woman are to be put to death.
The Punifhment for Robbery on the High
way, or Burglary, for the firft Offence, is only
Branding on the Forehead ; for the fecond Of
fence, Branding again and Whipping; and the
third Offence, Death.
Blafphemy is punilhed with Death.
Cruel Punifhments or Correction of Ser
vants or Children are prohibited ; nor fhall
any Court of Juftice condemn any Offender
to receive more than forty Stripes.
No Man condemn'd to die fhall be executed
within four Days after Condemnation.
Mafters of Families are to inftruct their
Children and Apprentices in the Penal Laws.
A Child upwards of 16 Years of Age
ftriking or curfing his Parent, to be put to
death. If any Parent or Guardian fhall deny a
Child timely and convenient Marriage, upon
Complaint to Authority, a Redrefs may be
had. No Orphan fhall be difpofed of by a Guar
dian without the Confent of fome Court. The

»/NE W-E N G L A N D. 329
The Minority of Women in cafe of Mar- New-
riage is declared to be under fixteen- Years of Eng'and.
Age. V^Y^'
Any Magiftrate may hear and determine
civil Caufes in his County where the Debt or
Damages do not exceed forty Shillings, and
no fuch Caufes fhall be brought before a
Court. Falfe Witneffes, forfwearing themfeives with
a Defign to take away another's Life, fhall
fuffer Death.
Fornication is punifhed either by compelling
Marriage, fining the Parties, corporal Punifh-
ment, Disfranchifement, or all of thefe, as the
Court fhall diredt.
No Man fhall be admitted a Freeman but
a Member of fome Church in the Colony.
No Man who is a Member of a Church
fhall be exempted from Offices.
All Englijhmen Orthodox in Religion, not
fcandalous in Life, who are Freeholders' of the
Country and rateable in one fingle Rate at ten
Shillings, and twenty four Years of Age, fhall
be admitted to the Freedom of the Comnion-
Wealth. Made Anno 1664.
During the Ufurpation, Anno 164.6, they Herefy.
paffed a Law againft Hereticks, wherein they
recite, That notwithftanding no human Power
is Lord over the Faith and Confciences of Men,
yet to avoid damnable Herefies tending to the
fubverting the Chriftian Faith, fpreading a-
mong the Inhabitants of this Jurifdiction, 'tis
enacted, That if any Perfon within this Jurif
diction fhall broach and maintain any damna
ble Herefies, as denying the Immortality of
the Soul, or the Refurrection of the Body,
or any Sin to be repented of in the Re
generate, or any Evil to be done by the out-
U u 2 ward

330 The Present State/j
New- ward Man to be accountec) Sin, or thall cfeny
England. ^ tnat chrift gave himfelf a Ranfom for. our
Sins, or fhall affirm that we are not jultified
by his Death and Righteoufnefs but by our own
Merit, or fhall deny the Morality of the
fourth Commandment, or fhall openly con
demn or oppofe the Baptizing of Infants,
or fhall purpofely depart the Congregation at
the Adminiftration of the Ordinance of Bap-
tifm, or fhall deny the Ordinance of . Magi-
ftracy or their lawful Authority to make War
and Peace,, and to punifh the outward Breaches
of the firft Table, or thall endeavour tofe-
duce others tp any of thefe Opinions, every
fuch Perfon lawfully convicted fhall be ba-
nifhed this Jurifdiction.
Whoever fhall revile the Office or Perfon
of a Magiftrate or Minifter (Clergyman) fhall
be feverely whip'd, and pay the Penalty of
five Pounds.
j Whoever fhall publifh any heterodox Opi
nions in Religion fhall be cenfured by the
County Court.
Raw Hides, Skins, or Leather unwroughtj
fhall not be exported, on pain of Forfeiture.
Anno 1646.
No Horfe fhall be fold or difpofed of to
any Indian, on pain of one hundred Pounds*.
No Stone-horfe fhall run in the Woods,
unlefs he be well made and fourteen Hands
high. ._.,.-,-
Jurymen fhall be chofen by the, Freemen of
each County, a convenient Time before the Sit
ting of the Court.
No Popijh Prieft or Jefuit fhall come to or
abide within this Jurifdiction, but fhall be
banifhed, or otherwife proceeded againft as
the Court of Affiftants fhall direct ; and if he
return

of NTE W-E N G L A N D. 331
return from Banifhment, he fhaU be put to New-
death. fnSlald-
No Indians fhall be difpoffeffed of their
Lands or Fifhing-Grounds ; and any Indians
defiring to live among the Englifh thall have
Allotments of Land.
No Man fhall fell or difpofe of Arms or
Ammunition to the Indians.
No Perfon fhall give or fell Brandy, Rum,
or other ftrong Liquors to the Indians.
No Perfon fhall fell or difpofe of any Boat
or other Veffel to an Indian.
Damage done to the Indians in their Corn
or Cattle fhall be recompenfed.
The civiliz'd Indians, who live under this
Government, fhall have Indian Cornmiffioners
in their feveral Plantations to hear and deter
mine fuch Differences as a fingle Magiftrate
may .determine among the Englifh, and fhall
have Marfhals and Conftables to execute
Warrants and Orders. They fhall alfo have
Courts equivalent to County Courts among
themfeives, provided the Englifh Magiftrate
appoint the Fines, and give his Confent to
the Judgments paffed ; and Matters of a
higher Nature fhall be determin'd by the Court
of Affiftants. No Perfon fhall be permitted to pawaw, or
perform their idolatrous Worthip ; nor fhall
the Indians profane the Lord's Day.
Strong Liquors found in the poffeffion of
Indians thall be feiz'd.
Indians found drunk fhall be committed till
they confefs where they had their Liquor, and
fhall pay ten Shillings for being drunk, or
receive ten Stripes.
Perfons allow'd to trade with the Indians for
Skins may fell them Arms and Ammunition on

The Present State
on paying certain Duties to the Government,
provided fuch Indians are in Amity with the
Englifh. This Act was made Anno 1668.
No Perfon fhall be fuffer'd to fit tippling in
a publick Houfe above half an Hour, except
Strangers ; or to drink above half a Pint of
Wine at a Sitting.
No private Perfon to permit People to fit
tippling in his Houfe, on pain of twenty Shil
lings for the firft Offence, and five Pounds for
the fecond.
All Perfons prohibited finging in a publick
Houfe, or to go into one on a Sunday or
Lecture-day. No Victualler to fuffer a drunken Fellow,
who has been admonifh'd of his Offence by
the feledt Men, to come into his Houfe.
The ftealing of Men is made capital.
! No Man fhall ftrike his Wife, or Woman
her Hufband, on pain of ten Pounds, or cor
poral Punifhment, at the Difcretion of the
County Court.
No Man fhall make a Motion of Marriage
to any Maid without the Confent of her Pa
rents or Governors, or in their Abfence, of
the next Magiftrate, on pain of five Pounds
for the firft Offence, and ten Pounds for the
fecond. . Married People fhall not live feparately
without fhewing good caufe to the Court of
Affiftants. None fhall marry any Perfon but a Magi1
fixate, or thofe that are authorized by the
Court of Affiftants, and that after Banes three
times publifh'd in their Churches.
The Freemen of every Town are impowefd
to fettle the Wages of Servants and Labourers
there. If

e/NE W-E N G L A N D. 333
If any one maim or disfigure his Servant he New-
fhall be disfranchis'd. £Si
The Mint fhall coin Money Two-pence in *"
the Shilling lefs in Value than Englifh Money :
The Exportation of Money prohibited.
Convicted Criminals refufing to difcover
their Accomplices may be put to the Torture.
Playing in the Streets or Fields, walking,
drinking, vifiting, fporting, and travelling on
the Sabbath-Day, prohibited.
No Violence fhall be offer'd to any that
fuffer Shipwreck upon the Coaft, or to their
Goods, but both fhall be harbour'd and pre-
ferv'd in Safety.
As to the two Colonies of Connecticut and Govem-
Rhode-Ifland, which I comprehend under the ")ent of
Title of New-England, thefe, as has been ffff^ff^
obferv'd already, are diftindt Governments, ifland.
and indulg'd at prefent with higher Privileges
than the Maffachufet Colony ; for thefe, by
their refpective Charters, are authoriz'd annu
ally to elect their own Governors, Deputy-
Governors, Council and Affembly, with the
reft of their Magiftrates and Officers civil and
military, and to make Laws for the Govern
ment of the Colony, provided they are not
repugnant ' to the Laws of England ; and the
People of Conneclicut, in their Religion, Laws
and Cuftoms, copy pretty clofely after their
Mother Colony, that of the Maffachufets.
As to the State of Religion in Rhode-Ifland^^ pf
Colony, a Gentleman of confiderable Intereft K-ell£lon
there gives me this Account of it. He fays,
they are a very free People in that refpect.
They confift of Epifcopalians, Prefbyterians,
' Anabaptifts and Quakers, but the Quakers
are now the moft confiderable, their prefent
Governor, John Wanton, Efq; being a
Quaker,

334 The Present State
New- Quaker, as are alfo feveral of the Council and
England. Houfe of Reprefentatives ; and as they are
V,*"V"N-/ principled for a free Miniftry of the Gofpel,
fo confequently there is no forced Maintenance
in the Colony for the Miniftry of any Perfua-
fion, but every different Society that are for
maintaining a Preacher do it voluntarily by
Contribution or Subfcription.
Of New- The fourth and laft Colony comprehended
Hampjhire. under the Name of New-England, is that of
New-Hampfhire, which is immediately.de-
pendent on the Crown, and confequently the
King appoints their Governor, Lieutenant-
Governor, Council, Magiftrates, and Officers
civil and military •, but the Freemen ftill elect
their Reprefentatives, as the Free-holders in
England do with us. The Conftitution of
this and all other Colonies immediately de
pending on the Crown therefore refembles
nearly that of Old-England ; but in the reft,
The Dif- called Charter Governments, the diffufive Body
ference of the People feem to be vetted with the fove-
b,"p?en raign Power, having the Election of their
Govern- Governors, Council, and Magiftrates annu-
ments and ally, and their Laws being made by them- ,
thofe im- felves without the King's Concurrence. How-
™edlif'eIy ever, their Laws are liable to be repeal'd, and
on the ' ° tne'r Conftitution entirely alter'd by the King
Crown, and Parliament ; which, one would think,
fhould render them extremely cautious in
making Laws that may prove difadvantageous
to their Mother Country, or promote fuch
Trades and Manufactures as may interfere with
thofe of Great-Britain ; for they may very
well expect when this fhall be done to any
great Degree, the Parliament will keep a
fevere Hand over them, and perhaps deprive
them of their moft darling Privileges. It may be

of NEW-ENGLAND. 335
be found expedient hereafter alfo, even for New-
their own Defence and Security, to appoint a England.^
Vice-roy, or at leaft a Generalifflmo in Time v— ""V— J
of War, who, by the Advice of his Council,
may affemble and unite the whole Force of
the Plantations againft the Encroachments and
Invafions of the French, and affign every Pro
vince and Colony their refpective Quota's of
Troops to oppofe this formidable Rival ; or at
leaft it may be found neceffary to make all
the Colonies immediately dependent on the
Crown, as Virginia, Carolina, and. New-York
are ; for the Charter Governments are not to
be depended on in fuch Exigencies : They
may refufe their Atfiftance, or it will proba
bly come too late to be of any Service upon a
hidden Invafion. Half the Count1- may be
deftroy'd before they come to anje* Wi Re-
folution to raife Forces, or at lea^^jre they
put their Refolutions in execution: ^#Tor can it
ever be expected that the Charter. Colonies
fhould agree about their refpective" Quota's
and Supplies of Men and Money, or indeed
know what is neceffary for the Defence of the
Whole, fo well as theVice-roy or Generaliffimo
may, who attentively confiders the feveral
Colonies and their refpective Circumftances
with an impartial Eye. All the Difficulty lies
in finding a Gentleman of Probity and Capa
city equal to fo great a Truft, or in putting
foch Checks and Reftraints upon him as may
prevent the Abufe of fuch a Power without
Prejudice to the Service.
As to the Money of New-England, accord- Money of
ing to Mr. Neal, they have none at prefent, ^™-
neither Silver nor Gold. About fifty or fixty ng an '
Years ago there was Money coin'd in the
Country, but there is hardly enough left now
Vol. XXXI. X x for

The Present State
for the retail Bufinefs, all their Payments among
themfclves being made in Province Bills, made
' legal by Act of the General -Affembly, which
defcend as low as Half-a-Crown ; fo that the
Gentlemen of New-England carry all their
Money in their Pocket-Books: Hence, it is
that the Courfe of Exchange runs fo much to
Exchange. the £)ifadvaritage of the Country, that 100I.
to be paid in London is fometimes worth 220
and 225 /. paid in New-England ; fo that if
a Merchant of Bofton fhould remit his Eftate
to London it would not be worth half fo much
as it is therej but on the other hand, if a Mer
chant in London worth 1000/. fhould have a
mind to fettle in New-England, and carry his
Effects along with him, he might be worth
2000 1. eftf his Arrival there, and live as well
upon ir/^Sipon 3000/. here.
A j» ontian of Conneclicut Colony informs
methatx^ Jy are not allow'd the Privilege of
coining 1my Money there ; the Silver and Gold
that is amongft them is what they import from
other Parts in return for the Commodities they
export, and paffes all by Weight, and ferves
only as Merchandize, which, for the moft
part, one way or other is fent home to Great-
Britain, to pay for Goods imported into New-
England from thence •, what ferves as a Medium
of Trade is their Bills of Credit from §s. to
5 /. Bills, of which they have fome Quantities
ifiiied by their Government.
Indian The Indians have a fort' of Money among
Money, them which they call Wampam, and is a Parcel
of little Beads made of the Shells which lie on
the Sea-coaft, with Holes in them to firing
upon a Bracelet, whereof fome are white, and
of thefe fix go for a Penny > fome black or
blue, and of thefe three go for a Penny. Befides

of NEW-ENGLAND. 337
Befides Water-carriage, they have now New-
Waggons and/Pack-horfes. There is a Stage EnS,and-
Waggon which goes from Bofton to Newport in ^Q^
Rhode-Ifland, being feventy Miles. Gentle- Travelling
men alfo have Coaches, and Chaifes, but they and Inns.
travel moft commonly on Horfeback. And
there are Inns on the Roads as well provided
for the Entertainment of Travellers as thofe
of Old-England.

X x 2

THE

THE
PRESENT STATE
O F
NOVA SCOTIA.

Nova
Scotia.

Nenv-
Scotland. The Situa
tion and
Extent.

CHAP. VI.
Of Nova Scotia or New-Scotland, and
Acadie.
E W-S C O TLAND, in which
I comprehend Acadie, is bound
ed by the Bay and River of St.
Lawrence on the North-Eaft
and North- Weft, by the At-
lantick-Ocean on the Eaft, by
the fame Ocean and the Bay of Fundi on the .
South, and by Part of Canada and Part of
Nfsw-iEngland on the Weft, lying between 43
and 51 Degrees of North Latitude, and be
tween 63 and 70 Degrees of Weftern Longi
tude, being about five hundred Miles inLength from

¦ 1 r*S»i^lr"t*-

The. P^e^ent State, &c. 339
from North to South, viz. from Cape Sable Nova
to Cape Gaffe at the Mouth, , of the River ^.feyj
Lawrence ; and about three hundred Miles in ^S*^
Breadth from Eaft to Weft, viz. from Cap%\
Canfo to the River Penobfcot, which, divide;
New -England from New- Scotland, as I ap-.
preheod. This Country yet remains undivided into
Counties or feffer Diftridts, and is ftill uncul- .
tivaied, unlefs In two or three Places near the
Sea-coafts, the reft is all Foreft > yet where.
it' has been fetfled. or planted,, either by the
French or Englifh, the Soil appears to be fruitr
fill. The only Towns the Englifh have in Chief
Nova Scotia are that of Port-R.oyal, or An- Towns-
napolis, fituate fo the Bay of Fundi, and that
of Canfo in the Eaft, over-againft the Ifland of
Cape Breton.
The Town or pity of Annapolis lies upon Anm{ilis,
an excellent Harbour on the Eaft Side of Fundi
Bay, capable of -receiving a Fleet of a thoufand
Ships, and at the Entrance of it has fixteen
or eighteen Fathoms Water on one fide, and
fix or feven on the other, The Town is
pretty well fortify 'd ; and here the Governor
refides with a Garrjfon of five hundred Eng
lifh. Canfo, fituated on the Eaftern Shore ofcenfi.
Acadie, will probably in time be a very con
fiderable Town, on account of an excellent
Fifhery near it ; tho' it feems the Englifh have
been difturb'd, and great Encroachments made
on their Territories and Fifheries in fVova
Stotia by the French fince the Peace of U-
trecbt. An Englifh Gentleman, who wrote of thisTheCoun-
Country in the Year 1720, fays, it muft betfy °f
acknowledg'd that ever fince the Peace 0f^^.fti11
Utrecht no Care has been wanting to provide vated""
this

The Present State
this Province with Governors, Lieutenant-
Governors, and other inferior Officers both
civil and military, and alfo with a confidera
ble Number of regular Forces ; but with great
Submiffion, I think the Orator's Queftion may ... -
very pertinently be repeated here, Cui bono ? And
indeed what great Service can be expected from a
fingle Garrifon whofe Command reaches no far
ther than their Guns, whilft the whole Country
ThtFrench \s abandon'd to the French, who make Settle
ments aC " ments> a"d erect Forts by Order of the Governor
there. of Canada, on all the principal Rivers, particu
larly St. John's, Paffamaquady, and Penobfcot,
and have poffeffed themfeives of our Fifheryat
Canfo, which is perhaps the beft in the World :
For tho', according to the true Meaning of
the nth Article of the Treaty of Utrecht,
they can claim no more Liberty to fifh there
than on any other Part of that Coaft j yet
finding that their new Plantations on Cape
Breton were fcarce habitable, they not only
managed their Fifhery on our Ground, and in
our Harbours, but by the Affiftance of the
Indians pull'd down our Stages, deftroy'd our
Veffels, and proceeded fo far as to fuffer none
of his Majefty's Subjects to catch or cure Fifh
at the Ifland of Canfo without firft paying for
a Licence from the Governor of Cape Breton,
tho' the French have no manner of Right to
thefe Iflands and Harbours, if they had it Would
be an unpardonable Crime in that Governor
to allow the Englifh to trade or fifh there on
any Account whatfoever ; and the Reafon is
becaufe all Governors in America, whether
Englifh or French, receive exprefs Inftrudtions
from their refpective Mafters to put in execu
tion the Articles of the Treaty of Neutrality
in America between King James II. and the
late

of NOVA SCOTIA.
late King of France ; wherein it is ftipulated,
That none of the Subjects of either King fhall
trade or fifh in the Bays, &c. belonging to
the other, under the Penalty of the Veffel fo
trading or fifhing and Lading being confifcated.
But, as I am inform'd, the People of New-
England have of late afferted their Right to
thofe Fifheries, and built and peopled theTown
of Canfo, and manage the Fifhery there to
great Advantage : However, the reft of the
Country ftill remains unplanted. The greateft
Part of the European Inhabitants are French,
who have taken the Oaths to the Crown of"
England, and the Indians are for the moft
part'Profelytes to the French Jefuites ; fo that
if a War fhould break out again between Great-
Britain and France, the French would foon
become Mafters of Acadie and all Nova Scotia
again, in the Opinion of fome. They have,
'tis faid, always fifteen hundred regular Forces
in the neighbouring Ifland of Cape Breton, and
would be join'd by a French Squadron and
Land Forces from Europe in cafe of a Rupture,
which, with the Affiftance of the Natives, would
enable them, fay thefe Gentlemen, to reduce
Acadie under their Power in a fingle Campaign,
ruin the Britifh Fifheries here and at Newfound
land, deftroy the foreign Trade of our Northern
Colonies, and cut off all Communication be
tween them and Europe.
Whereas if this Country were peopled and
planted by the Englifh, it would not only yield
us all manner of naval Stores, great Plenty
of rich Furs and Skins, but preferve to us the
finett Fifheries in the World, fecure Acadie
againft any Attacks from Cape Breton, and
with the Help of an Englifh Squadron in Time
of War protect the Trade of the Northern
Colonies. Pert-

342 The Present State
Nova Port-Roy ail, while it was in the Hands of
,Scot1*- , the French laft War, was juftly filled the
Dunkirk of that Part of the World, continually
harbouring Fleets of Privateers, and French
Cruizers, to the Ruin of the Filheries and fo
reign Trade of the Northern Colonies: And
this will probably be the Cafe again if we do
not plant this Country, and make Provifion
againft the Attempts of the French while the
Peace continues ; and when this is done, ftill
Cape Breton will remain a Thorn in our Sides,
and probably occafion perpetual Skirmifhes
between the Subjects of Great- Britain and
France, till either we reduce that Ifland, or the
French make a Conqueft not only of Nova
Scotia, but of New-England itfelf, and all our
Northern Colonies : And as we have no great
Reafon to fear the French will ever be able to
effect the latter, at leaft in this Age, fo we
muft expect they will ufe their utmoft Efforts
for the Prefervation of the Ifland of Cape
Breton ; for whenever this falls into the Hands
of the Englifh, the French Trade to Canada
and North- America muft infallibly be loft and
fall to the Share of Great-Britain ; and all their
hopeful Schemes of uniting Canada or New-
France to Louiflana, or South Florida, muft
vanifh ; for Cape Breton and Newfoundland
(already in our Poffeffion) lie before the Bay of
St. Lawrence, and with the Affiftance of a
Squadron of Men of War ftationed there might
eafily cut off all Communication with that
River, by which alone Canada or New-
France can be approached.

CHAP.

THE

PRESENT STATE
O F
NEW-BRITAIN.

CHAP. VII.
Of New-Britain, or Terra de Labarador,
&nd HudfonV-B^zy.
EW-BR IT A IN, or Terra de ^^
Labarador, in which I compre- J^™^,
hend Hudfon's Bay and Streights, Ne!W_Bri,
is feparated from Nova Scotia by ta;„ ar,d
the River of St. Lawrence and Hudfon $
Part of Canada, and extends from 49 to 64 2f7's'
Degrees North Latitude, lying between ootio^^A'
and 9© Degrees of Weftern Longitude. Extent.
This cold inhofpitable Country is but thinly
peopled with Indians, and the only Part of it
that was ever thought worth the planting by
any Europeans was the Bottom and the Weft
Side of Hwdforis Bay, where the Englifh have
Vol. XXXI. Yy four

344 T&e Present State
New- four or .five little Forts and Fadtories, the chief
^Ttj of which _ is Fort Albany. The Hudfon's Bay
Company trade thither for Furs and Skins, to
Produce the .Value of fifteen or twenty thoufand Pounds
of the prirne; Coft annually, of which three Fourths
are Beaver Skins.
The firft The Eaftern Shores of this Country were
tf hby T difcover'd by Sebaflian Cabot, for Henry VII.
Cabot. ' King of England, about the Year 1 49 8 . They
were afterwards vilited by Davis and others
in their Attempts to difcover a North-weft
Pafiage to China ; but Captain Henry Hudfon,
who has communicated his Name to the Bay
and Streights, furrounded almoft the whole
Coaft, going on Shore in feveral Places.
Hudfin 's Mr. Hudfon made four Voyages to the North
Difcovery. Up0n fjifcovery, the firft in the Year 1607,
when he fet fail from England in the Month of
May. \ and having made the: Coaft of Green
land, failed as far as ,8 1 Degrees 30 Minutes,
and returned to England on the 15th of Sep
tember the fame Year, f
In the Year 1608, he endeavour'd to dif
cover a North-Eaft Paffage fo China, but
coming into 7^; Degrees 30 Minutes,. North
Latitude on the 9th of June, he found his
Way fo block'd up by Mountains of Ice that
he returned homer
The Year following, jlnno 1609, he made
another Attempt to find a Way to China by the
North-Eaft, but was again prevented by Fields
of Ice near Nova Zembla.
The following Year, ,1610, Sir Thorns
Smith, Sir Dudley Digges, Mr. Woftenholme,
and other Adventurers, fitted out Mr. Hudfon
again, with Orders to endeavour to find a Paf
fage through Davis's Streights to the South-
Sea or Pacifick Ocean. Accordingly Mr.
Hudfin

of NEW-BRITAIN.
Hudfon fet fail from England in April, and on
the 4th of June arriv'd upon the Coaft of
Greenland, from whence he failed to the Iftand
of Defolation ; then he fteer'd almoft due Weft
till he difcover'd a Point of Land, being Part
of Terra de Labarador, in the Latitude of 60,
which he called Defire provokes, being near the
Mouth of thofe Streights which afterwards
obtain'd the Name of Hudfon' s- Streights :
Thefe he enter'd foon after, and failing through
Fields of Ice to the North-Weft for upwards
of three hundred Leagues by Computation, he
came to a fmall Streight two Leagues over
and very deep Water, through which he paffed
between two Promontories, calling that to the
Southward Cape Woflenholme, and that to the
North-Weft Digges's- Ifland, the latter lying
in 64 Degrees 44. Minutes North Latitude:
And now coming into a fpacious Sea, wherein
he failed an hundred Leagues South, he affur'd
himfelf he had found the Paffage into the Pa-
cifick Ocean ; but perceiving at length, by the
fhallow Water, that he was embay'd, he was
extremely difturbed, for there was a Neceffity
now of remaining all Winter in this frozen
Country, there being no Pofiibility of returning
through the Streights till next Summer on ac
count of the Ice. He brought hisVeffel there
fore to an Anchor in a fmall Creek on the
South- Weft Part! of the Bay, where being in
great- Diftrefs 'for want of Provifions, he was
plentifully fupply'd with wild Fowl during the
Winter, and afterwards in the Spring with
Fifh ; but the Captain" was fo intent upon
completing his Difcovery, that he left his Men
to fake and fait up Fifh and victual the Ship,
while he - fearched every Creek and Corner of
the Shor$Kjn his Sloop for a Paffage to the
Y y 2 South-*

346 The Present State
New- South-Sea. During his Abfence his Men did
Britain. not on\y neglect to catch Fifh, but enter'd into
'"V^*' a Confpiracy to run away with the Veffel and
leave him and the reft of their Officer's behind,
which they put in execution foon after his Re-
Hudfons turn, forcing him and eight more into a Boat
Men run with a very fmall. Share of Provifions-, and
away with fay were never heard of from that Day to
and leave tms- The Pretence of the Mariners for this
him to piece of Barbarity being that the Captain had
periih. threaten'd to fet Part of the Crew on Shore,
for not furriifhing the Ship with Fifh when it
was in their power.
The Confpirators having left their Captain
and his Companions to fhift for themfeives,
brought the Ship to Digges's-Ifland, where all
their Provifions being fpent, they went on Shore,
and furnifh'd themfeives with great Quantities
of wild Fowl : But Green the Captain of the
Mutineers, arid three or four more of the Ring
leaders, were furprifed by the Natives and cut
in pieces. Whereupon Pricket, a Servant to
Sir Dudley Digges (whofe Life the Mutineers
had fpared, in hopes he would have been inftru-
mental in getting their Pardon) took the Charge
The Ship 0f fa Ship upon him, and brought her home
home* °n l^e ^ °^ September, 1611, the Crew
being all fo weak that they were not able to
manage their Sails without the Afiiftance of
fome Fifhermen they met with at Sea; and Part-
of them were actually ftarved to death in the
Paffage.
Sir tfbomas The ..Year following, Sir Thomas Button
Button^ .purfued the Difcovery, and paffing Hudfm's-
thelgay. ° Streights entered the fame Bay, and leaving
the South Part of it, which Hudfon had vifited,
he failed fome hundreds of Leagues to the Weft
ward, till he arriv'd at a large Continent, which he

of NEW-BRITAIN. 347
he named New-Wales ; and here he loft his1 New-
Ship, coming home in a Sloop that he built ^!'"^j
in the Country.
The next Adventurer that entered Hudfon* s jameSs
Bay was Captain James, jntlie Year 1 631. Voyage
This Gentleman failed to , the Bottom of thethlther"
Bay, and wintered on Charltm*lfland, in 52
Degrees odd MinutesNorth Latitude, for which
Reafon the South Part of this Gulph. is ufually
called James's-Bay. At his Return he gave
fo dreadful an Account of the Hazards he fuf-
tained in this Voyage from the Ice, that; nobody
attempted it again till the Year 1667, when
Captain Gillam entered the. Bay, failing to a
River near the Bottom of it,, in 51 Degrees
North Latitude, which he judged to be a pro
per Place for fettling ^ Factory, and Called it
Prince Rupert's River. Upon his Return his
Owners apply'd to King Charles II. for a
Patent to plant the Country, which ihey ob- A Patent
tain'd Anno 1670, Prince Rupert being the ^ePCW-
chief Proprietor: And the Company have try, 1670.
carry'd on a fmall but profitableTrade thither
with fome Interruptions from; rhe French of
Canada almoft ever fince. The Englifh were
encouraged to fettle Factories here by two
Frenchmen, who had been conducted to the
Bay by fome of the Natives of Canada. Thefe
Men returning to France, .and propofing the
fettling of a Colony at the Bottom of the Bay,
the Project was flighted by that Miniftry j
whereupon the Englifh Ambajffador at that
Court engaged thefe two Men in the Service
of the Englifh, and thereupon Preparations were
made in England to fend a Colony to the
Bay. The firft Englifh Governor that went thither
was Charles Baily, Efq; Anno 1.670, who
built

348 Tie Present State
New- built a Fort on Rupert-River, and gave it the
Britain. Name of Charles Fort ; and foon after he caufed
a Factory to be fettled at Port Nelfon, on the
Weft Side of the Bay, in 57 Degrees North
Latitude; but the two Frenchmen {Radifon
and Goofeleer) foon after betray'd that Place to
the French of Canada : However, in' the Year
• 1682 they thought fit to change Sides again,
and reftored Port Nelfon to the Englifh. In
the Year 1684 the chief Factory of the Englifh
was removed to Chickew am- River, and called
Albany Albany ; and a Fort was erected for its Defence
Fort. 0n the South -Weft Part of the Bay. It was
defigned alfo to have fixed a Colony on Charl-
ton-Iftand, and to have built Warehoufes there
for their Furs ; but the Place was afterwards
found incommodious, and deferted again. The
Company were now in poffeffion ot five Set
tlements (viz.) thofe on Albany-River, Hayes-
Iftand, Rupert- River, Port Nelfon and New-
Mw, Severn, between Port Nelfon and Albany, and
Severn, their Trade in a flourifhing Condition, when
the French, apprehenfivethat the Englifh would
draw all the upland Indians to 'the Bay, fent a
Detachment of ) Troops from Canada under
the Command of the Chevalier de Troys, who
The invaded our ' Settlements, ^and made himfelf
French in- Matter . of Hayes-Iftand, Fort Rupert, and
Faabrks Albany, in July 1686, tho' we were then at
in time of peace with France. But the Englifh ftill re-
Peace and mained in poffeffion of Port Nelfon 5 and in
take them, fa firft War between the Confederates and the
French, in the Year 1993, the Englifh re
cover'd the reft of their Settlements in the Bay.
During the laft War the French reduced all
Reflor'd our Settlements, except Albany, under their
by the Power- again, but' they were yielded to Great-
UtrTcbt. Britain by the Peace of Utrecht, Anno 171 3,
and

of NEW-BRITAIN. 349
and we have remain'd in poffeffion of them New-
ever fince. Britain-
By the tenth Article of this Treaty his moft Y^K^
Chriftian Majefty obliged himfelf to reftore to oftha"
Great-Britain the Bay and Streights of Hudfon, Treaty
with all Lands, Seas, Sea-coafts, Rivers, and relating t0
Places fituate on. the faid Bay and ¦ Streights, ^T'-
with the Fortreffes there erected, in the Con- and Ad
dition they then were, with all the Cannon Scotland.
and Ammunition in the fame: And it was
agreed that Commiffaries on the Part of Great-
Britain and France fhould determine within a
Year the Limits to be fixed between the faid
Bay of Hudfon and the Places appertaining to
the French y which Limits the Subjects of
Great-Britain and France are not to pafs over
to each other by Sea or Land. And Com-
miffioners did afterwards fettle the Limits by
an imaginary Line drawn from a Promontory
fituate on the Atlantick-Ocean, in 58 Degrees
30 Minutes, and running from thence South-
Weft to the Lake Mifcofenk or Miftafin, and
from thence South- Weft indefinitely to the
Latitude o|, 49 } all the Countries to the
North being affign'd to Great-Britain, and
all on the Southj between that Line and the
River of St. Lawrence or Canada, to France.
By the eleventh Article France was obliged
to make Satisfaction to the Englifh Company
trading to Hudfon's-Bay for all the Depredati
ons the French had committed there in Time
of Peace; and the Englifh were to give the like
Satisfaction to the French.
By the twelfth Article of the fame Treaty,
Nova Scotia or Acadie, Port-Royal or An-
yiapolis-Royal, with their Lands and Depen- .
dancies, were entirely yielded and made over
to Great- Britain in fuch ample manner that the

The Present State &cj
the Subjects of France were entirely excluded
from all kind of Fifheries in the Seas, Bays
and Coafts of Nova Scotia, efpecially thofe
which lie towards the Eaft and within thirty
Leagues thereof, beginning from the Ifland
of Sable inclufive, and ftretehing thence to the
South-Weft (but I queftion; if this is not a
Miftake, and it ought not to have been faid
to the North-Eaft; for Cape Sable is the moft
foutherly Promontory of i Acadie, or Nova
Scotia) however, 'tis poffible this Miftake
has given the French a Pretence to difturbour
Fifhery at Canfo, on the North-Eaft Point, of
Acadie.

THE

THE
PRESENT STATE
6 F
N E W~T 0 R K.
NEJ^JERSET, Sec.

C HAP, VIII.
Of New- York, New-Jerfey, and the
Indian Nations undfr their Protection.
May properly throw New-York New York
and New-Jerfey together, upon and New
feveral Accounts : 17?, Becaufe ^^L^j
they have ufually die fame Go
vernor, idly, The Conftitutions
of their refpective Governments do not differ
in any Particular, ^dly, Jteeaufe they lie. con
tiguous •, and, phly, The Climate, Soi'j and
Produce are pretty near the fame.

Vol. XXXI.

Zz

It

352 The Present State
New York It may be proper alfo to comprehend the
and New wnole Country of the Iroquois, or five Nations/
^Crv^ w»m a^ ^e Lands which lie North of them as
The Iro- *ar as ^e R'ver °f- ^t- Lawrence or Canada,
* quoit, or within the Limits of New-Yvrk, thefe being
IveNa- ail under its Protection, and included within
tions. fa patent granted to the Duke of York by
King Charles II. tho' it muft be confefs'd the
French have made lafge Encroachments on
thefe Limits.
I fhall therefore bound the Provinces: of
andExtent New-York and New-Jerfey, with their Depen-
ofthe dancies, by the River of St. Lawrence, which
Whole, feparates them from Canada or New-France
on the North- Weft and North, by New-Eng
land, New-Scotland, and the Atlantick-Ocean
on the Eaft, by the fame Ocean on the South,
by Penfylvania and Maryland on the South-
Weft, and by the Lakes of Erie and Ontario
ort the Weft •, and fhall extend thefe united
Countries from 39 to 47 Degrees North
Latitude, and from -74 to 80 Degrees of
Weftern Longitude, exclufiye of Long-Iftand,
the Eaft End whereof lies' in 72 Degrees of
Weftern Longitude,. • . - -
Faceofthe New-Jerfey and the South Part of. New- .
Country. York are generally low level Countries, but
afcending fifteen or twenty Miles up Hudfon' i-
River to the Northward the Country becomes
rocky and mountainous ; and whatever has not
been cultivated by the Englifh is cover'd with
Wo©ds, fo clear however from Underwood,
that Travellers eafily pafs through them with
Horfes and Carriages.
Seas.Har- The Atlantick-Ocean wafhes its Southern
bours, and Shores, in which are feveral capacious Harbours,
Capes. efpecially near the Mouths of Hudfon' 's-River,
and the Rivers Raritan and De la War, and on

of N E W-Y O R K, &c. 353
on the Coafts of New-Jerfey and Long-Iflandi NewYork
the chief Capes or Promontories being that of "*'New
Cape May, at the Entrance of De la War OvO
Bay, and that of Sandy- Point, or Sandy- Hook,
before the Entrance of Raritan-River.
On the North and Weft of the five Nations Lakes.
lie feveral fpacious Lakes, the moft confider
able whereof are thofe of Champlain, Ontario,
and Erie.
The Lake Champlain, or Corlaer, extends Champlain
itfelf from North to South, between Montreal f9orlaer
and Albany, being about two hundred Miles e*
in Length ; and, by a Stream which falls into
the great River St. Lawrence, has a Commu
nication with that River on the North, while
the Southern Part of the Lake, on which the
French have built the Fort call'd The Sacrament,
extends almoft to Hudfon 's- River, on which
Albany ftands, and would give the French an
eafy Accefs to New-York and New-England,
if fome ports had not been built by the Englifh
further North, to; cover thofe Frontiers from
their Invafions, of which the chief is Fort
Nicbolfotfc "U*f
The fecond Lake is that of Ontario,! called Ontario
by the French Frontenac, and by fome Catara- a e"
cut, while others give it the Name of The
Lake of : Canada, becaufe the River Canada or
St. Lawrence iffues out of it : But the firft
and moft proper Name that was given to it
was that of Iroquois,, the Shores of it on the
South and Eaft at leaft being inhabited by the
Iroquois or five Nations. This Lake is about
an hundred Leagues in Length and forty in
Breadth, abundance of Rivers falling into it on
the South-Eaft efpecially ; but the greateft Body
of Waters fall into it from the River Niagara, Niagara
or Oniagara, being a Streight or Channel be- Ca-arad.
Z z 2 tween

314 T%e Present State
Ktw^orktween the Lake of Erie and this Lake, in,
and. New wnich is one of the moft remarkable Cataracts
v!r>rx^ or Water-falls in the World, which prevents
both Ships and Boats paffing from one Lake
to the other.
This Cataract, according to Father Heme-
•> pin, falls from a Precipice one hundred Fathom
or fix hundred Feet high. He adds, that the
Cataract makes fuch a prodigious Noife that
People cannot hear one another fpeak at fome
Miles diftance j and it is faid that the Waters
throw themfeives oyer the Precipice with fuch
a Force that they form an Arch under which
Men may ride on Horfeback.
But Mr. Vandreil, Governor of Canada,
who order'd his Son, with fome fkillful Peo
ple, to meafure the Height of the Cataract,
in the Year 17 21, found Father Hennepin
egregioufly miftaken in feveral Particulars.
They informed the Governor that the Cataract
was occafion'd by a vaft Ledge of Rock which
lay quite crofs the Channel a little before the
Stream enters the Lake Ontario ¦, and that the
Waters did not fall perpendicularly more than
twenty-fix Fathom, or an hundred and twenty-
fix Feet, but below this Cataradtnhere were
numbers of fmall Ledges or Stairs crofs the
River, which lower'd it ftill more till it came
to rur> rnore level ; and if all the Defcents were
put together, the Difference of the Water above
the Cataract and thofe on the Level below
might be as much as Father Hennepin makes
it, tho' the Cataract, upon a Perpendicular,
Was no more than twenty -fix Fathom.
They obferved alfo, that the Noife of the
Waters was not fo great as the Father makes
it, for People might converfe together clofe
!$y •, nor did the Stream form an Arch that
People

of N E W-Y ORK, &c. 355
People could pafs under it, for the Waters fall NewYork
in a manner downright. But they obferved *""(New
with him that the Mift or Shower which thc^y-^
Fall creates is fo extraordinary as to be feen at
five Leagues diftance, rifing as high as the
common Clouds, and when the Sun fhines
forms a glorious Rainbow.
Thofe Gentlemen add, that the Strearh is
much narrower and deeper at the Falls than
either above or below them, being here but
a quarter of a Mile over ; and that from below
there is no coming nearer the Falls by Water
than about fix Miles, the Torrent is fo rapid,
and has fo many Whirlpools in it.
The French formerly built two Forts on the Forts built
Lake Ontario, the one on the North-Eaft °n *he
Part of it, where the River of St. Lawrence ]%fj*£"~
iffues out of it, called by the Indians Cataracui, the French
and by the French Fort Frontenac, and the
other on the South- Weft Part of the Lake near
the abovefaid Cataract, called Fort Niagara,
but the Iroquois blocked up the latter and ftarv'd
that Garrifon. They obliged them alfo to
abandon Fort Frontenac, and demolifhed both After-
about the Year 1688, but I am informed the£^s^
French have wheedled the Iroquois by their
Priefts to permit them to erect thofe Forts
again under the Notion of Warehoufes for the
Security of their Goods.
The third Lake I mention'd is that of Erie, ErieLake.
feparated from the Lake of Ontario by the St. Clair.
Streight or River of Niagara. This Lake ex^
tends from the Country of the Iroquois to the
Weftward, about four hundred Miles in Length,
and is near an hundred Miles broad. From
the Lake of Erie there is a Paffage through
the Lake St. Clair into thai of the Hurons, and
fo into the Lake Illinois, near which rifes a
River

356 The Present State
New York River which falls into the Miffifftpi ; but from
ani New fa Deft Information I can get, there is no con-
J^^, tinued Navigation from the Lake Erie to the
Mifftfflpi, nor is Miflifftpi River navigable in
all Parts of it, as the French once flatter'd
themfeives, there being feveral Cataracts or
fteep Falls in it.
Rivers. The chief Rivers in thefe Countries are, i.
Hudfon 's River. 2. The Mohawk River.
3. Onandaga, or Orfwego River. 4. The
Raritan. 5. Maurice River 5 and, 6. De
la War River.
Hudfon\ ift-> Hudfon's River, rifing from a fmall
River. Lake between the Lakes of Ontario and Cham
plain, and running South- Eaft before it reaches
Albany, then turns directly South, from whence
it continues its Courfe due South an hundred and
fifty Miles to the City of New-York, and after
wards falls into the "Sea ''between Long- Ifland
and States- Ifland. >& >3 ai ' }''
Mohawk zdly, The MohaQ$R River, which rifing in
River. the Country of the Onandaga' s, runs almoft due
Eaft till it falls into HfoU?on*&x1fc\ver, near the
Town of Albany. *W«0 ' w3. .0 j^
Onandaga ^dly,iThe River Onandaga, which 4 runs
River. from Eaft to Weft through the Cduntry of
that : Name, ""andK falls into the Lake Ontario
at Ofwego Town. -> l ",,v
Raritan 4thly, <The River Raritan,1' which ii&nj^ on
River. fa North of Jerfey, 1 runs to the SoutfirEaft,
falling into the Sea near Perth Am!boyfc
Maurice 5tl3h, Maurice River, which rifing1 alfo in'
River. Jerfey runs South, falling into -the" Metrth of
De la War Bay,snotfar from Gape May. And,
DelaWar dtbly, The River De la War, which forms
River. the Weftern /Boundary of the Province of
Jerfey, rifes in the Country of the Iroquois, and
running alrnoft due Sonth falls into the Ocean
between

of N E W-Y O R K, &c. 357
between Cape May and Cape Hinlopen, being New York
navigable two hundred Miles and upwards for "na ' New
Ships of two or three hundred Tons. ZrZr\j
The Air of thefe Countries is colder in Win- The Air.
ter and warmer in Summer than in Old- England,
the North Part of them differing very little
from New-England. The North and North-
Weft Winds are exceeding cold, but the Air
both in Winter and Summer more fettled and
ferene than with us : And indeed the Weather
is always more variable in Iflands than on the
Continent, and ufually warmer in Winter. It
is to be afcribed to the Winds blowing over a
long Tract of Snow from the North- Weft,
that makes thefe Countries colder than Iflands
and fome other Continents that lie much fur
ther North.
Of the three grand Divifions of the Country TheSitua-
to be defcribed, I fhall begin with that inha- tion of the
bited by the five Nations and their Allies, five Na~
who anciently poffeffed the Whole. This is
bounded by Canada on the North, by New-
York Proper on the Eaft, by Penfylvania,
Maryland, and Virginia on the South, and by
the Lakes of Erie and Ontario on the Weft.
Great part of the Country for many hundred
Miles beyond thofe Lakes alfo hath been con
quered by the five Nations •, and feveral more
have courted their Alliance and that of the
Englifh, and actually enter'd into a Confede
racy with both, particularly the Tufcarora's, Two ©ther
who lie between theOnandaga's and the Oneido's, Nations m
and are now reckoffd a fixth Nation. The \elei™'
Nicarriages of Mifftlimakinac, fituated on the
further Part of the Hurons Lake, were alfo at

j

their. Requeft received to be a feventh Nation
in this Alliance at Albany, on the 30th of May
1 7 23> eighty Men of that Nation being prefent at

358 The Present State
New York at their Admiffionj as Reprefentatives of that
IeH"NeW ^eoPIe» an<^ acknowledging the Kingof Grept-
_ syi  f Britain their. Soveraign.
The At- The chief -Trade with the diftant Indians
tempts of beiag,at Ofwego, where the River Onandaga
the French difcharges itfelf into the Lake of Ontario, the
themfeives branch might entirely deprive the Englifh of th«
Mafters of Trade if they were Matters of the Lakes of
the Lakes. Ontario and Erie, as they flattered themfeives
they were when they had built the Forts of
Cataracui or Frontenac and Niagara, already
mentioned, but the Iroquois obliged the French
to abandon diem ; and tho' they may have
rebuilt and repoffefled thofe Fonts, and ere$$d
more fince they were driven from' thence by the
five Nations, they find it their incereft however
for the prefent to fupprefs their- native Infolencei
and treat the Indians as well as the Engtijh with
more Humanity than they did formerly : They
have been convinced by Experience that they
are not yet ftrong enough to , reduce the five
Nations and their Indian Allies fupporfed, by
the Englifh, and therefore fuffer tfie. Natives
to trade with us pretty quietly ; but as they are
continually increafing their Forces jn Canada,
and by their, miffionary Priefts daily profelyt-
ing the Indians to their Religion, and inter
marrying with them, the^ will, 'tis prqjfuroed,
in time be powerful enough to expell us entirely
from thofe Lakes, and monopolize fhp Tracle
of the Country, unlefs we reduce thofe Forts
or erect others ourfelves, and keep arrn'd Vef-
fels on the Lakes of Ontario and Erie j for
it feems the Country of the five Nations, which
lies. contiguous to New-York, has but few^i-ld
Beafts in it, and confequently affords %roe
any. Skins or . Furs. The Iroquois therefore
1 hunt in the Countries beyond the Lakes,, where Skins

of NEW-YORK, &c. 359
Skins are more plentiful } and the Riches thofe NewYork
People poffeffed of this kind were the principal f^cw
Inducements to the Iroquois to make a Con- !^«^
queftof fome of them, and enter into Alliances
with others, who were content to admit the
Iroquois to hunt in their Country on the Weft
Side of the Lakes, upon condition they would.
permit thofe diftant Indians to pafs through the
Country of the Iroquois, and trade with the
Englifh and other Europeans ; which Trade,
as has been intimated, muft be entirely loft to
Great- Britain, if we fuffer the French to con
tinue their Fortifications on the Lakes of Erie,
Ontario, and Champlain, which in reality
belong to the Iroquois our Confederates. The
French are ¦ wife enough at prefent indeed to
give us but little Difturbance, leaft they fhould
alarm us before their Defigns are ripe for Exe
cution ; but I with we do not neglect the erect
ing Forts and arm'd Veffels to protect that
Trade till it is too late to endeavour the Re
covery of it.
There are five grand Articles which weigh The Mo-
very much with the Indians in determining them tives of the
what European Nation they thall adhere to. Indmn! to
17?, A beneficial Trade, or the being fupply'd anAl]ianc8
on fair and reafonable Terms with Clbathing, with any
ftrong Liquor, Arms, Ammunition, and European
other European Merchandize, idly, A mild Natl0n-
Adminiftration, without Oppreffion or Tyran
ny. 3.. A Religion that gives them but little
Trouble' of Difquiet. \thly, The fuffering
their Tribes to marry and incorporate them
feives with' the Europeans. §thly and laftly,
An Affurance that the Nation they enter into
an Alliance with is both willing and able to
protect them againft their Enemies, whether
Europeans or Indians.
Vol. XXXI. Aaa *. la

360 The Present State
NewYork 1. In the firft of thefe Articles we have the
and New better of the French and Spaniards. . Our Co-
\s\r>J lonies can fupply the Indians with Goods
cheaper and in greater Quantities than they
1. Trade. carij arK|.we generally deal fairly and upon the
fquare with them.
2 Libert)-. 2 • 1° tnp fecond alfo we have the Advantage,
the Indians being treated as our Brethren and
fellow Subjects almoft every where (except in
New-England) which has occafion'd their ha
ving been more frequently in a State, of War
with New-England than with any other Britifh
Colony.
Religion 3- ^ut as t0 tne third Article, that of Re
ligion, the French fucceed much beyond our
Mifiionaries ; for the Popifh Fathers are not
only much more numerous in that Part of the
World, but they are abundantly more artful
and more indulgent to their Converts ; they
prefs nothing- with Rigour, but accommodate
themfeives to the Difpofitions, and even Super-
ftitions of their Profelytes, gaining them by
degrees, and perfuading them to part with'one
beloved Vice or Cuftom after another^ whereas
the New-England Independants, who have
drefs'd up the Chriftian Religion in the molt
frightful Form that ever it put on, expect their
Profelytes fhould conform to their abfurd and
rigid Rites all at once, and in a manner com-
pell'd the Indians to be of their Sect in the I-
flands on the Coaft, and in Settlements where
the Indians were in their Power, which gave
the remoter Indians an Abhorrence of their
Religion : And as for the reft of our Colonies,
they- have made but very feeble Attempts, to
wards the Conve'rfion of the Indians, ^tey
are fo deftitute of Clergymen in fome Provinces,
that the very Planters are become Heathens,
; or

of NEW-YORK, &c. 361
or at leaft as ignorant of Chriftianity as ¦ the NewYork
Indians themfeives. f^. NeW
The French Priefts on the contrary have ]__ '- _j
been fo fuccefsful in their Miffions, even among
the five Nations, that they have perfuaded Part
of the Nation of the Mohawks, once efteemed
the firmed; Friends of the Englifh, to remove
their Habitations from the Neighbourhood of
Albany to Canada : And indeed we are in much
more danger of the French Miffionariesthan of
the French Arms on that Side. If their future
Succefs be anfwerable to the paft, they may
poffibly in time gain over the feveral Tribes of
Indians from us without the Affiftance of a
military Force. We ought to infift therefore,
that the Indians in Alliance with us expell the
Jefuites and Priefts their Country, if we hope
for their Triendfhip long, it does indeed put
fome Stop to~ thefe Converfions that the Indians'
cannot be fupply'd with Goods upon fuch; eafy
Terms from the French as from us, on which
account they feem divided between their tem
poral and fpiritual Interefts ; and unlets- they
prove more zealous Catholicks than their Bre
thren on this Continent we fhall not lofe them
fuddenly, efpecially if we confider how vaft
an Extent of Country the feveral Indian Nations
inhabit that trade with our Colonies, fome of
which are yet fcarce known to the French.
As to the fourth Article of marrying and' 4. Inter-
incorporating our People with the Indians, here marnages'
the French and Spaniards have a vaft Advan* ,
tage* of us. The Englifh are unaccountably
fquearntfh in this' Particular, and the Colonies,
efpecially thofe of New- England, feem to pro-
hibi? it,1 which raifes in the Natives a Difguft
and Avernori for our People. It is natural for
Men to flight thofe who feem to defpife them,
A a a 2 and

3j6> The, Present State
NewYork and the Indians axe not fo dull of Apprehenfion
and 'New as not t0 difcern we treat them in this Iirflance
~^Jy' ,_¦ either as a Species below us, or at leaft lefs per
fect than ourfelves. Befides, we lofe all the
Intereft in them that fuch Afiiances vyould give
us. The Relation of Hufband and Wife,
Fathers and Children, are the ftrongeft Ties
in Nature, and in a few Years mutt make^he
Indians one People with fuch -European Nations
as promote thefe Alliances ; of which the French
are fo- fenfible, that .they oblige every Male
Planter, fent over at the Charge of that Govern
ment (and thefe are very numerous), to take an
Indian Wife on his Arrival. ,
5. Pro- As to the fifth Article, that of Protection,
tedion. there is no doubt but we are yet as able to pro
tect our Indian Allies as either the French or
Spaniards are, efpecially if the Forces of our
Colonies were united, and under a uniform
Direction : But if we continue to fuller the
French to encroach upon our Territories, huild
Forts and^arm'dVeffels-.upon the feveral Lakes,
and take, all ithe. Paffes that, command the
Country, the Indians will, have but too much
Reafon to conclude; that they will one Day be
Matters, of their Country, unlefs the Englifh
exert themfeives in like manner, and oppofe
their Invafions, and confequently will be in
duced to abandon our Intereft byway of Self-
Prefer vation. They will infallibly go over to
thofe they find better able , to protect them.
It might make them cautious indeed how they
put themfeives in their power, if" they were
acquainted with the Tyranny and, Oppreffion
of the French Government ; but as their
Miffionaries fet every thing of this kind in the
moft favourable Light, and treat their Difci-
ples withKindnefs and Condefcenfion at prefent, in

of NEW- YORK, &c. 363
in order: to gain them over to their Party, NewYork
they are1,1 in a great meafure ignorant, what ^WNew
they muft fubmit to when the French have {^v>j
eftabliihed their Dominion in North- America.
tf Jls to the Towns and Buildings of the Iro- Perfons of
f'"ois, their StatUf%j'; Complexion, Shape, and thelroquois
abits, they fo much referable the neighbour-
in^ Indians already defcribed in thefe Particu
lars, that it is perfectly unneceffary to fay any
thing on thefe Heads ; however, as the French
generally reprefent them in Europe .as the
moft barbarous People on the Face of the
Earth, affirming that they are Devourers of
their own Species ; it may be proper to ob
ferve q-what Character others have given of
tfferril .and 3ewn fblh84nore impartial Writers
Monfieur de la P^^^ferlbing the five The Ge-
.t Nations in his Hiftory of North-America fays, nius and
When we fpeak of f the Iroquois in France, we ^-e ?p?
Reprefent them by a common Miftake as meer Nations!8
)' ^Barbarians thirfting after human Blood, but
&ejr true Characler'fi- "very different. They
Jfare lnoeed'the W&vfeft and moft formidable
^Keoplrof North-America, but at the fame time
as polite and judicious as can wtll be conceiv-
j §d^nwriich appears not only from the Manage
ment of their Affairs with the French and Eng-
Iifh,c bur^itttrUlmoft-all the Indian Nations of
this vaft Gontinent.-1-- '-oatnis, ._» l)*j>: f.
' ' jMr-.'-Coiben, anEngUJhman, who wrote their
Hiftory fays, Notwithstanding the five Nations
Ijiyje lender the darkeft Ignorance, yet a bright
ind noble Genius fhines through thofe black
8fouds. The moft celebrated Roman Heroes
¦f piayfe not difcovered a greater Love for their
r Xourftry, or a greater Contempt of Death in
.^e'dfufe of Liberiy.- I think (fays he) they
have

364 Tfo Present State
NewYork have outdone the Romans, efpecially thofe
mid Hew- wno murdered themfeives to avoid Shame or
Jerfey^ (T/orment} for our Indians have refuted to die
meanly by their own Hands when they thought
their Country's Honour at flake, but have
given up their Bodies willingly to the moft cruel
Torments their Enemies could inflict, to fhew
that the five Nations confided of Men whofe
Courage and Refolution could not be fhaken.
They fully, however, thefe noble Virtues by
-that cruel Pafflon of Revenge which they think1
(according to Colben) not only lawful but
honourable to exert Without Mercy on; their
Country's Enemies. And in this only, fays
he* they deferve the Name of Barbarians.
Another' Gentleman of Englifh Extraction,
but a Native of this Country, and refident a
confiderable Time among the Iroquois at Al
bany >> aflures me they are an exceeeding hofpi^
table good-naturtl People, not given to revenge^
unlefs when they are drunk • and the1 Inftances
that have been given of -it are no Evidence of
a vindictive Temper, for the Cruelties they
inflicted; on fome French Prifoners and = their
Indian Allies were by way of Retaliation of
the like Cruelties firft exercifed by the French
on their People. It is obferved that the French
in the firft Wafs they had with the Iroquois,
when they imagined that People were nor^ abler
to refift the Force of. their Arms, ufed them
in this' barbarous Manner, and taught the,Jl-:
dians thofe Cruelties they now complain, of};.
and which gave the Iroquois fuch an Abh<wrt
rence of that Nation as has begn -very advajn-t
tageousi to the Englifh Intereft ever fince. baa-
The . French MiffionaHescprobably finding
fmall Difficulty at this Day in removing the
juft Prejudices tb£ -"Iroquois entertain of the
/ ~ French

of NEW-YORK, &c. 365
French when they come to make Profelytes NewYork
among them •, the Conduct and Behaviour oiand^ef'.
the French in America having been directly £^1
oppofite fo the Principles of, the ChriftianRe-
ligjon'they pretend to iriftrucj the Indians in.
a As to the Government of the Iroquois, Mr. Govem-
Colben informs us that every Nation is a dif- ment °^
tirtct ' Republick, but that they have for time ^^^
immemorial been united in a Confederacy
againft all other Indian Nations; that they arc
governed by their refpective Sachems or civil ¦
Magiftrates in time of Peace, and by their
Wafriours or Captains in their Wars ; and
that the Authority both of the one and the
other is obtained and continued only by the
Opinion the reft of their Nation have of their
Conduct or Value, and that they are laid afide
wheri f they ceafe to 'merit the Efteem of their
Countrymen; That their Sachems and Cap
tains are ufually poorer than the common Peo
ple, giving away and diftributing all the Pre-
fentsahd Plunder they get among the People,
fo as to leave themfeives nothing; : For, fays
Colben, if they are Lohce fufpedted of Selfith-
nefs,-they grow mean in the Opinion of their
Countrymeri, and confequently lofe their Au
thority ij from whence one would be apt to con
clude that their Chiefs, were elective, add their
Dignities hot hereditary, which js directly) con
trary <to all other Accounts I meet with of
their Gonftkutidti, moft Writers agreeing that-'
the Pott of Sachem is hereditary •, and my Al
bany Cofrefpbhdent corrfitms this Opinion,
adding* (as1. Other Atnerican Hiftorians do)
that the next Male-Heir by the Mother's Side
fucceeds the preceding Sachem (which is" cer-
tainlystfue) not only here but in feveral other
Par^of Jforth- America 5 but fo: far thefe Na-
^- tions

366 The Present State
NewYork tions may have the Appearance of Republicks,
WNew that the chief Sachem or King feldom deterr
Jei%- mines any thing of Confequence without the
Concurrence of the feveral inferior Sachems
or Lords of his Nation ; and his Influence on
his People vanifhes when he lofes their E-
fteem. My Albany Friend alfo obferves, that every
Nation of the Iroquois is divided into three
Tribes, which take their Names from three
Animals, viz. i. The Turtle or Tortoife $
2. The Bear •, and 3. The Wolf 5 and that
each of thefe three Tribes has its Chief or
Aquajander. The Aquajander of the Turtle
Tribe being fuperior to the other two } and the
Aquajander of that Tribe in the Mohawk Nation
(called the Carihoge) is the Sovereign or Em
peror of all the fix Nations (here he does not
comprehend the feventh Nation of diftant In
dians fituated beyond the Lakes.)
He obferves further, that thefe Chiefs have
fome Honours paid them by their Subjects,
but their Authority he thinks is very inconfi-
derable, and their Revenues nothing : That
there are no Courts of Judicature in the fix
Nations or any other Law but Cuftom ; and
in Cafe of Murder the neareft Relation is the
Avenger of Blood.
Their They have no ftanding Forces, but every
Forces able-body 'd Man takes up 'Arms when Honour
and Wars. or tjie Tjefence 0| hjs Country calls him out,
Before they march, their Captains and WarrU
ours affemble at a Feaft, and whoever partakes
of it thereby eniifts himfelf for that Service.
On this occafion they paint themfeives and apt
pear in their beft Apparel •, the old Men rife
up by turns in the Affembly and make Speechfs,
letting forth the noble Actions, the Valour and
Course;

^NEW-YORK, £fo 367
Courage of themfeives arid- their Anceftors, NewYork
together with the Cowardice and Weaknefs.of^fNew
their Enemies, to animate the Warriours. After Jerey-
Supper they have a War Dartce, and the next
Day they march out and difcharge theit Pieces
as they * leave the Town', their Leader fingirigr
the War Song. When they meet their Ene
mies, every one fhelters hirirfeif behind a Tree,
from whence as Opportunity offers he fires at
the Foe.
They take off the Scalps' of thofe they^krlt,
and bring them home, preferving them ' as
Trophies of their Victories. When they take
a Prifoner they prefent. him to fome Family
which hath loft a -Relation in the War ; if they
receive hlrtv, he is immediately admitted to all
the Honours and Eftate of the Deceafed, and
he takes his Name and Titles 5 but if rejected,
the poor Wretch is donderbrfd to forrle' cruel
Death. But this Piece of Barbarity they are
faid to have learned from the French, who
to ftrike a Terror in the Natives, ufed' to treat
their Indian P-rifoners in tills inhuman Manner
in their firft Wars. ' :
Other W'riters obferve^ that they adopt all
their young Captives into their Families, by
which wham they fupply the Loffes they fuftain
in their Wars ; fo far are_ they1 frdm torturing
or putting them -to death, wilefs pro'Vbk* d by tor-
tur»s firft Hnflitled' on their Friends.
As to fcheir:,Marriages, Children are entirely" Marriages
at their Parents difpofal •, and when both Par- and WaJ
ties- are agreetU the Lover prefentshis Miftrefs meD'
wkh- a> Matitfe as a Pledget of his Affection.
Somfc -time after the Parents prefent the Parties
to lheir; Chiefs, and declare trie intended Mar
riage}- after which they go to feairtng'and
danoingj-dnd the Marriage rseonfummated ;' the
n Vol. XXXI. B b b Man

,368 The Present State
NewYork Man continues With his Parents, and the Wo-
WNew rnan with hers till they have Children. He
>w, vlfits his Wife every Night, and is admitted to
^"^ conjugal Embraces, but returns home in the
Morning. Whatever he takes in Hunting he
brings to his Wife and leaves to her difpofal.
They do not allow a Plurality of Wives,
but Divorces are common. They appear very
.modeft, and are never feen to commit inde
cent Familiarities, or even to kits before Com
pany. The Women are deliver'd with great
eafe, and without the Affiftance of a Mid-
.wife or any other Woman. And immediately
after their Delivery go to hard labour, which
they efteem the beft Means to a fpeedy Reco
very. They are all extreamly fond of their
Children, and think a numerous Offspring one
of the greateft Bleffings.
Religion. As to the Religion of thefe People, as far
as I can learn (fays my Albany Friend) they
acknowledge a Supreme Being, whom they ftile
the Preferver of the Univerfe, but feldom pay
any religious Worthip to him unlefs in publick
Calamities, and then they offer Sacrifices of every
thing they poffefs, and pray for Deliverance
from their Calamities. They alfo offer Thank-
Offerings for any publick Bleffing. I cannot
learn that they have any Idols or Reprefentations
of the Deity among them. When it thun
ders, they take it to be a Sign of God's Dif-
pleafure, and will fay to one another, Horn) an
gry he is I and often cry out, It is enough, have
done. They believe a future State of Rewards
and Punifhments, but they have very obfcure
Notions of it ; and feem to think that the
Rewards of the Good will confift in the En
joyment of thofe Pleafures he was moft fond
Funerals, of iri this Life. At their , Funerals they furnifh .the

of NEW-YORK, &c. 369
the Deceafed with all Neceffaries, as' Meat, NewYork
Drink, Cloathing, Arms, and Ammunition. «^New
They make great Lamentation for the Dead.-^^l^
and conftantly go Morning and Evening to
the Graves of their deceafed Friends and Re
lations, and howl moft hideoufly, and never
fail to leave fome Provifion on the Grave.
Various Attempts have been made to con-of mak
vert thefe People to Chriftianity, efpecially byingProfe-
the French Priefts, who by the Negligence bf'ytesa-
our own People and their great Zeal to gain [j^
Converts to Popery have met with too great
Succefs ; having drawn off great part of the
Mohawk Nation from their Alliance with the'
Englifh, and even perfuaded them to leave
their native Country and fettle in Canada,
where they have built them a ftately Church,
and have three or four Priefts refiding con
ftantly among them. Thofe who remain true
to the Englifh (on account of their Nearnefs
to the Englifh Settlements) have been inftrudt-
ed b'y the Dutch and Engliftj Minifters occa-
fionally as they came to trade, and have al
ways' fhewn a Difpofition to embrace the Go-
fpel ; but their Instructions being tranfient and
but feldom repeated are foon forgot, and in
deed but lamely adminifter'd by the Help of
an ignorant Interpreter. About twenty Years
ago the Society for propagating the Gofpel
fent over a Miffionary,who refided among them
fix or feven Years, but being a Gentleman ad
vanced in Years, he made a very flow Pro
grefs in their Language, and was not able to
bear the Fatigues of fuch an Undertaking,
which obliged him to leave them ; fince which '
time they have had no Inftrudtion but what
they occafiorially received from the Englifh and
Dmch Minifters at Albany. A good Founda-
B b b 2 tion

379 The Present State .
NewYork tion however was laid by the Society*s Mif-
and f New fionary, arid thofe other Gentlmen at Albany :
^_rf'-.jrThtv are all brought to the Profeffion of
They be- Chriftianity and almoft all baptized, and fome
come trac- of theni feem to have a tolerable Notion of it,
table of andhave earneftly defired a Miffionary to be
fent among them. To encourage this good
Difpofition in them, the Society two Years
ago appointed a Catechift among them, a Na-
' tive of America, by the Recommendation of
the "Clergy of. New-York, who has refided
among them, applied himfelf to the Study of
their Language, and has met with very good
Succefs. He is fince come to London for holy
Orders, and appointed Miffionary among
them. He has taught feveral of the Natives to read
and write their own Language, and finds therri
very defirous of Inftrudtion, and is much be
loved by them.
prinking '" The only Vice which appears to reign
their chief among the Iroquois is Drunkennefs; but they
e' are very much reformed fince they have had
a Miffionary refiding among them. They
have forfaken their old Superftitibns. and Bar
barities, and feem to be much more civiliz'd
than their more diftant Neighbours ; they con-
ftantly attend the publick Worthip, and never
fail addreffing their Creator Morning and Even
ing in their Families •, and abflain from all
Labour on the Lord's Day. I doubt not (fays
my Correfpondent) were Provifion made, and
Encouragement given to Miffionaries to under
take this Work, many more of them might
be civiliz'd and become Profelytes to the Pro-
teftant Religion ; which would prevent their
being corrupted and feduced by the Enemies
of our- Nation to defert the Britifh Intereft. '
Miffionaries

of NEW-YORK, fcft. 371
Miffionaries, of the Church of England feem NewYork
much more acceptable to the Indians than[thQfe^'^fNew
employed by the People of New-England? who v*yxrf
are rigid Diffenters, and make more ufe/ of
Force than Perfuafion in their Intereourfe with
that People^ ahd this has occafioned the In
dians on the Frontiers of Ne<w-England to ad
here fo conftantly tp the French, and hearken
to the Popifh Miffionaries.
The Iroquois have been at war with theWarsbe-
French almoft ever fince their Arrival in Carta- j^*6
da, and fuffered very much at fhift from their and the
Fire- Arms, having never before feen fuch In- French.
ftruments of peftrudtion : The French alfo had
the Advantage of being affifted by the Adi-
rondacks, the ancient Enemies of the Iroquois,
in their Encounters with the -fivp Nations •, i
but the Iroquois entering into an Alliance with
the Englifh, and being furnifhed with Fire-
Arms and Ammunition defeated the French
in their turn, carried the War into Canada^
burn'd and plunder'd Montreal, kill'd fevefal
thoufands of the French and their , Indian Al
lies,, and obliged them to abandon, their Forts
on the Lakes, of Ontario and Erie, as has been
related already, which has made the' French
very cautious how they provoke the five
Nations of late Years, efpecjajly as they
find them' no lefs celebrated for their Condudt
and Stratagems in War than, for their Bta-
very. •,¦.•..„.
Thefe People make it a conftant Rule in Maxims
War to leavers little to Chance as poffible ; in War-
and notwithstanding they know themfeives fu-
periour in Strength and Number to their Ene
mies, never engage them in a fair Field, _ as
we call it, butlay Ambufcades, and make ufe
of their Wits to furprife them unprepar*d \
by

372 7&? Present State
NewYork. by which means they do not only fave their
WNew own Forces, but take more Prifoners than
^j^^, they could in an equal Erigagement ; and as
they incorporate the younger Captives in their
Families, their very Prifoners prove an addi
tional Strength to thefe confederated Nations.
A Strata- -While they were at war with the Adiron-
ge™of . dacks and Hurons (Allies of France) in order
e roquou ^ amufe fa prenc]3^ fay {ent ancj defired
Peace ; which was confented to, on Condition
the Iroquois would receive fome miffionary
Priefts and Jefuits amongft them, and be in-
ftrudted in the Chriftian Religion. This the
five Nations promifed to comply with ; but the
Fathers were no fooner arrived amongft them
than they made them clofe Prifoners, threaten
ing to cut their Throats if the French did not
ftand Neuter in this War ; after which they
fell upon the Hurons and Adirondacks with
fuch Fury, that thofe Nations were in a man
ner extirpated. And this may have given oc
cafion to fome of thofe Exclamations of the
French againft the Iroquois as a perfidious and
barbarous People ; however, it appears the
Popifh Miffionaries have not been altogether
deterred by fuch Examples from attempting
to make Profelytes amongft them, tho' they
proceed poffibly with more Caution than here
tofore ; for we find they have not only wheed
led Part of the Mohawk Nation to defert the
Englifh Intereft, but have frequently prevailed
with the other Nations to invade the Frontiers
of New-England, Virginia, and Maryland,
when they could not perfuade them to difturb
the Colonies of New- York or Penfylvania.
However, the Indians have been frequently
brought to acknowledge their Offences of this
kind, and promife to live peaceably with Vir
ginia

«/ NEW-YORK;a 373
ginia and the reft of the Britifh Colonies. A NewYork
Speech of one of their Sachems on fuch an a"' New
Occafion may be a Curiofity worth the Rea-^^L
der's Perufal : The Sachem firft addreffing
himfelf to the Governor of New-York faid,
Brother C«riaer, (The Name they give that Governor)
" Your Sachem is a great Sachem, and we a Speech
" are but a fmall People j but when the Eng-oi aSa-
" Ufh came firft to New-lark, Manhatan,c^}^
" Virginia, Aragiske, and to \ Maryland, Ya-vernoro{
" kokranagary, they were then but. a fmall New-York,
*' People, and we great : Then becaufe we &c-
" found you a good People, we treated you
" civilly and gave you Land : We hope there-
" fore now that you are great, and we fmall,
" you will protedt us from the French; if you
" do not, we fhall lofe all our Hunting and
" Beavers. The French will get all the Bea-
«* ver. They are now angry with us, becaufe
" we carry our Beaver to our Brethren (the
" Enghfh.)
" We underftand that becaufe of the Mif-
" chief which has been done to the People
" and Cattle of Virginia and Maryland, we
" muft not come near the Heads of your Ri-
" vers, nor near your Plantations, but keep at
" the foot of the Mountains; for tho' we .
" lay down our Arms as Friends, we fhall
'* not be trufted for the future but look'd up-
" on as Robbers : We agree however to this
" Propofition, and ftiall wholly ftay away
" from Virginia ; and this we do in Gratitude
" to Corlaer, who has been at fo great pains
" to perfuaide you, Great Governor of Vitgi-
" nia, to forget what is paft.
" We thank the great. Sachem of Virginia
" that he has fo readily forgiven and forgot " the

$7^. 'The Present St ate
NfwYqrk *' the Evil that has been dorie ; and we on our
fi/a/New V« parts gladly catch at and lay hold on the
,;?X.', " Chain." Then each of them delivered an Ax
to be buried and gave a Belt.
" .Let your Friend the great Sachem that
" lives on the other Side the great Lake know
" this, That we being a free People, tho'
" , united to the Englifh, may give our Lands
" and be joined*to the Sachem we like beft.
" We give this Beaver to remember what we
"fay. ,
The Englifh have from time to time, Once in
two or three Years, conftantly renewed and con'-
firmed their Treaties with the five Nations, par
ticularly in the Year 1722. We find that the Go
vernors of New-York, Virginia, and, Penfylva
nia, met the Sachems or Kings of the five Na
tions, with the Sachems of the more diftant In*-
dians, their Allies at Albany, and renewed all
former Leagues and Ties of Friendfhip. Thofe
Indian Princes giving the ufual Prefents of
Furs and Wampum as Pledges of their Fide
lity and Refolution to obferve the Articles
agreed on ; but we fcarce ever meet with the
Governors of New-England at thefe Treaties ;
the Reafon whereof feems to be, that New*
England feldom hath a good Underftanding
with the Indian Nations •, but whenever 'tis in
their power, treat them rather as a cohquerM
People than as Friends and Confederates:
There are fome Inftances however where New-1
England has been comprehended in fuch Treaj
ties, and indeed all the reft of the Britifh CoJ
lonieS, tho' their Governors have been abfent
from the Congrefs. .
It may be neceffary to obferve. here- that the
Reafon the Iroquois give the Governor of New^
York

TheSitaa-

tion.

of N E W*Y O R K, m. 37$
York the Name of Corlaer is, that one Corlaer, New York
a Dutchman, was the firft European employed V!^ew
to treat' with them as Allies and Confederates, t—y—*
And the fame Corker being drown' d in paffing
the Lake that lies between New- York and
Canada^ that Lake is called by them Corlaer-
alfo -, tho' the French gave it the Name of
Champlain, from a French Officer of that
Name, who put them upon eretling Forts on this
Lake, which has made the French very near and
troublefome Neighbours to the Britifh Colonies.
The fecond grand Divifion of the Province New-York
of New-York to be defcribed is that of New- pJ?terj
York Proper, which is bounded by Canada ori
the North, New-'England on the Eaft, the '
Ocean on the South, and the five Nations and
New-Jerfey on the Weft ; and is about two
hundred Miles in Length from North to South
(that is) from the Mouth of Hudfon's River to
the Lake of Champlain or Corlaer, and it might
be extended two hundred Miles farther North
if we poffeffed all the Country we claim as far
as the River St. Lawrence \ but the French
having b-iilt Forts on the Lake Champlain have1
in a manner expell'd us from the North Part
of this Country : The Englifh only poffefs the
Country South of that Lake at prefent, and
this is exceeding narrow in moft Places, par-*
ticularly between Conneclicut Colony on the
Eaft and New-Jerfey on the Weft it is fcarce
twenty Miles broad; But to this we muft add
the Ifland of Manhatan, which the City of
New-York ftands upon, Staten- Ifland, and
Leng-Ifland, all which lie before the Mouth of
Hudfon's River, and are comprehended in New
York Proper.
This Province is divided into ten Counties, Subdivt-
which going' from North to South down Hud- *j?" mto
¦ Volfx-XXI. Ccc /„/sC™

376 The Present State
NewYorky-ow»s River are? Albany, Ulfter, Dutchefs,
Jerfey6* Orange, King's County, Chefter, New-York
;__ r-„j County, Queen's County, Suffolk County, and
Richmond County, which are pretty well re-
plenifhed with Plantations and Farms, but have
not many great Towns in them. The chief
Chief Towns are New-York City, Schenetlida, Al-
Towns. ba„yf Weftchefter, JamaicaTown, Hempfiead,
Oyfler-bay Town, Huntington, Richmond, Rye,
New-Rochel, Northcaftle, Southampton, and
Brook- haven ; in all or moft of which Towns
are Miffionaries, either Minifters, School-
matters or Catechifts, fent over and maintain'd
chiefly by the Society for the Propagation of
the Gofpel, as will appear by the Lift hereafter
inferred.
New-York New-York City is fituated in 40 Degrees 40
City and Minutes North Latitude, and 74 Degrees 4
Minutes Weftern Longitude, at the South
End of York County, being an Ifland in the
Mouth of Hudfon's River, about fourteen
Miles long and two or three broad. As this
Town ftands upon an Emminence, and con
tains upwards of a thoufand Houfes well built
with Brick and Stone, with a Wall and Forts,
which ferve as well for Ornament as Defence,
there is fcarce any Town in North- Jmerica
that makes a better Appearance. It is alfo an
excellent Harbour, furnifh'd with commodious
Keys and Warehoufes, and employs fome hun
dreds of Ships and Veffels in its foreign Trade
and Fifheries.
The publickBuiidings are the feveralChurches
belonging to thofe of the Church of England,
to the Swedes of the Lutheran Perfuafion, to
the Dutch Calvinifts, the French Refugees,
and the Engliftj Sectaries ; but the Church of
England may well be looked upon as the
eftablifh'd

, of NEW-YORK, &c. ^77
eftablifh'd Religion, becaufe the Conftkuttan of NewYork*
the Government is the fame as in England ; <™?feNevv
the reft, ' however, are tolerated, and capable _'., f-„j
of Pofts in the Government, and of fitting in
the Houfe of Reprefentatives, as I apprehend.
The other publick Buildings are the Town-
houfe, and that where their-General Affernblies
and Courts of Juftice are held. As to their
Fortifications, they are not, 1 doubt, capable
of defending them againft an European Enemy
any more than thofe in the reft of the Plantati
ons, for this unanfwerable Reafon, becaufe they
were lately confefd to be fo bad that it was not
fit to enquire into the State of them, leaft Fo
reigners fhould be acquainted with our Weak-
nefs on that Side. There are indeed four hun
dred regular Troops fent from England to gar-
rifon this and fome other Towns of this Pro
vince, of which two- Companies always are,
or ought to be, upon Duty in this City ; but
admitting they were always complete, and
never to well difciplined, this feems to be but
a very inconfiderable Force to defend a Pro
vince of this Importance againft an Invafion,
unlefs their Country Militia be more to be de
pended on than that of Great- Britain.
As New-York may be looked upon to be
the frontier Garrifon in the South againft ' an
Invafion from any maritime Power, fo 6V/V- Schenea ¦/«
netlid.i Town and Fort, in the County of Town.
Albany, twenty Miles North of the Town of
Albany, may well be deem'd their Frontier
on the North againft the Wench of 'Canada, and
their Indian Allies, who/ --in the Year 1688,*
furprifed and almoft demolifh'd the Town with
the Works about it, but they have fince been
repaired and enlarged, and Fort Nicholfon and
fome other Forts erected ; in which and in
C c c 2 Albany

378 The Present State
NewYork Albany the reft of the regular Troops, are quar-
,c»^New terecj for tne Defence of that Frontier.
\!~jL—~ i Albany is a confiderable Town, fituated on
Hudfotfs River, an hundred and fifty Miles
Town. ^ortl> of ^ew-York, having a Fort erected
for its Defence ; And here it is that the Sachems
or King? of the five Nations meet the Gover
nors of our Northern Colonies to renew their
Alliances, and concert Meafures for their
Defence againft their common Enemies, as has
been intimated already.
South- Weft of the Ifland and County of
Staten- New- York Iks Staten- Ifland, being about ten
Ifland. Miles in Length and fix in Breadth, and in it
are a great many good Farms and Plantations,
hut not one Town that I can meet with.
long- Long- Ifland lies Eaft of Staten- Ifland, and
Ifland. South-Eaft of that of New-York, oppofite to
the Colony of Conneclicut, being an hundred
and fifty Miles in Length, and generally about
twelye in Breadth, and contains three of the
Coun:ies Counties above mentioned, viz. Queer's Coun-
and chief ty, Suffolk -County, and Richmond County.
Towns The chief Towns in Queen's County are Ja-
^lUand'1' maica^nd Hempftead. In Suffolk County the
jVmaka. chief Town is Oyfier-bay. The Town of Rich-
Hemp/lead- mond gives Name to Richmond County, in which
Oyfter-bay. aif0 js die Town of Southampton, in the South-
NortZlflle Eaft part °f the Ifland ">' and here alf° are
New fituated the Towns of North-Cafile ''and New-
Whdfor. Windfor .
Salisbury There is a celebrated Plain in- the middle of
Plain. Long- Iftand fixteen Miles long and four broad,
to which they have given the Name of Salisbury
Plain, having (as 'tis faid) as fine a Turf as
that on Salisbury Plain in Old-England ; and
there being an excellent Breed of Horfes in the
Ifland they have Races here every Seafon, to
which

of N E W-Y OR K, &c. 379
-which the Gentlemen of New- England and New- NewYork
York refort, as they do to New- Market with Z^™
us. s^v>.>
There are ftill fome good Towns which lie
in the County of Weftchefter on the Continent, Weacyfler
Eaft of the Mouth of Hudfon's River, the chief
whereof are Weftchefter and Rye. Rye.
This is one of thofe Colonies denominated a Govem-
royal Government, the legiflative Power being mcm'
lodged in the Governor, Council and Affembly;
and the Governor, Council, and Officers ,of
State being appointed by the Crown.
As to the Produce and Trade of this Country, Produce
thefe Articles being much the fame here. as , in andTra e"
New-England, New-Jerfey, and Penfylvania,
I fhall treat of them all together in the Defcrip
tion of Penfylvania : And there alfo the Reader
will meet with the Abftracl of the Hiftory of
New- York, New-Jerfey, and Penfylvania,
their Story being fo interwoven that it is fcarce
poffible to fpeak of one without including the
other. The third and laft grandDivifion I propofed to Nenv-
defcribe is that of New-Jerfey, bounded by ari 7,erfiy-.
imaginary Line drawn from the River De Id ^Tex"
War to Hudfon's River, in 41 Degrees North tent.
Latitude on the North, by Hudfon's River,
which feparates it from New-York, and by the
Atlantick Ocedn on the Eaft, by theLame Ocean
on the South, and by De la. War Bay and
River, which feparates it from Penfylvania,
on the Weft, lying between 39 and 41 Degrees
of North Latitude* and between 74 and j6
Degrees of Weftern Longitude; and is about
an hundred and forty Miles in Length from
North to South, and between three and four
.fcore in Breadth from Eaft to Weft. It

38b The Present State
NewYork jt was heretofore divided into two Parts by '
terfeNeW a Line drawn almoft through the middle of ir
i/VO^rom North to South, and diftinguifhed by.
Di .. the Names of Eaft and Weft-Jerfey, being
and Sub- granted to different Proprietors ; but the Pro-:
divifions. prietors of both having thought fit to furrender
Govern- their Charters to the Crown, the whole now
conftitutes one royal Government. The Jer-
fieys have now but one Council and one Houfe
of Reprefentatives, and the Governor of New-
York is ufually Governor of the Jerfey s by a
different Commiffion, the Governor, Council,
and Officers of State being appointed by the
* King, as in, New-York Proper.
Counties. This Country is fubdivided into the Coun-.
ties of, 1. Berghen. 2. Effex. 3. Middle
fex; and, 4. Monmouth, on the Eaft. 5.
Burlington. 6. Gloucefter. 7. Salem ; and,
8. -Cape May, Counties on the Weft. The
Chief chief Towns are, 1. Perth Amboy, the Ca-
Towns. p^] of the County of Middlefex, and of all
Amboy. ^ft-Jerfey, pleafantly fituated at the Mouth
of ^£j|«^, Riyer ; and had it been built ac
cording to the intended Model, would have
been one of the finett Towns in North-Ameri
ca ;_ but Planters have not reforted to it, as
was^ expedted, notwithftanding it is fo com-
modioufly fituated for Trade that Ships of
three hundred Tons may come up in one
Tide "and lie before the Merchants Doors ; but
the Town of Elizabeth, fituated to the North
ward of it, flourifhes much more, and may
ftill be deemed the moft confiderable Town in
Serghen. the Province. 2. Berghen, the Capital of the
Elizabeth county 0f the fame Name. 3. Elizabeth
Mdditon Town, already mention'd, Capital of the
Shrewf- County of Effex. 4. Middleton. . 5. Shrew fi
bury. bury ; and, 6. Freehold, in the County of
Monmouth.

of N E W-Y O R K, &c. 381
Monmouth. 7. Burlington, or Bridlington, NewYork
the Capital of the County of Burlington and of ?fJ.New
all Weft-Jerfey. _ . £v>0
This Town is fituated in 40 Degrees 40
Minutes of North Latitude, on an Iflarid in Burlington.
the middle of the River De la War, to the
Northward of Philadelphia in Penfylvania,'
and on the oppofite Side of the River. The
Houfes are handfomely built of Brick, and
laid out into fpacious Streets with commodious
Keys and Wharfs, to which Ships of two or
three hundred Tons may come up. It has
alfo a handfome Market-place, a Town-houfe
or Guild-hall, where the Courts of Juftice were
heretofore held, and two good Bridges over
the River, the one call'd London-Bridge and
the other York- Bridge ; and having an eafy
Communication with Philadelphia and the
Ocean by the River De la War, carries on a
brifk Trade. 8. Gloucefter, the Capital of Ghucefier.
the County of the fame Name ; and, 9. Salem, Salem.
Capital of the County of Salem;and fituated on
the River Salem, which falls into De la PVar
Bay. This is faid to be One of the beft Towns
in Weft-Jerfey, Whether we confider its Situa
tion, Buildings or Trade.
The Produce of this Province, iti Trade and
Hiftory will be found in the Defcription - ef
Penfylvania.

THE

THE
PRESENT STATE
O F
PEN SYLVAN IA.

Penfylva' nia.

Situation and Ex
tent.

CHAP. IX.
Of Penfylvania.
ENSYLVA NIA lies between
39 and 42 Degrees of North
Latitude, and between 75 and
79 Degrees of Weftern Longi
tude, being bounded by the
Country of the five Nations or Iroquois on the
North, by New-York and New-Jerfey, from
which it is feparated for the moft part by De
la War Bay and River, on the Eaft, and by
Maryland on the South and Weft, being about
two hundred Miles in Length from North to
South, and almoft of equal Breadth in the
three Northern Counties, but the three Southern
Counties are not more than twenty or thirty
Miles broad from Eaft to Weft, that is, be
tween

of PENSYLVANIA. 383
tween De la War Bay arid Maryland, from PenfyWa-
which the three Southern bounties are divided
by an imaginary Line drawn from North to
South '; but thefe Limits are not yet entirely
fettled, I find, the Lord Baltimore arid the
Family of the Pens being at this' Day engaged
in a Suit of Chancery about them.
The chief Rivers in Penfylvania are, i. Rivers.
The River De la War, which rifing far North Df la War
in the Country of the Iroquois, takes its Courfe
to the Southward, and dividing this Province
from that of New-Jerfey falls into the Atlantick
Ocean, between the Promontories of Cape
May and Cape Hinlopen, being navigable for
two hundred Miles and upwards with large
Veffels j but has a Cataract or fteep Fall in it
above ZJrz/tc/, which renders the Navigation
impracticable to the Northward of the County
of Bucks.
2. The fecond River in this Province is that Safqua-
of Safquahanna, which rifing likewife in the hanna
Country of the Iroquois runs South through the Rlver"
middle of Penfylvania, and falls into the Bay
of Chefcpeak, being navigable alfo for large
Ships. 3. The third River is that of Schoalkill, which Schoolkiil
having its Source alfo in the Country of the River-
Iroquois runs South, almoft parallel to the
Rivers De la War and Safquahanna, and at
length turning to the Eaftward falls into the
De la War at the City of Philadelphia : This
River alfo is navigable for large Ships as far as
the City of Philadelphia, and for Boats an
hundred Miles higher. Thefe Rivers and the
numerous Bays and Creeks in the Bay of De
la War, capable of harbouring the largeft
Fleets, render this Country admirably fituated
to carry on a foreign Trade.
Vol. XXXI. D d d The

3^4
Penfylva nia.

Countiesand chief
Towns.

Briftol.

Pensbury.

Philadel
phia County
and City

The Present State
The Eaft Side of the Province of Penfylm-
nla (the Weft being ftill uncultivated) is di
vided into fix Counties, which taking them
from North to South are, i. Buckingham. 2.
Philadelphia County. 3. The County of
Chefter. 4. Newcaftle County. 5. The
County of Kent ; and, 6. The County of
Suflfex. In the County of Buckingham, the moft
Northerly of any in this Province, the chief
Town is Briftol, fituated on the River De la
War, oppofite to Burlington in New-Jerfey,
and twenty Miles North of the City of Phila
delphia. In this County alfo lies the Manour-
Houfe of Pensbury, elegantly built by Pen the
firft Proprietor, and fituated on an Emminence
which commands the County, being almoft
furrounded by the River De la War.
The County of Philadelphia lies South of
that of .Bucks, and in it is the celebrated City
of Philadelphia, the Capital of the Province,
fituated in 40 Degrees 30 Minutes North La
titude,, being one of the fineft Plans of a Town
that ever was form'd. It is an Oblong of two
Miles, extending from the River De la War
to the River Schoolkill, the Eaft End fronting
the River De la War and the Weft the River
Schoolkill, each Front being a Mile in Length.
Every Owner of a thoufand Acres hath his
Houfe in one of the two Fronts facing the Ri
vers, or in the high Street running from the
middle of one Front to the middle of the other :
; And every Owner of five thoufand Acres, has
an Acre of Ground in- th&. Front of hisrHoufe,
and the reft half an Acre for Gardens and Court
Yards. In the Centre of the Town is a Square
of ten Acres, furrounded by; the; Town-Houfe
and other publickBuildings, and in> each1 Quar-
, : ter

of PENNSYLVANIA. 38$
ter of the City is a Square of eight Acres. Penfylva-
The high Street, which runs the whole Length ""^ .
of the Town, is an hundred Feet wide, parallel
to which run eight Streets, which are croffed
by twenty more at right Angles, all of therii
thirty Feet wide ; and feveral Canals are let
into the Town from each River, which add
to the Beauty and Conveniency of the Place.
There is alfo a fine Key two hundred Feet
fquare, to which Ships of four or five hundred
Tons may come up ; with wet and dry Docks
for building and repairing Ships, Magazines,
Warehoufes, and all manner of Gonveniencies
for importing and exporting of Merchandize.
There are already fourteen or fifteen hundred
Houfes in the City, moft of them well built
with Brick, but there are ftill a great many
more wanting to complete the Plan : However,
more could not have been expected than has
been done in fo fhort a time, the Ground not
having been laid out much above fifty Years.
The Town of Oxford alfo is fituated in the 0xfir^
County of Philadelphia, but I meet with no De- Town"
fcription of it ; however, I take it to be a con
fiderable Place, inafmuch as a Miffionary is
maintain^ here by the Society for the Propa
gation of the Gofpel. German Town, fituated German
to the Northward of the City of Philadelphia, Town.
alfo is faid to be a thriving populous Place, in
habited chiefly by the Dutch or thofe bf Dutch
Extraction. In this County is the Town of
Radnor, ;¦ fituated on the South-Weft Side of Radnor
Schoolkill River, being the Capital of a large wn"
Country planted by the Welch, and extremely
well improv'd by them.
TO; the South of the County of Philadelphia chefter
lies f hat« of Chefter, the Capital whereof is the County
Town of Chefler, fituated On the River De la andTown.
Ddd 2 War,

386 The Present State
Penfylva- War, which is about three hundred Miles broad
nia- at this Place ; and to the Southward of Chefter
*— -v— -^ hes the Town of Chichefier. Either of thefe
ChUhefter Ports are capable of receiving and harbouring
Town, jhe largeft Fleets fecure from Storms.
Newcaftle The County of Newcaftle lies South of that
County of Chefter, the capital Town being of the fame
andTown. Name> This is faid to be a Town of the
brifkeft Trade in the Province next to that of
Philadelphia, and has an Iron Mine in the
Apoquine- Neighbourhood of it. The Town of Apoqui-
minkTown nemink lies upon the River - 3e h War alfoj
South of Newcaftle, and is a Place of good
Trade. '
The Coun- The County of Kent lies South of that of
ty of Kent. N&uucaftle, the chief Town whereof -is Dover,
D<*fe^ being a commodious Port.
The Coun. The moft Southern County is that of Suffix,
ty of the capital Town whereof is Levjes, being a
Sujfex. fecure Harbour and a Town of Trade.
Town Penfylvania and Maryland 'are now the only
The feve- Proprietary Governments of all our American
ial kinds Colonies ; for, as has been intimated already,
ofiGoyem-j-here were originally three forts of Government
SwX pftablifh'd by the Englifh on the Continent of
America;.' America, viz. ift, Royal Governments, idly,
Charter Governments ; and, %dly, Proprietary
Governments.
Royal 1. A royal Government is properly fo call'd
Govern- becaufe the Colony is immediately dependent
ments. on the Crown, and the King remains Soveraign
of the Colony :•¦ He appoints the Governor,
Council, and Officers of State ; and the Peo
ple' only elect their Reprefentatives, as in
England. Such are the Governments of~ Vir
ginia^- New-Hampfhire, New-York, New-Jer
fey, and both Carolina's, tho' the Carols
were till very lately Proprietary Governments. 2. A

of PENNSYLVANIA, 38:7
2 . A Charter Government is fo called be^ Penfylva-
caufe the Company incorporated by the King's . n_"*l .
Charter were in a manner vefted with foveraign
Authority to eftablifh what fort of Government Charter
they faw fit : And thefe Companies have ge™ Govern~
nerally thought fit (as I apprehend) to transfer
their Power to the Populace ; for in thefe Go-*
vernments the Freemen do not only chufe their
Reprefentatives, but annually chufe their Go
vernor, Council and Magiftrates, and make
Laws without the Concurrence, and even with
out the Knowledge of the King, and are under
no other Reftraint than this, that they enact
no Laws contrary to the Laws of England ;
if they do, theirCharters are liable to be forfeited.
Such is the Government of Rhode-Ifland, and
I think of the Colony of ConnetHcuf in New-
England •, and fuch was the Government of the
Maffachufets, Maine and Plymouth formerly ;
but their firft Charters being adjudged forfeited
in the Reign of King Charles II. the Charter
granted to theMaffachufets by King William ill.
has referv'd the Appointment of a Governor The Maf-
to the Crown : But the Houfe of Reprefenta- fackuftts a
tives chufe the Council wich the Governor's Mi»ure
Concurrence, and the Governor and Council for^.W°
appoint the Magiftrates and Officers of State •,
from whence it appears that the Government
of the Maffachufets, in which the. Colonies of
Maine and Plymouth are now comprehended,
js in fome Inftances different from either of the
two former Species of Government, or rather
a Mixture of both.
,3, The third kind of .Government, I propos'd Proprieta-
to defcribe is the Proprietary Government, ryGovem-
prQperly>sfo call'd hecaufe,v the.: Proprietor is ments"
vefted -with- foveraign Authority : He appoints
th Governor, Council and M[agiftrates, and the

388 • • • Thei Present State
Penfylva- the Reprefentatives of the People are fummon'd
nia- in his Name,: and by their Advice he enadts
Laws without the Concurrence of the Crown ;
but by a late Statute, the Proprietor muft have
the King's Confent in the appointing a Gover
nor when he does not refide in the Plantation
in Perfon,. and of a Deputy-Governor when
he does : And all the Governors 'of the Plan
tations are liable to be call'd to an account for
Male- Adminiftration by the' Court of King's-
Bench in England by another Statute. But the
only Proprietary Governments now in being,
as has been obferv'd already, are that of Mary
land and this of Penfylvania ; and the Family
of the Penns, Defcendants of William Penn,
the original Proprietor of Penfylvania, being
at prefent pretty numerous, the Adminiftration
of the Government in this Colony feems to be
lodg'd in the Deputy- Governor, who is from
time to time appointed by the Heirs of Penn
with the Concurrence of the Crown.
'As to the Right Great-Britain hath to thefe
Hiftory Countries which now go under the Names of
of the New-York, NeW-Jerfey^ • and Penfylvania, it
Plantation gppears they were difcover'd with the reft of
Colonies *he Continent of North-America, in the Reign
of New- of Henry VII. by Sebaftian Cabot for the Crown
Y>rk,Kew of England, and have ever fince been claim'd
J "fih by the Kings of England as Part of their. Do-
fykania. minions: But .Sir Walter {Ralegh was the firft
that attempted to plant Colonies on thefe Shores
in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, and in Ho
nour of that Princefs gave, the Eaftern Coaft
of North- America the Name of Virginia. Two
Companies being afterwards erected by Charter
in the Reign of King James T. and authoris'd
to make Settlements in Virginia, 'the firftCem-
pany fent Colonies to. that Part of the Continent which

The

of PENSYLVANIA. 3^9
which ftill bears the Name of Virginia, and Penfylva-
the other made Settlements in New- England, ?£* 2^
then call'd North-Virginia, as has been related
already. In the mean time Mr. Hudfon, an Englifi.-
man, having difcover'd that Part of the Coaft
which lies between Virginia and : New-England,
and being about to make a Settlement at the
Mouth of that River which now feparates
New-York from New-Jerfey, and to which he
gave the Name of ; Hudfon's- River, the Dutch
pretended to purchafe this Country of him,;
and about the Year 1608 began to plant it, ,
and by Virtue of that Purchafe laid claim to all
thofe Territories which now go under the Name
of New-York, New-Jerfey, and Penfylvania :
But there remaining fome vacant Spaces on the
Coaft which were not actually poffeffed by the
Hollanders, the Swedes fent a Fleet of Ships
thither, and planted part of it with their Coun
trymen. However, the Dutch proved too
powerful for the Swedes, and compell'd them
to fubmit to .their Dominion, allowing them
however to enjoy the Plantations they had fet
tled,1 and the Privileges of the reft of their
Subjects. But the Englifh not admitting that either the
Hollander or the Swede had any Right to thefe
Countries which were firft difcover'd for the
Crown of England by Cabot, and Part of them
afterwards planted under Charters from Queen
Elizabeth and King James, which, 'twas pre-
fumed, gave1 the Englifh a Right to all the
Countries included within the Limits granted
by thofe Patents, as thefe of New-York, the
Jerfejs, and Penfylvania actually were. King
Charles 11. in 'the 'firft Dutch War, Anno
1684, transfer'd 'all thofe Countries, then in
poffeffion

39o The Present State
Penfylva- poffeffion of the Dutch, viz. New-York, the
,""*• Jerfey s, and the Northern Part of Penfylvania,
v^vx» to his Brother James Duke of York, afterwards
King James II. and Sir Robert Carr was fent
over with a Squadron of Men of War and a
Body of Land Forces to reduce them ; and on
his Appearance before the City of Amfterdam,
how New-York, the Dutch Governor thought
fit to furrender that Capital ; and the reft of
the Towns in the poffeffion. of the Hollanders
and the Swedes follow'd his Example 5 and
tho' fome relate that the Dutch recover'd the
Poffeffion of them again, yet certain it is, all
thefe Countries were yielded and confirm'd to
the Englifh by the Treaty of Peace between
England and Holland that follow'd foon after.
The Duke of York parcelling out thefe
Countries to Under-Proprietors, among whom
William Penn, Efq; Son of Sir William
Penn, Admiral in the Dutch Wars, was one :
All the reft of the Proprietors fome time after
furrender'd their Charters again to the Crown,
whereby 'New-York and New-Jerfey became
royal Governments, while Penn remain'd
Proprietor of that Part of the Country which
hac) been granted to him ; and King Charles II.
making him another Grant, in the Year t68o,
of that Part of the Country which1 now con-
ftitutes the reft of Penfylvania, in Confidera-
tion of Money due to his Father, Sir William
Penn, from the Government, Penn the Son
united the Countries he poffeffed by both Grants
into one ; and giving them the Name of Pen
fylvania proceeded to the planting Colonies there
in the Year 16&1, the Duith and Swedifh In
habitants chufing ftill to refide here, as they
did in New-York and the Jerfeys : And they
and their Defcendants enjoy the fame Privi leges

of PENS ylvania: 391
leges as the reft of his Majefty's Subjects in Penfylva-
thefe Plantations do ; and are now in a manner
become the fame People with the Englifh, fpeak
ing their Language, and govern'd by their
Laws and Cuftoms.
But Mr. Penn, notwithftanding the Grants
he had obtain'd from the Crown and the Duke
of York, did not look upon himfelf it feems to
be the real. Proprietor, of the Lands granted
him, till he had given the Indians what they
efteemed a valuable Confideration for their In
tereft in them ; and difclaiming alfo the Ufe
of the carnal Weapon according to the.. Prin
ciples of his Sect, he cou'd never propofe en
tering upon the Country, which had been fo
granted him, by Force.
The firft thing therefore he did after his
Arrival on the Coaft of America in the Year
1 68 1 , was to procure a Conference with the
Indian Sachems or Kings, in order to* treat
with them for the Purchafe of their Lands ;
and fhe Natives, being few in Number," and
fnaking fcarce any other Ufe of their Country
than to hunt in it, readily harkened to his Pro-
pofals ; and he purchased Countries of many
Miles Extent at a very moderate Price, paying
for them in Cloathing, Tools, Utenfils,, and
Toys, to the entire Satisfaction of the Na
tives. '
Mr. Penn, in a Letter to his Friends in
England on the Situation of his Affairs at that
time, relates, '" That he had attended the In-
" dian Kings and their Councils in feveral
"¦ Treaties for the Purchafe of their Lands, and
" for adjufting the Terms of Trade between
" them ; and that their Order was thus : Their
" Kiijg (fays Mr. Penn] was feated in the
" middle of a half Moon or Semi-circle $ his
Vol. XXXI. Eee » Council,

392 The Present State
Penfylva- <¦<¦ Council, the Old and Wife, fitting on each
Hand -, behind them, at a little diftance,
fat the younger Men in the fame Figure.
" Having confulted and refolved their Bufi-
" 'nets, the King commanded one of them to
*' fpeak to me : He flood up, and came to me,
" and in his King's Name faluted me, taking
,e me by the Hand, and telling me, He was
" ordered by his King to fpeak to me ; and that
*< now it was not he, but the King, that fpoke,
" becaufe what he fhould fay was the King's
" Mind. He firft pray'd me to excufe them
" that they had not complied with me in afor-
" mer Meeting : He feared there might be fome
" Fault in the Interpreter, being neither Indian
" nor Englifh ; befides, it was the Indian Cuf-
" torn to deliberate before they refolved ; and
11 that if the younger People and Owners of the
" Land had been as/ ready as he, 1 had not
11 met with fo much Delay. Having thus in-
" troduced his Matter, he fell to the Bounds
" of the Land they had agreed to difpofe of,
'* and to the Price. " During the Time this
" Perfon fpoke, not a Man, of them was ob-
" ferved to wifper or 'fmile. The Old were
'« grave, the Young reverend in their De-
*"*" portment •, when they fpoke, which was
" but feldom, it was warmly and elegantly.
"I have never feen more natural Sagacity,
" confidering them Without the Help of Tra-
" dition; and he will deferve the Name of
«' Wife that is too hard' for them in any
" Treaty about a Thing they underftand.
" When the Purchafe was agreed, great Pro-
«' mifes pafs'd between us of Kiridnefs -aftfc good
"¦ Neighbourhood, and that the Ihdiari andEng-
*' lilh muft live in' Love as long as the^Sungave
" Light. "After which, another made a-Speech

of PENS YLVANI A. 393
" to the Indians, in the Name of all the Sa- Penfyiva-
" chems or Kings, firft to tell them what -was iJ^X-i
" done, next to charge and command them* ^^
" to love the Chriftians, and particularly to-live
«' in peace with me, and the People under my
«« Government : That many Governors Bad been
" in the River, but that no Governor had come
"himfelf to live and ft ay there before; and
" having now fuch an one that had treated them
11 well, they fhould never do him or his any
" wrong. At every Sentence of which they
" fhouted, and faid Amen in their way." By
Governor living himfelf among them, they meant
Proprietary ; for they had had feveral Dutch
and Swedifh Governors in De la War River.
The Land thus bought was enter'd upon by
the under Purchafers, , who purchafed by the
hundred or the thoufand Acres what the Pro
prietary bought by Miles.
So prodigioufly did this, -Colony increafe in
a very few Years, that the ifame Mr. Venn,
in another Letter to his Friends in England,
fays, '-' We confume eighteen thoufand Pounds
" yearly, of Englifh Growth, and return of
" our Productions what augments the Reve-
" nuesof the Crown of England thirty, thou-
" fand Pounds" (which is but a trifle to the
Returns- they make at this Day.) Their
Succefswas chiefly, owing to their human; and
friendly Treatments of th© Indians, with whom
the Penfylv-anians fcarce ever had a Quarrel :
This good .Underftanding continuing even to
our Times, as appears by. the Indians of the
Five Nations agreeing with' Sir. William' Keith,
Governor of 'Penfylvania hy the Year 1722,
to J-e^ov^ ftill further back, into the Woods
with their Families, and to leave a Tract of
pne hundred thou fend Acres^ of Landand up-
E e e 2 wards

394 c^je Present State
Penfylva- wards to be cultivated by the Englifh ; at
"^a- which Congrefs one of their Sachems made
^rV>~' the following Speech, in the Name of the reft ;

Brother Onas [TheTitle they give the Gotiet nor of 'Penfylvania)
"¦, You have', fold us how William Penn, that
good Man, did, on the firft Settlement of
the Province of Penfylvania, make Leagues
of Friendfhip with the Indians, and treated
them like Brethren ; and that, like the fame
good Man, he left it in, Charge to all his
Governors who fhould fucceed him, and
to all the People, of Penfylvania, that they
fhould always keep the Covenant and Trea
ties he had made with the Five Nations,
and treat them with Love and Kindnefs.
We acknowledge, that his Governors and
People have always kept the fame honeftly
and truly to this Day. So we, on our Part,
always have kept, and for ever, fhall keep,
firm. Peace and Friendfhip with a good
Heart to all the people of Penfylvania. We
thankfully receive • and approve of all the
Articles in your Propofition to us, and ac
knowledge . them, to be good, and full of
Love : We receive and approve. of the fame
with our whole Hearts, becaufe we are not
only made one People by then Covenant.
Chain, but we alfo are People united in one

They ac
knowledgePenfylva nia has al
ways ob
ferved its
Treaties with them,
as they
have done
on .their
Part, and
promife to
do for .the
future*

Head, one Body, and one Heart, by the
ftrongeft Ties of Love and Friendfhip.

Brother Onas,,
" You defire there may iib|ev a, perpetual
" Peace and Friendfhip between you and the
«' Five Nations, and between your > Children
«' and our Children ; -ancl that the fame may
*« be kept as long as the Mountains and Ri-
« vers

e/ PENSYLV AN I A. 395
*«. vers;endure : ,A11 which we like, well, and Penfylva-
« on our Parts .defire that the Covenant and
" Union, made with a clean and true Heart
«'; between you and us, may laft as long as
" the Sun and Moon fhall continue to give
_«« Light ; and' we will deliver this in. Charge
<' to our Children, that it may.: be .kept in
" remembrance with their Children and Chil-
" dren's Children- to the lateft Ages : And we
" defire, that the Peace and' Tranquillity that
*' is now eftabfifhed between us. may be as
" clear as the Sun fhining in it Luftre, with*
« out any Cloud or Darknefs, and that the
" fame may continue for ever. v
Brother Onas,
" We have well confider'd all you have
«', fpoken, and like it well,- becaufe' it ¦ is only
*' the' renewing of former Leagues and Trea*
"; ties made between the Government of Pen*
" fylvania and us of the Five Nations, which
" we always believed we were obliged to
" keep; and; as to the Accident of one of They de-
" our Friends being killed by fome of ,yourfire the
" People, which has happened by Misfortune, ^/^w"
*' and againft your Will, we fay, that as we pardoned,
'<¦<¦ are all in peace, we think it hard, that the who kill'd
«' Perfons who killed our Friend and Brother °."e. ofp
" fhould , fuffer : And We do, in the Name pig'L ^
" of all the Five Nations, forgive the Offence, cident.
" and defire you will likewife forgive it, and
" that the Men who did it may be releafed
" from Prifon and fet at liberty, to go whi-
" ther they pleafe^ and we fhall efteem that
«•* as. a Mark of Regard and Friendfhip for
"thejRw Nations, and as a further Confir
ms mation of- this. Treaty. =)lt>l .,¦ '
The

396
Penfylva -

The Present State

ma.

The Pro
duce and

them Co
lonies. Of New
England.

The next Article I propofed to treat of
was the Province and Traffick of the Colonies
which lie North of Virginia and Maryland,
viz. New-England, New-York, the J 'erfeys, and
Traffick of Penfylvania. .•>¦.'
Mr. Dummer, in' his Apology for New-
England, endeavouring to. fhew -me Importance
of, thofe Colonies to Old-England, obferves,
That there, is no fort of Britifh Manufacture
.but what the People of New-England take
off in great or lefs Proportion, as they have
Ability to pay for it ; every thing for Ufe;
Convenience, or Ornament, and (I fay it
with Regret) for the Luxury and Pride of
Life, they receive from Great-Britain.
" Some of the oldeft and moft experienced
.Traders to thofe Parts make their Imports
from Old- England arife to the. Value of
three hundred thoufand Pounds, and. Exports
from thence to Great-Britain are equally
beneficial to this Kingdom y they brought
Bullion hither as long as they had any left^
and now they are fo exhaufted, that they
can no longer fend Silver directly to Old-
England, they continue to remit it. thither
' by the Way of Spain, . Portugal, and the
Straits : It is there they fell their Fifh,
and the Produce of it comes hither in Gold
or Silver, or Bills of Exchange, which is
the fame thing.
«' Other and better Returns than, Money
itfelf they make in Matts, the, fairefj} and
largeft in the World ; befides, Pitch, Tarr,
Turpentine, Rofin, Plank-knees foT„Ships,
and other Species of Timber for various
:Ufes. Thefe, efpecially Pitch and Tar,
were formerly purchafed-of the, Swede .with
Crown- pieces at intolerable Prices ;. . but
" fince

of P E N S Y L V A N I A. 397
«'. fince the Encouragement given for their Penfylva-
" Importation from New-England, they have
" fallen to half the Value. . It is to be farther
" confidered, that what we take of thefe Com-
" modifies from our Plantations is brought
« home in our own Ships, and paid for with
« our Manufactures.
" New -England alfo imports Logwood,
" for the dying our Woollen Goods, inQuan-
" tities fufficient for our own Ufe, and a Sur-
" plus, with which we furniih Holland, Hdm-
«' burgh and other Markets in Europe. It is
«« wholly owing to the Induftry of the People
" of New* England that this ufeful Commo-
« dity is reduced from 30 and 40/. per Ton,
<¦<¦ which we ufed to pay for it to the Spaniard,
" to 12 I. per Ton, which is the prefent Price ;
" and out of this 12/. there is 4 /. 5 s. paid to
" the Crown for Cuftom.
" Other Articles might be mentioned, as
" Whale-Oil and Finns, which are yearly im-
" potted from New-England in no contemp-
" tible Quantities. They, are ufeful in feve-
" rai Manufactures ; and if'-not had from
" thence, muft have been purchafed of the
" Dutch with ready Money, and at exceffive
«« Prices.
" *Tis true, New-England makes no Sugar,
" but it afflfts1 the Iflands that do ; without
ce which Afliffance they could not make it,
" at leaft not cheap enough, and in fufficient
" Quantities toanfwer the. Markets in Europe.
" For if the "Sugar Iflands were obliged to
" fow Wheat, and plant as much Indian Corn
" as they wanted, they muft needs plant the
" fewer Canes, and by cbnfequence make the
" lefs Sugar. From1 thence they are alfo'fup-
tc plied with Horfes for their Mills, Timber

398 The Present State
Penfylva- « for their Sugar -Works, Staves for their
" Calks, and what is more confiderable, With
" Barrel-Pork, Mackrel, and refufe Cod-fifh
" for their Negroes, without which their La-
" bour would yield nothing to their Owners-
" for were they to feed their Slaves with Beef,
" and other Provifions from Great-Britain
" and Ireland, the Expence of a Plantation
w would devour the whole Produce of it.
" There are now fuch great Quantities of
" Sugar made in the French and Dutch Plan-
" tations, and fo much imported from Braftl
" by the Portuguefe, that our Sugar Iflands
" need all Advantages to make this Commo-
" dity cheap and in Plenty, that we may be
" able to out-do, or at leaft equal our Neigh-
«' bours in the Foreign Markets.
" It may be added, That New-England is
" a good Nurfery of Seamen for the Navy.
«' I believe, I may affirm, that there was hard-
" ly a Ship during the laft War in the Royal
« Navy without fome of their Sailors on Board,
" which fo diftreffed the New-England Mer-
" chants, that they were obliged to man their
" Ships with Indians and Negroes.
In another Part, of the fame Apology Mr.
Dummer adds, " It were no difficult Talk to
" prove, that London has arifen out of the
" Plantations, and not out of Old-England.
" 'Tis to them we owe our vaft Fleets bf Mer-
" chant Ships, and confequently the Increafe
" of our Seamen, and Improvements of our
" Navigation : 'Tis the Tobacco, Sugar, Fifh,
" Oil, Logwood, and other Commodities,
" which has enabled Us to fupport our Trade
" in Europe; to bring the Ballance of fome
" Countries in our Favour, which would
" otherwife be againft us, and to make die"
" Figure

of PENSYLVANIA. 399
" Figure we do at prefent j» and have done for Penfyiva-
" near a Century paft, in all Parts of the Com- nia-
" mercial World. ' /""""*
The Prefident and Courcil of New-York, of New-
in an Addrefs to his Majefty, fpeaking of York.
their Importations from Great-Britain, affirm,
That this Colony alone coofumed more of
our Woollen Manufactures than all the Sugar
Colonies : That the Product of this, and of
the neighbouring Colonies of New-Jerfey and
Penfylvania, was chiefly Provifions ; namely,
all kinds of Britifh and Indian Corn and Grain,
falted Pork, Beef, Fifh, and ftrong Beer, which
they export to the Britifh and other Foreign
Sugar Colonies ; and in Exchange for them re
ceived Rum, Sugar, Moloffes, Cacao, Indigo,
Cotton, Wool, &c. Whereof the Rum and
Moloffes were chiefly continued in thefe Colo
nies, and the Money and other Merchandize
applied for the moft part to make good the
Ballance of their Trade .'to Great- Britain ; and
that fo great apart of that Ballance was paid
in Money, that they had Reafon to believe
that all the Britifh Sugar Colonies together
(except Jamaica) did not import fo much Sil
ver into Great-Britain as this fingle Colony of
New- York.
Another Writer, fpeaking of the Produce of Penfyl.
and Traffick of Penfylvania, fays, Their Mer- vania.
chandize confifts of Horfes, Pipe-Staves, Pork,
Beef, and Fifh, falted and barrel'd up, Skins
and Furrs, all forts of Grain, viz. Wheat, Rye,
Peafe? Oats, Barley, Buck-Wheat, Indian Corn,
Indian Peafe and Beans, Pot-Afhes, Wax, tiff.
And that in return for thefe they import from the
Caribbee- Iflands, 'and other. Places, Rum, Su
gar^ Moloffes, Silver, 'Negroes, Salt, and Wine;
and from Great-Britain, Floufhold- Goods and
Vol. XXXI. Fff Cloathing

4©o The Present State
Penfylva- Cloathing of all Kinds, Hard-Ware, Tools,
and Toys.
They have alfo fome Rice, but no great
Quantities, and a little Tobacco ot the worft
fort. Thefe Colonies *alfo appear extremely
proper to produce Hemp and Flax, where they
are cultivated: Their Trade with the Indians
confifts but in a few Articles ; they receive of
the Natives chiefly Skins and Furrs of their
wild Beafts, for which they give them Cloath
ing, Arms, Ammunition, Rum, and other Spi
rits, in return.
The Northern Colonies have alfo a clati-
deftine Trade with the Spaniards upon the
Coaft of Terra- Firma, i£c. fiirnifhing them
with European Goods and Merchandize, for
which they receive chiefly Dollars in return ;
and they alfo trade to the Bays of Honduras
and Campeachy for Logwood, by Connivance,
as the Spaniards fay ; but the Subjects of Great:
Britain infift, that they have a Right to that
Trade ; and there is a Trade carried on both
with the French and Dutch Iflands and Surinam
by the Northern Colonies not at all to the Ad
vantage of Great- Britain, and very deftructive
to the Sugar Colonies ; for they take Moloffes,
Rum, and other Spirits, with a great many
European Goods, from thefe Foreigners-, carry
ing them Horfes, Provifions and Lumber in
return, without which the French could not
carry on their Sugar Manufacture to that Ad
vantage they do: But on this Article I fhall
have Occafion to enlarge, when I come to treat
of the Controverfy between our Sugar Colonies
and the Northern Colonies.
Nor is there any Doubt to be made but
the Northern Colonies have fet up a great many
Manufactures, which interfere with thofe of
Great-

of PENS YL VAN I A. 401
Great - Britain : They make Woollen Cloth, Penfyl va-
Hats, Hard-Ware, and Linnen, for their own t f^_
Ufe, if they do not export them : They have '
alfo a pretty many Still-Houfes and Sugar-
Bakers, particularly in New-England ; and the
building of Ships not only for the Subjects of
Great-Britain, but for. the French and Spa-
niardsi is become a very confiderable Employ
ment ; and with thefe Ships they pay in Part
for the Moloffes, Rum, and European Goods
they take of the French. Their Enemies re
prefent them (efpecially the People of New-
England) as rivalling Great-Britain in the
moft confiderable Branches of her Trade, as
well as in her Filheries, and threatening De-
ftruclion to their Mother-Country ; while her
Friends, on the other hand, fuggeft, That thefe
Colonies take off vaft Quantities of Britifh
Manufactures, for which they pay ready Money,
or Merchandize as valuable in return ; and
affirm, they export no Manufactures that are
' made in England. Great Artifice feems to
have been ufed to conceal their Manufactures
on one hand, and to magnify and multiply
them on the other ; but, upon the Whole, I
am oL opinion, that the Northern Colonies
ftill conduce very muehv to the ftrengtliening
and enriching their Mather* Country, and will
do more every Day, as they increafe, in Num
bers and. Traffick ;, nay, I believe, it may be
made appear, : that our Traffick with thefe and
the reft of the Britifh Plantations, if we cake
care to regulate it (aa it \s our own Faults if
we do not, when the Britifh Legiflature com
mands the Whole) is or may be of greater Ad
vantage to, Britain than^all their Commerce be
fides; and, indeed, fome Acts have already
been : made for the Regalatidi of this Trade,
Fffa of

v-OPw

402 The Present State
Penfylva- of which I fhall give a fhort Abftrdct here
after ; and, in the mean time, proceed to en
quire into the Strength and Forces of thefe Nor
thern Colonies.
The From one of the Reprefentations of the
Strength Board Of Trade, already mentioned, they in-
and Forces forin ^ privy.Councjj? That in the Q^^ of
Northern the Maffachufets only there were upwards of
Colonies, ninety-four thoufand Souls,, and that their Mi
litia conflfted of fixteen Regiments of ¦ Foot,
and of fifteen Troops of Horfe, of an hundred
Men in each Troop (arid a Gentleman of New-
England, who underftands their Circumftances
perfectly well, affured me, they could raife
twenty-four or twenty -five thoufand Men, in
cafe of Neceffity.j The fame Reprefentatidn
thews, That they employ'd near five hundred
Sail of Ships and four thoufand Seamen annu
ally in their Trade ; and if this Calculation be
right, it muft be allowed, that the reft of the
Colonies, North of Virginia and Maryland, viz.
Conneclicut, Rhbde-Ifldnd, New-York, the Jer-
feys, and Penfylvania, can raife at leaft- as many
as the Maffachufet j;. but as this Computation
feems to be exceeding fhort, and we may well
add a third more to the Whole, I conclude, that
the Britifh Colonies. which lie North of Virgi
nia and Maryland are able, upon an Emer
gency, . to raife three or fourfcore thoufand
Landmen, and fit out fifteen hundred Sail of
fuch Merchant-Ships as they ufe in their Trade ;
and tho' thefe Ships are too fmall, and unpro
vided to refift European Ships, of War alone^
and defend their Coafts from Invafions* from
thence, yet they muft add great Strength to
an Englifh Squadron! in thofe .Se&,< whenever
we happen to be at. War; with: an^ Europe
Power in that Part of the Worfti.C All that
c i r. L feems

of PENS YL VAN I A. 403
feems wanting, in order to render thefe Forces Penfylva-
ufeful and capable of oppofing an Invafion,
is a Viceroy or Generaliffimo,, empower'd, on
fuch Exigencies, to require every Colony to
raife their refpective Quota's of Supplies and
Troops, and to command them, when affemble$
in the Field ; for thefe are Particulars, which
it is never to be expeeted the Colonies fhould
agree on among themfeives, or at leaft time
enough to prevent the Ravages of a potent
Enemy.

T HE

Carolina.

Situation and Extent

THE
PRESENT STATE
O F
CAROLINA. CHAP. X.
Of North and South-Carolina, and
Georgia.
NDER this general Title of
Carolina are comprehended the
feveral Colonies of North-Caro
lina, South-Carolina, and Geor
gia. The Whole is bounded by
Virginia on the North, the At-
lantick Ocean on the Eaft, Spanifh-Florida on
the South, and by that Part of Florida which
is ftill in Poffeffion of the Indians on the Weft,
extending from 30 Degrees 30 Minutes, to
56 Degrees 30 Minutes North Latitude j and
this, upon due Confideration, feems to be the
true

The Present State, Gto 40$
true Extent of Carolina from North to South-, Carolina.
and confequently this Country, reckoning 70 S*,V^
Miles to a Degree in a direct Line from South
to North, muft be 420 Miles long ; but as
the Coaft tends or ftretches from the South-
Weft to the North-Eaft, we may compute it
to be about 500 Miles in Length j tho' I muft
confefs I have formerly laid it down between
31 and 36 Degrees, and then it would have
taken up but 5 Degrees of Latitude. How far
the Britifh Dominion is to be extended from
the Atlantick Ocean Weftward, may be ftill
more difficult to determine : If we carry it
no farther than the Countries actually poffef
fed and cultivated by the Englifh, we muft
not extend it an hundred and fifty Miles Weft
of the Sea ; but if we comprehend all thofe
Nations of Indians which have at one time or
other acknowledged the King of Great-Britain
their Soveraign, and put themfeives under the
Protection of the Governors of thefe Provinces,
particularly the Creeks, the Charokee Indians*
and fome more diftant Nations their Neigh
bours, who fent, in the Year 1731, feven of
their Chiefs to England with Sir Alexander
Cummins, to do Homage in Perfon to King
George II. If we foclude all thefe Nations,
we muft extend the Britifh Dominions Weft
ward as far as the River Miffiffipi, which is
500 Miles at leaft from the Ocean, and then
we fhall take in one Moiety of what the French
claim, and have given the Name of Louifian
to in their Maps ; and our Map-makers, with
out the leaft Shadow of Reafon have copied
after them ; but if ever they dipped into the
Hiftory of this Part of the World, they muft
have learned that the Englifh were not only
poffeffed of the Eaftern Side of Florida long
before

4o6. 7$<?»Frese-nt State ,
Carolina, before the French difeovered the River Mifpf-
*— — "— * fipi, but have obtained the ftrongeft Title to
it that any. Eurdpean, Power can have y name
ly, the voluntary Ceffion of that Country by
the Indian Princes and their People to 'the
Crown of .Great- Britain, upon Condition- of
being taken into our Protection.
The ' As to the Face of the Country, Captains
Faceofthe that have gone this Voyage affure me, that
Country. ^ ^ ft ,QW ]eve] Coaft) nQt a Hm tQ ^ fcen
from St. Auguftin to Virginia, and a great way
beyond, and it is generally covered with Wood,
where the Englifh have not cleared it for their
Plantations ; but it rifes into Hills about an
hundred Miles to the Weftward, and continues'
rifing gradually till we afcend the Apalathian
Mountains, as they call the whole Chain of
Hillsi which run through Florida from the
South- Weft to the North-Eaft, at about an
hundred and fifty Miles Diftance from the
Theanci- Ocean. And indeed the Natives called all
entName tjiat Country Apalach, to which the Spaniards
dpa ac . gave J;jie jvjame 0f Fioyid^ in which is com
prehended moft of the Britifh Plantations on
the Continent.
A bad The Sea- Coaft being low and flat, the Sea
Coait for itfelf is proportionably fhallow, infomuch that
Naviga- a ship of any great Burthen cannot approach
the Shores, except in fome few Places. There
i - has not yet been found one good Harbour on
the Coaft of North-Carolina ; the beft they
have is at Roanoak, at the Mouth of Albemarle
1 River, and at Pimlico ; and here Ships are
far from being fecure: But I am infornfd, a
Frigate is employ'd at this time to found the
Coaft, in order to find better Harbours, the
Planters and Merchants of North-Carolina be
ing oblig'd to fend great Part of their Goods either

»/ CAROLINA. 407
either to Virginia or South-Carolina, in order Carolina.
to tranfport them to England ; for there are ^V^
fome good Ports in South-Carolina, Of which Sea-Ports.
the chief are, Winy aw or George Town, Charles
Town, arid Port-Royal, which will be de
fcrib'd hereafter : The moft remarkable Pro
montories I meet with on this Coaft are^ Cape Capes.
Hat eras in 35 Degrees South ''Latitude, Cape
Fear to the South of it in 34 Degrees, and
Cape Carteret to the Southward of Cape
Fear. This Country is well water'd with Lakes Risers* •
and Springs, as alfo with Rivers, fome of them
confiderable Streams, but few of them navi
gable for large Veffels, being choak'd up with
Sands at the Entrance : Of thefe (beginning
from the North) the chief are, 1. Albemarle
River. 2. Pentegoe River. 3. Neufe River.
4. Cape Fear, or Clarendon River. 5. Wa
ter ee River. 6. S antes River. 7.' Afhley
River. 8. Cooper River. 9. Colleton River.
10. Cambahe River. it. Savannah River.
12. Alatamaha River, the Southern Boundary
of Georgia : Almoft all thefe Rivers rife in
the Mountains on the North- Weft, and taking
their Courfe to the Eaft or South-Eaft, fall
into the Atlantick-Ocean : Thofe of Savannah
and Alatamaha being navigable fome hundreds
of Miles to the Weftward, and are faid to
equal the Rhine in Magnitude;
Carolina is happily fituated between the Ex- climate
tremes of Heat and Cold, but the Heat is more rather hot
troublefome in Summer than the Cold in Win- than«>I<l,
ter,; their Winters being very fhort, and
their frofty Mornings frequently fucceeded by
warm Days : Tho' a Gentleman that refided
there fome time obferved to me, that once in
eight- or ten Years they have very fevere arid
¦ Vol. XXXI. ' G g g long

The Present State
long Frofts. He himfelf knew the largeft
Rivers frozen, and a great many of their Cat
tle die, for they never houfe them ; but this is
more unufual there than to have the Thames
Generally frozen over with us. The Air. is for the moft
ferene part ferene ancj dear both in Summer and
Weather, ^y^^ ye(. J gncj tney naye tnejr Winter
Rains and very heavy Showers about Midfum-
mer : And the Wind fometimes changes fud-
denly from the South-Eaft to the North-
Weft, and blows exceeding cold, which brings
Diftempers on thofe who do not take care to
Healthful guard againft it ; but the Country is generally
generally, healthful where People live regularly and ufe
any Precaution. Thofe indeed who after a
hot Day expofe themfeives to the cool Breezes
jn the Evening, ufually feel the ill Effects of
it, as others do that indulge their Appetites in
eating Fruit and drinking pernicious Liquors
to excefs.
Hurri- They are fubject to Hurricanes as well as the
canes. Caribbee- Iflands ; but thofe do not happen eve
ry Year^ and fometimes are fo favourable as
not to do much Mifchief in feven Years. That
was a very terrible one which happened in the
Year 1729, of which we received the follow-^
ing Account:
On the firft of Auguft, a dreadful Hurricane
began here, ' the Wind N. and N. by E. and
by feven the next Morning it increafed fo that
23 Ships -then in our Harbour were forced on
Shore, the Wind coming more Eafterly, and
from that time till three Hoars after, the Wind
was moft violent : Of all the Ships in our
Harbour, only the Fox and the Garland Men
of Waf ode out this Hurricane. The Rice
near the Sea Coaft was all fpoil'd by being
over-flowed with theSalt- water j and 'tis thought this

of CAROLINA. 449
this Town would have been deftroyed had it Carolina.
been Spring Tides. 'Tis computed that about ^^^T^
fifteen hundred Barrels of Rice befides Skins
were loft. On the fecond, about eleven at Night
the Wind gradually ceas'd, yet many fea-faring
Men were drowned : On the twelfth paft, we
had a Tornado which did much Damage to the
Rice and Corn in the Country, but little or
none to the Shipping.
The three grand Divifions of this Country The three
are, 1. North-Carolina. 2. South-Carolina ; grand Di*
and 3. Georgia : North-Carolina is bounded V?°™'
by Virginia on the Nofth, the Ocean on the Carolina.
Eaft, by a Line drawn in 34 Degrees from the Situation.
Ocean to the Mountains on the South, and by
that Part of Florida poffefs'd by the Indians en
the Weft, and is fubdivided into fourteen or
fifteen Tbwnfhips or Parifhes ; but there is
not one Town or Church as I can learn 'in the
Country, and it is but very lately that the So
ciety for the Propagation of the Gofpel has
fent one icinerant Preacher amongft them.
South-Carolina is divided- from North-Caro- South-Ca-
lina by the abovefaid imaginary Line on the rolina.
North, by the Ocean on the Eaft, by the
River Savannah which feparates it from
Georgia on the South, and by the Country of
the Indians on the Weft, heing fubdivided in
to fourteen Parifhes or Townfhips, each of
them having a good Church of Brick or
Timber. But the chief and almoft the only Town in Charles
both Carolina's is. Charles Town, fituate in 32 Town.
Degrees, 45 Minutes North Latitude, on the
Point of a Peninfula formed by 'fhley and
¦Cooper Rivers ; the former of wh ch is navi
gable for Ships twenty Miles above the Town,
and for Boats and Pettyagers (large Canoes}
Ggg a near;'

410 The Present State
Carolina, near forty Miles,, The other River is not na-
'^'^Y'^ vigable for Ships fo far, but for Boats and Pet-
tyagers much farther.. The Bar before the
Harbour has fixteen Foot Water at a low Tide,
and there is good riding when a Ship is got
in clofe to the Town : The Harbour being
fecured by a Fort, called Johnfon's Fort, which
has about twenty Guns in it level with the Sur
face of the Water. TheTown was regularly for
tified fome Years ago, and feveral oftheBaftions
next the Water are ftill in being and in good
Repair ; but the Baftions, Pafifades, and Foffe
next the- Land being much damaged by a Hur
ricane, and deemed of too great an Extent to
be defended by the Inhabitants, General Ni
cholfon caufed them to be demolifhed. The.
Town now contains upwards of fix hundred
Houfes generally well built, fome of them of
Brick, but more of Timber, and moft of them
fath'd, forming regular and fpacious Streets,;
and their Church is much the moft magnificent.!
in Englifh America, having three Ifles, an Or
gan, and Gallery all round the Church,, There
are alfo four handfome Meeting-houfes in the
Town belonging to the ..Prefbyteriafis, Ana
baptifts, Quakers, and French Refugees.-; and
jf you furvey the adjacent Country, fays Mr.
Purry, you will fee ftately Buildings, .noble
Catties, and the Fields covered with infinite
Numbers of Cattle of all kinds. - .
Beaufort The Town of Beaufort is fituated On the
Town Ifland of Port-Royal, in 3 1 Degrees 40 Mi-
zxAPon- nutes North Latitude, an hundred.Miles- South
¦Royal. 0f CharlesrTown, the Continent and 'Ifland:
forming a fine capacious Harbour, capable of
receiving the Royal Navy of England, if it
can get over the Bar, as,-Ships, of good Bur
then may, there being eighteen Foot Water at

of CAROLINA, 4u
at low Water. The Ifland on which the Cnr ;ina-
Town ftands confifts of near one thoufand "^^^
Acres, and is navigable all rdund for Boats
and Pettyagers, and one half of it for Shipping, '
having four Fathom Water clofe to the high
Bluff, fo that Ships may load and unload from
the Shore without the Affiftance of Boats. The
Harbour is fecured by a Fort built about five
Years fince, on which twelve Culverins are
mounted, but the Town and Ifland have no
Fortification (unlefs erected very lately) nor
is the Harbour fo well fortified as a Place of
this Importance deferves* efpecially as it lies
fo near Sfanifh Florida, and is faid to be de
manded by the -Spaniards as a Part of their
Territories. There is not indeed above fifty or
threefcore Houfes in the Town of Beaufort
at prefent ; but from its advantageous Situati
on and the Goodnefs of its Harbour, it is ex
pected that this Town will one Day be the '
Capital of Carolina: It is already the Station
for the Britifh Squadron in thofe Seas.
There is another Port-town lately erefted at
Winyaw, about fifty Miles to the Northward
of Charles-Town, to which they have giyen
the Name of George-Town, and the Society George-
far the Propogation of the Gofpel have a Mif- T°™n-
' fionary here; but I meet with no further De
fcription of it.
The third grand Divifion of Carolina is the ' Georgia.
new Province of Georgia, feparated from South- Situation.,'
Carolina by the River Savannah on the North,
by the Oceari on the Eaft, by the River Alata
maha, which feparates it from Spanifh Florida,
on the South, and by Indian Florida on the
Weft ; nor has any European Power fo good
a Claim as the Englifh to this Country as far
Weftward as the River Miffiffipi, fince moft of,
the

412 The Present State
Carolina, the Indian Chiefs between Carolina and that
^W^ River have acknowledged the King of Great-
Britain their Soveraign, and put themfeives
under his Protection-, as has been obferved al
ready.
Chief The chief Towns in Georgia are, the Town
Towns. ^ Savannah, and the Town of Purryfburgh.
Savannah The Town of Savannah is fituated in 3 1
Town. Degrees 20 Minutes, about one hundred and
thirty Miles to the Southward of Charles-
Town, and thirty Miles South of Beaufort and
Port-Royal, and about fifty or threefcore Miles
North of the Spanifh Fort of St. Auguftin.
Governor Oglethorpe, in a Letter to the Truf
tees of the Colony of Georgia, dated the 10th
of February, 1732-3, tells them, That he had
fixed upon a healthful Situation- on the River
Savannah to build this Town upon, about#tdn
Miles from the Sea •, that the River here formed
a Half-moon, along the South Side of which
the Banks were forty Foot high, and on the
Top a Flat, which they call a Bluff ; that this
plain high Ground extended into the Country
five or fix Miles, and along the River-fide, a-
bout a Mile, Ships that draw twelve Foot
Water may ride within ten Yards of the
Bank. That upon the River- fide, in the Center of
this Plain, he had laid out the Town, and that
over-againft it was an Ifland of very rich Land
fit for Pafturage, which he thought ought to
be kept for the Truftees Cattle.
That the River was pretty wide, the Water
frefh, and from the Key they might fee ;. its ,
whole Courfe to the Sea with the Iflanid. of
Tybe, which lay before the Mouth of the Ri
ver ; that the other Way they might fee the
River for fix Miles up into the Country ; the
Landflsio.

ef CAROLINA. 413
Landtkip was very agreeable, the Stream be- Carolina.
ing wide and bordered with high Woods on *-'Vv^
both Sides.
By another Letter dated from Georgia the
14th of February, 1735-6, they inform us,
That above two hundred Houfes were then re
gularly built in the Town of Savannah.
Purryfburgh alfo is fituated on the River Purryr
Savannah, about thirty Miles from the Mouth, burgh
and twenty to the Weftward of the Town of Town,
Savannah, feven Miles above the higheft Tide.
It was formerly called the Ymafifee-Port, and
ftands in a pleafant fruitful Plain, being inha- ¦
bited by a Colony of a thoufand Swifs, which
were carried over 1by Monf. Purry at the
Charge of the Truftees of Georgia. But as
this Town lies on the North Side of the River
Savannah, it is in reality in South-Carolina and
not in Georgia. The fame Letter gives an
Account of feveral other Towns4 built, parti
cularly Buerey, Thunderbolt, Fort-Argyk and
Weftbrook, but does not afcertain their Situati
on ; they alfo relate that Mr. Oglethorpe was
going fourfcore Miles farther into the Country
to erect another Town and a Fort near it on
the River Alatamaha ; two Forts have been e-
rected alfo on the River Savannah, the one
fourfcore Miles Weft of the Town of Purryf
burgh, arid the other upwards of two hundred
Miles beyond if, ^and probably they have e-
redted feveral other Towns and Fortreffes by
this time j for fince the King has purchafed
the Propriety of Carolina, I find the following
Orders have been given for building eleven Eleven
Towns in Georgia and Carolina, viz. two on Jow,ns °?~
the Riyer Alatamaha, two on the River Sa- b^t ^
varinah, one at the Head of the River Pou- Georgia.
pen, two at the River Santee, one at the River
Watereg,

414 T"he Present State
Carolina. Watereg, one at the Black River, one at the
•—-v-— -1 River Wacomau, and one at the River Pedee.
TheLands The Diftrict of each of thefe Towns is to
¦laid out to contain the Extent of twenty thoufand Acres
eachTown 0f £anc}5 formed into a Square, bordering on
one of thefe Rivers, and is to be divided into
Shares of fifty Acres for each Man, Woman,
or Child of one Family, which may be aug
mented as the Planters thall be in a Condition
to cultivate a larger Quantity of Ground ; and
every 6ne of them was to have an equal Share
of the better and worfe Lands, and alfo the
fame Right on the River.
Extent of Each Town was to be formed into a Parifh,
each the Extent whereof was to be about fix Miles
Town. round the Town on the fame Side of the
River ; and as foon as the Parifh contain'd a
hundred Mafters of Families, they were autho-
Affembly. riz'd to fend two Members to the Affembly
of the Province, and were to enjoy the fame
Privileges as the other Parifhes of the Pro
vince. The Ground of each Town being fnark'd
out, was to belong in common to all the In
habitant?, tilldiftributed in particular Shares
to each of them. There were to be three
hundred Acres of Land near each Town to
A Com- be common for ever, without being charged
mon to with Rent ; and no Perfon, by any former
eachTown Grantj wag tQ take poffeffion 0f any Land
within fix Miles of each Town.
Indian As to the Indian Towns belonging to the
Towns of charokee Nation, under the Protection of the
Keowee. fag^ the fifft J meet- wkh jg cajjed Kem^
three hundred Miles Weft of Charles Town ;
Tanajte. and Tanaffte their Capital is an hundred and
fifty Miles farther* Weft ; all the Country
between the Englifh Plantations and. the Ch»-
rokees

of £ A R O L I N A. 4T5
»"«li?« being an uncultivated Defart, Part of Carolina.
it claimed by the Creek Nation, and the reft «—-v— ¦*
by the Charekees and their Allies ; but they
make r\o other Ufe of it than to hunt, wild
Beafts being the only conftant Inhabitants of
thefe Forrefts. As to the Model of the In
dian Towns and Buildings in Florida, I muft
refer the Reader to thofe defcrib'd in Virginia
and Maryland, from which thefe do not differ.
Their Animals and Vegetables alfo are th&Animals
fame as in Virginia, only I don't remember an^, Y^'
the mentioning Buffaloes in that Country, '^f^ as j„
which ai"e found in Florida. This is a heavy Virginia.
fiuggifh Animal that refembles an Ox, but
is lefs, and his Flefh of a much coarfer Grain.
Monfieur Purry, who carried over the Swifs
Colony to Georgia in the Year 1733, gives
the following Account of the Soil, Productions,
Manufactures, and Traffick of 'Carolina, with
A fhort Abftract of the Hiftory and Succefs
of that Colony.
He obferves, that all . forts of Trees and Trees an^
Plants will grow there as Well as can be wifhed, Plants.
particularly Vines, Wheat, Barley, Oats, Peafe,
Beans, Hemp, Flax, Cotton, Tobacco, In-
dico, Olives, Orange-Trees and Citron-Trees ;
as alfo white Mulberry-Trees for feeding of
Silk- Worms ; and that the Lands will not be
difficult to clear, becaufe there is neither Stones
nor Brambles, but only great Trees, which
do not grow very thick ; fo that more Lahd
may be cleared there in one Week, than could
be done in Europe in a Month. The Cuftorrl
of the. Country is, that aftef having cut down
thefe great Trees, they leave the Stumps for
four or five Years to rot, and afterwards eafily
root them up, in order to manure the Land.
Vol. XXXI. Hhh, 'Tis

416 The Present. Stats
Carolina. }Tjs very certain .that /Carolina is in* general
>-*"v~"j| an excellent. Country ; 'tis true the Ground is
tl,g g,,^ fandy, but < then 'tis a Sand impregnated with
Carolina. Salt or Nitre, fo that it brings forth in great
Abundance, as the like Soil does in divers
,',, Parts of ftrnQpe : But what is more particular
to Carolina, tfrere are a great Number ' of
Plantations jthat have been continually cultiva
ted for near fixty^ Years, which, yet ftill, pro
duce great Pfenty, without ever being manured
Wants no °J. tHe, l?aft Dung, for they never lay any on
Dung. their Grounds ; the Planter only turns up. the
Hafban- Superficies of the Earth, and all that he plants
y' and fows therein. quickly: grows and thrives:
Thofe who underftand ever fo little of Agri
culture will be oblig'd to own, that if the
Lands in. Eur ope were not conftantly manured,
their Strength would be fo exhaufted, that at
length the Crops wou^d not pay for their
Seed. But a Man, who thall. have a little
Land in Carolina, and who is upt, witting to
swork above two or three Hours, a Day, may
very eafily live there. ,
The quick,,. Another Confideration deferving our No-
Improve- Jl tjCe Js the Progrefs of the firft Colonies, their
me^ts hidden Advancement, fhe Riches of the pre-
in this fent Inhabitants, the great- Number of publick
Colonyi Expences for which they provide, the* great
Trade which they .carry on_ at preterit, and
laftly, their Misfortunes and Loffes, which
are entirely repair'd.^ The better tft compre
hend thefe Matters, we ftialL only -make the
following Obfervations, i. That there we're
Planted no People in -Carolina., till about fixty Years
but fixty ag0 . fof foe Engliftj did not begin to fend any
Years ago. ^^ ^ j ^ y^ j ^ ^ Thaf ^ -y^
The firft a very fatal Beginning, being altered with
Plague Sickneffes ; and even the Plague, which daily
theve- ' diminifhed,

^CAROLINA. 417
diminifhed the Number of the People. 3. Carolina.
The cruel deftruetive Divifions ffprung up l^~y~~~>
among them. 4. That they had a very bad Bad Go-
Government under the Lords Proprietors, vemment
beihg almoft without Juftice, Order, or Dif- "nd*r £he
ciplihe. 5. That at a certain Time the Pirates ^f^0"
interrupted their Trade and Navigation.^ 6. Plunder'd
That they have often had great Droughts/ 7. by the Pi-
Tbat a terrible Fire confumed almoft all Charles ~tes- ,
Town. 8. That' they have been at great p™5
Expence in Fortifications, publick Edifices, Expences
Churches, fcrV.' 9. That they have often fuf- of Fortify
tain'djong Wars with the French, Spaniards, ^"ons"
"and particularly with the Indian's, who once Wars with
united all together to deftroy the whole Pro- Indians
vince. 10. That notwithftanding all thefe and sPa'
Misfbrtunes, the People of Carolina, except Hzan/'f'
thofe who give themfeives up to Debauchery,
are'all rich, either in Slaves, Furniture, Cloaths, Rich, not-
Plate, Jewels, or other Merchandizes; butWKhi'am3~
efpecially in Cattle, which fhews the Goodnefs Calarai-8
of the Country they inhabit. ties.
The moft part of thofe, who came firft
thither, were very poor and miTerable. Seve
ral of thofe, who are moft confiderable, went
but as Servants.
The Trade of Carolina is now fo confide- Load two
rable, that of late Years there has failed from hundred
thence annually abo>e two hundred Ships, ^1f,an"
laden with Merchandizes of the Growth of '
the Country, befides three Ships of War, Ships of
Which they commonly have for the Security War'
of the Commerce ; and laft Winter they had
conftantly five, the leaft of which had above
ah hundred Men on board. It appears from
the CuftOrrt-houfe Entries, from March 1730
to March iy^i, that there failed within that Exports,
Time from Charles Town two hundred and
Hhh 2 feven

Rice.

pentme. Skins. Corn. Flelh.Timber.

Trade with the
Indians.

The Present State
feven Ships, moft of them for England, which
carried among other Goods forty-one thoufand
nine hundred and fifty;feven Barrels of Rice,
about five hundred Pound Weight per Barrel,
ten thoufand feven hundred and fifty-four Bar-
Pitch, Tar reis of Pitch, two thoufand and fixty- three
- of Tar, and eleven hundred arid fifty -nine of
Turpentine; of Deer-fkins, three; hundred
Cafks, containing eight or nine hundred each j
befides a vaft Quantity of Indian Corn, Peafe,
Beans, &c. Beer, Pork, and other falted Flefh ;
Beams, Planks, and Timber for Building,
moft part of Cedar, Cyprefs, Saffafrasj1 Oak,
Walnut, and Pine.
They carry on a great Trade with the In
dians, from whom they get thefe' -great
Quantities of Deer-fkins, and thofe of other
wild Beafts in exchange; for which they give
them only Lead, Powder, coarfe Cloth, Ver
million, Iron- Ware, and fome other Goods,
by which they have a very confiderable Profit.
The great Number of Slaves makes another
Part of the Riches of this Province, there
being above^forty thoufand Negroes, Which
are worth one with another an hundred Crowns
each. Artificers are fo fcarce at prefent, that all
forts of Work is very dear-, Taylors, Shoe
makers, Smiths, &c. would be particularly
acceptable there. A fkilful Carpenter is not
aiham'd to demand 30 s. per Day,' befides his
Diet ; and the common Wages of a Work
man is 20 s. per Day, provided he fpeaks
OnePound Englifh, without which he cannot be under-
Sterling flood, and confequently not fo ufeful as others ;'
Pounds and when a Workman has but 10 s. per Day,
Carolina he thinks he labours for almoft nothing, tho'
Money. he'

Slaves.

Artificerswanted.

HighWages.

of CAROLINA. 419
he has hi,&, Maintenance befides.., But this is Carolina.
Carolina Money. «,ri t— -v— -4
Moft of their Shoes are brought from Eng- shoes.
gland, and generally fell for 40 s. per Pair,
not but they have Hides enough, and very
cheap, an. Ox's. Hide being fold for 20 s.
neiher are they deftitute of the Means to tann Tanning.
them, for they make very good Lime with
Oyfter-fhells; and the Bark of Oak-trees is
fo plentiful, that, it colts, nothing but the
Trouble of gathering. They wantonly there
fore a. fufficient Number of good Tanners and
Shoemakers.' I might fay the fame of Leather-dreffers, Two hun-
fince they fend every Year to England above dred 'h°u-
two hundred thoufand Deer-fkins undrefs'd, la"d °eer"
firms cx~
yet Carolina produces. Qker naturally, andporte(i.
good Fifh-Qil may be had from New-York
or New-England very^cheap, fo that they
might be drefs'd and made up into Breeches in
the Country, for which thofe .Skins are very
proper, being cool in Summer and warm in
Winter. .There is not one Potter in all the Province, No Giafs
and no Earthen Ware, but what comes from °r.Earthe«1
England, nor Glafs of any kind ; fo that a
Pot-houfe, and a good Glafs-houfe, would
fucceed perfectly well, not only .for Carolina,
but for all the Colonies in America. There
is a kind of Sand and Earth, which would
be very proper for thefe Purpofes ; as alfo
Wood and Fern in- Abundance, had they but
Workmen to make ufe of theim
The Woods are full of wild Vines, bearing Vines.
five or fix forts of Grapes naturally ; but for
¦want of. Vine-dreffers, &c . fcarce any Wine
is drank, there, but what comes from Madera,
which is indeed cheap, for a Bottle of excellent
Wine,

420 Th Present State
Carolina. Wine coft laft Winter but 2 s. Carolina Mo*
*— "v— ^ ney, tp thofe who bought it by the Hogfhead.
Cattlev The Cattle of Carolina are very fat in Sum
mer, but as lean in Winter, becaufe they can
find very little to, eat, and have' no Cover to
thelter them from the Cold,- Rains, Frofts
and SnOws, which laft fometimes three or
four Days; only the Cattle defign'd for the
Butchery are fed, and they bad enough, with
Potatoes, Straw and Grain; but they always'
lie in the open Field, for there is not one
Hovel in all the Country either for Oxen or
Cows. If you object this to the Planters, they
anfwer, That fuch Houfes or Hovels would
do very well, but that they have too many
other Affairs to think of that. The laft
"\Vinter being very fevere, about ten thoufand
horned Cattle died of Hunger and Cold j notr
withftanding this, the People will not change
their Conduct, becaufe they do not underftand
the manner of ordering Cattle, nor even know
No Hay. how to mow the Gsafs, in order to make it Hay,
of which they might have great/ Plenty for
Fodder. Their Ignorance in this refpect is
Butter, very great, which is the Reafon that Butter
is always dear, being fold laft Winter for fs.
6d. per Pound; and in January and February
laft, it Was fold at Charles Town for 1 2 s. per-
iVand. In a word, nothing would be more
eafy than for Perfons, who underftand Coun
try-Affairs, to grow rich in a little time.
Cattle. There is fo great a Number of Cattle, that
a certain Planter had laft Spriog two huhdred
Calves marked, .which he let run in the Woods
with other Cattle. Nobody looks after them,
or takes any other Care, but to bring them
together in the Evening to lie in a Park near
the Houfe. At

of t a k o 1 1 n a; 4*i.
At certam Times they kill a great rhany to. Carolina.
fend the Flefh falted to feveral other Colonies '-. ~\~lJ
where there Is little Pafturage, pa!rticularly to p^ih fent
the Illes pf Antilles, the Sugar Iflands, and into the
general to "all thofe of the Torrid-Zone. ,: Iflands.
Horfes, the beft kind in the World, are fo Horfes.
plentiful, that you feldom fee any body travel
on foot, except Negroes, and they ofinr. :-•
Hbrfeback ; fo that when a Taylor, a v
maker, or any other Tradefman, is oblig'd to
go but three Miles from his Houfe, i£ would
be. very extraordinary tp fee him travel on

There;, is" likewife in this Country aprodi-HoSs>
gious. Number. of Swine, . which multiply in
finitely, and are kept with very little Charge,
becaufe they find almoft all the Year Acorns,,
of which there are five or fix forts j as alfo Nuts,
Walnuts, Chefnuts, Herbs, Roots, &c. in the
Woods •, fo that if you give them never fo little at
home, they become fat •, after which you may fait,
and fend great Quantities of them to the Ifles
of Barbadoes, St. Chriftopher's, Jamaica, &c.
which produce very good Returns either in
Money or Merchandizes.
Of all. Animals in . that Country, none are sheep.
a lefs Charge than Sheep, for they fubfift only
on what they find in the Fields, yet are always
in good Cafe, and bring forth their Lambs
regularly ; and there is a particular fort, whofe
Wool is not inferior to the fineft Spanifh Wool.
WpoI.

flax ,and Cotton thrive admirably, and jl,Iax-
Hemp grows .to thirteen or fourteen Foot in j^p.
Height ; but as few People know how to order

it, there is fcarce any cultivated ; befides, they
want 'Dung, which is very neceffary for that
jjurpofe, few Plants weakening Land fo much as

42^ 5$i?' Present Stat'e
Carolina. ui Hemp does : However, this is one of the
^^Y^ Articles which would produce moft Profit,
becaufe the Parliament has allowed fo much
per Tun upon all Hemp which comes from
the Engliftj Plantations in America, in order,
that in Time of War they may have no need
of Hemp from Ruffia and Poland. Befides
this Encouragement, which is to laft for thirty
Years longer, there is an Exemption from
fome other Duties on Importation, which, join'd
together, makes an Advantage of about 40 /.
per Cent, over that of Hemp from other Parts.
Rice. Rice and Indian Corn produce at leaft
Indian an hundred fold, and would much more, if
Corn" the Land was better cultivated. The Eafi-
nefs of procuring fuch a Plenty of Grain,
is the Reafon that the Planters have, or
may have at all times a Yard filled with
Poultry. Cocks, Hens, Turkeys, Geefe, Ducks, &c.
Pigeons. alfo a good Pigeon-houfe, without being at
Wild Tur- any Expence. There is great Plenty of Game
other wild °^ a11 Sorts' bu£ efPecialty wild Turkeys, fome
Fowl. °f which are thirty Pound Weight, and thofe
who love Fowling may eafily take them. With
Indian Corn they make pretty good Bread,
becaufe it is much finer and better than in
Swifferland, or in any other Part of Europe,
where it is commonly called Turkey Corn.
(This feems to be a Miftake; Turkey Wheat
is a very different thing.)
Perfons may grow rich in Carolina without
being at much Expence or Labour, by plartt-
Mulber- ing white Mulberry-trees for feeding of Silk-
ries. worms, there being perhaps no Country in the
World where thofe Trees grow better, nor
Silk. where the Silk is finer than in Carolina; they
grow fo much in fo fhort a time, that we dare
fcarce mention it. Capt. Scott has one at the
Back

5/ CAROLINA. .423
Back of his Houfe at Port-Royal not above feven Carolina.
or eight Years old, the Body whereof is above "-" ""*""— ^
five Foot round. It would be difficult to believe ,
this if it was not confirm'd by other Mulber-
ry-trees of four or five Years old at Port-Royal,
Wefimefaa, Goufcrick and other Plantations,
the Trunks whereof are near a Foot Diameter ;
but as all, the Planters apply themfeives chiefly
to the Production of Rice, Pitch and Tar, Rice, Pitch
there is very little Ufe made of them. How- Tar"
ever, thofe who have been in Provence and
Languedoc, know that the fhipping of a Mul
berry-tree, that is, the Leaves of a Summer,
are commonly fold for a Crown, and fome
times two, altho' the Silk of thofe two Pro*
vinces is but very indifferent ; from whence it
may be eafily conjectured what Riches Caro
lina would produce if this Affair was well-
managed. All other Trees grow there in the Trees.
fame Proportion, and much fatter than in Eu
rope, but particularly the Peach-tree, for the
third Year it is commonly loaded with Fruir»
and is a great Tree the fourth Year.
Thofe that have any defire to go and fettle '
there, may farther take notice of three or four
Obfervations. ift, .That South-Carolina is not only fitua- Situation.'
ted in the fame Degree of Heat, Fertility and
Temperature of Air (which is about. 33 De
grees Latitude) as Barbary, the lfle of Can'-'
dia, Syria, Perfia, Mogoliftan, China, and in
general all the beft Countries in the Univerfe ; Planters
but it is ajfo the only Country of all thofe the e"couraS-
Eng Ufh poffefs that is fituated in that Degree ; fv£ s°
and there is all the Reafon in the World to be"
lieve, that if there be now an Opportunity to
have Lands there for nothing, this Advantage
will* not continue long; at leaft 'tis very cer-
Vol. XXXI. Iii tain,

424 The Present State
Carolina, tain, that thofe who fhall come firft will have
^Y^" the Choice of Lands, as alfo the Proximity of
Rivers,' much better than thofe that thall come
afterwards.
Produce. idly, That by means of the Wool, Cotton,
Cloathing. -phx, anc} Hemp, it will be eafy to procure
all Linnen neceffary, as alfo good Cloth and
Stuffs for Cloathing, without being forced to
purchafe them at a very dear Rate from the
Shops, as moft of the Planters are at prefent -,
and what is ftill an Article very confiderable,
Viduals. there will be no Danger of wanting Provifions
in a Country fo plentiful, unlefs fome Acci
dents happen, which cannot be forefeen by hu
man Prudence : We may be affured that Hail-
ftones will not deprive the Inhabitants thereof.
Neareft to %dly, That Carolina being of all the neigh-
tfUnH?" bouring Provinces, which the Englifh poffefs
on the Continent of North-America, from 29
to 49 Degrees of Latitude, not only the
largeft and moft productive of Neceffaries, but
alfo the moft Southward and neareft to Jamai
ca, Barbadoes, and all the Iflartds of the An
tilles, which have occafion for falted Provifi
ons, Bread, Wine, Fruits and Roots, and fe
veral other things, we need not hefitate a Mo
ment to prefer it to all the other Colonies on
the North-fide. And befides the great Ad
vantages which may accrue to the Inhabitants
by the Fertility of the Land and the Tempe-
ratenefs of the Climate, the Situation thereof
for Trade will always draw Ships into its Ports,
which there finding at a reafonable Price and
in good Order all that the other moft diftant
Provinces can have, will hardly go fo far
whilft any thing is to be had in Carolina.

Iflands

SituatedWell for
Trade.

4thlyt

«/ CAROLINA. 425
4thly and laftly, And what is of greater Im- Carolina.
portance than all is, that there is an entire Li- J""Tv'"f
berty of Confcience and Commerce for all that rjonfci/-
come thither, without paying any thing for it. ence.
Juftice is duly adminifter'd to all, and every Juftice.
body can fay, that what he poffeffes lawfully
belongs to him in full Propriety. There are Property
no Tenths, Impofts, Tallies, nor Capitation- fecured-
taxes, nor any of thofe Burthens which render
fo many other People unhappy. In a word,
you have all the Laws, J iberties and Privi
leges there which are enjoy'd in England. 'Tis Conftituti-
the Lower-houfe that has the Difpofal of the on-
Money of the Province, and who. vote the
Taxes neceffary for the Publick Service ; howr
ever, with the Approbation of the Upper-
houfe, and that of his Majefty reprefented by
the Governor. We whofe Names are hereunto fubfcrib-
ed do atteft, that all which is contained
in this Account of South-Carolina, is
the real Truth, having been Eye-wit-
neffes of moft Part of the Particulars
therein mentioned. Done at Charles-
Town the 23d of September, 1731.
John Peter Purry of Neufchatel,
James Richard of Geneva,
Abraham Meuron of St. Sulpy in
the County of Neufchatel,
Henry Raymond of St. Sulpy.
Notwithftanding the folemn Atteftation of Remarks
thefe Gentlemen, their Account of Carolina on Mr.
muft be read with Grains of Allowance. It iW/sAc-
• 1 , , . . • r \ count ot
was evidently their Intention to reprefent the Carolina.
Country in the faireft Light to invite Planters
to go over and fettle there ; but it was my
I i i 2 good

The Present State
good Fortune to correfpond with another Gen-
' tleman, of Figure, who refided in Carolina a
confiderable time, that has fet feveral Matters
right, which Mr. Purry and his Friends en
deavoured to difguife, or were not fufficiently
informed in. .
Com. He admits that Englifh Wheat will grow in
Carolina, but fays it is apt to mildew, and
produces but a fmall Grain, the Heat drawing
it up to a great height, fo that there is much
Straw and little Grain ; they have therefore
their Flour from Penfylvania and New-York,
which per hundred Weight feldom exceeds the
Value of a hundred Weight of Rice, which
growing fo much better is the only Grain they
propagate there to fpeak of; altho' fome Bar
ley and Oats they have, but it alfo does as the
Wheat run into Straw and produce but a
light Grain, nor will it keep for the Wevil or
Bug.
Grapes. The European Grapes which have been
tranfplanted thither produce their ripe Fruit
the latter End of June, at which time the
Heats and Rains are fo violent and frequent,
that they do not ripen kindly, but art: moftly
rotten before ripe •, befides that, the Juice, I am
apt to think (at that time) would ferment away
all the Spirits, for in Portugal, where you know
I lived many Years, their Vintage is in Oclober,
when the Heats are over ; probably they will
fome time make Wine from the Grapes of the
Country, of which they have great abundance
and no fmall variety, and they ripen at a pro
per Seafon; but at prefent the People's For
tunes will not admit of going out of the com
mon and beaten Road, fo that very few, if any,
have tried them. Silk

of . C A R O L I N A. 427
Silk does mighty well, and is as good (as Carolina.
Mr. Lombe, now Sir Thomas, one of the Alder- ^7"*""""^
' men of London, told me) as any of the Italian
Silk, but it requires many Hands ; and the bu-
fy time of feeding the Worms, which lafts a-
bout five Weeks, and begins the latter End of
March, is juft when they are planting and
howing their Rice : As for Hemp or Flax, Hemp and
they were beginning to try them when I left the Ftex.
Country, but I am told they do not grow well
there; the exceffive Heats muft be the occafion
of it; therefore North-Carolina, I fhould think,
would do better, Georgia worfe. I have feen
a fingle Plant of Hemp as thick as my Leg.
Coffee has been tried, but will not bear the Coffee.
Winter in South-Carolina ; what it will do in
Georgia I know not, that Place is a Degree
and half to the Southward of Charles-Town.
As for Tea we know nothing ©f it, there never Tea.
was a Plant of it there ; but it is in the fame
Latitude as Peking in China, fo that it is judg
ed it will thrive there; but that is all chat we
know. They produce and fhip off yearly about Exports.
60,000 Barrels of Rice, each containing about Rice-
four hundred .Weight neat ; they have fhip'd
off about 70,000 Deer-fkins at a medium for Skins.
thefe ten Years paft ; they did make -great
Quantities of Tar, but now they fend little of Tar.
that, but chiefly Pitch, the Englifh now having Pitch.
moft of their Tar from Norway ; but we fend
about 20,000 Barrels of Pitch a Year, and our
Tar has reduced the Price of that of Norway
from fifty Shillings and three Pound a Barrel
to twelve and fifteen Shillings; and if fome-
thing did not biafs our People at home more
than their Judgment, our Tar would ftill be
in demand, and efteemed as good as that of
Norway ;

428 The Present State
Carolina. Norway ; we have fent home 70,000 Barrels
^f^1^^ in a Year, and probably fend home 10,000
tinePen' Barrels of Turpentine, and could fend more if
there was any Demand for it. Our Yellow or
Mads. Pitch-pine, is as good for Mafts and Planks
Oak. as any in the World, and our live Oak the beft
(not excepting the Englifh) for Knees, or what
the Carpenters call compas Timber for Ship
ping, but none has been yet fent home. We
have many other forts of Oak better than that
of New-England.
Shipping. They have very little Shipping of their own
in Carolina, having never built above four or
five Ships there, but more Sloops ; however,
they load about two hundred Sail of Ships
yearly at Charles -Town, and fome at Port-
Royal and Winyaw. They traffick with the
Buffaloes. Natives for Deer Skins, and Bear and Buffeloe
Skins, for which they give them Guns, Powder,
Tradewith Knives, Sciffars, Looking-Glaffes, Beads, and
the Me- many other Trifles, and fome coarfe Cloths,
Strouds, Duffields, and coarfe Callicoes, &c.
Carriage, for their Women j and they carry them on
Pack-Horfes for five or fix hundred Miles to
the Weftward of Charles -Town, as far as the
Chockfaw Nation, and the Chikifaws ; but
they go fo far but fparingly, the moft of the
Trade being confined within the Limits of the
Creek and Charokee Nations, which is not above
three hundred Miles.
Different It mav be proper to obferve here, that North-
Produa of Carolina produces a good Quantity of Tobacco,
North and ancj but little Rice ;" and South-Carolind, on
S«&L tne contrary' produces vaft Quantities of Rice,
and little Tobacco ; but as to the reft of their
Vegetables and Produce, they are much the
fame. Carolina

c/ CAROLINA. 429
Carolina being juftly looked upon as Part Carolina.
of the ancient Virginia, fince it was hither the ^f^CTf
firft Colonies were fent by Sir Walter Ralegh, toryofthe
in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was Plantatioa
thought fit, after the Reftoration of King of thisCo-
Charles II, to revive the Britifh Claim to this lony'
Country, in which no European Power had
then any Settlements ; for both the Spaniards
and the French, who had fent Colonies to this
Coaft (after thofe Misfortunes which drove
the firft Englifh Planters from thence) had
abandoned them again for a great many
Years. King Charles therefore, well apprized of the
happy Situation of this Country, and that there
was a Profpect of raifing Wine, Oil and Silk,
and almoft every thing that Great -Britain
wanted there, granted a Patent, bearing Date The (ml
the 24th of March 1663, to Edward Earl of Patent
Clarendon, Lord - Chancellor of England, g™"^
George Duke of Albemarle, William Lord p^ors10
Craven, John Lord Berkley, Anthony Lord
Afdey, Sir George Carteret, and Sir William
Collilon, to plant all thofe Territories in Ame
rica, between St. Matheo in 3 1 Degrees, and
Luck- Ifland in 36 Degrees, North Latitude ;
and between the Atlantic-Ocean on the Eaft,
and the South -Sea, or Pacific -Ocean on the
Weft : Indeed the Clerks that drew the Patent
feem to have been miftaken in the Latitude of
St. Matheo, making it lie in 3 1, whereas it lies
much nearer 30 Degrees ; however, it is evi
dent, that Prince looked upon his Territories
to extend as far Southward as St. Matheo, and
confequently that not only Port-Royal, but the
new Province of Georgia, and feveral Miles
beyond, belong'd to Great-Britain ; and pro
bably the Miftake of the Latitude in the above faid

43°
Carolina.

SecondPatent.

Carolina
planted by
theEngli/h.

The Form
of Go
vernment there.

The Pro
prietors empow er'd to
create No
blemen.

The Present State
faid Patent, was one Reafon the Patentees pro
cured another two Years afterwards, viz. ij
Car. II, extending the Bounds of Carolina to
Carotock River, or Inlet, in 36 Degrees 30
Minutes North Latitude •, and as far as 29 De
grees South. -If his prefent Majefty therefore
has been pleafed to bound his Dominions in
America on the South, by the River Alata
maha or May, he has expreffed great Mode
ration with regard to the Spaniards. The laft
Patent of King Charles II, being a fufficient
Authority to extend them even beyond St. Ma
theo and St. Auguftins, which lies within the
Limits of that Patent.
The Proprietors did little towards' planting
Carolina till the Year 1670, when they agreed
upon a Form of Government for their Colo
nies, faid to be ftruck out by Anthony Lord
Afhley, .afterwards Earl of Shaftfbury, one of
the Proprietors ; whereby it was provided, that
a Palatine fhould be chofen out of the Pro
prietors, to hold that Office during his Life,
and be fucceeded after his Death by the next
eldeft of the Proprietors for Life ; and in like
manner the reft of the Proprietors and their
refpective Heirs were to fucceed to the Of
fice of Palatine, according to their Seniority.!
The Palatine, for the time being, was im-
.powered to appoint the Governor of the Pro
vince ; but then, as a Check upon him, he was
in great Part of his Adminiftration to act
with the Concurrence of a Council, confiftihg
of feven Deputies, appointed by the feven Pro
prietors, feven more chofen by the Affembly
or Reprefentatives of the Freemen, and feven of
the eldeft Landgraves and Caciques ; for the
Proprietors were empower'd : by their Patent
to "create a certain Number" of Noblemen with the

of-C^A'ik O L I N A. 431
the Titles of^Lttngrdves and Caciques (but wefe Carolina.
reftrained from conferring Englifh Titles on ^^Y^
them, fuch l&s' Dukes, Earls," 'Barons, ^c^
and thefe were to eonftitute the Upper-hOufe \
from Whence it appears,' that Lord Shaftfbury
intended to have a Palatine for chief Magif
trate, inftead of a King, with an Upper and
Lower-koufe ; but then the Authority of his
Palatini or- chief Magiftrate was fo limited,
that he- bad little more than the Name of
Palatine : The Lords were to be created by
the feven Proprietors, and hot by the Palatine
alone, and confequently would not be in any
Danger of being Creatures of the Palatine, of
the Govern&r appointed by him 5 but this fine-
fpun Scheme, it feems^ never took place in all
its proj^dted Parts. There were but few Land
graves or Caciques made, nor were they ever
fummoned to fit in Parliament as a Houfe of
Peers 5 'but the Deputies of the feven Pro
prietors,' and the great Officers of State, con
flicted their Upper -Houfe: And thus did Lord
Shaftfbury imagine he hadfuppliedall the De
fects in the Conftitution of his Mother Country;
But from hence we may learn; how much eafier
it is to find- faulifwkh a Conftitution, than to
friend it -, fopfkver' did fuch Confufions-arlfe in
abyi:Govero:i¥5«nt)as in- this. There were per- Perpetual
petnal--ftr«g^^;fck'r8u^e^orky,'and'fometimes Diftrac-
the People fcun&'¥hemfelVes intolerably oppref. tions ;"
feduiby ^irX©&v<errtofs(,:atMhers,' the People £„t5C°'
becaifile 'mutiriouS 4nd fedhious, depos'd, try'd
arid banifhfid'^heir Gdveruors ; and what was
ftill woffe, -aff' agreed W' enflave the Indiani.^ ..
which ptovdketl therA t#4t>urt1<ifer' many' of the
Planters,- and- ^lunBefc!their Settfemerits; and
tU&MHani at'fength became fo formidable, that
U-^ais^expecWd ..the Englifh would have been
Wol. XXXI. K k k totally

432 The' Pr es.e k t St a t e
Carolina, totally extirpated, Which compel'dthe Planters
y^V-to implore the Protection of the Crown, as
of being* the only Means, to rcftore Tranquillity to thefe
deftroyed Colonies, and oppofe the Outrages of the Na-
bythe tives: His prefent Majefty therefore, in com-
TheTinc-P1"^011 to tne*"e Colonies, was pleafed, to. pur-
purchafes chafe the Intereft of the feveral Proprietors a-
Carolina. bout the Year 172.8 ; whereby the Colonies of
North - Carolina are not only become Royal
Governments* and modelled' now like that of
England; buf his Majefty, as I apprehend* is
fole Proprietor, or Ground- Landlord (if I may
fo term j?) of thefe pleafant and fruitful Coun
tries, and thereby poffefied of the largeft and
faireft Demefnes at ptefent of any Prince in
Europr, they are of a much greater Extent
than ever were ,poffeffed by the greateft of the
Kings of England his Predeceffots y ahd ouf
Pofterity (if not the prefent Generation) pofft-
bly may fee the Crown fo greatly enriched by
this Purchafe, as to defray all the ordinary
Charges of the Government out of the R%v¥^
nues of. the Crown-lands, as the Kings Of 'Eng
land anciently did, without depending on 'the
Benevolence- of the Subject ; but whether his
Majefty purchafed thefe Provinces of the Pro
prietors as King, of England, or as a private
Gentleman, I confefs I am not fully apprifed:
, And if he did not purchafe them as King of
England, -the Crown; may not be much the
¦¦¦"- richer, tho' his RflajeftyYPofterity.ina private
Capacity will. However, let it be one way
or other, L thall beg Leave to congratulate his
The Inte- Majefty and the Natiph uponthis happy Event,
reft of the -it toeing now. the joint Jntereft of Prince and
Prince and People to encourage thefeiPlantations, whicfy
People is jf ^ell managed, will fufnifli Great-Britain'm
ragT thefe tinle wi* Naval Storey. Silk, -Wine and Oil*
Colonies. •. - ^o/, #\i\ /KV If^ ' \St\A
'0 [ j(7L

- T

of C A RO LIN A. 433
and every thing fhe wants, which we are Carolina.
at prefent compelled to: purchafe of Foreign- ^-^T^
ers with an immenfe Treafure, and at the1
fame, time advance our own Manufactures to a
very great Degree by the Exportation of them.
to thofe Countries in return for what We receive '
from thence. ,-,-,-. s
The King, had no former purchafed the Co- sir Alex.
lonies of :North and South-Carolina of tjie Pro- Cummins.
prietors, as related above-, but Sir Alexander t£:eia- f
Cummins a Scots Gentleman was employed tOj^n-^
procure a true State of thofe Countries by hiS'500 Miles
own View of the moft diftant Parrs of them -.Weft of
Whereupon he fet out from Charles-Town on Cf'arles~
the 13th of March, .1729, accompanied by
eight or ten People, Traders and others, who
had fome Knowledge of the Country ; and
having travelled as far as Mr, Ruffel' s Planta
tion, an hundred Miles to the Weftward of
Charles-Town, Mr. Ruffel informed him, that
the French had been endeavouring for two Years
paffed to bring over the lower Charokees to
their Intereft, and that he had already ac
quainted the Government with the Encroach
ments of the French," ¦whv.Jxad been building pretlch
Forts in the Creek Nation for feveral Years Forts
paffed.;, .vs * et'' . there-
Sir Alexander taking --Leave of Mr. Ruffel,
arr-ive^-fit-Keowee, the ftrfir.Town of the Cha-
rekeeSj -bqipg; about three hundred 'Miles from
Cbarles-Towji, where he- was .informed by Mr.
Bqrke-r< a Trader^ that the; 'February before
MeffengeES:;£a!rn.ei:ifoqirhe.iower Creeks to the
Charok§f^ifi^wW&^MtmltQ^ come over to the
French Jntgreft-* rwh^r&jtpon the Charokees di-
r§&e^ph$^Gree'k)S togO; fo the French and re
ceive tbfljr Prefents ; firft, -and then return to
tfiejn with their Report : And upon the return
K k k 2 of

434 TV Present- State
Carolina, of thofe Meffengers, he (Barker) expected.
*— -v—- ^ the lower Charokees would have, rjfefi, for at
that time they were fo unruly the Traders durft
fcarce fpeak to them.
The Cha- However, Sir Alexander ,met with fome of
ntees ac- their Chiefs that Night in the Town-houfe,
Ied°e'th wnere tn^y were affembled with three hundred
King of of their People, and received their Submiffion
Great-Brl to the King of Great-Britain on their Knees ;
tain their fie afterwards caufed them to difpatch MefIenT
• verajgn. gers to all their Tribes, requiring the Chiefs;
of eyery Town to meet, film ,pn the 3d of April
at : Nequafjie. .,¦.... ,_,u ,
' On the 2 7th "of March Sir Alexander arriv
ed at Tajfetche in the Middle, .of" their Settle
ments ;, and that Nighf: there happened fuch a
terrible Storm of- Thunder and Lightning as
had not been known in the Memory of Man,
at which the Indians were amazed and" con
founded ; and their Cpnjurer (or Prieft) came
the next Morning,' and told Sir Alexander, he
knew he was tome to govern their Nation,
and they muft fubmit to whatever he com-.
manded. On the 29th arriving at Telliquo in
the upper Settlements, two hundred Miles Weft
pf Keowee, Moytoy their chief Warrior told
hiring that the, feveral Nations intended; re
make him their Head or Generaliffimo, but
that was now left to Sir Alexander.
- On the 3d of April, Sir Alexander returned
to Nequaffte, where the King's Warriors, Con
jurers and beloved Men of all the Tribes af
fembled, according to his Summons; Here
wkh great Solemnity he was placed in a Chair
by Moytoy's Orders, Moytoy'and the Conjurers
ftanding about him while the Warrio.rs-ftroak-
ed him with thirteen Eagfes Tails, and their
Singers fung from Morning till Night j -and, as
their

of <? A R Oi L IN A. 43 5
their Cuftom is on folemn Occafions, they faft- Carolina.
ed the whole Day. »^W
After this Solemnity of Stpoaking him was
over, Sir Alexander, in a Speeoh to them, re-
prefenting the great Power^ind Goodnefs of
his Majefty King George, whom he called the
great Man on the other Side of -the great Wa
ter, Taid, That himfelf . and all his. Subjects
were to him as Children, and: they all obeyed
whatever the great King ordered ; and required
Moytoy and all the head Warriors to acknow
ledge themfeives dutiful Subjects and Sons to
King George, and promife that they would do
whatfoever Sir Alexander fhould require of
them (that he might be the better able to an
fwer for their Conduct) all which they did on
their Knees, calling upon every thing that was
terrible to them to deftroy them, and wifhing
they might become no People if they violated
their Promife of Obedience ! Sir Alexander then
ordered that the head Warriors fhould anfwer
for the Conduct of their People to Moytoy,
whom he declared their Chief and Generaliffi-
mo by the unanimous Confent of the whole
People, and to whom» at Sir Alexander's de
fire, they all gave an unlimited Power over
them, provided he were accountable to Sir A-
lexander for his Adminiftration.
April 4th, the Crown was brought from
Great-Tannaffie, which with five Eagles Tails,
and four Scalps of theuvEnemies, Moytoy pre
fented to Sir Alexander, impowering him to
lay the fame at his Majefty's Feet.
Sir Alexander then propofing to take fix of six of
their Chiefs to England with him to do Ho- «ne.ir
mage to the King in Perfon, fix of them im- Chie/5to
mediately offered to go with him, and a feventh England.
joined him, at, his Arrival at Charles-Town on
the

436 7& PftisENT State
Carolina, the 13th of April, and embarking together in
<*^V>/ the Fox Man of War the 4th of May, they
arrived at Dover on the 6th of June, 1730.
The Indian Chiefs having been admitted to
an Audience by King George, and in the Name
of their refpective Nations promifed to remain
his Majefty's moft faithful and obedient Sub
jects, a Treaty of Alliance was drawn up, and
figned by the fix Chiefs on one fide, and Alu-
red Popple, Efq-, Secretary to the Lords Com-
miffioners of Trade and Plantations on the o-
ther, on Monday Sept. 7 th, 1730 ; and the
Treaty was read and interpreted to them.
A Treaty - The Preamble whereof recites, That whereas
of Alliance the faid Chiefs with the Confent Of the whole Na-
wnhthem. tjon 0f Charokee-Indians at a general Meeting
on the 3d of April, 1730, were deputed by Moy
toy their head Warrior to attend Sir Alexander
Cummins, Bart, to Great-Britain,\ivhere they had
feen the great King George ; and Sir Alexander,
by Authority from the faid Moytoy and all the1
Charokee People, had laid the Crown of their
Nation, with. . the Scalps of their Enemies,
and Feathers of Glory, -at his Majefty's Feet,
as a; Pledge of their Loyalty : The great King
had commanded the faid Lords Commiffioners
to JnfojOT\them,othat> tihev<Englifh every-where
on alLSkfesof the i. ^eHi Mountains and Lakes
were his : P^&pteys that their Friends were his
Friends, and their Enemies his Enemies, and
that he took it, kindly the great Nation of the
C bar okefjS had fenrrhcm fo far to brighten the
Chain of Friendfhip.' between him and them,
and between,: their i<people and his People:
That the Chain of Friendfhip r between him
and the Charokee-Indians is like the Sun, which
both ffoines here ; and alfo upon the great
Mountains where they live, ^ and equally warms

of C A' R O L X.N A. 437
warms the Hearts ,- of the Indians and of the Carolina.
Englifh: That as there are no Spots or Black- V-"V^'*/
nefs in the Sun, fo is there not any Ruft or
Foulnefs in this Chain ; and as the. King has
fattened one End of- it to. his own Breaft, he
defires you will carry the'- other End of the
Chain and fatten it well fo -the Breaft of Moy
toy of Telliquo, and to .the Breafts of your
old wife Men, your Captains, and all your
People, never more to be broken or made
loofe ; and hereupon we give two Pieces of blue
Cloth. The great King and the Charokee-Indians
being thus fattened together , by . the Chain 'of
Friendfhip, he has ordered his 'People and
Children, the- Englifh in Carolina, to trade
with the Indians, and to furnifh '' them- with all
manner of .Goods that they .want, and to make
hafte to. build: Houfes, and to plant Corn from:
Charles-Town towards the Town! of the: Cha
rokees behind the great Mountains ; for he de-*
fires thai; the Indians and the Englifh may live"
together, as- the Children of one Family, where
of the great King is a kind loving Father j and
as the Kinghas. given his. Land on both Sicles
of the great Mountains to his. own Children
the Englifih,-.fo he now gives to the Charokee-
Indians .the -Privilege of living where -they
pleafe; and. hereupon we give one Piece of red
Cloth. ,•"..' ^ "'•'-•' '
cr The great Nation of Charokees being: now
the Children, of ¦ the great King of I Great- Bri- "'
tain, and he their Father, the Charokees muft
treat the JLnglifh as Brethren of the fame Fami
ly, and muft be always ready at the Gover
nor's Command: to fight againft any Nation,
whether they be white -Men or Indians j who"'
-fhall:

438 the Erjjse*tt StAte
Carolina, fhall -dare to moleft or hurt die Englifh ; and
1 hereupon we give twenty Guns.
The Nation of the Charokees thall on their
Part take care to keep the trading Path clean,
and, that there be no Blood in the Path where
the Englifh white Men tread, even tho' they
fhould be accompanied by any other People
with whom the Charokees are at war ; where-
upon we give four hundred pound Weight of
Gun-powder. ¦_ That the Charokees fhall not fuffer their Peo
ple to trade with the white Men of any other
Nation but the Englifh, nor permit the white
Men of any Other Nation to build any ports
or Cabins, or plant Corn amongft them, or
near any of the Indian Towns, or upon the
Lands which belong unto the great King ; and
if any fuch Attempt fhall be made, you muft
acquaint the Englifh Governor therewith, and
do whatever he directs, in order to maintain
and defend the great King's Right to the
Country of Carolina ;. whereupon we give five
hundred pound. Weight of Swan-fhot, and five
hundred -. pound;- Weight of Ballets.
That if any Negroe Slaves ihall run away in
to the Woods- from their Englifh Mafters, the
Charokee-Indians ihall endeavour to apprehend
them, and either bring them back to the Plan
tation t coml whence they run away, or. to the
Governor j and for every Negroe fo apprehend
ed and brought back, the Indian who brings
him back fhall ¦ receive a Gun and a Watch-
coat; whereupon we give- a Box of Vermillion,
ten thoufand: Gun+fiints, and fix Dozen of
Hatchets. n
That if by any accidental! Misfortune it
fhould happen, that an Englijhman fhould: kill
an Indian, the King or great Man of the Cha
rokees

?f CAROLINA. 439
rokees fhall firft complain to the Englifh Go-Carolina.
vernor, and the Man who' did it fhall be pu-1"
nifhe'd by the Englifh Laws, as if he had killed
an Englifhman ; and in the like manner, if an
Indian kills an Englifhman, the Indian who
did it fhall be delivered up to the Governor,
and be punifhed by the fame Englifh Laws, as
if he were an Englifhman ; whereupon we give
fix Dozeh of Spring-knives, four Dozen of
Kettles, and ten Dozen of Belts.
You are to underftand all that we have now
faid to be the Words of the great King
whom you have feen ; and as a Token that
his Heart is open and true to his Children and
Friends the Charokees, and to all their People,
he gives this Belt, which he defires may be
kept and fhewn to all your People, and to
their Children and Children's Children, to con
firm what is now fpoken, and to bind this A-
greement of Peace and Friendfhip between the
Englifh and Charokees, as long as the Moun
tains and Rivers fhall laft, or the Sun thine j
whereupon we give this Belt of Wanipum.
O. K.-Oukah Ulah
By Command of their K. Shalclofken Ketaguftah
Lordfhips, White- T. Tathtowe
hall, September o.,_C.Glogoittab
1 73O. K. Kollannah'
Alured Popple. U. Ukwaneequa.
Thefe are to certify Moytoy of. Telliquo, that
I have feen, perufed, and do approve of
all the Articles contained in the above
Agreement, to which the Indians above-
mentioned have by my Advice given their
Confent. Alex, Cummins.
Vol. XXXI. LI 1 The

44» The Present State
Carolina. The Anfwer of the Indian Chiefs to the for e-
S*~v~s*f going Articles, as it was delivered by Ketagu-
ftah, the oth of September, 1730.
The " We are come hither from a dark moun-
Speechof lt tainous Place, where nothing but Darknefs is
L%anw" to be found, but are now in a Place where
the Ard- " there is Light.
cles. tt There was a Perfon in our Country with
li us, he gave us a yellow Token of warlike
«' Honour that is left with Moytoy of Telliquo,
" and as Warriors we received it. He came
" to us like a Warrior from you, a Man he is,
" his Talk is upright, and the Token he left
" preferves his Memory amongft us.
" We look upon you as if the great King
il George was prefent, and we love you as re-
" prefenting the great King, and fhall die in
" the fame way of thinking.
" The Crown of our "Nation is different from
" that which the great King George wears,
" and from that which we faw in the'Tower,
" but to us it is all one, and the Chain of
" Friendfhip fhall be carried to our People.
" We look upon the great King George as
" the Sun, and as our Father, and upon our-
" felves as his Children, for tho' we are red
" and you are white, yet our Hands and Hearts
" are joined together.
" When we fhall have acquainted ourPeo-
" pie with what we have feen, our Children
" from Generation to Generation will always
" remember it.
In War we fhall always be as one with
fou; the great King. George's Enemies fhall
ae our Enemies, his People and ours fhall
be always one, and fhall die together.
"We came hither naked and poor as the
Worm of the Earth, but you have every
" thing,

" yc
" be

of CAROLINA. 441
" thing, and we that have nothing muft love Carolina
" you, and can never break the Chain of1  « — '
" Friendfhip which is between us.
" Here ftands the Governor of Carolina,
" whom we know. This fmall Rope we
" fhew you, is all we have to bind our Slaves
" with, and may be broken, but you have
" Iron Chains for yours ; however, if we
" catch your Slaves, we fhall bind them as
" well as we can, and deliver them to our
" Friends again, and have no Pay for it.
" We have looked round for the Perfon
" that was in our Country, he is not here ;
" however, we muft fay, he talked uprightly
" to us, and we thall never forget him.
" Your white People may very fafely build
" Houfes near us, we fhall hurt nothing that
" belongs to them, for we are the Children of
" one Father, the great King, and thall live
" and die together.
Then laying down his Feathers upon the
Table, he added : " This is our way of talk
ing, which is the fame thing to us, as your
" Letters in the Book are to you ; and to
" you beloved Men, we deliver thefe Feathers
" in confirmation of all that we have faid.
The Indian Chiefs were entertain'd and Tne ?"'
fhewn the publick Buildings while they re- f^hiefs
main'd in London; and having receiv'd feveral home.
Prefents from the Court and private Gentle
men, took their Paffage home again in one
of his Majefty's Ships; and a Patent paffed the
Seals in 1732, appointing the following Gen- A Patent
tlemen Truftees for the Planters of a new Pro- ;°~£recN.
, ingijfflT-jj'ia
vince to be called Georgia, and "to be taken into a
out of the South Part of South Carolina, viz. Province.
The Lord Vifcount Percival, John Carpenter^ ' heft
George Heathcote, Robert Moore, Rogers Hol-
L 1 1 2 land,

<.'.

442 The Present State
Carolina, land, Francis Eyles, James Vernon, Edward
v— "V— ' Digby, James Oglethorpe, Robert Hucks, Wil
liam Slooper, John Laroche, William Belitha,
Efqrs; John Burton, B. D. Stephen Hales,
M. A. The Reverend Richard Bundy, Ar
thur Bedford, and Samuel Smith, Adam An-
derfoi.^ and Thomas Coram, Gentlemen. The
Patent recites, That his Majefty having taken
into Confideration the miferable Circumftances of
' many of his own poor Subjecls, as likewife theDif-
treffes of many Foreigners who would take re
fuge from Perfecution ; and having a princely
Regard to the great Danger the Southern Fron
tiers of South -Carolina are expos' d to, by rea
fon of the fmall Number of white Inhabitants
there, hath granted a Charter for incorporating
a Number of Gentlemen by the Name of The
Truftees for eftablifhing the Colony of Geor
gia in America ; and They are empowered ta
collet! Benefatlions, and lay them out in cloth
ing, arming, fending over, and fupporting Co
lonies of the Poor, whether Subjecls or Fo
reigners, till they can build Houfes and clear
Lands. And his Majefty farther grants them
all his Lands between the Rivers Savannah and
Alatamaha, which he erecls into a Province by
the Name of Georgia, for the Benefit of the
Adventurers. The Truftees foon after affembled, and elect-
Lord ed the Lord Percival their Prefident, and or-
ferd-val dered a common Seal to be made with the fol-
Prefident. ]owing Device, viz. On one Side the Rivers
Seal. Alatamaha and Savannah, the North and
South Boundaries of Georgia, and between
them the Genius of the Colony feated with the
Cap of Liberty upon her Head, a Spear in
one Hand, and a Cornucopia in the other, with
this Motto, Colonia Georgia Aug. On the Re
verie

of CAROLINA. 443
verfe, are Silk- worms at work, with this Motto, Carolina.
Non fibi fed aliis.  The Leader, Minifter, *"" "¦v"—'
and others of the Swifs Proteftants who were a Colony
going Adventurers to Carolina having attend- of Swift
ed the Truftees, they ordered a Library of ^nt '?
Books to be given the Minifter for him and his eors"*'
Succeffors, and a Sum of Money to the Plan
ters to fubfift them on their Voyage, and at
their firft Arrival. For Mr. Purry on his re
turn from Carolina to Swifferland with the
abovefaid Defcription of the Country, had
prevail'd on many induftrious Perfons .and
their Families to the Number of four hundred to
go with him thither, and while the Tranfports
lay in Dover Road, Mr. Bignion their Mini- Their
tier came to London and received epifcopal Or- Minifter
dination, fo that the Reflections which fome eP^copal!y
had eaft on the Religion of thefe People feem Zloldon
to be unjuftly founded.
In the Month of November 1732, Mr. Ogle- Mr. Ogle
thorpe, one of the Truftees, failed with feveral th?fe fails
Englifh Families to Georgia ; the Men being Detach-
Farmers, Carpenters, Bricklayers, and other ment of
working Trades, they took with them all Englijh for
manner of Tools and Inftruments proper for GearS'a-
their refpective Employments. There was
put on Board alfo twelve Ton of Alderman
Parfons's beft Beer, and they were to touch at
the Madera's, and take in Wine there for the
Ufe of the Colony. The Planters were in
structed in military Difcipline before they went
by the Officers of the Guards, as all others
were ordered to be who were fent< thither,
and furnifhed with Swords and Fire-Arms ;
his Majefty alfo fent over feventy- four Pieces
of Canon, with a proportionable Quantity of
Ammunition, warlike Stores, 'Tools and
Implements for erecting Fortreffes in properPlaces,

444 The Present State
Carolina: Places •, and the Reverend Dr. Herbert went
v-"~v-1— -* over with them as Chaplain : Large Sums were
Large afterwards collected among the Nobility and
Sams raif- Gentry, and twenty-five thoufand Pounds raifed
Colony e at one ^me ky Parliament for the Support
of the Planters : For all the Swifs, Saltz-
burghers, and other Foreigners, as well as the
Britifh Planters, were furnifhed by the faid
Truftees with Neceffaries and Provifions to
fubfift them in their Voyage, and for a Year
after their Arrival, and till they fhould be able
to provide for themfeives by their Labour and
the Produce of the Country.
TheTown Mr. Oglethorpe arriving at Port- Royal in
oiSawan- Carolina with his People, proceeded to lay
nab found- out the Town of Savannah already defcribed ;
and in a Letter dated from thence, February
10, 1732-3, tells the Truftees, That the Go
vernor and People of Carolina had given him
great Affiftance, that they had ordered a Party
of Horfe and their Scout-boats to attend and
protect the new Colony, while they were em-
ploy'd in erecting the Town and Works, and
had made them a Prefent of an hundred breed
ing Cattle, befides Hogs, and twenty Barrels
of Rice.
TheCreeks On the 20th of May, 1733, the Chiefs of
c°n^rm,, the lower Creek Nation to the Number of fifty
to the Perfons with their Attendants arrived at Sa-
EngUJb. vannah, and acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe that
they laid claim to all the Lands on the South
of the River Savannah, but faid, as he who
. had given the Englifh more Wifdom had fent
them thither for their Inftruction, fo they free
ly gave and refigned to them all their Right
in the faid Lands which they did not ufe them
feives : And having heard that the Charokee
Indians had killed fome Englifhmen, they of
fered

5/ CAROLINA. 445
fered to revenge their Death on the Charokees, Carolina.
if Mr. Oglethorpe commanded them. After v"*"" "v~" '
which, Articles of Commerce were agreed on Articles
between the Colony and the Creeks, and a of Com-
lac'd Coat, Hat, and Shirts were given to mercc"
each of the Chiefs, with a Prefent of Gun- ^ade^e'
powder, Irifh Linen, Tobacco, Pipes, Tape : of Creeks.
all Colours, Bullets, and eight Cags of Rum to
carry home to their feveral Towns, with fome
Cloth for their Attendants.
The firft Ship that carried Goods to Sa
vannah was the James, Captain Yoakly Com
mander, of a hundred and ten Tons, which
arrived there the 14th of June, 1733 ; and the
Prize that was ordered by the Truftees to be
delivered to the firft Ship that unloaded there
was given to the Captain.
In the Year 1734, an Alliance was madeAnAlli-
with another Indian Nation called the Nat- a,"cyvitii
chees, tending greatly to the Security of the tivee5_ a"
Colony, and the fame Year the Planters reap
ed their firft Crop of Indian Corn, which
yielded them a thoufand Bufhels.
Mr. Oglethorpe returning to England again An Indian
was accompanied by Tomb Chichi, one of the KinS and
Kings of the Creek Nation, and Senauki his ^Tto
Queen,, with Tooanakowki their Son, and England
Hillifpilli^ one of their War-Captains. Tomo with Mr.
Chichi had an Audience of his Majefty zx. Oglethorpe.
Kenfington on the firft of Auguft, 1734, when
'tis' faid he made the following Speech :
This Day I fee the Majefty of your Face, His Speech
the Greatnefs of your Houfe, and' the Number to King
of your People ; / am come^ for the Good of the George.
whole Nation called the Creeks, to renew the
Peace which was long ago had with the Eng
lifh j I am come over in my old Days, tho' I
cannot

446 3Tk Present State
Carolina, cannot live to fee any Advantage to myfelf ; /
1 am come for the Good of the Children of all the
Nations -of the upper and lower Creeks, that
they may be inftrucled in the Knowledge of the
Englifh. Thefe are the Fedthers of the Eagle which
is the fwifteft of Birds, and who flieth all
round our Nations : Thefe Feathers are a Sign
of Peace in our Land, and have been carried
from Town to Town there ; and we have brought
them over to leave with you, O Great King, as
a Sign of everlafting Peace.
O Great King, whatfoever Words you fhall
fay unto- me, I will till them faithfully to all
the Kings of the Creek Nations.
To which his Majefty gracioutly anfwered,
/ am glad of this Opportunity of affuring
you of my Regard for the People from whom
you come, and am extremely well pleafed with
the Affurances you have brought me from them 5
and accept very gratefully -this Prefent as an
Indication of their good Difpofition to me and
my People. I fhall always be ready to culti
vate a good Correfpondence between them and
my own Subjecls, and fhall be glad of any Oc
cafion to fhew you a Mark of my particular
Friendflrip and Efteem.
Tomo Chichi afterwards made the following
Speech to her Majefty,
/ am glad to fee this Day, and to have the
Opportunity of feeing the Mother of this Great
People. As our People are joined with your Majeftf 's,
we do humbly hope to find you the common Mothtr

(/CAROLINA. 447
Af other and Proteclrefs of us and all e#rCarolina.
Children. {
To which her Majefty returned a moft gra
cious Anfwer.
The War-Captain, and Other Attendants of
Tomo, Chichi, were very importunate to appear
at Court in the manner they go in their own
Country, which is only with a Covering round
their Waift, the reft of their Body being
naked, but were diffuaded from it by Mr.
Oglethorpe ; however, their Faces were vari-
oufly painted after their Country manner, fome
half black, others triangular, and odiers with
bearded Arrows inftead of Whifkers. Tomo
Chichi and Senauki his Wife were drefs'd in
fcarlet trimm'd with Gold.
When they return'd they were carry'd to
Gravefend in the King's Coaches, and embark'd
for Carolina on the 30th of Otlober. While
they ftaid in England, which was about four
Months, they were allow'd twenty Pounds a
Week for their Table, and were entertain'd
-in a moft magnificent manner by the Court
and Perfons of Diftinction ; whatever was
worth their Notice in the Cities of London
and Weftminfter was thewn them, and nothing
was wanting to give them a juft Idea of the
Grandeur of the Englifh Nation, and their
Regard for the Creeks. In return for which
they promifed eternal Fidelity. They carry'd
away in Prefents about the Value of 400 /.
Sterling ; and 'tis faid Duke William, prefent-
ing the young Indian Prince with a Gold
Watch, exhorted him to call upon Jesu»
Christ every Morning when he looked upon
it. There went over with them Sir Francis
Bathurfi, his .Son, three Daughters, and their
Vol. XXXI. M m m Servants,

44^ The Present State
Carolina. Servants, with many of the Relations of the
s-rVv/ planters already in Georgia, and fifty-fix Saltz-
burghers.
Mr. Ogle- Mr. Oglethorpe, fpeaking of theReligion and
thorpe\ ) Government of the Creek Natibn, in a Letter
Account f rom Qeorgia t0 a Perfon of Honour in London,
Reliabn faYs> There feems a Door opened to our
and Go- Colony towards the Converfion of the Indians.
vemment I have had many Converfations with their
°J th,e chief Men, the whole Tenour of which fhews
there is nothing wanting to their Converfion
but one who underftands their Language well,
to explain to them the Myfteries of Religion •,
for as to the moral Part of Chriftianity, they
underftand and affent to it. They abhor A-
dultery, and do not approve of Plurality .of
Wives. Theft is a thing not known among
the Creek Nation, tho' frequent and even ho
nourable amongft the Uchees. Murder they
look upon as an abominable Crime; but do
not efteem the killing of an Enemy, or one
that has injur'd them, Murder. The Paffion
of Revenge, which they call Honour, and
Drunkennefs, which they learnt from our Tra
ders, feem to be the two greateft Obftacles to
their being truly Chriftians. But upon both
thefe Points they hear Reafon ; and with re-
fpect to drinking of Rum, I have weaned thofe
near me a good deal from it. As for Revenge,
they fay, as they have no executive Power of
Juftice amongft them, they are forced to kill
the Man who has injur'd them, in order to
prevent others from doing the like ; but they
do not think that any Injury, except Adultery
" or Murder, defer ves Revenge. They hold,
that if a Man commits Adultery, the injur'd
Hufband is obliged to have Revenge by cutting
off the Ears of the Adulterer, which if he is
too

j/ CAROLINA. 449
too fturdy and ftrong to fubmit to, then the Carolina.
injur'd Hufband kills him the firft time that
he has an Opportunity fo to do with Safety.
In Cafes of Murder, the next in Blood is ob
liged to kill the Murderer, or elfe he is Iook'd
upon as infamous in the Nation where he lives :
And the Weaknefs of the executive Power is
fuch that there is no other, way of Punifhment
but by the Revenger of Blood, as the Scrip
ture calls it ; for there is no coercive Power in
any of their Nations. Their Kings can do
no more than to perfuade. All the Power
that they have is no more than to call their
old Men and their Captains together, and to
propound to them without Interruption the
Meafures they think proper ; after they have
done fpeaking, all the others have liberty to
give their Opinions alfo, and they reafon to
gether till they have brought each other into
fome unanimous Refolution. Thefe Conferen
ces, in matters of great Difficulty, have fome
times lafted two Days, and are always carry'd
on with great Temper and Modefty. If they
do not come into fome unanimous Refolution
upon the Matter the Meeting breaks up ; but
if they are unanimous (which they generally
are) then they call in the young Men, and
recommend to them the putting in execution
the Refolution with their ftrongeft and moft
lively Eloquence. And indeed the^ feem to
me, both in Action and Expreffion, to be
thorough Mafters of true Eloquence ; .and
making Allowances for Badnefs of Interpreters,
many of their Speeches are equal to thofe which
we admire in the Greek and Roman Writings.
They generally in their Speeches ufe Sim'tlies
arid' Metaphors. Their Similies were quite
new to me, and generally wonderful proper
M m m 2 and

450 The, Present State
Carolina, and well carry'd on : But in their Conferences
^^T*-^ among the chief Men they are more laconick
and concife. Infine, in fpeaking to their
young Men they generally addrefs to the Paf-
fions ; in fpeaking to their old Men they ap
ply to Reafon only. For example, Tomo Chichi,
in his firft Speech to me among other things
faid, Here is a little Pvefent ; and then gave
to me a Buffalo's Skin painted on the In-fide,
with the Head and Feathers of an Eagle: He
defir'd me to accept it, becaufe the Eagle
fignify'd Speed, and the Buffalo Strength: That
the Englifh were as fwift as the Bird, and as
ftrong as the Beaft ; fince like the firft they
flew from the utmoft Parts of the Earth over
the vaft Seas ; ^and like the fecond, nothing
could withftand them : That the Feathers of
the Eagle were foft, and fignify'd Love, the
Buffalo's- Skin warm, and fignify'd Proteclion,
therefore he hoped that we would love and
protect their little Families. One of the In
dians of the Charokee Nation, being come .
down to the Governor upon the Rumour of the
War, the Governor told him, that he need
fear nothing, but might fpeak freely. He an-
fwered fmartly, / always fpeak freely, what
fhould I fear ? I am now among my Friends,
and I never feared even among my Enemies.
My Carolina Correfpondent, already men-
tion'd, fpeaking of the Religion and Govern
ment of the -Florida Indians, fay?, The' Natives
Religion, have no Religion that ever I could' hear of,
but are extremely fuperftitious", aod afraid of
an evil. Spirit without any Notion of a good
one. Their Morals (notWithftanding much
has been fi id in favour of them) in my Opinion
are very loofe. They will cheat you tf they
can -, and when they can't pay their Debts they

of CAROL! NA. 45*
they knock t.heir Creditors on the Head; for Carolina.
which Reafon the Legiflature have made it a '--"v-^
Forfeiture of the Debt to truft them •, fo that
they may chufe whether they will pay any.
Debts or not. They are exceffive Lovers ot Morals.
Drinking,, both Sexes ; and like all theWorld,
except Chriftians, allow of Poligamy ; and are
fo charitable to Strangers, that they will fpare
their Daughters, or any body but their Wives:
But Adultery they punifh by fetting a Mark Women.
of Infamy on the Woman, and putting her
away ; and they have been pretty free with
fome of our Countrymen when they have
caught them, by putting fome to death in a
fummary Way, by a Knife or a Gun, or cut
ting off their Ears. . I have feen one fo ferved.
Their Government is faid to be monarchical, Govern-
but I own I can't find it out to be -fo. Their ment"
chief Commanders, who are honoured by us
with the Title, of Kings, are appointed by our
own Governors by a Writing feal'd with the
Great Seahof the Province ; which Seal to
them is every thing*. r for they know not a
Word of the Writing.. I never heard they
did or durft put any Man to death for not
obeying them ; and their Conjurors or For
tune-tellers, and -their War-Captains or Gener
rals, are always greater, Men than their Kings.
They pretend to, an hereditary Succeffion, and
recommend the -next, in Blood, in the Male
Line, to the Governor ; but I have been told
they often alter that ; and I know Our Gover
nors have appointed others who have thewn
themfeives better- Friends to . the Englifh, and
thefe have been obey'd ; but indeed very few
of their Kings have much Power among them.
They have fomething like a Council, confut
ing of about twelve or fourteen, » more or lets,
whom,

452 The Present State
Carolina, whom they call beloved Men ; and thofe are
V'*V>*"' fuch as have diftinguith'd themfeives in War,
and have Relations and large Families, con
fequently fome Credit and Power in the Clan
they belong toj and by their Atfiftance and
Concurrence they keep up fome Face of a
Government.
Religion Having mention'd the Religion of the Florida
of the Indians, I proceed in the next place to inquire
tte Plan- into the State of Keligion among the Englifh
tations. in our Colonies on the fame Continent, of
which Doctor Bray, who vifited moft of them,
gives but a melancholy Account, in the Year
1700, in his Reprefentation to the Bifhops of
the Want of Miffionaries : And tho' Things
are altered for the better in fome of our Colo
nies, it remains much as it was in others.
This reverend Doctor relates, that in Ma
ryland, in the Year 1700, after great Strug
gles with the Quakers, they had obtain'd an
Act for the Eftablifhment of the Church of
England there,. and a Revenue of about four
fcore Pounds per Annum fettled upon the
Minifter of every Parifh by a Tax on To
bacco ; but at that time there were many Pa
rifhes that wanted Incumbents.
That the Papifts in that Province were then
about a twelfth Part of the Inhabitants, but
their Priefts were numerous : And tho' the
Quakers boafted fo much of their Numbers
and Riches, upon which Confideratfons they
moved the Government to excufe them from
paying their Dues to the eftablifh'd Church,
they did not make a tenth Part of the Inhabi
tants, and did not bear that Proportion they
would be thought to do in Wealth and Trade.
That in Penfylvania there was then pretty
near an equal Number of Churchmen (or thofe that

ef CAROLINA. 453
that were well-difpofed to the Church) and Carolina.
Quakers, but there was a great want of Mi- '
nifters ; and there were fome Independants,
but not many, nor much bigotted to their
Sect. There were alfo two Congregations of
Swedes, who were Lutherans, whofe Churches
were finely built, and their Minifters Jived in
very good Terms with the Minifter of the
Church of England at Philadelphia ; and the
King of Sweeden had lately made an Addition
to their Library of three hundred Pounds worth
of Books.
That in the neighbouring Colonies of Eaft
and Weft-Jerfey there were fome Towns well
peopled, but entirely left to themfeives without
Prieft or Akar. The Quakers were then a
Majority there ; but there were many however
well affected to the Church, and he thought
fix Miffionaries neceffary for both the Jerfeys.
That at New-Tork Minifters were much
wanted alfo, there being but one there. In
Long-Ifland there were nine Churches, but no
Church of England Minifter then in the Ifland.
In Rhode-Ifland, for want of Clergy, the
Inhabitants were funk into down-right Atheifm.
In North-Carolina there was not one Clergy
man then, and but one in South-Carolina.
As to Virginia, the Church of England was
at that time well eftablifh'd there, and the
feveral Parifhes generally fupply'd with Mi
nifters, who had a Revenue out of the To
bacco and otherwife of about an hundred Pounds
per Annum each.
As to New-England, Independancy was then,
as it ftill, is, the prevailing Religion in that
Country ; tho' the Church of England gains
ground there apace, as appears by the Num
ber of Miffionaries lately fettled there. Doctor

454 ^ Present State
Carolina. , Doctor .Bray concludes his Addrefs to my
v-rV>-' Lords the Bifhops in the following manner :
For my own part, I take this to be fo happy
a Juncture to lay the Foundation of lafting
Good to the Church of God in thofe Pro
vinces, that tho' after the Expence already of
above a thoufand Pounds in its Service, and
tho' it is likely to be ftill at my own Charge
when I go again, yet I fhall not make the
leaft Difficulty in accompanying your Lord-
fhips Miffionaries whom from your refpective
Dioceffes you fhall pleafe to fend into thofe
Parts. And being therefore fo little interefted
myfelf in the Miffion, I hope I may with a
better Countenance, through your Lordlhips
Patronage, prefume to offer the following
PropofaJs to the very reverend Dignitaries and
wealthier Clergy, and other well- difpofed Per
fons of the Church, for a fmall Subfcription
from each of them towards the Maintenance of
thofe Miffionaries their Brethren, whom your
Lor-dfhips thall pleafe to fend.
Proposals for the Propagation of
the Chriftian Religion in the feveral
Provinces on the Continent of North-
America.
BferafsJIfHEREAS it hath pleafed God of late
Propofals. f V to ftir up the Hearts of many People in the
American Plantations, who feemed for
merly to have forgot Religion, now to be vefy
folicitous and earnefi for Inftrublion, fo as of
themfeives to call for thofe Helps which in Duty
they ought to have been prevented in by us from
the Beginning : And whereas, ' to our Shame,
we muft own that no Nation has been fo guilty
of this Neglebl as ours ; the Papifls of all
Countries

of C A R O L I N A. 455
Countries having been moft careful to fupport Carolina.
their Super ftitions wherever they haie planted ; *"""" -v~""J
the Dutch to7£ great Care allowing an honour
able Maintenance, with all other Encourage
ments for Minifters in their Factories and Plan
tations S the Swedes, the Danes, and other
fmall Colonies being feldom or never deficient in
this Particular, and we of the Englifh Nation
only being wanting in this Point. And lafily,
whereas tho' it be true, that fome of our moft
confiderable Plantations have fet out Parifhes
and Allowances for Minifters, yet it is not fo
in all, and where fome Provifion is made, it is
as yet far fhort of being fufficient to maintain
a Minifter ; and there is a total Neglecl of
informing the poor Natives. Out of all thefe
Conflder ations we do not think a more charita
ble Work can be carry'd on than as much as in
us lies to contribute towards the Redrefs of
thefe great Failures : And therefore do fubfcribe
to that Purpofe the feveral Sums to our Names
annexed. It feems to have proceeded from this Gen- The Oc-
tleman's Reprefentation, jn a great meafure, cafl°? of
that a .Society was erected the following Year, ^^"h
viz. in the 13th of W. III. for the Propaga- for Propa-
tion of the Gofpel in foreign Parts, the Charter gation of
for the eftablifhing whereof has this Preamble : 'he. <^"
1. Whereas we are credibly inform'd that ^
in many of our Plantations, Colonies, and Charter.
Factories beyond the Seas belonging to our
Kingdom of England, the Provifion for Mi
nifters is very mean, and many others of our
faid Plantations, Colonies, and Factories are
wholly deftitute and unprovided of a Mainte
nance for the Minifters and the publick Wor
thip of God ; and for lack of Support and
Vol. XXXI. Nnn ' Main.

456 The Present State
Carolina. Maintenance for fuch, many of our loving
V-'"Y^ Subjects do want the Adminiftration of God's
Word and Sacraments, and feem to have been
abandon'd to Atheifm and Infidelity ; and alfo
for want of learned and orthodox Minifters to
inftruct our faid loving Subjects in the Princi
ples of true Religion, divers Romifh Priefts and
Jefuites are more encourag'd to pervert and
draw over our faid loving Subjects to Popifh
Superflition and Idolatry.
2. And whereas we think it our Duty, as
much as in us lies, to promote the Glory of
God by the Inftruction of our People in the
Chriftian Religion ; and that it will be highly
conducive for accomplifhing thofe Ends, that
a fufficient Maintenance be provided for an
orthodox Clergy to live amongft them, and
that fuch other Provifion be made as may be
neceffary for the Propagation of the Gofpel in
thofe Parts,
3. And whereas we have been well affured,
that if we would be gracioufly pleafed to erect
and fettle a Corporation for the receiving, ma
naging, and difpofing of the Charity of our
loving Subjects, divers Perfons would be in
duced to extend their Charity to the Ufes and
Purpofes aforefaid.
Know ye therefore, that we have, for the
Considerations aforefaid, granted, fcjV.
The Succefs of which Charter will appear
from the following Lift of the Miffionaries that
have fince been fent to the Plantations.
The Names of the Societies, Miffionaries,
Catechifts, and Schoolmafters ; with their
theSociety yearly Salaries, and the Places to which they
for Pro- are appointed, as they ftand on the Lift the
pagation ^i& of January, 1733. ,-

Miffiona ries fent
to the
Plantati ons by

Gofpel.

New-

{/•CAROLINA. 457
Carolina.
New-England. \*-y^s
Mr. Honeyman Miffionary at Rhode-lftand 70
Nlr.Pigot Miffionary at Marble-head 60
Mr. Mac~Sparran Miffionary at Narra- "? .
ganfet ¦  S
 . Ditto for officiating at Warwick 15
Mr. Ppmt Miffionary at Newbury — 60
Dr. Cutler Miffionary at Chrifi-Church in?
Bofton  .  S
Mr. Miller Miffionary at Braintree — 60
Mr. UJhsr Miffionary at New- Briftol 60
Mr. Grainger Schoolmafter at Bofton — 15
Mr. Johnfon Miffionary at Stratford in ,
Conneclicut  ¦ ¦ t
¦ Mr. Carter Miffionary at Fairfield in Con-1
ne tlicut •  • j
Mr. Browne Miffionary at Providence 60
 Ditto for officiating at Warwick 15
Mr. Watts Schoolmafter at Annapolis- Royal 20
Mr. Seabury Miffionary at New-London 50
Mr. Beach Miffionary at New-Town and i
Reading .in Connecticut ¦ 3
Mr. Flemming Schoolmafter at Providence io
Mr. Davenport Miffionary at Scituate 60
Mr. Brown Schoolmafter at Stratford — 15
New-York.
Mr. Standard Miffionary at Weft-Chefter 50
Mr. Colgan Miffionary at Jamaica, Long-1
Iftand   .  J5
Mr. Jenny Miffionary at Hempftead* Long-)
Ifland -   ¦ P
Mr. Gilderfteve Schoolmafter at Hempftead 10
Mr. Purdy Schoolmafter at Rye ¦ — 15
Mr. Noxon Schoolmafter at New-Tor k 20
Mr, Stoupe Miffionary at New-Rochel 50
N n n 2 Mr,

458 The Present State
Carolina. Mr. Charlton Gatechift at New-Tork — 50
>^Y>J Mr. Forfter, Schoolmafter at Weftchefter 20
Mr. Taylor Schoolmafter at Si at en- Iftand 15
Mr. Wetmore Miffionary at Rye  50
Mr. Miln Miffionary at Albany  50
Mr. Keeble Schoolmafter at Oyfter-Bay,\
Long- Ifland ¦  ¦,  %¦
Mr. Dwight Schoolmafter at North-caftle 10
Mr. Kilpatrick Miffionary at New-Wind-}
for .  ,   £5°
Mr. Davies Schoolmafter at Southampton 10
Mr. Browne Miffionary at Brook-haven 60
Mr. Harrifon Miffionary at Staten- Iftand 50
Mr. Willet Schoolmafter at Jamaica on i
Long- Ifland .  — — J
New-Jersey.
Mr. Vaughan Miffionary at Elizabeth-Town 60
Mr. Skinner Miffionary at Amboy — 60
Mr. Weyman Miffionary at Burlington 70
Mr. Ellis Schoolmafter at Burlington — 20
Mr. Forbes Miffionary in Monmouth Coun- 7
ty    S5
Mr. Pierfon Miffionary at Salem — 60
Pensylvania.
Mr. Rofs Miffionary at Newcaftle — 70
Mr. Becket Miffionary at Lewes  60
Mr. Hackett Miffionary at Apoquineminck 60
Mr. Richard Backhoufe Miffionary at Chef-1 r
ter  - — 5
Mr. Howie Miffionary atOxford and White-\c
marfh  .  • 5 >
Mr. Hughes Miffionary at Radnor and} ^
Perquihoma — — —  3
Mr.

gf CAROLINA. 459
Mr. Frafer Miffionary in Kent County <— 60 Carolina.
Mr. John BackhOufe School-matter at Chefter 10 '
North-Carolina.
The Rev. Mr. Boyd itinerant Miffio-7 g
nary there — — —  5" °
South-Carolina.
Mr. Hafel Miffionary at St. Thomas's — 50
Mr. Guy Miffionary at St. 'Andrew's — 1 50
Mr. Morrit Miffionary at Winyaw — — 50
Mr. Varnod Miffionary at St. Georges — 50
Mr. Leflie Miffionary at St. Paul's — 50
Mr. Jones Miffionary at St. Helen's — 50
Mr. Dwight Miffonary at St. John's — 50
Mr. Faulton Miffionary at Chrift Church 50
Mr. MillechampMifiionary at St. James' si
. Goofe Creek  — ~- S 5°
Mr. Gowie Miffionary at St. Bartholomew's 50
Georcia.,
The Rev. Mr; Quincy Miffionary — . 50
The Bahama Islands.
The Rev. Mr. Smith Miffionary . — . 60
2965
jV. B. The Society allow ten Pounds worth
of Books to each Miffionary for a Li
brary, and five Pounds worth of fmall
Tracts to be diftributed among their Pa-
rifhioners j and feveral other Parcels
of Books as Occafion offers, where the
Society find them wanting. As

460 The Present State
Carolina. As to the Provinces of Virginia and Mary-
W"V"^' land, they maintain their own Clergy, and the
reft of the Colonies affign their Minifters
Glebes, build them Houfes, and increafe their
Revenues by Subfcriptions, fo that the Church
of England now makes a confiderable' Figure
in moft of our Colonies, efpecially in New-
England, where the Inhabitants were in a man-
North-Ca- ner all Independant s formerly : North^Carolina,
rolina ftill however, feems to be deftitute of a Clergy
without a fl-ju? there being only Mr. Bcyd an itinerant
erg)'- preacher, tho' the Country be of between two
and three hundred Miles extent, and a, well-
peopled fiourifhing Colony ; and here the Peo
ple, now fenffole of their Misfortune, fhew a
great Difpofition for the Church of England,
and are e/er making Application for Minifters
to be fent arnongft them, offer i: t^ to contri
bute largely fo their Maintenance.
It is a melancholy Confideration, that it
has hitherto been thought more neceffary to
propagate and fupport the Superftitions of the
French Hugonots and the Scots Prefbyterians
(the former having an Allowance of fifteen
thoufand Pounds per Ann. and the other a
thoufand Pounds per Ann.) than to fupport and
propagate Chriftianity in our own Plantations ;
in fome of which, particularly North-Carolina,
our People have no Opportunity of hearing
Divine Service, or having the Sacraments of
Baptifm dr the Lord's-Supper adminifter'd to
them, and are in a manner become Heathens
for want of them. It is hot to be fuppofed,
that one Minifter can perform Divine Service
in every Part of that well-planted Colony,
two hundred Miles in Length, and almoft of
equal Breadth ; nor do we trouble ourfelves
with maintaining Miffionaries for the Conver fion

of C A R O L I N A. 461
fion of the neighbouring Indians, who feeing Carolina.
no Appearance of Religion amongft the Eng- {-^Y^J
Ufh, and probably as little Morality, muft na
turally conclude, we have very little of either.
I fhall conclude the State of the Britifh Of the
Colonies on the Continent of America, with Minera,s.
fome Obfervations on their Minerals. , ™jtpUm''
It was it feems the Expectation of meeting rations.'
with Gold and Silver Mines, that firft induced
Sir Walter Ralegh and other Englifh Adven
turers to fend Colonies thither ; and we find
our Princes, in every Charter almoft, have
referved a fourth or fifth Part of all Gold and
Silver Ore that fhould be found there for their
own Ufe; and it feems highly probable, that
fuch Mines will fome time or other be difeo
vered in the Mountains of Apalach, for the
Silver Mines in New-Mexico are upon the fame
Continent and, in the fame Climate ; and from
thefe of Apalach there are frequently wafh'd
down glittering Sands, which feem to promife
fomething valuable. . Sir Hans Shane alfo in7
forms us in his Hiftory of Jamaica, that the
Duke of Albemarle, then Governor of that
Ifland, fhewed him a rich Piece of Silver Ore,
which his Father had from the Apalathian
Mountains on the Confines of Carolina. The
Portuguefe were much'longer poffeffed of Bra
ftl than we have been of this Part of Florida,
before they difeovered any fuch Mines, and
now we find there are Mines wrought there
furprifingly rich: We are yet very little ac
quainted with the Apalathian Mountains, we
have no Towns or Settlements upon them (tho'
we may when we pleafe, for there are fcarce
any other Inhabitants but wild Beafts) our Peo
ple only pafs over them when they go to traf
fick with the Indians near the Banks of the
River

462 The Present State
Carolina. River Miftiffipi ; fo that thefe Mountains may be
*— v— ¦> as well furnifhed with Silver as thofe in Mexico
for any thing we know. But farther, fuppo-
fing there fhould happen a Rupture between
us and the Spaniards, I fee nothing that can
prevent our paffing the Miffiffipi, and poffeff-
ing ourfelves of the Mines of St. Barbe, if we
make the Indians of thofe Countries our Friends,
who are frequently at war with the Spaniards.
1 am apt to think, that neither the Forces of
the Spaniards or the French would be able to
oppofe our Arms on that Side, if our Colonies
were united in fuch an Enterprife, and well
fupported by a Bddy of regular Troops from
Great-Britain. As to Mines of Lead, Iron and Copper, it
it evident, our Plantations do not want thefe,
for fome of them are actually wrought, and
thefe Metals manufactured there ; which is ap
prehended may in time prove prejudicial to
Great-Britain, fince it will leffen the Demand
for Britifh Iron and Copper, and all manner
of Manufactures made of thofe Metals ; the
Importation therefore of Iron wrought or in
Bars from our Plantations has already been pro
hibited, But was their Iron and Copper equal
to that of Sweden, I can't fee why we might
not import them unwrought from our Planta
tions as well as from Sweden, where we pay
Crown-pieces for them ('tis faid) whereas when
we have them from our Plantations we pur
chafe them with our Manufactures, as we do
alfo Pitch, Tar and other Naval Stores, and
yet we chufe to take thefe Articles alfo of our
Northern Neighbours, which I muft confefs is
a Myftery to- me. But

of C A R O L I N A. 463
But to return to the Silver and Gold Mines, Carolina.
which tis prefumed will one Day be difcover- ^TX"^
ed, or reduced under our Power in Florida or t)ie £>ifco-
New-Mexico ; fuch an Event muft rieceffarily very of
make a confiderable Alteration in our Corifti- silver
tution, if it does not entirely overturn it when Ml^ejj b
it does happen ¦, for as Power is the conftant anv Ad-
Attendant on Riches, in this cafe the Crown vantage to
will become poffeffed of Treafures, which will GrcaU
give it a much greater Influence than it has at ntam'
prefent, and render Parliaments much lefs ne
ceffary -, whether it would be to the Advantage
of Great-Britain therefore, that our Colonies
fhould be poffeffed- of Mines of any kind may
be difficult to determine.
However, I muft ftill be of-opinion fuch Better in
Mines would' be much better in our own Hands ?"r °wn
than in the Hands of our Rivals; and if we thaninthe
fuffer the French to build Forts and fax them- Hands of
felves on the Miffiffipi, or in the Neighbour- ^French.
hood of the Apalathian Mountains, they will
not only be in a Condition to invade and har-
rafs our Plantations from North to South, but
will poffefs themfeives of the Mines there, if
there be any, which will render that Nation
more formidable, even in Europe, than it is at
prefent ; and if they fhould meet with no Sil
ver in thofe Mountains, I am inclined to be
lieve, they will feize the Mines of St. Barbe in
New-Mexico in a few Years, which will affect
the Spaniards firft indeed, but may probably
in the End be of pernicious Confequence to
the reft of the Nations of Europe, and parti- The Inte-
cularly England. It were to be wifhed therefore, ^ -°fa d
that Spain and England would in time under- ofTat'Bru
ftand their mutual Intereft, and enter into a tain to
defenfive Alliance in America, at leaft fince the d"ve *e
French can only be defeated in their ambitious {"™FjQ
Vol. XXXI. Ooo And Hda. '

464

The Present State, &c.

Carolina, and covetous Views by the united Forces ofGreat-
\S*f\J Britain and Spain. If they are fullered to eftabliih
themfeives in Florida on the Banks of the Miffif
fipi, it will be in their Power in that cafe to dis
turb either the Britifh or Spanifh Settlements from
thence When they pleafe ; but the Spaniards feem
to be in the moft imminent Danger on account of
their Silver Mines.

THE

THE
PRESENT STATE
O F T H E
Britijh American Islands.

chap. I.
Of the Ifland of Jamaica.
HIS Ifland was called Jamaicaby the Britifh
Natives when Columbus difeovered it, American
and he changed the Name to St.Jago; t/lands.
but it foon recovered its primitive ^^N
Name, by which it is called at this -Jf™™'
Day.

Name.
Situation.

Jamiica is fituated in the Atlantick Ocean, be
tween 17 and 18 Degrees odd Minutes North La
titude, and between 76 and 79 Degrees of Wef
tern Longitude. It lies near five thoufand Miles
South-Weft of England, about twenty Leagues Eaft
of Hifpnmola, and as many South of Cuba, ancK'
upwards, of an hundred and fifty Leagues to the
Northward of Porto Bella and Carthagena, on the
Coaft of Terra Fir ma.
This Ifland ft retches from Eaft to Weft, being Extent
one hundre'd and forty Miles in Length, and about
lixty in Breadth in the Middle; but grpwing lefs
towards each End, the Form is pretty near oval.
The whole Ifland has one continued Ridge of
Hills running from Eaft to Weft tlnough the Mid-'
O" o o a die

466

The Present State

Eritilh die of it, which are generally called the Blue
American fountains. The Tops of fome are higher than
Wands-_ t others ; one of the higheft is called Mont Diablo.
<—-~*~~~^ Other Hills there are on each fide of this Ridge of
Mountains, which are much lower.
Faceofthe The outward Face of the Earth feems to be
Country, different here (fays Sir Ham Shane') from what I
13 c. from could obferve in Europe; the Vallies in this Ifland
Sir Hans being very level, with little or no rifing Ground
or fmall Hills, and without Rocks or Stones. The
mountainous Part for the moft part is very fteep,
and farrowed by very deep Gullies on the North
and South Sides of the higheft Hills. The Gullies
are' made here by frequent and very violent Rains,
which ' every Day almoft fall on thefe Mountains,
and firft making a fmall Trough or Courfe for
themfeives, wafh away afterwards whatever comes
in their way, and make their Channels extraordi
nary fteep.
The greateft part of the high Land of this Ifland
is either Stone or C'ay; thefe forts of Soil refill
the Rains, and fo are not carried down violently
with them into the Plains, as are the Mould pro
per for Tillage, and other more friable Earths ;
hence it is, that in thofe mountainous Places one
fhall have very little or none of fuch Earths, but
either a tenacious Clay, or a Honey-Comb, or
other Rock upon which no Earth appears.
Woods. All the high Land is covered with Woods, fome
of the Trees' very good Timber, tall and ftraight ;
and one would wonder (fays my Author) how
fuch Trees could grow, in fuch a barren Soil, fo
thick together among the Rocks : But the Trees
fend down their fibrous Roots into the Crannies
of the Rocksi where here and there they meet with
little Receptacles, or natural Bafins of Rain-wa
ter, which houtifh the Roots.
'Tis a very ftrange thing (fays the fame Writer)
to fee in how fhort a time a Plantation, formerly
cleared of Trees and Shrubs, will grow foul,
which comes from two Catifes ; the one, the not
flubbing up the Roots, whence arife young Sprouts ;
and the other, the Fertility of the Soil. The Set
tlements

of the Britifh American Iflands. 467
tlements and Plantations, not only of the Indians Britifh
but the Spaniards, being quite overgrown with American
tall Trees, fo that there would be no Footfteps IJlands-
of them left, were it not for old Pallifadoes, ^>**V~0
Buildings, Orange Walks, cjf f. which fhew plainly
Plantations have been, there.
There are the fame Strata or Layers of Earth
one over another, in the fruitful Part of the Ifland,
as are to be met with in Europe. And the fame
Difference of Soil appears here as does in England,
on digging of Wells, &c,
Moft of the Savannas or Plains fit for Pafture, Plains or
and cleared of Wood like our Meadow Land, lie Savannas.
on the South Side of the Ifland, where one may
ride a great many Miles without meeting the. leaft
Afceqt : Some of thefe Plains are within Land en
circled with Hills.
Thefe Savannas, after Seafons, i. e. Rain, are
very green and pleafant; but after long Droughts,
are very much parched and withered.
The Tides here are fcarce difcernable, there be- Tides.
ing very little Increafe or Decreafe of the Water,
and that depending moftly, if (not altogether, on
the. Winds; fo that the Land Winds driving the
Water off the Ifland,, makes a Foot, two, or more
Ebb-, > which is moft apparent in the Morning. In
the Harbour of Port-Royal 'one may fee the Coral-
Rocks, then fenfibly nearer the Surface of the Wa
ter ; and all along the Sea-fhore the Water is gone
for a fmall Space, leaving it, dry ; and this much
more on the South Side of; the Ifland, when the
Norths blow. On the contrary, the Sea-breeze
driving the Water on the Shore of the Ifland,
makes the Flood ; fo thap, in^he Evening it may ,
be faid to, be High-water., efpecially if a South or
other Wind blows violently into! the Land for
fome time together, with which the Water comes
in and is much higher than ordinary. The Breezes
being ftroiiger or weaker according to the Moon's
Age, it may be thought the Tides or Currents may
follow that; but I rather believe, they only are
the Effeil of the. Winds, (fays Sir Hans Shane). The

46S

The Present State

Ports

Britifh The chief Ports in the Ifland, are i. Port-Royal^
American a fiue capacious Harbour, which will be defcribed
Iflands. hereafter, with the Town from which it received
its Name. z. Old Harbour, which lies teven or
eight Miles South-Weft of St. Jago. 3 Port-<
Morant, at the Eaft End of the Ifland : And
4. Point Negril, at the Weft End of the Ifland.
Befides which, are^feveral more on the South and
North Sides of the Ifland ; but it is dangerous ap
proaching /the Coaft without a Pilot, on account
of ttye Coral-Rocks which almoft furround it.
Rivers. SirHans Shane mentions near an hundred Rivers
in Jamaica, but none of them navigable; for rifing
in "the Mountains in the Middle of the Ifland, they
precipitate themfeives down the Rocks to the
North or South, falling into the Sea before they
have run many Miles, and carrying down with
them frequently great Stones, Pieces of Rock, and
Timber. The Doctor, fpeaking of their Waters, in ano
ther place, fays, Frefli Water is very fcarce in dry
Years in the Savannas diftant from Rivers, fo that
many of their Cattle die with driving. to" water.
Water Near the Sea the Well-water, as at Port-Royal, is
bad. brackifh. This bragkifh Water, which is very
common in Wells on Sea-fhores, is not wholfome,
but the Caufe of Fluxes and other Difeafes in Sai
lors drinking of it.
Their River Water, becaufe of its great De-
fcent and Precipices, carries with it much Clay
or Earth, wher,eby it is muddy and thick, and has
¦an odd Tafte ; which in St. Jago or the Town Ri
ver gave occafion to the Spaniards to call it Rio
Cobre, and the Englifli to fay 'tis not wholfome
and taftes of Copper ; whereas on trial of the Sand
and other Sediments, there is no Metal found
therein. This River Water, if fuffered to fettle
tome Days in earthen Jars, is good.
Springs Spring Water, at a diftance from the Sea, is pre-
and petri- fer'd to River or Pond Water : There are fome
^'"S Wa* Springs as well as Rivers, which petrify their
Channels, and ftpp their own Courfe by a Cement
uniting the Gravel and Sand in their Bottoms. There

ters.

of the Britifh American Iflands. 469
There is a Hot Bath or Spring near Port-Mo- Britifh
rant, in the Eaft Patt of the Ifland, fituated iri a American
Wood,» which has been bathed in and dtunk of late Ifiands-
Years for the Bejly-ach, the common Difeafe of ^Tjj^
the Country, with great fuccefs.
A great many Salt Springs arife in a level Salt
Ground under the Hills in Cabhage-tree-hoitom,Spr'mgs.
about a Mile or two diftant from the Sea, which
united make what is called the Salt River.
Salt is made here in Ponds, whereinto the Sea SaltPonds.
or Salt-water comes, and by the Heat of the Sun
the Moifture being exhaled, leaves the Salt, which
is in great plenty at the Salt Ponds about Old Har
bour, &c. The Salt is not perfectly white, nor in
fmall Grains, but in large Lumps, and has an Eye
of red in it, as fome Sal Gemma I have feen come
from Spain, or what comes from the Ifland of Salt
Tartuga, near the Main of America, which is here
reckoned the ftronger and better Salt.
Lagunas or great Ponds, there are many here, Lakes.
one whereof, Rio Hoa Pond, receives a great deal %
of Water by a River which yet has no vifibie Ri
vulet or Difcharge tuns from it.
Some Rivers in the Mountains rife above and Rivers
go under Ground again in a .great many Places ; under
Rio d' Oro particularly falls under and rifes abov<e Ground.
Ground three or four times ; and lb it is in many
others. At Abraham's Plantation, on the North Side, is a
River which has ftopt its own Courfe by letting a
Settlement fall and petrifying its own Bottom,
It is ordinary to have Cataradts or Cafcades, in Cataracts.
Rivers among the Mountains, fifty or fixty Foot
high. This Ifland being feveral Degrees within the winds,
Tropick, has the Trade- Wind continually there, from- Sir
which is on the South Side of the Ifland called H. Shane,
The Sea Breeze. It comes about eight o' Clock .
in the Morning, and increafes or frefhens till
twelve in the Day, and then as the Sun grows
lower, fo it decreafes till there is none at four
in the Evening. About eight in the Evening be
gins the Land Breeze, blowing four Leagues into the

470 T/k Present State
Britifh the Sea, and continues increafing till twelve at
American Night, and decreafes again till four, when there
Iflands. ,-s no rn0re 0f jt. This Courfe generally holds
t/'V"'^ true. The Sea Breeze now and then is more
violent than at other times, as at new or full
Moon, and encroaches very much on the Land
Winds and the Norths when they reign, viz. in
the Months of December, January and February,
blow over the Ridge of Mountains with Violence
and hinder the Sea Breeze, which blows ftronger
and longer near the Sea, as at Port-Royal or Paf-
fage-Fort, than it does within Land, as at St. Jago
de la Vega or Spanijh-Towtt ; as contrariwife the
Land Wind blows harder at theTown than at
Paffage-Fort or Port-Royal.
As the Trade Wind between the Tropicks
comes not directly from the Eaft, but varies from
North-Eaft to South-Eaft, according to .the Place
and Pofition of the Sun, fo rhe Sea Breeze here
has the like Variation, not coming always from
• the fame Point $ on the contrary, the Land Winds
or Breezes come always from the Ridge of Hills,
and from the fame Point of them, and this. holds
both on the North and South Sides of.this Ifland.
In Vallies amongft the Mountains,, the Sea Breeze
or Land Breeze has feldom any great Influence,
but the North Winds very much proftrating great
Trees. The Land Wind blowing at Night, and the
Sea Breeze in the Day-time, no Shipping can
come into Port except in the Day, nor go out
but foon after Break of Day.
The Norths come in when the Sun is near the
Tropick of Capricorn, and fo fartheft off South
erly. This North is a very cold i and unhealthy
Wind ; it is more violent in theNight, becaufe
it then has the additional Force of the Land Wind
with it. It checks the Growth of Canes- and all
Vegetables on the North Side of the Ifland, but
, is hiader'd by the Ridge of Mountains from fliew-
ing much of its Fury on the South, where it
feldom rains with this Wind.
Rains. The South Winds bring the moft lading . Rains
. or

of the Britifh American Iflands. 471
or Seafons. No Rains from the Land are lafting Britifh
on the South Side of the Ifland. American
As at Sea in the Trade Winds one meets with Iftauds-
Tornadoes, fo at Land here fometimes will be a V"**"Y,|'*/,
violent Weft, directly contrary to the Trade
Wind ; but this happens feldom, and is foon
over. The Sea Breeze, when it blows hard, is thought
to hinder the Rain from coming to the Plains, it
for the moft part then raining on the Hills. On
this account 'tis that there are in the Mountains
many Springs and Rivers, and few or none in the
Plains ; and this is likewife the Caufe why there
is never any Want of Water in the Rfvers coming
from them through the Plains, and likewife that
fometimes Rivers fuffer very great Increafe and
Inundations in the Plains, when no Rain has fallen
in the Places whete fuch Inundations appear.
Earthquakes, as they are frequent in Hifpaniola Earth-
where they have formerly thrown down theTown quakes
of St. Domingo, fo they are too common here alfo. from the
The Inhabitants expect one every Year, and fome fame.
of them think they follow their great Rains. One
happen'd on Sunday the 19th of February, 16SS,
about eight in the Morning. I found in a Cham
ber, one Story high, the Cabinets and feveral other
Moveables on the Floor to reel as if People had
raifed the Foundation of the Houfe. It came by
Shocks, there were three of them, with a little
Paufe between : It lafted about a Minute in all,
and there was a fmall Noife accompanied it : It
was felt all over the Ifland about the fame time,
fome Houfes being crack'd and very near ruin'd,
and very few efcaped fome Injury. The People
were in a great Confternation, and the Ships in
Port-Royal Harbour felt it. It was obferved that
the Ground rofe like the Sea in Waves as the
Earthquake paffed along : But this was nothing to
the Earthquake which happen'd at Port-Royal, in
the Year 1691, when that Town* was almoft
fwallowed up by one ; of which I toll give a
further Account when I come to defcribe their
Towns. Vol. XXXI. P p p Thunder

472 The Present State
Britifh Thunder is here almoft every Day in the
American Mountains with the Rains there, fo that any
Iflands. ^ perfon in the Plains may hear it as well as fee the
*-^vV Ra;n. It does not fo ordinarily accompany thofe
Thunder. Rains that come from the Sea, altho' when it
does"tis very violent, and has on the feveral Sub-
ftances it meets with, either animate or inanimate,
the fame Effects as follow Thunder in Europe.
Lightening for the moft part precedes Thunder
in this Ifland as elfewhere : And if it be fair Wea
ther, efpecially in the hotteft Seafons, it lightens
almoft all the Night, firft in one part of the Sky
or Horizon out of fome Clouds, and then out of
others oppofite to them, as it were anfwering one
another, as it happens often in the Summer in
England, &c. and gives Occafion to People of
Fancy to foretell ftrange Wars, &c. when they
pleafe^.,, i making thefe Apparitions in the Air;
Soldiers in Battalia, rjrV.
Hail. Froft or Snow are never feen in this hot Cli
mate, but fometimes Hail, and that very large,
of which, during my being here, I faw one In-
ftance ; it comes with very great Norths, which,
reach with great Violence to the South Side, and
throw down every thing before them.
Dews. The Dews here are fo great within Land, that
the Water drops from the Leaves of Trees in the
Morning as if it had rained. One riding in the
Night will find his Cloaths, Hair, &c. very
wet in a fmall time. -But there are few if any
Fogs in the Plains or fandy Places neat the Sea.
Rains The Rains here are violent^ and the Drops
from the very large.
fame. According to the different Pofitions of Places,
fo the Rains are more or lefs violent, and come at
different times ; but generally fpeaking, the two
great rainy Seafons are in May and OBoher, in
which Months, at new or full Moon, they begin
and continue Day and Night for a. whole Fort
night : fo that the Earth in all level Places is laid
under Water for fome Inches, and it becomes loofe
for a great many Inches deep, and confequently
the Roads are almoft unpaffable. In the Town of
..'?.. ' ^ St.

of the Britifh American Iflands. 473
St. Jago de la Vega, in thofe rainy Seafons, I was Britifh
forced to ride on Horfeback (fays Dr. Shane) al- American
though but from Door to Door, to vifit the Sick, fff ',
And thefe Senfons, as they are called, from their "
being fit to plant in, are generally fo over the Seafons
whole Ifland, tho' they are much alter'd in their for plant-
Tinie and Violence of late Years, which arifes ing-
from the clearing much of the Country of Wood.
In the Month of January is likewife expected a
Seafon or Rain, but this is not fo conftant nor vio
lent as the other two, and probably may come
from the violent Norths at that time paffing over
the Mountains with part of their Rains with them.
The Ifland is divided into fourteen Parifhes or Towns.
Precincts. They have very few Towns ; the
chief are, r. St. Jago de la Vega or Spanijh-Town.
a. Kingfton. 3. Port-Paffage ; and, 4. That of
Port- Royal.
St. Jago de la Vega, or Spanijh-Toivn, is pleafantly St. Jago
fituated in a fine Plain upon the River Cobre, which de la r'ega
falls into a Bay of the Sea that forms the Harbour
of Port Royal, about feven Miles below. It con
fifts of eight hundred or a thoufand Houfes, and
is the Capital of the Ifland ; for here the Governor
refides, and the General Affembly and Courts of
Juftice are held : This was the Capital of the
Ifland alfo when in Poffeflion of the Spaniards ;
and then it was much larger and more magnificent
than at prefent, containing, as 'tis faid, two thou
fand Houfes, befides feveral fine Churches and
Monafteries, which were laid in afhes by the
Soldiers when it was taken by the Englifh.
Kingfton in the Liguanee, is a Port ToWn fitua- Kingfton.
ted on the North Side of the Bay of Port-Royal,
ten or twelve Miles South-Eaft of St. Jago; and,
fince the repeated Misfortune of the Town of
Port-Royal^ is become a large and populous Place,
much frequented by Merchants and Sea-faring
Men. Port-Paffage is aSea-pprt Town, fituated at the Port-
Mputh, of , the River Cobre, feven Miles South- Paffage.
Eaft ' b^:. St. Jago, and obtained its Name from be
ing,- the greateft Thorough-fare in the Ifland, at
P pp a leaft

474 ^* Present State
Britifh leaft between Port-Royal and the City of St. Jago
American de la Vega. TheTown is not large, but confift*
Iflands. chiefly of Houfes of Entertainment ; and being "a
^^V*"*' confiderable Pafs has a Fort erected for its De
fence.
Port-Royal Port-Royal, before it was deftroy'd by an Earth
quake, in the Year itfo2, is thus defcribed by
Mr. Blome :
It was fituated in the South-Eaft Part of the
Ifland, at the Extremity of a long Slip or Point of
Land, running Wefterly about twelve Miles
from the main Ifland, having the Ocean on the
South, and a fine Bay of the Sea, which forms
fhe Harbour, on the North, well defended by
feveral Forts and Platforms of Guns. The Har
bour is about three Leagues broad in moft Places,
and fo deep that a Ship of feven hundred Tons
may lay her Side to the Shore and load and unload
at pleafure, nor does there want good Anchorag'e
in any Part of it.
The Point of Land on which the Town flood
was exceeding narrow, and nothing but a loofe
Sand that afforded neither Grafs, Stones, frefh
Water, Trees, or any thing that could encourage
the building a Town upon it, but the Goodnefs
and Security of the Harbour.
It contained above fifteen hundred Houfes, and
was fo populous and fo much frequented by Mer
chants and Planters, that the Houfes were as dear
tented as in the well-traded Streets of London.
Three This was the Condition of Port-Royal when Mr.
times de- Blome wrote, in the Tear itf88. But this unfor-
ftroy'd. tunate Town has been almoft totally deftroy'd
three times in our Memory : Firft, In the Year
1 692 by an Earthquake. Secondly, In the Year
1702 by a Fire ; and, Thirdly, In the Year
1722 by a violent Storm and Inundation of the
Sea. ' -»
H B an ^ was otl l^e 7th of^aMWj 1692, the Earth-
Earth-5' quake happened, which, in two Minutes, de-
quake, ftroy'd moft bf the Town. The Earth opened
and fwallowed up abundance of Houfes and Peo
ple; the Water gufhed out from the Openings of
the

of the. Britifh American IJktpds. '475
the Earth, and tumbled the People on Heaps, but Britifh
fome of them had the good Fortune to catch hold American
of Beams and Rafters of Houfes, and were after- Wands-
wards faved by Boats, Several Ships were eaft Vl^VN^.
away in the Harbour j and the Swan Frigate, which
lay. iu the Dock to careen, was carry'd over the
Tops of the finking Houfes, and did not however
overfet, but afforded a Retreat to fome hundreds
of People, who faved -their Lives upon her.
Major Kelley, who was in the Town at this time,
fays, the Earth opened and fhut very quick in
fome Places, and he faw feveral People fink down
to the Middle, and others appear'd with their
Heads juft above Ground and were fqueezed to
death. The Sky, which was clear before the
Earthquake, became in a Minute's time as red and
as hot as an Oven. The Fall of the Mountains
made a terrible Crack, and at the fame time dread
ful Noifes were heard under the Earth. The
principal Streets which lay next the Key, with
large Warehoufes and ftately' brick Buildings upon
them, were all funk. Part of the Town, how
ever, was left (landing on a Neck of Land which
run into the Sea, at the Extremity whereof flood
the Caftle, which wasfhatter'd but not dcmolifh'd.
The Water of the Harbour, fays another Writer,
rofe on a fudden with huge Waves, and drove
moft of the Ships from their Anchors, and im
mediately the Sea retired again two or three hun
dred Yards, leaving the Fifh dry upon the Sand,
but returned in left than two Minutes and over
flowed Part of the Shore. After the .firft great
Shock, as many People as could got on Board
the Sfiips left in the Harbour, not daring to ven
ture on Shore for fome Weeks, the Shocks ftill
continuing. It is computed fifteen hundred Peo
ple were loft in the Earthquake, aad as many
more by Sicknefs, fuppofed to be occafion'd by
the noifome Vapours that proceeded from the
Openings of the Earth.
The Earthquake wasgeneral all over the Ifland,
and the Noife in the Mountains fo terrible, that
many of the fugitive Slaves, that had run away
thither

476

The Present State

Britifh thither returned to their Mafters. Two Moun-
American tajns which lay between St. Jago and Sixieen-Mile-
Iflands. Walk joined together and flopped the Current of
*S~V^\J pfoe River, fo that it over-flowed feveral Woods
and Savannahs. On the North Side of the Ifland
above a thoufand Acres were funk with the Houfes
and People in them; the Place appearing for fome
time like a Lake was afterwards dry'd up, but no
figns of Houfes were to be feen. At Yellows a
great Mountain fplit and deftroy'd feveral Plan
tations with the People on them, and one Plan
tation was removed a Mile from the Place where
it formerly lay. The Houfes were in general
thrown down or damaged all over the Ifland, and
it is. computed that three thoufand People were
kill'd with thofe that were loft in Port-Royal.
zdly, De- The Town being rebuilt near the Place where
ftroy'd by the former flood, was a fecond time deftroy'd by
Fire. Fire on the 9th oi January, 1702-3. Every Houfe
was confumed that Day, only the two royal Forts
and Magazines were left Handing. Whereupon
the Government looking on the Place as unfor
tunate, order'd the Inhabitants to remove to King
fton on the oppofite Side of the Hat bour, and there ,
the Courts and Offices were order'd to be held
that ufed to be held at Port-Royal. However,
this was found to be fo commodious a Station for
Shipping, that the People fome time afterwards
ventured to rebuild it a fecond time.
$dlf, De- R was a third time deftroy'd by a Storm and
ftroy'd by Inundation of the Sea, on the 28th of Mgttft,
an Inun- 1722, of which we receiv'd the following Ac-
dation. count, in a Letter from Jamaica ;
The Sea being raifed by the Violence of the
Wind to a much greater Height than was ever
known before, broke over its ancient Bounds, and
on a fudden over-flowed a large Tract of Land,
carrying away, with an irrefiftible Fury, Men,
Houfes, Cattle, and every thing that flood in its
Way : And in this Calamity the unfortunate
Town of Port- Royal had its full Share. I want
Words to give you a juft Defcription of the
Fforror of that Scene which we the unfortunate
r Sufferers

of the Britifh American Iflands. 477
Sufferers beheld when the Sea broke inupon us Britifh
from, all Quarters with an impetuous Force, con- American
curring with the Violence of the Wind to cut Ifiands-
offalfHopes of Safety; for we had no other V^V>
Choice but to perifh in the Waters if we fled from
our. Hpufes, or of being bury'd under the Ruins
if We remain'd in them. In.this dreadful Sufpenfe
we were held for feveral Hours, for the Storm
¦began about eight in the- Morning, and did not
fenfibly abate till between twelve and one, during
which time the Wind and Sea together demolifh'd
a confiderable Part of theTown, laid the Church
even with the Ground, deftroy'd above one hun
dred and twenty of the white Inhabitants, and an
hundred and fifty Slaves, and ruined all the Store
houses, with the Goods and Merchandize in them.
The Situation of the Place, it being furrousded
on all Sides with the Sea, rendered it mere ex
pofed than any other to the Fury of this Element ;
for our only Defence againft the Sea is a great
Wall running all along the Eaftern Side of the
Town where we ufed to apprehend moft Danger.
This Wall is raifed about nine Foot above the
Surface of the Water, and is about feven Foot
thick, and for twenty Y~ears had' proved- a fufficient
Security to the Town; but in this Storm it broke
over the Wall with fuch a Force as nothing was
able to withftand. Two or three Rows of Houfes
that run parallel to the Wall were entirely Wafhed
away, among which the Church, a handfome
Building, and very ftrong, was fo perfectly de
molifti'd that fcarce one Stone was left upon ano
ther. Great part of the Caftle alfo was thrown
down, tho' it was of a prodigious Thicknefs, and
founded upon a Rock : And the whole Fortrefs
was in the utmoft danger, the Sea breaking over
the Walls which ftood thirty Foot high above the
W<t,ter,. In the higheft Streets of theTown, moft re
mote from the Sea, the Water was five Foot deep,
and fo rapid that the ftrongeft Man could nqt
ftem it, fo>that we were oblig'd to keep in our
Upper-rooms, tho' we were in danger of pet ifhingevery

478
BritifhAmerican Iflands.

The Present State

every Minute by the Fall of the Houfes, which
fhook in a very terrible manner, and the Roofs
were generally blown off.
The Morning in which the Storm happen'd,
there was a great Fleet of Merchant Ships riding
in the Harbour, moft of which had taken in their
full Freight, and were to have return'd home in a
few Days, but the Storm left only one Veffel in
the Harbour, befides four Sail of Men of War,
and" thefe had all their Mafts and Rigging blown
away ; but the moft fenfible Proof of the irrefifti-
ble Force of the Storm was the vaft Quantities of
Stones that were thrown over the Town- Wall,
of which fuch a prodigious Number were forced
over, that an hundred Negroes were employ 'd fix
Weeks in throwing them back into the Sea, fome
of them being fo large that nine or ten Men could
not heave one of them back again ever the Wall.
I'm fenfible this Part of the Relation will feem
ftrange, but 1 doubt not obtaining your Belief
when I affirm it to you for a certain Truth.
The Town of Kingfton alfo received great
Damage, abundance of Houfes being blown dowa
there, and many more fhatter'd and unCQver'd ;
abundance of rich Goods were fpoiled by Rain
which fell at the fame time, and fome People
were kill'd. And of all the Veffels which rode
in Kingfton Harbour, which were between forty
and fifty Sail, they were either driven on Shore,
or @ver-fet and funk, abundance of Seamen loft;
and fome large Ships with all their Loading were
thrown upon dry Land. The Damage which the
trading Part of the Ifland has fuftained by the Lofs
of their Shipping and Goods is not to be etpreffed :
And the planting Intereft has fhared in the Cala
mity by the Lofs of their Dwelling-Houfes, Sugar
Works, and otherwife; and had the Fury of the
Storm lafted much longer univerfal Ruin muft
have enfued-
Buildings. The Buildings of the Spaniards in this Ifland
were of Timber, feldom more than one Story
high, and they fixed the principal Pofts deep in
the Ground to prevent their being fhoolt in pieces by

of the Britifh American Iflands. 479
by Earthquakes. On the contrary, the Englifh Britifh
build with Brick, and frequently pretty high as in American
England, which has fometimes proved fatal t0^af!d^-
them;; neither are thefe Brick Houfes fo cool as C""""V"-''
thofei of the Spaniards were : Their Kitchens are
always at a diftance from the Houfe, on account
of the Heat and Smells occafion'd by the Cookery ;
and they have no Chimnies or Fire-places in their
Dwell ing-Houfes. The Houfes of the great Plan
ters alfo are at a diftance from their Sugar-works,
to avoid the difagreeable Smells : And the Ne
groes Houfes ftand at a diftance from their Mafters,
being only long thatched- Hutts, furuifhed with
Mats to' lie on, earthen Pots to drefs their Food,
and fome Calabaflies, which ferve them for Pails,
Bowls, and Difhes.
The Inhabitants are either Englifh, or of Englifh Inhabi-
Extraction born in the Ifland, Indians, Negroes,tants.
Mulatto's or Meftize, or the Defcendants of thefe. Numbers^
• The Englifh, and thofe of Englifh Extraction,
may be fifty thoufand ; the Indians are but few,
all the Natives having been deftroy'd by the Spa
niards., and only fome remaining they import
ed afterwards for Slaves, and fome few the Eng
lifh have brought hither; the reft, viz- Negroes^
Mulatto's, Meftize, and their Defcendants, may
amount to an hundred and fifty thoufand, or there
abouts. •
The Englifh here follow the Fafhions of their Habits;
Mother Country in their Habits, making no
Allowance for the Difference of Climate ; which
Sir Hans Shane reproves them for. As to their
Slaves, they work naked, except a piece of Linnen
Gloth about their Loins, but have a little Canvas
Jackat and Breeches given them by their Mafters
annually at Chriftmas to wear on Holy-days.
The Meat of the Inhabitants of Jamaica is ge- Food and
nerallyfuch as in England, namely* Beef, Pork, Animals, ,
and Fifh, Flour and Peafe, falted Flefla and Fifh
fent from the Britifh Colonies on the Continent,
on which not only the Iviafters feed, but, accord-
ingto Sir Hans Shane, they are oblig'd to furnifh
their.Servants, both WMtes and Blacks, with three
, Vol. XXXI. ^ Q.q q Pounds

"480 The Present State
Britifh Pounds of Salt Beef, Pork, or Fifh, every Week,
American befides Caffavi Bread, Tarns and Potatoes, which
Iflands. they eat as Bread, and is the natural Product of
O^TVJ the Country.
There are in the Savannas great plenty of Cat
tle ; but they cannot keep Beef many Days, tho'
it be falted ; and frefh Beef is ready to corrupt in
four or five Hours. Butchers always kill in the
Morning therefore, juft before Day, and by fe
ven a-Clock the Markets for frefh Meat are over.
Their Beef here is well-tafted and good, unlefs
when Guinea Hen-weed rifes in the Savannas,
which is immediately after Rains, or when they are
fo parched that Cattle can find nothing elfe to
feed on.
The Butchers remedy the Smell of the Guinea.
Hen-weed in Cattle, by puting them into other
Feeding Grounds before they are Slaughtered.
Veal is very common, but none thought good
but what comes from Luidas, where the Calves
are white-flefhed ; whether this comes from this
Place being mountainous, or bleeding and giving
them Chalk as in Effex, I cannot tell; but the
Price of it was fo extravagant, that in the Aflem
bly they paft an Act that it fhould not be fold
dearer than twelve Pence per Pound.
A great part of the Food of the beft Inhabitants,
for their own Table, is of the Produce of the
Ifland, viz. Swines-flefh, and Poultry of their
own raifing.
Their Swine are of two forts, one running wild
in the Country amongft the Woods, which feed
on the fallen Fruits,' '&rV. and are fought out by
Hunters with Packs of Dogs, and chiefly fourid
in the more unfrequented woody Parts of the
Ifland. After they are wearied by. the Dogs arid
come to a Bay, they are ihot or pierced through
with Lances, then being cut open, the Bones are
taken out, the Flefh gafh'd, and the Skin filled
with Salt and expofed to the Sun, which is called
Jirking. It is brought >iome to their Mafters by
the Hunters, and eats much like Bacon if broiled
on Coals. Thefe Hunters are either Blacks or
Whites,

of the Britifh American I/lands. 481
Whites, and go out with their Dogs, fome Salt Britifh
and Bread, and lie far remote from Houfes in Arnerican
Huts in the Woods for feveral Days, in Places Ifiandl-
where. Swine come to feed on the Fruits. The ^-^Y^sJ
Indians are very expert at this Sport. The fame
Method ts ufed for wild Kine, which are now
hut very few, and thofe in the Woods on the
North Side. Wild Goats there are fome on the
Salt-pan Hills, not to be feen but in dry Seafons
when they come down for Water.
Swine fed at Crawles are in very great plenty :
Thefe Crawles are Houfes and Sties built for feed
ing and breeding Hogs. The Swine come home
every Night from feeding on the wild Fruits in
the neighbouring Woods on the third Sound of a
Cbrich.-fb.ell, where they are fed with fome Ears
of Corn thrown amongft them, and let out the
next Morning not to return till Night or they hear
the Sound of the Shell.
A Palenque is here a Place for bringing up of
Poultry, as Turkeys, which here mu.ch exceed
the European, and are very, good and well-tafted,
Hens, Ducks, Mufcovy Ducks, and fome very
few Geefe. Mufcovy Ducks are here moft plenti
ful arid thrive extremely, they coming originally
from Guinea. Thefe Poultry are, all fed on Indian
or Guinea. Corn, and AntsNefts brought from
the Woods, which thefe Fowls pick up and de
vour greedily.
Cattle are penn'd every Night, or elfe in a fhort
time they run wild : Thefe Pens are made of Pal
lifadoes, and are look'd after very carefully by the
Planters. The Oxen which have been drawing in
their Mills and are well-fed on Sugar Cane Tops,
are reckoned the beft Meat if not too much
.$vrought. They are likewife fatted by Scotch Grafs.
'*" Turtle (Tortoifes) are of feveral Sorts ; thofe of
the Sea call'd Green Turtle, from their Fat being
of that Colour, feed on Conches or Shell fifh, and
are very good Victuals : Thefe are eaten by abun
dance of the People, efpecially of the poorer fprt
of the Jiland. They are brought in Sloops, as the
?Seafon, is for breeding Qr feeding, from the Cay-
Q_q q a manes t

482 The Present State
Britifh manes, or South Cayos or Rocks near Cuba, in
American which forty Sloops, part of one hundred and
Iflands. eighty belonging to Port-Royal, are always em-
' ployed. They are worth fifteen Shillings apiece,
beft when with Egg, and brought and put into Pens
or'paUifadoed Places in the Harbour of Port-Royal,
whence they are taken and killed as occafion re
quires. They are much better when brought in
firft than after languifhing in thofe Pens.
They infect the Blood of thofe feeding on them ;
whence their Shirts are yellow, the Skin and Face
of the fame Colour, and their Shirts under the
Armpits ftained prodigioufly. This, 1 believe (fays
Sir Hans Shane') may be one of the Reafons of the
Complexion of our European Inhabitants, which
is changed in fome time from white to that of a
yellowifh Colour, which proceeds from this as
well as the Jaundies, which is common Sea-Air,
&rV. Land'Turtles are counted more delicate Food
than thofe of the Sea, although fmaller.
All forts of Sea-Turtle or Tortoife, except the
Green, are reckoned fifhy and not good Food.
The Manati or Sea-Cow is taken in this Ifland
very often in calm Bays by the Indians ; it is rec
koned extraordinary good eating."
Fifh of all forts are here in great plenty ; but
care muft be taken they are not poifonous ; this is
known by the Places where they are ; if Mancha-
' neel Apples ate eaten by them they are very dan
gerous, and thefe Apples frequently drop into the
Sea from the Boughs of that Tree.
Salt Mackarel are here a great Provifion, efpe
cially for Negroes, who covet them extremely in
Pepper- Rots or Oglios, &c.
What is ufed for Bread here by the Inhabitants
is very different from that in Europe ; that coming
neareft our Bread is made of Caffavi Flour. '
This Bread is worth about twenty Shillings and
Six-pence the Hundred Weight, fometimes double
that, according to its Scarcity. People who feed
altogether on this live as long and in as good
'Health as they who feed on any other fort of
Bread ;

of the. Britith Americafi Iflands. 483
Bread; tho' the Juice preffed from this Root is Britifh
rank Poifon. • American
Plaintains is the next moft general Support of Iftand*-
Life in this Ifland. They are brought in from the ^VNJ '•
Plaintain-walks, or Places where thefe Trees are
planted, a little green ; they ripen and turn yel- %
low in the Houfe before they are eaten. They
are ufually roafted, after their firft being cleared
of their outward Skins, under the Coals. They
are likewife boiled in Oglios or Pepper-pots, and
prepared into a Parte like Dumplings ; and feveral
other ways. A Drink is alfo mace of them.
Potatoes are eat as Bread in this Place ; alfo
roafted under the Goals, or boiled.
Tarns are likewife ufed here in lieu of Bread,
and are prepared as the others ; only becaufe they
are very large they are ufually cut in pieces.
Grains in ufe here are, i. Guinea Corn. 'Tis
prepared and ufed as Rice, and taftes as well, and
is as nourifhing. It is alfo the Food of the Poul
try and Pigeons.
z. Indian Corn or Maiz, either roafted or boil
ed, is fed on by the Slaves ; efpecially the young
Ears of it before ripe baked under the Coals and
eaten ; this is thought by them very delicious, and
call'd Mutton ; but it is moft ufed for feeding Cat
tle and Poultry.
3. Rice is here planted by fome Negroes in theit
own Plantations, and thrives well ; but becaufe
it requires much beating, and a particular Art to
feparate the Grain from the Husk, it is thought too
troublefome for its Price, and fo neglected by moft
Planters. Peafe, Beans and Pulfe, of forts different from
thofe of Europe, are here very common. They
are eaten when green as ours of Europe; and when
dry, boiled, affording the Negroes very good and
ftrong Provifion.
Flour, from New-Tork is counted the beft ; but
this as well as all other Flour and Bisket, are)
very fubject to be fpoiled with Weevils or fmall
Scarabai, if long kept. Chocolate

4S4 The Present State
Britifh Chocolate is here drank at all times, but chiefly
American m the Morning.
Iflands. Tne common Ufe of this by all People in the
L ' ~»~ ' " feveral Countries of America (Sir Hans Shane ob
ferves) proves its being a wholefome Food. The
drinking of it warm may make it the more fto-
machic ; for we know by anatomical Prepara
tions that the Tone of the Fibres are ftrengthened
by dipping the Stomach in hot Water, and that hot
Liquors will diffolve what cold will leave unaf
fected. Befides thefe ordinary Provifions, the Racoon,
Rats eaten a fmall Quadrupede, is eaten. Rats are likewife
in Jamai- fold by the Dozen, and when they havie been bred
ca- amongft the Sugar-canes are thought by fome dif-
cerhing People very delicious Victuals. Snakes
^n<* or Serpents, and Coffi (a fort of Worms) are eaten
Snakes. ^ ^Indians and Negroes.
Liquors. The moft common Drink is Water, and rec
koned the moft wholfome by many, among whom
I am one (fays Doctor Shane) and he feems to re
commend the drinking a Draught every Morning.
Madera is the next moft general Drink mixed with
Water. Madera Wines have this particular Qua
lity, different from French Wines and all others
that aire brought hither, that it keeps better in a
hot Place or expofed to the Sun, than in a cool
Cellar; whereas other Wines muft be kept cool
here, and if you do they turn four in a fliort
time. Syder; Beer, and Ale, are alfo brought hi
ther from the Northern Colonies, or from Eng-.
land, but do not kup well.
Cool Drink made of Moloffes and Water Pe-
r'mo, Corn-drink, Cane-drink, that made of Sor
rel or Pines, are all accounted un wholfome, turn
ing four in twelve 6r twenty- four Hours, and
owing their Strength ib the Sugar and Fermenta
tion they are put into *, although I have known
fome People drink nothing elfe, and yet have their
Health very well. '
Acajou Wine, made "of the Fruit fo called, is
very ftrong, keeps not long, and caufes vomiting ;
it is reckoned a good Remedy in the Dropfy.
. - Plantain-

of the Brijifh American Iflands. ^ $
Plantain-drink is ftronger than any of the.others Bntifh
except Acajou Wine, though fubject to grow four American
in a fhort time. ; Iflands.
The common fuddling Liquor of the Vulgar is v— "V— -J
Rum-punch. Rum is made of Sugar-cane Juice,
not fit to make Sugar off, being eaten with Worms,
growing in a bad Soil,or through fome other Fault ;
but chiefly of the Skumings of the Copper in Crop-
time, or of Moloffes and Water fermented about
fourteen Days in Citterns and then diftilled : It
has all the good and bad Qualities of Brandy, or
any fermented or vinous Spirit.
The better Sort of People lie as in England, Lodging.
though more on Matreffes or Quilts, and with
little Covering. They hold here, that- lying ex
pofed to the Land Breezes is very unhealthy,
which I do not believe (fays my Author) to come
fo much from the Qualities of the Air either ma-
nifeft or more obfcure, as from this, that the Air
when one goes to fleep here being very hot, the
Sun-beams having heated it fo long it retains this-
Heat for fome confiderable Time in the Night,
which afterwards wearing away it grows towards
Morning very cold, and affects one by the Cold^
nefs fometimes fo much as to awake one if fleep!-
ing. This muft of neceflity check Tranfpiration,
and fo may be the Caufe of many Difeafes. To
avoid this, Negroes and Indians fleep not without a
Fire near them.
Hamacas, or Hamocks, are common Beds of
ordinary White People ; they were in ufe amongft
the Indians, and are much cooler than Beds ; fo
cool as not to be lain in without Cloaths, efpeci-
cially,if fwung, as is ufually the Cuftom here.
Indians and Negroes lie on the Floors, generally
on Mats made of Rufhes, with very little or no
Covering, and a fmall Fire near them in their
Cottages. Hence the Servants who lie not in.
Beds are not" faid to go to bed, but to go to fleep ;
and this Phrafe has generally obtained all over the
Plantations. Beds are fometimes covered all over with Gauze,
to hinder the Mofquitos, or Gnats, from buzzing about,

4"U The- Present State
Britifh , about, biting, or awaking thofe lying in them.
American This is chiefly after Rain.
Iflands. it js efteemed here the wholfomeft way to go
*"" ""v*-—' to Bed early and rife early.
¦ Exercifes. Exercifes here are not many becaufe of the
Heat of the Air ; Riding in the Mornings is the
moft ordinary, which by its eafy moving the Ab-
dimen, and fo confequently its Contents'^ and by
that Means forwarding the Depuration of the Blood
in the feveral EmunBories there placed, has a very
great Power in keeping a Man in found Health as
well as recovering a Man when fickly and ill.
Vegeta- The principal Vegetables and Produce of this
bles- Ifland are Sugar-canes, Cacao of which Choco
late is made, Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, Palms,
Coco Trees, Cotton, Indigo, Tobacco, the Pric
kle Pear, Woods for Dying, Salt, Ginger, Cod,
Pepper, Piemento Drugs, fuch as Guiacum, China
Root, Sarfaparilla, Caffia, Fiftula, Tamarinds,
Venella's, Gums and Roots ufed in Medicines
and Surgery.
Here grow the Manchineel Tree, which bears
a beautiful but poifonous Apple, and the Mohq-
gany, the Timber and Planks of both wjiich are
now in great Efteem with us ; and they have the
like Foreft Trees as are found on the Continent
of America in the fame Climate.
Animals.' Their Animals are Horfes, Mules, AfTes, Oxeij,
Sheep, and Hogs, Goats and Rabbets; but they
have no Deer or Hares.
They have alto very good Sea and River Fifh,
and Poultry, Turkeys, Geefe, Ducks wild and
tame, Pigeons, Guinea Hens, Snipes, Parrots,
Parokeets, and feveral others already mentioned in
fpeaking of their Food.
There are alfo Aligators, or Crocodiles, in their
Waters, and they have fome Snakes ; but the lat
ter are not venomous it is faid.
Difeafes, Sir Hans Shane fpeaking of their Difeafes, and-
andReme- Remedies obferves, that here are the fame 'Difeafes
dzes. and the fame Methods of Cure as in Europe : That
Fluxes and Fevers of all Kinds, as well as Dyfen-
teries or Bloody-fluxes, are very common here
with

of the Britifh American Iflands. ' 487
with all kind of People : And for Fluxes, pro ¦ Britifh' '
vided they were moderate, he gave fome eafy American
Medicine to forward them ; but if attended with ¦3,Wafffff-
high Fever, or there was fo great an Evacuation *-^*V>s^
that the Patient was grown weak, he ufed to
order 'Bleeding : That very often in this Diftem
per, and in the Gripes or Belly-ach, which is
another common Difeafe in this Country, occa
fion'd chiefly by drinking four Punch and other
pernicious Liquors, there was an Inflammation in
the Guts, which often occafion'd a Gangreen, if
not timely remedied : And in this Cafe, befides
the ufual Remedies, he ufed to qrder Rice to be
boil'd in Water for their ordinary Drink : And
in epidemick Dyfenteries he had known Flour
boil'd in Milk, with fome Wax fcraped in it, do
very great Cures. But I muft refer my Reader
to Dr. Shane's Natural Hiftory of Jamaica for a
full Accpunt of their Difeafes and Cures, it not
being confiftent with fo general a Work as this
to be more particular.
I fhall only obferve further, that the Harbour Port-Royal
oi Port-Royal may well be looked upon as the'Harbour
Grave of our marine Officers and Seamen, many^atalt0
thoufands having perifh'd t^ere by the Unhealth- ^fSlifi
fiilnefs of the Place, or their own irregular Way me"'
of Life in a Climate fo different from that of their
native Country. And it muft be admitted that
let a Man be never fo careful of his Health here,
both the Air and the Water are fo, bad near the
Coaft, that thefe alone are fufficient to deftroy
his Health ; but as I underftand Dr. Shane, both .,
the Water and Air are good at a diftance from the
Shores ; and the inland Country of Jamaica is as
healfhful as any other, but hither fea-faring People,
who belong either to Men of War or Merchant
men, feldom come ; their Bufinefs obliges them
to remain on Board in that fatal Bay, or at the
Port-Towns bordering upon it, which' are not
rriuch better.
Jamaica was difcqver'd by Columbus in his Hiftory.
fedond Voyage to America, Anno 1493, .'and
planted by the Spaniards fome few ^ears after-'
Vol-. XXXI. R r r wards.

488 The Present State
Britifh, wards. Their firft Colonies were fettled on the
American North fide of the Ifland, and here they built a
Iflands.. Town, giving it the Name of Seville ; but. ob-
*>^VNJ ferving that neither tire Weather nor the Soil was
fo good as on the South, they built theTown of
St. Jago de la Vega on the River Cobre} which
falls into the Bay of Port-Royal, in the South-Eaft
Part of the Ifland : This Town in time increafed
to a large City, confifting of two thoufand Houfes ;
and here they lived in great Splendour arid Secu
rity for near a Century, having parcell'd out the
richeft Lands amongft them, which they planted
chiefly with Cacao for their Chocolate, Corn,
Sugar, and delicious Fruits that were cultivated'
by their Negroes, of whom they entertain'd great
Numbers: They alfo ftock'd the Country with
all maimer, of European Cattle, many of which
being turned , into the Woods, grew wild, and
increas'd .prodigioufly in the Mountains.
In the Year 1 59,^, being about an hundred
Years after the Spaniards difcover'd it, Sir Anthony
Shirley cruizing in thefe Seas with a fingle Ship of
War, landed on the Ifland of Jamaica, took the
Town of St. Jago de la Vega and plunder'd it,., to
little did the SpaK'ards dreairi of an Enemy here,
or provide for their Defence, imagining this new
World to, be all their own, and that no European
Power durft difturb them, in the Enjoyment of it.
After this Misfortune, the Spaniards erected a
Fort at the Mouth of the River Cobre, to which
they gave the Name of Paffage -Fort, by which
they isiagin'd they fhould prevent their Capital
being furprifed for the future; but Colonel Jackfon
coming be fore Port-Paffage with a Fleet oi Englifh
Privateers, in the Year itf 3 5, or as others, fay,
1(538, landed five hundred Men, drove the, Spa
niards from their Works at Port-Paffage, and
advancing to St. Jago made himfelf Mafte^pfjthe
Town and plunder'd it, obliging the Inhabitants
to raife a confiderable Sum to ranfom ' it from
burning; after which he retired to his Ships.
Still the Spaniards remain'd in poffeffion of the
Ifland till the Year 1*56, when Admiral Penn and

of the Britifh American Iflands. 489
and General Venables being fent by the Ufurper Britifh
Cromwell to reduce Hifpaniola, and beihg difap- American
pointed in that Attempt, to fave their Credit, in- "P^L.
vadedfjamaica, and made a complete Conqueft ^v*"'
of it.r
And the Spaniards have been fo far from at
tempting the Recovery of the Ifland, that they
yielded and confirm'd it to Great-Britain by a
fubfequent Treaty of Peace.
Some Difturbance however the Englifh have
met with from time to time from the Negroes in
the Mountains ; for when the Spaniards left the
Ifland, their Negroes retired to the moft inacceffi-
ble Part of the Mountains, and there fortifying
themfeives, bid Defiance to the Englifh, who
were never able to reduce them entirely, but foiiie
of them remain'd there till they were joined by
other Fugitives of the fame Complexion, Slaves
to the Englifo Planters, and at length increafed to
fo great a Body that they became formidable to
the Plantations, in which they committed many
Murders and Robberies. And notwithftanding
his Majefty has fent two Regiments to the Affift-
ahce of the Colony, they ftill maintain their
Ground I perceive, and all that the Soldiers can
do is to guard the Plantations from their Ravages.
. During King William's War alfo, I find, the
French from Hifpaniola landed fome Forces on the
'Ifland in the Year KS94, and plunder'd feveral
of the Plantations : But they were foon beat off,
and fome Forces being fent from England to their
Affiftancej the Gentlemen of Jamaica tetum'd their
Vifit, made a Defcent on Hifpaniola, and plun
der'd feveral Places in poflefiion of the French,
bringing away with them fourfcore Pieces of
Cannon, and a confiderable Booty.
As for the prefent State of Jamaica, we may '
beft underftand it fromthemfelves, in their Addrefs
or Reprefentation to the Throne, viz.

Rr.r* To

490
Britifh

The Present ,$t ate

f^encan To tfce K_ing's moft Excellent Majefty.
The Humble Addrefs and Reprefentation of
the Council of Jamaica.

The pre
fent State
oijamaica reprefented in an
Addrefs
to the
Throne.

Moft Gracious Soveraign,
WE your Majefty's moft dutiful and loyal
Subjects, your Council oi Jamaica, having,
taken into our Confideration the declining State
and Condition of this Ifland, think ourfelves
indifpenfibly oblig'd, in Duty to your Majefty,
and in Juftice to ourfelves and our_Country, hum
bly to make feme Reprefentation thereof to your
Majefty. We fhall forbear troubling your Ma
jefty with the many melancholy Reflections the
prefent Situation of our Affairs hath naturally led
us into, and fhall chiefly confine ourfelves to the
moft obvious and vifible Caufes of our Misfor
tunes, the Increafe and Succefs of our rebellious!
Slaves, the Decreafe of our white Reopki, and
the Decay of our Trade and planting Intereft :
The firft hath in fome part been guarded againft
by your Majefty's great Goodnefs in fending, and
we hope continuing amongft us, two. Regiments
of Soldiers for our Prefervation. The Decreafe
of our People is in great meafure owing to our
Lofs of Commerce ; and therefore we fhall en
deavour to point out fome of the many Caufes
of this latter Evil. We are, of late Years, de-
priv'd of the moft beneficial Branch of our Trade,
the carrying of' Negroes and dry Goods to the
Spaniftj Coaft ; the Lofs of this occafion'd the
Defertion of a confiderable Number of our Sea
faring Men and others from this Ifland for want
of Employment. A farther Difcouragemenl to
our Trade is the frequent HoftUities committed
by the Spaniards, who, regardlefs of the folemn
Treaties entered into with your Majefty, fpare
no Englifh Veffel they can overcome, and from
whom it has hitherto been in, vain to attempt the
obtaining any Satisfaction hi thefe Pans. We
likewife

of the- Britifh American Iflands. 491
likewife beg Leave to obferve, that the Bays Of Britifh
Campeachy and Hondura'i were many Years iii the American
pofitflion of your Majefty's Subjects, and reputed Ifiands-
Part cif the Territories depending on your Majefty's '
Government of this Ifland, 31$ gave Employment
to a confiderable Number' of Shipping and People
to cut and carry Logwood from thence ; but we
have been difpoffeffed of them by the Spaniards,
who likewife there -feiz'd- and made Prizes of a
great number of Ships belonging tO your Majefty's
Subjects. The low Value of our Produce may be very
juftly attributed to fhe great Improvement the
French have made in their Sugar Colonies by the
Encouragement given them,- particularly in allow
ing them to export their Commodities to foreign
Markets without firft introducing them into any
of the Ports of France ; and from the Lbwtiefs of
their Duties, and being under no Neceflity of
double1 Voyages, they can afford to underfell lis ;
andi likewife by the pernicious Trade.that is Carry'd
on from Ireland and your Majefty's Northern
Colonies to- the- French Sugar Iflands.
It is' well known, that Sugar and other Com
modities' produced in the French and Dutch Colo
nies are frequently imported into Ireland without
introducing them into' the Ports of Great-Britain,
and paying the Duties as your Majefty's Subjects
•of your Sagar Colonics are oblig'd to do, and
confequently thofe Foreigners are fupply'd with
Provifions at eafier Rates than we ;' and we are
in a manner deprived of a Very confiderable Mar'
ket in that Part of your Majefty's Dominions.
Your Majefty's Northern Colonies import into
this Ifland great Quantities of Provifions and other
Goods, for which they take no Part of bur Pro
duce in Exchange (a fmall Quantity of Moloffes
excepted) but are paid in Bullion, which they
carry to Hifpaniola, and buy Sugar, Rum, and
Molqffes for their own Ufe. This Trade is not
onlymnequal and injurious to us, but prejudicial
even to 'themfclves, and highly fo to our Mothet
Country, and dreins us of fo much Bullion in
• ¦! i Favour

492 The Present State
Britifh Favour oi France, which otherwife muft have e'en-
American tered ifl Great-Britain.
Iflands. We further beg Leave to obferve to your Ma-
V^V^O jefty, that Cacao was one of the principal Com
modities of this Ifland, and a great, Encourage
ment to the fettling it; but that it is rioW loft,
which is in a great meafure owing to the Reftric-
tions and heavy Duties laid on it in Great-Britain ;
and poflibly our Sugar, Rum, Ginger, and"other
Produce, may be attended with the fame ill Con-
fequences, if not timely remedied.
As the induftrious Planters of this Ifland have
lately introduced Coffee, and begun to make Plan
tations thereof, we humbly beg Leave to reprefent
it, and to addrefs your Majefty for fome Encou
ragement, either by a Bounty on Importation or
Otherwife, that fuch Settlements may be carried
on with the greateft Chearfalnefs (an AB has
pafs' d, fince for encouraging' the Planting of Coffee.)
We have already taken up too much of your
Majefty's Time and Patience in this Reprefenta
tion ; but our Zeal for your Majefty's Service in
the Prefervation of this Colony, and the natural
Love we owe to ourfelves and to our Cpuntry in
which is our all, has encouraged us to lay thefe
Particulars before your Majefty. We humbly fub
mit them to your Royal Confideration, and hope
for fuch Relief as in ypujr, Majefty's great Wif-
dom fhall be moft advifable, that we with the reft
of your Majefty's Subjects may enjoy the Bleff-
ings of a Reign glorious in itfelf, and fo capable
of making us and our Pofterity a happy and flou-
riftiing People.
^ T , , • 2?y order of the Council,
bN?vSt^ga' J°^TrLL'/
' /0 Clerk of the Council.
9 But it muft be remember'd here, that the Trade
of the Britiflo Northern. Colonies with the French
and other Foreigners for Sugar, Rum, 'rJrY,^ npw
in fome meafure reftrained by a Duty lajc( on fq-
reign Sugar, Rum, arid Moloffes; and the Trade of

of the Britifh American Iflands. 493
of Foreigners to Ireland, with foreign Sugar, &c. Britifh
is likewife in a great meafure prevented by a late American
Act of Parliament ; but the Spaniards it feems con- ¥ands-
tinue at this Day to take our Ships in the IVeft- ^/"V^**
Indies as formerly, as appears from an Addrefs of
the Merchants of Jamaica to the Honourable John
Gregory, Efq; Prefident and Commander in chief
of that Ifland ; wherein they fhew,
That the Spaniards have lately (An. 1737.) taken
and carried into the Hayanah three 'Ships all laden
in this Ifland with the Produce thereof and Com
modities purchafed there,, or Money received of
the Agents of the South-Sea Company for Negroes
legally fold and exported to the Spaniftj Settle
ments purfuant to the Affiento Treaty ; and that
the faid Ships were all homeward bound to Great-
Britain, and not the leaft Pretence of their being
engaged in, or attempting to carry on an unlawful
Trade. I fliall conclude the State of Jamaica with
fome Account of the Logwood Trade, of which
his Majefty's Subjects have been violently and un-
juftly deprived by the Spaniards: This Trade was
carried on chiefly by the People of Jamaica, and
our Right to it has been fet in a proper Light by
the Lords of Trade and Plantations in their Re
prefentation to his late Majefty King George I. in-
the Year 17 18.
Their Lordfhips infift that the Englifh 'have an TheRight
unqueftionable Right to the Logwood Trade, arid t° the
have always been protected in it by the Kings 'of Logwood
England his Majefty's Predeceffors. Trade in"
They obferve that Logwood is the Produd of ^^7
Jucatan, a Peninfula that extends itfelf an hun- Comroiffi-
dred Leagues into the North Sea (on each Side 0ners for
whereof are the Bays vf Campeachy and Honduras, Trade
where this IVoed is chiefly cut by the Englifh.)
That the Spaniards [are poffefs'd only of the
Town of Campeachy and two more fmall Places
in this Part of America, and that the reft of Juca
tan was an uninhabited Defart 'till our Logwood
Cutters, fettled at Cape Catoch, the North Eaft
Promontory of J 'nc at 'an ', and at Trift or the La-

494 tf&? Present State
Britilh gunn de Terminus in the Bay of Campeachy, before
American 0r in the Year i(Jtf7, when a Treaty of Peace
Iflands. W4S concluded between Great-Brifain and Spain.
And thereupon the Privateers of Jamaica, who
ufed to difturb the Span'ifh Trade, being obliged
to quit that Way of Life, became Logwood Cut-.
ters and fettled with others of their Countrymen
at 7r//?.and the Lake de Terminos aforefaid ; and
great Quantities of Logwood were rafter wards im
ported from tnence to Old arid New England.
They obferve that Sir Thomas Lynch,, Governor of
Jamaica, under whofe Direction that Trade was
carried on, in the Year 1671, gave his Majefty
King Charles {I. the following Reafons for his en
couraging this Trade: 1. That the Engltfto had
then ufed it for divers Years. . 2. That the Log
wood was cut in defolate and uninhabited Places.
3. That it was a Right confirmed by Treaty with
the Spaniards. 4. That thereby we excluded the
French and Dutch from that Trade* 5. That the
Spaniards had not then made any Complaint of it.
6. That this Employment made the reducing bur
Privateers, who ufed to commit Hoftilities againft
the Spaniards, more eafy. Laftly, That this Trade
employed an hundred Sail of Ships annually., and
increafed his Majefty's Cuftoms and the Trade of
the Nation more than any of his American Colo
nies. Sir Thomas Modyford, the fucceeding Governor
of Jamaica, informed the Lords of the Privy
Council, in the Year 1672, That the Englifn Log
wood Cutters had ufed thai: Trade for three Years,
that they had planted Corn and built Houfes for
their Conveniency ; and though they frequently
hunted Deer in the Country, they' had never -feen
a fingle Spaniard or any other Man in that -Part
of the Country in all the Time they had been there:
And concludes, That 'their felling of Wood^
building 'Houfes, and clearing 'and planting the
Ground, was fuch a Poffeffion as in the lf'c/1-
Indies gave them an undoubted Right to the Coun
tries they thus occupied. And

of the Britifh American Iflands. 495
And Sir Thomas, to juftify his Conduct in en- Britifh
v Couraging this Trade, in the Year 167* (when American
the Spaniards firft complained of it) fent home the !flaaa's-
Copies of feveral Depofuions he had taken from V^V>-/
Mafters of Ships and others concerned in the Log-
wOod Trade, with a Proclamation he had iffued
for the Regulation and Security thereof, as a Con-
firmntion of what he had afferted. And the Lords
of the Council theteupon let the Governor know,
that they approved what he had done.
The Lords Commiflioners of Trade further ob
ferve, That there is a Claufe in the abovefaid Ame
rican Treaty, which provides, That the King of
Great-Britain fhall keep and poffefs, in full Right
of Sovereignty and Propriety, all Places fituate in
the IVeft-Indtes or any Part of America which he
or his Subjects were then in pofTefiiori of; and
that they actually were then, and had been for fe
veral Years in poffeffion of Tri/i, the Lake de
Terminos, and feveral other Places in the Province
of Jucatan, which the Spaniards begun to fet up a
Title to about this Time, notwithftanding they
enjoyed the full Benefit of what Great-Britain
ftipulated on her Part, viz. 1. The fecuring the
Trade of the Spani/h IVeft-Indies to them, a Point
which had never before been yielded. 2. The
obliging the Privateers, to ceafe their Depredations,
whereby the Spanifh Trade had been miferably
harraffed ; and this had been effected chiefly by the
Care of his Majefty's Governors, ?nd the employ
ing thofe People in the Logwood Trade. .
That in i«j8o the Spaniards proceeded in a hof-
tile Manner to difpoffefs the Englifh Logwood
Cutters of their Settlements of Trift, eff. and
even of the Ifland of Providence, a Britifh Plan
tation to which they had no Pretence ; but thefe
were foon repoffeffed by his Majefty's Subjects,
and the Logwood Trade in 168a was greater than
ever, and was maintained and carried on by the
Englifh 'till the Treaty oi Utrecht, 1.713, when
the Ad/uftment and Settlement thereof came again
under Confideration ; and it was ftipulated that (on
ly) fuch Places fhould be reftored to the Spaniards
Vol. XXXI. Sff as

496 The Present State
Britifh as had been taken cfBirig 'the precising War (in the
American Reign of Queen Anne) among; vphich Trift\<^&n&d.
Iflands. not be reckoned one, becaufe the Englifh were in
***~\'~*~> poffefiion of it many Years before that, War com
menced, and indeed had been in the Actual., pof
feffion of it from 1669 to 1713, except, for two
or three Months in the Year i<>8o»; when lhe<Spa-
niards furprifed and expelled them by Force*.; as re
lated above. noji ¦. ]>¦
They further reprefented, That by ariClatffe in
the Treaty of Commerce concluded in November
1713, the American Treaty of 1670 is, confirmed
and ratified ; and it was thereby declared* that
this fhould be underftood to be without Prejudice
to any Liberty or Power which the Subjects' of
¦£j-$eat-Britain enjoyed before,. either through Right,
Sufferance, or Indulgence ; and the Englifh having
long enjoyed the Liber,ty,vof cutting Logwood
Without interruption, either through Right, ^Suf
ferance, or Indulgence, they are by this Treaty en
titled to the fame in as plain and exprefs Wards
as can be imagined. ,uBc srj aio'bd awaY
Then the Lords Commiffioners proceed to fhew
the Importance of the Logwood Trade to Great-
Britain by the following Account of what Log
wood had been imported fince the late War, viz.

.-;'.).

Tons C. Qt. lb.
Importa-a In 1713,  _^_ 2189 15 3 22
tion of ibri In 1714,   4878.it 14 8 3 1^24
Logwood In 1 71 5,  — * — Jl 5865 12 1 -jii4
from 1713 In 1716, ¦  j —is— 2032 17 2 O
to 1 716.  _^_ — rt —
14965 bo 3 ft 4
. -> ¦¦-Si
Price re- to "Thit^^^mnmnibu's-'ianinjfa^'j'^i Tons, which
ducedfrom cannot be computed at lefs than 60,000 1, per ann.
40/. toi6/. tho' the Price is already reduced from 40/. urffe' /.
a Ton. ^erTon; and before your Majefty's Subjects were
Onceioo/. fett]ed there it was worth j.00 I. the. Ton. ¦ oD
aTon'3rii Nor is this Trade lefs aiaeeffary than beneficial
to your Majefty's DomMobs^ by reafon of the
„,wgreat,Encouragem©at^tagi««OaiOU!r,iieamen and
Shipping,

of the Britifh American Iflands. 497
Shipping/ which at all Times require a particular Britifh r,A~
Attention $ but now efpecially, when it is daily American
obferved that very many Bntiflo Mariners either iflands^
through Detect of the Laws tor wan? of Employ- ,-0/r>^
ment at home, or in hopes of greater Advantage
abroad, enter themfeives into foreign Service5
-3" Upon the whole therefore we are humbly of
opinion; w-
i That the Subjects of this your Majeft 's King- Opinion of
d«m for fome Years before as well as alter the the Board
Conclufion of the American Treaty in 167Q, did of Trade.
enjoy an uninterrupted Liberty of cutting Log
wood in the Laguna de Terminus, and in other
Places not inhabited by the Spaniards in the Pro
vince oijucatan, either through Right, Sufferance,
er Indulgence. ?i\l bfH} , 4..v -»*,»»
That- the faid American Treaty did eftablifh a
Right in the Crown of Great-Britain to the La-
guna'de Terminos and the Parts adjacent ; thofe
Places at the Time of the Treaty, and for fome
Years before, being actually in poffeflion of the
Britifh Subje&s. Signed L i(. ju.. T if\.
Whitehall, Suffolk, ft| „ , J. Molefworth,
Sept. zyh, J. Chetwynd, D. Pulteuy,
1 7 1 7 ¦ Charles Cooke, M. Bladen.
Jt^Jamaicai'xs a? Royal Government. The King Govern*
appoints both the' Governor and Council. .Their ment Md
Affembly" of Reprefentatives has nothing to do in kaws.^j
the Election of thefe, as they have in the Charter
Governments; and -I look upon this Ifland as the
moft profitable Government in the Difpofal of rhe
Crown oi England, next to that oi Ireland. There
have been Governors' who have made leven or
eight thoufand Pounds a Year by their Salary and
Perquilites ordinary and extraordinary, if not more.-
Their Laws are much the fame as thofe in the
Colonies on the Gontittenr; both the one and the
other I perceive have recourft to Tortures in the
Punifliinent of their Slaves. Thefe are not treated
¦as Subjects of Great- Britain ; but as if they Were
Creatures of a different Species, fuch exquifiteTor-
S f f a ' ments

493

fT/foyPRESENT State

Britifh ments are inflicted on them Caccording to Sir Hans
American Shane) as muft raife the utmoft Horror and DeteT-
Iflands. tat;on 0f tne prac~rice in EngUfhmem who havenott
<^vV/ i0ft $1 Humanity and Companion for their' Fel
low-creatures. The Knight relates, that for Rebellion they lay
the Offender on the Ground, and having extended
his Legs and Arms faften them to the Earth, and
then applying Fire gradually to his' Han'ds and
Feet burn them up to his Head, whereby he fuffers
the moft exquifite Pain. • ', ' r '-fff^'"'
,: For. Crimes of a ^efs -Nature they geld the Of
fender,, and cut off half his. Foot with an Ax ; and
for Negligence only they whip him ; and when
his Back is raw they ftrew Peppefcor Salt on their
Wounds to make them i'mart ; •andsffiirrfir Planters
will drop melted Wax on .their Skins; which puts i
them to moft intolef able; Pain. sdE on
And thefe Cruelties-the Doctor juftifks;-1 by tell
ing us the Blacks are a very perverfe Generation, ;
and merit fuch j Torments. Thus we find the-
late Czar of Mofcovy alfojuftifying, the barbarous
Ufage of his own Subjects, from- the Obftinacy of
their Tempers. And we, have known Englifh Of
ficers affirming the like of their Soldiers, and treat
ing even Subjects of Great-Britain, over whom
they had no Authority, with equal Cruelty.
We cannot wonder,, after this barbarous Treat
ment of their Bodies, the Planters have fo little
Concern for the Souls of thefe poor Creatures,ias
to neglect the inftructing them in the Chriftian Re.
ligion; or, that their Negroes have fo little .Incli
nation to embrace the Religion of a People who
afe them fo barbaroufly.

C H A P.

of theftntifti American Iflands.

499'

CHA P., II.
Of the Ifland of Barbadoes,
H E Caribbee-Iflandr, of which Bar- Britifh
ibadoes is one of the chief, wert fo American
called? by the Spaniards, from xheTflands.
Caribbees or Canibals that'were fnp--' -1/VNJ
pofed to inhabit them;' but ' upon Barbadoes.
the ftricteft- Inquiry, and a full
Survey of every Country in America, I can meet
with no tolerable Evidence that there ever wasa
Nation ©f Canibals either here or on any Part of
the Continent or -Iflands of this new World; the
firft Difcoverers indeed agreed unanimoufly in
relating that the Natives were Canibals in almoft
every Province and Diftrict of America; the Rea
fon whereof I have alreadyconfider'd. Btit later
Travellers meet with no Canibals either in fhofe
Countries that have been fubdued by the Europeans,
or in thofe'Parts of America where the Natives
are ftill Mafters, and ftill retain the reft of their
fupierftidous Rites. In F/srW^partioularly, where
the People were reprefented as the moft barbarous
of human Race, and charged ;wrtb facrifieing their
own Children, now we.are better acquainted with
them it appeats they have no fuch Cuftom.
As to this Ifland in particular,1 it is imagln'd by The
fome that the Spaniards or Portugnefe gave it the Name.
Name of 'Barbadoes from the barbarous Inhabitants
they found upon it ; but who difcover'd it or gave
it this Name, or whether there were any Inhabi
tants upon it when the Europeans difcover'd it, is
very uncertain. All that I can learn concerning
the Narhe is, that it was called Barbadoes by the
Spaniards, Portugnefe, Englifh, Dutch, and French,
who frequently pafled by it or touch'd at it in
their

500 The Present State
BritifhniA their Voyages- to the Continent long before it was
American planted, none of them imagining it would turn to
lflands.<*J account t0 fake poffeflion of it. ' But- to- proceed1:
,""""v~~ - -.The Ifland oi Barbadoes is the moftj£©rifideirable
Situation of all the Britifh Iflands in America, neXt! to that
andExtent. of Jamaica: It is fituated in the Atlastfick-Oee an,
in 13 Degrees North Latitude,: and. r<$ 9 Degrees
The Face of Weftern Longitude, being of a triangular Form*
of the about twenty-five Miles in Length* from' Sooth ro
Country. North, and fifteen in Breadth from Eaft to. Weft
where broadeft. ^ult is a -plain levH- -Country fof
the moft parr,fewith fome fmall HtHs'of -an eafy
Affent, and fcarce any Wood upon it at prefent.
It wasoover'd with Woods indeed When the Eng-
lift firft fent Colonies thither, but they" 'are all
cut down to make room for Plantations of Sugar-
Canes, which take up almoft the whole Ifland at
prefent, nothing elfe being cultivated in any great
Quantities; their, very Corn, Flefh and Filh be
ing imported for the moft part from the Northern
Colonies. ar|, -"^tot m;-: 2 wc*l odt wvawod.
Coaft and « There is fcarce a Harbour in the Maud •; the
Harbours, beft is that of Bridge-Town in Carlifte Bay, on
the South-Weft Part of the Ifland, and this lies
open to the Weftward. However, it is- fecure
Winds from the North-Eaft, which is the conftant Trade-
„Wind here, and blows from Morning till Evening,
Hurricanes except during their Tornado's and Hurricanes ,
which happen ufually about Midfummer, and in
July and Auguft, and blow from every Quarter.
The Ships in the Bay at fuch times are pretty
fure of being wreck'd on Shore if they can't get
out to Sea, and therefore feldom attempt to ride
out thefe Storm;. The Coaft is defended on the
Eaft by Rocks and Shoals from the Invalion of an
sEnemy, and on the Weft, where it is more ex
pofed to a Defcent, Breaftwork$»and Redoubts
are erected for its Security, bafcQth^ERi^aiiir of
them is too much neglected, fairs 3,enoJ9M tjwj'l
Rivers There is fcarce a Streamifiri .'tSejJflflBSd fltat de-
Wells,'c5f-r. ferves the Name of a River-; 'howKVter, we find
two on the Eaft Side,, to whkh they, hav£^iyen
\ the Names 'of Scotland-River and Jofepk's-River. They

of ^Britifh American Iflands. 501
They have good Water in their Wells almoft all Britifh
over the Ifland, and. do not dig very deep for it. American'
They have alfo large Ponds or Refervoirs where !fl""d*->
they preferve RaiiirWater. I v^\^v/
Tbbyihave generally fine .ferene Weather ; their Weather.
Rains, fall ;as in other Parts of the Torrid Zone,
<ihi«fly when the Sun is vertical ; and after the
Rainaiare the, proper Seafons for planting. Their
Heajsj are not fo exceffive as in the fame Latitude
on, Itbe Continent, -.being conftantly refrefhed by
the Sea Bteexes in the Day -time, which increafe
asithe Sun advances, and abate as the Sun declines :
Andithey have this further Satisfaction, that their
Days feldom exceed twelve Hours, But there
being no Mountains in the Ifland, there are no
Land-Winds in the Night as in Jamaica.
The only Town of any. Confequence in the ^ridge-
Ifland is .that oi Bridge-Town, or St. Michael's, jown.
lituate in Carlifle Bay. It was formerly encom-
paffed with a Morafs, which render'd it unhealth-
ful ; but this has been drained in a great meafure;
however, the low Situation makes the Town ftill
fubjectt to Inundations. It is faid to contain a
thoufand or twelve hundred Houfes, tolerably
well.bnirt ;of Brick or Stone. They have com
modious Wharfs and. Keys for loading and un
loading of Goods, and. three Forts or Caftles for
its Defence, which, if kept in repair, would
render the Town no eafy Conqueft.
The chief Produce' and Manufafture of the Prod ace
Ifland, as has been intimated' already, is Sugar of °Jthe
the Moloffes or Drofs whereof they make great l«»nd.
Quantities of Rum. They have alfo fome Cotton,
Indico, Ginger and Piemento; and. formerly
Tobacco was planted here in good Quantities,
but very little at prefent. Foreft-trees they have Trees ancj
fcarce any left. Their Fruits are Oranges, Limes, pianCs,
Citrons, Pomegranates, Pine-Apples, Gnava's,
Plantains, Coco-Nuts,- Indian Figs, Prickle-
Pears, Melons, and almoft all manner of Roots
and Garden-fluff, but very'&w Flowers.
¦> Their Horfes they import from New-Eiigland, Animals.
&c. and have a flight Breed of their own. They have

5°2
BritifhAmericanIflands.Food.

Government.

Numberof People.

Forces.Their '
Trade,
Revenues,

Hiftory.

The Present .State
have alfo fome Alfes, Cows and Sheep, but the
laft do not thrive here. They have a good num
ber of Hogs, the Flefh, whereof is the beft Meat
that is eaten in thofe hot Climates. Here are alfo
good Sea-fifh and Poultry, but no frefh- water
Fifh, and in general all manner of Provilion is
very dear. There is no dining at an Ordinary
under a Crown a Head. Frefh Meat is a. Rarity,
and chiefly the Food of People of Condition, the
reft are glad of fait Beef, Pork and Fifh imported
from the Northern Colonies ; from whence alfo
comes their Wheat-Flower, Indian Corn, Peas,
Beans, &c. They make Bread alfo of the Caffavi
Root ; and the Negroes feed on Yams, Potatoes,
Plantains, and other Roots and Fruits. The Li
quor drank by the Gentry here is chiefly Madera
Wine, or Wine and Water; and great Quantities
of Punch are drank by the Vulgar. They have
alfo ftrong Beer imported from Old and New-
England, and Liquors made of their Maize and
Fruits, as in Jamaica.
The Government here alfo refembles that of
Jamaica and the reft of our American Iflands,
having a Governor and Council appointed by the
Crown, which, with the Houfe of Reprefenta
tives, are vefted with a legiflative Power, and
make Laws for the Government of the Ifland.
The Numbers of white People here are faid to
have been once forty thoufand and upwards, and
are computed to be near thirty thoufand at prefent ;
the Negroes, Mulatto's and Meftize Slaves about
an hundred thoufand. Their 'Militia" confifts of
fifteen hundred Horfe and three thoufand Foot,
or thereabouts'. As to their prefent Trade, Re
venues, Strength of the Ifland, and Fortifications,
thefe will be feen in the Cohtroverfy between the
Sugar Iflands and the Northern Colonies, of
which 1 fhall give an Abftract hereafter, and pro
ceed now to inquire into the firft Plantation of
the Ifland, and the vaft Improvements made in it.
The Caribbee- Iflands, as has been obferV'd'al-
ready, were firft difcover'd by Columbus in his
fecond Voyage to America : But this of Barbadoes lying

of the Britifh American Iflands. 503
lying fo far South, ptobably was notYeen by him : Britifh
And whether the Spaniards or the Portugnefe firft American
difcover'd it in their Voyages to the Continent of ¥ands-
America is uncertain : There is no doubt but one ^>/"Y">0
or both of them touch'd here (tho' they did not
think it worth while to plant Colonies in the
Ifland) for the Englifh found Hogs at Barbadoes
when they firft arriv'd there ; and it appears to
have been the conftant 'Ufage of the Spaniards and
Portugnefe to ftock fuch Iflands with Hogs as lay
in their way, that they might not want frefh Pro
vifions in their long Voyages.
The firft Engliftomen that landed here, 'tis faid,
were fome of Sir William Curteen's Seamen that
were cruizing in thefe Seas in the latter End of
the, Reign of King James I. who reporting, at
their Return to England, that the Soil was fruitful,
fome Adventuters went thither .with an Intent to
plant it, but finding the Ifland cover'd with Wood,
and fcarce apy other Animals upon it than Hogs,
it did not anfwer their Expectations a great while.
The Propriety of this Ifland was afterwards
granted by King Charles I. to James Earl of Car-
lifle, in the firft Year of his Reign, of whoni
feveral Adventurers purchafing Shares, tranfported
themfeives thither, and firft fell to planting To
bacco ; which not thriving here as they expected,
they proceeded to try Cotton and Indico, which
yielded them a confiderable Profit ; but they made
little Sugar till 164.7, when Colonel Modifird,
Colonel, Drax, Colonel Walrond, and feveral
otherGavaliers, finding thefe was no living with
any Satisfaction in England under the Ufurpers,
converted their Eftates into Money, and tranfport
ed themfeives to Barbadoes with fuch Machines
and Implements as were proper to carry on Sugar-
works there. Colonel Drax, 'tis faid, iii a iew.
Years acquir'd an Eftate of feven or eight thoufand
Pounds per Ann. and marry'd the Earl of Carliflfs
Daughter, then Proprietor of tbe Ifland : And :'he
Adventurers fixing their principal Settlement on
the great Bay in the South-Weft Patt of the Ifland,
Vol. XXXI. Ttt. gave

504 The Present State
Britifh gave it the Name of Carlifle Bay, in Honour to
American the;r Proprietor, which it ftill retains.
Iflands. Xhe Ifland was afterwards divided into four
Circuits and eleven Parifhes, each Parifh being al
lowed to fend two Reprefentatives to the General
Affembly ; and every Parifh had its Church and an
Incumbent, with a handfome Maintenance afligned
him. In the Year 16" 50, the White Inhabitants of
the Ifland are faid to have increafed to between
thirty and forty thoufand, befides 'Negroes, which
were much more numerous, and frequently plotted ^
the Deftriiction of their Mafters ; but their Plots
were conftantly difeovered, and the moft terrible
Punifhments inflicted on the Ring-leaders ; which
did but increafe the Difaffe&ion of the reft, and
laid the Foundation of frefh Confpiracies ; but
notwithstanding the repeated Plots of their Slaves,
never any Plantation of fo fmall an Extent. ar
rived to that Riches and Grandeur as Barbadoes
d;d in the Space of twenty or thirty Years. Crom-
ibell apprehended this Ifland of fuch Confequence
during his Ufurpation, that he fent a ftrong Squa
dron of Men of War thither, Ann. I6"5i, under
the Command of Sir George Afcue, who compelled
the Lord Wilhughby (appointed Governor by King
Charles II.) to furrender the Ifland upon Condition
the Royalifts fhould remain in the Poffeflion of
their Eftates and Liberties ; and Mr. Searl was
conftituted Governor by the Ufurpers. The Dutch
War fucceeding foon after, the Colony was pro
hibited trading with the Hollanders, with whom
they had principally trafficked hitherto; for the
Dutch it feems conftantly furnilhed the Ifland with
Negroes 'till this time, and taught the Barbadians
how to plant and manage their Sugars to the beft
Advantage, taking moft of it off their Hands,
with which they fupplied themfeives and the reft
of Europe : But after the Ufurpers quarrelled with
the Dutch, the Barbadians were compelled by an
Ordinance of Parliament to bring all their Sugars
directly to England, which was imitated by the
Miniftry after the Reftoration of King Charles II.
and was the Foundation of the Act of Naviga tion,

of the Britifh American Iflands. 505
tion, which requires all the Britifh Colonies to Britifh
bring their Sugars and Tobacco directly to Eng- American
land; and prohibits their Trading with Foreigners lj'-lnd*-
in thefe and fome other Articles. L/"V>0
In the Year \66\, King Charles II. purchafed King
the Propriety of this Ifland of the Lord Kinowl, Charlesll.
Heir to the Earl of Carlifte, and appointed the pu«£afes
Lord IVUhughby of Parham Governor again ; ever t e r0r
fince which Barbadoes has been a Regal Govern- t^e jfl°nd.
ment. And the Colony granted a Duty of four
and a half per Cent, for the Support of the Civil
Government of that Ifland, and maintaining the
Forces and For titrations thereof: Which Duty
(according to my Author) amounts to ten thou
fand Pounds a Year ; but inftead of being applied
to the Purpofes it was given, it is difpofed of in
Penfioiis to Courtiers (as he fuggefts) to the irre
parable Damage of that Colony, no other Ifland
having laid (0 high a Duty on their Sugars. In
the Year 1664., De Ruyter, the Dutch Admiral,
with a great Fleet of Men of War, treacheroufly
attempted to furprife the Ifland of Barbadoes, tho'
England was then in full Peace with Holland; but
he was bravely beaten off by the Barbadians, and
obliged to abandon that Enterprize.
In the Year 1674, Sir Jonathan Atkins being TheTrade
made Governor, had Orders to feize all Ships
trading to Africa for Negroes, that Trade being ^^ij^j"
granted to the Royal African Company about that n '
time, exclufive of all others; and feveral Ships
belonging to the Merchants of Barbadoes bringing
over Negroes afterwards were condemned as for
feited, being denominated Interlopers, which that
Colony complained of as a great Grievance, the
African Company fetting what Price they pleafed
upon their Negroes ; but this was not redreffed
'till after the Revolution, when that Trade was
laid open to all the Subjects of England, paying
10 per Cent, towards the Charge of their Forts.
The Barbadians alfo fuffered great Loffes by a ter
rible Hurricane that happened thereon the roth
of Augufi, 1674, when three hundred Houfes
were blown down, two hundted Perfons. killed,
T 1 1 * moft

506

The Present State

Britifh "moft of their Sugar-works and Plantations de-
American ftroyed,and all their Windmills for grinding Canes
Iflands. were blown down, except thofe that were built
fc"* ¦v""""^ of Stone; eight Ships alfo fuffer'd Shipwreck in
the Harbour : Infomuch that the Barbadians were
difabled making much Sugar the two fucceediug
Years. Another Calamity with which the Barba
dians were afflicted, was an Epidemical Diftemper
that reigned feveral Years in the Ifland, differing
very little from the Plague : This began about the
Year 1691, and occafioned a great Decreafe of the
White Inhabitants, which they have not recovered
from that Day to this. It feems the Miniftry in
England fending a Squadron of Men of War to
Barbadoes, with a Body of Lund Forces on Board,
to protect the Trade of the Caribbee Iflands, which
had fuffered very much by the Depredations of the
prench Privateers, the Barbadians on their Arrival
concerted an Enterprife with the Commanders
againft the Frenth Iflands of Guadalupe, Martinko,
St. Chrifiopher's, &c. and joining the King's
Forces with fome of their own formed a Body of
four or five thoufand Men, with which they made
a Defcent on Guadalupe and St. Chriftopher's, and
ruined feveral French Settlements ; but did not ¦
make a Conqueft of any of them as was expected :
Thelfland And what was ftill more unfortunate the Diftem-
depopu- per abftvementioned broke out in the Army, which
Iated by a the Soldiers brought back toBarbadoes, and almoft
Plague, depopulated that Ifland of White Men. The King's
Ships alfo loft fo many of their Men that there
were not Hands enough left to carry them home.
> But this Diftemper the Barbadians comfort them
feives was brought into tHe Ifland from abroad,
and did not begin there, afluring us that their Coun
try is generally exceeding healthful.
The Peo- There is another Calamity which the Barbadians.
pleoppref- feem to lament as much as any of the former;
fedby their and that is, the OppTeflion of feveral of their Go-
Governors vernors ; and particularly of Colonel Francis Ruf
fel, Brother to the late Earl of Orfird, in the Year
1 69 5, whofe Extortions exceeded thofe of any Go
vernor that had gone before him ; bnt he had the
good

of the Britifh American Iflands. 507
good Fortune to die before he was called to ,ac-, Eritifh-
Count. ' American
We meet with very fevere Reflections alfo on ¥ands-
Henry IVorfely, Efq;< another of their Governors, v"~* "v— - '
in the Report of the Committee appointed to pre
pare a Reprefentation of the Grievances of this
I-fland, made on the 15th of February, 1730,
wherein they fet forth, u That in the Year ^^^^^,
" when his Excellency Henry IVorfely, Efq; took
" the Adminiftration of the Government upon
" him, and for many Years before, the Gentlemen
" of the Ifland having been harraffed with Parties
" and Divifions, in hopes to put an End to the
" fame, and to obtain the Redrefs of feveral Grie-
" vances, were wrought upon to fubmit to a Set-
" tlement of fix thoufand Pounds Sterling per (,000 1, per
" Ann. on the faidGovernor, during his Refidenee Ann. ex-
" here in the Quality of his late Majefty's Gover- ">rted for
" nor ; a Settlement fo very extravagant, and fo theGover-
" much more than What the Country could afford, J101'3 Sa~
" that the Inhabitants could not long fupport them- ''
" felves under the fame; but which however they
" had chearfully fubmitted to for feveral Years,
" notwithftanding the Ifland had been fo far from
" reaping any Advantage from their indifcreet
" Generofity, that on the contrary, the Publick
" Good had been entirely neglected, and no Mea-
" fores taken, to redrefs the Grievances of . the
*' Ifland : But his Excellency and his Creatures
" had thereby been the better enabled, and more at
" leifure, to opprefs the Inhabitants ; the Militia
" had been totally neglected ; the Forts, Breaft- Fortifica-
" works, and Batteries were gone to ruin ; the tions run
" Publick Stores were embezzled and wafted ; and to ruin.
" all Perfons, in Office under his Excellency, bu- Various
" fied in nothing but how to raife Fortunes from Oppret-
" the Ruins of the People, by inventing new Fees JOns'
" and Perquifites, and by increafing the former
" Fees and Emoluments of their feveral Offices.
" And the faid Petition further fets forth, That the
" Freeholders of the Ifland, moved at laft with a
" juft Senfe of their Danger and ill Ufage, had in
" the Montn °f Uufy-> "72 7» chofen fuch Perfons « tQ

5o8

The Present State

Britifh *« to reprefent them in the General Affembly, as
American « might inquire into and attempt to procure a Re-
lUands.^ ^ n jre£-s Qe foine 0f tne,-r m0Q crying Grievances ;
and thdt when the faid Aflembly were fitting
" about that Affair with all the Calmnefs and Mo-
" deration imaginable, and with due Deference and
" Regard to his Excellency, he had fought all
'* Occafions to exafperate, mjle treat, infult, and
' abufe the Affembly, who however refolved to
" overlook all Indignities for the Good of their
' Country; and that the faid Governor finding he
" could not provoke them to return the ill Treat-
" ment they met with from him, had, on the 5th
'" of OBober then laft paft, commanded them to
" adjourn for four Weeks ; and tho' upon the
" Application of the Affembly (who upon that
" Occafion humbly reprefented to him that feveral
" Bills, and other Affairs of great Confequence to
the Publick, were then depending before the
*' Houfe, and Therefore prayed the Adjournment
'' might not be for fo long a time) he had been
" pleafed to fhorten the Adjournment by the Space
' of two Days only; yet, before theTime of their
' Meeting came, he had prorogued them to the
" 9th of December ; and from thence, by feveral
" repeated Prorogations, to the Month of June,
*' 1728; and then diffolved them, apparently to
" prevent any Inquiry into, or Reprefentation of
" his Male-adminiftration.
As to the Diet and Cloathing, the Manners and
Cuftoms of the Inhabitants of Barbadoes, whether
White People or Negroes, they are much the fame
as in Jamaica; only thete is not fo great Plenty of
Provifions ixhBarbadoes as there is in Jamaica. u

CHAP.

of the Britifh American Iflands.

S°9

CHAP. III.
Of the Iflands of St. Vincent, St. Lucia,
Dominica, Tobago, Barbuda, and
Anguilla.
A I NT Vincent is fituated twenty Biitifh
Leagues and upwards to the Weft- American
ward of Barbadoes, and may be Iflands.
feen from thence in a clear Even- t"""" v— ¦*
ing, being about twenty Miles in St. Vincent.
Length from North to South, and
almoft as broad from Eaft toWeft.
The Englifh and Dutch had formerly fmall Settle
ments upon it ; whether they have any at prefent
I am not informed ; but thus much is certain, that
neither of thefe Nations have thought fit to cul
tivate the Soil fo as to render the Traffick thirher"
of any Confequence.
St. Lucia lies about five and twenty Leagues St. Lucia,
North-Weft of Barbadoes, and has two high
Mountains in the Middle of it, which may be
feen from thence in a fine Day. The Soil is faid
to be good, and yet the Englifh and French have
poffeffed and quitted it alternately more than once.
It was, however, held by the Englifh to be Part
of the Dominions of the Crown oi Great- Britain,
and as fuchinferted in the Governor of Barbadoes' s
Commiflion : And Sir Hans Shane relates, that
when he was there, in the Year 1687, it was
inhabited by a fmall Number of People from Bar
badoes (within fight of which' it lies) who kept
it on account of its Wood, which it has in plen
ty, and they at Barbadoes very much want. It
has been ciifpured by the French, fays Sir Hans
Shane, whether the Englifh were Proprietors of
it or they;' but I was told, that being itr Poffeffion of

5io-
Biitifh
AmericanIflands.

The Present State

of the Engliftj at the time of the figning of the
Treaty of Neutrality with France, it ought to
remain quietly in the Hands of the Englifii. How
ever, in the Reign of King George I. when his
Grace the prefent Duke of Montague had been at
forty thoufand Pounds Expence to plant that
Ifland and fix a Colony there, the French from
Martinico obliged the Englifh Planters to quit the
Ifland ; and the Court of Great-Britain did not
think fit to affert their Title to it, but gave his
-Grace fome Equivalent, partly lucrative partly
honorary, for his> Lofs, What Satisfaction the
reft of the Adventurers had for their Loffes and
Difappointment I could never learn J but. we feem,
by acquiefcing in this Outrage, to have yielded
up our Intereft in the Ifland to the French.
Dominica. The Ifland of Dominica, fo called by the Spa
niards from their difeovering it on a Sunday, is;
fituated in 1 5 Degrees 30 Minutes North Latitude,
about thirty Miles to the Northward oi Martinico.
This is another fmall Ifland which the Englifh have
not thought fit to cultivate yet to any degree, tho'
they may have fome inconfiderable Settlements
upon it.
Tobago. The Ifland oiTobago, fo called from its yielding.
a good fort of Tobacco, is fituated in 1 1 Degrees
30 Minutes North Latitude, forty Leagues due
South of Barbadoes, being about thirty-two Miles
in Length and twelve in Breadth.
The Temperature of the Air and Fruitfulnefs
of the Soil in this Ifland is much commended :
And it is faid to be well ftock'd with all manner
of European Cattle, and to be well furnifhed with
Sea-Fifh, efpecially Manati and Turtle. It is
alfo covered with excellent Timber, viz. Cedar,
Mohogany, Ebony, Lignum-Vitas, White-wood,
Box, Brafil, Caftia, &c. and that it has or will
produce Sugar, Tobacco, Indico, Ginger, and
every other Plant that the beft of the Caribbee-
Iftands do. This Ifland was granted by King
Charles II. to James Duke of Courland, on con
dition that none fhould inhabit the faid Ifland hut
the Subjects of the King oi England and the Duke of

of the Britifh American Iflands. ^\\
of Courland; and Captain John Poyntz contracted Britifh
with the Duke,, that the faid Poyntz and Company American
would fettle one hundred and twenty thoufand Ift^ffs-
Acres of Land in the faid Ifland on certain Con' v-ffVv^,
ditions : And Poyntz thereupon publifhed Propo-
fals to encourage Planters to go over and fettle
Colonies in the faid Ifland; and fome Adventur
ers thereupon went over thither. The Dutch alfo
obtain'd a Grant of Part of it from the Duke of
Courland, and planted it ; but both the Engliftj
and Dutch were fo harralVd by the Caribbees
From the Continent of Guiana or Caribbiana, from
which it is not above forty Leagues djftanr, that
they were compelled to .quit the Ifland: And
whether we have any Settlements upon it at pre
fent I am not informed. Certain I am, neither
the Produce or Traffick of that Ifland is of any
Confequence at prefent; tho1 why we fhould not
improve and cultivate fo profitable and defirable
¦an Ifland, now we are no longer under any Ap
prehenfion of the Caribbees, I can't conceive. If
we do not in a little time, pofllbly the French. wUl
ravifh this Ifland alfo from us, as they have done
St. Lucia, efpecially fince they fee the Englifh
tame enough to put up every Affront, and all
manner of ill Ufage from the moft contemptible
naval Power in Europe.
Barbuda is fituated in 1 8 Degrees North Lati- Barbuda'.
tude, about r 5 Leagues North of Antego, being
about twenty Miles in Length and twelve in
Breadth. It produces the fame Fruits as the reft
of the Caribbees ; but the Inhabitants, inftead of
cultivating Sugar-Canes, ...apply themfeives to
breeding of, Cattle and railing Prpvifiops, for which
they meet with a very good Market at Barbadoes
and the reft of theCaribbee-IJlands . This is thePro- Colonel
perty of the .Codnington Family, » who have a Codnng-
great Number of Negroes on this Ifland as well as 'OT'* Be"e'
in JBarbqdses ; and it was their Anceitor, Colonel ™ f°r
Chriftopher ,Codrmgton,t~{ Governor and Captain- amj°t]1e8C
General of the Ifland of Barbadoes, who dying in Converfion
the Y^ear 1710, gave and devis'd two Plantations 0f the
irj Barbadoes, and alfo Part of this Ifland of Bar- Negroes,
Vol. XXXI. U 0 a buda,

f/YV

512 The Present State
Britifh buda, of the Value of two thoufand Pounds per
American Anmm and upwards, to the Society for the Pro-
,^fSJ*. % Pagatl0n °f the Gofpel, partly for the Inftruction
of Negroes in the Chriftian Religion in Barbadoes
and the reft of the Caribbees, and partly for the
erecting and endowing a College in the Ifland of
Barbadoes, for propagating the Chriftian Religion
and teaching the Liberal Arts, particularly Phy-
lick and Surgery : And a College has accordingly
been erected there by the Society, in purfuance of
the Doner's Will ; for which unparallel'd 'Bene
faction his Name' will ever be gratefully remem-
ber'd by all good Chriftians.
Anguilla, the moft Northerly of all the Caribbee
Iflands belonging to the Englifh, lies in 18 De
grees odd Minutes North Latitude, twenty Leagues
North-Eaft of St. Chriftopher's, and is about ten
Leagues long and three broad. There is very
little Sugar raifed in this Ifland, the Inhabitants
applying themfeives to feeding of Cattle, planting
Indian Corn, and other kinds of Husbandry.

CHAP.

of the Britifh American Iflands. 5 13

CHAP. IV.
Of the Iflands of Antego, St. Chriftoper's,
Nevis, and Montferrat.

,, Montferrat, and
fmall Iflands which lie

HESE do not lie far afunder, and Britifh
are fubject to the fame Governor, American
ufually ftiled Governor of the Caribbee !fiands-
Iflands ; for tho' Barbadoes be in *~-^— ""*
reality one of the Caribbee Iflands, yet Caribbee
that and two or three Iflands more dependant lflandi
on if, having a diftinct Governor, the Name ofPr0Per-
Caribbee Iflands feems now to be reftrain'd to
Antego, St. Chriftopher's, Nevis.
fome of the reft of the
near them.
Antego, or Antigua, is fituated in 17 Degrees Antego.
odd Minutes North Latitude, and 6"r Degrees of
Weftern Longitude, being of a circular Form,
and about fixty Miles in Circumference. The
chief Towns are St. John's, fituate on the Har
bour of St. John's in the North-Weft Part of the
Ifland, and Falmouth, which lies on a Bay on the
South Side of the Ifland. They raife a great
Quantity of-Sugar here, but the Scarcity of frefh
Water, and the Unhealthfulnefs of the Climate,
make it not fo defirable as it would otherwife be.
They were alfo the laft Year in great danger of
being maflacred by their Negroes, the Plot being
difcover'd but very little before the time it was
to have been executed.
St. Chriftopher's is fituated in 1 7 Degrees odd St. Chrif-
Minutes North Latitude, twenty Leagues Wefttopbei's'
of AntegO, to which the celebrated Chriftopher
Columbus gave his Chriftian Name. It is about,
twenty Miles in Length and feven in Breadth,
an exceeding pleafant Ifland, having high Moun-
U u u z tains

514 The Present State
Britifh tains in the middle of it ; and declining every way
American t0 tne sea-fide. It is watered with Rivulets from
fffff\. the Hills, and has fome hot Springs in it as well
^^>^ as others, and produces great Quantities of Sugar,
befides Cotton, Ginger, Indico, &c,
Nevis. Nevis is fituated two or three Leagues South-
Eaft of St. Chriftbpher's, being about fix Leagues
in Circumference, and produces Sugar alfo in
Proportion to its Dimeniions.
Montferrat' Montferrat was fo named by the Spaniards from
a Mountain in it, refembling that of Montferrat
in Catalonia, and is fituated about ten or twelve
Leagues South- Weft of AnUgo. It has been com
puted by fome, that there are in Antego ten thou
fand white Inhabitants, in St. Chriftopher's fix
thoufand, in Nevis three thoufand, and in Mont
ferrat four thoufand, and at leaft three times as
many Negroes ; but this Calculation is by others
faid to be much too large.
A late Governor of the Caribbee Iflands (Lieu
tenant General Mathews) gives the following fhort
Account of them.
The pre- St. Chriftopher's was formerly jointly poffefled
fent State by tne Fnglift] and French, but by the Treaty of
®1 th.e. Peace made at Utrecht, Anno 17 13, the whole
Hands" Illand was y'elded to the Fnglifth. 'Tis about
^ 'n'!' twenty-two Miles long, and its greateft Breidth
is not much above feven Miles : The middle Part
is1 fo full of Hills that there is but twenty-four
thoufand Acres of Land tit for Sugar. They
make Communibus Annis ten thoufand Boucaux
(Hogfheads) of Sugar. Nevis is about twenty-
four Miles in Circuit, Montferrat about eighteen,
and Antego about forty-five. They reckon at An
tego feventy thoufand Acres of Land in all ; and
they make Communibus Annis fixfeen thoufand
Hogfheads of Sugar there, fix thoufand at Nevis,
and twenty-five hundred at Montferrat. The
Militia is regulated thus : At St. Chriftopher's a
Regiment/ of Foot containing about feven or eight
hundred Men, a Troop of Horfe of two hundred
and twenty Men, and another of about an hun
dred and twenty Dragoons. There are feveral Forts,

of the Britifh American Iflands. 515
Forts, but thar called Souphriere, or Brimfione- Britifh
Hill, is now finifhed, and faid to be impregnable-: A7me"can
'Tis well provided with Ciftern Water, and has f^™-
a large Well dug in it. There is at Antego a ISi^3
Troop of about one hundred and twenty Troopers
and three Regiments of Foot, in all rwelve hun
dred Men, befides a Regiment of Foot which his
Majefty keeps there, viz. five Companies utAntegoa,
two at St. Chriftopher's, two at Nevis, and one
at Montferrat. The Fortification's oi Monks -Hill
at Antegoa are now finifhed, and the Governor-
General of the Caribbees refides in this Ifland,
becaufe it is by Nature and x\rt the ftrongeft of
all the Iflands, tho' it is not very wholfome; and
they have fcatce any frefh Water but what they
can five when it rains.
But the State of the Bri.'ifo Caribbee Iflands, as
well as that of our Plantations on the Continent,
will be beft underftood from the late Difpute be
tween thefe Iflands and the Northern Colonies
before the two Houfes of Parliament, of which
I fhall give an Abftract in this Place.
A Bill was brought into the Houfe of Commons, The Cafe
on the Petition of the Merchants and Planters of the
concerned in the Sugar Colonies, in the Year ^ffP'\ <
173 r, for fecuring and encouraging the Trade of „. ("A
the - faid Colonies : The Intent whereof was to tnem.
enable them to fopplv foreign Markets with Su- felves.
gar as cheap as the French ; which they fuggefted
might be done by prohibiting the Exportation of
Horfes, Provifions and Lumber from our Northern
Colonies on the Continent of America to the
French and Dutch Plantations, and by prohibiting
the Importation of all foreign Sugar, Rum and
Moloffes to our Northern Colonies ; for the
permitting of this, they fuggefted, was giving the
firench and Dutch at leaft twenty-five per Cent.
upon the whole Produce of their Sugar Colonies,
and thereby enabled them to afford their Sugar
at foreign Markets cheaper than our own Sugar
Colonies can. It was finding them Plantation
Neceffaries, as well as Money to pay for
them {that is) the foreign Colonies paid our Nor thern

516 The Present State
Britifh them Colonies for their Horfes, Provifions, and
American Lumber, with Moloffes and Rum, which otherwife
Iflands. ^ the French muft throw away, as they did formerly.
To induce the Parliament to pafs this Bill, the
Advocates for the Sugar Colonies endeavour'd to
fhew the vaft Importance thefe Colonies are to
Great-Britain, obferving, that they produced at
an Average eighty-five thoufand Hogfheads of
Sugar annually at leaft, which at ten Pounds a
Hogfhead amounted to eight hundred and fifty
thoufand Pounds. This Sum, or much the greateft
Part of it, as they affirm, is fpent here by the
feveral Proprietors of Eftates in the Weft-Indies
who live in England, or is fent out annually in
the Manufactures of Great-Britain, either directly
to the Sugar Colonies, Or to the Coaft pi Guinea,
to purchafe Negroes for the Ufe of thefe Colonies.
Befides this neat Produce of Sugar, another vaft
Advantage arifing from the Sugar Colony Trade
is the great, Number of Ships and Seamen em-
ploy'd and maintain'd in the Courfe of our Com
merce with them : And they calculate that there
are three hundred Sail of Ships fent from Great-
Britain (not to mention thofe from other Places)
every Year to our Sugar Colonies, which are
navigated by about four thoufand five hundred
Seamen ; And that the Freight, from the Sugars'
brought hither, amounts to an hundred and feventy
thoufand Pounds a Year ; and the Duties, Com-
miflions, &c. to little lefs than two hundred
thoufand Pounds more, which, upon the whole,
is a good one Million two hundred thoufand
Pounds a Year Profit and Advantage to Great-
Britain .
But befides this confiderable Article of Sugar
they obferve that thofe Iflands ptoduce great Quan
tities of Cotton, Ginger, Indigo, Aloes, &c.
which are all brought to Great-Britain, where the
whole Profit of all our Plantation Product does
and muft center. They have been equal, they
infill* to the Mines of the Spanifh IVeft-lndies,
and have contributed' in a particular manner to the
Trade, Navigation, and Wealth of this Kingdom. What

of the Britifh American Iflands. 517
What they will do for the future, they faid, Britifh
muft depend in a great meafure on the Eveut of American
this Bill. Iflands.
At prefent they were in a very bad and Ian- \S^i~^3
guifhing Condition ; their Duties high, their Plan
ters poor, their Soil worn out, and their Fortifica
tions deftroy'd.
They had been true and faithful Drudges for
Great-Britain, but the Time of their Vifitation
feemed to be at hand, unlefs they received fome
timely and effectual Relief from the Parliament
of Great-Britain.
They obferve further, that the French Sugar
Iflands are much larger, more fruitful, better
inhabited, pay lefs Duties, and have gteater En
couragement from France than ours have from
Great-Britain. And that if our Sugar Iflands, for want of be
ing put in a pollute of Defence, fhould either be
taken, as fome have been, or moulder away and
come to ruin, it would be one of the greateft
Blows this Kingdom ever received.
It would then lofe the Benefit of all their Pro
duct imported hither ; it would lofe the Exports
of our Woollen and other Manufactures thither
to the Amount of feveral hundred thoufand Pounds
a Year ; it would lofe, in a great meafure, the
Trade to Guinea ; it would lofe the employing
and maintaining of many hundred Britifh Ships,
and many thoufand Britifo Seamen every Year.
And laftly, it would lofe one of the moft con
fiderable and main Branches of our Funds, the
Deficiency of which muft be made good, and
the Weight and Burthen fall entirely on our
Lands. On the other hand I meet with an Addrefs and The Cafe
Reprefentation of the Prefident, Council, and ofNew-
General Affembly of New-Tork to his prefent Ma- ^ftated
jefty on the fame Subject; whetein they fay, Addrefs
With Grief and Concern we have heard of the
Monopoly aimed at by the Sugar Colonies, which
if obtained will, we conceive, tend to the Ruin of

5i8

The Present State

Britifh of this Colony, and be prejudicial to the Trade
American and Navigation of Great-Britain : For
Iflands. There is imported yearly into and confomed in
^T^^r this Colony a very large Quantity of the Woollen
firrn^that" Manufacture of Great-Britain, for our Cloathing
they take an^ Prefervation from the excefiive Cold of our
off more Winters ; and fo great is our Confumptiop of
Britijh thofe Commodities, that we have reafon to believe
Manufac- the whole Sugar Colonies "(excepting Jamaica on
r"res tn™ account of the Spanifr Trade) do not confume
' rci he like Q^ftyJ and ftould webedifabled to
|"seK°c°ptpay for that Manufacture, we muft be reduced to
Jamaica. Nakednefs, or to make our own Cloathing.
That they The Product of this and the neighbouring Co-
traffick lonies oi New-Jerfey and Penfylvania, is Provi-
with our fions, Horfes, and Lumber, which are exported
own and t0 tne Britifh and Foreign Sugar Colonies ; and
the foreign jn excnarige fQr them, are had Monies,- Rum, Su-
Coiomes. ^^ Mo]offeS5 Caca0i lndigo, Cotton^ &c.
whereof, the Rum and Moloffes are chiefly £011-
fumed in this Colony, and the Monies and other
They im- Merchandize are moft applied to. make good the
port more Ballance of our Trade to Great- Britain; and fo
Silver andgreat a part 0f tnat Ballance is paid in Money,
Qold than tnat we have reafon to believe that all the Britijh
Ifland^ex- Sugar Colonies together (except Jamaica) do not
cept Ja- 'import fo much*Si!ver and Gold into Great-Bri-
maica. ',- tain as this fingle Colony. -^
The Bri- We are well affured, that the Britifh Sugar Co-
t!fh Sugar lonies cannot take off the one half of the Provi-
Colonies fj0[is which this and the other two Bread Colonies
ca"not do export ; nor are they are able to fupply the
half their Northern Colonies with the Rum and Moloffes
Provifions there confumed, without vaftly diminifhing the
or fupply ' Quantity of Sugar which they now make ; and
them with though we be not by exprefs Words in the Mo-
Ruin. noply, aimed at, or reftrained from exporting our
If thatMo- Provifions to the Foreign 1 Sugar Colonies, yet the
"ft^urn.u reu"ra,'n'n'g us fr°m taking any Part of -that Product
h mall ineschan8e wiU as effectually do, it.
get^no-3 Wherefore we have, reafon to apprehend, that
thing for ^ l'ie Monopoly aimed at be obtained, our Pro-
their Pro- duct now exported to the Foreign Sugar Colonies
duce, will

of the Britifh American Iflands. 519
will be as loft to us ; and that we (hall have little Britifh
more from the Britijh Sugar Colonies for all our American.
Provifions that they can confume, than the Rum, Jla"d'-
Moloffes, and Sugar, which we want to confume ,~-rvN^
among ourfelves ; feeing the Glut of our Product
with them muft greatly lower the Price thereof,
and the great Demand of Rum and Moloffes muft
yaftly enhance the Price of them, and difable us
to pay for the Britiftj Manufactures we have al" and they
ready had and owe for, arid diminifh the Con- fhall be
fumption of the Britijh Woollen Manufacture, difabled to
and the Navigation now employed in bringing it Pay .f"r
to us, and in carrying our Product to the Foreign \7 c >.
Sugar Colonies, and will enhance the Price of Su- tures
gar fo much, that Britain will prffibably be difabled
to export any Part of it.
Moft Gracious Soveraign,
"txrE implore your moft Sacred Majefty, the
*" Father of all your Subjects, who has the
Care and Profperity of all of them equally at
heart, and who will be far from countenancing
any Endeavours to make one Part of them the
Slaves and Bondmen of another (with whatever
fpecious Pretence it may be aimed at) to have Pity
and Compaffion upon us your poor but moft
loyal and dutiful Subjects of thefe Bread Colonies,
upon the Merchants of Great-Britain to whom
we are greatly indebted, upon them and the many
Tradefmen and Seamen of Great-Britain who get
their Living by the BritifoTt&de with us; and to
grant us your moft gracious Protection. againft
this Attempt, which tin its Confequences would
tend, we humbly conceive, to deprive them of
their juft Debts and future Support, and to cut us
oft' from being of any other Ufe to our Mother
Country than to be the Bondmen and Slaves of
her Sugar Colonies, by confining us, to them for
the Vent of the Produce of our Induftry, and in
Con fequence' obliging us to take what Price for it
they pleafe, and to give what Price they pleafe for
what we receive in exchange.
Vol. XXXI. X x x There

520 The Present State
Britifh There were other Advocates for the Northern
American Colonies, who made the fame and fome further
Iflands. ^ Objections againft the faid Bill. They objefted,
XpC*^ i- That fuch a Prohibition as was defired by the
J^ky"8 Bill would put the French upon fupplying them-
the reft of ie\ve$_ with Lumber from their own Settlements,
the Nor- and the Britifh Colonies on the Continent would
thern Co- thereby lofe this Trade, in which many Ships and
knies to Seamen were employed.
the Bill. Obj. i. A fecond Objeaion was of the like Te-
nour as that made by New-Tork: That ''the- Britifh
Sugar Colonies could not take off their Lumber, or
•fupply them with Rum for their Fifheries, '¦' their
Trade with the Indians, and what they wanted in
,' Harvefi-time, Obj. 5. That the reftraining the Northen Colo
nies from difpofing of their Horfes, Provifions
and Lumber to the French and Hollanders, might'
draw them into Employments prejudicial to Great-
Britain. Obj. 4. That the French would diftill their Mo
loffes themfeives, and fupply the Fifheries with
Rum, if the Nothern Colonies did not: -4Hj
Obj. 5. If the Northern Colonies' did not take
off the French Sugars, they would carry them to
Market themfeives.
Obj. 6.1 li the Importation oi French and Dutch
Rum and Moloffes into New England was pro
hibited, and they could go to no other Market for
Rum, or fell .their Lumber and Provifions any
where elfe, the Englifh Sugar Colonies,, like other
Monopolies, would exact an unreafonable Price
for their Rum, and beat down the Price of Lum
ber and other Goods as low as they faw fit.
Obj. 7. That 1 the French and Dutch Colonies
furnifh the Northern Colonies with Money, "which
they bring to Great-Britain, and lay out in our Ma
nufactures. <.>'¦. , jiWi~
Obj. %. That the- Luxury and Extravagahce Of
the Sugar Colonies was the Occafion Of their de
clining^' " '* tip' ¦•¦'
Obj, 9. That the Trade of the Sugar Colonies is
ftill vaftly profitable, inftancing in Barbadoes, which, in

of the Britifh American Iflands. 521
in the Year 1750, imported azjo'a Hogfheads of Britifh
Sugar into England, valued at 340,31,67. and that '\,ir'e',can
this was.the net Profit they infilled, becaufe ic' was J^TLj
admitted, that .the, Rum and Moloffes of a Sugar ^^T^
Plantation bears, the Charges of ic; the Sugar Plan
ters therefore could have no Reafon to complain,
when lo fmall an Ifland as Barbadoes produced fo
vaft a net Profit.
1. To the firft of thefe Obje&ions, That the ThefeOb-
Ytenc\\}<wguld fupply themfeives with Lumber from je&ions
their own Settlements, if the Northern Colonies did anfwered
not furnifh them with it: by ^ Su"
The Advocates for the Sugar Colonies aQ-f"s
fwet'd, That the French could not be fupplied m
with Lumber from their own Settlements ; or if
they could, it muft be at great Charge and Ex-'
pence ; the only Places they can pretend to be fup
plied from are Cape Briton and Quebeck.
Spnae, indeed have gonefo far, and been fo ex
travagant as to imagine that the French Iflands may
be fupplied with Lumber from the- Bay of Apala-
chi, or the Settlements at Miffiffipi.
But we maft conflder that great Snows (which
the French have not at their Colonies on the Mif
fiffipi or the Bay of Apalachi) are neceffary, both
for drawing down Trees to the Sides of the Ri
vers, and likewife (upon the Snows melting)' for
floating them down to the Mills ; and if they had
Snows, thofe Countries do not produce any Quan
tity of fuch ,W°Od as is proper to: work into Lum- '
ber; nor have, they any Saw-<mills, which are ex-
penfive to build; and the Labour and Time re
quired, to manufacture fuch Trees into Lumber
would, make it extremely dear to the French.
Beitdes, the Navigation to and from thefePIaces
to Martinico and the French Iflands, fo much to
wind-ward, would be fo difficult and long for
fucfVVeffels as are proper to .carry Lumber by rea
fon of the Calms, Contrary-winds, and ftrong Cur
rents againfttbem, that fuch a Project would pro
bably end inAthe Ruin of the People concerned
fo it. X x x 2 As

B22 Tfx Present State
Britifh As to Cape Briton, tho' it has the Advantage
American 0f Snows, yet it has no other Convenience ; it
i/7W*. produces little Wood; they have few Rivers, and
*0/^s^ thofe longer froze and fooner dry'd than in New-
England; it is thinly inhabited, and is a fmall in-
confiderable Ifland, commodious only for, Fifh
ing- 
And as for Quebeck, allowing it all the Advan
tages the other'PIaces want, and all that our Nor
thern Colonies have with refpe£j: to Wood and
Mills, yet the Navfgation of/the River St Law-
rence (which is practicable only a few Months in
the Year) is fo very long and daugerous^.that all
the Lumber from thence muft be, exceeding dear.
"And tho' fome may think that thefe difficulties
may in time be removed, and the Navigation of
that River become fafe and eafy, it were to be
wifhed the French had no Supply of Lumber 'till
thefe Difficulties were removed ; but thefe Dif
ficulties muft always continue, from the Nature of
the Coaft, the Rocks, Shpals and Sands in that
River, and -from the Inclemency of the: Air, and
other natural Caufes, which^jlf^ke that' Navi
gation for ever unfafe.
If then the French .can't beVfd,p||«|d s&.a'l w'trl
Lumber, or at leaft not upoiriiany reafonable
Terms, how -.much will, this gire jour aS^Sr Co-
JOnies an Advantage over, the French ? But let us
foppofe the worfe and utmoft tjbat can be, that
they can be fupplyed with Lumber |rfjm their own
Settlements, yet what muft, this Lumber be bought
with? Not; withj.RuBiiandirMpJoires, but with
Money.
v^So that if this.f^hjBliogn^^ fg?|igff Kum and
Moloffes takes place, ifo,,muAh> clear Profit and
=Gain will, be loft to the French Plantations, becaufe
they can have no V/HjJjr/l^r ^^sVerfering
with Brandy.
But what ftronger^fjphf^Mye that
rife In Or thern

;rmif- They

of the Britifh American Iflands. 523
They underftand the whole Compafs.of Trade Britifh
perfectly well ; and to do them Juftice, fteadily American
and unalterably purfue their Interefts. Iflands.
They know that their Colonies either can't be l-^V^O
fupplied at all with Horfes, Lumber,- ancfother
Plantation Neceffaries, or elfe thty muft pur
chafe them at a great Expence: They rind .they
have them for Rum and Moloffes, which is all
clear Gains to them; tfiat-they fave at leaft 25 per
Cent, in having Lumber and Horfes fo conveni
ently from the Northern Colonies, and get 1 5 per
Cent, by their Rum and Moloffes, which elfe
would be all loft to them ; and what is more, they
plainly; perceive that this Trade muft fhortly and
moft effectually deftroy and ruin our Sugar Plan
tations, by enhancing the Price of our Plantation
Neceffaries, and flopping the Vent of our Product
and Manufacture. ,,
However fpecious therefore the Arguments may
be in Favour of this Trade, nothing lefs than a
j Prohibition of Horfes and Lumber, as well as of
foreign Sugar, Rum and Moloffes, will be of any
real Service or Benefit to our Sugar Colonies.
For if you allow them to carry Lumber, what
muft. they have in exchange for it but Sugar, Rum,
or Moloffes ? And how will it be poffible on fo
long a Coaft of feven or eight hundred Miles, as
that of thefe Northern ColonieSj where there are
fo many Bays, Creeks, and Rivers, and fo few
Officers, to prevent the Running of thefe Goods,
fet your Penalties be never fo ftrict.
A Permiffive Trade will be an Inlet te> all the
Fraud imaginable, and deftroy the Act ; and your
Forfeitures and Penalties will be only like Scare
crows and PaftebOard Soldiers, which may feem
,,to be fome Security, but in reality are none' at all.
But they'll fay, perhaps, that France will. allow
them to carry their Rum to their own Settlements
on the Continent; but that is altogether a.y impro
bable, and as unlikely, as that we fhould fuffer
Ireland to fupply our Plantations with Woollen
Manufactures. Thofe

524 The Present State
Britifh Thofe Colonies there are abundantly fupplied
American wfth Brandy from France very cheap; and which
Iflands. ^ js a Sp;rit much better liked,' and what they have
been ufed to."- (5nJ5n« ,.,UJv.-..„ v-_
2. As to the fecond Objection, That the Eng
lifh Sugar Colonies cannot take off their Litmber, or
fupply tberq. \ with Rum: nuH
The Advocates for the Sugar Colonies an-
fwer'd, If the Trade and Navigation from the Bri
tifh Colonies on the Continent to the foreign Co
lonies be prejudicial to the Britijh Su^ar Colonies,
and confequently to Great-Britain ; and if the re
straining it will effectually cramp and check our
Rivals the French in the Sugar Trade, it ought to
be prohibited, tho' fome few Traders fhould fuffer
Hardfhips and Inconveniencies by it. The Ow.-'
ners of Wool might complain that the Govern1-^
ment would not fuffer them to carry WqoY'K? ,
France;, but it muft' be admitted, howeverp'tfiSr7''
the Prohibition of exporting Wool is abforat&$°
neceffary in order to our fupplying tordgWIyM*-
kets with the Manufactures of Great-B'rFtaii?]c
As to the Difpofal of their Lumber, the^gar11
Colonies have more Reafon ro apprehend Inair^tJrejL
fhall find a Want of ir, than that the NcW^Et^'
land People will have too much lie up6n?4fnere'(
Hands. For we have for many Years been alarmed with
the Scarcity of Lumber in New-England; and we:
have felt the Effects of it in the advanced Price we
have paid for it for fome Time, ju
Thofe who were principally concerned there in™
theLumber-Trade,complaiaed laft Year of thegraF
Want of Oak and Fir near the Rivers on Whfcff:
their Saw-mills ftand : And as they are feftrairtStS
by feveral Acts of ParliameatWrOm cuttihfe -fflej
King's Trees, they will hardjjetfdalflleafo i$f&c
us long with Lumber of pdJme^N&p^rt^lt Ifrry ;
reafonable Rate.
The laft Letters ixotrtNewlieT^ iifuJ^u/J&J-1'
land, inform us, that Lumber was fT#Hr tfiete?'
from three Pounds per thoufand Foot to' Me
Pounds ten Shillings 5 and that fome Ships hWe>
failed

of the Britifh American Iflands. 525
failed from thence to the Weft-Indies without be- Britifh
ing able ,19 get their Loading at any Price ; and American
that others continue there in hopes to get a Lading, ¥ands-^
tho' it is very uncertain whether they will or no. t>^v'
The othej.Part ofthis Obejection, that our Su
gar Colpnies are not able to fupply them with a
fufficient Quantity of Rum, is as ground lefs as the
former. A, Gentleman of Diftinction of St. Chriftopher's
informed the Committee, that he himfelf made
only two thoufand Gallons of Rum a Year ; but
that if, he had Encouragement, he could make
twenty thoufand Gallons. And that other Gen
tlemen of St. Chriftopher's, Nevis, and Montferrat,
who made little or no Rum now, could make a
very great Quantity, had they a Demand for it.
Therefore the Queftion that was asked by a
New-England Gentleman, whether we have any
Rum left on our Hands at the End of the Year, is
not at all ,t0 the Purpofe. '
We fay they have fometimes. But that is not
the Point : They have little left becaufe they make
but little; and they make but little becaufe there
is not a,, Demand for more, French Rum or Mo
loffes being cheaper. But where thofe Iflands make
now but one Gallon of Rum, they could upon
Encouragement make ten.
And notwithftanding, they make but little Rum,
they would ftill have a, good deal upon their Hands
every Year, if they did not fend it to Great- Britain
and other Places, becaufe nothing waftes more
than Rum : And after they hav^ exported it, they
have frequently the Mortification of finding it pro
duce not above Two-pence a Gallon clear of all
Charges, to. their very great Lofs.
The Diftillers in New-England find this Trade
in Spirits, made of foreign Moloffes a gainful one,
and for that Reafon. raife Objections which have
nothing in them, in order to make Bofton the great
Staple, for Rum: FonfljouM the Prohibition take
place on rforeign Rum and Moloffes, then our Su
gar Colonies might fendjagaintheir Rum to Vir
ginia, Maryland, GftroUm, 'and Newfoundland, as
thev

526 The Present State
Britifh they did before, and fave the Lives of many hun-
American dreds of poor Wretches, who if th,is Trade be not
Iflands. ftop'd will probably be . deftroyed by this perrii-
' cious Spirit made of foreign Moloffes ; which is
fo very unwholfome, that it common^' goes by
the Name oi Kill-Devil in that Country.
If we fhould admit for Argument fake, that the
French Sugar Colonies, and .Surinam, (h^ioaglt)^ tp
the Dutch) do take off one.half of the New-Mpg-
land Lumber (which by .the way is more, than can
be proved) the Deficiency then of the Demand of
Lumber wifl be one Moiety. Now if it can be
proved that the Britiflo Sugar Colonies upon a pro
per Encouragement might be improved fufficiently
to make as much more Rum and Sugar as they
now do, it will follow that the Britifh Sugar Co
lonies may take off all the New-E#glapd Lumber.
Barbadoes, one of the Britifh Sugar Colonies,
is allowed to be at its Perfection, and perhaps in
capable of beiag.further improved fo as to, iacrea^
its annual Product.
Antigua (all People that knpw it will acknow
ledge) is capable of further Improvement, and may
enlarge its Product of Sugar, accordiug to the beft
Computations, at leaft one fifth Part per Ann
As to the Product of Rum there, it may certainly
be enlarged near one half upon proper Encourage-.
ment; for the Rum it now makes is not quite
one half of its Product of Sugar; that is to fay,
if Antigua makes twenty thoufand Hogfheads of
Sugar per Am. its Product of Rum is not quite
ten' thoufand; But it is evident ftom the Experi
ence of Barbadoes, that out of twenty thoufand
Hogfheads of Sugar there ought to be made near
fourteen thoufand Hogfheads of Rum ; and this
Increafe, both of Sugar and Rum in Antigua, would
certainly be made, if there was proper Encourage
ment. Montferrat, Nevis, an4 St. Chriftopher's, for
want of Encouragement, do 110*' rnak^ (as may
appear by the Cuftom-Houfe-Books of each Ifland)
one Hogfhead of Ruin for t(iree Hogfheads of Su
gar : Whereas it is evident by the Experience of
Barbadoes,

of the Britifh American Iflands. ffij
"Barbadoes, that three Hogfheads of Sugar ought Britifh
to produce two Hogfheads of Rum; confequently ™me$icai1
the Product of Rum in thefe three Iflands might Tands-_
be? upon proper Encouragement, increafed to as
much more as it now is.
Add to this, fhe Improvement to be made in
thofe Iflands by which the Quantity of Sugar
would be increafed, it will follow ftill farther,
that the Quantity of Rum which thofe Iflands are
capable of making would be above as much more
as they now make, and confequently the Demand
for Lumber would be proportionate.
Jamaica, the largeft of all the Britift Sugar Co
lonies (nay bigger than all the reft put together) is
yet but in its Infancy, having now as much Land
uncultivated as would produce above three times
its prefent Product, were' it cultivated, as* it certain
ly would be, upon proper Encouragemenr.
Bur farther, as to the Sugar Colonics not being
able to furnilh the Colonies on the Continent with
Ram', it appeared by the Cuftom-houfe Books,
That all the Britijh Sugar Colonies do produce
about one hundred thoufand Hogfheads of Sugar
per Ann. and they ought in proportion to make
about feventy thoufand Hogfheads' of Rum ; a
Quantity more than fufficient to fupply the New-
England Fifhery and Indian Trade, even accord
ing to their own hyperbolical Computation. But
the prefent Product of the Sugar Colonies under
all the incumbent Difadvantages is mtare than the
New-England Cafuifts can prove to be neceffary
for both thofe Trades ; nay, on the contrary, they
will have a Proof fooner than defired, that their
Fifhery and Indian Trade do not take off one half
of the Rum now actually made in the Sugar Co
lonies. A Gentleman who had refided a great while at
South-Carolina affirmed, that that Colony traded
with eight thoufand Indians, and yet nine hundred
Hogfheads of Rum was the moft they ever im
ported in One Year, both to fljpply their home
Confumption, all their Trade with thefe eight
thoufand Indians, and 'fo trade to Other Ports
Vol. XXXI. Yyi with;

528 The Present State
Britifh with ; and yet this is a Colony that is the hotteft'
American has the largeft Harveft of Rice, &c. and not fup-
Iflands. ply'd fow^ll with Beer, erV. as the other Northern
VY^ .ColSmef^re. ,# ll?jw mfeM aril R X'ac
SoTet us allow this Colony of South-Carolina
thefenine hundred Hogfheads,; North-Carolina one
thoufand Hogfheads, Virginia and Maryland three
thoufand Hogfheads, AVu>-2V,6 'and thiladelphia
four thoufind Hogfheads, Rhode-Ifland and iVerw-
England ten thoufand Hogfheads, which Calcula
tion, both by their refpective Cuftom-Houfe Ac
counts, and by the largeft Eltimates that ever
have been made, are too hirge ; and yet the whole
amounts but to eighteen thoufand nine hundred
Hogfheads. r ,q ,
"The fame Perfon attefted that the Englifh Sugar
Colonies, under their prefent Improvement, did
friake',fo/tY| thoufand Hogfheads of Rum per Ann.
and could make (had they a Demand for it) about
fifty-five thoufand Hogfheads per Ann. befides
w^har tfiofe large Tracts of uncultivated Land
would produce, fhould they have Encouragement
rd iiarfV^em^ , 3B
It was obferv'd alfo, that the New-England Peo-
thus taking from the French their Moloffes,

pe .
Rum' ancT'Sugar,, and fupplying all the other
Northern Colonies as well as New-foundland,
Great-Britain, Ireland -, and 'Africa with large
Quantities thereof, was a very great Hurt to the
Revenue; for if thefe Places were not thus fup
ply 'd they muft be fupply'd from our own Sugar
Colonies, and then every thoufand Pound' Value
of Rum or Moloffes of our own Growth muft
pay his Majefty a Duty of forty-five 'Pounds,
arid' every thoufand Pound Value of Sugar a Duty
of 'one hundred and twenty Pounds. It might
.H$?e been added, that it was likewife aigPeQil*
Hilft to the Trade and. Navigation, of this King-'
dSiri^as well as to the Sugar Colonies, thariWe1
c^net1 fupply thofe Places with Rum, Su^^rM1
MoTOffes of our own Growth, and in Ships "and
Veffels of this Kingdom, without theDifadvantage
°?nlrrw for ^fR^l^od^Moloffes a Duty of
four

of the Britifh American Iflands. 529
four anda half per Cent, and for our S«gar a Britifh
Duly of twelve per Cent, when New-England can -American
fupply all the Markets with Rum, Sugar and Wands-
Moloffes >¦ of foreign Growth without paying any k>-/"Y'>^
of thefe Duties. Was" it not for this Advantage
they h;we over us, a great many of our Veffels
that mifs a Freight of Sugar in the' IVefl-hidies for
Lnnion,nWQ\\\d rake fome Rum, Moloffes and
Sugar*, and: go to Ntw-foundtand and barter it for
Fifti OtiiOil, and their proceed to fome other Mar
ket with it, and might probably employ themfeives
tp Advantage, or might with a little Rum, Sugar
and Moloffes, go to' Nonb-Carolina, &c. and
barter them for a Cargo of Pitch, Tar and Skins,
and bring to Great-Britain.
5. As to the third Objection, That the reflrain-
ing the Northern Colonics from difpofing of their
Horfes, Provifions and Lumber to the French and
Hollander i^ mi^ht put' them upon fome Employ
ments prejudicial to Great-Britain :
The Advocates for the Sugar Colonies anfwer'd,
That it had -been fhewn already we have more
Reafon to iei: that our Iflands will not be fupply'd
with Lumber, as they ought to be, than than that
the-: Northern Colonies will Wanta Vent for their
Lumber; but if the Britijh-Sugnv Colonies could
not take off all their Lumber, they might fend it
to Spain or Portugal, or to Great-Britain, where
itr might be imported Duty free. They might
employ themfeives in raifing naval Stores, the
Government hath given them a large Bounty to
go upon chat Trade, which would be of vaft Ad
vantage -'to ouc Navigation, 'and fave the Nation
three or four hundred thoufand Pounds a Year, '
Which is fent out annually to purchafe naval Stores
from the North : But this favourite Trade with
the foreign Sugar Colonies hath diverted them
from , this excellent Defign to the enriching of
the, French, and to the great Prejudice and almoft'
Ruin of our own Colonies.
4. As to the fourth Objection, That the French.
would diftill their Moloffes theYnfelves, and fup
ply the Fifheries with Rum, if the Northern Colo-
Y y y z nies

530 T&?* Present State
Briti'.h ft nies did, not, it was anfwer'd, That ttf&.'PfV&cp
American diftiU'd but very little Rum at prefent arTJf Irrfdw
Iflands. iitt!e 0f tn.e matter ; Worm;, Stills, aWd teller
'diftilling Utenfils colt a great deal of MoW, ijfd
thismuft.be a Work of Time and a v^TT^^eat
Expence : However, a, Poffibility of aii ftycon-
venience.that might happen ought not trj^naje^frSt
Regard paid to it as to prevent our ovy'ft^dl^rries
being reliev'd in a Point fo very prej'uxf^atrto
them, as well as to the,M^lt .S^inS^ffeW-
Britain, with which the^.$qe,rie.j;/Y'ere ToTmetly
fupply'd. i
. 5. To the fifth Objectiprir'Tnaf ifffijbcNsOr'tftrn
Colonies did not take off .the FrencfrfWrg' they
would carry them to other Markeirmeriifelres,
it was i anfwer'd, g'Ejje Frgnch do, already $riVy as
much Sugar to fo^i^i(Mar^tVi"su they' can fell
to Advantage ; and, ithe Sufohi£ ^whlch ' ' foreign
Markets won't take off, goes \o Oiff? tfOTtriern
Colonies, to purchafe whaLis abfolutely nedeWary
fori them, and what the^ cou},d;n nit JiaVS con
veniently from any other place,
i.- 3 But even here the Profit o||he^reight is gained
not by Great-Britain, but fyy.'fp? t^W^itfi Golo-
Jiies only, which is a very fjriall, Advantage in
f«S0mparifon of the Damage done by this Means to
fiBWoSugar Colonics, efpecially as the French can
afftfrd their Sugars cheaper than ours, and as the
BSgh Duties paid for our Sugars in our Plantations
hiake it impoffible for us to fend any fo thV ^Nor
thern Colonies. '
!w 6. To the fixth Objection, That if tne^ripor-
(tatiou of French and f)utfh Rum and Moloffes
was prohibited, and they could have none but
what they bought oi the Englifh Sugar Iflands, or
fell their Lumber and Provifions any where elfe,
then the EfigUftj Iflands, like other Monopolizers,
would fet what Price they pleafed upon theh-;Rum,
«nd beat down the Prtee of their LumSet and
other Goods as they faw fit -. ' '," ";',.. '
. It is anfwer'd, "If the Cafe Was Jaffa's the Ob-
action ftates it, the Briti 03 Sugar "Colonies would
be only upon a level- with New-England1; for as
that

of the Britifh American Iflands. 53 x
that Pta.ee is the only Market from whence Lum- Britifh
ber is ^ported to the Sugar Colonies, Neui-Eng- American
land, by a Parity of Reafon, is a Monopoly of iflands.
the Lumber-Trade, and therefore does exact an ' ~^~*~i
fjyjreafe^able Price for its Lumber, ""'i -
pjw&is is not, nor ever can be, the Truth of
gCa^e,^ either with regard s to New-England or
^¦j^g^ Colonies ; for as in a Place of fuch
ffcm^f^New-Engiwifr fs^ 8 where the Lumber-
radeis carry'd onby * Multitude pf People with
I%fn%F to eac^ Trader's feparate Intereft, a Mo
nopoly of Lumber cannot probably be made : So
Hfyt^e Sugar Colonies that lie at a vaft Diftance
from^ach other, and "are Rivals to each other fey
pduction of the fame Commodities, a Mo-
y is impracticable. u^v
e^New-EnglandTriaers have noBlefs than,
UjCnt Britiftj Iilan'd's to go to for Rum and
.e^,': Each of thofe Iflands is as independent
^Q^foe^tjier in its Polity as diftant in Situation.
oJngr^K ju'rie. or no Intercourfe, and lefs Com
merce between thofe of them which are fituated
ffgftijpajjejft^to the others, and no Intercourfe at
all between the remoteft of thofe Iflands, becaufe
the Produce of them all being the fame, there can
be no Exchange of Commodities, and confequent
ly , no Commerce or Intercourfe. It follows,
therefore,', where there is no Interc-Oflffe there can
jbe no Combination, no Monopoly. 3'3@n the con
trary (as has been obferv'd)1 Je*afeh IfMlla is a Rival
to its Neighbour, producing thlKfaSte Commodi-
,ffps, and will in commorL Prudence ufe all proper
JgI|ansi.to haye its full ifnar633fcff Trade, to which
fetid} r^hing can be motfc conducive than to fell
feiffi'P^ul(fe at tne cbeapeftnRate imaginable.
silri^lrf*' the feventh Objection, That the French
fiQdJfy$ci) Colonies furnifh our Northern Colo
nies with Money, which they bring to Great-
^atfj^add lay out in our Manufactures: jw
They anfwer'd, That there is no Money^fflmong
the French a^d Dutch Sap^1JSo^'ii&s Js-a$ true
as tbero are no (Sold or Diamond Maries in New*
England' ; tioyy: therefo^^fh^'^fi^iSg Money

532 A The Present State1
Britifh fromPlaces where there is nor enough for the
American common Ufes of Life among the Inhabitants, is
Iflands. ya Paradox which*1 they muft explain before the
' World will take it upon their Word/10
If then that Affertion be not founded in Truth,
it follows that they do not lay out Money brought
from thofe Places in 'the Manufactures of "Great-
Britain. Their Traffick' for Fifh in the Streights
(a Trade in which they have lupplanted Great-
Britain) may furnifh them with Money, but we
d-suy that fuch Money is laid out by them in the
Manufactures of Great-Britain. On the con
trary, it is to be prefumed, that their Money is
laid out with the French and Dutch in Europe for
Eaft-India Goods, French Silks, and other foreign,
Commodities ; for as it appeared by their own.
Evidence^, at the Bar of the Houfe of Commons.
they import fuch Wares into New EngLn'dAtna-,
we mufttiippofe they pay for them'in'Morfev or
Fifh, till they can prove that LumbeVi?$T^iuame>
Commodity in France and Holland.^1
But fuppofing the New-England^o^^Sl^
out their Produa of Fifh in Brit ife ^MfnWure^
is that, a fufficient Compenfation t!d ©P^-firSSL-;
for robbing her of the Fifh-Trade to ih^'^AWightsZ^
Does, not the New-England People1 ^jffiPConr!
feflion acknowledge by iSpl^tB^fMt^W^
reap the Profit both in the!Mavigatiorl'4nd°Ttade
up the Streights, which a1SSP\p -B<b0e?ijte6d1£§y,
Great-Britain itfelf ? What "Advantage" if ft^ro|
Britain, to haye this Money laid out in her Manu
factures ? Would it not be a far greater to b^ffiei
Carrier of thefe Manufactures to the Streir%ts, anS
to bring home this Money in her o'w^foTiips, na
vigated by her own Sailors ? SsV '¦^w*
8. To the Charge, That ^ffe Luxury and Ex
travagancy,- of the Englifh Sugar Colonies is the
real Occafion of their declining-!
It was anfwer'd, That thePeopleof New-England
may be, both induftrious and parfimonious ; tot if
we will take their own Words for it, they are
very poor, and can't be otherwife. But is it a
Virtue to be very frugal = when a Man has -no
„• ; « Money

of the Britifh American Iflands. 533
.Money to fpend ?  . — perhaps it is a New- Britifh""
England/Virtue. icmu Slhl '*0 nuro«i American
?' ,f ^habitants of theSugar Colonies, 'tis faid, IJlands^
aW veryJrich and very luxurious :)That the Pro- -S**®
duct of thefe Colonies is of the richeft fort1, and
is1, a Mine to Great-Britain is allow'd, and has
been fully prov'd ; but that the Proprietors of the
Soil and Manufactures are far from being rich is
evident from the Proofs, already made to the Par
liament, that they do not clear five Shillings for
every hundred Pound' Weight of Sugar they
make. & -.,& •& > to
This the A7^iv-JE»^^»^-iTraders would thifjK1
but a moderate Profit ,upon one of their fhpVt
Voyages ; but it is too much for an Inhabitant*'^'
the Sugar Colonies, who runs infinite more Rfffque
in the Heat of the Torrid Zone, does the Dnryi*
and is liable to all the Hazards of a Camp inTim*!1
of War, and in Time of Peace lives the moft*'
careful Life of any of the Inhabitants under the ,
Sun. That this is truly the Cafe of the'Planter '
in the Sugar Colonies, all Mankind that are vvttl
adquainted with them will atteft ; but it rhary be
evinced, from the Nature of a IVeft-India EfflrWi'
itfelf, which is fubject to Ruin by the FrenSP-ftW^
Firerfifom the combuftible Nature of the Sugar
Cihes, vyhich are its Product ; from the Vaft'Ex-
-^ac&'yof Buildings and Materials for1 making* :

/an j
pence c 

— ity .-
always half the Value of a well fettled Planta'f$tr£f
And laftj^the Expence of feeding, the CarS'-'
Anxiety,' fnd prudent Condnft of -governing t'WooS
or three hundred Negroes with ftritt Juftice an'8'iv
Humanity, and with Advantage to himfelf, is the
Station of afPlanter : And is not this a Station that
requires as much Fortitude, Indnftry, and OEco-
nomy as catching Fiih, or buying Skins from the
Indians '"of New-England I In fhorr,™ without a
good Share of all the Qualifications neceffary to
conduct an Affair the moft complicated in its Na
ture, furrounded with Difficulties and Hazard's,

534 e^3e Present State
Britifh and in which the niceft OEconomy and Order
American muft be obferved, it is impoffible a Planter caa
Iflands. ^ reap«^any Profit from his Eftate. Therefore if
' Planters are rich, they muft be the beft OEcono-
mifts, and the moft induftrious Men in the World.
But let us hear what all Gentlemen that have
travelled to the Sugar Colonies and to New-Eng
land will fay of the Inhabitants of both. To them
let the Appeal be made, as being impartial Obfer-
vers of a Country to which they are attached by
no Prejudice of Education. It will appear, by
rheir Teftimony, that the Inhabitants of the Sugar
Colonies are a polite People, being generally edu
cated in England in the beft manner : And if Vir
tue and Morality be the Refult of a good Educa
tion, they are as well entituled to both as the
Subjects oi England, and more than the People of
New-England, who are educated in their own
mean Semiaaries.
To all impartial Strangers we appeal whether
the inhabitants of the Britifh Sugar Colonies are
not the moft benevolent hofpitable People in the
World, and whether every Stranger, arid efpeci
ally Englipmen, be not received there with, Angular
Regard ? On the contrary, let them fay whether
the Inhabitants of New-England, and efpecially
of Bofton, do not always exprefs a Jewijh Antipa
thy to Strangers, even to their fellow Subjects of
England and the Sugar Colonies, whom they call
by the invidious Name of Foreigners, and indeed
treat them accordingly.
But perhaps Hofpitality is not in the New-Eng
land Catalogue of Virtues, but Hands for a Vice,
and goes by the Name of Luxury or Prqfufenefs
<  This Miftake of Hofpitality for, that Vice
was perhaps " the Reafon why the New-England
People thought it applicable to the Inhabitants of
the Sugar Colonies. :j
9. To the ninth Obje&ion, That the Tra^pof
the Englifh Sugar Colonies is in their prefent Cir
cumftances vaftly profitable ; for that Ujtlej Ifland
oi Barbadoes, in the Yeas 1730, imported twenty-
two thoufand feven haadred and fixty -nine Hogfr heads

of the Britifh American : Iflands. 535
heads of Sugar, of which they made -540,395/. Britifh
clear Profit. American
It is admitted to be true, when Rum and Mo- JJIands- "
loffes bears a reafonable Price, then a Plantation ''V'VNJ
may with the niceft OEconomy pay its ownCharges
out of thefe Articles. But if the New-England
Traders take Rum from Foreigners, and Moloffes
to be diftiU'd into Rum by themfeives, then the
Rum and Moloffes will be fo far from bearing
fuch'a Charge, that on the contrary, they will
bear no Charge at all, but the Moloffes muft be
giyen to the Hogs, as the French ufed to do rill
New-tEngland taught them how to make a better
Profit of it. Have not then the Barbadians Reafon
to complain ?•
By the Afiiftance of the New-EnglandTradets,
the French now have that great Advantage, and
the French Plantations are increas'd above one
Third in the annual Value purely by that pernici
ous Trade. This Increafe to Foreigners is a.
proportionable Diminution of our own Sugar
Colonies, and confequently a Difadvantage to
Great- Britain.
But is the Product of that little Ifland Barbadoes
no lefs than 3-40,39$/. brought into the Ports of
Great-Britain in one Year ? What then muft be
the net Product of all the Sugar Colonies ? — an
immenfe Sum no doubt. And is this allfirought
into the Ports of Great-Britain ? What a Foun
tain of Treafure muft this be to the Kingdom,
even by the Confeffion of the Enemies to oar
Britip Sugar Colonies ! Do therefore the New-
England Traders imagine1 that the Parliament of
Great-Britain will facrifice this immenfe Treafure
to the Advantage Of a few New-EnglandDiii\Uers ?
Or if it was a Difadvantage to all Nttu- Eng land
(from whence Great-Britain derives no Advan
tage in comparifon of that) would it not be juft
Polieyto ftipport "thd'Sugar Colonies? But when
the prefent Oppofition if confider'd as founded on
a Trade with the French, the natural and impla
cable Enemies of this Kingdom, what honeft
Englipman Will lookJ-Upon it without Difdain ?•
Vol.XXXf. Zn efpecially

536
Britifh American Iflands.

An Aft
paffed in
Favour
of the
Sugar Colonies.

The Present State
efpecially after it has appear'd evident from Reafon,
from undoubted Teftimony, and even by the
implicit Confeffion of the New-England People
concerned in this Oppofition, that the French
have iacreas'd oneThird per Annum in their Wealth
by this very Trade; that our Sugar Colonies have
declined in Proportion, as has been proved already ;
and to complete the Misfortune, the New-England
Traders have drained even the Brkip Sugar Colo
nies of all their current Cafli, for no other Pur-
pofe but to purchafe Moloffes and Rum of the
French. This is a Fact known by all the Inha
bitants of the Sugar Colonies, who are ready to
prove it in the moft fotemn manner.
The two Houfes having heard the feveral Fails
ftated, with the Proofs, and * conflder ed the Arguments
and Inferences drawn from them, paffed an A£t of
the following Tenour : - ^
That after the 25th of December, t 733, there
fhould be paid a Duty of Nine-pence a Gallon for
all Rum and Spirits made in any of the Plantations
not fubjedt to Great-Britain on the Importation
of them into any of the Britift Plantations. That
Six-pence a Gallon fhould be paid for all" foreign
Molofles and Sirrups imported ; and five Shillings
per hundred Weight, Engliftj Money, for Sugar
and Paneles imported : And that no Sugars, Pa-
neles, Sirrups, or Moloffes, fhould be imported
into Ireland, unlefs fhip'd in Great- Britain.
And an Allowance of two Shillings per hun
dred Weight is allowed more than heretofore "fin
the Exportation of refin'd Sugars. But the Im
portation of Spanifh or Portugnefe Sugars into
GreafcBritain is ftill permitted by the fame Act.
Since the paffirigi 'the abovefaid Act, the Mer
chants and Planters concerned in the Britift} Sugar
Coloniesvprefer'd a Petition to the Houfe of Com
mons; fetting forth, Tharby two Acts of Par-
liamefit, paffed in the rzth'and 2 2d of Car. II.
the Inhabitants of the faidColonies we're reftrain'd
from fending Sugars to foreign Matktts before
they are firft landed in Grtat-Britain.

That

of the Britifh American Iflands. 537
That how prudent foever this Reftraiut may Britifh
have been at the Time the Sugar Trade in the IVeft- American
Indies was entirely in our Hands ; yet now that #*»<«•
our Sugar Iflands are in a declining Condition, ^'"V>"'
chiefly by the Increafe of the French Settlements,
it would be highly beneficial to Great-Britain, as
the Petitioners apprehend, to put the Britip Sub
ject in a Capacity of difputing foreign Markets
with the French, and to permit him to carry his
Sugars . earlier and cheaper to thefe Markets than
he can now do under the Reftraint aforefaid.
That the Sugar Colonies import yearly into
this Kingdom Sugar enough for our own home
Confumption, and alfo a large Surplus for Re
exportation to foreignParts ; but the Demand from,
abroad has greatly decreas'd within thefe fewYears,
and the Markets for that Commodity have been
fpreftalled by the French, not only to the Preju
dice of the Sugar Trade, but alfo of the general
Trade of Great-Britain. ,
That, if firitip Ships were permitted to go to
foreign Markets under proper Reftrictions, without
unloading here, the whole Charge, and in a great
meafure the Rifque of. a double Voyage, would
be fayed, and the obliging, fuch Ships to return to
Great-Britain, unload and take their Clearance
here, before their proceeding on another American
Voyage, would be attended with this farther good
Effect, that they muft afford to carry Freight at
the cheapeft Rates, or return home empty ; fo that
this Regulation (as the Petitioners conceive) would
extend our Navigation, arid contribute to make
us the Carriers of Europe, without prejudicing
the Revenue, all the Duties on Sugar being drawn
back on the Re-exportation of it to foreign Parts.
For thefe Reafons the Petitioners humbly pray
this, honourable Hopfe, ,that a Liberty may be
granted of carrying Britip Sugar from our Sugar
Cqfonief, in America directly to any foreign
Markets to, the South ward of Cape Finifterre^ upon
the fame Conditions j that,, the People of Carolina
«re permitted to carry their Rice to the faid Mar
kets, and alfo of carrying fuch Sugars to any
Z 2 2 2 foreign

53§

The Present State

Britifh foreign Markets to the Northward of Cape Finif-
American terre, after firft touching at Great-Britain, giving
Iflands. m a Manifeft of their Cargo, and entering into
^"^v"^ Bond to return to Great-Britain before they pro
ceed on another Weft-India Voyage.
But I don't find the Parliament are yet inclin'd
to indulge our Sugar Colonies fo far as to alter
the Acts of Navigation in their Favour ; nor did
they think fit, by the Act they paffed in the Year
1733, t0 prohibit the Britip Colonies on the Con
tinent to carry their Horfes, Lumber and Provi
fions to the French and Dutch Settlements, tho'
they laid Duties on Sugar, Rum and Moloffes
imported from thence.

CHAP.

of the Britifh American Iflands.

539

CHAP. V.
>0f the, Lucayo or Bahama Iflands-, of
Bermudas or the Summer-Iflands ; and
of the Ifland of Newfoundland.
HE Lucayo's or Bahama Iflands, the Britifh
chief whereof are Bahama, Lucayo, American
Eleathera or Long Ifland, the Iflands IJandj-
of Andros, Providence, St. Salvador TTT^ '"""
or Cat-Ifland, Samana, Maquana and jjjanJs
Heneago, are fituated in the Atlantick- situation.
Ocean, North of Cuba, extending from the South-
Eaft to the North-Weft, between 21 and 27 De
grees of North, Latitude, and between 73 and 81
Degrees of Weftern Longitude. There are faid
to be feveral hundreds of them ; but then I pre-
fume every little Rock that appears above Water
is taken .into; the Account;' however, there are
about thirty of them (of which Lucayo is the
largeft) that make a tolerable Figure, fome of them
twenty or five and twenty Leagues in Length, but
moft of them very narrow*.'"
The Ifland of Bahama, which communicates Bahama.
its Name to the reft, is fituated between 26 and
27 Degrees North Latitude, twenty or thirty
Leagues to the Eaftward of the Continent of Flo
rida, being about twenty Leagues in Length, but
fcarce four in Breadth. Neither this or any of
the reft are conftantly inhabited, except Providence
and thtee or four more nejr it in poffeffion of the
Eng Up-
Gnanahani, to which Columbus gave the Name St. Safoa-
of St. Salvador, is fituated in 24 Degrees North dor.
Latitude, and 76 Degrees of Weftern Longitude :
This and the reft pf the Bahama Iflands are, faid to

540 The Present State
Bridfh to enjoy a good Air and Soil; but having no Gold
American 0r, Silver in, them, and. being furrounded by Rocks
Iflands. ,and gnoals which render the Navigation difficult,
"^^v^5 the' 'Spaniards did not thiaK them worth the Planting
after they had extirpated the Natives.
Provi- Providence, the chief of thefe Iflands poffeffed
dence. by the Englifh,. is fituated in 25 Degrees North
Latitude, and 78 Degrees Weftern Longitude, be
ing about eight Leagues in Length and three in
Breadth. The Reafon the Englijh. chofe to plant
this rather than fome of the larger Iflands, I pre-
fume, was becaufe here was a good Harbour ca
pable of being defended by a fmall Force, and fo
fituated that a Ship can't pafs from Spaniflo Ame
rica to Europe, without being met with by Crui-
fers ftationed here in Time' of War. At leaft thefe
were the Views the Pirates and Privateers had who
refbrted hither before the Englip eftablifh'd a regu
lar Government in thefe Iflands, and erected For
tifications for their Defence. Nor do the Englip
confine themfeives to the Ifland of Providence
only, but have Plantations in feveral of the Neigh
bouring Iflands which lie more expofed to the Ra
vages of an Enemy in Time of War ; but upon
apprehenfion of an Invafion, I prefume, the Peo
ple in them, with the beft of their Effects, may
retire to Providence for Protection.
Hiftory of Thefe Iflands, as has been hinted already, were
the Baba- . difeovered by Columbus on the nth oi October,
wfllflands. 14.92, of which the Ifland of Gnanahani being the
firft Land be made, the Admiral altered the Name
of it to that of St. Salvador, in Memory of bis
Deliverance; for his Men began to grow muti
nous, looking ubori tbemfelveS1 as loft iri a bound-
lefs Ocean; and the Admiral,' it feerris, was at
that time under Apprehenfions they would throw
him over-board for engaging them in fo hazardous
an Undertaking. "''..'
The Admiral relates, That'he found the Ifland
populous, well planted and watered, but generally
flat, low Land, without Hills':' That the People
were perfectly naked, of a' middle Stature and
olive Complexion -•;-¦> their* Eyes and Hair black, and

of the. Britifh American Iflands. 54 1
and fome of their Faces and Bodies painted with Britifh
a kind of Vermillion : Their principal Ornament American
being a thin gold Plate fafhioned like a Crefcent, I^a]_,
which hung over the Upper-lip, and their Arms u" -*"*"
were Spears pointed with the Bones of Fifties;
but that they were an exceeding iiloffenfive hofpi-
table People, bringing the Spaniards fuch Provi
fions as their Ifland produced ; that they had no
other Merchandife to exchange for their European
Goods, but Cottons and Parrots ; and there were
no four-footed Animals on thefe Iflands, unlefs
fome little Cur-dogs. The Spaniards therefore
having learnt that they had their Gold, from the
South, left thefe Iflands for the prefent, and fet fail
for Cuba and Hifpaniola ; but difcovering afterwards
that there were Pearl Fifheries in thefe Seas, and
finding the Inhabitants of the Bahama Iflands were
excellent. Divers, they employed them in diving
for Pearl Oyfters; and obliging them frequently
to continue in the Water beyond their Strength,
by this and other Oppeflions they deftroyed all the
Indians in the Bahama Iflands, infomuch that in
a few Years there was not a Man left upon them :
And they remained deftitue of Inhabitants for
many Vears, only the Spaniards from Cuba and
Hifpaniola vifited them now then for fuch Fruits
and Provifions as the Country afforded.
Providence and the neighbouring Iflands after- prvoi-
wards became the Refuge of Privateers and Buc- jenee-
caneers ; but about the Year i66-\, Captain IVil-
liam Sayle being driven hither by Strefs of Wea
ther, and acquainting the Proprietors of Carolina
with the Commodjpufhefs of the Station, they ob
tained a Grant, of it from King Charlesll. and
Colonies were fent thither, which were often at-
tackeclby the Spaniards; and in the laft W^r both ;
French and Spaniards uniting their Forces, took-
and demolifhed the Forts erected on Providence,
carrying.off great Part of the. Inhabitants and their
Negroes; but quitting the Ifland afterwards, the
Englip virho efcaped returned and rebuilt their
Forts," and being reinforced from England made
the Ifland ftronger than ever ; and Providence being
now

542 The Present State
Britifh now a Royal Government, and found to be fo
American commodioufly fituated to command the Naviga-
Iflands. t;on 0f tr)ofe Seas through which the' Spaniards
*— — v— -J bring all their Wealth to Europe, there is' no doubt
to be made but the Government will render this
Ifland as ftrong as poffible, and make it a. Station
for their Cruifers in Cafe of a Rupture with the
French and Spaniards. '•'
Bermuda. The Bermuda or ¦ Summer-Iftands, fo Called from
Sir George Summer, who happened to run his Ship
a-ground here in a Voyage to Virginia in the Year
itfoo, are fituated in the Atlantick-Ocean \\\ 5 2 De
grees 30 Minutes North Latitude, and in 65 De
grees of Weftern Longitude, about two hundred
and fifty Leagues Eaft of Charles-Town in Sotmh-
Carolina. Bifhop Berkley, who was about to erect
a College here for the Benefit of the Indians on
the neighbouring Continent, informs us, That they
are a Clufter of fmall Iflands lying in a very nar
row Compafs '(almoft in the Shape of a Shepherd's
Crook) containing about twenty thoufand Acres,
walled round in a manner with Rocksy which
render them inacceflible to Pirates or Enemies,
there being but two narrow Entrances,- both of
them well- guarded by Forts.
That no' Part of the World enjoys a purer Air
or a more temperate Climate, the Heat being mo
derated by conftant Sea-breezes, fo that the whole
Year is like the latter End of a fine May in Eng
land, and the Iflands reforted to for Health as -the
Montpellieroi America ; nor are they more remark
able for their Health than their Plenty, there being
befides Beef, Mutton, and Poultry, a great abun-
dancepf Garden-fluff' of all kinds in Perfection, and
a variety of good Fifh taken on their Coafts ; and
the People at the fame time are reprefented (by Dr.
Berkley) as a plain, contented and eafy People,
ftee from Avarice and Luxury, and other Corrup
tions that attend thofe Vibes ; and fiiys, they fhew
more Humanity to their Slave*, and Charity to one
another, as well as a 'better Senfe of Religious
Matters, than the Engliftj in the other Plantations, "one

of the Britifh American Iflands. 543
one Reafon whereof is fuppofed to be, that con- Eritifh
demn'd Criminals who are employed in the Ma- American
nufactures of Sugar and Tobacco are never trail- iflands-
fported hither ; and among a People of fuch a '^v*^
Character, and in a Situation thus circumftantia-
ted, he apprehended a Seminary of Religion and
Learning (for the Inftruction of the Natives of
America) might very fitly be planted, efpecially as
it was a Place where neither Riches or Luxury
abounded to divert them from their Studies, none
of thofe rich Commodities of Sugar or Tobacco.
All the Employment of the Inhabitants was, the
making of Joyner's-work, ,the building of Sloops,
making Hats of the PalmetoLeaves, raifing Corn,
Fruit, Garden-ftuff, and other Provifions, which
thev fent to the Plantations that wanted them.
The Society for the Propagation of the Gofhel A College
had fo good an Opinion of the Propofal made intended
them by Bifhop Berkley (then Dean of Kerry, in f°b* eredl"
Ireland) of erecting a College or Seminary at Ber- e'
mudas, that they aflifted him in procuring a Patent
for it from King George I. and contributed to the
Expence of the Undertaking. And the Doctor
with three Fellows of Trinity College in Dublin,
viz.. the Revd. Mr- William Thompfon, Jonathan ¦
Rogers and James King, Mailers of Art, with fe-
vera.1 of the Doctor's^ Rehrions, who were Peo
ple of Fortune, embarked for Bermudas, in order
to lay the Foundation of the intended College ;
but they were unfortunately driven by a Storm to
Long Ifland, in the Province of New-Tork, from
whence the Doctor "with his Companions vifited
Bofton and fevetal other great Towns in New-
England, where they preached and performed other
Parts oi their Function. But the erecting a Col- The De-
lege at Bermudas was at length entirely laid afide ; "gn of a
Doctor Berkley returned home without effecting p°',eSe
any Thing of that Kind, and is now a Bifhop in laid ahde'
Iceland, \
I am not fully acquainted with the Reafons that
brought the Doctor back, but have heard it fug
gefted by fome, that he, found the Defign of erect
ing a College at Bermudas impracticable, without
Vol. XXXI. Aaaa a much

544 ' The Present State
Britifh t a much larger Stock man he carried with him ;
American and fome $oeatvMen thekfi had protefed'' focontti-
Iflands. b.ute.i largely Go thaDeftgn did hdi't1ai(rweruM,s ExA
UOPO peaations, tho' thByAte**e'hiib feme1 'kriieiidsfor
his DifapipointrrjeritdiBlbl ^POcurili^'-fefri 'ttie Bi-
fhogridt he- .enjoys. riiWh^bW'thte;-I<Sev%pl64rlri'ei
men that: went over wirhtiiikifiiuM'ed^JE^raW,
or had 'Cures laffigned «kem tfi'foa¥ 1»1ia#atoSflS
abroad, Lamnot informed?^ ?! ft ltd) rlonnK :
fo No Iflands were better oovefod Wrr&ffifeG4bvfes
of Gedabthan thefe, vrMw'ihe-Engiifh tikfrkWw"®.
here:, They .built their Houfes >a«^RforpV\^fth
fcarce any other Wood;1 but 'it is'alttldft M 'exit
dowu,, and the. Ifland thereby 'mWe^&^bfeil 'fo
Storms and Hurricanes than fofnferly, which fome
times. deftroy: the Fruits of thcE-aim-" ; vau} M;
Chief The chief Town is that of St.' George,' fituated
Town. in the North- Weft Part of thefe Iflands, arid Ijoh--
tains about a thoufMdr'HoiI#5, 'with "l Tbwn-
ho.ufe* or Guild-hall, in which their Affemfcily'arid
Concfs ' of Juftice fit, the Govferiiment btfihg the
fame here as in the Britip Iflands. They'haxe

alfo ahandfome Cnurch in theTown, abd a'JiJbp
Library, feid to be chiefly the BeriefnctiOh drr'£jlr.
Brav; ,aYid the Inhabitant muy'aiboum'fo'efgftrtjr
ten "thoufand People itT-sHthe IfkndS. ThbfrpYfrf-
cipal Grain-is Indian Corn, and they have'-ahruift
all manner' of" Plants aricf Fruits that Crow°iri the
oppbiireiContinerit <s*f South-Carolina, with Plenty
oi European Caitle,;F*fll and' Fowls.' 7>,e Water
preferred it^ their Ponds- Of' Refervoirs in the lime
:OjfeE.a5>BS ,• is ifeid to be jiteftfabk t o theilr Spri n g-
water,
-•¦? s.i d
Htwfmnd- Ntwfmhdiand^ fi^aWtenhei^fl/^f^a>?0i
land. between 47 and 51 Degrees North La-rftuiJV* jtfB
Situation, bet w£enjr.5>fi and "60 J)^tet»-ibf^V$entert? iiwnjri-
tudaibcMDdffidby tht'iStMgntS'of MlleWftP, »
lepartiibefeiifc itam Ne'iv^-B'-tk^in1 ori rnFNbrtfi;- by
the lAtAwmk- Ocean ©#''therEBff'an^1SbritrV''-ia'fid

Extent.

by the ^Ba^ of St: iMiafatWef Wfit\P fl^ateV it
from1 Cir;^^^«Oiiifr'.th'flWfeftyf3Thfe«fIiatiani^ bf a
triaiw-Mlai'.'Forni^ abb^«i^re¥^Sl^^rWBlia fifty
Miles

of the Britifh American Iflands.xn 545
Miles in Length from North to South, and about Britifh
two hundred Miles in -Breadth at rhe> Bafe or American
broadefl Part from Eaft to Weft, ohl ..faour.^ Iflands.
Notwithftanding this Ifland lies more to the ^yJ
Southward than England, the Winters are much
colder, and the Earth covered with Snow for a
grejt Depth for four or five Months annually, in-
f imnch that it rs fcatce habitable when the Sun is
in the Southern Signs ; the Reafon whereof muft
be, tbat.it lies near thejCoaft of New-Britain, a
valt frozen Continent, over which the North- Weft
-W.iivi blowing for.] many hundred Miles, makes
the Countries that lie on that Side of the Atlantic*
much colder than thofe on this Side that Ocean in
ihe feme Latitudes ;, however, at Midfiimmer ii is
faid ,it is much hotter in Newfoundland than it is
Junius. L-fi The Face of t*jg,J3fu|)l|iji,.is high and moun- Face oif
fn'nous, covered foR-rhe-moft part with' Woods of tne Couii-
jne and F^r ; and where it is cleared of Wood it tr^'
3PS, all^^arrein Heath-, on which neither Corn or
i($fa|Sf w^li grow;: There -is not, however, any
^aqf, ^igbod frafh Water, and the Coaft affords
abundance of commodious Bays 'and Harbours, Harbours.
-particularly .thofe of Binawifta, Trinity, ^Concep
tion, St.. John's and Bull-bay on the South-Eaft
Part of the Ifland ; and thofe, of St. Mary's, Pla-
centii and Formne's-bay on the South. The Fifh- Fifhery.
ing-banks of \ Newfoundland have proved an inex-
hauftible Fund of Wealth to the Engliftj French,
and other (Nations of Europe \foma hundred Years
paft, there being feldom lefs than five or fix hun
dred Sail of Ships that load with Cod-fifh here
every Seafon for the Mediterranean and other Parts
of Europe. >
The chief Bank lies about twenty Leagues from Banks.
Cape Race, the South-Weft Promontory, and is
about a hundred Leagues- in. Length, and five and
twenty iri Breadth? There is another to the Weft
ward called Verte-bank^aboyit tWenty-five Leagues
in Length; and twelve in Breadth ; and the Seafon
"^Fifhing continues from the. Vernal 'till the Au-
l&fjijal Equinox, and of late fomething longer.
Aha a There

5*46 The Present State
Britifh There are but very, few native Indians on the
American f> j fjiin(j . but at the Seafon for Hunting, the Indians
Iflands. from JSlew-Britain pafs the Streights of Belle-Ifte
Inhab"~ anc* com^ over hither to hunt.:
tants ^e chief Towns or Harbours are, i. Bonavifta,-
Chief on the'Eaft- Side of the Ifland. 2. St. John's, fhe
Towns. Capital, fituate in 47 Degrees North Latitude, on
the South-Eaft Part of the Ifland : And, -^.Platen-
tia, fituate ou a Bay of the fame Name, which
belonged to the French; 'till it was yielded to Bri
tain with all the reft of the Ifland then in the
Hands of the French, by the Treaty of Utrecht,
Ann: 1715.
It is fo cold and uncomfortable a Country, that
there do not above""four or five hundred Fami
lies oi Englip remain here all the Year, befides
the Garrifons that are kept in St. John's, Placentia,
< and other Fortreffes; but in the Fifhing Seafon
there may be eight or ten thoufand People more
here, which come over here either to. take or cure
the Fifh, and make them fit for Market: Thefe all
lived without Divine Worfhip, 'till the Society fori
Miffionary the Propagation of the Gofpel fent a Miffionary
thither lately, who refides at Bonavift* ufually;
but he is a kind of Itinerant Preacher, vifiting Tri
nity-Harbour, Placentia, and-.athePMbaibitedoPlaees,i
v as he has Opportunity.
The Soil. The Soil of this Country is a Mixture of Gra
vel, Sand, and Stones, and as. has been obferved,
yields fcarce any Corn, Grafs, or Fruits; but here
is great Plenty of Fifh, Fowl, and Venifon. sAs
for other Neceffaries, the Inhabitants receive them
from England annually at the Return eFthe Ship
ping.
Hiftory. Newfoundland was claimed as Part of the Do-
minionsiof GreauBrhain, by virtue oi Cabot's Dif-
covery of it in the Reitm of Henry VII. and fome
Voyages that were made thithct in the fucceed-
ing Reigns by Enghjh Adventurers', Whtr.jbtdoght
from thence Furs and Fifh ; but the £w£/;y&makiwg
no Settlements there, the P urmguefe md^Frenth
ufed to fifh upon the Banks, and trader with the
Indians for .Firs and Skins at the proper Seafons :
Whereupon

of the Britifh American Iflands. 547
Whereupon* the Englip revived their Claim to the Britifh
Country again,, and actually feized CeveralPortn- American
guefeS Ships on the Coaft of Newfoundland, bring- I{^L.
ing them to England m lawful Prize. In the Year v>vx/
itfio, King James I, made a Grant to thdEarl of
Northampton, and othefSyof that Part of the Ifland
which lies between CapeBonaviftasnd Cape St. Ma
ry's, and the Grantees being incorporated and form'd
into aGompany, fent a Colony thither ; but the Se
verity of the Weather, Sicknefs, and Scarcity of
Provifions; obliged the Planters to return to Eng
land: And in the Year 1-726, Sir George Calvert, af
terwards Lord Baltimore, obtained a Patent of that
Partrof the Country which lies between the Bay of
Bulls: and Cape St. Mary's; and Sir George fent a
Colony to Ferrilandj being within the Limits of his
Patent, where they built Houfes, and erected a Salt-
work: And 'in i6z$, the Lord Baltimore himfelf,
went over, with his Family, and erected a Fort
fo& the Security of his Plantation ; and other Eng
lip Adventurers came over and fettled on the Ifland.
In the mean time, the Englip infifted on the fole
Right of Fifhing on the Coaft ; and having-a Squa
dron of , Men of War fent thither for their Protec
tion, in the Reign of King James I. drove all
others from thence : But in the Reign of King
Charles II. the French were fuffered to fettle at
Placentia, and afterwardstpoffefs'd themfeives of
great: Part of the Ifland. In the War that happen'd
after the Revolution, there were perpetual Skir-
miflies between the Englip and French' at New
foundland, both by, Sea and Lnnd ; fometimes -the
Engliftj attacked the French Colonies, but to little
Purpofe ; and the French from Placentia returned
their Vifits with better Succefs, making themfeives
Mafters of feveral Englip Settlements: And in
Queen vfe»e's:Reign, in the Year 1705, they burnt
St. John's, the Englipi Capital, but could not how
ever take the Fort which commanded theTown :
Audi at the Peace iof' Utrecht, Anno 171 5,- the
Qjeen obliged the Ereiibh to yield up all that Part
of the Ifland', rrhey poffeffed to ^Great-Britnin,' by
an Article of -the following Tenour, viz. The

548 The' Present State'
Britifh The Ifland of Newfoundland, with {he adjacent
American Iflands, fhall belong of Right wholly to Britain :
Mayds. j3at the Subjects of Franca fliall.be, allowed to
V*I^V>-' catch Fifh and dry them on thj Land],'1 in that Part
only of the faid Ifland, and no !4th,e.r, which '
ftretches from the Place called CapeBonavifla to
the Northern Point of the feid Iflarid,; jnd from
thenCe running down by the' V^effern 'Side reaches
as far, as the Place called Point Rixhe,; but. the
French fhall not fortify any Place in, Newfound
land, or erect any Buildings there, befides Stages
made of Boards, and Huts neceffary and ufual for
drying 'rif Fifh; or retort to the laid I flind be
yond the Time neceffary for Fifhing and drying of
Fife.
The State As to the. State of- the Fortifications in the Bri-
oftheFor- tip Plantations four Years ago, and particularly
tifications trlCjfe of the Iflands, tHhf may in a great Meafure
in the Bn- gatnered from a Proteft of the Houfe of Lords in
tifh Colo- J,jje Year 1734, upori its' being carried in that
Houfe not to give the Co.mmitie'e'Power to take
the' Security of the Plantations Into their Confide
ration. -,'.,,,
To which Refolution feveral noble Lords dif-
fented, for the following Reafons:
1 ft, Becaufe we "apprehend that the Power pro
pofed to be given to the Committee was' not Only
expedient but abfolutely neceffary, fince (by the
Account given by feveral Lords who attended the
Committee, and contradicted by none) it appeared
to the Houfe, that, from the Information of Mer
chants of undoubted"' Crtdit> Jamaica, Barbadoes,
and' the Leeward- Iflands, were in fer defencelefs
and miferabl.e a Condition that they might be taken
in tweKty-fout'Tlours.; and we conceive that fuch
imminent Danger of fuch valuable Polfeflions re
quired an immediate and minute Examination, in
order to difcover the Caufes and Nature of the
Danger, and to apply proper and adequat'eVReme-
dies. . .¦ . , ,
zdly, Becaufe we conceive that the chief Red,-
fon urged in the Debate againft phis Inquiry, is
the ftrongeft Argument imaginable for iti viz.
That

of the Britifli -American Iflands. 549
Th.,t it might difcover the Weakiiefs of thefe Britifh
Iflands in the prefent critical Juncture of Affairs, American
and invite, our Enemies to invade them : Whereas,-^'7*''-
we tliink,'that thisCritical Juncture calls upon us, to V*0/^f
put ouf Poffeffions in a State of Defence and Se
curity in all Events ; add iinee we cannot fuppofe
that their prefent defencelefs Condition is un*
known to thofe Powers who are the moft likely
to take the Advantage of it, we apprehend it to
be birth prudent and neceffary that, thpfe Powers
fhould at the fame time know, that the Care and
Attention of this Houfe Was employed for pro
viding for their Security : We conceive likewife, ,
that fuch an Argument may tend to debar a Houfe
of Parliament from looking into any of our Affairs
either Foreign or Domeftick, if in any Transac
tion at any time there fhall appear to have been a
weak, treacherous, or negligent Management, the
Directors will never fail to lay hold of that Argu
ment to flip any Parliamentary Inquiry; and the
Fear of difcovering a National Weaknefs may be
urged only fo prevent the Detection of a Minifte-
rial Negligence or Guilt.' ,
$d!y,. Becaufe we have found by Experience
that we can never be too attentive :o the Preserva
tion of the Poffeffions and Dependencies, of this
Kingdom, fince Treaties alone will not bind thofe
Powers, who fiom the Proximity of their Situations,
from favourable Opportunities or other Induce
ments, may be tempted, to attack or invade them.'
But the Interpolation of a Britip ParliamentiWili
be more expected, and more effectual, than the
occafioiial Expedients of fluctuating and variable
Negotiations, which, in, former Times, have been
often more; adapted to the prefent Neceffities of
the Minifter, than to -the real Honour and lafting
Sectirity of the Nation,
^thly, ISzcauie we apprehend the debarring this
Houfe, from 'any Inquiry into the Conduct of Mi
nifters for the Time paft," or from giving their Ad
vice in/Matters of great Concern to the Publick
for th£ Time to come, tends to deftroy the very,1
Being of this Houfe, and of- Confequence the
whole

550 The Present State
Britifh whole Frame of our Conftitution : And how me-
American lancholy a View muft it be to all his Majefty's Sub-
Iflands. jects, to fee the private Property of fo many Par
ticulars, and fo advantageous a Trade to the Whole,
refufed , to be brought under the Infpection of this
Houfe ; and yet (as far as it appears to us) totally
jieglected by the Adminiftration ? And we are the
more furprifed to find this Back ward nefs with re
gard to, the Intereft of our Colonies, fince we
are perfuaded that the Ballance of Trade is at pre
fent againft us in moft Parts of the World, and
only compenfated in fome degree by what We gain
by our IVeft-India Trade: Neither can we allow
that they ought to be left to look after themfeives,
lince they have a Right to claim even more than
the Protection of their Mothsfr- Country, by the
great Wealth they annually tranfmit to it, and the
great Duties they pay to the Increafe of the Pub
lick Funds and the Civil Lift : And we are fully
convinced, that if this beneficial Trade .fhould
once be loft, it will be irrecoverably loft, to the v
infinite Damage of this Kingdom : For though the
Iflands fhould be reftored to us afterwards, the
Utenfils and Stoak of Negroes being carried
away, it would take up a long Tract of Time,
'and would be a very great Expence to the Publick,
to reinftate them in their prefent Condition : We
rather think it impracticable to reftore them ; tho'
we can by no means fuppofe it difficult, by timely
Precaution, to prevent their Deftructiou.
What has been dane towards putting the Forti
fications of the Britip Plantations in a better State
than they were in the Year 1734) I confefs I, am
not informed ; but I hope they will no longer be
fuffer«d to lie open to the Infults and Iuvaiions
of our Enemies, and of every petty Pyrate.

A List

of the Britifh American Iflands. 551
'^", Britifh.
A L i s t of the feveral Governors, Officers ff^m
and Agents in the Britip Plantations. " ^/V>J
„ South-Carolina and Georgia.
Horfey, Efq; Governor. James Ogle

thorpe, Efq; General and Commander in chief
of the Forces in Carolina and Georgia. Colonel
Broughton, Lieutenant-Governor.  =  Aber-
cromby, Attorney-General. John Hamerton, Se
cretary. George Morley, ProVoft-Marihal. .
North-Carolina.
Gabriel Johwfton, Efq;' Governor. Nathaniel
Rice, Secretary. John' Montgomery, Attorney-
General. Virginia.
Eat\ oi Albemarle, Governor. Major William
Gooch, Lieutenant-Governor. John Carter, Se
cretary. John Clayton, Attorney-General.
Pensylvania.
A Proprietary Government. — — - Lieutenant-
Governor. Maryland.
Lord Baltimore, Proprietor and Governor. Sa-?
muel Ogle, Efq; Deputy-Governor.
New- York.
John Lord De la War, Governor. George
Clark, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. George Clark,
Efq; Secretary. James Delancy, Efq; Chief-Juf-
tice. "Richard Bradley, ¦ Efq; Attorney-General.
¦Philip Livingfton, Efq; Town-Clerk, Clerk of
the Peace, and Clerk of the Common Pleas in the
County and City oi. Albany, and Secretary to the
Commifiioners for Indian Atfeirs.
New-Jersey, or Nova C^esarea.
Lewis Morris, fen. Efq; Governor. Honoura
ble John Hamilton, Efq; Prefident. Robert Let-
tice, Efq; Chief Juftice. Archibald Hume, Efq;-
Secretary. James Alexander, Efq; Attorney-
General.
Vol. XXXI. B b b b Rhode-

American Iflands.

552 The Present State
Britifh RHODE-ISLAND.
The Governor js chofen anHuiHy by the Peo
ple.
s Connecticut.
The Governor chofen in like manner annually
by the People.
Massachusets-Bay.
Jonathan Belcher, Efq; Governor. »-, , .
Lieutenant- Governor. Joftah IVUlard, Efq; Se
cretary. ;,
New-Hampshire.i!
Jonathan Belcher, Governor. Colonel David
Dunbar^ Lieutenant-Governor.
Nova Scotia.
Richard Philips, Efoj Governor. Lawrence
Avmfttrongi Efq; Lieutenant-Governor.1
Newfoundland.
Governor and Commander in chief : The Com-
mand'er in chief of his Majefty's 'Ships1 6T"War
for the Time being, which gO annually to 'protect
the Fifhery, who hath a Commifiion to be Gover
nor. Horatio Walpole, Efq; Auditor- General of
the Plantations. John- Anthony Balaguiere\i Efq;
Secretary. Peter Forbes, Efq; ProvoftrMarflial.
Jamaica.
Edward Trelawny, Efq; Governor. Andrew
Stone, Efq; Regifter. Anthony Corbtere, Efq;
Naval Officer, Matthew Concanen, Efq; Attor
ney-General. John Lowtan, Ei(\; Clerk of the
Crown and Peace, aijti'chjef Clerk of the Supreme
Court. Richard Mills, Receiver of all Duties and
Impofitions, &c. Anthony Weehck, Efq; Clerk
of the Markets.
Barbadoes.
Sir Orlando Bridgman, Bart. Governor. An
thony Cracherode, Efq; Regifter. , Francis Whit-
worth, Efq; Secretary. Alexander Burnet, Efq;
Clerk of the Markets. Richard Carter,. Efq;
Attorney-General. George PAaxton, Efq; Trea-
furer. John Cornelius, Naval Officer. Thomas
and Francis Reynolds, Provoft-Marfhal. Charles
Huigins,

of the Britifh American Iflands. 553
Hnggins, Efq; Clerk, and Remembrancer. #?/- Britifh.
Ham Rawlins, Regifter of the Admiralty, ,-, ¦ fT^dT*
Leeward-Islands. ,: c/'VNJ
Lord Vifcount Gage, Governor. Gilbert Flem-
j»^,Lieutenant-General of the faid Iflands. Ditto,
Lieutenant-Governor of St. Chriftopher's. Edward
Byam, Lieutenant-Governor of Antegoa. William
Hanmer, Efq; Lieutenant- Governor of Net/is^
Captain; Forbes,. Lieutenant-Governor "oi Montfer
rat. Wavel Smith and Samuel Gstft, Efq; Secre
tary and Clerk- of the Crown. William Flayer,
Efq; i Clerk of the, naval Office in the Leeward-
Iftands. William Janffen, Provoft-Marfhal of the
Leeward-Iflands .
B.AHAMyV-Is.LANDS.
Richard Fitz-WHUam, Efq; Governor. Thomas
Granger, Chief Juftice.
-jsJnr Bermuda.
- tv '< ¦ Popple, Efq; Governor. George Tucker,
Efq; Secretary and Provoft-Marfhal.
•Agents for the Plantations.
Bariadoes, Mr. Leheup, Mr. John Sharp, Dr,
leiftiere. Jamaica, Mr. John Sharp. St. Chrif
topher's and. Montferrat, Mr. Coope. Bermndi,
Mr. Noden. Bahama's,. Mr-" Buck. Nova Scotia,
Mr. King Gould. New-England, Mr. Wilks.
Ne'w-Hamppire, Mr., Newman. , Nety-Fori, Mr.
Pdcheco 0and Maynard Guerin, Efq; New-Jerfey,
Mr. Richard Parfridge. Virginia, Mr. Leheup.
Maryland, , Mr. John Sharp. Penfylvania, Mr.
P«r*V. Carolina, Mr. F»ry., Antegoa, Mr. 2><»-
#«<««. Rhode-Ifland ajid. Providence Plantation,
Mr.. Richard Partridge.

£bBb

CHAP.

554

The Present State'

CHAP. I.
Of the French Colonies on tke»(
of North-rAmelleai"

French
America.

SouthernColonies.

Northern Colonies.

Thbfe fotf ,
America^ 4»fti6S? $Ptf$aS&L
tinent of NorWmMl Bdf^M?
Their Iflands" hf\WAiMlc$m*W
4frt»Their Colonies on -the ContWHSf W «fcd
y^gf«M, which lie between the Dh^'A CtPir)rrlgs°3F
Surinam, on the North, and the WatfiHoP^PrW'
%'tYfr Amazon on the South, to W^fcPffiftPfjIv*
fen the Name of Equinoctial FritniP. '^rarirV«i
nation under or near the/E^i?dt8^*r^e"rrie¥if*
:ady defcrib'd in treating, ot T&Pi-E&Wj, ^m3 trijf
fecorid,' Xfiln^e of ^ri^fe^?**'^
2. Their Colonies oil the Continent of No^f0-
Amerjga^fcjtpSl^j^ir&e , if we comprehei^aft flit?
CpHW^^J^'^1^'" aE!ght to there ^ but
if w^jeHta^ijf tjiek Xjerrirories to what they .have
act^a4ywg^^^Ti^[poffelfed themfeives of, rliofe
of^W^W^f^Jfyennn1" as large. l ¦"' ' '
T^gcp^^Xjijl-J ^lf .thofe Countries theitriwri
whi^riy^b%w^en jl^eyV-louth of the River Stt.
Lao%etye$x$j&\^$a.y fOfSt. Lewis 'on the Norfhi
Weft^^e^rf^ Mexico, exterttfrhg" their
--""¦gio^jJro^gtheiaerth-Eaft to thd'Soiith-
Lr/iear Jafor thputand Miles, and fifom We'
%u^$ajy? Mm » Vaghe North-Weft" of el-
-«bSl«pWWar? ./fl"??! w?thm theft limits,

Cjitfatfct and Florida, the jp)*ir»f£ have changed into
A^tv-

of FRENCH AMERICA. 55$
New -France and Louiftana. New-France or Ca. French
nada they feem to divide from Louiftana or Florida America.
foy^BjpMMriary Line, drawn directly >frora the <•— -v— '
-^^^r-fyrirarionston .the Eaft, to New-Mexico umits 0f
on the Weft, in 39 Degrees of North Latitude. Uuifiana,
In the Grant of Louiftana. to Monf. Crozat, by arid of
Lewis XIV. Annoh-jiz, the Bounds of it are faid New-
to be the River and Lake oilllinois on the North, France,zc-
Carolina-on. the Eaft, the Gulph of Mexico on the cording *°
South, and New-Mexico on the Weft. As to »«"*?•
Canada or New-France, the French would fcarce
acjmjf it had any B°Vfods to the North on tjus Ijde
the Pole, tillthey were limited' on that fide by an
Article in the Treaty of Utrecht, Which afiigns
New-Britain and Hudfon's Bay on the Norfh of
Canada,- to Great-Britain. And Commiflioners
on both Sides, afterwards/ afcertairted the Limits-
by an imaginary Line running from a Cape or
Promontory' of New-Britain in the Atiantick-
Ocf.an,, in 58 Degrees 30 Minutes North Latitude,
and ^Uftflhig frpm thence South-Weft to trie Lake
MtfcyftprL or Miftaftn, and from thence" further
South-Weft indefinitely to the Latitude of 40,
al 1 the Lands to the North of the faid Line being
afligned Its Great-Britain, and all, to the South of
that Line, as fa_ras the River of St. Lawrence, to
the French.
The Eaftern Boundaries pf New-France oY Ca
nada the, French admit are the Britifh Plantations
oi Nova Scotia, New-England, &c, the Southern
Boundary, the Line which divides New- France from
Louiftana; and, to. the Weftward the French extend
the Country of New-France as far as the Pacifick-
Ocean, and the Afiatick Continent of Afia fhall be
found hereafter to be contiguous to North- America.
But hoyv far they will admit the .Bm*yfr Pi ail ra
tions to extend to the ^eftward, or the Span ip
Territories of Neiv-Mexico [o extend to the Eaft,
this they dp not inform us. If We leave it to the
French to fettle the Limits, no doubt the Domini
ons of Great-Britain and Spain in North-America
will Ipe ^confined within very narrow Bounds.
There is an honeft French Writer that freely de
clares, ,

556 > .The Present State
French clares, when the Miffiffipi, Adventure was fet on
America. 'foot they were, fanguine enough to expect that .$\
T-/"YNJ North-America would, in a few Years, become 3
Province oi France, and donfequently they had fo
view the fwallowing up both the Britip frid, Spa-
nip Territories in that Part of the World ; and
if this fhould ever be effected, it is not to be fup
pofed they would , put a flop to their Conquefts
till they had fubdued alX ,t,he Spanifti Proyincesin
South-America, and become Mafters of, fhe Mines
oiPotoft. , , ,.,, ;.,,„ h Va3 ,^,,,,
The real I ftiaJl inquire in the nest place, what,, the French
Limits of &re really poffeffed , of in North America, that can
tfffFrench fUppott their Claim, to all thofe fine Countries
Je"^°"_es which lie between the Britifh Plantations ;on trie
America. ^a^ anc* FIsw-Mexico on the Weft, or what Co
lour they have to oppofe /the Englifh ex,tenc|Hjg
their Colonies Weftwardr,as: fat as they qaix .agree
With the Indians for their lyanda,. or to opppfe-the
Spaniards in extending their Dominjqns, from
New-tAexico to the Eaftward as fai; tap the, Rivet
Mtffiftpi. «',;-U^ ,
I cannot find that the Jretsch have yettiveTowns
in all" that yaft Extent of Country that lie^jbetween
the Britip and the Spanifh Dpminipns ,in North
America; and it, is very well, known that the
Spaniards poffeffed the Weft Side of Nortfc- America,
and the Englip the Eaft, long before the French
had a Settlement -fo. the Country. Indeed, the
French have fince crept into the Mouth of Sfi.
Lawrence on the Nojth-Eaft, and into the Rivet?
Miffiffipi on the South-Weft, and have buijt, a
Town or two With fome Forts on thefe Rivers
and on the neighbouring Lakes which run through
this vaft Continent; and no doubt, were, they
ftrong enough in thpfe Parts, they wpuld} elbow
both the Spaniards and Engli fl> out of Cf^da.anA
Florida. But if the firft Difcovery, and; the actual
Poffeffion and Improvement of a Country can
give a Prince or State anyTitle tp it, the Spaniards
and Englip muft have a, better- Right to it jfttfrP the
French, efpecially where the Natives 1 hive put
themfeives under the Protection Of either Nation, arid

of FRENCH AMERICA. $$?
and acknowledged 'themfeives Subjects of the re- French
fpective SOveraigns. Now mOft of the Nations op America.
the Eaft of the Rivers .Miffiffipi and St. Lawrence, it **•— v—
appears^vQ'luntarily have acknowledged themfeives
fobjecTfovth> Crown of England, and 'the Coun-'
trfes Weft Of the Miffiffipi Mve moft of them fob -
mitted fo the Spamaras : ^'Where then fhall we
find th£ Countries of New- France and Louiftana,
iihlefs it be within the reach of the great Guns of
their 'Fotts on the Rivers of St. Lawrence and
Q/liftiJftpi; and here they have fcarce any other
Title tothe Country than what they Obtain'd by
Ufurpation, or a lawlefs Force, very feldom ask
ing Leave of the Natives, to fettle in their Coun
try, which alone can give a Foreigner a juft Right
to the Dominion, of it. I look Upon if, therefore,
that the French have. the leaft Pretenfions to Florida
or Canada oi any of the three Powers already
mention'd. However, as they have actually
been, poffefs'd of fome Countries in Canada be
tween the River of St. Lawrence and New-Britain
or Hudfon's Bay for about an hnndced YearS, and
thefe Countries feein to be confirmed to them a,s
far as the Englifh had a Right to confirm them.
I fhall readily allow their Title to that Part of
Canada. But as to the reft oi Canada and Louiftana,
I can't admit they have a Right to any Part of
them, notwithftanding the Forts they have erected
on thofe Rivers. The Eaftern Side of the Miftifti-
pi is the Property of the Indians flibject to Great-
Britain, and the Weftern Side of.it belongs, to the
Indians who are under the Dominion of the Spa
niards ; arid we find' the Spaniards afferdng their
Title to it by demolifhing the Forts that Monf.
de Sale and D'Ibberville erected on the Weft
Side of that River, and have as much Right to
dernolifh the Forts the French have ere&ed on the
Weft Side of it.
The chief Rivers In this vaft extended Country ^\vm,
are, i. The River St.Lttyjreme. a. The River
Miffiffipi. 3. The River Illinois. 4, The Oubach.
5. The Hohio. 6 . The Peleftpi ; arid, t 7. The
Higohegee.

1. Th

e

French, ,v
America. Miffiffipi.

St. Law
rence.

Illinois.

Oubach
and Hohio

Peleftpi and Hogo-
begee.

The Present State
i. The Miffiffipi, ox River St. Lewis, according
to the French Accounts, rifes ,in the North- Weft
Part, of Canada, takihgrics Courfe firft to the Soath-
Eafo and in 45 Degrees,. turning almoft due South,
continues that Courfe till it difcharges itfelf into
the Gulph of Mexico in 30 Degrees North Lati
tude, and 95 Degrees of Weftern Longitude, by
four or five Mouths feveral large Rivers falling
into it both from foe Eaft and Weft. The Miffiffi
pi is agreed to be a very large deep River ; aed
fome French Writers add, that it is a gentle Stream,
and navigable for large Veffels from the- Source,
almoft to the Mouth. But other French Writers,
and fome Englip Seaman, affure me, that it has
a very rapid Stream, and that there are Cataracts-
in feveral Parts of it which obftruct the Navigation ;
and that there are fuch Shoals at the Mouth of' the
River that large Ships cannot enter it. 4-\ ,
?. The River of St. Lawrence iffues out of the
Lake Ontario or Frontenac,' in 45 Degrees of North
Latitude, and 78 Degrees of Weftern Longitude ;,
and talcing its, Courfe to the North-Eaft by Mon
treal and Quebeck, difcharges itfelf into the. Bay
or Gulph of St. Lawrence, in 51 Degrees North
Latitude, being navigable for large Veffels as high
as Montreal, but near that Tpwn there is a Cata
ract which interrupts the Navigation.'
3. The River Illinois is another navigable River,
which rifing near the Lake, of the fame Name,
takes its Courfe to the South-Weft, and falls into
the Miffiffipi. '
4. and 5. The Rivers Oubach and Hohio are two
navigable Rivers, which riling near the Lake Erie
unite their Streams and* foil into the Miffiffipi in
36 Degrees North Latitude.
6. arid J. The Peleftpi and Hogohegee rife in-
the Apalathian Mountains, and uniting theit
Streams flow almoft due \Veft till they meet with
the Hohio a little before it falls into the Miffiffipi,
in 35 Degrees North Latitude ; at theJVJottths of
which Rivets ftands a French Fort, call'd" the
Old Fort. ' . This

. of FRENCH AMERICA/ 559
This Country alfo has feveral fpacious Lakes, French
the chief whereof are, i. The Lake of Ontario America.
or FronteWac. i. The Lake Erie.' 3. The Huron V^V^/.
Lake. 4. The Illinois Lake'; and, 7. The Upper Lakes-
Lake, ariy of which are feveral hundred Miles in
Length. The Lakes of Ontario and Erie . have Ontario
been-1 already defcribed in treating of New-Tork. and Erit'
: 3. The Lake of Hurons has, a Communication Hurons.
With that oi Erie,, and with the Lakes of Illinois Illinois.
an<Hbe upper Lake : And the River Illinois rifing Upper
near the Lake of rhe fame Name, and falling Lake«
into the Miffiffipi, the French propofed by, this
means to have an eafy Communication between
the Rivers of St. Lawrence and Miffiffipi, a,nd to
Unite New-France and Louiftana into one Province.
But as there is no Paffage by Water froiri the
Lake Ontario to that oi Erie, on account of the
Cataract of 'Niagara ; and that there are feveral
Cataracts in the Rivers St. Lawrence and Miffiftipr,
and' tiieymuft take fo vaft a Compafs to the North-
Eaft in fuch a Journey to pafs through the Lakes
of the Hurons and Illinois, and that there is a con
fiderable Space between the Lake and the River
Illinois, I queftion whether it would not this way
take up five or fix Months for a fingle Man to
travel ffom Qnebeck to the Mouth of the River
Miffiffipi s And probably it would be impracticable
for a great Body-of Men to march the fame Ground
jn twice that time.
I don't find the French pretend to have divided r\To Sub-
this 'VaftCbntihent of North-America into Prp- divifion
vinces yet, only they are pleafed to ca.ll,the'North°f M™-
Part- of it New- Franc ei arid the South Louiftana. {f"jL fa
In the former they have had Settlements for up- u1Jiana
wards of an hundred Years ; in the latter they had
not one till the Year 171?,. 'f we except two or
three Forts built in the Bay of Spirito SanBo and
at the Mouth of the River Miffiffipi by Mefiieurs
de Safe and DTbberville, which were demolifh'd
by the Spaniards foon after they were erected,.,
And a&for Towns, I meet With the Names of no Towns.
more rhan three in Canada, viz. 1. Qnebeck the Ca
pital. 2. Montreal ; and, 3. Trois Rivieres ; and
Vol* XXXI. Ccco . ia

560 The Present State
French |n Louiftana only theTown of New-Orleans lately
America. erecfed.
C/*Y^O j_ Qttebeck, the Capital, is fituated in 47 Degrees
Buebeck. 30 Minutes North Latitude, and in yr Degrees
of Weftern Longitude, on the North Shore of the
River, of Si.Lawrence, about -two hundred Leagues
South- Weft of the Mouth' of it, being divided
into the upper and lower Town, bdfH of them
about three Miles in Circumference, and defend
ed .by a -Caftle which ftands on an Emminence;
there being in the upper Town five Churches,
befides the Cathedral ; the Bifhop and twelve
Prebends refiding together in the Chapter-Houfe,
which 'tis faid is a moft admirable Structure.
This City is the Metropolis of the French Do
minions in North-America as well as a Bifhop's
See, the Viceroy, who refides here, afiuming the
Title of Governor and Captain-General both of
New-France and Louiftana, which, according to
therjFrench, comprehends"' all Canada and Florida,
except fome little Portions they are pleafed to
permit Great-Britain to poffefs, till they are in
a Condition to drive our Colonies frOrn thence
into the Sea, in the Language; of one Of ' theit
Writers.
Montreal i 2. .Montreal is fituated on an Ifland in the
r River oi St. Lawrence; fixty Leagues South-Weft
of Qnebeck, the Ifland being about fourteen Leagues
in Length and five in Bfeadth. The whole Ifland
is full of fine Plantations, and theTown ftrongly
fituated ; at leaft we find" it was ftrong enough to
defend itfelf againft t$ie Attacks -of the Iroquois or
five Nations, wheri-Ahey burnt and plunder'd all
the French SettlemenW'in the Ifland but thisTown,
in; the Year it>S8 r^And I don't doubt but the
Fortifications have' bfeen fince improved, as it is \
the principal frontier Garrifon of the French againft
the Iroquois or Indians under the Protection of
New-Tork. The :River! of St. Lawrence is riot
navigable : above Monfre'dl onlCaccoutit Of fome
Cataracts' and the Rapidffyof the Strearir,
Trois 3. Trois Rivieres^i^bwn'Xo'Mnied from its
Rivieres. Situation at the Confltfenee Of three" RiVers, one.
whereof

Hi

^FRENCH AMERICA 561
whereof is that of St. Lawrence, and lies almoft French
in the Midway between Quebec and Montreal'! It America.
is faid to be a well-built Town, and confiderable A— "V— J
Mart, where the Inflians exchange their Skins and
Furs for European Qppds. yf pfa ,_ *bW-i!l0O
As to fo'e,, Toyyn. of New-Qnleans, faid to be Jviw Or-
erected lately near the Mouth oith€. Miffiffipi, m!eans-
Loniftaffti,, I confefs I have not met wirh^anw.par-
ticuhr ^efcription of this or any other Epeftdh Se&ti
tlem,ent,s on that Side. ; !inb3flH*J aril eabibd
As fo.the Air, the Indj^pb^o^K^ttiMts, the Ani
mals, y^getables, and Ptodmce oiiFtmch Canada,
thefe are much the fame as in New-England, New-
TorA, ,wd Nava\--£Gotf%, which lie contiguous to
them; andf Louffyppa^bOj French Florida, in like
manner refembk*. Q^^lffia in thefe Articles. How-
e^er^ I, fhall, prefent the Reader with fome of thofe
A^^U>ntS-,,the French give us of thefe Countries,
a8r ifi&WS ^b31 is to be depended upon either in
tbeir^el^Pns or onrs. 0f Mt ., ,,.,£) -imi •
Miniieur Joutiel, who accompanied de Sale in The lndi-
hi^4^ifcpveries in the Bay of Spirito SanBoto the am of ^°~
Weftward of the Miffiffipi, gives the following Cha- Hf^fL^'
racier, of the Natives: Allowing, fays this Gen- cf\w^' \
tleman, that there are fome Barbarians lefs wicked
and brutal than others, yet there are none goodj
nor thoroughly capable of fuchThings as are above
the Reach of our Senfes; there is no relying on
them ; there is always Caufe to fufpect them; and
in fhort, before a Savage can be made a Chriftian,
itjjig, jrequilite to make him a Man ; and We look
upon^hefe Sayj&ges as having neither King nor
LlvES-jand. what is moft deplorable, .no God ; for
if we, rightly examine their Sentiments and the r
Actions,, it does not appear they have any fort of
Religtpn, or well-form'd Notion of a Deity. If
fome of the/n, upon certain Occafions do fome-'
times,:pvyn airFfoft or Soveraign Being, or do pay-
fome'Verier^tipn, tor the Suft. . - As to the firft Ar?-
ticfe^jtjjey (|eJiv,er;themfel^?s-!in fuch a confuted
Mfrfoer^^dj with fo man^.iConjiradicrions and
Extravagancies, that it plainly appears they neither
know or believe any thing of it. And as for the
Cccc 1 Second,

$62

The Present Stat^:

Frenpli Second, it is only a bare Cuftom, tvitfioftt any fe-
America. rious Reflections on-their Part. -,
u»— V""*-* The fame Traveller fpeaking of art IftteYv5ew
he had ! with the Chiefs of another Nation rib the
Weftward oiiheRiver'Miffiffipi, fays, Their El
ders" carrie to meet us in their Formalities', "which
conflfted in fome Goats Skins drefs'd andfSfhted
of feveral Colours, which they wdre on^their
Shoulders like Belts, and Plumes of Feathers of fe
veral Colours ori their Heads like Coronets. •'* Six
or feven of them had fquare Swxird' Blades like the
Spanip, on the Hilts whereof they had fattened
great Plumes of Feathers and feveral, Hawks!Bills;
fome of them had Clubs,' which they called Head-
breakers ; fome only their Bows ahd' Arrows ;
othefs Pieces of WhiteLinen reaching from Shoul
der to Shoulder. Al 1 their Faces were daubed with
Black or Red : There were twelve Elders who
Wafted in the Middle, and the Youth and Warri
ors in Ranks on the1 Right and Left of the old ¦
Men. ' * " ' , • ¦ *> • !¦-:•
Being come up to us in that Manner, he that
conducted us made a Sign for us to- halt, which
when we had done, all the old Men lifted up their
Right- Hands above their Heads, crying out in a
moft ridiculous Maimer ; bin it behoved us to have
a care of Laughing. That done, they came and
embraced us, ufing all forts of Endearments.
The Whole Company Condudted us afterwards
to their' Chief's Cottage ; and after we had ftaid
there a fhOrt Time, they led us to a larger Cottage
a quarter of a League from thence, being the Hut
in which they have their publick Rejoicings and
great Affernblies. We found' it furnifhed with
Mats^'fof" us to fit on. The Elders' feated them
feives found about us, and they brought us to eat
fome Sagamite, which is their Pottage, little Beans,
Bread made ot Indian Corn, and an'Othet Sort they '
make with boiled Flower; and at laft theyimade
us fmoke. a jvur
Their The Cottages that ate inhabited -areiflot* each of
Buildings, them for a private family, for in fome of them
there are fifteen or twefity,' e&chof which has its
Nook

2fFRENCJi AMERICA. 563
Nopk or Corner-Bed, and other Utenfils to its French
felf, but without any Partition to feparate i$- from America.
the reftj However, they have ' nothing in com- ^Y^-'
mon.fegfides the Fire, which is , in the Midft of the
Hutund, never goes out. It is made of great Trees,
the Ends whereof are laid together, fo that when
oftce lighted it. lafts a long Time; and the fir it
Cpmer t?k,es ,care tp keep it, up.
. The .Cottages are round at the Top,, after the
<.;g M?Mer of a Bee-hive or a Rick of Hay. Some
of them are fixty Foot Diameter. In order to
build them, they fet up long Poles as thick as a
Man's Leg, tall and ftraight, and placfog them in
.# Circle join the Tops together; then they fallen
and cover them with Weeds. When they remove
ofoejr Dwellings they generally burn the Cottages,
; and; build new ones on the Ground they defign to
inhabit, ,. (i,a
Their Moveables are fome BufHoes or Bu^ocks Move-
Hides, and Goats Steins well cur'd, fome Mats a^?s-
clofe wove, wherewith th.ey adorn their Huts ;
¦-,t and fome earthen Veffels, which they are very
skilful, at making, and wherein they boil thejrFlefh,
, Roots, 'and Sagamite, or Pottage. They have alfo
fome irnall Baskets made of Canes, ferving to put
their Fruit and other Provifions in. Their Beds are
made of Canes raifed two or three Feet above the
Ground, handfomely fitted with Mats and. Bul
locks Hides, or Goats Skins, which ferve them
inftead of Feather-Beds, Quilts, and Blankets ;
and- thofe Reds- are parted one from another by
Mats hung up. ,
Their Tillage confifts in breaking up juft the Husban-
Surface of the Earth with a wooden Inftrument dry.
like a Pick-ax, which they make by fpljttirig the
End of a thick Piece of Wood that ferves for' a
Handle, and putting another Piece of Wood.fharp
pointed at one End in|Q the Slit. This Inftrument
, ,,, ferves them inftead of a Hoe and a, Spade, for they
have no Iron Tools. When the Land has been
thus broke up, the Women fow and plant the In-
diqn.Covn, Beans, Pompions, Water-Meloas, and
other .Grain, and Gardea-ftuff. j
The

564
French u A
America.
WO
Perfons of
the Florida
Indians.

JKM31-J
TheirWo- men.

Habits.

The Present State
The Indians are generally handfome, but drs^""
gure themfeives by making Streaks on their Face?
from the Top of the Forehead down "the Nofe to
the Tip of the Chin ;^Ri3r? is' done bVptickiW
the Skin 'till it bleeds, and then ffi'e&irigfore Pow
der of Charcoal on the Skin, which1 briks iri Srid;
mixes with the Blood. -'They alfo riiake, after^l
fame Manner, the Figures of living Creiitutie1>?IOT.
Leaves and Flowers, on their Shoulders', ^r3|fis,!
and other .Bans of their Bodies '^ifef'pa'int them
feives, as has been faid before, with Black or R'£d',"'
and fometimes both together. Lw01 ''f .-.
, ?jThe Women are generally well-fhaped, arid'
would not be difagreeable did they adhere to Na- '
ture ; but they difguife themfeives as ridiculoufly
as the Men, not only with the Streaks they have,
like them down their Faces, bur by other Figures,';
they make at the Corners Of their Eyes and ori
their Bodies, particularly on their Boforris. ""'"'"
The Women do all the Work in the Collage^
either ui pounding the Indian Corn, and bakfrig
their Bread, drefling their other Provifions, d^fhW,^.
parching, or fmoaking their Flefo,^elfcrWh$£rne?j
Wood they have occafion for, or the Fleftf°ri?'
wi!d>Beafts killed by their Husbands in the WdwdV
which are often at a great diftance. E
I did not obferve that their Women were natu
rally given to Lewdnefs ; but their Virtue is not
Proof againft fome of our Toys when prefented
them, as Needles, Knives, and more particularly1;
Strings of Beads, whereof they make NecfcfacSs11
and Bracelets : That Temptation, is rarely reffiteti-c
by them, and the lefs,'! becaufe they have no Reli
gion or Law to prohibit the Practice. It is true,
their Husbands when they take them in the Fad,
fometimes do punifh them either by Separation or
Otherwife ; but that is rare.
The Country of thefe lrih§ans he%% generally
warm, almoft all of them g'6*Via1jed ," unlefs '^ fieri ,
the North Wind blows," th"en'1Hiey:eover tlierrP!
felves withaBuffaloe's Hic^for'eo^VS^ffiBlr'Bi1
The Women, wear noththg'tiaVWSfen;1 Matter5
Clout hanging round them like a Petticoat, and
'*' reaching

^FRENCH AMERICA. 565
reaching half way down their Legs before and be- French
hjndi. Qn their Heads they have nothing but their A™frjf^.,:'
lj^platted and knotted behind.- j-.tflslrirrl. *%.<¦ V^V>^'
eU0&r their Temper, it may be faid of thefe as Genius
^jpjjiy, other Indians of that great Continent, that and Tem-
ej^ca-r^pot mifchievous unlefs wronged Or at- Per-
t8meA'ciIrVw'1'c'1 Cafe £hey are a'l fierce and re-
vfff8?!yfe '%$ey watch all Opportunities to bo re-
vffl'g$fht]md\ never let any flip when offered, which'
^jifnT^febCi^'fia^'ng continually at war
withJ^hejir^Neighbpurg^Hand of that martial Hu-"
mpur ^pre.dpmiriant^^qing them. ,o ?si! is ,z»v;ai
As to the Knowled^ of a God, ^*rKJVad'id"'nbt Religion.
feem to us, tp. haye ariyr fixed Notion of him ; it is
true, we met, .with fome in, our Way who, as far
as we could judge, believed there was fome fu
perior Being which was above all Things, and this1
they tCftified by lifting up their Hands and Eyes to
Heaven, yet without any manner of Concern, as
believing that the faid exalted Being does not re-
gardj a^ ajl what is done here below. However,
nphje^pf, them having any Places of Wotfhip, Ce-
rer^tnps, pr Prayers, to manifeft their Devotion,
it may he faid of them all, that they have no Re
ligion^ at leaft thofe thaf we faw.^-Tl ysri
They obferve fome Ceremonies, it is true, but
whether they have any Regard to a fuperior Being,
or whether they are only popular and proceeding
from Cuftom, is what we were not able ro difco-'
ver. Thofe Ceremonies are as follows : When
the Corn is ripe, they gather a certain Quantity Particular
in a Basket, which is placed on a Stool dedicated Ceremo-
to that Ufe, and ferving only upon thefe myfteri- mes-
ous ^Occafions, which they have a great Venera
tion for. ,
The Basket with the Corn being placed on that
honoured Stool, one of the Elders holds out his
Hands over it, and talks a longtime ; after which,
the faid old Man diftributes the Corn among the
Worsen, and no Perfon is allowed to eat of the
New Corn 'till eight, Days after that Ceremony.
This-Teen^toAb^ in, the^Nature of Offering or
Ble$ng£hte F^mgcp'^mM^yea. _ At

566 The P&ese*it State
French At their Affernblies, when the Sagamite or Pot-
America, tage, which is the moft effentjal Part of their Meal,
v^Y"**-' is boiled in a great Pot, they place that Pot on the
Stool of Ceremony abovementioneri,,»and; one of
the Elders ftretches out his Hands over it^ mutter
ing fome Words between his Teeth, for a confider
able time, after which they fall to eating.
When the young Folks are grown up to be fit
to go to, the Wars, and take upon them to be Sol
diers, their Garment confining of fome Skin or
Clout, together with their Bow, Quiver, and' Ar
rows, is placed on the aforefaid Stool, an-old Man
ftretches out his Hands over them, mutters the
Words' as above, and then the Garments, Bows,
Quivers, and Arrows, are given to the Perfons
they belong to. The fame Ceremonies are ufed by
them in the cultivating of their Grain and Product,
but particularly of the Tobacco.
Monffeur Jontel fpeaking of two Women -taken
Prifoner^ in their Wars, fays, That one of them
UfageoF was fuffered to return home, but the other Wo-
their Pri- man was kept to fall a Sacrifice to the Rage and
foners. Vengeance of the Women and Maids ; who
having armed themfeives with thick Stakes, lharp,
pointed . at the End, conducted that Wretch to a
By-place, where each of thofe Furies began to
torment her, fometimes with the Point of their
Staff, and fometimes laying on her with all their
Might. One tore off her Hair; another cutoff
her Finger ; and every one of thofe outrageous
Women endeavoured to put her to fome exquifite
Torture, to revenge the Death of their Husbands
and Kinfrrien Who had been killed in the former
Wars ; fo that the unfortunate Creature expected
her Death-ftroke as Mercy.
At laft' one of them gave her a Blow with a
heavy Club on the Head,, and another run a Stake
feveral times into her Body, with which fhe fell.
down dead on the fpot. 'Then they cut that mi-
ferable Victim into Morfels, and obliged fome Slaves
of thai Nation they had been long poffef] ed of to eat
then?;' which to me is a very ftrong Argument
againft there being Canibals in Florida, as-thetfirft^*
i Adven*

Sf FRENCH AMERICA.1 tyj
Adventurers reported ; for here we fee the Indians, French
inftead of devouring the'Flelh of their Enemies, America^
compelling their Slaves to eat it, as being a Morfel 1>^WJ
they moft detefted arid' abbOr'd ; fo far were they They
from having .a Guft for human Flefh, themfeives. c°mPe11
Had. they in the Heat of their Fury taken tne Rla^ s
Heart of the Prifoner, broil'd and eaten it, as thetoe^tlie;r
Dutch did; De Wit's, then there would have been piefh.
fome Colour to have denominated thefe People
Canibals. But as they in, this Inftance declare
human' Flefh only fit for Slaves and the vileft of
Mankind- to eat, and did not fhew any Inclination
to tafte it themfeives, De With Executioners feem
to have a much better Title to, the Name of Cani
bals than the Florida Indians, who wete certainly
moft grofly mifreprefented by our firft.Voyage-
Writers. As for the Manners and Cuftoms of the Illinois, Characler
they are, in many* Particulars, the fame as . thofe of the
of the other Nations we have feen. They are Jllmots.
naturally fierce and revengeful ; and among them
theToil of fowing, planting, carrying of Bur
thens, and doing all other things that belong to
the Support of Life, appertains, peculiarly to the
Women. The Men have no other Bufinefs but
going to the War, and hunting.
The Nations I have fpoken of before (fays the
fameWriter) are not at all or very little addicted to
thieving; but it was riot fo with the Illinois. It
behoves every Man to watch their Feet as well as
their Hands, for they know how to turn any thing
out, of the way dextroufly. They are fubject to
the general Vjce of all the other Indians, which is
to boaft very much of their warlike Exploits ; that
is the main Subject of their Difcourfe, and they
are very great Liars.
They pay a Refpect to the Dead, as appears by, Their
thetr Care in burying them, efpecially fuch. as are Behaviour
confiderable among them. This is alfo practifed. to,the
4mong the Accancea's, but they differ, in this Par-,.D?ad-
ticular, that the Accancea's weep.; arid make their
Complaints for fome Days, whereas the Chahona-
wom\ and other People of the Illinois Nation do
Vol .XXXI. Dddd ' juft

French America.

Kemarks on the
Relations
of defign
ing Ad
venturers.

2&? Present State" ,
juft the contrary ; for when any of them die, they
wrap them up in Skins, and then put them into
Coffins made of the Bark of Trees, then ling and
dance about them for twenty-four Hours, ifhofe
Dancers tying Calabafhes or Gourds abput their
Bodies, with fome Indian Wheat in them to rattle
and make a Noife, and fome of them have a Drum
madcof a great Earthen Pot, on which they ex
tend a Goat's Skin, and beat thereon with a Stick.
During that Rejoicing they throw their Prefents
on the Coffin, fuch as Bracelets, Pendants, rot
Pieces of Earthen- Ware and Strings of Beads, en
couraging the Singers fo perform their Duty well.
If any Friend happens to come thither at that time,
he immediately throws down his Prefent and falls
a iinging and dancing like the reft. When that
Ceremony is ovef, they bury the Body, with Part
of the Prefents, making choice of fuch as may
be moft proper for it.' They alfo bury with it fome
&Oie <si Indian Wheat, with a Pot to boil it in,
and repeat the fame Ceremony at the Year's Epd,
I have not troubled the Reader with the Voyages
of the Baron La Hontan and Hennepin through
Canada and Florida, becaufe their Accounts are
now generally agreed to be fabulous, and in the
moft material Articles, patficularly Religion, di
rectly contradict each other. With equal Jleafoti
I have omitted the Accounts the French , gave us
oi Louiftana [n the memorable Miffiffipi f¥ ear,
1717, when they reprefented that Country as a
perfect Paradife, in order to "engage foe bubbPd
Adventurers in the Project of planting, that Coun
try : Nor is this the only Inftance of abufing
People with partial Accounts of new-difcpyer'd
Nations. It is the Cafe of almoft every Enter-
prife of this Kind. The Undertakers, j who have
fome particular Views fp their own. private Ad
vantage; obferving that it is impracticable to bring
them; about without the Hands and Purfes; of
others, draw the moft agreeable Landslip;©!",- fop
Country they intend to yifit to invite -ethers for
join With them : This was Sir Walter Ralegh's'
Conduct when he was about to plant Colonies in
Virginia

^FRENCH AM E R I C A. 569
Virginia and Guiana, where he expected to ac- French '
quire immenfe Treasures ; and in this he did but Affleriari
imitafe the Spaniards that went before him. Thus **
did" the' NewrEngland Adventurers alfo defcribe
that'COuntry, and the celebrated Pen his Penfyl
vania : And thus of late didP»rry the Swifts amnfe
HfiJ Countrymen : He made them believe that the
Climate of Georgia was free from the Inconveni
ence's pf Heat or Cold : That the Soft in a manner
produced Corn and Fruits fpontaneoufly, ;and
that Eftates might be raifed pn a fodden with very
little Llbbar: But when the People he carry'd
over came to be fenfible Of the Labour and Fatigue
or^cleariflg'Plantations, the Hazard of being at
tack'd by.Tjtdia.ns and Spaniards, and the Necefiky
of erecting Foris for their Security, as well as of
building Houfes for themfeives, they began to
crirfe the Man that led foem thither. And if
Purry hid not in good jime dy'd a natural Death
in His riew-erected Town of Purry sburgh, he
would have fun "the Hazard of being pull'd in
pieces by his deluded Countrymen, as a Gentle-
mairi who lately came from Carolina affured me. ,
I Would not be underftood by thefe Reflections^
however, to difcourage,. the further planting of;
Carolina or Georgia. I know there is a rational
Profoect of confiderable Advantage to the Nation
from this Attempt, fince we find thefe Countries
wilf produce thofe very Articles we moft want,
fuch as Silk, Wine, Oil, Rice, Furs, Skins and ,
naval Stores ; but I would not have our People)
that go thither deceive themfeives, as if nothing
was to be done there, no Inconveniences to be
met with, or Hazards to be run; for ;in the firft
planting and eftablifhing Colonies in .the beft
Countries this muft be expected : And it is well
if the firft Generation live to fee any thing brought
.to Perfection, tho* they may have this Satisfaction,
-that they are' laying a Foundation of lafting Bene
fits which T^ill hereafter probably accrue to theit
Mother Country ill gerieral, and to their, own
Pofterity in particular, by thefe gforfous Toils-
Dddd % To

570 The Present State <
French To fetuth. to the French1 Plantations on" the
America^ ContinehTof North- America!" It isribfervable that
'— -v— — ' fhe Inhabitants of the Britift Colonies are or af-
Refleflionsfect to be thought Under fome Apprehenfidhs'-,
on the foat, the French are fo fituated on the back of the
State of Englifh Settlements, that it is, 'or will foon be,
Colonies m t'ie":' P°wer to ru'n our Trade With the Indians,
on the an(* by hartaffing the Britip Dominions on that
Continent.. Side, oblige as to quit that Cdntiiient :J That the
French will draw a Line from the'-Mouth of the
River St. Lawrence to the Gulph of Mcx'tto]* arid
fo ftrengthen it with Forts- and Redoubts, that
they will in ,time drive our People into the Sea :
And to heighten our Terror of the French, they
reprefent their Colonies as confining Of two hun
dred thoufand Souls at leaft, fupported by great
Bodies of regular Forces frofn France, againft
which 'tis, impoffible, they fuggeft, to defend our
Frontiers. And I muft confefs, that converting
With feveral Weft-India Merchants, who feefried
to be in the fame way of thinking, I Was once of
opinion our Colonies were in fome hazard of be-
irigt>fwal lowed up by the French ; but fcptJS rak
ing a more particular1 Survey of the Country^ and
the Circumftances of each Nation,, lam inclin'd
to think that this is an Event which we vhave a
great deal of Reafon to fitppofe will never1 happen,
unlefs our Colonies fhould find themfeives fo ill
ufed by their,. Mother Country as voluntarily to
throw themfeives intpfoe' Arms of France ; which
on ma^iy Accounts can riever be fuppofed.
Thefe Gentlemen, who talk of drawing a Line
from the Gulph oi Mexico to the Bay of St. Law
rence,' a Tract of between three and four thoufand
Miles, and rendering it ftrong enough to refill -the
Forces of the Britip Plantations1,' muft finely ima
gine that New-France W as well peopled ;as the
Old, and maintains as many regufarForcfes ;'!and
that the Englip Settlements_ aire deft'rtirfo of- in
habitants, whereas the Cafe is the very reVeffe.
Some Gentlemen, 'tis true, have calculated,
that the French in North- America amriurif- totwo
hundred thouland Souls,1 tho' it Is' probable they are

of FRENCH AMERICA. 571
are not half that number ; but admitting there was French
as many as is pretended,., we cannot fuppofe there America.
are forty thoufand Men. fit, fox War amongft them, ^rV^J
and of thefe hut few can be fparedfrom the Bufi
nefs of thek Plantations. How then fhould the
French defend a Line of three thoufand Miles
Extent, much lefs raife a' Force fufficient to fob-
due our Plantations,; where they muft admit we
have three tjmes theNnmber of Men, they have
in theirs ? and thefe foan^ of them brave hardy
Fellows, ufed to the- Sea arid other laborious arid
hazardous Employments. Another great Advan
tage we have of them is, that we can' raife good
Bodies of Horfe and Dragoons, which they cannot,
and if they could' it would be impracticable to
march them Oyer fuch vaft Defarts and Mountains
as there are hi moft Parts of that Country (from
-Norfoto South) to come at us.
The Frontiers, 'tis true, of fome of our, Colo
nies may be expofed to the Ravages of the French
Indians, and1 it will be Prudence in us to erect
Foists, or keep fome Troops on foot 'in frich
Places.as lie moft open to their Incurfions,. par
ticularly on the Lake of Champlain, on the Fron
tiers of New-Tork, and on the Lakes of Ontario
and Erie, and to have fome armed Veffels upon
thefeLakes, Which would not only defend the
Frontiers, but protect our Indians on that fide,
and prevent their deferting over to the French.
It might be proper alfo to erect Forts on the
Paffes'of the Apalathian. Mountains on the back
of Virginia and Caroling for the feme End ; but
I fhould by no means be for extending our Plan
tations beyond this natural Barrier. There is as
much Land within it as we pan eyer plant, to
Advantage, and we {half pply weake/i our Settle
ments by endeavouring, to enlarge thofe Bounds.
If the French are deterfrnin'd to eftablifh, themfeives
on the, Banks Of the Miffiffipi and in thfe. Bay oi
ApaUthy, the beft Reafop we have to oppofe this
Prpifi^ is„ left they fliputd one Day penetrate to
the-5/)«^^Mfoes^,c1rvma'ce themfeives Matters of
;foe Navigation? of the Gulph of Mexico, which win

572 Th? PftESE nt State
French will enable them to put what Terms they pleafe
America, ^qn Spain. It will, then be Jn their power to
VV^'' compell his Catholick Majefty to give them the
Trade of Old-Spain and of th? Spanijh Weft-Indies,
and to exclude .the Subjects oi^Briufm and all.
other European Nations from fending their Manu
factures to the Spanifh Weft-Indies by foe.Flota
or otherwife ; and poffibly they will :npt reft fa-
tisfy'd till they have compell'd his Catholick, Ma
jefty to let them into a Share of his Mines.
But as to their raifing Silk or Wine, Sugar or
Tobacco, in the Cpuntry they have denominated
Louiftana, I am apt to think the, French are top wife
to attempt any of them. - w
It, might be prudent indeed in Britain to attempt
the raifing Silk and Wine in Carolina, becaufe we
have none of our own ; brj,t why the Frfpcb fhould
promote thefe in Florida lean fee no more Reafon
than that we fhould encourage the Woollen or
Iron Manufactures there : And as for Sugar, &e.\
French feem to haye mpre already than they know
how fo difpofe of; and they will furely never he,
able to raife good Tobacco cheaper, than we doin
Virginia, where I'm informed the Planter fells it
frequently for a Penny a Pound. ,
The Englift) alfo have this farther Advantage in
raifing Wine, Silk, &c . in their own Plantations,
that they lie upon the Mouths of numerous Rivers,
and may embark the Produce of thefe Countries
immediately for England with very little Trouble
and Expence ; whereas the Navigation to Louiftana
or to Canada is much longer and more hazardous.
The French are not Mafters of $wo Rivers that
fall into the Atlantick-Ocean^ from whence I con
clude they will never plant that extenfive Country
oi Louiftana far from the Coaft; and if they fhould,
it will not anfwer their Expectations, or be very
prejudicial to Great-Britain.
Rtmarks ^s to tne Spaniards attacking pur Plantations
State of on the ^1(*e °^ Georg'a' witn which we have lately
our Fron- been alarn>,c*> wha£ theV d° of this Nature muft
tiers a- be done very fuddenly if at all, for that Frontier
gainft the will be put into fuch a Pofture of Defence in a
Spaniards. very

gf F RE N C H A M E R1! C A. 573
very little time that it will not be in the power French
of Spain to hurt us. The Crown oi Great-Britain America.
has never interpofed with that Vigour in Defence ^^F^
of any of her Colonies as it has in Behalf of Geor
gia, nid that with very good reafon, it being the
King's' peculiar Property as' well as both the
Carolina's, all of which willbe fecured by this
Barrier ; '-arid the Lands of thofe Colonies con
fequently rendered :of ten times the Value they
were when they lay expofed to the Ravages of
the Spaniards and Indians. As to the French, they
have a defett Country of three or four hundred
M4I6s to pafs over from their Settlements on the
Miffiffipi and the Bay of Apalach, before they can
reach the Frontiers of Georgia and Carolina!' We
have no Reafon therefore to he under arty great
Apprehenfions from them at prefent. The Spa
niards, both on the Eaft and Weft of Florida, are
much more in danger of the French than the
BV/ri/£"Colonies are, and they will probably one
Day he made fenfible that their Safety confifts'in
a ftrict Union with Great-Britain ; that there is
no other way left to defend their Mines in North-
America from the Incroachments of the French,
if theyeftablifh themfeives on the Northern Shores
of the Gulph of Mexico, and on the Banks of
the Miffiffipi.

c# A P.

574-

The'" Present State

French
America.
^TV~V
Of the
French Iflands.

CHAP. II.
Of the French I/lands, in the Atlantick-
Ocean.
'Hibfl
HE third and' laft Divifion of French
America I propofed tb' defcribe is
that of their Iflands in the Atla'nlick-
Ocean, viz.oi the Caribbees taking
them from South to North. i.
2. Martinico. 5. Marigalante*' 4.
5. Defiada or Deftrada. 6. St. BiY-
7. Santt* Cruz ; aftd, '8-! Si1: Martin ;

Granada.
Guadalupe.

tholomewbefides which they have three Iflands of forhe Con-
fequence in the Bay of St. Lawrence on the Coaft
oi Nova Scotia, viz. 9. CapeBreton. i,0; Si.'John's;
and, 11. Anticofle.
Granada. 1. Granada is fituated in n Degrees North
Latitude, about thirty League's South-Weft of
Barbadoes, and about the fame Diftance North of
Caribiana or New- Andalnfta. This' Ifland is 25
Leagues in Circumference, and has feveral good
Bays and Harbours, fome of which are fortify 'd.
It is efteem'd a fruitful Soil, and well watered,
producing Sugar and fuch other Plants as are
found in the reft of the Caribbee-IJlands. There
are abundance of very fmall Iflands that lie at the
North-End of Granada, which are called the
Granadilla's.
Martinico. 2- Martinico is fituated between 14 and if De
grees of North Latitude, and in <fi Degrees of
Weftern Longitude, lying about forty Leagues
North- Weft of Barbadoes. It is twenty Leagues
in Length, but of an unequal Breadth, the in-land
Part of it hilly; and at a diftance appears like three
diftinct Mountains, being exceedingly well water'd
by numerous Rivulets which fall from the Hills ;
and

of FRENCH AMERICA. 575
and there are feveral commodious Bays and Har- French
hours on the Coaft, fome of them fo well fortify'd America.
that they bid Defiance to the Engliftj when they \S~Y**J
made a Defcent here with feveral thoufand Men
in the laft War : They were forced to return to
their Ships after they had burnt and plunder'd fome
Plantations in the open Country.
The Produce of this Ifland is the fame with
that of Barbadoes, viz. Sugar, Cotton, Ginger,
Indigo, Aloes, Piemento, &c. And as it is
much larger has manymore Inhabitants, and produces
greater. Quantities of Sugar than Barbadoes. This
Ifland was replenifhed with Indians when the French
firft attempted to fettle here, Anno 1635, and many
Battles were fought between them and the Natives
with various Succefs ; but the French at length
over-power'd and extirpated the ancient Inhabi
tants, and it is now the chief of all the French
Caribbee- Iflands, and the Seat of their Qoyernor-
Gerieral. 3., ftfarigalante is fituated in iff Degrees North Mariga-
Latitude, a little to the South- Weft of Guadalupe, lante.
apdts about five Leagues in Length and four in
Breadth. It was difcover'd ' by Columbus in his
fecond Voyage to America, Anno 1493, and named
by him Marigalante, or the Gallant Mary, after
the Marne of his Ship. The French began to fend
Colonies thither about the Year KS47; and having
expelled the Natives after feveral Years Wars, the
French remain'd in the peaceable Poffeffion of the
Ifland, the Produce of which, is the fame with the
reft of the Caribbees.
4. Guadalupe fo named by Colnmbus from its Guadalupe.
Hills, refembling thofe of that Name in Spain, h
fituated in 16 Degrees . N0(fo Latitude,- and di
Degrees of Weflern Longitude, about 50 Leagues
North oi Martinico, and almoft as much South of
Antego. It is faid to be: the largeft of all the
Caribbee: Iflands, being twenty two Leagues in
Length, and half as^much in Breadth at' each
End, bin' almoft cut" ip two .by a deep Gulph pi-
Bay on each Side ; fo that 'the Ends aire joined
together' bv a very narrow Ifthmu's. This, "like
Vol. XXXI. Eeee Mar-

576 The Present Stat e-s
French . Martinico, abounds in Sugar, Cotton, Indigo,
America. Ginger, &c- and is in a very flourifhing Con-
*— "V"**"' dition; and agreeable to the Confequence it is Of
to the French they have taken cate to -fortify1 it
with feveral regular Forts and Redoubts, which
were 'info good a Condition when the ^n^iflb':
Admiral Benbow made a Defcent here wftrl^COTi-1
fiderable Body of Land Forces, Anno i^dij-' that
he did not think fit to attack them, tho' he de
ftroy'd ar great many of their Plantations arid Open
Villages! - '" : ' ,b'"
The French began to fend Colonies to this I-
iland about the Year 11532, but knew fo little what
the Soil was good for then, that for many Years
they were in danger of ftarving, and afterwards
the Planters by their Divifions almoft ruined One
another; fo that this Ifland did not make any,
great Figure till the prefent Century ;': fince the
beginning of which it has vaftly increafed,: and
makes more Sugar now than any of the Britiftj
Iflands except Jamaica.
Per da '' ®efiad#, or Defirada, the de Arable Ifland,
fo called by Columbus, becaufe it" wis the firft
Land he difcover'd in his fecond Voyage to A-
merica, Anno 1493. It is fituated about tenLeagues
North-Eaft of Guadalupe, a little incorifiderable
Ifland not fo fruitful as fome others which belong
to the French.
St. Sartbo- 6' "^ Bartholomew's is a fmall Ifland about ten
h'ntvw's. Leagues North of St. Chriftopher's, taken by the
Englip under the Command pf Sir Timothy
Thombill, in the Year 1689, but reffored to the
French at the Peace of Ryfwick.
7. St. Croix or SanttaCruz, another fmall Ifland
fituated in 17 Degrees 30 Minutes North Latitude,
about twenty Leagues Eaft of St. Chriftopher's,
and has been contended for by the Englip, Dutch,
Spaniards and French, but is now in the peaceable
Poffeflion of the French Weft-India Company.
St Mar- 8. St. Martin's, another Ifland of no ;' great
tin's. Confequence belonging fo the French, fituate a
little, to the North-Weft hi St. Bartholomew's. The

^FRENCH AMERICA. $yf
The Dutch have alfo two very fmall Iflands French
arripag, fo# Caribbees,, named Saba and St. Enftace, America,
fituated, .between the fflandsof St. Croiz znd-St. n"""T"~'
Chrift.opher's ; anc, the ZWr have another fmall ^J^,
Ifland vtalled A. Thoyna?:, at the Eaft End of the Tffands^c-f
Ifland oi Porto Rico; but I could never, underftand Saba and
that the, Product or Traffick ,of any of them are St.Euflace.
very confiderable, ,' . Danes
We-rhave already feen, the declining. State of theraand oi
Britifh Sugar Iflands, which Once furnifhedirr«»«s'-^<WH'w'
and:mpft of the Nations of Europe with\Su.gar :'
bu^pi pre now in a manner beat out of that Trade
by the French, who haye pot only cultivated this
Commodity with great Application of late Years
ill their Caribbee-Iflands, but in the great; Ifland of
Hifpaniola, as has been obferved already in the De
fcription of that Ifland ;: where they have Land .
enough to futnifh themJilves and all Europe with
Sugar, and do actually cultivate as much as they
can difpofe of; in which they have fome great Ad
vantages p£ the Englip, as ift, Their paying lit
tle pr no Duty, not above one per Cent, on the
Exportation of Sugars ; whereas the Englip pay
very high Duties, as appears from the Difpute be
tween the Britip Sugar Colonies and the Nor
thern Countries, idly,, T^frey are allowed to ex
port their Sugars directly to foreign Markets with
our bringing them home firft, which faves a very
great Charge the Epglifb are forced to be at, and
enables: the French to carry their Goods to foreign
Markets much fooner than the Englp poflibly
can. %dly, The Britip. Northern Colonies take
Sugar, Rum, and Moloffes from the French Iflands,
which fornierly thrift Iflands had no Vent for;
whereby the Demand for thefe Articles frorri the
itotf/S^Ifiands 'is continually, diminished, and the
Demand from the .French Iflands increafed -y the
Northern Colonies taking fcarce any Sugar, Rum,
or Moloffes,-, from the Britiflj Sugar Iflands, but
purchafe theni, with their. Lumber, Provifions, and
Horfes, and often with Money, of the French, pr,
of the Dutch at Surinam.
E e e e % And

578

The Present Sta^e

French : ¦ And kflly, as the French Iflands, particularly
America, that pf Iwdriiola (of Which they poffefs t WO Thitds
w£-\r— ' at prefefnt) Martinico, and Gnddalnp'e,^ Ifcfgcr
than itie^FSritip Caribbee-Iflands, and cbufeque-nrly
there1' is- ro6m to raife great Part Of theit-1 froyifi-
pris tpf ttiern, while the Englifli receivethlir Pro-
vifibris from abroad for the moft part : This & ano
ther great Advantage on the Side of the French.
1,'They have alfo a great deal of Timber growing
on the Ifland of Hifpaniola, which ii ari1 Article
the Englip Sugarlflands want, and muff pay dear
for; from all which Confiderations ft is but too
evident, that unlefs the Bt'ttip Legiflature think
fit to alter the Acts of Navigation in their Favour,
and fuffer our Sugar Colonies to carry their Pro
duce directly to foreign Markets, take off the Du
ties upon them, and reftfain the Northern COlo-
1 foes alfo from dealing fo much with the French
1 and Dutch for Sugar, Moloffes, and ;Rurfri yhe
' Britifh Caribbee-Iflands muft ftill decliWe->,"]fince
they'Will never have any Demand for their Pro-
dude, but what Britain itfelf takes off. rAMnjfilfefs
we put the Fortifications of our Iflands iri! a better
Pofture of Defence than they are at prefent; we
™ fhall run the Hazard of lofing the Iflands them
feives, as well as the Traffick they were once fo
1 famous for. No Engliflj Gentleman will be fond
of having an Eftate in the Caribbees, or contribute
much to the promoting the Sugar Manufacture
thefe; while thofe Colonies lie under fuch Dif-
" couragementS in Point of Trade, and he isp indan-
01ger ofjpfing his Eftate and all the Expence he
BaftialT be at upon the firft Rupture with any Enro-
'" peariPotier:- <13V ->TW vac rl^rju 1 sssA
TheFrehch ; ^Bht'fo proceed to the French Iflands which re-
Northern'T^flaig yet to be defcribed, viz. Cape Breton, Sf.
Blands."'i'%J|d»j> and Anticofte. -ni r.JifLaa^ t«.^JW

Gate Ert- Cafe Breton is fituated bet^eff>4$$*ffi?efe&and
ton "ai^'hW and 47 Degrees and a hal^offfilfoftkude,
ftr^ifod from Acadie or New- Scotland^ ftW^iar-
¦ftf^Stteight of Canfd'&h the SOuth^We$V&nd the
WhSft Paffage or Streight-of Cape &?y ferrates it
WoW1 Newfoundland Ori' the; North-'Eaft : It is in
dented

of F R,E N C H AM E R IC A. 5/9
dented on every Side, by largf .Bayacpf the, Sea, French
which cot almoft through it ia\fonieyfja.eels, and America.
form feyieral commodipus Harbours. T-biMfland St/^/T^
is .akpftt-one hundred and twen^ Mil^inttength,
and fifty in Breadth; a barren -Defart.-Land, af
fording fcarce any Trees or Herbage, and has very
few Rivers ; nor would, it ever have been planted,
probably, if it had not lain fo convenient for the
French to preferve their Communication with the
River of St. Lawrence and Canada, and >to. protect
their Filheries, as well as to difturb the Trade and
Fifheries of Great-Britain in Time of Wfr : ,For
here are feveral Harbours where the Frenpft Crui-
fcrsand Privateers may lie fecurely, ar^d from
chence interrupt the Britifh Trade and Fifheries of
fNew^England, New-Scotlqnd, and Newfoundland^ax.
their pleafure. Nor do- 1 fee, how it is poffiblejjjpr
$0 Englip Squadron to protect them intirely pppn
rfrich extenfive Coafts : All that can be dope, in
:,T,ime of, War) is to make Reprifals on the, French
by our . Cruifers and Privateers; and as^iir, Mer
chantmen, and Fifhermen are much the, mpftnu-
5merpus, we muft expect to be the greateff -Suffer
ers, as iwe always were in the lat^e Wars^che
French taking three Prizes for ope we took from
(them. -,-fo , ;„'i>BiTadi. its L ¦ . ...--". '-„
,„ The New-Eng^^C^t^n^fheTeiote. cenfure
Qneen Anxe's- MfoiftSflS, ifbsi^ftfefy did not infift
more ftrenuouily pn thfejiflagd^ being yielded to
Great-Britain by the Treaty of ^Utrecht?, and will
fcarcely acknowledge .foe.,, Benefits they received
I by thofe Articles ,whiGhi;ga|ned us, foe fole. Pro
perty of Noviar Scotia; Q% A\rcqdie^v.n& Newfmnd-
land; though they were very loud'.jn.the^tjom-
, plaints heretofore; that they were perpetually ha^
' raffed by the French and their Indians irornfN^v^
Sforirf/fuggefting that nothing could be of, greater,
, AdvaiW^e to NewrEygland, and the rejhor the,
Npxtneip Co]onies£,fiban the reducing I^o^Sco-
*.->;. Which now they, fee in our Hands, thej; |eem
j as little fatisfied as before, becaufe foffiqerfoCare
rh. got taken, they fay,, to plant and people, :ffpva-
i Scotia; but finely none lie more conven|pntly to
do

580 The Present State, &c.
French do this than the New-England Men , themfeives^
America. ^n(j j am 0f Opinion they would1' have deme it
^^Y*^ Jong e'er this, if it had been annexed to thePro-
vince of the Maffachufets, as they once expected
it would have been : but their natural Averfion to
a Regal Government, which they find their Colo
nies muft be fubje6t to if they fend any to Nova-
Scotia9 I'm fatisfied prevents their Planting that
Country ; but then they ought to ceafe their Com
plaints, that it is no better planted.
As to the French King's yielding VpiCape Bre-
ton arid the other Iflands in the Bay of St. Law
rence, it muft be confidered, if he had parted with
thefe at the Treaty of Utrecht, he could no longer
have had a Communication with Canada or New-
France than we faw fit ; and it could fcarce be ex
pected he fhould exclude himfelf from all Com
merce with his Colonies of North-America, how
low foever he was brought : However, I find it to
be acknowledged on all Hands, that if we plant
and people Acadie, and erect fome Forts for its Pro
tection, our Colonies there will be able, with the
Affiftance of a Britifh Squadron in time' of War,
in a great Meafure to maintain the Dominion of
thofe Seas, if they can't entirely prevent the De
predations of the French.
St. John's. The Ifland of St. John's lies between CapeBre-
Antkofle. ton and the Coaft of New-Scotland, 'and is about
twenty Leagues in Length. The Ifland of Anti-
cofte is a much larger Ifland, lying juft before the
Mouth of St. Lawrence River : Thefe,- and the
leffer Iflands in the Bay of St. Lawrence, don't
feem to be of any other Ufe to the French; than
to preferve their Communication with Canada ; I
don't find they have any Towns or Plantations
upon them.

T H E

T H E
CON CLU S I O N
OFT HE
PRESENT STATE
O F
^ M .£. R I C A.

PON a Review of the whole Tne Con-
Work, it appears that never any clufion.
People were poffeffed of fo fine 'W^Y>^.
a Country,, and fo happily fituated,
as that,, which is fubject. to the
(j Crown oi Great-Britain on the
other Side of the Atlantick-Ocean;
a Country of fifteen hundred.Mjles Extent ; where
every thing that is neceflary, ¦ every thing defirable
in Life, is, or may be produced in the greateft
Abundance, and brought to the Metropolis of the,
three Kingdoms with as little Labour and Expence
almoft as they may be brought from any diftant
County of England; it being but a fix Weeks
Voyage in an open Sea, not fubject to the Inter
ruptions and Accidents of Coafting Voyages.
The Eaftern Shores of North- America, on which
our Colonies are fituated, abound in commodious Harbours

582 The CONCLUSION.
The Con- Harbours and Navigable Rivers, infocpuch that
clufion. Ships take in their Lading in many. Places at the
'Planters Doors, and then falling down into the
Ocean, fail directly home; whereas, .both the
French and Spaniards have: a much longer and more
difficult Navigation to and from thofe Parts of
that Continent which are poffeffed by them.
It is evident to a Demopftration, that in thefe
Countries it is in our power to raife Silk, Hemp,
Flax, Pitch, Tar, Wine, Oil, Raifins, and other
Fruits ; and that the Sugar and Tobacco. Colonies
and Fifheries we already have in that Part of the
World, bring us in an inconceivable Treafum
But it is as evident thefe Articles are not con-
fidered with that Attention their Importance feem
to demand.
Every one, who has made any Calculation of
our National Expences, knows that we lay out
annually with Foreigners four Millions of Money
and upwards in Silks, Linnen, Lace, Wine, Na
val-Stores, and other Merchandife, which we might
make ourfelves, if our Colonies were encouraged
to raife the Materials; and it. is computed, that
thofe Materials would employ half a Million of
People at home, who are now a Burthen to, their
Country. It is obvious, our People are vaftly increafed of
late Years ; and tho' Multitudes, when rightly em
ployed, are the Strength and Riches of a Nation,
many of ours are become an intolerable Charge
upon the Land,, purely for Want of being fet to
work on proper Materials under, the Direction of
skilful Mafters.
If it be demanded what is the Reafon we im
port fuch vaft Quantities of Lace, Linnen, Naval-
Stores* &c. from Foreigners, when our own Ter
ritories would produce them ; and fuffer our Peo
ple at home to ftarve, or be a Burthen to the Na
tion, when we might find Employment for all of
them and as many more, and not only eafe our
Lands from this Burthen, but vaftly inrich the Na-
tionjiy their Labour £ The

^CONCLUSION. 583
The uftiai Anfwers we meet with are thefe, The Coh-
1. That it will coft feme Money, and be fome clufion.
Time before we can raife Silk, Flax,' Wine fcrV.
and eftabliih Manufactures : And 2. That foreign
Goods pay great" Duties to the Crown, which
Duties would be diminrfhed if we produced the
like Materials and eftablifhed the like Manufactures
at home, or in our Plantations. «•*
. And I confefs more formidable Objections can<-
noc beniade: For how advantageous foever a Pro-
pofel may be to the Nation in general, yet if Mo
ney is requited to carry it on, or it may affea the
PubHck Revenue, it cannot be expected it fhould
meet with much Countenance from Gentlemen
wh©fe Bufinefs it is to advance the Revenue; but
as the Body of the People feem now convinced,
that it is thefe Intereft to raife and manufacture
their own Confumprion, and to fupport and en
courage our Plantations in order to furnifh them
with Materials, I fhall aot tfefpair but the thing
will be effected one time or other, whatever Qb-
fterles <vmy be thrown in the Way by interefted
m defigning Men. • -tna ¦ >*
It is admitted on all Hands that the Poor's Rates,
foongh paid by -the Tenant, are in reality a Charge
upon every Gentleman's Eftate. If the Rate a-
mounts to one, two, or three Shillings in the
Pound, the Gentleman muft abate proportionably
in his Rent, or the Tenant cannot hold his Farm.
Whatever leffens the Poor's Rates therefore is
ail Advantage to the landed Intereft'; and by keep
ing the Poor employed, you do nat only fave a
great Expence, and inrich your Country,' but you
prevent their taking vicious Courfes: You fave
them from the Gallows, and your Perfons and
Eftates from Violence and Rapine : You improve
the Morals of your People, and 1 muft live with
more Satisfaction and Security among fuch Men.,
than among an unhappy Generation whofe Necef-
fities compel them to become Thieves andiBejugass.
Let ftS, eonfider the Multitudes that would be «ni-
ployed in thefe Man u fact uresH -And if the fiords
fhould not be altogether fo fine as the L'nnen,
Vol. XXXI. Ffff , Lace,

sh

&,GONClUSION.

The Con- Lace, and Silks of France ot the Low-Conniries at
clufion. firft, they :W*til probably prove as well wrought as
C/"YNJ theirs- in Time, if fuitabfe Encouragements Jare
given to, thofe, that- excel ; brifoi? they fhould' fee
fomething: coarfer, why ffrofild' We tfot'ffriitate
France and other Kingdoms, who are" corftent 'to
wear coarfe Woollen-clottofi-rlither tharic inibbVe-
rifh their Countries by importing Our fine Clbths.
Is it of as much Impdrtance ¦¦<& the' Kfof dpihy that
our Ladies fhould appeartn foreign Lirrrienj'Lace,
and Silks, as that the People,hy befog^mplOyed in
thefe Manufactures at hOmei ftrOuld W Kept? front
ftarving, and two or three Millions Pf Mbney afo-
nually faved to the Nation M id <d z-nuhnuiv
Let us confider alfo, tb9Pfo^R'iitieSoP'r# Plan
tations are out Riches, their For>ct§foArr Forces,'
and their Shipping our Shipping ; as tfiefe prhfper,
fo will their Mother Coun tryprOfper Of courfe;
hither all theh Wealth flows in the Endv'i Trffcy
either bring their Eftates ovet to Bngldhd^ii they
meet with Succefs, or they live in aiv%lejprrr
Manner there and import our Manuftictut%§'.n^w«
fliorftd need fcarce aYiy other foreign Trade'^foereJ1
fore we fhould wanr nothing that oth^'Couftlrie*
produce, if the Plantations were incOiMa|ed;J for
the, j^aterials they might faife wPuld abundantly'
employ all our idle Hands, and fornifh us #rth
every thing that contributes to the Support or-Cori*
veniences , of Life. Can"* we then do too riiuch
for pur , Colonies; when in fupporting them we
moft;; effectually fer^ei Ourfelves.1'" Let us not be
afraid of, .feffehingthef Revenue by prohibiting fo
reign Manufactures, if ,St tends to enrich the Na-
tio.pjjfor the Richer the People are, the 'Itettef able
wilhthey bftrto fuprtorriche Government ; arid the
L^giflature, can never.be at a lofs for W»y£ and
Meanji'fo:raife Money, -if the People have it in
thefojrtuffe?. -.. ¦ ¦ aia -if rV-~ v ' " :°;..; ' ' ' ^ '
Buffet; us ever betcautious1 of Tayfo£;h'igh Du^
ties x?n,QUf own Prteduebrafii MaHufact-lrfol? wfce*
ther j^tg heme or infoubiEoldnies1;' fol ffl& olstO-
tally deftroyed fome Bi^BheVof TrM^,%fd bte-
Ventfs, others from flouriflifrig 1 By this we^fihd the
People

3&-C0"NCLUSI ON. 585
People of Jamaica were entirely -beat out of the The Con-
Cacao ,or,Y Chocolate Traded other Nations being clufion^'""
able tpi^fford it Cheaper than they could on ac
count, Of the Duties: By the like Conduct it is
apprehended the Sugar and Tobacco Trade' may be
loft, the Duties on which are fo confiderable a
Branch, of foe Revenue.ioAnd were it not better
to take a fmall Dutysqrhan to lofe all the Duties.
and the Trade together?' And here at home, is it
not the, Duty on Paper made here that damps the
Progrefs of that Manufacture, and ftill obliges us
to import, moft of our Paper from abroad'?1 And,
indeed, , we may ruin. all our Trade, and all our
Manufactures by high Duties; and when that is
dope, how is the Government to be fupported :
How fhall we find Money to purchafe even Ne
ceffaries of. Foreigners,? And how fhall we main^
tain fopfe Multitudes of Poor that a Failure In onr
Manufactures and Plantation Trade muft octa-r
fion,?, $ut next to high Duties, nothing furely can
be argrcater Difadvantage to our Manufactures or1
Plantation, Trade than the locking up our Money
in Banks^aad Funds, which, 'till thefe were ef-!
tablifhed, were employed in Commerce. The Mart-1
who lijfes purely on the Intereft of his Money irt
thefe Banks, is the moft contemptible and ufelefs
Member in the Commorp wealth : Inftead of in
creafing his own and the common Stock, hechufesJ
a fiothful indolent way of Life ; he takes no pains
to ferve himfelf, his Friends^iai: his Country ; but
like a certain Animal- heirefernbks, is only ufeful
when he dies, and bis Subftance is transferred to'
Perfons of a more publick .Spirit.zaiiiJieli. ifi^ '¦
As to fuch Gentlemen and Ladifes as have fmall1
Fortunes in the Publick Funds, thefe might by em
ploying them in our Manufactures at home, or in
the Plantations abroad, make a much better Figure
in the World than they can by the Intereft of their
Money.-,., What will five hundred or a thoufand
Rounds, ptoduce in the Funds ? an ordinary Porter
or Cablet, gets more byhis.Labour; but fuch Sums
employe^ in any- Manufacture at home, or a Plan
tation ^br,oad, would produce a handfome Sub-
F f f f 2 fiftenceo

586

^CONCLUSION.

The Con- fiftence. ; It were pity therefore, even for the Sake
clafion. 0f thefe. Whofe Condition has been fo much la-
K^>\1^-/ cnented of late, but Intereft were fluT lower, , that
they might be compelled to talfe their Fortunes Out
of the Funds, and employ them more to the Ad
vantage of themfeives and their Country.
And as to Gentlemen who have but final I 'Ef
tates, or fuch as are incumbered, were they duly
apprized that with the Money arjfing^by the Sale
of one hundred Pounds per Ann. they might pur
chafe a Plantation Which would yield three hun
dred Pounds per Ann. in Britifh America ; of, that
by applying Part of the Money they take upon their
Eftates in the Impovement of a Plantation, they
might in a fhort time clear off their Debts and live
in Plenty, they would never drag about a mifera-
ble Being in Necefilty and Difgrace at home, but
venture a little abroad and improve their Eftates ;
after which they might return, make a Figure in
the Decline of Life, and leave ample Fortunes to
their Pofterity.
I am not here inviting Gentlemen to run the
Hazard's, or to undergo the Fatigues that ufually
. .. attend new Difcoveries; there is more Land dif
eovered already than we can pofljbly cultivate;
nor would I advife them to fettle upon the Fron
tiers of our Colonies that are liable to the Inva-
fions of the French and Spaniards, or the Indians :
This is a Poft afligned to the neceflitous and hardy
Highlanders and Swifs, who richly deferve the
Lands afligned them for fecuring the reft of the
Provinces : But let a Gentleman go over, aiid take
a View of New-England, New-Tork, the Jerfeys,
Penfylvania, Virginia, or Carolina, and he will in
any Of them meet with fruitful Farms ready plant
ed to his Hand, by the Purchafe of which he may
... : double and treble his Fortune with a very little
Application ; and when he has fettled them to his
Mind, may return to England again if he fees fit,
and have the Produce of them fent over hither.
This many have done, and continue to do to this
Day ; and it is furpriGng more do not follow their
Example. Among

^CONCLUSION. 587
Among the Ancients, the greateft Men travel- The Con-
led and rurt' many Hazards for the Improvement clufion.
of Arts and Sciences, of Husbandry pr Traffick ; V*'"W
and,yvhoever brought home any thing of this kind
vyas looked upon as a good Angel, and, in After-
ages worfhipped as a God. And were our Gentle
men aud Men' of Quality, when they travel, as
ufefully employed, we- fhould no doubt have them
in equal Efteem; but what do thefe honourable
Wanderers ufually import, but foreign Fafhions,
foreign Fopperies,' and foreign Vices >
Would they difcover the Arts that have ren
dered the Dutch, and of late the French, fuch ex-
quifife" Merchants and Planters ; would they, as
Sir Thomas Lombe has done, to his immortal Ho
nour, bring home the Model of fome ufeful En
gine, teach us to plant the Vine, to raife Silk and
Flax, to improve our, Sugar and Tobacco Colo
nies, tro manage our Fifheries with foccefs, and
particularly the Whale Fifhery, in which the Co
lonies Of New-England and New-Tork have of late
made fome progrefs : Were thefe the Views of
,our Nobiiity and Gentry in their Travels, they
would deferve the Honours and Eftates they enjoy,
and could not fail of acquiring ftill greater; their
own Families would enjoy the Fruits of their glo
rious Labours, and they would be efteemed by all
Mankind real Benefactors to their Country,

THE

T H E
T A B L E
OF THE
XXXIft VOLUME.

A

A Page
C A D I E, or New-Scotland, defcribed 358

The French Incroachments there ** 340
Albany To wn '" 37$
America French 554
Antego 513
Anticofte Iftand 580
Apalathian Mountains 14
Ambergris, what 19 J
B
DACON'i Rebellion 16
-*"* Bahama Iflands, their Situation and prefent
State 539
BARBxIDOES, The Name, Situation, Extent,
Face of the Country A99> 5°°
Coaft, Harbours, Winds, and Hurricanes 500
"Rivers, Springs, &C. ibid.
Towns and Produce of the iftand 501
Government, Number of People and Forces'- 5b*
Their Trade, Revenues, and prefent State ibid.
Barbuda Iftand 511
Bartholomew's /#*»«/ 57S
Beavers 135
Beaufort

The TAB L E, Page
Beaufort Town 410
Bermuda Iflands, their prefent State 542.
Block Ifle 175
Bofton City 1 (To", a 3 4
Breton Cape 578
Britain New ,i 345
The fir ft Difcovery of it by Cabot 344
A Patent to plant the Country, 167a 347
Burlington Town 581
C
CAMBRIDGE New io"9
^ Canada, or New-France a8a
The Reduction of it attempted .ibid.
AnExpedition againft Canada, Anno 1711, 31a
Canfo Town 339
C A RO L I N A, Situation and Extent 404
The three Grand Divifions 409
Indian Town of KeOwee 414
Trees and Plants . ¦ 415
Trade with the Indians 4!^
Caribbee-Iflands, their prefent State 514
Champlain, or Corlaer Lei.' 355
Charles Town , 232.
Charter-Governments, the Difference between them
and thofe immediately depending on the Crown 334
Chriftopher's Iftand 513
Connecticut Colony 17?

D

D
E la War River 35^
Defiada Iftand 57^
Dominica Ifland 510
Dutch Caribbee-Iflands 577
E
ELIZABETH Ifte *75
¦^ Erie Lake 35 5
Euftace Ifland 577
G GEOR-

The TAB LE Page
G
/^•EORGIA, Situation, and chief towns 41 1, 41a
^-* German 7ow» 385
Gloucefter Town 381
Granada Iftand 574
Guadalupe J/Lz»^ 575
H
TJAMPS HIRE New 172, 239, 274, 334
Hertford County 1.73
Hudfon'-f Bay and River 342, 356"
Hurons Lake ; 559
I
JAMAICA, the Name, Situation, Extent, and
Face of the Country 465, 466
Tides, Ports, Rivers, Springs, Baths, and Lakes
467, 40-8, 469
Winds, Earthquakes, Thunder^ Rains, and Sea
fons for planting 469, 470, 471,472, 47 3
Buildings and Inhabitants 478, 479
Foods and Animals 479
Vegetables 48 6
Difeafes and Remedies ibid.
3l&ff &g£f «f *&e Engjliih <o .*&* Logwood Tmde .
493
Government and Laws 49 7
Illinois Z<d£f 559
Indians, *£«> Motives to enter into an Alliance with
any European Power 359
Iroquois, or Five Nations 35s> 357
Jerfey New 35 1

r ONG Iftand 378
¦•¦"'' Louifiana, or New-France 554
Lucia Iftand 509
M
V^AINE Province 171, 239
xyx MARYLAND, Situation, Extent, and Face
of the Country 117, 118
Springs,

The TABLE
- Page
Springs, Rivers, Sea-Coaft, Air and Seafons 119
Provinces, Towns, and Buildings 125
Perfons of the Maryland Indians 127
' Genius and Temper, Mechanicks; Arts, and Diet 129
Difeafes and Remedies of the Indians and Eng
lifh Ijy
Government and Laws of Maryland 14$
Martha's Vineyard and' Iftand 175
Martinico Iftand 5 74
Marigalante Iftand 575
Martin's Iftand . 576
Maffaffoiet enters into an Alliance with ti>e Englifh,
and acknowledges the King of Great-Britain his
Soveraign ,. ; 223
Maffachufet Colony %i%, %%6, 274
Maurice River 351?
Mohawk River ibid.
Montferrat Iftand 514
Montreal Town 560
Moofe Deer ' j8t
N
¦VTEVIS Ifland 514
¦^ NEW-ENGLAND, its Situation and
Extent 160, 161
Indian Kingdoms, and the prefent Divifions of the
Country Jtfj
Towns 166
Perfons of the Indians .177
Arts and Sciences, Genius and Temper 178
New-England Plants, by Dudley 199
Trade and Manufactures 204
They refnfe to tolerate the Service of the Church of
England 231
Bofton, the Capital founded 234
Divifions among the Planters a34> 245
New-Hampfhire and Maine planted 239
The War with the Pequors 240
Several Quakers put to death 2 JO
The Indians on the South-Wefi intirelf fubdued
Vol. XXXI. Gggg A Sur-

The TAB L E. Page
A Surrender of the New-Hampfhire Charter 274
Judgment agaufitbe Maffachufet Charter ibid.
A nezv Charter granted the Maflachufets- ibid.
Sir William Phips'/ Expedition againft Port-
Royal 277
The Reduction of Canada attempted 282
Witches of New -England >128<f
The Englifh take Po rt -Royal „ 311
An Expedition againft Canada, An. 171 1, J12
Of the Independency of New-England on the
Crown 523
The Laws of New-England .; 326
The, Difference between the Charter Governments
and thofe immediately depending on the Crown 334
N EW FOUNDLAND,//; Situation, Extent,
and Face of the Country 544, 545
Harbours, Fipery, Inhabitants 545, 546
Chief Towns 54<f
Soil and prefent State ibid,
Niagara Cataract *353
NOVA SCOTIA and its Fiperies yielded to
Great-Britain by the Peace of Utrecht 3 16
O.
ANANDAGAA'wr 35«
^ Ontario Lake 35?
Oppaconcanough taken Prifoner and kill'd a, 3
Oxford Town 385
P.
T> E A K and Roenoke defcribed 1 1 o
r PENSYLVANIA, Situation and Extent 382
Rivers ¦. . 383
Counties and chief Towm ,. . 384
Pequot War , 240
Philadelphia County and City -.,-.- 384
Plymouth Colony 1 71
Port-Royal taken ky the Englifh v. . 311
&'r William Phips £» Expedition againft it »77
Providence Plantation 174
Providence <w 0/ the Bahama Iflands 540
Purrysburgh Town 41 3

The taiie; Q:
<JV VA K ERS, fe veral put to death ~ 5 o
•^"^ Quebeek Town . jg-p
r R,
DADNORfi*w • 585
Raritan A'^r 556
Rhode-Ifland Colony awd Government 174, 335
Rye.7c«;a 7:- •'¦• ¦ 370
QAB A Iftand 577
"' Salem Town 170,381
Salisbury Town 1-70
Salvador St. one of tie Bahama Iflands 539
Safquahanna River j8 3
Savannah Town '412,
Scheneclida Town 577
Scotland JSiew, Situation and Extent 388
Schoolkill A»W $83
Staten -Iftand 578
Sugar Iflands, their prefent State 514
T.
npHOMAS #ZW 577
-*¦ Tobago T/to^ 510
Trois Rivieres Town c<$o
V.
yANE, Governor of the Maffachufets'' asjtf"
Vincent V/Za»^ 509 •
VIRGINIA Oppaconcanongh taken Prifoner and kill'd 2, 5
Virginia #&<? ky? 0/ *£<?¦ King's Domtnioni that
fubmitted to the Ufurpers 4
5&<ry /^rew «//" ?/&? Ufurpers Toke <f
£<//£ and Linnen Manufactures encouraged ihere' 8
Apalathian Mountains 14,
Bacon'/ Rebellion \ 6
The Englifh Merchants difconrage the building
Towns in Virginia'' '¦•;*<&¦ -• 29
i>««r demoliped and Guards of light. Horfe in
their ftead ¦/:.:;..,•. jbid,
^f College erected 3 9
Propofed

the:TA&tr£; Page
Propofed to have one Viceroy over all the Colonies,
and a ftanding Army in America 44
The Seat of the Government, reinoved- ibid.
The Boundaries of the Counties corrected by
Beverley 5 1
Other Miftakes of Mr. Oldmixon corrected by
. Beverley n* 53
Government of the Virginians 5 5
Huskanawing a neceffary Qualification for an
Officer ibid.
The Government of the Englifh in Virginia 5 7
Duties laid on Tobacco in England <H
Poll-tax in Virginia on all titheable Perfons ibid.
Laws and Religion of the Virginians 66, 16
The State of the Chriftian Religion in Virginia 8 5
The College endowed °9
Schools erected for the Natives 9 l
The Condition of the Poor in Virginia f 9*
Servants and Slaves^ the Difference between them 96
The Pipe or Calamet of Peace i°3
The Englifh Forces in Virginia io<S
Foreign Trade and Shipping i°°
Manufactures and Coin 109
Iron and other Minerals 1 1 2
Hofpitality of the Natives fupplies the place of
Inns 115
Upper Lake 559
W.
-07ESTCHESTER7W- 379
* Whales of New-England defcribed 185
Witches of New-England *8tf
Y
VORK NEW, Situation and Extent 352,375
The Hiftory of the Plantation of the Colonies
of New- York, New-Jerfey, and Penfylva
nia 388
The Produce and Traffick of the Northern Co
lonies 3 9 if
FINIS.

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